THE little man who played the part of errand boy at
the cheese shop and who was arrested before the
work on the mine was well advanced had ultimately
turned state’s evidence. Among the revolutionists he betrayed
was Pavel, but the prince was known to him under
a false name. Still, the information furnished by his
man, added to some addresses found on other captured
Nihilists, led to a series of new arrests. The ranks of the
Will of the People were being rapidly decimated.
Grisha, the dynamiter, and several other members of
the innermost circle were seized shortly after the killing of
the Czar. The few surviving leaders withdrew to the
provinces, in some cases only immediately to fall into the
hands of the police there. Thus in April, after a Jewish
student girl was arrested in Kieff, the “trap” at her
lodgings caught a woman and a man who proved to be
Baska, the “wife” of the “cheesemonger” couple, and her
real husband, “the German.” Urie (the “cheesemonger”),
Makar and several other active revolutionists
were in Moscow.
One late afternoon Clara was slowly pacing the painted
floor of her room, her hands clasped behind her, while her
lover lay on the lounge, watching her through the gathering
dusk.
“St. Petersburg is too hot now,” he said, breaking a
long silence. “Everybody is going away.”
“There is really no use staying here just at present,”
she assented, sadly, without pausing.
They grew silent again. The gloom of the little parlour
was thickening so rapidly that it seemed as though the outline
of Clara’s face, as she walked back and forth, became
vaguer every time she turned in Pavel’s direction.
Presently, with a burst of amorous tenderness, he got up,
saying:
“Clanya! Let us go for a rest somewhere. You know
you need it.”
“You need it even more than I do, poor boy,” she
replied, stepping up close to him. “I do wish you would
go home for a month or two—or somewhere else. As to
myself, I should first like to see my parents. The riots
may strike Miroslav at any moment. If any harm came
to them, I should never forgive myself. I must get them
away from there. That’s all I can think of.” There was
an obvious blank in her words. She left something unsaid,
and the consciousness of it made him uncomfortable.
“But that’s easily arranged,” he urged. “You can
send them money and invite them to some safe place.”
“That’s what I have been thinking of. I am so restless
I wish I could start to-morrow. It couldn’t be arranged
too soon. There are persistent rumors that a riot is coming
there. I shan’t be gone long, dearest.”
He had it at the tip of his tongue to force a discussion
of their party’s attitude toward the riots and to have it
out once for all. In his imagined debates with her on the
subject he had often exclaimed: “I happen to belong to
a class of land-robbers and profligates; now, suppose the
revolution breaks out and my class is attacked by the
people, will that affect me? A nice revolutionist I should
be if it did!” This and other arguments were all ready;
what he lacked, however, was the courage to bring up the
topic. As to her promise to marry him when the great
conspiracy was out of the way, her redeeming it now, while
she was so tremulously absorbed in the question of her
parents’ safety, could not be thought of.
He gathered her to him and kissed her, at once sympathetically
and appealingly.
“Go home, Pasha,” she besought. “But not to Miroslav.
You won’t rest there. Go to some of your mother’s
country places, or, perhaps some other place would be safer
for you. Go and take good care of yourself. It would be
too terrible if I found you arrested when I got back.”
“Will you marry me then?” he asked, impersonating
a pampered child.
She nodded, in the same playful spirit, and again her
reticence brought disquiet to his heart. “Something tells
me she’ll never be mine,” he thought with a sigh.
While the government was actively fomenting the riots,
making an electric rod of the Jews, the Nihilists persisted
in mistaking them for revolutionary kindling wood.
While the “Chronicle of Arrests” in the revolutionary
organ included a large number of Jewish names, several
of them of persons conspicuous in the movement and noted
for their pluck, another page of the same issue contained
a letter from the riot-ridden district that was strongly
flavoured with anti-Semitism. Moreover, a proclamation,
addressed to the peasantry, was printed on an “underground”
press, naming the Czar, the landlords and the
Jews as enemies of the people. This proclamation met
with a storm of disapproval, however, on the part of Gentiles
and Jews alike, and was withdrawn from circulation.
Chaos reigned in the minds of the Nihilists. Their party
was disorganised, their thinkers for the most part buried,
dead or alive, the editorial management of their publications
in the hands of the weakest man on the Executive
Committee, of one who several years later sent, from Paris,
a most servile petition to the Czar, abjuring his former
views and begging permission to return home as an advocate
of unqualified absolutism and panslavism.
The attitude of the Nihilists toward the Jewish population
in general was thus anything but sympathetic; and
yet, so far as the higher strata of the movement were concerned,
the personal relations between Jew and Gentile
were not affected by this circumstance in the slightest
degree. The feeling of intimate comradeship and mutual
devotion between the two elements was left unmarred, as
if one’s views on the Jewish question were purely a matter
of abstract reasoning without any bearing on the Jew of
flesh and blood one happened to know.
More than this, in their blind theorising according to
preconceived formulas, most of the active Jewish Nihilists
shut their eyes to the actual state of things and joined
their Gentile comrades in applauding the riots as an encouraging
sign of the times, as “a popular revolutionary
protest.”
Pavel longed to discuss the riots with Makar. When he
saw him, however, he found him far more interested in the
“new revolutionary program” upon which he was engaged
than in the anti-Semitic crusade.
“As if it was the first time Jewish blood had been shed,”
he said, answering a question from Pavel, half-heartedly.
“The entire history of the Jews is one continuous riot.
Indeed, the present outbreaks are a mere flea-bite to what
they have undergone before. So, what has happened to
make one revise one’s views on the movement? One might
as well stay away from the Will of the People because,
forsooth, Jews were burned by Gentiles in the 15th century.
Nonsense.”
“Clara doesn’t seem to take it quite so easy,” Pavel
thought to himself.
“Clara has gone to meet her parents,” he said, thirsting
to talk of her.
“Has she? There may be a riot in Miroslav at any time.
I wonder how Zorki is getting along. But then my father
will be able to take care of himself,—and of Miriam,
too,” he added, lukewarmly. The only thing of which he
could have spoken with enthusiasm in these days was his
program.
Pavel came away hankering for more conversation about
his fiancée and about the riots. Instead of seeking rest
and safety, as he had promised Clara to do, he coveted a
new sort of excitement and danger. He felt that there
was something wrong about that crusade, and he had a
sportsmanlike craving to see it for himself. Lacking the
courage to criticise his party, he accused himself of allowing
his revolutionary convictions to be affected by the interests
of his love; yet he continued to pray in his heart that the
Jews of Miroslav, at least, might be spared. He read all
he found in the newspapers about the atrocities, and on
taking up a paper he would tremble lest it should contain
news of a riot in his birthplace.
When he read of the Miroslav panic he went there at
once.
“If it’s really a riot she’ll never come back to me,” he
brooded, wretchedly.
The rumours of an impending catastrophe were assuming
definite outline in Miroslav. A date was mentioned
and tall Great-Russians in red shirts—specialists at the
business—were said to have been seen about town. Great-Russia
is and has always been strictly without the pale of
Jewish settlement, it being one of the characteristic features
of the anti-Semitic riots of the period that their
leaders were imported from the rabble in those districts
in which very few people had an idea what a Jew looked
like.
The Jews of Miroslav sent a snug bribe to Pavel’s uncle,
but their agent came back with the money. The governor
had commissioned him to assure them that everything
would be done to make an outbreak impossible, but “gratitude”
he would not accept. The Jews took alarm. “If
he doesn’t eat honey,” they said, in the phrase of a current
proverb, “then it looks bad indeed.” When a deputation
of representative men called on him he lost his temper.
“You Jews are too intense, that’s what’s the trouble
with you,” he said, blinking his eyes. “I have let you
know twice that there is no cause for alarm, yet it seems
that it is not enough for you.” When he had softened
down he talked quite at length, although in a haughty tone
of authority and immeasurable aloofness, of the steps he
had taken. The main point was that the Jews should not
tempt people to lawlessness by betraying anxiety. He
delivered quite a lecture on the point. The deputation
came away greatly encouraged. They knew of the extensive
business relations which the managers of his estates
had with Jewish merchants, and they argued, among themselves,
that a riot, involving as it usually did the wholesale
destruction of Jewish property and a general demoralisation
of business, could not but entail serious financial losses
upon himself. This was in keeping with declarations
made by the boards of trade at Moscow, Warsaw and
Kharkoff, the three chief centres of Russian commerce,
regarding the anti-Jewish crusade. These bodies had
pointed out the importance of the Jews of the south as
the prime movers of local industry, as almost the exclusive
connecting link between the south of Russia and the world
markets of Germany and England; accordingly, they had
protested against the anti-Semitic campaign as a source
of ruin to the economic interests of the whole empire. All
this the members of the deputation were aware of, so they
saw no reason to doubt the sincerity of the governor’s
pledges. His advice not to put the thought of a riot in
the popular mind by a demonstration of timidity produced
a strong impression.
The upshot was that the Jews of Miroslav were afraid
to be afraid. A singular mood took hold of them. Everybody
made an effort to act upon the presumption that
Miroslav was immune, that it was in an exceptional position,
and at the same time everyone read suspense and
mortal fear in the eyes of everyone else. It was like walking
in one’s stocking feet with a spectacular effect of making
a noise. Jewish women still avoided the proximity of
Christian men, and a Jewish face that did not look Jewish
was still eyed enviously as a shield against violence. The
only tangible manifestation of the spirit advocated by the
governor was a slight lengthening of business hours. Since
the beginning of the panic Jewish tradesmen had been
closing their shops before it was quite dark—three or
four hours earlier than usual. Now they compromised on
keeping them open until the street lamps were lit. Nevertheless
those of them who depended on Christian trade
continued to treat their customers with a gentleness and
a fawning attention that had nothing to do with the ordinary
blandishments of the counter. Inveterate rogues
among Jewish tradesmen became honest men. On the
other hand a most respectable Gentile often yielded to
temptation that amounted to downright robbery, while the
license of “shady Christian characters” was asserting
itself more portentously every day.
A queer story came from one of the suburbs. When
three Gentiles wearing red shirts entered an out-of-the-way
house to inquire the road, their appearance frightened
the two Jewish women they found there out of the place,
whereupon one of these, in a frenzy of terror, jumped into
a well and was drowned. Meanwhile the three strangers,
finding themselves alone, stripped the house of its valuables—a
finale which struck the fancy of a notorious thief
and his gang, who then put on red shirts and made a practice
of plundering Jewish houses after scaring away their
occupants. The thief was known as Petroucha Sivoucha,
which, foregoing the rhyme, may be rendered as Cheap
Vodka Pete. When he was arrested at last he said, impersonating
a simple-minded peasant:
“But it was only Jewish stuff and everybody says a
Gentile is welcome to it nowadays, that such is the will
of our little father, the Czar.”
The riots continued to spread, and while they did,
General Ignatyeff, the new Minister of the Interior, announced
measure after measure against the Jews. In a
country where every official is perpetually craning his neck
toward the capital, it was only natural that an attitude
like this on the part of the Minister of the Interior should
create an atmosphere of anti-Semitic partiality amid which
justice to the Jew became impossible. Ignatyeff knew of
the widespread rumour as to the existence of an imperial
ukase ordering the peasantry to plunder and commit violence
upon the Jews. Apart from his official sources of
information, the newspapers were full of instances showing
the effect of that rumour, yet he did nothing to stop
it or to disabuse the minds of the peasantry in that connection.
This was interpreted by the officials as a sign
that the rumour was not meant to be stopped, and it was
not.
Governor Boulatoff’s encouraging answers to the Jews
of his province brought to Miroslav hundreds of people from
other towns. Some of these were victims of former atrocities,
left without shelter in their native places; others had
not yet been through an anti-Semitic outbreak, but dreaded
one.
While people from other provinces were flocking to Miroslav
in quest of safety the leading Miroslav families were
quietly sending their wives and children abroad and taking
their valuables to the government bank. The offices of
Dr. Lipnitzky and of Sender the Arbitrator, Vladimir’s
father, were visited by scores of panic-stricken people daily.
“The rich people put their money and their plate in the
bank,” said a teamster’s wife to Vladimir and his father,
“but what shall we do with our traps?”
“Don’t worry, my dear woman, there will be no riot in
Miroslav,” the Arbitrator reassured her.
“It’s all very well to say don’t worry,” the woman retorted
sharply. “You people can afford to say it, because
your house is safe. But if they kill my husband’s horse
and destroy his truck, we’ll have to go begging. It did
not come easy, I can assure you.” She burst into tears.
“The years that it has taken to save it all up, the pinching,
the scrimping—all in order that a thousand ghosts might
have something to grab. And what are we going to do
with ourselves? Where shall we hide? As to my husband
and myself, well, all they can do is to kill us, but how
about the children?” And again she burst into sobs.
When an old woman who had two unmarried daughters,
“both as handsome as a tree,” described her despair concerning
them, Vladimir’s mother invited the girls to stay
with her until the storm was over. And then scores of
other mothers begged her, with heart-breaking lamentations
and kisses, to take pity on their daughters also; which she
could not do for sheer lack of room.
The Vigdoroffs felt reasonably safe because Rasgadayeff,
their Gentile landlord and friend, was sure to keep the
marauders away. Indeed, the example of all previous outbreaks
had shown that in most cases it was enough for
any Gentile to tell the rioters that he was the proprietor
of the house and that there were no Jews on his premises
for them to pass cordially on, and Rasgadayeff was one
of the conspicuous and popular figures in the Gentile community
of the town. It is true that he was looking forward
to an anti-Semitic upheaval with joy himself, but his
liking for the Vigdoroffs was sincere.
Vladimir’s father went about among his depositors asking
to be relieved of their money, jewelry or silver spoons.
They refused to accept it. Finally he moved his iron safe
to Rasgadayeff’s apartment.
Vladimir was in despair. He felt it quite likely that
the panic should be father to a catastrophe, as the governor
had said. Once when he spoke in this strain at his father’s
table, his mother remarked with light irony:
“Look at the brave man. Look at the Cossack of
straw.”
The retort struck cruelly home. He knew that his
heart grew faint every time the anti-Semitic mobs pictured
themselves vividly in his brain, although often, indeed, he
had a queer feeling as if it would be disappointing to see
Miroslav left out of the list of towns that were sharing in
the tragic notoriety of the year, and visioned himself going
through the experiences of a most brutal outbreak without
facing its dangers. The tragedy of his people filled his
heart. He watched them in their terror, in their misery,
in their clinging despairing love of their children; he
studied their frightened look, their shrinking, tremulous
attitudes. Every Jewish woman he met struck him as a
hunted bird, on the alert for the faintest sound, trembling
over the fate of her nest. He saw many of them packing
their things to flee, they did not know whither. Indeed,
the whole historical life of his race seemed to have been
spent in packing, in moving, in fleeing without knowing
whither. “Oh, my poor, my unhappy people!” Vladimir
said to himself, in a spasm of agony, yet with a glow of
pleasure in calling them his people. In his heart of
hearts he knew that while he told everybody to take courage
his own mind was barren of conviction as to what was
the best thing to do. He felt crushed. He lost his head.
One day, as Vladimir walked along the street, his attention
was arrested by a rough-looking young man who was
circling round him, and scrutinising him now on this side,
now on that. He felt annoyed. He was not sure that
the young man was a Jew, and as he asked him sternly,
“What are you looking at?” he was conscious of a little
qualm of timidity.
“Excuse me, sir,” the other answered, in Yiddish. “I
saw you at the synagogue that Friday night. Do you
remember?”
They paused. The young man had the manner of a
Jewish horse-driver or blacksmith. He was robust and
broad-shouldered with small very sparse teeth, somewhat
bow-legged and somewhat cross-eyed. His coat was literally
in tatters and gave off a strong smell of herring.
“Well?” asked Vladimir.
“I have been wanting to see you, sir, only I have been
too bashful.” He gave a smile, his tongue showing between
his sparse teeth.
Vigdoroff rather liked his manner and invited him to
his father’s house. On their way thither the young man
said that his name was Zelig and that he was a cooper by
trade, making a specialty of herring barrels. When they
found themselves alone in Vladimir’s room, Zelig grew
still more bashful, and after surveying the room, to make
sure that they were not overheard, he said:
“I want to belong to the committee.”
“What committee?”
“You need not be on the lookout with me, sir; I am
no babbler.”
It appeared that there was a defence committee in town,
with educated young men at the head, and that in case
of a riot it was expected to fight “to the last drop of a
fellow’s blood,” as Zelig phrased it. That there should be
such a thing in Miroslav without him being so much as
aware of its existence hurt Vladimir keenly.
“I don’t know anything about it,” he said, blankly.
“Don’t you really?” said Zelig. “I was sure you were
in it and that you could get me in, too. Why, everybody
knows about it. Only the committee is strict, because if
the police hears of it, they’ll all be arrested. It’s against
the law.” As he offered him more detail of the matter
he became patronisingly enthusiastic and confided to him
the names of Elkin and of several university students now
on their vacation as the organisers and leaders of the
movement. Vladimir knew these young men and his pain
became sharper still.
“But what good will it do?” he said, drily. “It will
only lead to trouble.”
“Trouble! The idea of an educated man speaking like
that! Can there be more trouble than the Jews are in
now? I don’t see why we should sell ourselves so cheap.
Once we are going to be licked, why act like a lot of
sticks? Let us pay them for their bother at least.
Come what may, when they attack us, let us go to work
and crack their skulls at least—with lumps of iron, clubs
or even pistols. Let us fondle them so that a ghost
may get into every bone of theirs.” His words were
accompanied with mighty swings of his shoulders and
arms and these gesticulations of his had a peculiar effect
on Vladimir. They stirred his blood, they hypnotised him.
“What is the danger? They’ll kill us? Let them. As
if the life of a Jew were worth living! Besides, aren’t they
killing and maiming us anyhow?”
“But look here,” Vigdoroff said seriously. “The governor
has promised us protection and he is perfectly sincere
about it. Now if he learns that our people take the
law in their own hands, it may do us great harm. It is a
very serious matter.”
“Spit upon him, sir! I’m an uneducated man, but the
governor—a ghost into his father’s father!—may all he
wishes the Jews befall his own head.”
“That’s all true enough, but now he has promised us
protection, and an organisation of that kind is against the
law and may lead to trouble,” Vigdoroff said with perfunctory
irritation.
“And an organisation of rioters is not against the
law? And robbing and killing innocent people is not
against the law? Long life to you, sir; you’re so wise,
so educated and yet you are speaking like a baby. Look
here, sir! If the governor—a plague take him—is as
good as his word, and he does not allow the riot to get
started, well and good. Then we’ll call the bargain off.
But suppose he proves to be neither better nor worse than
all governors?”
Zelig knew of a number of other Jewish artisans who
were anxious to join the “committee,” and he urged
Vigdoroff to visit their gathering and to give them a talk
like the one Zelig had heard from him at the Synagogue
on that Friday night. “Oh, that was sweet as sugar,” he
said, kissing two of his dirty fingers. “You see, when
it comes to striking a scoundrel’s snout such a blow as
will set his eyes raining sparks, we want no help. That
we can manage ourselves, but we are only common people,
and when a smart man like you says a couple of words,
they simply go melting in a fellow’s bones.”
“But I don’t know anything about the ‘committee.’”
Zelig laughed familiarly. “Sender-the-Arbitrator’s
son doesn’t know! If you only had the desire, you could
belong to it yourself and introduce us fellows, too.”
“Very well. I’ll consider it. And I should advise you
men to do the same.”
“Consider it! We are only plain uneducated people,
but we aren’t going to do any considering. I have a
sister, sir, and if a Gentile lays a finger on her he’ll be a
dead man, I can tell you that. Jewish blood is being
spilled by the bucket and here you are talking of ‘considering.’”
He insisted that Vladimir should attend the
meeting of his informal society, and Vladimir, completely
in his power, promised to do so.
That evening, in a spacious barn, half of which was
crowded with barrels of herring, Vladimir found Zelig
and some fifteen chums of his. Zelig was playing with a
huge iron key. He was employed here and the meeting
was held by his employer’s permission. For more than
nine persons to assemble without a police permit is a crime;
so it gave Vigdoroff satisfaction to reflect that he was now
incurring risks similar to those incurred by Clara and her
friends. The gathering seemed to be made up of mechanics
and labourers exclusively. One of the men present
was the sneering fellow whom Vigdoroff had seen at the
synagogue. Of the others Vladimir’s attention was attracted
by two big burly young butchers with dried-up blood
about their finger-nails, a chimney-sweep, who looked like
a jet-black negro, with white teeth and red lips, and three
men with medals from the late war which they apparently
expected to act as an amulet against Gentile rowdies. The
chimney-sweep sat apart, cracking sunflower seeds. Now
and again he made as though to throw his sooty arms
round somebody’s neck and then burst into laughter over
his own joke. All the others looked grave. They showed
Vigdoroff much respect and attention. Even the sneering
man made a favourable impression on him to-night. Only
he himself was so ill at ease he could scarcely take part in
the conversation. Other men came. When one of these
proved to be Motl, the trunk-maker in his aunt’s employ,
Vigdoroff felt somewhat more at home.
One of the retired soldiers took to bragging of the courage
he and his two comrades had shown at the taking of
Plevna, and when one of the other two signed to him to
stop boasting, he said, with a blush:
“I am saying all this because—because—what good
did it do us? Does the Czar pat us on the head for it?
We risked our lives and many of our people died under
Plevna, and yet if we tried to settle in Great-Russia we
would be kicked out neck and crop, wouldn’t we?”
“Indeed we would, war record, medal and all,” one of
the other two chimed in.
“And why? Because we are Jews. We were not chased
home from the firing line because we were Jews, were we?”
“Talk of Great-Russia,” somebody put in. “As if in
a place like Miroslav we were allowed to live in peace.”
Another man assented with a sigh, adding: “If a thousandth
part of the courage shown by the Jews in the war
was shown in our self-defence against Gentiles, the Gentiles
would have more respect for us.”
The conversation turned on the subject of pistols, but the
proposition was overruled.
“Before we get pistols and learn to use them we’ll be
asleep under a quilt of earth,” said Zelig. “Why, what
ails my cooper’s hatchet, or a hammer, or a plain crowbar?”
Every time Vigdoroff opened his mouth the faces of the
others would become tense with expectation. But he had
nothing to say except to ask an occasional question, and
every time Zelig, playing with his enormous iron key,
pressed him for a speech, he would adjure him, in a flutter
of embarrassment, to let it go this time.
They talked of the prospective fight in phrases like
“forwarding a remittance to one’s snout” or “pulling up
sharp under a fellow’s peeper,” which amused and jarred
on him at once. For the rest, there was a remarkable
flow of common sense, humour and feeling. The gathering
cast a spell over him. He had come with the partial intention
of speaking against their scheme, yet now he felt
that he could much more readily face a gang of armed
Gentiles than betray a faint heart to these Jewish artisans.
Moreover—and this was the great point with him at the
present moment—he felt that with these men by his side
he could fling himself into the very thick of the hottest
fight. A peculiar sense of solemnity and of gratification
came over him. He followed their talk reverentially. He
humbly offered to call on one of the leaders of the Defence
Committee and to apply for the admission of this group
with himself as one of its members.
His first dawn of consciousness as he opened his eyes
next morning was of something exceedingly important and
solemn which somehow had the flavour of herring. The
active participation of a man like Elkin in the work of
the Defence Committee was a source of disappointment to
him. He usually kept out of Elkin’s way, as much for his
venomous pleasantry as for his revolutionary affiliations
which he divined from his friendship with Clara. He
wondered whether he meant to give the affair a revolutionary
character. “He must have warned the other members
against me as a silk stocking and a coward,” Vigdoroff
said to himself bitterly. “That’s probably the way Clara
describes me.”
The next morning he was surprised by a visit from Elkin
himself. The revolutionist frowned as he spoke, but this
was clearly a disguise for his embarrassment.
“Look here, Vigdoroff,” he said. “There has not been
much love lost between you and me, but that’s foolish—at
a time like this anyhow. We must all work together.
We are all Jews. I understand you have organised a
number of good fellows. Let them join the others.”
Vigdoroff’s heart beat fast, with emotion as well as with
a sense of flattered pride. He would never have expected
Elkin capable of such soulful talk. Moreover his speaking
of himself as a Jew seemed to imply that he had abandoned
Nihilism. “So we ‘cowards’ were not so very
wrong after all,” he thought to himself triumphantly.
“In the first place,” he answered, “it wasn’t I who
organised them. It was just the other way, in fact.”
“Well, anyhow, let them join the rest.”
“Of course we will. Only look here, Elkin. You have
been frank with me——”
“I know what you mean, but you need not worry. I
won’t get you in trouble,” Elkin replied with his usual
venom in his lozenge-shaped sneer. And then, kindly:
“It is not as a Russian revolutionist that I have gone into
this thing. I am one, as much as ever; I have not changed
my views a bit, in fact. But that’s another matter. All I
want to say is that in this thing I am as a Jew, as a child
of our unhappy, outraged, mud-bespattered people.”