In the foregoing disquisitions, I have, from one
leading principle, deduced a number of consequences,
that seem to me incapable of being disputed.
I have meant that they should be applied
to the great question between this kingdom and
the Colonies which has occasioned the present war
with them.
It is impossible, but my readers must have
been all along making this application; and if
they still think, that the claims of this kingdom are
reconcileable to the principles of true liberty and
legitimate government, I am afraid, that nothing I
shall farther say will have any effect on their judgments.
I wish, however, they would have the patience
and candour to go with me, and grant me a
hearing some time longer.
Though clearly decided in my own judgment
on this subject, I am inclined to make great allowances
for the different judgments of others. We
have been so used to speak of the Colonies as our
Colonies, and to think of them as in a state of subordination
to us, and as holding their existence in
America only for our use, that it is no wonder the
prejudices of many are alarmed, when they find a
different doctrine maintained. The meanest person
among us is disposed to look upon himself as
having a body of subjects in America; and to be
offended at the denial of his right to make laws
for them, though perhaps he does not know what
colour they are of, or what language they talk.—Such
are the natural prejudices of this country.—But
the time is coming, I hope, when the
unreasonableness of them will be seen; and more
just sentiments prevail.
Before I proceed, I beg it may be attended to,
that I have chosen to try this question by the general
principles of Civil Liberty; and not by the
practice of former times; or by the Charters granted
the colonies.—The arguments for them,
drawn from these last topics, appear to me greatly
to outweigh the arguments against them. But I
wish to have this question brought to a higher test,
and surer issue. The question with all liberal enquirers
ought to be, not what jurisdiction over
them Precedents, Statutes, and Charters give, but
what reason and equity, and the rights of humanity
give.—This is, in truth, a question which no
kingdom has ever before had occasion to agitate.
The case of a free country branching itself out in
the manner Britain has done, and sending to a
distant world colonies which have there, from
small beginnings, and under free legislatures of their
own, increased, and formed a body of powerful
states, likely soon to become superior the parent
state.—This is a case which is new in the history
of mankind; and it is extremely improper to judge
of it by the rules of any narrow and partial policy;
or to consider it on any other ground than the
general one of reason and justice.—Those who
will be candid enough to judge on this ground, and
who can divest themselves of national prejudices,
will not, I fancy, remain long unsatisfied.—But
alas! Matters are gone too far. The dispute probably
must be settled another way; and the sword
alone, I am afraid, is now to determine what the
rights of Britain and America are.—Shocking
situation!—Detested be the measures which have
brought us into it: And, if we are endeavouring
to enforce injustice, cursed will be the war.—A
retreat, however, is not yet impracticable. The
duty we owe our gracious sovereign obliges us to
rely on his disposition to stay the sword, and to
promote the happiness of all the different parts
of the Empire at the head of which he is placed.
With some hopes, therefore, that it may not be
too late to reason on this subject, I will, in the following
Sections, enquire what the war with America
is in the following respects.
1. In respect of Justice.
2. The Principles of the Constitution.
3. In respect of Policy and Humanity.
4. The Honour of the Kingdom.
And lastly, The Probability of succeeding in it.
The enquiry, whether the war with the Colonies
is a just war, will be best determined
by stating the power over them, which it is the
end of the war to maintain: And this cannot be
better done, than in the words of an act of parliament,
made on purpose to define it. That act,
it is well known, declares, “That this kingdom has
power, and of right ought to have power to
make laws and statutes to bind the Colonies,
and people of America, in all cases whatever.”—Dreadful
power indeed! I defy any one to
express slavery in stronger language. It is the
same with declaring “that we have a right to do
with them what we please.”—I will not waste my
time by applying to such a claim any of the preceding
arguments. If my reader does not feel
more in this case, than words can express, all reasoning
must be vain.
But, probably, most persons will be for using
milder language; and for saying no more than,
that the united legislatures of England and Scotland
have of right power to tax the Colonies, and
a supremacy of legislation over America.—But
this comes to the same. If it means any thing, it
means, that the property and the legislations of
the Colonies, are subject to the absolute discretion
of Great Britain, and ought of right to be so. The
nature of the thing admits of no limitation. The
Colonies can never be admitted to be judges, how
far the authority over them in these cases shall extend.
This would be to destroy it entirely—If
any part of their property is subject to our discretion,
the whole must be so. If we have a right
to interfere at all in their internal legislations, we
have a right to interfere as far as we think proper.—It
is self-evident, that this leaves them nothing
they can call their own.—And what is it that
can give to any people such a supremacy over
another people?—I have already examined
the principal answers which have been given to
this enquiry. But it will not be amiss in this place
to go over some of them again.
It has been urged, that such a right must be
lodged somewhere, “in order to preserve the
Unity of the British Empire.”
Pleas of this sort have, in all ages, been used to
justify tyranny.—They have in Religion
given rise to numberless oppressive claims, and
slavish Hierarchies. And in the Romish Communion
particularly, it is well known, that the Pope
claims the title and powers of the supreme head
on earth of the Christian church, in order to preserve
its Unity.—With respect to the British
Empire, nothing can be more preposterous than to
endeavour to maintain its unity, by setting up such
a claim. This is a method of establishing unity,
which, like the similar method in religion, can
produce nothing but discord and mischief.—The
truth is, that a common relation to one supreme
executive head; an exchange of kind offices;
tyes of interest and affection, and compacts,
are sufficient to give the British Empire all the
unity that is necessary. But if not—If, in order
to preserve its Unity, one half of it must be enslaved
to the other half, let it, in the name of
God, want Unity.
Much has been said of “the Superiority of the
British State.” But what gives us our superiority?—Is
it our Wealth?—This never confers real
dignity. On the contrary: Its effect is always to
debase, intoxicate, and corrupt.—Is it the number
of our people? The colonies will soon be equal to
us in number.—Is it our Knowledge and Virtue?
They are probably equally knowing, and more
virtuous. There are names among them that will
not stoop to any names among the philosophers
and politicians of this island.
“But we are the Parent State.”—These are
the magic words which have fascinated and misled
us.—The English came from Germany. Does
that give the German states a right to tax us?—Children,
having no property, and being incapable
of guiding themselves, the author of nature
has committed the care of them to their parents,
and subjected them to their absolute authority.
But there is a period when, having acquired property,
and a capacity of judging for themselves,
they become independent agents; and when, for
this reason, the authority of their parents ceases,
and becomes nothing but the respect and influence
due to benefactors. Supposing, therefore, that the
order of nature in establishing the relation between
parents and children, ought to have been the rule
of our conduct to the Colonies, we should have
been gradually relaxing our authority as they grew
up. But, like mad parents, we have done the contrary;
and, at the very time when our authority
should have been most relaxed, we have carried it
to the greatest extent, and exercised it with the
greatest rigour. No wonder then, that they have
turned upon us; and obliged us to remember,
that they are not Children.
“But we have, it is said, protected them, and
run deeply in debt on their account.”—The full
answer to this has been already given, (page 26.)
Will any one say, that all we have done for them
has not been more on our own account,[17] than
on theirs?—But suppose the contrary. Have
they done nothing for us? Have they made no
compensation for the protection they have received?
Have they not helped us to pay our taxes, to
support our poor, and to bear the burthen of our
debts, by taking from us, at our own price, all the
commodities with which we can supply them?—Have
they not, for our advantage, submitted to
many restraints in acquiring property? Must they
likewise resign to us the disposal of that property?—Has
not their exclusive trade with us been
for many years one of the chief sources of our
wealth and power?—In all our wars have they not
fought by our side, and contributed much to our
success? In the last war, particularly, it is well
known, that they ran themselves deeply in debt;
and that the parliament thought it necessary to
grant them considerable sums annually as compensations
for going beyond their abilities in assisting
us. And in this course would they have continued
for many future years; perhaps, for ever.—In
short; were an accurate account stated, it is by no
means certain which side would appear to be most
indebted. When asked as freemen, they have
hitherto seldom discovered any reluctance in giving.
But, in obedience to a demand, and with the bayonet
at their breasts, they will give us nothing but
blood.
It is farther said, “that the land on which they
settled was ours.”—But how came it to be ours?
If sailing along a coast can give a right to a country,
then might the people of Japan become, as
soon as they please, the proprietors of Britain.
Nothing can be more chimerical than property
founded on such a reason. If the land on which
the Colonies first settled had any proprietors, they
were the natives. The greatest part of it they
bought of the natives. They have since cleared
and cultivated it; and, without any help from us,
converted a wilderness into fruitful and pleasant
fields. It is, therefore, now on a double account
their property; and no power on earth can have
any right to disturb them in the possession of it, or
to take from them, without their consent, any part
of its produce.
But let it be granted, that the land was ours.
Did they not settle upon it under the faith of charters,
which promised them the enjoyment of all
the rights of Englishmen; and allowed them to tax
themselves, and to be governed by legislatures of
their own, similar to ours? These charters were
given them by an authority, which at the time was
thought competent; and they have been rendered
sacred by an acquiescence on our part for near
a century. Can it then be wondered at, that
the Colonies should revolt, when they found their
charters violated; and an attempt made to force
INNOVATIONS upon them by famine and the sword;—But
I lay no stress on charters. They derive
their rights from a higher source. It is inconsistent
with common sense to imagine, that any people
would ever think of settling in a distant country,
on any such condition, as that the people from
whom they withdrew, should for ever be masters of
their property, and have power to subject them to
any modes of government they pleased. And had
there been express stipulations to this purpose in all
the charters of the colonies, they would, in my
opinion, be no more bound by them, than if it
had been stipulated with them, that they should go
naked, or expose themselves to the incursions of
wolves and tigers.
The defective state of the representation of this
kingdom has been farther pleaded to prove our
right to tax America. We submit to a parliament
that does not represent us, and therefore they
ought.—How strange an argument is this? It
is saying we want liberty; and therefore, they
ought to want it.—Suppose it true, that they
are indeed contending for a better constitution of
government, and more liberty than we enjoy:
Ought this to make us angry?—Who is there
that does not see the danger to which this country
is exposed?—Is it generous, because we are in
a sink, to endeavour to draw them into it? Ought
we not rather to wish earnestly, that there may at
least be ONE FREE COUNTRY left upon earth, to
which we may fly, when venality, luxury, and vice
have completed the ruin of liberty here?
It is, however, by no means true, that America
has no more right to be exempted from taxation
by the British parliament, than Britain itself.—Here,
all freeholders, and burgesses in boroughs,
are represented. There, not one Freeholder, or any
other person, is represented.—Here, the aids
granted by the represented part of the kingdom
must be proportionably paid by themselves; and
the laws they make for others, they at the same
time make for themselves. There, the aids they
would grant would not be paid, but received, by
themselves; and the laws they made would be
made for others only.—In short. The relation of one
country to another country, whose representatives
have the power of taxing it (and of appropriating
the money raised by the taxes) is much the same
with the relation of a country to a single despot, or
a body of despots, within itself, invested with the
like power. In both cases, the people taxed and
those who tax have separate interests; nor can there
be any thing to check oppression, besides either the
abilities of the people taxed, or the humanity of
the taxers.—But indeed I can never hope to convince
that person of any thing, who does not see an
essential difference[18] between the two cases now
mentioned; or between the circumstances of individuals,
and classes of men, making parts of a community
imperfectly represented in the legislature
that governs it; and the circumstances of a whole
community, in a distant world, not at all represented.
But enough has been said by others on this point;
nor is it possible for me to throw any new light
upon it. To finish, therefore, what I meant to
offer under this head, I must beg that the following
considerations may be particularly attended to.
The question now between us and the Colonies
is, Whether, in respect of taxation and internal
legislation, they are bound to be subject to the
jurisdiction of this kingdom: Or, in other words,
Whether the British parliament has or has not of
right, a power to dispose of their property, and to
model as it pleases their governments?—To
this supremacy over them, we say, we are entitled;
and in order to maintain it, we have begun the
present war.—Let me here enquire,
1st. Whether, if we have now this supremacy,
we shall not be equally entitled to it in any future
time?—They are now but little short of half
our number. To this number they have grown,
from a small body of original settlers, by a very
rapid increase. The probability is, that they will
go on to increase; and that, in 50 or 60 years, they
will be double our number;[19] and form a mighty
Empire, consisting of a variety of states, all equal
or superior to ourselves in all the arts and accomplishments,
which give dignity and happiness to
human life. In that period, will they be still
bound to acknowledge that supremacy over them
which we now claim? Can there be any person
who will assert this; or whose mind does not revolt
at the idea of a vast continent, holding all
that is valuable to it, at the discretion of a handful
of people on the other side the Atlantic?—But
if, at that period, this would be unreasonable;
what makes it otherwise now?—Draw the line,
if you can.—But there is a still greater difficulty.
Britain is now, I will suppose, the seat of Liberty
and Virtue; and its legislature consists of a body
of able and independent men, who govern with
wisdom and justice. The time may come when all
will be reversed: When its excellent constitution
of government will be subverted: When, pressed
by debts and taxes, it will be greedy to draw to
itself an increase of revenue from every distant
Province, in order to ease its own burdens: When
the influence of the crown, strengthened by luxury
and an universal profligacy of manners, will have
tainted every heart, broken down every fence
of Liberty, and rendered us a nation of tame and
contented vassals: When a General Election will be
nothing but a general Auction of Boroughs: And
when the Parliament, the Grand Council of the
nation, and once the faithful guardian of the state,
and a terror to evil ministers, will be degenerated
into a body of Sycophants, dependent and venal,
always ready to confirm any measures; and little
more than a public court for registering royal
edicts.—Such, it is possible, may, some time or
other, be the state of Great Britain.—What
will, at that period, be the duty of the Colonies?
Will they be still bound to unconditional submission?
Must they always continue an appendage
to our government; and follow it implicitly
through every change that can happen to it?—Wretched
condition, indeed, of millions of freemen
as good as ourselves.—Will you say that
we now govern equitably; and that there is no
danger of any such revolution?—Would to God
this were true.—But will you not always say the
same? Who shall judge whether we govern equitably
or not? Can you give the Colonies any security
that such a period will never come? Once more.
If we have indeed that power which we claim
over the legislations, and internal rights of the
Colonies, may we not, whenever we please, subject
them to the arbitrary power of the crown?—I
do not mean, that this would be a disadvantageous
change: For I have before observed,
that if a people are to be subject to an external
power over which they have no command, it is
better that power should be lodged in the hands of
one man than of a multitude. But many persons
think otherwise; and such ought to consider that,
if this would be a calamity, the condition of the
Colonies must be deplorable.—“A government
by King, Lords, and Commons, (it has
been said) is the perfection of government;” and
so it is, when the Commons are a just representation
of the people; and when also, it is not
extended to any distant people, or communities,
not represented. But if this is the best, a government
by a king only must be the worst; and
every claim implying a right to establish such
a government among any people must be unjust
and cruel.—It is self-evident, that by claiming
a right to alter the constitutions of the Colonies,
according to our discretion, we claim this power:
And it is a power that we have thought fit to exercise
in one of our Colonies; and that we have attempted
to exercise in another.—Canada, according
to the late extension of its limits, is a
country almost as large as half Europe; and it may
possibly come in time to be filled with British subjects.
The Quebec act makes the king of Great
Britain a despot over all that country.—In the
Province of Massachuset’s Bay the same thing has
been attempted and begun.
The act for BETTER regulating their government,
passed at the same time with the Quebec act, gives
the king the right of appointing, and removing at
his pleasure, the members of one part of the legislature;
alters the mode of chusing juries, on purpose
to bring it more under the influence of the king;
and takes away from the province the power of
calling any meetings of the people without the
king’s consent.[20]—The judges, likewise, have
been made dependent on the king, for their nomination
and pay, and continuance in office.—If all
this is no more than we have a right to do; may
we not go on to abolish the house of representatives,
to destroy all trials by juries, and to give up
the province absolutely and totally to the will of
the king?—May we not even establish popery
in the province, as has been lately done in Canada,
leaving the support of protestantism to the king’s
discretion?—Can there be any Englishman who,
were it his own case, would not sooner lose his
heart’s blood than yield to claims so pregnant with
evils, and destructive to every thing that can distinguish
a Freeman from a Slave?
I will take this opportunity to add, that what I
have now said, suggests a consideration that demonstrates,
on how different a footing the Colonies
are with respect to our government, from particular
bodies of men within the kingdom, who happen
not to be represented. Here, it is impossible
that the represented part should subject the unrepresented
part to arbitrary power, without including
themselves. But in the Colonies it is not
impossible. We know that it has been done.
I have proposed, in the next place, to examine
the war with the Colonies by the principles of
the constitution.—I know, that it is common to
say that we are now maintaining the constitution in
America. If this means that we are endeavouring
to establish our own constitution of government
there; it is by no means true; nor, were it true,
would it be right. They have chartered governments
of their own, with which they are pleased;
and which, if any power on earth may change
without their consent, that power may likewise, if
it thinks proper, deliver them over to the Grand
Seignior.—Suppose the Colonies of France had,
by compacts, enjoyed for many years, free governments
open to all the world, under which they had
grown and flourished; what should we think of
that kingdom, were it to attempt to destroy their
governments, and to force upon them its own
mode of government? Should we not applaud
any zeal they discovered in repelling such an injury?—But
the truth is, in the present instance,
that we are not maintaining but violating
our own constitution in America. The essence of
our constitution consists in its independency.
There is in this case no difference between subjection
and annihilation. Did, therefore, the Colonies
possess governments perfectly the same with ours,
the attempt to subject them to ours would be an
attempt to ruin them. A free government loses
its nature from the moment it becomes liable to be
commanded or altered by any superior power.
But I intended here principally to make the following
observation.
The fundamental principle of our government
is, “The right of a people to give and grant their
own money.”—It is of no consequence, in
this case, whether we enjoy this right in a proper
manner or not. Most certainly we do not. It is,
however, the principle on which our government,
as a free government, is founded. The spirit of
the constitution gives it us; and, however imperfectly
enjoyed, we glory in it as our first and
greatest blessing. It was an attempt to encroach
upon this right, in a trifling instance, that produced
the civil war in the reign of Charles the First.—Ought
not our brethren in America to enjoy this
right as well as ourselves? Do the principles of
the constitution give it us, but deny it to them?
Or can we, with any decency, pretend that when
we give to the king their money, we give him our
own?[21]—What difference does it make, that
in the time of Charles the First the attempt to take
away this right was made by one man: but that, in
the case of America, it is made by a body of men?
In a word. This is a war undertaken not only
against the principles of our own constitution; but
on purpose to destroy other similar constitutions in
America; and to substitute in their room a military
force. See page 23, 24.—It is, therefore, a
gross and flagrant violation of the constitution.
In writing the present Section, I enter upon
a subject of the last importance, on which
much has been said by other writers with great
force, and in the ablest manner[22]. But I am not
willing to omit any topic which I think of great
consequence, merely because it has already been
discussed: And, with respect to this in particular,
it will, I believe, be found that some of the observations
on which I shall insist, have not been sufficiently
attended to.
The object of this war has been often enough
declared to be “maintaining the supremacy of this
country over the colonies.” I have already enquired
how far reason and justice, the principles of
Liberty, and the rights of humanity, entitle us to
this supremacy. Setting aside, therefore, now
all considerations of this kind, I would observe,
that this supremacy is to be maintained, either
merely for its own sake, or for the sake of some
public interest connected with it and dependent
upon it.—If for its own sake; the only object
of the war is the extension of dominion; and its
only motive is the lust of power.—All government,
even within a state, becomes tyrannical,
as far as it is a needless and wanton exercise
of power; or is carried farther than is absolutely
necessary to preserve the peace and to secure
the safety of the state. This is what an excellent
writer calls GOVERNING TOO MUCH;
and its effect must always be, weakening government
by rendering it contemptible and odious.—Nothing
can be of more importance, in governing
distant provinces and adjusting the clashing
interests of different societies, than attention to
this remark. In these circumstances it is particularly
necessary to make a sparing use of power, in
order to preserve power.—Happy would it have
been for Great Britain, had this been remembered
by those who have lately conducted its affairs.
But our policy has been of another kind. At the
period when our authority should have been most
concealed, it has been brought most in view;
and by a progression of violent measures, every
one of which has increased distress, we have given
the world reason to conclude, that we are acquainted
with no other method of governing than by
force.—What a shocking mistake!—If our object
is power, we should have known better how to use
it; and our rulers should have considered, that
freemen will always revolt at the sight of a naked
sword; and that the complicated affairs of a great
kingdom, holding in subordination to it a multitude
of distant communities, all jealous of their
rights, and warmed with spirits as high as our own,
require not only the most skilful, but the most cautious
and tender management. The consequences
of a different management we are now feeling.
We see ourselves driven among rocks, and in danger
of being lost.
The following reasons make it too probable,
that the present contest with America is a contest
for power only[23], abstracted from all the advantages
connected with it.
1st. There is a love of power inherent in
human nature; and it cannot be uncharitable
to suppose that the nation in general, and
the cabinet in particular, are too likely to be influenced
by it. What can be more flattering than to
look across the Atlantic, and to see in the boundless
continent of America, increasing Millions
whom we have a right to order as we please, who
hold their property at our disposal, and who have
no other law than our will. With what complacency
have we been used to talk of them as OUR
subjects?—Is it not the interruption they now
give to this pleasure; is it not the opposition they
make to our pride; and not any injury they have
done us, that is the secret spring of our present animosity
against them?—I wish all in this kingdom
would examine themselves carefully on this
point. Perhaps, they might find, that they have
not known what spirit they are of.—Perhaps, they
would become sensible, that it was a spirit of domination,
more than a regard to the true interest of
this country, that lately led so many of them, with
such savage folly, to address the throne for the
slaughter of their brethren in America, if they will
not submit to them; and to make offers of their
lives and fortunes for that purpose.—Indeed, I
am persuaded, that, were pride and the lust of dominion
exterminated from every heart among us,
and the humility of Christians infused in their
room, this quarrel would be soon ended.
2dly. Another reason for believing that this is a
contest for power only is, that our ministers have
frequently declared, that their object is not to draw
a revenue from America; and that many of those
who are warmest for continuing it, represent the
American trade as of no great consequence.
But what deserves particular consideration here
is, that this is a contest from which no advantages
can possibly be derived.—Not a revenue:
For the provinces of America, when desolated,
will afford no revenue; or if they should, the expence
of subduing them and keeping them in subjection
will much exceed that revenue.—Not
any of the advantages of trade: For it is a folly,
next to insanity, to think trade can be promoted
by impoverishing our customers, and fixing in
their minds an everlasting abhorrence of us.—It
remains, therefore, that this war can have no
other object than the extension of power.—Miserable
reflection!—To sheath our swords in the
bowels of our brethren, and spread misery and
ruin among a happy people, for no other end
than to oblige them to acknowledge our supremacy.
How horrid!—This is the cursed ambition
that led a Cæsar and an Alexander, and many other
mad conquerors, to attack peaceful communities,
and to lay waste the earth.
But a worse principle than even this, influences
some among us. Pride and the love of dominion
are principles hateful enough; but blind resentment
and the desire of revenge are infernal principles:
And these, I am afraid, have no small share
at present in guiding our public conduct.—One
cannot help indeed being astonished at the
virulence, with which some speak on the present
occasion against the Colonies.—For, what have
they done?—Have they crossed the ocean and
invaded us? Have they attempted to take from
us the fruits of our labour, and to overturn that
form of government which we hold so sacred?—This
cannot be pretended.—On the contrary.
This is what we have done to them.—We have
transported ourselves to their peaceful retreats,
and employed our fleets and armies to stop up
their ports, to destroy their commerce, to seize
their effects, and to burn their towns. Would we
but let them alone, and suffer them to enjoy in
security their property and governments, instead
of disturbing us, they would thank and bless us.
And yet it is We who imagine ourselves ill-used.—The
truth is, we expected to find them
a cowardly rabble who would lie quietly at our
feet; and they have disappointed us. They have
risen in their own defence, and repelled force by
force. They deny the plenitude of our power
over them; and insist upon being treated as free
communities.—It is THIS that has provoked
us; and kindled our governors into rage.
I hope I shall not here be understood to intimate,
that all who promote this war are actuated
by these principles. Some, I doubt not, are influenced
by no other principle, than a regard to
what they think the just authority of this country
over its colonies, and to the unity and indivisibility
of the British Empire. I wish such could be
engaged to enter thoroughly into the enquiry,
which has been the subject of the first part of this
pamphlet; and to consider, particularly, how different
a thing maintaining the authority of government
within a state is from maintaining the authority
of one people over another, already happy in
the enjoyment of a government of their own. I
wish farther they would consider, that the desire of
maintaining authority is warrantable, only as far as
it is the means of promoting some end, and doing
some good; and that, before we resolve to spread
famine and fire through a country in order to make
it acknowledge our authority, we ought to be assured
that great advantages will arise not only to
ourselves, but to the country we wish to conquer.—That
from the present contest no advantage
to ourselves can arise, has been already shewn, and
will presently be shewn more at large.—That no
advantage to the Colonies can arise from it, need
not, I hope, be shewn. It has however been asserted,
that even their good is intended by this
war. Many of us are persuaded, that they will be
much happier under our government, than under
any government of their own; and that their liberties
will be safer when held for them by us,
than when trusted in their own hands.—How
kind is it thus to take upon us the trouble of
judging for them what is most for their happiness?
Nothing can be kinder except the resolution we
have formed to exterminate them, if they will not
submit to our judgment.—What strange language
have I sometimes heard? By an armed
force we are now endeavouring to destroy the laws
and governments of America; and yet I have
heard it said, that we are endeavouring to support
law and government there. We are insisting upon
our right to levy contributions upon them; and
to maintain this right, we are bringing upon them
all the miseries a people can endure; and yet it is
asserted, that we mean nothing but their security
and happiness.
But I have wandered a little from the point I attended
principally to insist upon in this section,
which is, “the folly, in respect of policy, of the
measures which have brought on this contest;
and its pernicious and fatal tendency.”
The following observations will, I believe,
abundantly prove this.
1st. There are points which are likely always to
suffer by discussion. Of this kind are most points
of authority and prerogative; and the best policy is
to avoid, as much as possible, giving any occasion
for calling them into question.
The colonies were at the beginning of this reign
in the habit of acknowledging our authority, and
of allowing us as much power over them as our
interest required; and more, in some instances,
than we could reasonably claim. This habit they
would have retained: and had we, instead of imposing
new burdens upon them, and increasing
their restraints, studied to promote their commerce,
and to grant them new indulgences, they
would have been always growing more attached to
us. Luxury, and, together with it, their dependence
upon us, and our influence[24] in their assemblies,
would have increased, till in time perhaps
they would have become as corrupt as ourselves;
and we might have succeeded to our wishes
in establishing our authority over them.—But,
happily for them, we have chosen a different course.
By exertions of authority which have alarmed them,
they have been put upon examining into the
grounds of all our claims, and forced to give up
their luxuries, and to seek all their resources within
themselves: And the issue is likely to prove
the loss of all our authority over them, and of all
the advantages connected with it. So little do
men in power sometimes know how to preserve
power; and so remarkably does the desire of extending
dominion sometimes destroy it.—Mankind
are naturally disposed to continue in subjection
to that mode of government, be it what it
will, under which they have been born and educated.
Nothing rouses them into resistance but gross
abuses, or some particular oppressions out of the
road to which they have been used. And he who
will examine the history of the world will find,
there has generally been more reason for complaining
that they have been too patient, than that they
have been turbulent and rebellious.
Our governors, ever since I can remember, have
been jealous that the Colonies, some time or other,
would throw off their dependence. This jealously
was not founded on any of their acts or declarations.
They have always, while at peace with
us, disclaimed any such design; and they have
continued to disclaim it since they have been at
war with us. I have reason, indeed, to believe,
that independency is, even at this moment,[25] generally
dreaded among them as a calamity to which
they are in danger of being driven, in order to
avoid a greater.—The jealousy I have mentioned,
was, however, natural; and betrayed a secret
opinion, that the subjection in which they were
held was more than we could expect them always
to endure. In such circumstances, all possible
care should have been taken to give them no reason
for discontent, and to preserve them in subjection,
by keeping in that line of conduct to which
custom had reconciled them, or at least never deviating
from it, except with great caution; and
particularly, by avoiding all direct attacks on their
property and legislations. Had we done this, the
different interests of so many states scattered over a
vast continent, joined to our own prudence and
moderation, would have enabled us to maintain
them in dependence for ages to come.—But instead
of this, how have we acted?—It is in
truth too evident, that our whole conduct, instead
of being directed by that sound policy and foresight
which in such circumstances were absolutely
necessary, has been nothing (to say the best of it)
but a series of the blindest rigour followed by retractation;
of violence followed by concession;
of mistake, weakness and inconsistency.—A recital
of a few facts, within every body’s recollection,
will fully prove this.
In the 6th of George the Second, an act was
passed for imposing certain duties on all foreign
spirits, molasses and sugars imported into the plantations.
In this act, the duties imposed are said to
be GIVEN and GRANTED by the Parliament to the
King; and this is the first American act in which
these words have been used. But notwithstanding
this, as the act had the appearance of being only
a regulation of trade, the colonies submitted to
it; and a small direct revenue was drawn by it
from them.—In the 4th of the present reign,
many alterations were made in this act, with
the declared purpose of making provision for
raising a revenue in America. This alarmed the
Colonies; and produced discontents and remonstrances,
which might have convinced our rulers
this was tender ground, on which it became them
to tread very gently.—There is, however, no
reason to doubt but in time they would have
sunk into a quiet submission to this revenue act,
as being at worst only the exercise of a power
which then they seem not to have thought much
of contesting; I mean, the power of taxing them
EXTERNALLY.—But before they had time to
cool, a worse provocation was given them; and
the Stamp-Act was passed. This being an attempt
to tax them INTERNALLY; and a direct attack
on their property, by a power which would
not suffer itself to be questioned; which eased itself
by loading them; and to which it was impossible
to fix any bounds; they were thrown at
once, from one end of the continent to the other,
into resistance and rage.—Government, dreading
the consequences, gave way; and the Parliament
(upon a change of ministry) repealed
the Stamp-Act, without requiring from them
any recognition of its authority, or doing any
more to preserve its dignity, than asserting, by
the declaratory law, that it was possessed of full
power and authority to make laws to bind them
in all cases whatever.—Upon this, peace was
restored; and, had no farther attempts of the
same kind been made, they would undoubtedly
have suffered us (as the people of Ireland
have done) to enjoy quietly our declaratory law.
They would have recovered their former habits
of subjection; and our connexion with them might
have continued an increasing source of our wealth
and glory.—But the spirit of despotism and
avarice, always blind and restless, soon broke
forth again. The scheme for drawing a revenue
from America, by parliamentary taxation, was
resumed; and in a little more than a year after
the repeal of the Stamp-Act, when all was peace,
a third act was passed, imposing duties payable in
America on tea, paper, glass, painters colours, &c.— This,
as might have been expected, revived
all the former heats; and the Empire was a second
time threatened with the most dangerous commotions.—Government
receded again; and the
Parliament (under another change of ministry)
repealed all the obnoxious duties, EXCEPT that
upon tea. This exception was made in order
to maintain a shew of dignity. But it was, in
reality, sacrificing safety to pride; and leaving
a splinter in the wound to produce a gangrene.—For
some time, however, this relaxation answered
its intended purposes. Our commercial
intercourse with the Colonies was again recovered;
and they avoided nothing but that tea
which we had excepted in our repeal. In this
state would things have remained, and even tea
would perhaps in time have been gradually admitted,
had not the evil genius of Britain stepped
forth once more to embroil the Empire.
The East India company having fallen under
difficulties, partly in consequence of the loss of the
American market for tea, a scheme was formed for
assisting them by an attempt to recover that market.
With this view an act was passed to
enable them to export their tea to America free
of all duties here, and subject only to 3d.
per pound duty, payable in America. It was
to be offered at a low price; and it was expected
the consequence would prove that the
Colonies would be tempted to buy it; a precedent
gained for taxing them; and at the same time the
company relieved. Ships were, therefore, fitted
out; and large cargoes sent. The snare was too
gross to escape the notice of the Colonies. They
saw it, and spurned at it. They refused to admit
the tea; and at Boston some persons in disguise
threw it into the sea.—Had our governors in this
case satisfied themselves with requiring a compensation
from the province for the damage done, there is
no doubt but it would have been granted. Or
had they proceeded no farther in the infliction of
punishment, than stopping up the port and destroying
the trade of Boston, till compensation was
made, the province might possibly have submitted,
and a sufficient saving would have been gained
for the honour of the nation. But having hitherto
proceeded without wisdom, they observed
now no bounds in their resentment. To the Boston
port bill was added a bill which destroyed the
chartered government of the province; a bill
which withdrew from the jurisdiction of the province,
persons who in particular cases should commit
murder; and the Quebec bill. At the same
time a strong body of troops was stationed at Boston
to enforce obedience to these bills.
All who knew any thing of the temper of the
Colonies saw that the effect of this sudden accumulation
of vengeance, would probably be not
intimidating but exasperating them, and driving
them into a general revolt. But our minister had
different apprehensions. They believed that the
malecontents in the Colony of Massachusett’s were
a small party, headed by a few factious men;
that the majority of the people would take the
side of government, as soon as they saw a force
among them capable of supporting them; that, at
worst, the Colonies in general would never make
a common cause with this province; and that, the
issue would prove, in a few months, order, tranquility
and submission.—Every one of these apprehensions
was falsified by the events that followed.
When the bills I have mentioned came to be
carried into execution, the whole province was
thrown into confusion. The courts of justice
were shut up, and all government was dissolved.
The commander in chief found it necessary to fortify
himself in Boston; and the other Colonies
immediately resolved to make a common cause
with this Colony.
Disappointed by these consequences, our ministers
took fright. Once more they made an effort
to retreat; but indeed the most ungracious one
that can well be imagined. A proposal was sent
to the Colonies, called Conciliatory; and the substance
of which was, that if any of them would
raise such sums as should be demanded of them
by taxing themselves, the Parliament would forbear
to tax them.—It will be scarcely believed,
hereafter, that such a proposal could be thought
conciliatory. It was only telling them; “If
you will tax yourselves BY OUR ORDER, we will
save ourselves the trouble of taxing you.”—They
received the proposal as an insult; and rejected
it with disdain.
At the time this concession was transmitted to
America, open hostilities were not begun. In the
sword our ministers thought they had still a resource
which would immediately settle all disputes.
They considered the people of New-England as
nothing but a mob, who would be soon routed
and forced into obedience. It was even believed,
that a few thousands of our army might march
through all America, and make all quiet where-ever
they went. Under this conviction our ministers
did not dread urging the Province of Massachusett’s
Bay into rebellion, by ordering the army
to seize their stores, and to take up some of their
leading men.—The attempt was made.—The
people fled immediately to arms, and repelled
the attack.—A considerable part of the
flower of the British army has been destroyed.—Some
of our best Generals, and the bravest
of our troops, are now[26] disgracefully and miserably
imprisoned at Boston.—A horrid civil war
is commenced;—And the Empire is distracted
and convulsed.
Can it be possible to think with patience of the
policy that has brought us into these circumstances?
Did ever Heaven punish the vices of
a people more severely by darkening their counsels?
How great would be our happiness could
we now recall former times, and return to the policy
of the last reigns?—But those times are gone.—I
will, however, beg leave for a few moments
to look back to them; and to compare the ground
we have left with that on which we find ourselves.
This must be done with deep regret; but it forms
a necessary part of my present design.
In those times our Colonies, foregoing every advantage
which they might derive from trading with
foreign nations, consented to send only to us whatever
it was for our interest to receive from them; and
to receive only from us whatever it was for our interest
to send to them. They gave up the power
of making sumptuary laws, and exposed themselves
to all the evils of an increasing and wasteful
luxury, because we were benefited by vending
among them the materials of it. The iron with
which providence had blessed their country, they
were required by laws, in which they acquiesced,
to transport hither, that our people might be
maintained by working it for them into nails,
ploughs, axes, &c. And, in several instances,
even one Colony was not allowed to supply any
neighbouring Colonies with commodities, which
could be conveyed to them from hence.—But
they yielded much farther. They consented
that we should have the appointment of one
branch of their legislature. By recognizing as
their King, a King resident among us and under
our influence, they gave us a negative on all
their laws. By allowing an appeal to us in their
civil disputes, they gave us likewise the ultimate
determination of all civil causes among them.—In
short. They allowed us every power we
could desire, except that of taxing them, and interfering
in their internal legislations: And they
had admitted precedents which, even in these instances,
gave us no inconsiderable authority over
them. By purchasing our goods they paid our
taxes; and, by allowing us to regulate their trade
in any manner we thought most for our advantage,
they enriched our merchants, and helped
us to bear our growing burdens. They fought
our battles with us. They gloried in their relation
to us. All their gains centered among us;
and they always spoke of this country and looked
to it as their home.
Such WAS the state of things.—What is it
now?
Not contented with a degree of power, sufficient
to satisfy any reasonable ambition, we have attempted
to extend it.—Not contented with drawing
from them a large revenue indirectly, we have endeavoured
to procure one directly by an authoritative
seizure; and, in order to gain a pepper-corn in this
way, have chosen to hazard millions, acquired by
the peaceable intercourse of trade.—Vile policy!
What a scourge is government so conducted?—Had
we never deserted our old ground: Had
we nourished and favoured America, with a view to
commerce, instead of considering it as a country
to be governed: Had we, like a liberal and wise
people, rejoiced to see a multitude of free states
branched forth from ourselves, all enjoying independent
legislatures similar to our own: Had we
aimed at binding them to us only by the tyes of
affection and interest; and contented ourselves with
a moderate power rendered durable by being lenient
and friendly, an umpire in their differences,
an aid to them in improving their own free governments,
and their common bulwark against the assaults
of foreign enemies: Had this, I say, been
our policy and temper; there is nothing so great
or happy that we might not have expected. With
their increase our strength would have increased.
A growing surplus in the revenue might have been
gained, which, invariably applied to the gradual
discharge of the national debt, would have delivered
us from the ruin with which it threatens us.
The Liberty of America might have preserved our
Liberty; and, under the direction of a patriot king
or wise minister, proved the means of restoring to
us our almost lost constitution. Perhaps, in time,
we might also have been brought to see the necessity
of carefully watching and restricting our paper-credit:
And thus we might have regained safety;
and, in union with our Colonies, have been more
than a match for every enemy, and risen to a situation
of honour and dignity never before known
amongst mankind.—But I am forgetting myself.—Our
Colonies are likely to be lost for
ever. Their love is turned into hatred; and
their respect for our government into resentment
and abhorrence.—We shall see more distinctly
what a calamity this is, and the observations I have
now made will be confirmed, by attending to the
following facts.
Our American Colonies, particularly the Northern
ones, have been for some time in the happiest
state of society; or, in that middle state of
civilization, between its first rude and its last refined
and corrupt state. Old countries consist, generally,
of three classes of people; a Gentry; a
Yeomanry; and a Peasantry. The Colonies
consist only of a body of Yeomanry[27] supported
by agriculture, and all independent, and nearly upon
a level; in consequence of which, joined to a
boundless extent of country, the means of subsistence
are procured without difficulty, and the temptations
to wickedness are so inconsiderable, that
executions[28] are seldom known among them.
From hence arises an encouragement to population
so great, that in some of the Colonies
they double their own number in fifteen years;
in others, in eighteen years; and in all, taken one
with another, in twenty-five years.—Such an
increase was, I believe, never before known. It
demonstrates that they must live at their ease; and
be free from those cares, oppressions, and diseases
which depopulate and ravage luxurious states.
With the population of the Colonies has increased
their trade; but much faster, on account of the
gradual introduction of luxury among them.—In
1723 the exports to Pensylvania were 16,000l.—In
1742 they were 75,295l.—In 1757 they
were increased to 268,426l. and in 1773 to half a
million.
The exports to all the Colonies in 1744 were
640,114l.—In 1758, they were increased to
1.832,948l. and in 1773, to three millions.[29]
And the probability is, that, had it not been for the
discontents among the Colonies since the year 1764,
our trade with them would have been this year
double to what it was in 1773; and that in a
few years more, it would not have been possible
for the whole kingdom, though consisting only of
manufacturers, to supply the American demand.
This trade, it should be considered, was not only
thus an increasing trade; but it was a trade in
which we had no rivals; a trade certain, constant,
and uninterrupted; and which, by the shipping
employed in it, and the naval stores supplied by it,
contributed greatly to the support of that navy
which is our chief national strength.—Viewed in
these lights it was an object unspeakably important.
But it will appear still more so if we view it in its
connexions and dependencies. It is well known,
that our trade with Africa and the West-Indies cannot
easily subsist without it. And, upon the
whole, it is undeniable, that it has been one of the
main springs of our opulence and splendour; and
that we have, in a great measure, been indebted to
it for our ability to bear a debt so much heavier,
than that which, fifty years ago, the wisest men
thought would necessarily sink us.
This inestimable prize, and all the advantages
connected with America, we are now throwing
away. Experience alone can shew what calamities
must follow. It will indeed be astonishing if this
kingdom can bear such a loss without dreadful
consequences.—These consequences have been
amply represented by others; and it is needless
to enter into any account of them—At the
time we shall be feeling them—The Empire
dismembered; the blood of thousands shed in an
unrighteous quarrel; our strength exhausted; our
merchants breaking; our manufacturers starving;
our debts increasing; the revenue sinking; the
funds tottering; and all the miseries of a public
bankruptcy impending—At such a crisis should
our natural enemies, eager for our ruin, seize the opportunity—The
apprehension is too distressing.—Let
us view this subject in another light.
On this occasion, particular attention should be
given to the present SINGULAR situation of this
kingdom. This is a circumstance of the utmost
importance; and as I am afraid it is not much
considered, I will beg leave to give a distinct account
of it.
At the Revolution, the specie of the kingdom
amounted, according to[30] Davenant’s account, to
eighteen millions and a half.—From the Accession
to the year 1772, there were coined at the
mint, near 29 millions of gold; and in ten years
only of this time, or from January 1759 to January
1769, there were coined eight millions and a
half.[31] But it has appeared lately, that the gold
specie now left in the kingdom is no more than
about twelve millions and a half.[32]—Not so much
as half a million of Silver specie has been coined
these sixty years; and it cannot be supposed, that
the quantity of it now in circulation exceeds two
or three millions. The whole specie of the kingdom,
therefore, is probably at this time about
fifteen millions. Of this some millions must
be hoarded at the Bank.—Our circulating
specie, therefore, appears to be decreased.
But our wealth, or the quantity of money in
the kingdom, is greatly increased. This is paper
to a vast amount, issued in almost every corner of
the kingdom; and, particularly, by the Bank of
England. While this paper maintains its credit
it answers all the purposes of specie, and is in all
respects the same with money.
Specie represents some real value in goods or
commodities. On the contrary; paper represents
immediately nothing but specie. It is a promise
or obligation which the emitter brings himself under
to pay a given sum in coin; and it owes its
currency to the credit of the emitter; or to an
opinion that he is able to make good his engagement;
and that the sum specified may be received
upon being demanded.—Paper, therefore, represents
coin; and coin represents real value. That
is, the one is a sign of wealth. The other is the
sign of that sign.—But farther. Coin is an universal
sign of wealth, and will procure it every
where. It will bear any alarm, and stand any
shock.—On the contrary. Paper, owing its
currency to opinion, has only a local and imaginary
value. It can stand no shock. It is destroyed
by the approach of danger; or even the suspicion
of danger.
In short. Coin is the basis of our paper-credit;
and were it either all destroyed, or were only the
quantity of it reduced beyond a certain limit, the
paper circulation of the kingdom would sink at
once. But, were our paper destroyed, the coin
would not only remain, but rise in value, in proportion
to the quantity of paper destroyed.
From this account it follows, that as far as, in
any circumstances, specie is not to be procured in
exchange for paper, it represents nothing, and is,
worth nothing.—The specie of this kingdom is
inconsiderable, compared with the amount of the
paper circulating in it. This is generally believed;
and, therefore, it is natural to enquire how its
currency is supported.—The answer is easy. It
is supported in the same manner with all other
bubbles. Were all to demand specie in exchange
for their notes, payment could not be made; but,
at the same time that this is known, every one
trusts, that no alarm producing such a demand will
happen, while he holds the paper he is possessed of;
and that if it should happen, he will stand a chance
for being first paid; and this makes him easy.
And it also makes all with whom he traffics easy.—But
let any events happen which threaten danger;
and every one will become diffident. A run will
take place; and a bankruptcy follow.
This is an account of what has often happened
in private credit. And it is also an account of
what will (if no change of measures takes place)
happen some time or other in public credit. The
description I have given of our paper-circulation
implies, that nothing can be more delicate or hazardous.
It is an immense fabrick, with its head
in the clouds, that is continually trembling with
every adverse blast and every fluctuation of trade;
and which, like the baseless fabrick of a vision,
may in a moment vanish, and leave no wreck behind.—The
destruction of a few books at the
Bank; an improvement in the art of forgery; the
landing of a body of French troops on our coasts;
insurrections threatening a revolution in government;
or any events that should produce a general
panic, however groundless, would at once annihilate
it, and leave us without any other medium
of traffic, than a quantity of specie not
much more than the money now drawn from
the public by the taxes. It would, therefore,
become impossible to pay the taxes. The revenue
would fail. Near a hundred and forty millions of
property would be destroyed. The whole frame of
government would fall to pieces; and a state of nature
would take place.—What a dreadful situation!
It has never had a parallel among mankind;
except at one time in France after the establishment
there of the Royal Mississipi Bank. In 1720 this
bank broke;[33] and, after involving for some
time the whole kingdom in a golden dream, spread
through it in one day, desolation and ruin.—The
distress attending such an event, in this free
country, would be greater than it was in France.
Happily for that kingdom, they have shot this
gulph. Paper-credit has never since recovered itself
there; and their circulating cash consists now
all of solid coin, amounting, according to the lowest
account, to no less a sum than 1500 millions of Livres;[34]
or near 67 millions of pounds sterling. This
gives them unspeakable advantages; and, joined to
that quick reduction of their debts which is inseparable[35]
from their nature, places them on a ground
of safety which we have reason to admire and envy.
These are subjects on which I should have chosen
to be silent, did I not think it necessary, that
this country should be apprized and warned of the
danger which threatens it. This danger is created
chiefly by the national debt. High taxes are necessary
to support a great public debt; and a large
supply of cash is necessary to support high taxes.
This cash we owe to our paper; and, in proportion
to our paper, must be the productiveness of
our taxes.—King William’s wars drained the
kingdom of its specie. This sunk the revenue,
and distressed government. In 1694 the Bank
was established; and the kingdom was provided
with a substitute for specie. The taxes became
again productive. The revenue rose; and government
was relieved.—Ever since that period
our paper and taxes have been increasing together,
and supporting one another; and one reason,
undoubtedly, of the late increase in the productiveness
of our taxes has been the increase of our
paper.
Was there no public debt, there would be no
occasion for half the present taxes. Our paper-circulation
might be reduced. The balance of
trade would turn in our favour. Specie would
flow in upon us. The quantity of property destroyed
by a failure of paper-credit (should it in
such circumstances happen) would be 140 millions
less; and, therefore, the shock attending it would
be tolerable. But, in the present state of things,
whenever any calamity or panic shall produce
such a failure, the shock attending it will be intolerable.—May
heaven soon raise up for us
some great statesman who shall see these things;
and enter into effectual measures, if not now too
late, for extricating and preserving us.
Public banks are, undoubtedly, attended with
great conveniences. But they also do great harm;
and, if their emissions are not restrained, and conducted
with great wisdom, they may prove the
most pernicious of all institutions; not only, by
substituting fictitious for real wealth; by increasing
luxury; by raising the prices of provisions;
by concealing an unfavourable balance of trade;
and by rendering a kingdom incapable of bearing
any internal tumults or external attacks, without
the danger of a dreadful convulsion: But, particularly,
by becoming instruments in the hands of
ministers of state to increase their influence, to
lessen their dependence on the people, and to
keep up a delusive shew of public prosperity, when
perhaps ruin may be near. There is, in truth,
nothing that a government may not do with such
a mine at its command as a public Bank, while it
can maintain its credit; nor, therefore, is there any
thing more likely to be IMPROPERLY and DANGEROUSLY
used.—But to return to what may be more
applicable to our own state at present.
Among the causes that may produce a failure
of paper-credit, there are two which the present
quarrel with America calls upon us particularly to
consider.—The first is, “An unfavourable balance
of trade.” This, in proportion to the degree
in which it takes place, must turn the course
of foreign exchange against us; raise the price of
bullion; and carry off our specie. The danger to
which this would expose us is obvious; and it has
been much increased by the new coinage of the
gold specie which begun in 1773. Before this
coinage, the greatest part of our gold coin being
light, but the same in currency as if it had been
heavy, always remained in the kingdom. But,
being now nearly of full weight, whenever a wrong
balance of foreign trade alters the course of exchange,
and gold in coin becomes of less value than
in bullion, there is reason to fear, that it will be
melted down in such great quantities, and exported
so fast, as in a little time to leave none behind;[36]
the consequence which must prove, that the whole
superstructure of paper-credit, now supported by
it, will break down.—The only remedy, in such
circumstances, is an increase of coinage at the
mint. But this will operate too slowly; and, by
raising the price of bullion, will only increase the
evil.—It is the Bank that at such a time must be
the immediate sufferer: For it is from thence that
those who want coin for any purpose will always
draw it.
For many years before 1773, the price of gold
in bullion had been, from 2 to 3 or 4 per cent.
higher than in coin. This was a temptation to melt
down and export the coin, which could not be resisted.
Hence arose a demand for it on the Bank;
and, consequently, the necessity of purchasing bullion
at a loss for a new coinage. But the more
coin the Bank procured in this way, the lower its
price became in comparison with that of bullion,
and the faster it vanished; and, consequently, the
more necessary it became to coin again, and the
greater loss fell upon the Bank.—Had things
continued much longer in this train, the consequences
might have proved very serious. I am by
no means sufficiently informed to be able to assign
the causes which have produced the change that
happened in 1772. But, without doubt, the state
of things which took place before that year must be
expected to return. The fluctuations of trade, in
its best state, render this unavoidable. But the contest
with our Colonies has a tendency to bring it
on soon; and to increase unspeakably the distress
attending it. All know that the balance of trade
with them is greatly in our favour;[37] and that this
balance is paid partly by direct remittances of bullion;
and partly by circuitous remittances through
Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. which diminish the balance
against us with these countries.—During the
last year they have been employed in paying their
debts, without adding to them; and their exportations
and remittances for that purpose have contributed
to render the general balance of trade
more favourable to us, and, also, (in conjunction
with the late operations of the Bank) to keep up
our funds. These remittances are now ceased;
and a few years will determine, if this contest
goes on, how far we can sustain such a loss
without suffering the consequences I have described.
The second event, ruinous to our paper circulation,
which may arise from our rupture with
America, is a deficiency in the revenue. As a failure
of our paper would destroy the revenue, so a
failure of the revenue, or any considerable diminution
of it, would destroy our paper. The Bank
is the support of our paper; and the support of the
Bank is the credit of government. Its principal
securities, are a capital of eleven millions lent to
government; and money continually advanced to a
vast amount on the Land-tax and Malt-tax, Sinking
Fund, Exchequer Bills, Navy Bills, &c. Should,
therefore, deficiencies in the revenue bring government
under any difficulties, all these securities would
lose their value, and the Bank and Government, and
all private and public credit, would fall together.—Let
any one here imagine, what would probably
follow, were it but suspected by the public in general,
that the taxes were so fallen, as not to produce
enough to pay the interest of the public debts,
besides bearing the ordinary expences of the nation;
and that, in order to supply the deficiency
and to hide the calamity, it had been necessary in
any one year to anticipate the taxes, and to borrow
of the Bank.—In such circumstances I can
scarcely doubt, but an alarm would spread of the
most dangerous tendency.—The next foreign
war, should it prove half as expensive as the last,
will probably occasion such a deficiency; and
bring our affairs to that crisis towards which they
have been long tending.—But the war with
America has a greater tendency to do this; and the
reason is, that it affects our resources more; and is
attended more with the danger of internal disturbances.
Some have made the proportion of our trade depending
on North America to be near ONE HALF. A
moderate computation makes it a THIRD.[38] Let
it, however, be supposed to be only a FOURTH. I
will venture to say, this is a proportion of our foreign
trade, the loss of which, when it comes to be
felt, will be found insupportable.—In the article
of Tobacco alone it will cause a deduction from the
Customs of at least 300,000l. per ann.[39] including
the duties paid on foreign commodities purchased
by the exportation of tobacco. Let the whole deduction
from the revenue be supposed to be only
half a million. This alone is more than the kingdom
can at present bear, without having recourse
to lotteries, and the land-tax at 4s. in order to defray
the common and necessary expences of peace.
But to this must be added a deduction from the
produce of the Excises, in consequence of the increase
of the poor, of the difficulties of our merchants
and manufacturers, of less national wealth,
and a retrenchment of luxury. There is no possibility
of knowing to what these deductions may
amount. When the evils producing them begin,
they will proceed rapidly; and they may end in a
general wreck before we are aware of any danger.
In order to give a clearer view of this subject, I
will in an Appendix[40], state particularly the national
expenditure and income for eleven years, from 1764
to 1774. From that account it will appear, that
the money drawn every year from the public by
the taxes, does not fall greatly short of a sum equal
to the whole specie of the kingdom; and that, notwithstanding
the late increase in the productiveness
of the taxes, the whole surplus of the national income
has not exceeded 338,759l. per ann. See
the Second Tract, p. 160. This is a surplus so inconsiderable
as to be scarcely sufficient to guard
against the deficiencies arising from the common
fluctuations of foreign trade, and of home consumption.
It is NOTHING when considered as the
only fund we have for paying off a debt of near
140 millions.—Had we continued in a state of
profound peace, it could not have admitted of
any diminution. What then must follow, when
one of the most profitable branches of our trade is
destroyed; when a THIRD of the Empire is lost;
when an addition of many millions is made to the
public debt; and when, at the same time, perhaps
some millions are taken away from the revenue?—I
shudder at this prospect.—A kingdom
on an edge so perilous, should think of nothing
but a retreat.
One of the pleas for continuing the contest
with America is, “That our honour is engaged;
and that we cannot now recede without
the most humiliating concessions.”
With respect to this, it is proper to observe, that
a distinction should be made between the nation,
and its rulers. It is melancholy that there should be
ever any reason for making such a distinction. A government
is, or ought to be, nothing but an institution
for collecting and for carrying into execution the
will of the people. But so far is this from being in
general the fact, that the measures of government,
and the sense of the people, are sometimes in direct
opposition to one another; nor does it often
happen that any certain conclusion can be drawn
from the one to the other.—I will not pretend to
determine, whether, in the present instance, the dishonour
attending a retreat would belong to the
nation at large, or only to the persons in power who
guide its affairs. Be this as it will, no good argument
can be drawn from it against receding.
The disgrace which may be implied in making
concessions, is nothing to that of being the aggressors
in an unrighteous quarrel; and dignity,
in such circumstances, consists in retracting freely
and speedily.—For, (to adopt on this occasion,
words which I have heard applied to
this very purpose, in a great assembly, by a peer
to whom this kingdom has often looked as its deliverer,
and whose ill state of health at this awful
moment of public danger every friend to Britain
must deplore) to adopt, I say, the words of this
great man—“Rectitude is dignity. Oppression
only is meanness; and justice, honour.”
I will add, that Prudence, no less than true
Honour, requires us to retract. For the time
may come when, if it is not done voluntarily, we
may be obliged to do it; and find ourselves under
a necessity of granting that to our distresses, which
we now deny to equity and humanity, and the
prayers of America. The possibility of this appears
plainly from the preceding pages; and
should it happen, it will bring upon us disgrace
indeed, disgrace greater than the worst rancour
can wish to see accumulated on a kingdom already
too much dishonoured.—Let the reader think
here what we are doing.—A nation, once the
protector of Liberty in distant countries, and the
scourge of tyranny, changed into an enemy to
Liberty, and engaged in endeavouring to reduce
to servitude its own brethren.—A great and enlightened
nation, not content with a controuling
power over millions of people which gave it every
reasonable advantage, insisting upon such a supremacy
over them as would leave them nothing
they could call their own, and carrying desolation
and death among them for disputing it.—What
can be more ignominious?—How
have we felt for the brave Corsicans, in their
struggle with the Genoese, and afterwards with the
French government? Did Genoa or France
want more than an absolute command over their
property and legislations; or the power of binding
them in all cases whatsoever?—The Genoese,
finding it difficult to keep them in subjection,
CEDED them to the French.—All such cessions
of one people by another are disgraceful to human
nature. But if our claims are just, may not
we also, if we please, CEDE the Colonies to France?—There
is, in truth, no other difference between
these two cases than that the Corsicans were
not descended from the people who governed them,
but that the Americans are.
There are some who seem to be sensible, that
the authority of one country over another, cannot
be distinguished from the servitude of one country
to another; and that unless different communities,
as well as different parts of the same community,
are united by an equal representation, all
such authority is inconsistent with the principles of
Civil Liberty.—But they except the case of the
Colonies and Great Britain; because the Colonies
are communities which have branched forth from,
and which, therefore, as they think, belong to
Britain. Had the colonies been communities of
foreigners, over whom we wanted to acquire dominion,
or even to extend a dominion before acquired,
they are ready to admit that their resistance
would have been just.—In my opinion, this is
the same with saying, that the Colonies ought to
be worse off than the rest of mankind, because they
are our own Brethren.
Again. The United Provinces of Holland were
once subject to the Spanish monarchy; but, provoked
by the violation of their charters; by levies
of money, without their consent; by the introduction
of Spanish troops among them; by innovations
in their antient modes of government; and
the rejection of their petitions; they were driven to
that resistance which we and all the world have
ever since admired; and which has given birth to
one of the greatest and happiest Republics that
ever existed.—Let any one read also, the history
of the war which the Athenians, from a thirst
of Empire, made on the Syracusans in Sicily, a people
derived from the same origin with them; and
let him, if he can, avoid rejoicing in the defeat of
the Athenians.
Let him, likewise, read the account of the social
war among the Romans. The allied states of
Italy had fought the battles of Rome, and contributed
by their valour and treasure to its conquests
and grandeur. They claimed, therefore, the rights
of Roman citizens, and a share with them in
legislation. The Romans, disdaining to make those
their fellow-citizens, whom they had always looked
upon as their subjects, would not comply; and
a war followed, the most horrible in the annals
of mankind, which ended in the ruin of the Roman
Republic. The feelings of every Briton in
this case must force him to approve the conduct
of the Allies, and to condemn the proud and ungrateful
Romans.
But not only is the present contest with America
thus disgraceful to us, because inconsistent
with our own feelings in similar cases; but also
because condemned by our own practice in former
times. The Colonies are persuaded that they are
fighting for Liberty. We see them sacrificing to
this persuasion every private advantage. If mistaken,
and though guilty of irregularities, they
should be pardoned by a people whose ancestors
have given them so many examples of similar conduct.
England should venerate the attachment
to Liberty amidst all its excesses; and, instead of
indignation or scorn, it would be most becoming
them, in the present instance, to declare their applause,
and to say to the Colonies—“We excuse
your mistakes. We admire your spirit.
It is the spirit that has more than once saved
ourselves. We aspire to no dominion over you.
We understand the rights of men too well to
think of taking from you the inestimable privilege
of governing yourselves; and, instead of
employing our power for any such purpose,
we offer it to you as a friendly and guardian
power, to be a mediator in your quarrels; a
protection against your enemies; and an aid
to you in establishing a plan of Liberty that shall
make you great and happy. In return, we
ask nothing but your gratitude and your commerce.”
This would be a language worthy of a brave
and enlightened nation. But alas! it often happens
in the Political World as it does in Religion,
that the people who cry out most vehemently for
Liberty to themselves are the most unwilling to
grant it to others.
But farther. This war is disgraceful on account
of the persuasion which led to it, and under which
it has been undertaken. The general cry was
last winter, that the people of New-England
were a body of cowards, who would at once be
reduced to submission by a hostile look from our
troops. In this light were they held up to public
derision in both Houses of Parliament; and it was
this persuasion that, probably, induced a Nobleman
of the first weight in the state to recommend,
at the passing of the Boston Port Bill, coercive
measures; hinting at the same time, that the appearance
of hostilities would be sufficient, and that
all would be soon over, SINE CLADE.—Indeed no
one can doubt, but that had it been believed some
time ago, that the people of America were brave,
more care would have been taken not to provoke
them.
Again. The manner in which this war has
been hitherto conducted, renders it still more disgraceful.—English
valour being thought insufficient
to subdue the Colonies, the laws and religion
of France were established in Canada, on purpose to
obtain the power of bringing upon them from
thence an army of French Papists. The wild Indians
and their own Slaves have been instigated to
attack them; and attempts have been made to
gain the assistance of a large body of Russians.—With
like views, German troops have been hired;
and the defence of our Forts and Garrisons trusted
in their hands.
These are measures which need no comment.
The last of them, in particular, having been carried
into execution without the consent of parliament,
threatens us with imminent danger; and shews
that we are in the way to lose even the Forms of
the constitution.—If, indeed, our ministers can
at any time, without leave, not only send away
the national troops, but introduce foreign troops
in their room, we lie entirely at mercy; and we
have every thing to dread.
Let us next consider how far there is a possibility
of succeeding in the present war.
Our own people, being unwilling to enlist, and
the attempts to procure armies of Russians, Indians,
and Canadians having miscarried; the utmost force
we can employ, including foreigners, does not exceed,
if I am rightly informed, 40,000 effective men.
This is the force that is to conquer half a million at
least[41] of determined men fighting on their own
ground, within sight of their houses and families,
and for that sacred blessing of Liberty, without
which man is a beast, and government a curse.
All history proves, that in such a situation, a handful
is a match for millions.
In the Netherlands, a few states thus circumstanced,
withstood, for a long course of years, the
whole force of the Spanish monarchy, when at its
zenith; and at last humbled its pride, and emancipated
themselves from its tyranny.—The citizens of
Syracuse also, thus circumstanced, withstood the
whole power of the Athenians, and almost ruined
them.—The same happened in the contest between
the house of Austria, and the cantons[42] of
Switzerland.—There is in this case an infinite
difference between attacking and being attacked;
between fighting to destroy, and fighting to preserve
or acquire Liberty.—Were we, therefore, capable
of employing a land force against America
equal to its own, there would be little probability
of success. But to think of conquering that whole
continent with 30,000 or 40,000 men to be transported
across the Atlantic, and fed from hence,
and incapable of being recruited after any defeat—This
is indeed a folly so great, that language
does not afford a name for it.
With respect to our naval force, could it sail at
land as it does at sea, much might be done with it;
but as that is impossible, little or nothing can be
done with it, which will not hurt ourselves more
than the Colonists.—Such of their maritime towns
as they cannot guard against our fleets, and have
not been already destroyed, they are determined
either to give up to our resentment, or destroy
themselves: The consequence of which will be,
that these towns will be rebuilt in safer situations;
and that we shall lose some of the principal pledges
by which we have hitherto held them in subjection.—As
to their trade; having all the necessaries
and the chief conveniencies of life within
themselves, they have no dependence upon it;
and the loss of it will do them unspeakable good,
by preserving them from the evils of luxury and
the temptations of wealth; and keeping them in
that state of virtuous simplicity which is the greatest
happiness. I know that I am now speaking
the sense of some of the wisest men in America.
It has been long their wish that Britain would shut
up all their ports. They will rejoice, particularly,
in the last restraining act. It might have happened,
that the people would have grown weary of
their agreements not to export or import. But
this act will oblige them to keep these agreements;
and confirm their unanimity and zeal.
It will also furnish them with a reason for confiscating
the estates of all the friends of our government
among them, and for employing their sailors,
who would have been otherwise idle, in making
reprisals on British property. Their ships, before
useless, and consisting of many hundreds, will be
turned into ships of war; and that attention,
which they have hitherto confined to trade, will be
employed in fitting out a naval force for their own
defence; and thus the way will be prepared for
their becoming, much sooner than they would
otherwise have been, a great maritime power.
This act of parliament, therefore, crowns the folly
of all our late measures.[43]—None who know me,
can believe me to be disposed to superstition. Perhaps,
however, I am not in the present instance,
free from this weakness.—I fancy I see in these
measures something that cannot be accounted for
merely by human ignorance. I am inclined to
think, that the hand of Providence is in them
working to bring about some great ends.—But
this leads me to one consideration more, which I
cannot help offering to the public, and which appears
to me in the highest degree important.
In this hour of tremendous danger, it would become
us to turn our thoughts to Heaven. This
is what our brethren in the Colonies are doing.
From one end of North America to the other,
they are FASTING and PRAYING. But what are
we doing?—We are ridiculing them as Fanatics,
and scoffing at religion.—We are running wild
after pleasure, and forgetting every thing serious
and decent at Masquerades.—We are trafficking
for Boroughs; perjuring ourselves at Elections;
and selling ourselves for places.—Which
side then is Providence likely to favour?
In America we see a number of rising states in the
vigour of youth, inspired by the noblest of all
passions, the passion for being free; and animated
by piety.—Here we see an old state, great indeed,
but inflated and irreligious; enervated by
luxury; encumbred with debts; and hanging by
a thread.—Can any one look without pain to the
issue? May we not expect calamities that shall
recover to reflection (perhaps to devotion) our Libertines
and Atheists?
Is our cause such as gives us reason to ask God
to bless it?—Can we in the face of Heaven declare,
“that we are not the aggressors in this war;
and that we mean by it, not to acquire or even
preserve dominion for its own sake; not conquest,
or Empire, or the gratification of resentment;
but solely to deliver ourselves from oppression;
to gain reparation for injury; and
to defend ourselves against men who would plunder
or kill us?”—Remember, reader, whoever
thou art, that there are no other just causes of war;
and that blood spilled, with any ether views, must
some time or other be accounted for.—But not
to expose myself by saying more in this way, I will
now beg leave to recapitulate some of the arguments
I have used; and to deliver the feelings
of my heart in a brief, but earnest address to my
countrymen.
I am hearing it continually urged—“Are
they not our subjects?”—The plain answer is,
they are not your subjects. The people of America
are no more the subjects of the people of Britain,
than the people of Yorkshire are the subjects
of the people of Middlesex. They are your fellow-subjects.
“But we are taxed; and why should not they
be taxed?”—You are taxed by yourselves. They
insist on the same privilege.—They are taxed
to support their own governments; and they help
also to pay your taxes by purchasing your manufactures,
and giving you a monopoly of their
trade. Must they maintain two governments?
Must they submit to be triple taxed?—Has your
moderation in taxing yourselves been such as encourages
them to trust you with the power of taxing
them?
“But they will not obey the Parliament and
the Laws.”—Say rather, they will not obey your
parliament and your laws. Their reason is: They
have no voice in your parliament. They have no
share in making[44] your laws.—“Neither have
most of us.”—Then you so far want Liberty;
and your language is, “We are not free, Why
will they be free?”—But many of you have a
voice in parliament: None of them have. All
your freehold land is represented: But not a foot
of their land is represented. At worst, therefore,
you are only enslaved partially.—Were they
to submit, they would be enslaved totally.—They
are governed by parliaments chosen by themselves,
and by legislatures similar to yours. Why
will you disturb them in the enjoyment of a blessing
so valuable? Is it reasonable to insist, that
your discretion alone shall be their law; that they
shall have no constitutions of government, except
such as you shall be pleased to give them; and no
property except such as your parliament shall be
pleased to leave them?—What is your parliament?—Is
there not a growing intercourse between
it and the court? Does it awe ministers of state
as it once did?—Instead of contending for a controuling
power over the governments of America,
should you not think more of watching and reforming
your own?—Suppose the worst. Suppose, in
opposition to all their own declarations, that the Colonists
are now aiming at independence.[45]—“If
they can subsist without you;” is it to be wondered
at? Did there ever exist a community, or even an individual,
that would not do the same?—“If they
cannot subsist without you;” let them alone. They
will soon come back.—“If you cannot
subsist without them,” reclaim them by[46] kindness;
engage them by moderation and equity. It
is madness to resolve to butcher them. This will
make them detest and avoid you for ever. Freemen
are not to be governed by force; or dragooned
into compliance. If capable of bearing to be
so treated, it is a disgrace to be connected with
them.
“If they can subsist without you; and also you
without them,” the attempt to subjugate them
by confiscating their effects, burning their towns,
and ravaging their territories, is a wanton exertion
of cruel ambition, which, however common it has
been among mankind, deserves to be called by
harder names than I chuse to apply to it.—Suppose
such an attempt was to be succeeded:
Would it not be a fatal preparation for subduing
yourselves? Would not the disposal of American
places, and the distribution of an American revenue,
render that influence of the crown irresistible, which
has already stabbed your liberties?
Turn your eyes to India: There more has been
done than is now attempted in America. There
Englishmen, actuated by the love of plunder and
the spirit of conquest, have depopulated whole
kingdoms, and ruined millions of innocent people
by the most infamous oppression and rapacity.—The
justice of the nation has slept over these enormities.
Will the justice of heaven sleep?—Are
we not now execrated on both sides of the globe?
With respect to the Colonists; it would be folly
to pretend they are faultless. They were running
fast into our vices. But this quarrel gives them a
salutary check: And it may be permitted on purpose
to favour them, and in them the rest of mankind;
by making way for establishing, in an
extensive country possessed of every advantage, a
plan of government, and a growing power that
will astonish the world, and under which every
subject of human enquiry shall be open to free discussion,
and the friends of Liberty, in every quarter
of the globe, find a safe retreat from civil and spiritual
tyranny.—I hope, therefore, our brethren
in America will forgive their oppressors. It is certain
they know not what they are doing.
Having said so much of the war with
America, and particularly of the danger with
which it threatens us, it may be expected that I
should propose some method of escaping from this
danger, and of restoring this once happy Empire
to a state of peace and security.—Various plans of
pacification have been proposed; and some of
them, by persons so distinguished by their rank and
merit, as to be above my applause. But till there
is more of a disposition to attend to such plans;
they cannot, I am afraid, be of any great service.
And there is too much reason to apprehend, that
nothing but calamity will bring us to repentance
and wisdom.—In order, however, to complete
my design in these observations, I will take the liberty
to lay before the public the following sketch
of one of the plans just referred to, as it was opened
before the holidays to the house of Lords by
the Earl of Shelburne; who, while he held the seals
of the Southern Department, with the business of
the Colonies annexed, possessed their confidence,
without ever compromising the authority of this
country; a confidence which discovered itself by
peace among themselves, and duty and submission
to the Mother-country. I hope I shall not take an
unwarrantable liberty, if, on this occasion, I use his
Lordship’s own words, as nearly as I have been
able to collect them.
“Meet the Colonies on their own ground, in
the last petition from the Congress to the king.
The surest, as well as the most dignified
mode of proceeding for this country.—Suspend
all hostilities—Repeal the acts which immediately
distress America, namely, the last restraining
act,—the charter act,—the act for the
more impartial administration of justice;—and
the Quebec act.—All the other acts (the custom
house act, the post office act, &c.) leave to a temperate
revisal.—There will be found much
matter which both countries may wish repealed.
Some which can never be given up, the principle
being that regulation of trade for the
common good of the Empire, which forms our
Palladium. Other matter which is fair subject of
mutual accommodation.—Prescribe the most
explicit acknowledgment of your right of regulating
commerce in its most extensive sense; if
the petition and other public acts of the Colonies
have not already, by their declarations and acknowledgments,
left it upon a sufficiently secure
foundation.—Besides the power of regulating the
general commerce of the Empire, something
further might be expected; provided a due and
tender regard were had to the means and abilities
of the several provinces, as well as to those
fundamental, unalienable rights of Englishmen,
which no father can surrender on the part of his
son, no representative on the part of his elector,
no generation on the part of the succeeding one;
the right of judging not only of the mode of
raising, but the quantum, and the appropriation
of such aids as they shall grant.—To be more
explicit; the debt of England, without entering
into invidious distinctions how it came to be
contracted, might be acknowledged the debt of
every individual part of the whole Empire,
Asia, as well as America, included.—Provided,
that full security were held forth to them,
that such free aids, together with the Sinking
Fund (Great Britain contributing her superior
share) should not be left as the privy purse of
the minister, but be unalienably appropriated to
the original intention of that fund, the discharge
of the debt;—and that by an honest application
of the whole fund, the taxes might in time be lessened,
and the price of our manufactures consequently
reduced, so that every contributory part
might feel the returning benefit—always supposing
the laws of trade duly observed and enforced.
“The time was, I am confident—and perhaps
is, when these points might be obtained
upon the easy, the constitutional, and,
therefore, the indispensible terms of an exemption
from parliamentary taxation, and an admission
of the sacredness of their charters; instead
of sacrificing their good humour, their affection,
their effectual aids, and the act of NAVIGATION
itself, (which you are now in the direct
road to do) for a commercial quit-rent,[47] or a
barren metaphysical chimæra.—How long
these ends may continue attainable, no man can
tell.—But if no words are to be relied on except
such as make against the Colonies—If
nothing is acceptable, except what is attainable
by force; it only remains to apply, what has
been so often remarked of unhappy periods,—Quos
deus vult, &c.”
These are sentiments and proposals of the last
importance; and I am very happy in being able
to give them to the public from so respectable an
authority as that of the distinguished Peer I have
mentioned; to whom, I know, this kingdom, as
well as America, is much indebted for his zeal
to promote those grand public points on which the
preservation of Liberty among us depends; and
for the firm opposition which, jointly with many
others (Noblemen and Commoners of the first character
and abilities,) he has made to the present
measures.
Had such a plan as that now proposed been
adopted a few months ago, I have little doubt but
that a pacification would have taken place, on
terms highly advantageous to this kingdom.—In
particular. It is probable, that the Colonies
would have consented to grant an annual supply,
which, increased by a saving of the money now
spent in maintaining troops among them, and by
contributions which might have been gained from
other parts of the Empire, would have formed a
fund considerable enough, if unalienably applied,
to redeem the public debt; in consequence
of which, agreeably to Lord Shelburne’s
ideas, some of our worst taxes might be
taken off, and the Colonies would receive our manufactures
cheaper; our paper-currency might be
restrained; our whole force would be free to meet
at any time foreign danger; the influence of the
Crown would be reduced; our Parliament would
become less dependent; and the kingdom
might, perhaps, be restored to a situation of permanent
safety and prosperity.
To conclude.—An important revolution in
the affairs of this kingdom seems to be approaching.
If ruin is not to be our lot, all that has been
lately done must be undone, and new measures
adopted. At that period, an opportunity (never
perhaps to be recovered, if lost) will offer itself
for serving essentially this country, as well as America;
by putting the national debt into a fixed
course of payment; by subjecting to new regulations,
the administration of the finances; and by
establishing measures for exterminating corruption
and restoring the constitution.—For my own
part; if this is not to be the consequence of any
future changes in the ministry, and the system of
corruption, lately so much improved, is to go on;
I think it totally indifferent to the kingdom who
are in, or who are out of power.
The following fact is of so much importance,
that I cannot satisfy myself without
laying it before the public.—In a Committee
of the American Congress in June 1775, a declaration
was drawn up containing an offer to
Great Britain, “that the Colonies would not
only continue to grant extraordinary aids in
time of war, but also, if allowed a free commerce,
pay into the Sinking-Fund such a sum
annually for ONE HUNDRED YEARS, as should
be more than sufficient in that time, if faithfully
applied, to extinguish all the present debts of
Britain. Or, provided this was not accepted,
that, to remove the groundless jealousy of Britain
that the Colonies aimed at Independence
and an abolition of the Navigation Act, which
in truth, they had never intended; and also, to
avoid all future disputes about the right of making
that and other Acts for regulating their
commerce for the general benefit, they would
enter into a covenant with Britain, that she
should fully possess and exercise that right for
one hundred years to come.”
At the end of the preceding Tract I have had
the honor of laying before the public the
Earl of Shelburne’s plan of Pacification with the
Colonies. In that plan, it is particularly proposed,
that the Colonies should grant an annual
supply to be carried to the Sinking Fund, and unalienably
appropriated to the discharge of the public
debt.—It must give this excellent Peer great pleasure
to learn, from this resolution, that even this
part of his plan, as well as all the other parts,
would, most probably, have been accepted by
the Colonies. For though the resolution only
offers the alternative of either a free trade, with
extraordinary aids and an annual supply, or an
exclusive trade confirmed and extended; yet there
can be little reason to doubt, but that to avoid
the calamities of the present contest, BOTH would
have been consented to; particularly, if, on our
part, such a revisal of the laws of trade had been
offered as was proposed in Lord Shelburne’s plan.
The preceding resolution was, I have said,
drawn up in a Committee of the Congress. But
it was not entered in their minutes; a severe Act
of Parliament happening to arrive at that time,
which determined them not to give the sum proposed
in it.
FINIS.
ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS
On the Nature and Value of
CIVIL LIBERTY,
AND THE
WAR with AMERICA:
ALSO
Observations on Schemes for raising Money
by Public Loans;
An Historical Deduction and Analysis of the
National Debt;
And a brief Account of the Debts and Resources
of France.
Should the morals of the English be perverted by luxury;—should
they lose their Colonies by restraining them, &c.—they
will be enslaved; they will become insignificant and
contemptible; and Europe will not be able to shew the
world one nation in which she can pride herself.
Abbe Raynal.
TO
The Right Honourable
The LORD MAYOR,
The Aldermen, and the Commons
OF THE
CITY of LONDON,
THIS TRACT,
Containing Additions to those Observations
on Civil Liberty,
which they have honoured with their Approbation,
Is, with the greatest Respect and Gratitude,
INSCRIBED,
BY
Their most obedient
and humble Servant,
Richard Price.