The story of the thirty-third N. Y. S. Vols: or two years campaigning in Virginia and Maryland

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

The period through which we are now passing, may properly be said to comprise one of the three great epochs which, according to Voltaire, mark the history of every nation. Nay more. Have not the providential developments of the rebellion revealed a new goal in our national progress? Instead of being a dire calamity, may we not rather consider the present civil war as a means, in the hand of Divine Providence, for the solution of a great moral problem—the overthrow of slavery? So completely had the South become wedded to her peculiar institution, that no other instrumentality save the sword was adequate to effect their separation. The shock of battle would alone loosen the bonds of the captive. If this were the design of Providence in inflicting this war upon us, no one can deny that events are slowly though surely working for its accomplishment. Every acre of territory gained possession of by our soldiers is an acre gained for freedom, and already entire States have been wrested from the grasp of the usurper. Such a design precluded the possibility of success on the part of the rebels; for, as the death of one of the Siamese twins necessarily terminates the existence of the other, so will the destruction of slavery ensure the downfall of the Southern Oligarchy.

Alexander Stephens has styled it “The Corner-stone of the New Confederacy.” The corner-stone demolished, how can the superstructure remain? If, then, the blood which has flowed on so many battle-fields, will wash out the foul stain from our national escutcheon, will it have been shed in vain?

Yet this war, though it may result, under Providence, in the destruction of slavery, is waged, on our part, for a different object, for our national existence; and who so unjust as to deny to the nation the same right which is freely accorded to the individual—that of self-preservation? The motives which prompted the instigators of this revolution allow of no misconstruction. Envious of the growing North; imbittered through disappointed ambition; forgetful of our memories as a people, and recreant to the sacred trust handed down by our fathers, they deliberately plotted the common ruin of our country. Nor is it owing to any lack of exertion on their part that the government is not now overthrown; our capitol and national archives in their possession; Toombs calling the roll of his slaves on Bunker Hill, and grass-growing in the streets of New York and Philadelphia. It was against men prompted by such motives and their infatuated followers that the sword was unsheathed, and is now wielded.

Admitting, however, which was not the case, that they aimed simply at a peaceful withdrawal from the Union, we could not have consented to this, without ensuring the ultimate, if not speedy, downfall of our own government. The right of secession once admitted, or, what is the same thing, Mr. Buchanan’s theory, that secession, though unconstitutional, resistance to it on the part of the executive is equally so, acquiesced in—is there a state which would not eventually discover grievances justifying a withdrawal from the Federal compact? One “wayward sister” allowed to depart in peace, the whole family of States would eventually become separated. It is, therefore, a duty which we owe to ourselves, and the world, whose hopes and progress are identified with this last and noblest experiment of a free government, to manfully and successfully resist the breaking away of a single thread from the woof of our national fabric, the erasure of a single star from our national constellation.

War is the legitimate result of man’s evil nature, and in falling upon these evil times, we are merely experiencing the misfortune common to all lands and all ages. Grim visaged Mars has presided at the birth, and brooded over the career of nearly every nation. “What,” asks Dr. Fuller, “is the history of nations, but an account of a succession of mighty hunters and their adherents, each of whom, in his day, caused terror in the land of the living? The earth has been a kind of theatre, in which one part of mankind, being trained and furnished with weapons, have been employed to destroy another; and this, in a great measure, for the gratification of the spectators.” America is not the first country which has been called upon to give up the flower of her youth. Yet our losses, though heavy, do not compare with those which have hitherto marked the annals of blood. The siege and reduction of Jerusalem resulted in the loss of 1,000,000 lives; 90,000 Persians were slain at the battle of Arbela, and 100,000 Carthaginians in the engagement of Palermo; 12,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry perished on the fatal field of Issus. Spain lost 2,000,000 lives during her persecutions of the Arabians, and 800,000 more in expelling the Jews. Frederick the Great inflicted a loss of 40,000 on the Austrians in the conflicts of Leuthen and Leignitz. The battle of Jenna, and the lesser engagements immediately following, cost the Prussian army over 70,000 men. At the battle of Leipsic the French suffered casualties to the number of 60,000, and the Swedes and their allies 40,000 more; 50,000 French and Russian soldiers lay dead and dying on the field after the battle of Moskowa, and Napoleon again lost 47,000 at Waterloo, and the Duke of Wellington, 15,000.

War has its lights as well as shadows. A retrospect of the world’s history reveals the fact that the sword has been no mean instrumentality in the development of the human race. Though leaving a trackless waste behind, it has opened a way for the advance of civilization. From the earliest period down to the late Russian war, when the English army made known the true religion to the Turks, it has been the forerunner of Christianity. Whatever the impelling motives; the resort to arms is always attended with some good results. The enervation and effeminacy which a long peace begets, disappear before a chivalric ardor and a sublime energy. A generous and self-sacrificing spirit is developed where selfishness and venality before existed; the political atmosphere over-heated, foul, corrupt, is cooled, cleared, and purified by the shafts and thunderbolts of war.

We, that is the North, have experienced but few of the evils, and all the benefits, resulting from a condition of hostility. Indeed, were it not for the absence of so many familiar countenances, we should with difficulty realize that the country is engaged in a bloody civil strife. On every side are to be seen unmistakable evidences of national prosperity. The industrial arts are pursued with more vigor and success than ever before. The various channels of commerce, instead of being drained, dried up, are crowded to their utmost capacity. At no former period have our ship-builders been so active in constructing vessels for our own and other governments as at the present time. New factories are being built, and new avenues of trade opened all over the Eastern States, while the inexhaustible resources of the great West are being developed in an unparalleled manner. The inhabitants of Ohio reduced their debts last year to the amount of twenty millions of dollars, and it is estimated that the wealth of the country is increasing at the rate of six hundred millions per annum. A national debt, it is true, is all the time accumulating, but as a recent writer on political economy has well said: “When a nation maintains a war upon the enemy’s soil, and so manages its affairs that the annual expenses fall below the real value of its industrial products, it is evident that it must be increasing in wealth. The merchant who makes more than he spends, increases in riches, and it is the same with a nation. An increase of national debt is no sign of increasing poverty in the people, for this debt may be a simple transfer of only a small portion of the surplus wealth of individuals to the general fund of the commonwealth—an investment in public instead of private stocks.” There is every reason for encouragement, and if we will prosecute the war in which we are now engaged steadily and unflinchingly, victory and a glorious, honorable, and permanent peace will crown our efforts.

CHAPTER I. — COMPANY ORGANIZATIONS. — COMPANY A. — COMPANY B. — COMPANY C. — COMPANY D. — COMPANY E. — COMPANY F. — COMPANY G, — COMPANY H. — COMPANY I. — COMPANY K.

No portion of the Loyal North was more deeply stirred by the events of April, ’61, than the people of Western New York. The firing of the rebel guns on Anderson and his little band reverberated among her hills and valleys, arousing man, woman and child to the highest pitch of excitement and patriotism. There was no locality, however remote, no hamlet, however obscure, to which this wild fervor did not penetrate. Every thought and action were for the time absorbed in the one great resolve of avenging the insult offered to our flag, and suppressing the rebellion. Neither was it the sudden, fitful resolution, which comes and goes with the flow and ebb of passion; but the calm, inflexible determination, which springs from a sense of wrongs inflicted, purity of purpose, and a lofty patriotism.

The enthusiasm of the people at once assumed tangible shape in the raising of volunteers. The rebels had deliberately begun war, and war they should have to the bitter end.

Among the very first Regiments to be organized and hastened forward to the battle-ground, was the Thirty-third, consisting of the following companies:

On the reception of the news that the rebels had deliberately begun hostilities in Charleston Harbor, the utmost excitement was occasioned in the quiet village of Seneca Falls. Meetings were held in the Public Hall, under the auspices of prominent citizens, and immediate steps taken for the raising of volunteers. An agent was at once dispatched to Albany, in order to secure the necessary authority for organizing a company. The inhabitants aided materially with their funds and influence in furthering the enterprise.

E. J. Tyler, Esq., established an enrolling office, and placards were posted up in prominent parts of the village, calling for recruits.

During the first two days between forty and fifty were secured, and in a week’s time the number was increased to eighty. As fast as recruited, the men were set to drilling, in an ample building secured for that purpose.

On the 9th of May the company held an election for officers, which resulted as follows:

• Captain—George M. Guion.
• First Lieutenant—E. J. Tyler.
• Second Lieutenant—Pryce W. Bailey.

Not long after, J. T. Miller, Esq., now Inspector General of the State, presented a beautiful flag to the Company, in behalf of the ladies of the place. Captain Guion responded in a brief speech, as he received the banner, promising in behalf of the members of his command, that it should ever be defended, and never suffered to trail in the dust. The presentation exercises, which were held in the Public Hall, were very largely attended, and passed off with great eclat and spirit.

On the 13th of May the Company departed for Elmira, amid the wildest enthusiasm of the citizens, where it soon after became Co. A, 33d N. Y.

This Company was raised in Palmyra, Wayne County. Monday, April 20th, Hon. Joseph W. Corning, Member of the Assembly, who had just returned from Albany, volunteered as a private, for the war, attaching his name to an enlistment roll, and was followed in turn by Josiah J. White and Henry J. Draime. The nucleus of an organization was thus formed, which by the 24th numbered thirty-eight members. Four days later seventy-seven men answered to their names on the roll, and the Company immediately proceeded to organize, by the election of the following officers:

• Captain—Joseph W. Corning.
• First Lieutenant—Josiah J. White.
• Second Lieutenant—Henry J. Draime.

With but few exceptions, the citizens of the place exhibited a lively interest in the formation of this their first Volunteer Company. Every man was supplied with towels, handkerchiefs, et cetera, and many of them furnished with board from the day of enlistment until their departure. A fund of seven thousand dollars was subscribed for the support of such of their families as might require assistance during their absence. A sword, sash and belt were presented to each of the officers. The ladies of the village exhibited their patriotism in the presentation of a beautiful silk flag to the Company.

The 16th of May was designated as the day for its departure. Relatives and friends of the Volunteers, from the surrounding country, began to make their appearance early in the day, and long before the hour of leaving, the streets were thronged with people. The Company, now increased to eighty-two strong, was escorted to the depot by the Palmyra Light Guards, headed by the Brass Band. Following next in order were the Clergy of the place, and citizens on foot and in carriages, constituting a long and imposing procession. Flags, handkerchiefs and bunting of every description were waved from the windows and house-tops, and banners and emblems, with appropriate mottoes, were displayed at the street corners, as the procession moved along. It was a scene which the spectators and participants will never forget. Arriving at the depot, James Peddie, Esq., delivered a farewell address, and the Company was soon en route for Elmira.

Reaching there late in the evening, the men remained in the village until the next day, when accommodations were provided for them at Southport, some two miles distant. They were quartered here until the organization became Co. B of the Thirty-third New York, when they were transferred to the barracks.

This Company was recruited at Waterloo, Seneca County. The people throughout the village and township heartily co-operated in the various plans undertaken for raising volunteers. War meetings were held at different places, from time to time, and a large relief fund contributed for the benefit of all such as should enlist.

Among those most active in organizing this Company, were Hon. A. P. King, Hon. D. S. Kendig, Messrs. R. P. Kendig, Wm. Knox, Sterling G. Hadley, Henry C. Wells, E. H. Mackey, Joseph Wright, and Dr. Samuel Wells. These gentlemen contributed freely of their funds and influence to the cause.

Eighty-six volunteers came forward and attached their names to the Roll. The following were chosen officers:

• Captain—John F. Aikens.
• First Lieutenant—Chester H. Cole.
• Second Lieutenant—Andrew Schott.

On the 26th of April the Company was sworn into the State service by Major John Bean, of Geneva, and received the name of the “Waterloo Wright Guards,” in honor of Joseph Wright, Esq. The ladies of the village devoted several weeks to preparing outfits for the men, who were bountifully furnished with every thing conducive to a soldier’s comfort. They likewise presented to the Company, through S. G. Hadley, Esq., a finely wrought silk banner. Rev. Dr. Parkes, of the Episcopal Church, receiving it, assured them that though torn and tattered in the fierce encounters of battle, this banner would never, he was confident, be dishonored. On the 30th of April the men departed for Elmira, where they were quartered in a barrel factory, and afterwards in the barracks.

The call for troops which followed the commencement of hostilities, received a hearty response from the inhabitants of Canandaigua—the loveliest of our western Villages. The Stars and Stripes were flung to the breeze from the Old Court House, and the building turned into a recruiting station. Charles Sanford was the first one to enroll his name. Ninety-three others were added in the course of a few days to the list. On the 28th of April the following officers were elected:

• Captain—J. R. Cutler.
• First Lieutenant—Stephen T. Duel.
• Second Lieutenant—Samuel A. Barras.

Gideon Granger, Esq., Henry G. Chesebro and other prominent citizens, interested themselves in the Company, and aided materially in completing its organization. The ladies of the place, likewise, contributed very much to the comfort and enjoyment of the men, by furnishing them with ample supplies of clothing, manufactured under the auspices of the Relief Society. The Company was encamped on the beautiful and spacious Fair Grounds, east of the village, where several hours were devoted daily to drilling. On the 10th of May it took its departure for Elmira, 99 strong, where it became Co. D of the Thirty-third.

Inspired with the common feeling of patriotism which everywhere suddenly manifested itself during the month of April, ’61, the inhabitants of Geneseo, Livingston County, immediately adopted measures for raising their quota of men for the war. A public meeting was called at the American Hotel, enrolling papers produced, and several recruits secured. A second meeting was soon after held in the Town-hall, and during the week a third convened at the same place. Hon. Wm. H. Kelsey, Messrs. E. R. Hammond, John Rorbach, H. V. Colt and Jas. T. Norton, Editor of the Geneseo Republican, were prominent movers in the matter.

A company consisting of thirty-four was immediately raised, and volunteered in response to the call for seventeen thousand troops from New York State. They were not accepted at first. The organization was, however, continued, and the men went into camp on the fair ground, tents being furnished them. The Agricultural Buildings were also placed at their disposal. When the order was issued at Albany requiring the maximum number of each company accepted to be seventy-four, the list of recruits was increased to that figure, and the company accepted. On the 4th of May it was mustered into the State Volunteer service for two years, by Col. Maxwell. The election for officers had resulted as follows:

• Captain—Wilson B. Warford.
• 1st Lieutenant—Moses Church.
• 2nd Lieutenant—John Gummer.

Large numbers of spectators were attracted to the Fair Grounds to witness the drill of the men in infantry tactics, to which several hours were devoted daily. On the ninth of May the mustering papers were received from Albany, accompanied with marching orders. The Company did not leave, however, until the 15th, nearly a week afterwards. Prior to its departure a splendid battle flag was received from Company A, Fifty-ninth Regiment, N. Y. S. Militia, Sidney Ward, Esq., making the presentation remarks, and Taylor Scott, Esq., replying in behalf of the Company. The citizens of the place also presented Captain Warford with an elegant silver-mounted revolver. Leaving in the morning, amidst much enthusiasm, the Company reached Elmira on the afternoon of the same day, and soon afterward became Co. E, Thirty-third N. Y.

On the afternoon of Friday, April 19th, 1861, a brief telegram was received at the village of Nunda, from Gen. Fullerton, inquiring if “Nunda could furnish a Company under the call of the President for 75,000 men.” A meeting was immediately convened that evening, F. Gibbs, Esq., presiding. After brief speeches from the Chairman and others, volunteers were called for from among the audience, mostly made up of young men. Twenty-eight immediately stepped forward and entered their names upon the enlistment roll. On the succeeding Monday, Wednesday and Saturday evenings, meetings were again held, and enough more recruits secured to form a Company. Messrs. Skinner, Dickinson and Grover were appointed a Committee to superintend its organization. The citizens generously received volunteers into their homes, and provided for them while perfecting themselves in drill.

The ladies were, in the meantime, employed in manufacturing various articles for their comfort during the career on which they were about to enter. A relief fund was also raised for the support of such families as would be left dependent. On the 6th of May the Company was mustered by Maj. Babbitt, and the following were elected officers.

• Captain—James M. McNair.
• 1st Lieutenant—George T. Hamilton.
• 2nd Lieutenant—Henry G. King.

Capt. McNair immediately proceeded to Albany, and procured the acceptance of the officers and men, the time of their service to date from May 13th. This intelligence was received at Nunda with all the enthusiasm which would now attend the reception of the news of a great victory.

The citizens turned out en masse to witness and participate in the exercises connected with the departure of the Company for the place of rendezvous. After music, prayer and the delivery of an address to the little band by the Rev. Mr. Metcalf, a revolver was bestowed upon Lieut. King by the Society of B. B. J., also one on Sergeant Hills, by Leander Hills, Esq. Each member of the Company was likewise provided with a Testament by Rev. Mr. Metcalf and John E. McNair, Esq. Miss Mary Linkletter then stepped forward and presented, on behalf of the ladies of the village, a silk flag, which was received by Captain McNair. The brass band and fire companies headed the escorting procession to the depot. Reaching Elmira on the 18th of May, the men were quartered on Lake Street, and, on becoming Co. F, Thirty-third N. Y., at the barracks.

Known as the Buffalo Company, was raised in that city, immediately succeeding the fall of Sumter. Fired with the patriotic zeal which everywhere exhibited itself during that eventful period, the inhabitants of the city put forth every exertion to raise volunteers for the Republic. Of the many companies organized, none were composed of better material, or presented a more martial appearance, than this. T. B. Hamilton, Esq., who has since become Lieutenant Colonel of the Sixty-Second New York Regiment, superintended its organization. Volunteers flocked to the recruiting station, and in a few days after the books were opened, seventy-seven names were enrolled. The Company was named the Richmond Guards, after Dean Richmond, Esq., of Batavia, and received many flattering attentions from the city. The requisite number of men being obtained, the election of officers was held, which resulted as follows:

• Captain—T. B. Hamilton.
• First Lieutenant—A. E. Eustapheive.
• Second Lieutenant—I. V. Germain.

A few days later it departed for Elmira, when it became Co. G of the Thirty-third.

Geneva was not behind her sister villages in that display of enthusiasm and patriotism which marked the memorable days of April, and through the hitherto quiet streets the fife and drum were heard summoning the young men to arms. Messrs. Calvin Walker and John S. Platner moved at once in the formation of a Volunteer Company. The law office of the first named gentleman was turned into a recruiting station, and his name, together with Mr. Platner’s, headed a recruiting roll. In a week’s time seventy-seven volunteers were secured, and an election held for officers, resulting as follows:

• Captain—Calvin Walker.
• 1st Lieutenant—John S. Platner.
• 2nd Lieutenant—Alexander H. Drake.

Proceeding to Albany the Captain procured the necessary organization papers, and by the 25th of the month the Company was mustered into the State service by Maj. Bean. The ladies, in the meantime, had formed a Soldiers’ Relief Society, of which Mrs. Judge Folger was President, and Mrs. John M. Bradford, Secretary, and met daily to prepare garments for the men. All, or nearly all, of them were supplied with outfits consisting of shirts, stockings, blankets, &c., &c. Agreeable to orders they made arrangements to leave for Elmira on the 1st day of May, but owing to the unpleasant weather and other causes of delay, did not get away until the 3d. On the morning of that day the Company were drawn up before the Franklin House, when a tasteful silk flag was presented to it by the Rev. Mr. Curry, in behalf of the ladies of the place, Capt. Walker responding. Splendid swords were also donated to Lieutenants Platner and Drake, and Bibles and Testaments to both officers and men. In the afternoon the Company marched through the principal streets of the village, escorted by the Fire Department and a lengthy procession of citizens, and proceeded to the steamboat landing.

The wharves were crowded for a long distance with admiring spectators, while the perfect shower of bouquets which was rained down upon the men testified to the regard which was entertained for them. Amid the waving of handkerchiefs, display of flags, and deafening cheers of their fellow townsmen, they steamed away from the wharf, while the roar of artillery reverberated over the placid waters of Seneca Lake as they disappeared from view. Reaching Elmira on the following day, the men were quartered in the town-hall, where they remained until becoming Co. H. of the Thirty-third N. Y., when they were transferred to the barracks. Captain Walker being chosen Lieut.-Colonel of the Thirty-third, Lieutenant Platner was promoted to Captain, Lieutenant Drake to 1st Lieutenant, and S. C. Niles to 2nd Lieutenant.

Immediately after the President’s proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers reached Penn Yan, a meeting was called at Washington Hall. General A. F. Whitaker presided, and George R. Cornwell was Secretary. Several addresses were made, and the session continued till a late hour. A roll was presented, and thirty-four names obtained.

On Thursday evening, April 25th, a much larger gathering was held, bands of music parading the streets and playing patriotic airs. Resolutions were adopted to raise a company of volunteers, and recruits came forward freely. After the County Union assembly on Saturday, April 27th, the Finance Committee appointed at that meeting, Messrs. E. B. Jones, C. C. Sheppard, D. A. Ogden, and F. Holmes, circulated a subscription to raise funds to provide for the families of volunteers.

On the ninth day of May, 1861, the Company, which at this time was known as the “Kenka Rifles,” was inspected by Major John E. Bean, of Geneva, and mustered into the State service. On the same day an election was held for officers, resulting as follows:

• Captain—James M. Letts.
• First Lieutenant—Edward E. Root.
• Second Lieutenant—William H. Long.

The Company continued to drill under its officers until receiving orders to go into camp at Elmira, on the 18th of May. On that day the Company departed, being escorted to the Railroad Depot by the firemen and citizens. A large concourse was assembled, and the ladies of Penn Yan presented a beautiful flag to the Company, which was addressed by Hon. D. A. Ogden and Mr. E. B. Jones. Each member was also presented with a Testament. Up to this period every effort had been made by the citizens of Penn Yan and vicinity to assist in its organization and contribute to the success of the command. This patriotic zeal extended to all classes, but to none more than to the ladies, who rendered every assistance and attention to the men. On their arrival at Elmira they were quartered in Rev. T. K. Beecher’s church, and on the 24th May became Company I of the Thirty-third Regiment of New York State Volunteers. On the 3rd July, 1861, it was mustered into the United States service by Captain Sitgreaves, and from that time its history became identified with that of the Regiment.

Americans will ever remember with gratitude the patriotism displayed by our adopted fellow citizens, during the progress of the great uprising. Teuton and Celt alike manifested their devotion for their adopted country, by rallying to the rescue. This was true to a remarkable degree of the Irish population of Seneca Falls. The call of the President for troops led to the immediate formation of an Irish Company. Patrick McGraw, who had served in Her Majesty’s service for upwards of fifteen years, superintended its organization, and was afterwards chosen Captain. He was materially aided by Brig. Gen. Miller, and Messrs. John McFarland and George Daniels. On Sunday afternoon, April 11th, the Sabbath quietude of the village was disturbed by the music of bands and tramp of citizens. Every one was on the alert, and every eye turned towards one point, the Catholic Church, for there the organization of the Company was to receive, after Vespers, the sanction and benediction of the Catholic Pastor. A procession was formed at the Village Armory, composed of the Volunteers, headed by Capt. McGraw, the Jackson Guards, under the command of Capt. O’Neil, bands of music, and vast crowds of citizens. At 4 P. M. the procession arrived at the Church, which was immediately filled to its utmost capacity. Union flags gracefully hung around the sanctuary, and the choir sang the “Star Spangled Banner” and the “Red, White and Blue.” Vespers ended, an address was delivered by the Pastor, who urged loyalty to the Union, the defence of a common country, and the perpetuation of the traditional bravery of the Irish race.

Tuesday afternoon, May 22d, 1861, the Company prepared to leave for Elmira. It was a general holiday in the village and suburbs. The factories ceased work, stores were closed, bells rung out their liveliest peals, the “Big Gun” blazed away, and every one was on the qui vive. The men were supplied with a graceful fatigue dress, of home manufacture. Equipped in their rakish caps, knit woolen shirts and dark grey pantaloons, they marched through the streets, accompanied by the Jackson Guards, the Fire Companies, and many thousands of loyal citizens. On the Fair Grounds the Company was presented with a flag, the gracious offering of the citizens. The Captain received, on the same occasion, a beautiful sword, Rev. Edward McGowan making the presentation speech.

The “Jackson Guards” and “Continentals” accompanied the men to Geneva, and escorted them to the steamboat provided for conveying them to Elmira. At the landing, the crowds were immense, and cheer after cheer went up from the assemblage for the Irish Volunteers, as the boat steamed away from the dock.

On reaching Elmira, the men were provided with quarters, and soon after became attached to the Thirty-third, as Co. K.

CHAPTER II.

The reader will remember that Elmira had been designated as the point of rendezvous for volunteers from the central and western portions of the State. Battalions, Companies and squads flocked hither daily, and were consolidated into regiments. In this manner the 12th, 13th, 19th, 21st, 23rd, 26th and 27th, among other regiments, were formed. The plan and arrangements for consolidation were to a certain extent left with the various commands, each one being permitted to select and act upon its own regimental organization.

On the 17th of May the officers of eight of the previously described Companies met and decided upon forming themselves into a regiment, the two other Companies afterwards joining them. On the 21st the organization was rendered complete by the election and appointment of the following field and staff officers:

• Colonel—Robert F. Taylor, Rochester.
• Lieutenant Colonel—Calvin Walker, Geneva. Resigned at Camp Lyon.
• Major—Robert J. Mann, Seneca Falls. Resigned at Camp Griffin.
• Adjutant—Charles T. Sutton, New York City. Resigned at Hagerstown.
• Quarter-Master—H. L. Suydam, Geneva. Resigned at Camp Lyon.
• Chaplain—Rev. G. N. Cheney, Rochester. Resigned at Camp Lyon.
• Surgeon—T. Rush Spencer. Resigned at Camp Granger.
• Assistant Surgeon—S. S. Mulford, Cherry Valley. Resigned at Stafford Court House.

The regiment was designated as the Thirty-third New York State Volunteers, and assigned to barrack number five, at Southport, where it remained until the departure for Washington.

The entire change in the mode of life occasioned some uneasiness, at first, on the part of the men. They were not made up of the refuse material of our large cities, “the scum that rises uppermost when the nation boils,” but had come from homes supplied with every comfort. A few days, however, served to inure them to the change, and they learned to sleep soundly in the rude hammocks, and thrive on the plain bill of fare.

As a general thing they were supplied with wholesome and nutritious food; but an occasional oversight would occur, when, woe to the unlucky purveyor. On one occasion some meat was sent to them, which, imparting a suspicious odor to their olfactories, the boys immediately collected, and bearing it away to a prepared receptacle, deposited the stuff with all the funeral pomp and ceremony which formerly attended the burial of Euclid at Yale College. The funeral oration abounded in not the most complimentary allusion to the Commissariat, who, improving on the wholesome advice administered, ever afterwards furnished the Regiment with beef that would pass muster.

The principal event connected with the sojourn of the Thirty-third here, was the reception of a splendid banner from the patriotic ladies of Canandaigua. The Regiment being formed into a hollow square, Mrs. Chesebro, of Canandaigua, stepped forward and presented the flag to Colonel Taylor, in the following felicitous remarks:

“Colonel Taylor, and Members of the Ontario Regiment: In behalf of the wives, mothers and daughters of Canandaigua, I ask your acceptance of this Regimental Banner. On the one side is the coat of arms of our noble Empire State; on the reverse, the Seal of old Ontario, adopted by your forefathers shortly after the Revolution, in 1790. And who—seeing the sudden transformation of her peaceful citizens into armed soldiers—can doubt the loyalty and patriotism of the men of Ontario? Soldiers! in assuming the name of a time-honored county as the bond of union for this Regiment, you assume to emulate the virtues which characterized the pioneers of civilization in Western New York, and like them, let forbearance and moderation actuate your motives and temper your zeal. Let the thought that brave hearts at home, have, with more than Roman heroism, parted with those most dear to them, inspire each soul to acts of courage, and nerve each arm to deeds of daring. And though ‘the pomp and circumstance of war’ are, to woman’s timid nature, but other terms for death and desolation, this banner is the assurance of our sympathy with the cause of Liberty and our Country. Bear it forth with you in the heat of battle, where each soldier may fix his eye upon it, and if it comes back riddled with bullets and defaced with smoke, we shall know that a traitor has answered with his life for every stain upon it. Bear it forth, as you go, followed by our best wishes, and our earnest prayers; and may the God of Battles preserve and bless you, and crown your efforts and those of all our brave defenders of the stars and stripes with speedy and signal victory! Take it, and may God’s blessing go with you and it.”

Colonel Taylor responded:

“Mrs. Chesebro, and Members of the Committee from Canandaigua: I thank you most heartily for the beautiful gift which you have presented to the Thirty-third Regiment. It shall be most gratefully prized as a token of the kind interest and loyalty of the ladies of Canandaigua; and I promise that it shall never be dishonored or disgraced. But, unfortunately, I am not much given to talking; my business lies in another direction; and I am willing to let the acts and doings of the Ontario Regiment speak for me. I have the pleasure of introducing to you the Chaplain of the Thirty-third, the Rev. Mr. Cheney, who will address you more fully.”

He then introduced Chaplain Cheney, who addressed Mrs. Chesebro and the delegation accompanying her, as follows:

“I think that I hardly need an introduction to those who hail from Canandaigua; and although I might well wish that the part I now undertake to discharge, had been conferred upon one better able to do justice to the occasion and the theme, yet, belonging as I do by birth and early associations to Ontario County, the task is to me one of pleasantness. And when I strive, as I now do, to return most heartfelt acknowledgments to the ladies of Canandaigua for this token of interest and confidence in our Regiment, I only strive to utter the sentiment which fills every soldier’s breast this moment.

“It is an old proverb, and one which has been more than once graven on the warrior’s shield “not words but deeds,” and I would be mindful of the spirit of the saying; and yet I hazard nothing in assuring the patriotic women of Canandaigua that they shall never see the day when they will regret the confidence which they have placed in the men of the Thirty-third. It may be, that in the fortunes of war no opportunity will be given them of great distinction, and I cannot promise for them that under these colors they shall win bloody fields and achieve splendid victories. I cannot promise in their behalf, feats of arms which future poets shall sing, and future historians record; but I can, and I do here pledge them, never, in camp or in field, to bring disgrace on this banner, nor on the name ‘Ontario’ which its folds display. I cannot promise you a glorious and safe return of this Banner, but I think that I can, in behalf of every man in these ranks, declare that death shall be welcome sooner than its dishonor. Storms may disfigure it, shot may pierce and rend its silken folds, brave blood may wet and stain its blue and gold, but the men of the Ontario Regiment will guard it with their lives; and their arms shall be nerved, and their souls inspired, not only by the love of their imperilled country, but also by the remembrance of the confidence and expectation which the gift implies. They will guard it. They will fight for it, not only because it is entrusted to their keeping by loyal women, but also because it comes to them from that beautiful old town which never yet has been dishonored by a traitor-son, but which has been famous in all the land as the home of Spencer, and Howell, and Sibley, and Worden, and Granger, and others whose names are part of the history of our State and Country.

“Perhaps we do not appreciate the part that woman bears in every great struggle for national existence. We are too apt to consider all as achieved by the work and sacrifice of men. And yet, noble and heroic as they are who go forth to battle for the right—not less noble and heroic are their loved ones, mothers, sisters, wives, who give them up in the hour of need, and who at home, without surrounding excitements to sustain them, without any prospect of renown to reward them, watch, labor and pray to the God of Hosts in behalf of that cause for which they have bravely but tearfully risked their heart’s dearest treasures. Who can estimate the influence of loyal women in our country’s present struggle? Not the less potent in that it is for the most part unobtrusive and beneath the surface; an influence manifested not in bloody smiting, but in humble labors to alleviate the necessities and miseries of war, in words and acts of inspiring encouragement.

“Bear, then, to the ladies of Canandaigua our heartfelt gratitude. Tell them that their trust shall not be dishonored. Tell them that their gift shall not be in vain, but that by its influence, cheering on our men to true and loyal heroism, it will be gratefully remembered and cherished as one of the powers and instrumentalities by which, we trust to God, that ere long from the rock-ribbed coast of Maine to the Keys of Florida,

The Elmira Cornet Band then discoursed a patriotic air, after which the Regiment returned to the barracks and partook of a sumptuous repast, provided by the citizens of Elmira.

This beautiful banner, which has ever been the pride of the Regiment, was made of the finest blue silk, bearing upon one side the Coat-of-Arms of the State of New York, and on the reverse the Seal of the County of Ontario, adopted in 1790. Over this seal appeared in bold gilt letters, the words: “Ontario County Volunteers.” Surmounting the staff was a highly finished carved Eagle, with spread pinions—the whole forming one of the most elegant battle-flags ever wrought by fair hands.

Six hours were allotted each day to drilling, though, owing to the absence of arms, the men were confined, during the entire time of sojourn at Elmira, to the rudimentary principles of the manual. Books, newspapers, and other reading material, purchased and contributed by various benevolent associations, whiled away many hours which would otherwise have hung heavily.

Meanwhile our forces were being massed on the Potomac, and the men became anxious to depart for the seat of war. They had enlisted to fight the rebels at once, and, unexperienced as they were in military matters, could not understand the necessity of devoting so much time to preparation. Not that they chafed under discipline, but longed to be up and at the miscreants who had dared to fire on their country’s flag, and were then menacing its capital.

Friday, July 3d, the Regiment was drawn up in front of the barracks, and Captain Sitgreaves, a regular officer, proceeded to muster it by companies into the United States’ service for two years, dating from May 22d, the time at which it was organized.

All those who desired to do so, were permitted to visit their homes on the 4th, with the understanding that they should return immediately. Arms and equipments were for the first time furnished on the 6th and 7th, and preparations made for an immediate departure to Washington, via Harrisburg. A long train of freight and cattle cars were drawn up to receive the men, but Col. Taylor declined to “embark” his command in any such vehicles, and passenger cars were furnished in their stead.

CHAPTER III.

About noon on Tuesday, the 8th, the Companies marched down to the depot, preceded by the Elmira Cornet Band, which had been attached to the Regiment. Two hours later they moved away, amidst tremendous cheering from the assembled multitude, waving of handkerchiefs, throwing of bouquets, &c.

On reaching Williamsport, Pa., the ladies of the place crowded around the cars, showering oranges, apples, cakes and other edibles upon the men, filling their canteens with coffee, and in other ways displaying their patriotism and hospitality. They will long be held in grateful remembrance by the Regiment. Passing through Harrisburg the train reached Baltimore about noon, the men marching through the streets with fixed bayonets to the Washington Depot.

When within about fifteen miles of Baltimore, some fifty of the officers and men, who had gone in search of water on the stoppage of the train, were left, much to their own chagrin and the amusement of the Regiment. Arriving in Washington at three o’clock P.M., the Companies formed and proceeded down Pennsylvania Avenue to the various quarters assigned them. It rained fiercely that afternoon, and they were glad enough to get under shelter, without waiting to gratify their curiosity by an inspection of the Capitol buildings.

The next day, Wednesday, they were marched out on Seventh Street, two and one-half miles from the city, to the spot designated for their encampment, which was named “Camp Granger,” in honor of Gen. John A. Granger, Esq., of Canandaigua, who had interested himself much in behalf of the Regiment. This was the first experience of most of the men in the art of castramentation, and many were the droll incidents which occurred in connection with the pitching of the tents. After repeated trials, however, they were all satisfactorily adjusted.

The habitations completed, drilling was the next thing in order, which, together with target-shooting, scouting, and mock skirmishing, was kept up from day to day. The first lessons in “guard running” were learned here, many of the men managing to escape to the city, under cover of night, and return without detection before the sounding of the morning reveille. As a general thing they were temperate and abstemious in their habits, manifesting their disrelish for ardent spirits, by destroying on one occasion a liquor establishment which had been opened on the grounds. There were some, however, who, thinking it necessary to partake of their “bitters,” would smuggle liquor into camp, bringing it in in their gun barrels, or by some other ingenious means.

CAMP GRANGER.

One afternoon a clam peddler was so imprudent as to leave his wagon for a few moments within the camp enclosure. A mischievous member of Company—observing this, cautiously removed the end board, and, mounting the driver’s seat, started the horse off at a rapid pace, scattering the bivalves along the ground in front of the tents for several rods. All the boys were heartily regaled on clam soup that night, greatly to the discomfiture of the peddler, who ever afterwards steered clear of the Thirty-third. Many other incidents of a similar character served to relieve the monotony of camp life.

Governor Morgan inspected the Regiment on one occasion. Sickness, arising from change of climate and damp weather, had thinned out the ranks to some extent, but they made a fine appearance while passing in review before him, and the Governor expressed himself highly pleased with their morale and general condition. Frequent visits were received from members of the Sanitary Commission, who made contributions of various articles from time to time.

The first death in the Regiment occurred here. E. Backerstose, a member of Company H, was killed by the accidental discharge of his gun. The remains were forwarded, in charge of some of his comrades, to Geneva, where his parents resided.

It was while the Regiment was encamped at Camp Granger that the first battle of Bull Run was fought, July 21st. From sunrise until sunset, through the long hours of that memorable Sabbath day, the booming of cannon could be distinctly heard in the distance. Every rumor that reached the city was conveyed to and circulated through the camp, producing the most feverish excitement on the part of the men, and an eager desire to cross over the Potomac and participate in the conflict. Towards evening it appeared as if their wishes were to be gratified, the Thirty-third, together with several other regiments, receiving marching orders. All sprang with alacrity to their places, and moved off in the direction of Long Bridge. On reaching the Treasury Department, however, the orders were countermanded, and the men returned to camp, uncertain of the fortunes of the day, fearful of what the morrow would bring forth.

What followed the unhappy termination of the engagement at Manassas is familiar to every one. The Thirty-third shared in the universal gloom which for a time settled, down upon the nation. Instead, however, of occasioning despondency and despair, the Bull Run defeat furnished an additional incentive to action, and the soldiers impatiently bided their time. Captain Aikens, of Company C, resigned here, and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Chester H. Cole. Lieutenant Schott, Company C, was succeeded by L. C. Mix, Commissary Sergeant; John Connor, of Company E, and William Riker, died of disease.

CHAIN BRIDGE.

CHAPTER IV.

Thursday, July 6th, the Regiment broke camp, and proceeding through Georgetown, along the River Road, took up a new position near the Reservoir, about one-half of a mile from Chain Bridge.

This spot had previously been designated as Camp Lyon, after the lamented hero of Springfield, Mo. Two heavy four-horse ambulances, containing the sick, were accidentally precipitated down a steep embankment, while moving to the new camp. Fortunately no one was killed, though several were severely injured. The baggage wagons did not come up the first night, and the men were compelled to sleep in the open air, without blankets. A report being brought in that the rebels were advancing on the Maryland side of the river, a detachment of one hundred men, consisting of ten from each Company, started out on a reconnoissance about one o’clock in the morning. Discovering no signs of the enemy, however, the force returned at daylight.

The Thirty-third was here for the first time brigaded, being placed, together with the Third Vermont and 6th Maine, under the command of Colonel, since General, W. F. Smith. The Second Vermont was afterwards attached to the Brigade. The time was principally employed in drilling, constructing rifle-pits, and a redoubt mounting three guns. There were repeated alarms during the stay here.

CAMP LYONS.

On one occasion word was received from General McClellan that the enemy had crossed the Potomac in large force, and were advancing upon the city. General Smith immediately ordered out his command, posting the Thirty-third behind a stone wall, where they remained until the returning cavalry scouts reported the alarm to be false. During the latter part of the month one Company crossed the Long Bridge, on a reconnoissance, with a section of artillery and fifty cavalry, and proceeding on the Falls Church road, thence to Lewinsville, drove the rebel cavalry pickets to their camp at Vienna, arrested a prominent secessionist, and returned by way of Langley, reaching camp at sunset.

General McClellan, accompanied by President Lincoln, Secretaries Seward, Chase and Cameron, reviewed the Brigade on the 29th of August.

The following changes took place while here: Henry N. Alexander appointed Quarter-Master, vice H. S. Suydam, resigned.

Sylvanus Mulford, promoted to full Surgeon, vice T. R. Spencer, promoted to Brigade Surgeon.

Patrick Ryan, 2nd Lieutenant of Company K, resigned, succeeded by Edward Cary, who was immediately detailed to General Smith’s staff.

Peter Weissgreber, Co. G, died in camp.

On the 3rd of September a detachment of fifty-two men, from Companies C and D, crossed the river, and proceeding as far as Langley, threw out skirmishers to the right and left of the road. During the afternoon an alarm was created by the pickets coming upon General Porter’s, stationed further to the left, who were mistaken for rebels. They were all immediately withdrawn, with the exception of three members of Company D, who refused to leave, in their eagerness to get a shot at the supposed grey-backs. This mistake provoked considerable merriment, although it resulted very unfortunately in the shooting of the most valuable spy in the employ of the government, who imprudently ventured beyond the line of skirmishers.

About eleven o’clock on the same evening the entire Brigade crossed over the Long Bridge. On reaching the Virginia shore the Thirty-third filed off in the fields at the left, Companies A, F and D being deployed in front, as skirmishers, for a mile or more. The remainder of the Regiment lay upon their arms all night, with the exception of a small party employed in cutting away timber which interfered with the artillery range.

Other troops, to the number of ten thousand, likewise crossed over that night, and eighteen hundred axes were immediately set to work in felling the dense forest of half-grown pines, where forts Marcy and Ethan Allen now stand. This location was christened Camp Advance. Numerous fortifications were constructed, and in three days’ time heavy siege guns mounted. The troops always slept upon their arms, ready to repel an attack at a moment’s notice. One night a severe rain storm washed several of the knapsacks belonging to the Thirty-third into a gully running near by, filled the band instruments with water, and drenched through to the skin all who were not provided with shelter. The arrival of tents on the 15th occasioned much joy among the men.

CAMP ADVANCE.

During the same day the æronauts reported the enemy as moving in large numbers, and the entire army slept on their arms. The “movement” proved to be merely a raid for the purpose of destroying “Hall’s House,” and property belonging to other Unionists. Lieutenants Mix and Gifford were sent north from here on recruiting service, and D’Estaing Dickinson, of Watertown, was appointed Assistant Surgeon.

Hitherto the army had been organized into Brigades simply. Divisions were now formed, and the Thirty-third was attached to the Third Brigade, commanded by the lamented Colonel Stevens, and consisting of the Forty-ninth and Seventy-ninth N. Y. and Forty-seventh Pa. General Smith was appointed commander of the Division. This change consummated, Camp Advance was abandoned for Camp Ethan Allen, which was taken possession of September 24th. The men were employed in working on Fort Allen, slashing timber, performing picket duty, &c., &c. A visit from the Paymaster was made here, who distributed several months’ pay among the troops. Colonel Stevens, in a special order, prohibited profanity in his command.

It was while lying at Camp Ethan Allen that the Thirty-third engaged in its first skirmish with the enemy.

On the morning of September 29th, Smith’s entire Division moved up the Lewinsville Turnpike, to attack, as was generally supposed, the rebel force at Vienna. On arriving, however, at Makell’s Hill, between Langley and Lewinsville, the men were formed in line of battle, and Mott’s battery planted in front, supported by the Thirty-third. Other batteries were also unlimbered, and placed in position. Co. B., together with twenty-five New Hampshire sharp shooters, were deployed in front as skirmishers. After firing a few shots—from Mott’s battery—at and dispersing a squad of rebel cavalry in the distance, the force moved forward to the edge of a dense pine forest. Taking seven men with him, Lieut. Draime proceeded through the thicket, to reconnoitre the country beyond, and was, not long after, followed by the entire Company, under Captain Corning. Several herd of cattle were captured, and a large amount of booty secured, at the residence of Captain Ball, the rebel cavalryman who was taken prisoner at Alexandria, and afterwards violated his parole. Great numbers of wagons were in the meantime sent out, in various directions, to secure forage. Very suddenly, however, the rebels opened a warm artillery fire along the whole line, which was responded to by our batteries. Many of the enemy’s missiles struck among the Thirty-third, but fortunately no one of the regiment was injured during the entire skirmish. Seeing Lieutenant Draime and his men at the Ball residence, they shelled them furiously, but did not prevent their carrying off a good supply of honey, which was highly relished by them and their comrades.

Having obtained a large amount of spoil, the whole force returned to camp. Lieut. Col. Walker resigned at Camp Ethan Allen, and Capt. Corning was appointed to his place. He was succeeded by Lieut. White, and he, in turn, by 2d Lieut. Draime.

CAMP GRIFFIN.

On the 10th of October, the whole Division again moved out to Makell’s Hill, and formed in line of battle, skirmishers being thrown out in front. After remaining here several hours, the force fell back to Langley, and from there proceeded east on the Kirby road to “Big Chestnut.” In the afternoon of the next day they advanced half a mile further, and went into camp, at what has since been known as “Camp Griffin,” where the Thirty-third remained until the final advance was made.

On the second day after locating here, sixty men, under command of Capt. Platner, proceeded on a reconnoissance beyond the picket line, and falling in with some rebel cavalry, killed two of the number; Lieut. White shooting one of them dead. The fleeing enemy were pursued until they reached the cover of a dense thicket, when, being strongly reinforced, they turned upon the pursuing party, who escaped back in safety to camp by closely following the sinuous windings of the Virginia rail fences.

On the same afternoon Co. E. had a skirmish with the rebel cavalry, killing several of them in the woods where they were engaged. Some of the other Companies hastened to its support, but did not reach the ground in time to participate in the melée. This was the last of the picket firing before Washington. The men were employed here in drilling, “slashing,” reviews, sham-fights, and picket duty. Frequently they proceeded out on picket at two or three o’clock in the morning, when the mud was knee-deep, often remaining for thirty hours or more without being relieved.

During the month of October, Col. Stevens left for the south, taking the Seventy-ninth Highlanders with him. Col. Taylor assumed command of the Brigade, until Gen. Brennan was sent to take charge of it. Not long after he was likewise ordered south. The Forty-seventh Pennsylvania accompanied him, the Eighty-sixth New York taking its place. Gen. Brooks now commanded the Brigade for a few days, at the end of which time General Davidson, a loyal Virginian, from Fairfax County, was placed over it. Previous to the outbreak he had been a Major in the regular cavalry service, and was a brave and popular officer. He rode a spirited mustang, presented to him by Kit Carson, while serving on the western frontier. The Eighty-sixth New York was soon sent back to Casey’s Division, and the Seventy-seventh, raised in the vicinity of Saratoga, succeeded it. As an instance of the great cutting down of the impedimenta of our armies, this regiment then employed one hundred and five double wagons for transportation, where only five are now used for that purpose. The same can be said of most of the commands.

A novel wedding came off one night at the Chaplain’s quarters, the happy couple being a private and a laundress belonging to Company C. The affair was conducted with all the ceremony the circumstances of the case would permit of, and to the satisfaction of the guests, who were regaled with wedding cake, wine, and other refreshments, decidedly palatable after the long experience on “hard tack.” While the after-festivities were happily progressing, the fortunate bridegroom suddenly brought them to a close by grasping the hand of his “fair one,” and disappearing in the direction of his domicile, with a general invitation to “call round.” The wife remained with her husband until the battle of Antietam, when, he being wounded, they both departed for the North.

About $400 were contributed by the various Companies for a chapel-tent and reading-room. A temperance pledge, circulated among the men, was signed by a large number, many of whom have kept it until this time. On the day of the battle of Drainesville, the long roll beat, and the Brigade proceeded out to “Freedom Hill,” where it was drawn up in line of battle to intercept the rebels, should they, in case of a defeat, attempt to escape in that direction. The enemy not appearing, the Regiments returned to camp at sunset.

At the time of the Ball’s Bluff affair they were furnished with three days’ rations preparatory to again moving, but were not called out.

CHAPTER V.

The grand review by Gen. McClellan took place while the Thirty-third was encamped at Camp Griffin; the troops, over seventy thousand, were assembled at Bailey’s Cross-Roads, early in the day, to await the arrival of their Chief. Towards noon Gen. McClellan appeared, accompanied by the President and other distinguished personages, and as the party rode along in front of the line, cheer after cheer rent the air. Having assumed a stationary position on an elevated spot, the various commands passed in review before them. The day was mild and beautiful, the roads in good condition, men in fine spirits, and the review presented a most imposing spectacle, surpassing anything of the kind ever before witnessed in America. Surgeon Dickerson was unfortunately thrown from his horse by a collision on this occasion, receiving a severe concussion. The Surgeon attending pronounced the case a fracture of the skull producing compression of the brain, when a Herald attaché, standing by, added: “died in a few moments,” and a telegram was published to that effect in the Herald of the following day.

During their stay here, the officers and men made the acquaintance of several interesting families in the vicinity. Among them was the “Woodworths,” residing on the picket line. Mr. W., who originally moved from Oswego County, New York, had suffered much at the hands of the enemy. After the first battle of Bull Run, the rebels entered his house, robbing it of many valuables, and conducted him to Richmond, where he was imprisoned. Being released in the following October, he returned to find his once happy home nearly in ruins. The officers spent many pleasant hours in the society of his entertaining daughters, and in listening to the old man’s narrative of the wrongs inflicted upon him for his Union sentiments. All the members of the family apparently vied with each other in their efforts to render the sojourn of the Thirty-third in that locality as pleasant as possible.

The following changes occurred at Camp Griffin: Major Robert H. Mann resigned; succeeded by John S. Platner, Captain Co. H, who in turn was succeeded by First Lieutenant A. H. Drake. Chaplain George N. Cheney resigned; succeeded by Rev. A. H. Lung, Pastor of the First Baptist Church Canandaigua. John R. Cutler, Captain Co. D, succeeded by Henry J. Gifford, 1st Lieutenant, transferred from the Thirteenth New York. Samuel A. Barras, 2d Lieutenant Co. D, resigned, George T. Hamilton, 1st Lieutenant Co. F, resigned. Henry G. King, promoted from 2d to 1st Lieutenant Co. F, vice G. T. Hamilton, resigned. Henry A. Hills, promoted to 2d Lieutenant, from 1st Sergeant, vice H. G. King, promoted. George W. Brown, promoted from ranks to 1st Lieutenant Co. D, vice H. J. Gifford, promoted. Jefferson Bigelow, promoted from 1st Sergeant to 2d Lieutenant Co. D, vice S. A. Barras, resigned. John W. Corning, appointed 2d Lieutenant Co. B, vice H. J. Draime, promoted.

Prior to his departure, the Chaplain was presented with an elegant gold watch, as a testimonial of the regard entertained for him.

The following deaths occurred from disease:

Company B, David Hart; Company C, Corporal George A. Langdon; Company C, Pierre Outry; Company E, Peter Zimmer; Company F, George E. Prentice; Company F, Gardner Bacon; Company F, Irwin Van Brunt; Company G, Patrick Conner; Company G, Wm. Cooper; Company H, James H. Gates; Company I, Archibald Coleman; Company K, Augustus Murdock.

William Humphrey, Company J, and Joseph Finnegan, Company K, were accidentally killed.

The long inactivity which prevailed in all our armies was as unsatisfactory as it was inexplicable to the country. Day after day, week after week, and month after month, brought the same story, “All quiet along the lines,” until the patience of the people became well nigh exhausted, and they began to clamor for the removal of this and that leader, declaring that they all

On the 19th of January, however, the President issued orders for a general movement of all the Federal forces; one result of which was the series of victories at the West, which so revived the drooping hopes of the nation. Twelve days afterwards, he issued a special order directed to the Army of the Potomac, which had not yet moved. It read as follows:

General McClellan replied, in writing, to this order, objecting to the plan which it proposed, as involving “the error of dividing our army by a very difficult obstacle (the Occoquan), and by a distance too great to enable the two portions to support each other, should either be attacked by the masses of the enemy.” In conclusion he expressed himself desirous of moving against the enemy, either by the way of the Rappahannock or the Peninsula. This reply explains the reason of his having so long delayed operations. His aim was to mass together a large army, thoroughly equipped and drilled, and leaving a sufficient force to guard Washington, throw the remainder of his army suddenly in the enemy’s rear, or hurl them swiftly upon the rebel capital, before they could move to its support.

The President did not agree with his young General, as will be seen from the following communication, which he addressed him in reply:

He afterwards, however, yielded to General McClellan. Thus affairs stood, until the first week in March, when the enemy were discovered to be retreating from Manassas, and the grand advance commenced.

CHAPTER VI.

On the 10th of March the Army of the Potomac unfurled its banners, and began the forward march. Comprised of legions of brave men perfected in discipline through long months of drill; supplied with everything pertaining to the material of war, and headed by a General the very mention of whose name inspired to deeds of daring—in this grand army were centred the Nation’s hopes. The long delay was ended, the public pulse quickened, and with light heart and elastic step the volunteer moved away, confident that he moved to victory.

The Thirty-third took up their line of march at 3½ o’clock in the morning, while a severe rain-storm was prevailing, which continued during the day, rendering the roads almost impassable. Four and a half hours were consumed in marching the distance of two miles, and many of the wagons were stuck fast in the mud before reaching Lewinsville. The brigade encamped the first night at Flint Hill, on an abandoned rebel site, having marched ten miles. The men, weary, hungry, foot sore, and wet to the skin, hailed with feelings such as they had never before experienced, the orders to “halt, stack arms, and encamp for the night.” The division remained in this locality four days, being again reviewed by their commander.

It was here that the men began to learn, for the first time, to their chagrin and mortification, that the enemy had retreated southward. After beleaguering the capital, blockading the river, and keeping our army at bay for more than six months, they had quietly absconded, taking everything with them.

Fairfax Court House.

About this time, March 13th, General McClellan convened a council of his Corps Commanders at Fairfax Court House, informing them that he had previously determined on moving forward towards Richmond by the way of the Rappahannock; but further deliberation had led him to abandon this route for the one via Fortress Monroe. Thereupon every preparation was made for transferring the scene of operations to the Peninsula. The larger portion of the army had proceeded no further in the direction of Manassas than the Court House. A small force, however, had advanced to the Rappahannock, ascertaining that the country was clear of rebels to that river.

Embarkation at Alexandria.

On the 15th of the month General Smith’s division resumed the line of march, and passing through Fairfax, encamped at Cloud’s Mills, near Alexandria. The Thirty-third remained here along with other troops, until Sunday the 23d, when it marched to Alexandria, and embarked on vessels for Fortress Monroe. Six companies proceeded on board the Metamora, previously employed on the Hudson river; three on the Naushon, and the remaining Company on another small steamer. The embarkation scene was one which will long be remembered by the participants.

Transports of every size and description were riding in the river, or moored at the wharves, receiving on board regiment after regiment. National ensigns and banners appeared in every direction, flying from the forests of masts, over forts in the distance, or unfurled at the head of the regiments. Beyond the city were visible long lines of glistening bayonets, winding over hill and through dale as far as the eye could reach, and the gentle breezes which blew from the southward bore to the ear the music of a hundred national bands. They steamed away at the close of the day, amid tremendous cheering, waving of handkerchiefs, and singing of the “red, white, and blue;” the setting sun shimmering on the water; the dark outlines of the capitol looming up in the distance. All hands crowded the decks to catch a lingering look of Washington, rebellious Alexandria, and the surrounding region, where they had spent the first months of their soldier-life.

Dropping down the river, the three steamers bearing the Thirty-third lay off Fort Washington until the next morning, when they “hove anchor,” and started for Fortress Monroe. When opposite Mount Vernon, the bells were tolled in memory of the illustrious dead. The first of the Monitors, since lost off the coast of North Carolina, lay at anchor further down the river, and attracted much attention. So diminutive, so insignificant in appearance, it seemed impossible that this little “cheese-box” could be so formidable an engine of destruction; able to blow the largest man-of-war afloat into “one long porthole.” Passing numerous barges, sloops, and other water-craft, in the employ of the government, the steamers reached Fortress Monroe at midnight, and the troops disembarked at Old Point Comfort during the following morning.

Forces belonging to General Heintzelman had already arrived, and were encamped in the vicinity of the fort. The change in the climate was very perceptible as well as agreeable. Instead of the bleak, cutting winds and unhealthy climate of Camp Griffin, a warm genial south breeze was blowing, and the mild, balmy atmosphere was alike bracing and exhilarating. After the long confinement of the more northern winter months, it was far from disagreeable to be transferred to a spot where the peach trees were in blossom, birds were singing, and flocks sporting in green meadows.

Ruins of Hampton.

On landing, the Thirty-third marched to the ruined village of Hampton, and after tarrying a short time to partake of refreshments, and examine the various objects of interest, proceeded three miles beyond, and encamped close to the James River. Prior to leaving Washington, General Heintzelman had received instructions from General McClellan, who did not reach the Peninsula until the second of April, to keep all the troops in the vicinity of the fort for a few days, so that the rebels should have no idea of the direction in which the army was to eventually move, whether towards Norfolk or Yorktown. He accordingly did so.

On the 27th reconnoitering parties were sent forward. Smith’s entire division marched, without knapsack, to Watt’s Creek, a small hamlet near Big Bethel, where some rebel cavalry were discovered and put to flight by a few shells from our artillery. There were newly made camps and other evidences of the recent occupation of the place by rebel infantry. For the first time, the Thirty-third boys discovered a batch of the rebel literature, which has furnished so much amusement for northern readers during the progress of the war. Little groups were collected to listen to the reading of various documents, including several tender missives, the writers of which had evidently followed Voltaire’s advice for writing love letters, “to begin without knowing what you have to say, and end without knowing what you have written.”

On the same day Gen. Hooker proceeded with his command to Big Bethel, the enemy decamping when he made his appearance. After remaining over night at Watt’s Creek, sleeping on their arms, in the forest, the troops of Smith’s division returned and encamped about two miles north of Newport News. A severe rain-storm set in after dark, and the men of the Thirty-third awoke in the morning, to find everything afloat. There was water enough within the encampment to have easily floated a canoe, which of course occasioned a general clearing out on the part of the regiment.

Several severe cases of sickness arose from this heavy freshet, and a Division Hospital was established at Newport News, under charge of the Thirty-third surgeon. A new and more elevated site, and nearer the James, was immediately occupied.

Rebel Gunboat Teaser.

The men were allowed to bathe daily in the river. One afternoon, while so employed, the small rebel Gunboat Teaser, afterwards captured and found to be commanded by a younger brother of General Davidson, ran down to within a mile and a half, and commenced throwing shells at the bathers. The sudden appearance of these unwelcome visitors in their midst produced a general “skedaddle,” and the men came running into camp as fast as their legs would carry them. Some made their appearance in a perfectly denuded state; others more fortunate had managed to secure a shirt, while two or three came in with simply cap and stockings on. This affair created great merriment, and furnished a fruitful theme of conversation for weeks afterwards. The firing of the Teaser produced no effect beyond the severe scare administered to the men.

Soon after the return of the regiment from Watt’s Creek, two Companies proceeded again in that direction to ascertain where the enemy’s picket lines extended. They saw a few of the confederates, who fled on their approach. The Thirty-third assisted in building a log redoubt near the encampment, which was named Fort Wright, in honor of Joseph Wright, Esq., of Waterloo, K. Y. Scattered up and down the James River for miles, were to be seen the remains of elegant country seats and farm, houses, destroyed by the rebel General Magruder at the time Hampton was burned. The country on every side presented a scene of ruin and desolation, conveying to the mind a vivid impression of the wanton devastation of war.

After the lapse of a few days the Thirty-third was sent, with the other regiments of Gen. Davidson’s brigade, for the third time, to Watt’s Creek, and after dispersing the rebel pickets, returned without loss.

CHAPTER VII.

Troops continued to arrive in large numbers from Washington, and on the 4th of April, the entire army commenced moving in the direction of Yorktown, appearing the next day in front of the enemy’s lines. During the afternoon of the 4th the Thirty-third reached Young’s Mills, which the enemy had left in the morning.

Their position here had been a very strong one; in addition to the natural defences of the place, they had thrown up heavy earthworks, constructed seven rifle pits, and placed four batteries in position. Their quarters, which were taken possession of by our men, consisted of wooden huts, snugly and compactly built. An aged contraband was found running the grist-mill, from which the place took its name. The next day the march was resumed through a heavily timbered region, and over roads very much impaired by recent rains; the division arriving in front of Lee’s Mills at noon.

Skirmishing and artillery firing immediately commenced, and was kept up with but little intermission for several days. In accordance with instructions from Gen. Davidson, Col. Taylor sent, on Saturday, Co. B., to do picket duty on the left. The men advanced to within 150 yards of the enemy, who were found to have three large forts in addition to other fortifications. They remained out all night, keeping up a running fire most of the time, and having three of their number wounded. Co. A relieved them on the following morning. Cos. D, E, F, G, H, I, and K, were likewise posted as pickets, and to C was assigned the duty of supporting sections of Wheeler’s and Cowan’s batteries.

While so employed, one of the enemy’s cannon balls, which were falling in every direction, struck a caisson and exploded several of the shells in rapid succession. At this juncture, an artilleryman, running up, dashed a bucket of water over the remainder, thereby preventing their explosion, to the great relief of the cannoniers, as well as of the supporting party. The artillery firing of the rebels, which was kept up at intervals along the whole line, killed but few of our men, though occasioning some uneasiness by its terrible execution among the forest trees. Saplings were snapped asunder like pipe stems, while huge limbs severed from the tall oaks were falling in every direction. Many trees of large growth were completely perforated with solid shot, or shattered by shell.

During this time Capts. Cole and Guion, with a Volunteer force, made an important reconnoissance beyond our picket lines, advancing very near to the rebel works, from which they were fired upon.

In order to avoid the artillery and picket firing, it was decided to have the forces of Gen. Smith fall back for a short distance, where they would threaten the enemy full as much, and at the same time be less exposed. After the removal of the batteries the various Companies of the Thirty-third withdrew to the distance of a mile, being the last to leave the front, where they had retained their respective positions under the hottest of the enemy’s fire, for a period of fifty-four hours, and lost in wounded Lieut. Gale, Co. G, and several privates.

Exhausted from the want of sleep and sufficient rations, the men sank down on the moist ground that night, with no protection from the falling rain, save that afforded by a few boughs and leaves. Officers and privates were alike drenched through to the skin, long before the dawn of day. They remained here some three or four days.

Owing to the condition of the roads, it was found impossible to bring up the supply trains. Two hundred and fifty men were accordingly detailed to proceed back and obtain rations. After several hours’ absence they returned, each one bearing upon his fixed bayonet a goodly piece of meat, and obeying the facetious orders of the Lieut. Colonel to “shoulder beef, present beef,” etc. Six barrels of meat were thus brought into camp. The men were not so exhausted but that they indulged in a hearty laugh over this circumstance, and the detail was ever afterwards known as the “Beef Brigade.”

On the 11th of April, the Brigade moved one mile and a half nearer Yorktown, encamping directly in front of the enemy’s fortifications, which consisted, in addition to numerous other earthworks, of a chain of forts, extending across the Peninsula to James River. The time was employed here in building corduroy roads, “slashing” timber, etc. An innumerable army of insects, known under the general appellation of wood-ticks, were very annoying. They would burrow in the flesh of both man and beast, and, regardless of the consequences, “pinch” and pull away with all the tenacity of the horse leech. One of the officers amused himself in making a large collection of these troublesome creatures, which he has brought home with him.

On the day that Gen. Smith made the unsuccessful attempt to cross the Warwick River with the Vermont troops, Davidson’s Brigade moved a mile and a half further to the right, where it remained until the evacuation of and advance upon Yorktown. While here, frequent reconnoissances were made by the Regiment. Parties detailed from the various commands were employed every night in constructing rifle-pits and other earthworks.

On the evening prior to the evacuation, a portion of the Thirty-third assisted in the completion of a large mortar-bed, and mounting of two heavy mortars, which completely commanded the enemy’s works directly opposite. Had they remained, these two powerful engines of war would have made fearful havoc among the rebels. This night-work was attended with more or less firing on the part of the enemy, which, however, produced but little effect, in addition to the frequent turning out of the Regiments. The Thirty-third was ordered under arms three times during one night, when a heavy storm was prevailing.

The Paymaster again made his appearance here, and emptied his money bags in a remarkably short space of time. Perhaps a remark he made to one of the officers had some connection with his celerity of movement: “Well, isn’t this a mighty exposed condition.” It was indeed an exposed condition, the enemy constantly tossing shells into our camp by way of amusement, and to “stir us up,” as they expressed it.

Troops had now arrived, to the number of a hundred and twenty-five thousand, and the siege was being conducted successfully, both on the right and left. All the necessary preparations for the storming of the rebel stronghold were nearly completed, when, on the morning of Sunday, the 4th of May, the game, much to the chagrin and mortification of our Generals, was discovered to have flown.

The intelligence was first brought to the left wing of the army by two contrabands. The fugitives bringing the news came to the officer of the picket line, the Lieut. Colonel of the Thirty-third, before daylight, and stated that on the Thursday evening previous the artillery had been removed; on Friday the wagon-trains and a portion of the troops, and that that night “they had all been leaving.” They were immediately conveyed to General Hancock’s quarters.

Men of straw were posted as sentinels on the ramparts, and “Quaker Guns” had supplanted the formidable artillery, which for weeks had rained down its iron hail on the besiegers.

Not long after, the various Regiments commenced crossing, and by noon the entire Division was over. At the same time other portions of the army were crossing at various points on the right, and General Stoneman, with his cavalry and flying artillery, was started in pursuit of the enemy. General Hooker followed at supporting distance, with his Division. Generals Sumner, Heintzelman and Keys’ corps, to which Smith’s Division belonged, were also pushed forward.

CHAPTER VIII. BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG, FOUGHT MONDAY, MAY 5.

After crossing Warwick Creek, Sunday, May 4th, Smith’s Division immediately pushed forward in pursuit of the fleeing enemy. The Thirty-third was ordered to halt near one of the rebel works, and, owing to the forgetfulness of an Aid, did not resume the march again until 5 o’clock P.M. Darkness coming on, and not being able to ascertain the whereabouts of the Division, the Regiment bivouaced for the night seven miles east of Williamsburg.

Several months before, the enemy had constructed a line of defence across the Peninsula, about two miles back of this city, consisting of a very extended entrenchment, called Fort Magruder, which covered the high road from Yorktown, at a narrow and easily defended point, and of five heavy square earthworks on the north side, and two others on the south.

On retreating from Yorktown, the rebels left several thousand men in these works to check our pursuit, and enable the bulk of their army to get across the Chickahominy. Smith’s Division came up Sunday evening, as likewise did Hooker’s, and other troops of Heintzelman’s Corps, which was further to the left.

BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG.

As our troops drew near the forts, Monday morning, a heavy artillery fire was poured upon them, followed by musketry. The Thirty-third overtook the Division while it was progressing. Meanwhile General Hooker, who was advancing further to the left, fiercely engaged the enemy, who came out on the plain to meet him, and being pressed by overwhelming numbers, was obliged to fall back to the support of General Peck’s Brigade. About eleven o’clock, General Hancock, who was now temporarily commanding the Third Brigade, with his own, was ordered further to the right of the Division, to turn the enemy’s position. The Thirty-third, which had been marching since daylight, Fifth Wisconsin, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, and Sixth and Seventh Maine, were assigned to this duty. After proceeding about two miles to the right, and in view of York River, they changed their course to the left, and crossed King’s Creek, on a high dam built by the enemy to “back up” the water, and thereby render the stream unfordable. The overflow or pond thus made, extended nearly a mile, and in front of a portion of their entrenchments. Situated upon the high land at the western extremity of it, was one of the earthworks previously mentioned, strongly built, and with deep broad moats in front. Further back, and towards the York, were two others constructed, on a still higher rise of ground, and surrounded with numerous rifle-pits. They were, however, now all deserted. Just before reaching the dam, the three left Companies of the Thirty-third—B, Capt. White, G, Capt. Hamilton, and K, Capt. McGraw, were left, under Lieut. Col. Corning, to guard the forks of the road. After the force crossed, they were ordered forward, and took possession of the first fort, Major Platner being left in command of them.

General Hancock continued to move forward, and having advanced half a mile to the left, halted in the field, a short distance from the enemy, and near by an abandoned redoubt. Lieut. Col. Corning was now ordered to take Cos. A, Capt. Guion, D, Lieut. Brown, commanding, and F, Capt. McNair, Regimental Colors and Color Guard, occupy and hold the fort. This was quickly done, and the beautiful banner soon waved from the battlements, where it remained through the fierce conflict which ensued, torn and tattered for the first time by shell and bullets. A few moments later, Colonel Taylor proceeded with the remaining Companies of the Regiment, C, E, H and I, to a body of woods to the right and front, and deployed them as skirmishers.

Wheeler and Cowan’s Batteries moved forward five hundred yards, directly in front of the redoubt and commenced shelling Fort Magruder, in which the enemy were posted. They were supported by the Fifth Wisconsin, whose skirmishers connected with those of the Thirty-third on the right, and Sixth Maine and Forty-ninth Pennsylvania on the left. From the redoubt, occupied by Cos. A, D and F, the ground descended slightly for a few rods, and then became a level plain, extending to Fort Magruder, and presenting but few obstacles to the advance of infantry.

Our artillery kept up a vigorous fire until two o’clock in the afternoon, and then ceased, in accordance, as it was understood, with orders from General McClellan, who had arrived on the opposite side of the creek.

A lull of several hours followed, but the heavy firing from the direction of our left, indicated that a severe engagement was going on there. No other troops had arrived to reinforce Hancock, and he held his position on the enemy’s left flank all day with the small force previously designated. Night was approaching, and the men began to consider what further dispositions were to be made of them, when suddenly the rebels were discovered approaching from the direction of Williamsburg, and rapidly forming two lines of battle, which extended entirely across the plain in front. It required but a glance to divine their object. With overwhelming numbers they expected to press down upon the small force and capture it entire, or drive it pell mell into the creek. General Hancock immediately sent word to the batteries and infantry supports to fall back quickly, which they did, engaging the enemy as they retired. The three Companies of the Thirty-third were ordered out of the redoubt into line of battle, but the Color Sergeant and Guard remained to defend and keep unfurled the banner. The Seventh Maine was likewise posted in line of battle at the right.

On came the swarthy rebels, shouting Bull Run and Ball’s Bluff, their lines unbroken and unchecked, while our guns and the Fifth Wisconsin, Sixth Maine and Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, hastily receded, forming on the left of the Thirty-third, as they fell back. The enemy’s flying artillery also moved forward, and discharged shot and shell in quick succession, which fell all around the redoubt. It was a most trying situation—the foe was steadily bearing down upon us, and no reinforcements, were they to be had, could cross the narrow mill-dam in time to render assistance. Still the men faltered not, but nerved themselves for the shock, determined that many of the enemy should bite the dust before they would surrender.

As the rebels drew nearer and nearer, the men fired rapidly, but failed to make any impression upon their lines, which swept over the plain in most perfect order. They had now arrived within seventy yards of the redoubt. Lieutenant Brown and many other brave fellows had fallen mortally wounded. The cannoniers with their guns, and members of other Regiments, were hurrying back to the dam to escape. The right and left of the line were wavering, and it seemed as if all was lost.

At this critical juncture, the Lieutenant Colonel, turning to Colonel Taylor, who had just arrived from the skirmish line, remarked, “Nothing but a charge can check them.” “A charge it shall be,” he replied, and instantly waving his sword in the air, shouted, “Forward, men,” “Charge bayonets,” added Lieut. Colonel Corning, and the brave fellows, to a man, sprang forward on the double quick, and were soon lost in the cloud of smoke which enveloped the plain. Incited by this gallant example of three Companies charging a whole Division, other Regiments followed. Alarmed at this sudden counter charge, and doubtless fearing that they had underrated our force, the enemy broke and ran in confusion. In vain the commanding officer attempted to rally them. Sauve qui peut became the order of the day. The Thirty-third, which was close on the front line when it broke, halted, and discharged volley after volley upon the gray-backs, as they scampered over the plain. The other regiments now joined them, and for several moments a most murderous fire was poured upon the panic stricken fugitives, who never stopped until they reached their entrenchments. Many tumbled over on their backs and feigned death, while others ran towards us with uplifted hands, imploring that we would spare their lives.

More than two hundred of them lay dead and wounded on the field, including the Lieut. Colonel and Major of the Twenty-fourth Virginia, and a Captain on Magruder’s Staff.

It was a most daring and brilliant exploit, deciding the fortunes of the day, and turning what was, up to this time, a defeat on the left, into a substantial victory.

The four Companies deployed as skirmishers on the left, to prevent a flank movement, were not idle during this time. Colonel Taylor had posted them just beyond a small creek, nearly on a parallel with the first position occupied by the batteries, as follows: Co. C, Capt. Cole, right; H, Capt. Drake, centre; E, Capt. Warford, left, and I, Capt. Root, in rear and reserve. On his departure, Capt. Warford was placed in command of the line.

After they had been in position a short time, Lieutenant Gummer, of Co. E, was sent with ten of Captain Cole’s men one hundred and fifty yards in front, as a party of observation. Having made a proper survey of the vicinity, he returned and reported to headquarters. Firing now commenced between the skirmishers on the left, and Captain Warford ordered Captain Root forward to strengthen the line. Soon after, the enemy’s charging column made its appearance from the direction of Williamsburg, and dashing into the woods, struck the skirmish line on the right of Co. E. Brisk firing ensued, our skirmishers falling back into the forest, and the enemy pushing on to the open fields at the left.

Owing to the confusion resulting from the sudden turn of affairs, Captain Root was unable to find the skirmish line, and consequently placed in an awkward position, the enemy being all around him. His men were not dismayed, however, but after receding two hundred yards, halted. A small party of rebels who had broke away from the main force, now approached, and when within a short distance were fired upon. Taking them to be friends they cried out, “Don’t fire, you are shooting your own men.” At this Captain R. ordered them to advance and surrender; and they were, much to their surprise and chagrin, made prisoners. One of the officers attempted to escape, but the Captain made after him and compelled him to deliver up his sword. Other prisoners were afterwards taken, and when the number was swelled to forty, Captain R, concluding that he had his hands full, left the woods, and marched them off to the redoubt with his Company of twenty-seven men.

Not knowing that the wavering in the line was occasioned by the attack of the enemy’s storming column, Captain Warford attempted to rally it instead of ordering it to retreat. While doing so, he was informed that some stragglers wished to give themselves up, but seeing nothing of them, started back to a small support in the rear. On the way, an officer approached him and said, “We are falling back,” mistaking him for a fellow rebel. The Captain immediately captured him. The enemy had now been routed, and numerous stragglers ran into the woods, and were taken by the Captain’s men. Frequent shots were exchanged, and several of Cos. E and H wounded. He was himself repeatedly shot at, but escaped without a scratch.

When the enemy’s column advanced into the woods, it passed through Captain Drake’s Company (H), which was in the centre of the skirmish line, and captured several of his men. After it had gone by, a body of fifty stragglers returned and suddenly attacked him in the rear. Being thus surrounded on all sides he, together with several more of his men, were compelled to surrender. On being ordered to give up his sword to a non-commissioned officer, he refused, but presented it to a rebel Lieutenant, who soon after came up. He and twenty of his men were hurried off to Williamsburg, and a few days later taken to Richmond. After being confined there and at Salsbury, N.C., several months, he was exchanged and rejoined the Regiment in Maryland.

Capt. Cole’s Company took thirty-seven prisoners, who were dispatched to headquarters, under charge of Lieut. Brett. Wm. Moran (private), not satisfied with halting and compelling them to deliver up their arms, made the prisoners get down on their knees and “surrender unconditionally.” “Down on your knays, d—n you,” was the order which he administered to every one he found. He and others of the Company were afterwards complimented in a Special Order for their conduct on this occasion.

Separated, and each one fighting on their “own hook,” it was marvellous that all of these four Companies were not captured by the enemy. But owing to the heavy rain which prevailed, and thick underbrush concealing their strength and movements, they not only effected their escape, but brought away nearly as many prisoners as they numbered men. This constituted a fitting sequel to the operations of the other portion of the Regiment.

Thus terminated the Battle of Williamsburg, in which the Thirty-third captured alone one hundred and fifty prisoners, and won the plaudits of the whole army for its gallant charge. During the following night the enemy evacuated the city, and its surrounding works, retreating back to the Chickahominy. The Thirty-third slept on their arms, and on the following day encamped near York River.

On the evening of the 7th, Gen. McClellan rode into camp on his favorite bay charger, and the Regiment being drawn up in line, he addressed them as follows:

This brief speech from the Commanding General occasioned the wildest enthusiasm among the men, and as “Little Mac” rode away, followed by his Staff, cheer after cheer rent the air. During the same evening a beautiful roan horse was presented to Adj. Sutton by the Regiment.

CHAPTER IX.

The retreat of the enemy left Williamsburg in our possession. No place in the Old Dominion is fraught with more historic interest than this city, it having been the first incorporated town in the State; the Capital until 1769, and the seat of the Royal Government prior to the revolution of 1776. It is now the Capital of James City County, situated midway between the James and York Rivers, sixty miles east of Richmond and sixty-eight north-west of Norfolk. Among other public buildings is the Insane Retreat, which in years past has been one of the most popular institutions of the kind in the country. The College of William and Mary, founded here in the time of King William, is, next to Harvard, the oldest literary institution in the United States, having been projected during the year 1693. King William gave it an endowment of twenty thousand dollars and twenty thousand acres of land, together with a revenue of a penny a pound on tobacco exported from Virginia and Maryland. Other endowments were afterwards added. The College buildings, churches, and many private dwellings were used as hospitals for the confederate wounded.

WILLIAMSBURG, V.

Insane Asylum. William and Mary College.

After a delay of three or four days, in order to bring up supplies, the army resumed the march Friday May 9th, for the Chickahominy. The Thirty-third broke camp early in the morning, and proceeding through Williamsburg, bivouacked for the night, at “Burnt Ordinary,” a small hamlet some fifteen miles beyond. The next day it moved on again, encamping near New Kent Court House.

It was near this point that Gen. Stoneman had overtaken the rear guard of the fleeing enemy, who were drawn up in line of battle with a section of artillery to receive him. Evidences of the conflict were seen on every hand, and many of our own and the rebel wounded were scattered about in the neighboring farm-houses. While tarrying here, the roar of Gen. Franklin’s artillery at West Point, seven miles away, could be distinctly heard, and the result of the battle, which was made known the next day, increased the buoyancy and confidence of our troops.

Owing to the rains, passage of trains, and steady tramp of men, the roads had now become reduced to a terrible condition. Scattered all along the route, were gun-carriages, caissons, ambulances and supply wagons, stuck fast in the mud or lying disabled by the road-side. Horses and mules, either dead or dying from exhaustion, were seen every few rods, and the ground was strewn with guns, cartridge-boxes, knapsacks and clothing, which the fleeing enemy had cast aside. Nearly two weeks time were occupied in reaching the Chickahominy, between forty and fifty miles distant from Williamsburg. Smith’s division resumed the march again on the 10th, reaching “Cumberland Court House” the same day, and remained there until the 13th, when it proceeded towards “Cumberland Landing,” on the Pamunkey River.

A beautiful—and after the long and tedious march exhilarating—sight here met the eye. Stretching far away to the left and front was a vast plain, variegated with green pastures, and field after field of cereals yellowing into maturity. To the right the tortuous Pamunkey appeared, skirted with dense forests and rich pasture lands, and bearing upon its sluggish waters Federal transports of every description. For the first time in a twelvemonth, vessels flying the stars and stripes were pursuing its serpentine course. No sooner had the order been given to halt and stack arms, than the soldiers began to scatter in every direction, some to bathe in the river, others to enjoy a siesta under the shade trees, or indulge in a pipe of the royal weed, that never failing solace for a soldier’s griefs.

Reports of every description concerning operations elsewhere were served up to the troops here; one to the effect that Gen. Brooks with his whole brigade had been captured, another that we had made prisoners of Gen. Magruder and most of his force. The further we advanced the more filled the air became with these

Moving five miles up the river, Col. Taylor’s command encamped in a large clover-field, on the old Custis estate, at present in the possession of Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, of the rebel cavalry service. On every side were magnificent fields of grain, into which the jaded horses and lank cattle were turned loose.

Ruin of R. R. Bridge at White House, over the Pamunkey.

Here for the first time the men began to find negroes scattered around on the plantations, whom, owing to their rapid flight, the rebels had not driven before them. Several of these contrabands were appropriated by the officers, and remaining with the regiment through its various campaigns, came home with their new “Masters.” Among this number was a comical specimen of the race, who, on being approached as he stood huddled together with a squad of fifty or more, and asked by Sergeant Windchip if he “would not like to see the north,” replied, “God bless you, massa, don’t care if I do.” Then turning to his fellow contrabands, he took a most affectionate as well as droll adieu—the tears coursing down his ancient cheeks—broke away from the sobbing “brothers and sisters” and “fell into line.”

Upon reaching the White House, which was merely a landing on the river, the left wing of the Regiment was detailed for picket duty, along with a detachment under command of the Lieut.-Col. of the Seventy-seventh New York. The orders were to proceed as far as a certain Court House, and connect with Gen. Brooks’ pickets on the left. After marching some two miles and a half, on what was supposed to be the right road, they were suddenly brought to a halt by rebel cavalrymen, who fled rapidly on being fired at. A few moments reconnoitring served to convince the Lieutenant-Colonel that the picket lines did not extend in that locality. So deploying his men in a wheat-field, he returned to head quarters to ascertain its whereabouts. They remained here until near dark, when an Aid came out and ordered them into camp. The laugh over this fruitless search of eight hours after our picket line became intensified, when it was afterwards ascertained that the force had proceeded full a mile beyond our outer or cavalry pickets.

The band serenaded Gen. McClellan one evening, when he sent an Aid to extend his compliments to the regiment. There was a perfect forest of masts here; government transports constantly arriving and departing, and on every side was seen the ceaseless activity which marks an active campaign.

Gen. Franklin soon reached this point and assumed charge of the 6th corps, to which Gen. Smith’s Division was assigned. Prior to that time it had been in Gen. Keyes’ corps and comprised a portion of the left wing of the army. But this change brought the Division on the extreme right. Monday, 19th, the Brigade moved up the river six miles, and halted on the farm of an Æsculapian rebel, whom his contrabands described as suddenly seized with the gout on our approach. The boys designated this place as “Camp Onion,” owing to the quantities of this odoriferous vegetable which were hawked through the encampment. Saturday, May 21st, the march was resumed, the division proceeding to within eleven miles of Richmond.

CHAPTER X. BATTLE OF MECHANICSVILLE.

Two days later Gen. Stoneman pushed forward with cavalry and artillery, on a bold reconnoissance toward the rebel capital. Gen. Davidson’s Brigade followed, as a support, the rest of the Division remaining behind. About four o’clock in the afternoon, the General fell in with the enemy—“Howell Cobb’s Brigade”—who retreated after a few shots had been exchanged. Stoneman again moved forward, halting for the night just east of Beaver Dam Creek, and the Brigade, crossing over, took up position on an elevated spot, and slept on their arms. This creek is a narrow, muddy stream, emptying into the Chickahominy.

A part of the Thirty-third were employed on picket duty until the next morning, being stationed in close proximity to the rebels. At daybreak the infantry pushed on towards Mechanicsville; General Stoneman with the cavalry proceeding further to the right. Three companies of the Thirty-third acted as the advance guard, and were deployed as skirmishers. When within two hundred yards of Mechanicsville, the rebels, who had fallen back during the night, were discovered drawn up in the principal street, and in a neighboring grove. The skirmishers immediately opened upon them, when taking refuge in buildings and behind walls, they returned the fire.

The whole Brigade now moved up on both sides of the road, and two sections of Wheeler’s battery were got into position, and commenced tossing shell into the village. This placed the skirmishers between two fires, and for a time, they were nearly as much exposed to our own as the rebels. One had his canteen perforated by a piece of shell thrown from the Union battery, another had a part of his shoe taken away. The firing of the rebel cannoniers, at first slow, became very rapid and accurate as the battle progressed. One solid shot passed between Major Platner and Captain Guion, as they stood conversing together. A second whizzed close by the head of Colonel Taylor’s horse, and a third striking the roll of blankets strapped on behind a horseman, threw them high into the air. Every one held their breath for a moment, supposing that it was the rider himself, but he escaped unharmed.

The guns were afterwards removed to the right of the skirmishers, and a section of flying artillery posted on the left. A heavy fire was now concentrated on the buildings in which the confederates had concealed themselves, soon causing an exodus on their part, and the whole force commenced falling back in the direction of Richmond. Seeing this, Gen. Davidson ordered a charge, when the Thirty-third and Seventy-seventh gallantly charged down upon the place, driving everything before them.

MECHANICSVILLE, VA.

Large numbers of knapsacks and blankets which the rebels had thrown away in their flight were picked up in the streets. They were most of them marked “Rome (Ga.) Light Guards.” Guns, equipments, blankets, and other materials of war, were likewise found in large quantities. Nearly all the houses were more or less pockmarked with shot and shell. The Mayor’s residence, an elegant mansion, had been struck seventeen different times. Those of the inhabitants who had not fled, were found packed away like sardines, in cellars and other places of refuge. They were very much frightened, and not until repeatedly assured that we would not harm them, could they be prevailed upon to come out.

After taking possession of the village, a line of skirmishers was thrown out half a mile on the Richmond road. Detachments of the Thirty-third, Seventh Maine, and five companies of cavalry were left in charge of the town. They were relieved upon the following day, and rejoined their regiments on the Beaver Dam, to which the Brigade had returned after the engagement. Some members of Company E discovered a grist mill here, and spent most of the night in grinding corn, and making hoe-cake.

Gen. Stoneman had in the meantime proceeded several miles to the right, and accomplished the object of the expedition by destroying the Richmond and Fredericksburg railroad bridge over the Chickahominy.

With one exception this was the nearest point attained to Richmond during the entire Peninsular campaign. Gen. Hooker, after the battle of Fair Oaks, followed the fleeing enemy to within less than four miles of their capital.

That it could then have been taken had General Davidson’s brigade been reinforced and permitted to proceed, is a truth which admits of no denial. There were no rebel forces between Mechanicsville and the city, with the exception of those driven from the former place, they being concentrated on the left of our lines. There were no fortifications of any extent on that side of the capital, as the attack was expected to be made from the other direction. The approaches were all left open, and the appearance of this single brigade of “Yankees” struck terror to the rebels, who inferred that all was lost.

CHAPTER XI.

Davidson’s brigade again moved from Beaver Dam Creek, on the 26th of May, down the left bank of the Chickahominy (the enemy throwing a few shells at them as they marched), and encamped on “Gaines’ Farm,” where they remained until the 5th of June, performing picket duty and building corduroy roads. Not far from here was “Liberty Hall,” where Patrick Henry was born, May 29, 1736. The building, which his father had used as a grammar school, was now appropriated for a National Hospital, and the little farm on which Patrick had commenced life in company with his young wife, the daughter of a neighboring farmer, occupied by our troops.

General Keyes’ corps, followed by that of General Heintzelman, had now crossed the Chickahominy, the remainder of the army still resting on the left bank. General Casey’s division held the extreme advance; his pickets being within five miles of Richmond. Relying upon the sudden and rapid rise of the river preventing our crossing over more troops, Gen’l Johnston, then commander of the rebel forces, hurled his whole army upon these two corps on the morning of the 31st, with the expectation of annihilating them. Casey’s Division, which bore the brunt of the attack, was forced back from their rifle-pits and second line of battle, after fighting for several hours and losing 1,443 men.

Liberty Hall, Birth-place of Patrick Henry.

The courageous Sumner, who, notwithstanding the freshet, had crossed his corps, now drove fiercely at the enemy, and saved the left wing from destruction. Yet the whole force was obliged to fall back nearly two miles, owing to the overwhelming numbers and impetuous onslaught of the rebels. Here they maintained their ground, refusing to yield an inch more, and the fighting ended for the day. This was known as the battle of Seven Pines.

The enemy renewed the conflict on the morrow, attacking General Sumner at “Fair Oaks,” from which the second day’s struggle derives its name. They were everywhere repulsed, and compelled to retreat back to their stronghold, followed by our victorious troops to within four miles of the capital, when, for a second time, it was given up for lost. “The enemy,” wrote General McClellan to the Secretary of War, after the close of the contest, “attacked in force, and with great spirit, yesterday morning, but are everywhere most signally repulsed with great loss. Our troops charged frequently on both days, and uniformly broke the enemy. The result is, that our left is within four miles of Richmond. I only wait for the river to fall to cross with the rest of the force and make a general attack. Should I find them holding firm in a very strong position, I may wait for what troops I can bring up from Fort Monroe. But the morale of my troops is now such that I can venture much. I do not fear for odds against me. The victory is complete, and all credit is due to the gallantry of our officers and men.”

The Thirty-third, at the commencement of the conflict, was doing picket duty near one of the bridges which were being constructed over the Chickahominy. So sudden was the rise in the river, that the force which proceeded at two o’clock Sunday morning to relieve the pickets stationed near the bridge three hours previous, found them nearly surrounded with water. Some were standing up to their arm-pits in the now new channel, and others, having lost their footing, were clinging to trees, for dear life. Boats were obtained, and they were rescued from their perilous position. At 3 o’clock, General Brooks came down to the river with his Brigade, the second in Smith’s Division—Davidson’s being the third, and Hancock’s the first,—to cross over and render what assistance he could on the opposite side. By this time the bridge was most of it swept away, and the General, instead of attempting to cross, set his men to repairing it. At sunrise the river had overflowed to the width of half a mile, and he experienced much difficulty in getting his troops back to dry land again. All day Sunday the heavy roar of artillery and sharp firing of musketry could be heard. Just at night, General McClellan, accompanied by General Hancock, rode down to the right of the Thirty-third, where they remained until dark, watching the progress of the battle.

Dr. Gaines, the owner of the farm on which the Regiment was now encamped, possessed one of the finest estates in Virginia. One wheat field alone comprised four hundred and fifty acres. In the rear of his dwelling, furnished in the most costly manner, was a picturesque grove, which furnished a cool retreat for the officers during the intense heat of the mid-day. In front was an extensive garden, abounding in flowers and shrubs of native and foreign with all its beautiful surroundings, was overrun by the “invader.”

Camp Lincoln.

Attack of the 7th and 8th Georgia.

The Regiment remained here until the 5th of June, when the Division was ordered to cross the Chickahominy and encamp on “Golden’s Farm,” nearly opposite. The Third Brigade took the advance. Owing to the high stage of the water, it was obliged to proceed down the river to “Dispatch Station,” before effecting a crossing. When marching up on the opposite bank, the men fell in with a gray-haired, toothless negro, 102 years of age, who entertained them with a recital of many incidents which had transpired during his long period of slave life. After having marched over fifteen miles to reach a point only three miles opposite the old encampment, the Thirty-third arrived at Golden’s Farm, where Baxter’s Fire Zouaves, of Philadelphia, were found briskly skirmishing with the enemy.

Our artillery, which immediately opened upon them, put the rebels to flight, and the picket line was moved forward, for some distance. Col. Taylor halted his command in a beautiful corn-field, and on the following day occupied a more advanced position, less than one thousand yards from the enemy’s lines. There it remained until the 28th of June, the spot being christened “Camp Lincoln.”

An officer of the Regiment, in a communication from here, dated June 8th, wrote:

“We are now six miles from Richmond, behind entrenchments, waiting for something to turn up. The pickets are very close together, and many prisoners are coming in every day. A Sergeant and five men just came through the lines, and reported to Colonel Taylor, Field Officer of the day. The Sergeant is from Ulster County, N. Y. Doubtless a great number would desert, if it were possible to do so without incurring danger. Yesterday much amusement was created by the operation of a new and original line of telegraph between our forces and the enemy. It seems a number of dogs have been wandering around in front for some days. One of them yesterday came in with a letter tied around his neck. It was read by our men, the Thirty-third being on picket duty at the time, and an answer sent back the same way; another note was likewise written, and answered. The import of the first letter was, that they were much ‘obliged for the tender of cannon they took from us the other day, and anything more of the same sort sent them, they would cheerfully receive.’ No doubt of it. The second was rough in its language, and full of empty boastings. The battle-field of last Saturday week is close by us, and bears evidence of the murderous conflict, when tens of thousands bore down upon barely a Division, and unsuccessfully tried to cut them off, or thrust or crush them into the river.

The difficulties attendant upon transporting troops and various munitions of war, has retarded us some, but now we are ready. This morning (the Sabbath) there was some sharp firing in front, but it was quickly subdued by a battery of our 20-pounders. A new Regiment has been added to our Brigade—Col. Max Weber’s Regiment—the 20th N. Y. Vols. We have a fine Brigade now, and our General thinks an effective one. Our picket line has been advanced twice, the enemy retiring each time. The regular receipt of the mails has been interrupted again, and of course is a source of regret to us. Sitting on the ramparts of our rifle-pits this morning, writing this letter, the view looking up the river, reminds one of Big Flats, at Geneseo, flooded by heavy rains. The stream here is unusually high. An old negro, 102 years old, who has always lived in this section, says that he never knew such an immense quantity of rain to fall before in the same space of time, at this season of the year. Gen. Prim and Staff, with our Division Staff, just passed through our camp on a reconnoissance to the front.”

CHAPTER XII.

Soon after reaching “Camp Lincoln,” the Thirty-third was set to work on a formidable redoubt, since known as “Fort Davidson,” and likewise constructed numerous rifle-pits. The enemy daily threw shot and shell at our encampments, apparently for mere pastime, many of them striking among the tents. On one occasion a round shot, passing entirely over the officers’ quarters, killed Dr. Spencer’s Orderly in the rear. Not long after another came whizzing through the air, and carried away the shoulder blade of a reckless cavalryman, who was laughing as he rode along at the manœuvres of the men, declaring that he would not “dodge for their guns.” A member of the Seventy-seventh was killed in hospital close by.

Fort Davidson—Chickahominy Swamps.

The rebels also had a very disagreeable habit of climbing up in the forest trees and firing at us, some times even when sitting in the camp doors. One afternoon, as Colonel Taylor was reclining upon a lounge in the Lieutenant Colonel’s tent, a sharp-shooter deliberately fired at him from a neighboring tree, the ball passing through the lounge and out at the back side of the tent. He immediately ordered out several of his best shots to pick off the impudent rebel.

Not content with constantly annoying us during the daytime, they frequently got up night demonstrations, compelling our “troops” to turn out at very unseasonable hours. The Thirty-third were aroused from their slumbers one night by the bursting of a shell directly over the centre of the encampment. Gorman’s Brigade frequently engaged in these night skirmishes. Colonel Taylor’s command rarely indulged in picket firing, as many of the Regiments did, unless it was provoked by the enemy. This custom, so prevalent at the commencement of the war, has almost wholly ceased, and now, instead of “blazing away” on the slightest pretext, the pickets patrol their beats month after month within speaking distance, without molesting one another.

As the month advanced, the troops were kept busily employed in throwing up breastworks and constructing a new bridge over the Chickahominy, below the point where the lowest of the three previously carried away by the freshet was built. Frequently they were compelled to stand waist deep in the water, while cutting timbers, which were carried to the river on handspikes, many of them requiring sixteen or more men to transport them. This bridge, when completed, was an imposing structure, and afterwards saved the right wing of the army, by furnishing a passage to the opposite side of the river, when the rebel legions were hurled against it with such rapidity and violence.

Nearly three months had now elapsed since the Army of the Potomac landed at Fortress Monroe, and began the Peninsular Campaign. Yorktown had been evacuated, the bloody battles of “Williamsburg,” “West Point,” “Fair Oaks” and “Seven Pines,” besides several lesser engagements, fought, the troops arrived before and around Richmond, and our labors were apparently about to be crowned with success by its capture.

One evening, about the 20th of the month, Gen. McClellan, accompanied by Gens. Smith, Gorman and Porter, rode down to the picket line where Captain Warford, with his Company, was stationed. After removing their coats, in order to conceal their rank, and fording a small creek, they ascended to a tree-top to reconnoitre the enemy’s position. Their pickets were only about twenty rods distant, on the opposite side of a wheat field. Descending, the Commander-in-Chief remarked to Gen. Smith, with a smile on his face, “I have got them now,” accompanying the remark with a significant doubling up of his right fist. His army then numbered one hundred and fifteen thousand men fit for duty.

A few brief hours served to dispel the visions of success and glory which had brightened up his countenance. On the evening of the 25th, Gen. McClellan telegraphed to the President: “I incline to think that Jackson will attack my right and rear. The rebel force is stated at two hundred thousand, including Jackson and Beauregard. I shall have to contend against vastly superior odds, if these reports be true, but this army will do all in the power of man to hold their position, and repulse an attack. I regret my inferiority in numbers, but feel that I am in no way responsible for it, as I have not failed to represent repeatedly the necessity of reinforcements; that this was the decisive point, and that all should be concentrated here. I will do all that a General can do, with the splendid army I have the honor to command, and if it is destroyed by overwhelming numbers, can at least die with it and share its fate.... I shall probably be attacked to-morrow, and now go to the other side of the Chickahominy to arrange for the defence on that side.”

The reader will understand that our army was then arranged in the form of a semi-circle, extending across the Chickahominy, the left resting upon Savage’s Station, and the right upon Mechanicsville. In the rear of the right wing was “White House,” on the Pamunkey River, used as a base of supplies for the army, which were brought by way of York River. The plan of Gen. Lee, who had now succeeded Gen. Johnston, was to concentrate his whole force on our right wing, destroy it before the troops on the other side of the river could be brought against him, gain possession of White House, thereby cutting off our supplies as well as way of retreat, and capture the entire army. He had no sooner however, taken the initiatory step in this programme, by calling Jackson to his assistance, than Gen. McClellan, as appears from the above letter to the President, divined his whole strategy.

On the afternoon of Thursday, June 26th, the enemy fell upon Gen. McCall’s Division at Mechanicsville. Reynolds’ and Seymour’s Brigades bore the brunt of the attack. The battle continued until sundown, when the rebels were handsomely repulsed. At midnight the force fell back, in accordance with orders, to “Gaines’ Farm,” where was fought the bloody engagement of Friday, June 27th, resulting in a Federal loss of 9,000 killed, wounded and missing. Smith’s Division, it will be remembered, was now located nearly opposite from Gaines’ Farm, or Mill.

While the battle was progressing, on Thursday, at Mechanicsville, the enemy stationed on the opposite side of the river opened a furious cannonade on Gen. Smith, to divert attention. The tents of the Thirty-third were considerably damaged with shot and shell, and the horses of the Major and Quartermaster killed, in addition to several other animals. Very fortunately the men had just completed a formidable breastwork directly in front of the encampment, and taking refuge behind this, none of them were killed.

The contrabands, of whom a considerable number now accompanied the Regiment, were terribly frightened, and scampered away rapidly. Two of them sought refuge behind a pile of cracker-boxes, but they had hardly gained this shelter before a bursting shell scattered the boxes and contents in all directions, much to the horror of the fleeing negroes and amusement of the soldiers, who were ensconced away behind the earthworks. Several of them received such a fright that they were never seen afterwards. Of this number was one of the negroes who communicated the information before Yorktown of its evacuation.

On the following day, the 27th, a portion of Gen. Franklin’s Corps was sent back across the river to aid Gen. Porter in holding his position at Gaines’ Farm. Several of our batteries were likewise wheeled about and brought to bear upon the enemy. But these and other reinforcements were not sufficient to turn the tide of battle. The overwhelming numbers of the enemy, estimated by Gen. McClellan at full eighty thousand, precluded any hope of successfully resisting them and maintaining the position. All the troops on the east bank of the river accordingly crossed that night to the opposite side, destroying the bridge after them.

Gen. McClellan immediately summoned several of his Generals, and informed them that there was only one of two things to be done, either to mass all of his troops at that point, near “Golden’s Farm,” and risk a sanguinary battle, or to retire immediately and rapidly to the James River. In the former case, defeat would ensure the destruction of the army, whereas by abandoning the siege of Richmond for the time being, he could retreat in safety to the James, saving most of his men and material. The result of the interview was a determination on the part of the Commanding General to “change his base,” and, under cover of night, preparations were made for the retreat.

CHAPTER XIII. BATTLE OF GOLDEN’S FARM.

During the following morning, Saturday, June 28th, Col. Taylor, in accordance with orders from Gen. Smith, moved with a portion of his command to relieve and support the picket line, then within two hundred yards of the enemy, leaving the remainder in camp, under command of acting Adjutant Tyler, to strike tents, secure baggage, &c., preparatory to retreating. The men had hardly reached the picket line before the confederates opened a heavy artillery fire from twenty pieces, which was mainly concentrated upon the camp.

Shot and shell flew in every direction, crashing through the trees, ploughing up the ground, completely riddling the tents, firing the baggage and commissary stores, and rendering every foot of the camp enclosure untenable. The camp guard, prisoners, sick, convalescents and, others, seizing their arms, immediately sought refuge behind the earthworks, consisting of ditches and the breastwork in front, which had afforded such good protection on the Thursday previous.

Several of the enemy’s missiles struck the breastworks and rolled over, occasioning not a little confusion. One shell dropped down into the ditch beneath the parapet among the men, but was quickly tossed out by J. W. Hendricks, Co. A, and again taken up by Peter Roach, of the same Company, and thrown down the hill, where it exploded, doing no injury. This heroic deed of these brave fellows undoubtedly saved the lives of several of their comrades at the imminent peril of their own.

Not being replied to by our guns, nearly all of which had been taken to the rear to form in the line of retreat, their artillery firing ceased at the end of an hour, leading our officers to infer that the rebels had withdrawn to some other point. The mistake was soon discovered, however, when the picket line (embracing, in addition to a part of the Thirty-third, two companies of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania), which had firmly maintained its position, in spite of the artillery fire, was fiercely attacked by two full regiments of infantry.

The men stood their ground manfully at first, but were at length forced back to the earthworks, wheeling and firing steadily as they retreated. The defences gained, and the co-operation of the remainder of the Regiment secured, a most gallant stand was made. Colonel Taylor had hardly stationed the men in their places before the rebels, flushed with their first success, and confident of easily storming the defences and capturing the defenders, came charging furiously down upon them.

All became hushed along the line as the men nerved themselves for the encounter. The orders to “reserve fire,” “fire low,” &c., were given in a quiet undertone, and the soldiers, bringing their firelocks to their shoulders and resting them over the top of the parapet, calmly waited the approach of the enemy. On they came, yelling and shouting like demons, till within a few yards of the breastwork when there instantly shot forth from behind it a sheet of flame, followed by another and another, until, staggered by the galling fire, the rebels wavered, broke and fled in great disorder from the field.

When the smoke cleared away the number of killed and wounded that appeared scattered upon the ground testified to the accuracy of our aim. Nearly every one had brought down his man. They continued firing upon the retreating enemy until out of range. Not satisfied with the reception which they had received, the confederates, re-forming, again advanced, though more cautiously than at first. But they were again met by a murderous fire and compelled to fall back, leaving many of their number on the field.

Maddened by the defeat and carnage which had taken place around him, Colonel Lamar, of the Eighth Ga., who commanded the enemy, now sprang forward in front of his men, and, waving his sword and hat in the air, incited them to a renewal of the charge. Over a hundred rifles were instantly levelled at him, and he fell, dangerously wounded, to the ground. At the same time a section of Mott’s battery, which had come up, opened an enfilading fire upon them from the left, and the victory was complete, the enemy fleeing in all directions.

Huzza after huzza followed from our men, who could be restrained only with the greatest difficulty from leaping over the parapet and pursuing them. This it would not have been prudent to do, owing to the great disparity in numbers. A small party was, however, sent forward to secure several prisoners who had voluntarily surrendered, and also our wounded.

This attempt, on the part of the Seventh and Eighth Ga. Regiments, to capture the Thirty-third, resulted to them in a loss of 91 killed and left upon the field, a large number of wounded, 50 prisoners, including the wounded Col. Lamar of the Eighth and Lieut. Colonel Tower of the Seventh Ga., and two hundred stand of arms. We lost several, in killed and wounded, during the first part of the engagement, when forced back to the entrenchments. A number were also taken prisoners, including Captain Hamilton, of Company G, who was exchanged, and returned to the Regiment at Harrison’s Landing. The enemy’s balls mostly passed several feet over, or lodged in the earthworks, doing but little injury.

First Lieutenant Moses Church, of Company E, fearless to a fault, seized a musket and, going out from behind the protection of the works, fired repeatedly, with deliberate aim, at the advancing rebels, until he dropped dead, pierced through the head with a minie-ball. He was a brave and beloved officer, and was buried close to the spot where he so nobly died. Private Hildreth, of the same Company, also exposed himself in a similar manner, and was shot dead, the ball penetrating his eye.

Immediately after the final discomfiture of the rebels, Major Platner was sent by Colonel Taylor to establish a new picket line, and both parties buried their dead, under a flag of truce. One of the prisoners, belonging to the Eighth Ga., on seeing the mangled remains of his brother, wept bitterly and for a time refused to leave them. The same soldier afterwards conversed with members of the Thirty-third at the first battle of Fredericksburg, and reverted to the circumstance, and also to the fact that his Regiment had encountered the Thirty-third for the fourth time in battle.

While the engagement was going on, the Seventy-seventh N. Y., to the command of which Lieut.-Colonel Corning had been temporarily assigned, was drawn up in line of battle further to the left, to prevent a flank movement.

The following is Colonel Taylor’s report of the engagement:

General Davidson, in his report of the affair, said:

“The Thirty-third N. Y. Volunteers, Colonel Taylor, of my Brigade, then on picket, in conjunction with the Forty-ninth Pa. (two companies), Colonel Irwin, had the honor of repulsing the enemy most handsomely. The conduct of the Thirty-third N. Y., Forty-ninth Pa., and Seventh Maine, under this terrible, concentrated fire, which took us completely by surprise, was all that could be desired.”

CHAPTER XIV.

Our army was now in full retreat, the right wing following the left, and both sweeping away to the James. The rebel capital beleagured, pressed, girt round about by a living wall, and just within our grasp, once more breathes freely. The siege is raised, the tide of war rolled back from her gates, and the black flag of rebellion waves in triumph.

It was a sad and humiliating day for our brave boys, when gathering up effects and shouldering muskets, they turned their backs on the city. For weeks they had regarded it as their prize. Their young Chief had told them it should be theirs, and in him they firmly placed their trust. Bitter were the anathemas heaped upon the Washington authorities, through whose mismanagement they believed victory was being turned into defeat. Whatever may have been the truth of the case, they and they alone were held responsible that we were now marching away from instead of towards Richmond. The route of the right wing lay along the west bank of the Chickahominy to Savage’s Station, White Oak Swamp, and thence to Harrison’s Bar. General Smith’s command did not begin to move until the troops, crossed from the other side of the river, had passed by.

Saturday night, June 28th, the right wing of the Thirty-third was again detailed for picket duty, the third night the men had been without sleep. In obedience to orders from Gen. Davidson, Captain McNair, taking a squad of men, destroyed the camp equipage of the entire Brigade. Before morning the destruction of everything of value was completed. Cos. C, D and I remained on picket until 1 o’clock A. M., when they were relieved by A and F. The line stretched away to the left for half a mile, connecting on with General Gorman’s. The reader can imagine what were the feelings of these men, who were left to deceive and hold in check the enemy while the remainder of the troops withdrew. Regiment after Regiment disappeared in the distance, until they alone remained. Moments lengthened into hours, but their eyes were greeted with no signal to retire. Through the gray mist of the early morn, the rebel pickets could be seen, their line advanced already to within speaking distance, and their forces in the rear preparing to throw themselves headlong on our retreating columns; still no orders for withdrawal came.

It is a brave and noble thing when a soldier, burning with love of country and cheered on by the presence and sympathy of comrades in arms, rushes into the conflict, and at the cannon’s mouth breasts the storm of death; but braver and nobler far, when the picket guard, knowing that each moment lengthens the distance between him and friends, and makes more certain his slaughter or capture by an insolent and cruel foe, stands calmly waiting his fate, rather than betray his trust and compromise the safety of an army. Gen. Smith had said to them before going out, “It is the duty of the few to sacrifice themselves for the safety of the many,” and they murmured not at the decision which had made them the victims.

After all hope of being withdrawn had gone, they were, to their great joy, signalled to return, which they did rapidly, under cover of a dense fog, and soon joined the Regiment.

The Division marched two miles Sunday morning, keeping on the high lands which skirt the Chickahominy, in order to protect the right of the army. On arriving at Trent House, they were massed for a short time, during which Gen. McClellan rode by.

Again resuming the march along the river, they halted about one mile to the right of Savage’s Station, and, after remaining in line of battle a few moments, fell back to the Station, a large clearing in the forest, of two thousand acres or more. The pioneers of the Thirty-third were detailed to assist in the destruction of the immense war material which had accumulated here. Of all the pyrotechnic displays which our military authorities have gotten up during the war, this was the most costly and magnificent, if such a melancholy spectacle can be styled magnificent.

Scattered over a large surface of ground were heavy supplies of provisions and ammunition burning and bursting, filling the air with smoke and embers, and adding to the already oppressive heat of the day. As the flames reached fresh piles of commissary stores, they would burst forth anew, lighting up the country for miles, and imparting a terrible grandeur to the scene. The forage, which had been sent from the North, and collected from the surrounding country, burned rapidly, creating dense volumes of smoke, which slowly drifted along to the westward. Great numbers of torpedoes, prepared for signal purposes, were shooting in every direction, displaying through the murky atmosphere the red, white and blue colors. Occasionally a box of cartridges would explode, sending the balls whizzing among the tree tops, to the great annoyance of some of the men, who did not care to be picked off in this style. A large number of agricultural implements sent down from Washington to aid in harvesting the crops of the Peninsula, were thrown together in a promiscuous heap. The torch applied, nothing soon remained of them but a mass of blackened shafts and wheels. Though burning so fiercely, the flames were found inadequate to complete the destruction. A long train of cars was accordingly run up, and after being loaded with material, and set on fire, was started towards the Chickahominy, the engineer swinging off after having “let on full steam.” Along it sped at a fearful rate, until reaching the river, when the engine exploded, as it careened over the bank, and the cars were precipitated into the water below, lying piled one upon another, a mass of ruins. The explosion of the engine, which was heard for a long distance, caused the rebels to hastily decamp from the opposite side of the river, where they were drawn up to prevent our retreat in that direction.

A General Hospital was located at the Station, and contained, in addition to thousands of sick, the wounded from the late battles, who had been sent here after the retreat was decided upon, presenting an indescribable scene of suffering and woe. To add to the gloom and unhappiness of their condition, they were now informed that all who could not join in the march would be left behind, no ambulances or transportation being furnished. A large number of the poor fellows, determined not to fall into the hands of the enemy, started bravely out, and through all the retreat, their weak and emaciated forms could be seen struggling along the weary way, with limbs just amputated, or undressed wounds bleeding at every step. But with spirits all unconquered, and hope yet whispering words of encouragement, many of these unfortunates reached Harrison’s Bar, and have since recovered to recount experiences of suffering and brave endurance, rarely fallen to the lot of human beings.

Of this number was Philip Smith, of the Thirty-third, whose case presents a striking instance of that fortitude which brought many sick and wounded through that long retreat, while many strong men were compelled to succumb to the fatigue and become prisoners. He was wounded through the elbow at the battle of Golden’s Farm. The wound was severe, and such as would ordinarily require amputation.

He was immediately conveyed to Savage’s Station, where the surgeons determined to remove the arm. Smith resisted, but was forced upon the operating table. It became necessary for the surgeons to leave the subject for a moment, when he sprang from the table and hurried away from the Hospital. He followed the moving army from day to day, much of the time unable to obtain food, his arm frightfully swollen, and every moment becoming more painful. After four days he arrived at Harrison’s Landing, and found his way on board of one of the transports, his wound still undressed. He was carried to Baltimore, and placed in the General Hospital there. Here, too, the surgeon in charge, determined upon amputation, and declared he could not live ten days in that condition. “Then,” said Smith, “I will die with two arms.” For several days the surgeon refused to dress the wound at all, and at length was about to force the operation, when the Chief Surgeon, after a careful examination, remarked, that as the young man appeared to have an excellent constitution he might bear up under the excruciating pain, and perhaps recover without losing the limb. The wound was now dressed for the first time, and although months of pain and sickness followed, Smith finally recovered his health, with the consolation that his obstinate endurance had saved his right arm.

After remaining two hours in the woods round Savage’s Station, Davidson’s Brigade marched two miles further to the rear, when a halt was ordered. Several large boxes of Quartermaster’s stores were found here, having been left for want of transportation. The men helped themselves freely to clothing, doffing their old garments for entire new suits. After resting for a few moments, the Brigade was ordered back again to the Station, to support Gen. Brooks, who had become engaged with the enemy. Proceeding back at a double quick, Brooks was found driving the enemy in fine style with his Vermont Brigade, after having punished them severely. The battle lasted until an hour after sunset, when a brilliant cavalry charge totally routed and put to flight the rebels. Gen. Brooks was, however, wounded. The Vermont troops fought nobly, sustaining the reputation which they had previously won at Lee’s Mills and in other engagements. While the conflict was raging fiercely, a member of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania stepped out in front of the line of battle, and, unmindful of the bullets which were whistling around him, delivered a very solemn prayer. The effect was most impressive on the hearers.

Parties, including one often men from the Thirty-third, detailed to bury the dead, were nearly all taken prisoners. The Brigade remained until ten o’clock in the evening, the men falling asleep in their tracks, when it again moved to the rear, on the road previously taken, towards White Oak Swamp. Gen Davidson, who had been sun-struck during the afternoon, was borne along for some distance on a litter by members of the band. On being temporarily left by the road-side, the General stepped into a house close by, and a straggler happening along took his place. The men returning, took up the litter, and carried the straggler nearly a mile before discovering their mistake. They were very much chagrined over the “sell,” but thought it too good a joke to keep.

CHAPTER XV.

Col. Taylor succeeded to the command of the Brigade. The distance to the bridge was represented as being inconsiderable, and the troops plodded wearily along, congratulating themselves that they should soon reach a resting place; but hour after hour of the long night passed, and no bridge appeared. Owing to the darkness and confusion, the commands became mingled together, Regiments losing their Brigades, and soldiers their Regiments.

It was now the fourth night the men had been without sleep, which, together with the fearful excitement through which they had passed, exhausted their strength, and one after another sank down by the road side, knowing that the enemy would soon be along.

An hour before day the Brigade reached the bridge which crossed White Oak Swamp, when a scene ensued which baffles description. The structure was very narrow, and each Regiment pushed ahead pell-mell, in order to get over first. A Maj. General stood on the bridge and kept repeating: “For God’s sake hurry up men.” The enemy were pressing closely behind, and might make their appearance at any moment, rendering escape impossible. Already guards stood, with torch in hand, waiting the first signal of their approach to fire the structure, and thereby save those who had already crossed.

After anxiously waiting an hour, the Thirty-third succeeded in effecting a crossing, but many were found to be missing. A placard was posted up by the road-side directing such men as might afterwards come up, to the spot where the Regiment was located. General Smith temporarily established his headquarters under a fruit tree, and sent out aids to hunt up his various Regiments. Those of Colonel Taylor’s Brigade being got together, moved up, about six o’clock, on their way from the swamp, taking the road to Harrison’s Landing. They proceeded, however, only a short distance, over the crest of a hill, and halting, formed in line of battle.

No signs of the enemy being visible, arms were stacked, and the men scattered in various directions—some to pitch tents, others to bring water or bathe themselves. Nearly all the stragglers had now got over, and about eleven o’clock the bridge was in flames. When the Thirty-third were receiving rations they were suddenly startled by the roar of fifty cannon and the appearance in their midst of shot and shell. Under cover of the dense wood on the opposite side of the swamp the enemy had planted their batteries, in close proximity to us, and obtained perfect range of our forces. So accurate was their aim that the first shell burst in the dwelling occupied by General Smith, cutting the gray-haired owner in two just as he was leaving the house. The same shell disabled Lieutenant Long, knocked down Lucius Beach of Company C, and killed a Southern laborer who was standing close by. General Smith was changing his clothes at the time, and lost his watch. He coolly walked away from the house, but one of his aids, darting away from him, ran bareheaded through the Regiment like mad, and getting behind a tree, hugged it closely during the rest of the cannonade. A momentary panic followed this sudden attack of the enemy, and it required the most strenuous exertions on the part of officers to restore order in the ranks. Those who fled to the rear were brought back at the point of the bayonet. A Regiment stationed in front of Col. Taylor’s was thrown into the greatest confusion, and, following the example of their leader, rushed back headlong, sweeping down those who impeded their course. Exasperated at this conduct, the officers of the Thirty-third threatened to shoot down the entire Regiment if they did not return. Their Colonel, who so ignobly deserted them, came and sat down among the privates of the Thirty-third, when one of them said to him, “Don’t your Regiment need you? we have got all the officers we want here.” Upon this he picked himself up and hastened to a hospital near by. He was afterwards compelled to resign. The Regiment did some splendid fighting at Antietam, under a new leader. The soldiers all fell flat on the ground, thereby escaping the shells, which ploughed through the top of the crest, or, clearing it, struck in the marsh beyond. Occasionally one would burst directly over their heads, causing some loss of life. After remaining under this fire for half an hour, Colonel Taylor withdrew his Brigade to the edge of the woods, and formed them in line of battle. Maj. Platner, who was now in command of the Regiment, was ordered to report to General Hancock, who stationed him on the extreme right of the line, remarking as he did so, “Major, you have the post of honor; hold the position at all hazards, and add new laurels to those already won by the Thirty-third.” The firing still continued very heavy, the enemy making several attempts to cross the swamp, but they were repulsed each time. The bridge had been burned before their arrival. Several cavalrymen, however, succeeded in getting over. Lieutenant Hills, who had been sent to the top of the crest to watch the movements of the enemy, observed one of these horsemen capture five Union soldiers. They were lying behind a fence, and when he rode up and ordered them to surrender the cowards yielded, though having guns in their hands. The daring trooper likewise rode fearlessly towards Lieutenant Hills, and shouted to him to surrender. Let the scoundrel come on if he wants to, said Captain Cole, who had come up, which remark intimidated him, and he galloped rapidly away. The cannonading continued until after night had enveloped friend and foe in darkness. General Smith appeared frequently riding along the line, regardless of the shells which were bursting all around him, and exhibiting as much nonchalance as if the occasion were nothing more than a militia training. Halting at one time in front of the Thirty-third, he said to them, “You are doing nobly; stay where you are until you get different orders.” He afterwards remarked that the Regiment had “sustained its former reputation.” While the battle was progressing a fierce engagement was also going on at Charles City Cross-Roads. The cheering of friend and foe could be easily distinguished as either side gained any advantage.

About half-past eight o’clock in the evening the enemy’s fire slackened, and preparations were made to resume the march. The Division stealthily withdrew, and were massed in a large field. The men were not permitted to return to the hillside and secure their knapsacks, which contained letters, likenesses, &c., but were speedily and quietly hurried away.

A picket line was left to deceive the enemy by making them think that we still remained. In half an hour’s time all preparations were completed, and the troops commenced marching. It was a most solemn and impressive scene as the long column moved away, winding over hill and through dale. The officers delivered their commands in a whisper, and the men were not permitted to speak. The artillery was drawn away by hand; one single Napoleon being left to fire upon the crossing, kept booming, booming all night long.

The woods adjoining the swamp were set on fire at our departure, casting a lurid flame over woodland and plain, and lighting up the country for miles around. An attack was expected every moment, and the snapping of a twig or cry of a night bird was sufficient to create an alarm. But no enemy appeared, and the solemn, noiseless march was continued. Colonel Taylor, in his report of this engagement at White Oak Swamp, said: “Major John S. Platner, and Captain Cole, of Company C, and Captain McNair, of Company F, rendered themselves conspicuous in their efforts to get the men into line of battle and under arms, where they nobly stood until relieved by the order to fall back.” The following is an extract from a report subsequently made by General Davidson: “In compliance with special order No. 42, from 6th Army Corps, to forward any recommendations for promotion, and the names of the officers and men deserving reward for distinguished services, I have the honor to report as follows: Major John S. Platner, Captain James McNair, Company F, and Captain C. H. Cole, Company C, for gallant conduct at White Oak Swamp. Owing particularly to the efforts of these officers, the men were formed in perfect order, and enabled to hold their position under the terrific fire of the enemy.”

CHAPTER XVI.

So successfully had the pickets, who were left to cover the withdrawal, performed their part, that it was not discovered by the enemy in time to pursue. Before morning, however, a fresh danger encountered the Division, which now constituted the rear of the army. Another portion of the enemy, under Huger, had gained possession of the road ahead of us, thereby cutting off the retreat. Some, nearly exhausted by the arduous labors of the four days previous, were well nigh discouraged on receipt of this intelligence. But General Smith was equal to the emergency, and instead of pressing forward, as some of his officers advised, and attempting to cut his way through to the river, seven miles distant, he turned off, and making a circuit of twenty-two miles, completely eluded the foe.

In a conversation which occurred a few days afterwards, at Liberty Hall, between General Jackson and Surgeon Dickinson, of the Thirty-third, who had remained with his sick and wounded, Stonewall remarked, that “Huger ought to be court-martialled for permitting Smith to escape, and Magruder shot for his drunkenness and mismanagement at Malvern.” They were both subsequently shelved. Jackson added, further, that Gen. McClellan had out-generaled them, escaping with his army when it was just within their grasp.

After debouching from the main thoroughfare a halt was ordered, and the men, sinking down by the road-side, were soon fast asleep. But they were immediately roused from their slumbers, and springing to their feet, prepared to resist the enemy’s cavalry, who were reported to be advancing on a charge. The alarm, however, proved to be groundless, having been occasioned by some horses, which had got away from their sleepy riders, dashing through the ranks. When the panic created by this circumstance had subsided, the Division again moved forward rapidly, many of the soldiers being so exhausted as to fall asleep, and mechanically move along, until a halt in the line would throw them headlong against their comrades in front. The memories of that fearful night march can never be effaced from the brain of those who participated in it. An hour after daylight the head of the column reached Malvern, when the boys, mistaking some dead pines ahead for ship masts, gave vent to the wildest demonstrations of joy, supposing that the river had been reached. It was, however, but a short way off. Moving on a little distance further, the troops were massed by Regiments in a large clearing, and permitted an hour’s sleep. At the expiration of that time the Thirty-third was ordered on picket in the woods at the right of Malvern Hills, where a portion of the army was drawn up to receive an attack. Major Platner, still in command of the Regiment, deployed all the Companies as skirmishers, every other man being permitted to sleep.

Directly in the rear, the Vermont Brigade were employed in slashing timber, and constructing a formidable abatis, behind which a line of battle was formed, No openings were left, or other provisions made for the escape of the Thirty-third, should the enemy appear, but they were told to fire off their guns, and make their way back through the slashing as best they could. The night was intensely dark, and the men, unable to see or converse with each other, had a decidedly dreary time of it. About three o’clock in the morning (Wednesday) an Aid appeared and ordered them in. Owing to the darkness and obstacles some did not get back for several hours.

The fierce battle of Malvern Hills was, in the meantime, being fought. The line of battle was formed about eight o’clock in the morning (Tuesday), General Franklin having the right, Generals Keyes and Heintzelman the centre, and General Porter the left. General Sumner’s Corps was held as a reserve. Our batteries were planted on the hills in commanding positions. About nine o’clock the pursuing enemy made their appearance and immediately opened a heavy artillery fire, which was replied to by our guns, the gunboats Galena and Jacob Bell assisting. The artillery duel was kept up until three o’clock in the afternoon, when the enemy charged in solid column upon our batteries, but were repulsed with terrible slaughter. Again and again they renewed the charge, but were as often beaten back. Despairing of dislodging us with shot and shell, or of storming our guns, they now advanced their infantry, who opened a musketry fire, and the engagement became general along the whole line. For three long hours the battle raged fiercely, neither side gaining any material advantage. But at the end of this time reinforcements arrived to the number of four Brigades, and decided the fortunes of the day. The enemy were everywhere beaten back and put to flight, many of them not stopping until they reached their defences. Some were at the time, and have since been, of the opinion that our victorious forces could have followed them into their capital. But when we consider the distance intervening, the condition of our own troops, and that this was only one wing of the rebel army that had met with defeat, it is scarcely reasonable to conclude that the success could have been followed up by the capture of Richmond. This terminated the series of engagements connected with the retreat. Like Massena fleeing before Wellington, General McClellan had again and again turned upon Lee, and as often checked him in the pursuit.

After being ordered in from the picket line, the Thirty-third was permitted a few hours’ rest, and then sent to the front to support Ayers’ battery. The men had hardly taken their position behind the guns, before they were ordered to move on, which they did in a furious storm. Reaching a large wheat field, a portion of the army was found drawn up, in a hollow square, with the trains in the centre, expecting an attack. The troops were marched and counter-marched, and arranged to meet the enemy, but they did not make their appearance. The Regiment here joined the others of the Brigade under Colonel Taylor, and proceeded on towards Harrison’s Landing. The water was in many places from six to eight inches deep, the streams very much swollen, and various other circumstances conspired to make the marching slow and tedious. The Thirty-third, however, reached the landing about two o’clock in the afternoon, which was on the old Harrison estate, and reminded the men very much of White House Landing.

HARRISONS LANDING

The river was full of gunboats and transports of every description. Many of the boys were so famished that they did not wait for the commissary, but swam out to the boats, and, clambering up the sides, procured something to eat. Others were so exhausted that, without delaying for food or shelter, they sank down in the mud, and were soon fast asleep. Notwithstanding the excessive heat and innumerable number of bugs and flies of every description, they found no difficulty in wooing Morpheus after the severe and terrible exposures and hardships of the seven days previous. On the next day, which was the 4th, General McClellan issued the following address to the troops:

This stirring address was received with immense enthusiasm by the army. During the day a national salute was fired at the headquarters of each Army Corps, and immediately after the bands played various national airs. General McClellan likewise visited all the troops in the afternoon, and they paraded before him.

The position here was one of great beauty, the country being open, rolling, and skirted with large and variegated forests. Beautiful country residences, belonging to aristocratic owners, were seen in every direction.

Saturday morning, 5th, Smith’s Division was sent back on the Charles City Cross-roads, two and a half miles, to the support of General Shields’ forces, which had been attacked by Texan cavalry. The rebels were repulsed, and fled, leaving one gun in our possession. The Brigade remained here, and pitched their tents in a very commanding though unhealthy position. The water was frequently so stagnant that fish could not live in it, floating lifeless to the top. The men immediately commenced earthworks on the highlands in the vicinity of the Landing. The Thirty-third assisted in the construction of an extensive fort, mounting several 32-pounders. When completed, it presented a very formidable appearance. An immense amount of slashing was also performed. It was a fine sight to see a whole forest rapidly disappear before the sturdy blows of a thousand choppers. While one Regiment used the axes, another was posted in front to prevent the enemy’s sharpshooters from firing upon them.

The men learned, with much satisfaction, soon after reaching the Landing, of the capture of their old acquaintance, the Teaser, which surrendered to the Union gunboat Mantanzas.

Much sickness prevailed among the camps, owing to the unhealthy surroundings and impure water. Many died, and many more were taken North, not, however, before the seeds of death had been implanted in their constitutions. Each Company of the Thirty-third provided itself with a well, and afterwards enjoyed the luxury of pure water. Everything pertaining to a soldier’s living was furnished in abundance, after affairs became settled, sweet bread, in addition to many other things, being added to the bill of fare. While here, General Smith was confirmed as a Brigadier General of Volunteers. He was likewise nominated for a Major Generalship. General Davidson, recovering from the effects of the sunstroke, resumed command of the Brigade, and Colonel Taylor returned to his Regiment. One reconnoissance was made by him in the direction of Richmond.

CHAPTER XVII.

Reinforcements began to come up the river, so that in a few days the army numbered one hundred and twenty thousand men.

On the morning of the 8th President Lincoln arrived unexpectedly from Fortress Monroe, and was welcomed with a salute of thirty-two guns. After spending a few hours at Headquarters, he proceeded to review the various commands, accompanied by General McClellan. As he rode along the lines, and observed the thinned ranks and torn and tattered flags, he exhibited much emotion. The review was not completed until 9 o’clock, the moon shining brightly, and a cool, fresh breeze blowing from off the water. General Halleck likewise made his appearance on the 24th, and inspected the army.

The enemy soon began to show themselves on the opposite and higher bank of the river, and in the course of a few days increased to the number of several thousand. About midnight, on the 31st, they opened a vigorous fire from three batteries on our shipping and camps. Many of the shells struck in the vicinity of the Thirty-third. Our gunboats returned the fire, and, with the assistance of the siege-guns, drove them away, at the end of two hours. Only two men were killed, and twelve wounded, by this night attack.

On the following morning eight hundred troops crossed the river in boats, and burned all the buildings, and cut down the trees in the vicinity.

Monday, August 4th, a force consisting of infantry, cavalry and artillery, under General Hooker, proceeded back to Malvern Hills, and after a brief engagement re-occupied them, the enemy retreating. They remained here until Wednesday, and then returned to camp. On the following Friday, great rejoicing was occasioned in General Hooker’s Division, on the reception of the news that he had been promoted to a Major Generalship. The troops assembled en-masse at his headquarters, and cheered vociferously for “Fighting Joe,” while various bands discoursed national airs. Several hundred lighted candles were fixed in the surrounding trees, imparting a beautiful effect to the scene. The same day Colonel Taylor left for the north on recruiting service, taking with him Lieutenant Corning and a Sergeant from each Company. Gen. Davidson also departed, having been ordered to the Department of Missouri. Lieutenant-Colonel Corning, being now senior officer of the Brigade, assumed command of it.

A soldier who had run away from the Golden’s Farm fight, was paraded before the Division with his head half-shaved, and a placard marked “Coward,” suspended upon his back. He was also sentenced to forfeit all back pay, and spend the remainder of his time of enlistment at the Tortugas. All the Regiments were drawn up in line of battle, and the culprit marched back and forth before them, while a band played “the rogue’s march.”

Owing to the movements of the enemy in front of General Pope, unhealthy location of the army at Harrison’s Landing, and because they had come to regard the Peninsula route to Richmond impracticable, and lost confidence in General McClellan’s capacity, the military authorities at Washington decided, early in the month of August, to recall the army from the Peninsula. General McClellan was strongly opposed to this, declaring to them that if fifty thousand reinforcements were furnished him, he would yet enter the rebel capital. His wishes, however, were not complied with, and preparations for a “change of base” were commenced. Smith’s Division received orders to be in readiness to march at daylight, Thursday, August 14th. It did not move, however, until the following Saturday. All the necessary preparations were conducted with secrecy and dispatch; wooden guns were planted on the fort which the Thirty-third had assisted in building, and sentinels of straw were posted a few feet apart on the ramparts. All day Thursday and Friday, other portions of the army marched by, the artillery and wagon trains proceeding at night. Generals Porter’s, Keyes’, and Sumner’s Corps proceeded by the Charles City Court House, and General Heintzelman’s by the Cole’s Ford route. The object of the previous movement to Malvern was now explained, it having been made to mislead the enemy, and cause them to think that another advance was intended.

About four o’clock Saturday afternoon, Smith’s Division took up the line of march. As the troops moved away, the enemy who, apparently for the first time, had discovered the movement, drew near and fired for some time at the sham pickets or sentinels, occasioning many humorous remarks from the soldiers, such as, “They won’t drive them,” “Why don’t you drop him, Mr. Rebel.” “How are you, sharp-shooter,” &c., &c. The column was forty miles in length, General Porter, who was at the head, having then reached Williamsburg. The Thirty-third proceeded by the river road, and marching five miles the first night, encamped on a deserted plantation. While halting by the way, General McClellan appeared, and after addressing the men a few encouraging words, urged the necessity of marching as rapidly as possible. The moon shone brightly, but the air was chilly, and many who had thrown away their blankets suffered from the cold and heavy dew. The following day, Sunday, the march was resumed at six o’clock, and continued until three in the afternoon. The Regiment marched seventeen miles, crossing the Chickahominy near its mouth on a pontoon bridge—the longest ever constructed in this country—consisting of ninety-six boats, anchored about twenty feet apart.

Among other craft lying here was the steamer Matamora, which had conveyed a portion of the Thirty-third from Alexandria to Fortress Monroe. The troops encamped in a wheat-field on an elevated spot about one-fourth of a mile back from the river. All danger of an attack from the enemy was now past, and they slept soundly after their long and wearisome march. The country for miles back in the interior was very flat, almost on a level with the river’s bank, and abounded in swamps and marshes. Evidences of ruin and decay were seen all along the route. The orchards had frequently been so neglected that a second growth of trees had sprung up and grown through the limbs of the older ones, presenting an anomalous sight. Col. Vegesack, who had been assigned to the 20th New York, now took command of the Brigade, and Lieutenant-Colonel Corning returned to the Regiment. Col. Vegesack, who had obtained a furlough from the Swedish army to cross the water and fight in behalf of the Union, was a brave and beloved officer. While the first battle of Fredericksburg was in progress, he received an extension of time, and in announcing the fact to his men on the field, added; “My soldiers, I fight from patriotism: you fight from patriotism and for country; I expect that you will fight well.”

The next day the Regiment marched fifteen miles, passing through Williamsburg. The inhabitants manifested in various ways their delight at seeing the army retreating, which four months before had marched so victoriously in the opposite direction. Marching by Fort Magruder and the old battle-field, the Thirty-third bivouacked in a pleasant spot three miles beyond. The troops rose early the next morning, and by six o’clock were in motion. Proceeding through Yorktown, the Regiment encamped near a grave-yard, two miles distant from the city, in which two of General Washington’s Aids, killed in the first siege of Yorktown, were buried. Officers and men now for the first time visited the city, spending several hours in wandering through the streets, and examining the heavy fortifications constructed by the enemy. General Van Allen was in command of the place. Near to the fortifications was a “Union Cemetery,” containing the graves of 300 Union soldiers, each of which was adorned by a neat head-board, designating the name and Regiment of the soldier. Wednesday the march was resumed at five o’clock, and continued for ten miles, until Big Bethel was reached. At ten o’clock on the following morning the Regiment arrived in Hampton. The various Divisions of the army had now reached here, the entire retrograde movement having been performed most successfully.

CHAPTER XVIII.

On the following day, the Thirty-third and other Regiments of the Third Brigade embarked at Fortress Monroe, on board the steamers Vanderbilt and Empire City, and came to anchor the same evening at Acquia Creek. The design in sending them here was to reinforce General Burnside, who had already arrived, and held Fredericksburg with a large force. As affairs were assuming a threatening attitude around Washington, it was deemed best, however, to withdraw all the troops from Fredericksburg and vicinity. General Burnside, therefore, commenced evacuating the region the same day that the Thirty-third arrived. The three bridges constructed over the Rappahannock, the railroad, Quartermaster and commissary buildings at Falmouth, were destroyed, the Fredericksburg machine-shop and foundry blown up, and various other property laid in ruins. As the last of the forces were leaving, a woman appeared, with three little children clinging to her side, whom General Burnside recognized as a prominent Union lady. He immediately remarked to her: “Have you anything down to the bridge, madam?” “Only a bed and a few small articles, sir.” Turning to one of his wagon-masters, he said, “Send down an ambulance, wagon-master, and have them brought up and carried to the depot.” The lady afterwards had the pleasure of being landed safely in Washington with her children and effects. This was a little incident in itself, but illustrates the character of the man.

The Thirty-third did not disembark, but proceeding on up to Alexandria, went into camp near Fort Ellsworth, on the 24th, just five months from the day it left for the Peninsula. Five months of active campaigning had brought with it all the fortunes of war. Victory and defeat had anon perched on our banners. New Generals had come and gone. Brave spirits innumerable had been shot to death on the field, lain down in sickly swamps to die, or breathed their life away in northern hospitals or homes. The retrospect was not a cheerful one.

The other Regiments of Franklin’s Corps arrived during the same day, on the Daniel Webster and other transports.

General Pope’s army was in the meantime actively engaged.

Saturday, August 9th, the battle of Cedar Mountain was fought between Generals Banks and Jackson, which can hardly be claimed as a victory for the Federal arms, though the subsequent retreat of the enemy left us in possession of the field.

Wednesday, 13th, General Buford’s Cavalry pushed on further south, as far as Orange Court House, capturing many wounded who had been abandoned.

Sunday, 17th, the army encamped along the banks of the Rapidan.

Wednesday, 20th, General Pope and his entire command crossed to the north bank of the river, and during the same day Jackson, who had been heavily reinforced from Lee’s army, appeared at several of the fords, and opened a brisk and lengthy artillery fire. Opposing batteries were planted along the river at different points for a distance of fifteen miles. No advantage resulted to the enemy from this prolonged artillery duel. They succeeded, however, in throwing a body of cavalry across one of the fords at the extreme left of our lines, which was met by a corresponding force. A severe conflict ensued, neither party being the victors.

Saturday, 23rd, the rebels made a spirited attack on Rappahannock Station, compelling us to abandon it. The bridge over the Rappahannock at that point was burned, and the abutments blown up.

Monday, 25th, the entire left wing of the rebel army crossed the river at Warrenton Springs, and General Pope immediately decided upon abandoning the line of the Rappahannock.

Tuesday, 26th, Ewell, with a part of Jackson’s command, appeared at Bristow Station, in Pope’s rear, and destroyed two bridges, two locomotives, and fifty cars, en route back to Alexandria from Warrenton Junction, whither they had conveyed General Hooker’s Division a few hours previous. Leaving Bristow Station, Ewell proceeded to Manassas Junction, and burnt one hundred more cars, heavily laden with ammunition and supplies. He also destroyed the bridge over Bull Run, and retreated to Hay Market, closely pursued by Hooker and Kearney. About the same time Longstreet’s corps forced a passage through Thoroughfare Gap, after meeting with a stubborn resistance from General King’s Division.

On abandoning the Rappahannock, General Pope had marched rapidly back, in three columns, from Warrenton and Warrenton Junction, and disposed his forces in the following manner. The Corps of McDowell and Sigel and the Pennsylvania Reserves, under Reynolds, were moved to Gainesville. Reno and Kearney were directed upon Greenwich, while Hooker’s Division was sent against Ewell along the railroad. These dispositions, General Halleck tells us, were well planned, but were unfortunately too late, as a large detachment of Lee’s army was already east of Thoroughfare Gap. General Porter was ordered to be at Bristow Station by daylight on the morning of the 28th, but not obeying the order, his Corps did not participate in the battles of the 28th and 29th. Heintzelman’s Corps pressed forward to Manassas on the morning of the 28th, and forced Jackson to retreat across Bull Run by the Centreville turnpike. McDowell had succeeded in checking Lee at Thoroughfare Gap, but the latter took the road to New Market, and hastened to the relief of Jackson, who was now in rapid retreat. A portion of McDowell’s corps encountered the retreating column on the afternoon of the 28th, near Warrenton turnpike, and a severe but successful battle ensued.

Friday, 29th, Jackson was again attacked near the old battle ground of July 1861, when a heavy engagement ensued. Sigel, who had arrived, held the extreme right of our lines. The enemy endeavored to turn his position, but were repulsed three times. Fighting continued until dark, at which time the rebels had been driven one mile. General Pope, in his official report of this battle, wrote:

“We fought a terrific battle here yesterday with the combined forces of the enemy, which lasted with continuous fury, from daylight until after dark, by which time the enemy was driven from the field which we now occupy. Our troops are too much exhausted to push matters, but I shall do so in the course of the morning, as soon as Fitz-John Porter’s Corps comes up from Manassas.”

Upon the following day our forces were arranged as follows: Heintzelman, extreme right; Porter and McDowell, centre; and Banks, extreme left. Sigel was held as a reserve in the rear of Porter. We renewed the battle at 7 o’clock, A. M. Firing was kept up on both sides until one o’clock, when the rebels charged in solid column upon our centre. They were at first repulsed, but again advancing in six columns, McDowell’s troops gave away. The centre now being broken, the wings were compelled to fall back, when a perfect rout ensued. Officers and men, alike, rushed back, pell mell, in the direction of Washington, as fast as their legs would carry them. Reaching Bull Run they were temporarily rallied and held the advance of the enemy in check, but again pushing on, they did not stop until within sight of Centreville.

Returning to General Franklin’s command, the Thirty-third, together with the other Regiments of the Corps, received marching orders on the 28th. Tents were struck, rations provided, and everything got in readiness to hasten to the support of Pope. But the movement did not commence, and at sunset the tents were re-pitched. Orders came again, however, at ten o’clock, to be ready to march on the following morning. The Third Brigade was in readiness at six o’clock, but, proceeding on to the camps of the remaining portions of the Corps, saw but little indication of a move. Tents remained standing, unharnessed artillery horses were eating their grain, and other evidences of an intended delay were apparent. After the lapse of two hours, the Corps took up the line of march, and proceeding through Annandale, halted at eleven o’clock for the day, after having made a distance of six and one half miles. The next morning the march was resumed at eight o’clock. On nearing Fairfax Court House, the artillery firing of General Pope could be distinctly heard, and the troops, knowing that he must be in need of reinforcements, were anxious to push rapidly forward. But they were moved along at a snail pace. Arriving at Cub Run, two miles beyond Centreville, large numbers of wounded men, stragglers and wagons were met going to the rear. While the Thirty-third was fording Cub Run, “we were ordered,” writes the Lieutenant-Colonel, “to counter-march. Our army had given way and the hellish intentions of some Generals had been accomplished. Pope had been defeated.” The Brigade returned to Centreville, reaching there about ten o’clock at night. Lieutenant-Colonel Corning was immediately ordered to proceed with the Thirty-third and Seventh Maine, to a point two miles to the rear, to stop the stragglers, who were now hurrying towards the capital by whole Brigades. The Regiments were posted across the road, where they remained until the following morning, halting and turning back, at the point of the bayonet, a large number of the panic-stricken fugitives. Being relieved, they returned again to Centreville, and took up position in one of the lines of battle formed by the Corps to cover the retreat. Under protection of a flag of truce, some sixty ambulances proceeded to the battle-field and brought off about half of our wounded, who had lain since Saturday in the open air, exposed to the broiling sun, and fierce storm which prevailed Sunday evening. The poor fellows were in a terrible condition, having been deserted by the surgeons, who, like the rest of the army, were panic-stricken and had fled. Nearly two hundred of them were left, the flag of truce expiring before they could be brought away. Just at nightfall (Monday) a portion of the enemy succeeded in getting in our rear, between Centreville and Fairfax, and fell upon the supply trains, which were withdrawing to Alexandria. General Stevens was immediately sent back from the former place, and succeeded in driving the enemy away, though losing his own life. He fell at the head of his Brigade, pierced through the breast by a minie-ball. Later in the evening the lion-hearted Kearney was also killed. It was his habit, like that of Stonewall Jackson’s, to ride round his lines after the troops were asleep, and inspect them closely, satisfying himself that the pickets were doing their duty. Not unfrequently he would start off in this manner alone, and be absent for hours, making himself fully acquainted with everything that was transpiring along the lines. It was while out on such a tour of inspection, Monday night, that he was shot dead by a rebel picket, who observed him riding along, from a distance. His death, as well as that of General Stevens, was universally lamented.

Vienna, 15 miles from Alexandria.

The entire army now fell back to the fortifications around Alexandria. The Thirty-third left the front about seven o’clock Monday evening, halting at two o’clock on the following morning, one mile west of Fairfax Court House. The roads were full of troops and wagon trains, and the night was intensely dark, which added to the confusion. After sleeping two hours, the Division again moved back to the front, and constituted the rear guard of the retreating forces. About ten o’clock it was withdrawn and proceeded towards Alexandria, reaching the old camping ground at ten o’clock in the evening.

So ended the second series of Bull Run engagements. Owing to the timidity and lack of confidence in the people, which have led the military authorities at Washington, from the commencement of the war, to withhold unfavorable intelligence, the country has never comprehended the extent of the disaster which resulted from this week of battles. Our arms unquestionably suffered the severest reverse which has yet befallen them. In addition to the loss of seventy-five cannon and large quantities of small arms, equipments, supplies, etc., there must have been fully twenty thousand Federal troops killed, wounded and taken prisoners.

Neither has the country comprehended the rightful causes of this disaster. We believe that it was occasioned solely by the jealousy of military officers, and not through incapacity on the part of Gen. Pope. No sooner was he appointed to the command of the Army of Virginia, and large forces placed under him, than an emulous spirit manifested itself among the Generals of the Army of the Peninsula. When he issued the injudicious address to his troops, announcing that his headquarters were to be in the saddle, and that they were not to be employed in seeking out lines of retreat, this spirit was still further developed. Finally, when the Peninsular forces were recalled to the capital and placed under Pope, and Gen. McClellan left in command of the fortifications simply, several of his Generals deliberately, we believe, plotted the new leader’s ruin. Gen. Porter was unquestionably the most guilty one of the number, and merited a severer punishment than has been meted out to him. This was the general opinion entertained in the army, outside of his own Corps. However much they loved and admired Gen. McClellan, the troops came to regard his pet, Gen. Fitz-John Porter, with distrust and suspicion. Had he obeyed orders, Gen. Pope informs us that the enemy would have been completely routed.

No satisfactory reasons have ever been given for the late advance and slow march of Gen. Franklin’s Corps from Alexandria to the scene of operations, when it was so much needed. The fact of his never having been called to account for it, is, however, sufficient reason for asserting that Gen. Franklin was not responsible for the delay. He was too much of a patriot, too much of a soldier, to be guilty of any machinations against a brother officer and his country. Great injustice has been done him by associating his name with Gen. Porter’s.

The conduct and correspondence of Gen. McClellan all go to prove that he neither shared in nor countenanced that spirit of rivalry which cost the country so much blood and treasure. Gen. Pope’s plans were well conceived, and if they had been carried out, would doubtless have resulted in a substantial victory. However questionable his veracity, we cannot withhold from him the meed of having displayed good generalship in the East as well as in the West.

CHAPTER XIX.

Soon after the troops fell back, Gen. Pope was relieved, at his own request, and Gen. McClellan re-instated as Major General commanding. He immediately commenced the labor of re-organizing the army. The lull which followed, and absence of the enemy from our immediate front, boded no good. The news, therefore, which soon reached Washington, that the rebels had made their appearance near Edward’s Ferry, was not wholly unexpected. Friday night, Sept. 5th, they crossed the Potomac and occupied Frederick City with a heavy force, destroying the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad for several miles, and cutting off communication with Harper’s Ferry and Martinsburg, where considerable bodies of our troops were stationed. Gen. Lee’s plan, he afterwards stated, in crossing the river, was to threaten Baltimore, Washington and Harrisburg at the same time, thereby diverting the attention of our authorities while he encircled and captured the above forces. Gen. McClellan immediately pushed forward to meet him.

SUGAR-LOAF MOUNTAIN, MARYLAND.

Saturday evening, Sept. 6th, Franklin’s Corps crossed the Long Bridge, followed by Sumner’s and Hooker’s (late McDowell’s), and proceeded up the Maryland side of the river. All night long the solid, heavy tramp of troops could be heard through the streets of the capital.

The Thirty-third passed up Pennsylvania Avenue about 7 o’clock, and marching until 2 o’clock Sunday morning, halted at Tanlytown. The march was resumed at 5 o’clock P. M., and continued for six miles.

Monday, Sept. 8th, marched through Rockville, halting one mile west of the place. Many of the knapsacks were left here, and afterwards sent back to Washington. Resuming the march, bivouacked four miles east of Darnestown.

Tuesday, Sept. 9th, moved at 9 o’clock A. M., and encamped near Seneca Creek. The weather was very warm and roads dusty, but, relieved of their knapsacks and other effects, the soldiers suffered comparatively little.

Thursday, Sept. 11th, marched at 9 o’clock, A. M., and halted about noon between Barnsville and Sugar Loaf Mountain.

Friday, Sept. 12th, marched at 9 A. M., encamping near Monocacy Bridge, which had been destroyed by the enemy, but was now rebuilt. The same day our advance, under Gen. Burnside, entered Frederick, the people turning out en masse to welcome them. Just before reaching the city they encountered a Brigade of rebel cavalry, under Fitzhugh Lee, whipping and driving them before them in gallant style.

Crossing the bridge upon the following morning, Lieut.-Col. Corning was ordered forward with the Thirty-third and Twentieth New York, to drive the enemy out of Jefferson’s Pass, an opening through the range of mountains extending southeast of and nearly parallel with the Blue Ridge.

Doffing such wearing apparel and equipments as were not necessary, the men pressed rapidly forward. Their dark blue uniforms and glistening bayonets soon appeared among the trees and green foliage of the mountain side, as they moved upward, scaling rocky ledges, and clinging hold of shrubs and branches, to steady their footing. The enemy, who were posted along the summit, hastily fled as they drew near, leaving it in their possession. A magnificent view presented itself from here. Stretching far away in every direction, were rich fields of grain, ripening into maturity, thousands of cattle feeding on the green hills, little villages and farm houses dotting the landscape, the church spires of Frederick looming up in the distance, and at the base of the Blue Mountains immense rebel trains, protected from attack by the frowning guns above. Descending the opposite side of the mountain, the two Regiments deployed as skirmishers, and moving forward a mile beyond the beautiful village of Jefferson, picketed for the night. All along the route they were enthusiastically received by the Marylanders. Fair maids plucked the richest flowers from their gardens, and clustering them in rich bouquets, placed them in the hands of the brave New Yorkers. Grave matrons, with ruddy daughters, like Angels of Mercy, came to the gates by the road-side with cups of milk and water to refresh the thirsty soldiers. Such a reception was hardly expected, and was the more appreciated, after the long and unpleasant experiences among the rebel men and women of Virginia. The remainder of the Division came up here and rested for the night.

Heavy firing was heard in the direction of Harper’s Ferry. While passing through Jefferson much merriment was occasioned by the chasing of a rebel cavalryman. Seeing him lagging behind, one of our troopers, clapping spurs to his horse, started in hot pursuit, yelling and screaming at the top of his voice, as he rode. He continued to gain on the gray-back, and when within a few yards, discharged his carbine and revolver simultaneously at him, which so alarmed the fugitive that he wheeled, and at once gave himself up. A little further on, Col. Irwin, of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, who had now assumed command of the Brigade, took after five rebel videttes, and riding into their midst with a revolver in each hand, compelled three of them to surrender.

When our forces advanced to Frederick, the enemy retreated on two turnpikes diverging from the city, and running through cuts in the Blue Ridge, six miles apart, and known as the South Mountain, or Turner’s Pass, near Middletown, and Crampton’s Pass, near Burkettsville. Having fortified these and the surrounding hill-tops, they waited our approach. Gen. McClellan, after reviewing the situation for a short time, decided upon storming these positions. To Gen. Franklin he assigned the duty of taking Crampton’s Pass, while he superintended operations personally at Turner’s.

The Sixth Corps moved forward from the vicinity of Jefferson Sunday morning, and on nearing Burkettsville, was arranged for the attack. The enemy seeing this, opened a heavy fire from the guns planted on the heights, but the troops pressed rapidly forward on the double-quick over the ploughed fields and meadows, until the village was reached, when they halted in the streets. The Thirty-third lost but one man while running the gauntlet of the rebel batteries. Though shot and shell were flying in every direction, the citizens came out of their houses, waved their handkerchiefs, cheered for the “Union Boys,” and brought them food and drink. After resting for a few moments, the advance was again sounded, and Slocum’s Division moved to the right of the turnpike and engaged the enemy, while Gen. Brooks, supported by the Thirty-third and other Regiments of the Third Brigade, marched directly up the road. About 3 o’clock Slocum reached the Pass, and drove the enemy from it, after a hard fought battle. Brooks’ column immediately came on, and dashing up the woody summit, charged the battery at the left of the Pass and captured two guns, together with numerous prisoners. Among the number was Col. Lamar, of the Eighth Georgia, who had previously been taken at the battle of Golden’s Farm and paroled. It now being dark, the troops retraced their steps to the Pass, and moving down the west side of the mountain, bivouacked at the foot in Pleasant Valley. Gens. Hooker and Reno had, in the meantime, stormed the South Mountain gorge, though in doing so the latter lost his life.

Monday morning, the Sixth Corps stood to arms at sunrise, and prepared to march to the relief of Harper’s Ferry. It was soon ascertained, however, that Col. Miles had surrendered that place, and the men went into camp again. This intelligence so affected Gen. McClellan as to cause him to shed tears. Tuesday, the Corps remained in Pleasant Valley.

CHAPTER XX. THE BATTLE OF ANTIETAM, FOUGHT WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 17TH.

The battle of Antietam was the first substantial victory which crowned the labors of the Army of the Potomac. Williamsburg, Fair Oaks and Malvern were all victories, but productive of no immediate results. Fought on ground of the enemy’s choosing, and under the disadvantages which always attend the assailing party, it was a decisive struggle, stemming the tide of invasion and rolling back to their rebellious territory Lee’s boasted legions, the

who had come to “free” “My Maryland.” A single regret is associated with Antietam: that the enemy, defeated and driven back, were not followed up and annihilated.

ANTIETAM.

Straw Stacks, with Wounded. Position of Thirty-Third when attacked. Rickett’s Battery.

After being driven from the mountain passes, Gen. Lee withdrew his forces from the vicinity of the Blue Ridge, Boonsboro and Hagerstown, and concentrated them near Sharpsburg, in horse-shoe shaped lines, the heels resting near the Potomac. Gen. McClellan followed with his entire army, save Couch’s Division and Franklin’s Command, which having been detached for the relief of Harper’s Ferry, were several miles in the rear.

The valley in which the conflict occurred lies directly west of the spur of the Blue Ridge known as South Mountain, and comprises one of the most delightful portions of Maryland. Looking down from the Highlands, the eye fell upon little villages, crowning eminences or nestling in dells; farm houses standing out boldly on the hill-tops, or half-hidden down the woody slopes; yellow fields of grain, green pastures and sombre fallows; luxuriant orchards and groves of maple, interspersed with oak; the tortuous Antietam, forming in its serpentine windings numerous miniature islands; lesser streams sparkling in the sunlight, leaping and babbling down the mountain side, or flowing noiselessly through the verdant meadows—the whole comprising a landscape of surpassing beauty and loveliness.

Down on this fair valley settled the “horrid cloud” called battle. Over this gorgeous patch-work of nature rolled the “hot elements of destruction.”

Monday afternoon and Tuesday were spent by Gen. McClellan in reconnoitring the enemy’s position, and establishing his own. He likewise devoted considerable time to examining the topography of the region. “Two hostile armies,” a recent writer observes, “on a battle-field, are two wrestlers—one tries to throw the other; they cling to everything; a thicket is a basis; for want of a village to support it, a Regiment gives way; a fall in the plain, a transverse hedge in a good position, a wood, a ravine, may arrest the heel of that column which is called an army, and prevent its slipping. The one who leaves the field is beaten, and hence the necessity for the responsible Chief to examine the smallest clump of trees, and the slightest rise in the ground.” No General ever realized the truth of the above more than Gen. McClellan, and it was accordingly his wont to inspect minutely the ground chosen for battle. Before Tuesday noon he had familiarized himself with the plan of “Antietam,” examined the woods, fields, hills, dales and streams which it embraced, selected the commanding positions for his artillery, and marked out the level spots where infantry could be manœuvred to advantage.

As fast as the troops came streaming down from the mountain, they moved to the various points assigned them. It was an inspiring sight, those long shining lines, pouring down through the woods and fields, like “living threads that went to weave themselves into the glorious tapestry of our nation’s history.”

There was the chivalric Burnside, leading the conquerors of Roanoke and Newbern—the Ninth Army Corps—which he loved so well. Further to the right came Porter, with his Regulars and well filled ranks of Volunteers. Still further on appeared the brave old Sumner, whose highest wish was to die with the harness on—followed by troops who adored the hero of Fair Oaks, if possible, more than their Chief.

In the rear rode the gallant Mansfield, who, tired of inactivity, had exchanged the ease of court duty at the capital for the command of Banks’ Corps, fresh from the gory fields of Cedar Mountain and Bull Run. Hither was he come to uncover to the storm his head, now silvered o’er by the frosts of nearly sixty winters, and die while cheering forward his men on a charge. And there too was the courageous Hooker, deploying far away to the right his battle-scarred veterans.

During Tuesday there was heavy skirmishing between the infantry, and considerable artillery firing, but no general engagement took place. Meanwhile Lee was reinforced by Jackson’s Corps of thirty thousand men, who, after having taken possession of Harper’s Ferry, moved rapidly back up the Virginia side of the Potomac and crossed over at the fords near Sharpsburg. Aware, as he now was, of his superiority in numbers and position, the rebel chief calmly awaited our attack.

The dawn of Wednesday found the Federal army arranged in much the same manner as the day previous, Hooker on the right, supported by Mansfield, then Sumner, then Porter on a commanding eminence, as a reserve, and lastly Burnside, on the extreme left.

The line extended between four and five miles. The rebel left was in the woods, directly in front of our right, and their forces were posted across the valley between us and Sharpsburg, and very nearly parallel with our own. Our artillery was planted behind the crests of the various hillocks, ready to be run up and fire at a moment’s notice.

To Gen. Hooker had been assigned the honor of opening the great combat. During the night previous he had crossed the Antietam on the Hagerstown road, and gained a position on the right bank of that stream, which curved round in front of our forces.

He was in the saddle before daylight, and the rising sun shone upon his troops moving forward in battle array—the right of our lines sweeping round towards the Potomac. They proceeded but a short distance before encountering the enemy, drawn up to receive them, and soon the profound stillness which precedes a battle was broken, and Saxon was pitted against Saxon in the contest of death.

Steadily the brave fellows pressed forward over the wooded and uneven ground, regardless of the infantry and artillery fire which was concentrated upon them from several points, and sweeping through the cornfields and grove at the right of the Sharpsburg turnpike, bore down with irresistible fury upon the rebel lines.

They stood the shock but a moment, and then the swarthy foe fell back in disorder, closely followed by our victorious boys, who made the welkin ring with their shouts and cheers. But now come reinforcements for the enemy, and our troops are forced back from the ground which they have so gallantly won. For a moment it seems as if Hooker will be overpowered, so heavily has the enemy’s left been reinforced, but the timely arrival of Mansfield stems the tide of rebel success. The two commands are massed together, and together resist the onslaughts of the enemy. There is as yet no fighting elsewhere. All the energy, skill and force of the respective commanders are, for the time being, centred on this point. Hither all eyes are turned. Ten o’clock finds the troops still fiercely engaged. Both Hooker and Mansfield are lost to them. Gen. McClellan soon arrives, inspiring the men by his presence. A few moments later Sumner comes up with his whole Corps to the relief of those who have been fighting for three hours.

His troops suffer severely. It was true he exposed them—unnecessarily some thought—but no more than he exposed himself. Wherever the conflict waxed hottest, there he was to be seen riding to and fro, brandishing his sword and cheering forward his men, his head uncovered and his long silver locks streaming in the breeze. French, Richardson, Kimball and other brave spirits were with him, seconding his commands.

The gallant young Howard, who laid aside his ministerial robes to lose an arm at Fair Oaks Roads, leads Burn’s old Brigade on a charge. Close by appears the intrepid Meagher, double-quicking his Irish braves through a field of corn, and the enemy, who have again commenced advancing, are checked. Our reserve artillery are now trained upon them, and

creating wide gaps and producing fearful carnage in their ranks. But determined on breaking this part of our line, Gen. Lee continued to mass his forces here, and portions of Sumner’s troops, weary and exhausted, began to recede.

It was now a most critical moment—Mansfield killed, Hooker wounded, Sedgwick, Richardson and Crawford carried bleeding from the field,—the enemy pressing on in overwhelming numbers,—our own troops giving way,—what should we have done had not Franklin arrived at this juncture from Pleasant Valley with two fresh Divisions?

The force had left Pleasant Valley at daylight, and marched rapidly to the scene of action. The Third Brigade, with two others, immediately pressing forward, put the enemy to flight, and established the lines far in advance of where they had been at the opening of the fight. This brilliant success cost us, however, many casualties. Fifty were killed and wounded in the Thirty-third alone; among the former was Sergeant-Major George W. Bassett, a brave and beloved officer. He was shot through the head, after bearing Lieut. Mix from the field, seriously wounded through the thigh. Captain Gifford and Lieutenant King were also wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Corning’s horse was hit three times, and Major Platner’s killed. The Thirty-third, and other Regiments of Franklin’s Corps sent forward, held their position during the remainder of the contest. The fighting on the left did not commence until later in the day, and it was noon before the fire of musketry announced that the infantry were engaged in that direction. The first advance was made down the slope of a hill, to a bridge which crossed the Antietam. Beyond the stream the enemy were so posted as to sweep the bridge with a severe musketry fire. After an hour or two of fighting for its possession, a charge was ordered, and the structure carried at the point of the bayonet.

Once across the creek, General Burnside found the rebels in a new position of great strength. Against this position he advanced at once, and Gens. Cox, Wilcox and Sturges soon occupied the hill. No sooner, however, had they appeared on the summit, than the opposing artillery rendered it untenable. They, therefore, relinquished it, but so planted their guns that the enemy could not reoccupy it.

The rebel infantry now appeared, as they had done earlier in the day, on the right, in overwhelming numbers, and attempted to drive back Burnside. Being sorely pressed he sent to Gen. McClellan for reinforcements. “Tell Burnside that I can furnish him no more troops.” (What was Porter doing all this time?) “But, General,” answers the aid, “Gen. Burnside is being crushed, and before I get back may be overpowered.” “Tell Gen. Burnside,” Gen. McClellan once more sternly replies, “that he must maintain his position at all hazards and at whatever cost.” Lieut. French galloped back to his General with this verbal communication, and from that time the warm intimacy existing between McClellan and Burnside—an intimacy which had sprung up when they were chums together in civil life—was ended. Gen. Burnside felt, and justly too, that some of the fresh and well trained troops belonging to Porter should have been sent to his assistance. He withstood the shock but a few moments, losing very heavily, and then withdrew from the extreme position which he had gained near Sharpsburg to one slightly in rear of it. He, however, held his bank of the river completely, and maintained much ground beyond it, which he had taken from the enemy.

Night closed upon the scene, preventing further operations, and our victorious troops slept on the battle-field.

A guard of three officers, nine Sergeants and thirty men from the Thirty-third were posted in front of the Regiment, and after dark moved forward to within a hundred yards of the enemy. Towards morning the officer of the guard informed Lieut. Col. Corning that the rebels were moving artillery back by hand. He immediately reported this to headquarters, and in the morning sent Lieut. Carter to Gen. Smith to announce to him in person that he had heard artillery moving to the rear, and perceived other indications of a retreat on the part of the enemy. An hour later they could be seen from Burnside’s position moving back to the river. The men were impatient to dash after them and end the war. Where was McClellan that he did not give orders to renew the conflict? No such orders came. About noon the Third Brigade was relieved by Cochrane’s of Couch’s Division. The afternoon passed as had the forenoon, no offensive demonstrations being made by us. The rebels kept up a brisk fire from their skirmish line, which fact was, after our Peninsular experience, an additional evidence to us that they were retiring. About noon, on the following day (Friday), our skirmishers moved forward, and discovered that the enemy had all crossed to the Virginia side of the Potomac. The whole army was now put in motion and encamped near the bank of the river. Gen. McClellan has been severely censured for thus permitting the enemy to slip through his fingers, but he committed no greater blunder than did Lee in afterwards allowing Burnside to escape at Fredericksburg and Hooker at Chancellorsville.

CHAPTER XXI.

One forgets the horrors of war in the roar of artillery and shock of contending thousands, but when the field is afterwards surveyed, we realize how fearful, how terrible is the calamity. The falling back of the enemy left the battle-field of Antietam in our possession, with all its heart-rending and melancholy scenes. Scattered over a space of four miles, were men with uniforms of blue, and uniforms of gray, exhibiting all the frightful mutilations which the human body can suffer.

Shot through the head, shot through the body, shot through the limbs, shot to the death, they lay stretched out together, wherever the surging to and fro of the contending armies had marked the line of battle. Approaching the field from the direction of Hagerstown, the first evidences of the conflict are seen, in a small grove which has been cut to pieces by a hurricane of shot, and shell. Close by appears the debris of a once elegant farm-house, literally shot down by our guns. Near the adjoining barn are several dead animals, killed in their stalls, or while grazing in the pastures. Advancing further, the fences by the road-side are completely riddled with bullets. Here, for several moments, two contending Regiments fought, divided from each other only by the width of the road, until both were nearly annihilated.

Many, who fell forward on the fences, still remain in a standing posture, grasping in death the rails which had afforded them so frail a protection. Others lie stretched out upon the ground, fiercely clenching their muskets, and with countenances exhibiting all the savageness and ferocity which mark the warrior in the strife. Several of the wounded have crawled close into the fence corners to avoid the hot sun, or lain themselves out on a pallet of straw, gathered by their own hands from a stack close by. Of this number is a North Carolinian, who on being informed, as he is carried away to the hospital, that the wound is very severe, replies, “Cut off my leg, for, if you do not, I shall be exchanged, and again forced to fight against the old flag, which I have never ceased to love.”

Further on is a Federal soldier, who, though he has lost a leg, is consoling himself with the prospect of soon being in the bosom of his family. Alas for the poor New York boy lying near! no sight of home will ever greet him, for the death film already dims his eye, and the clammy sweat is gathering upon his brow.

To the left and rear of this, is the corn-field through which the Irish Brigade so gallantly charged, when Sumner went to the relief of Hooker. The mangled corpses lie in heaps among the tall, bare stalks, shorn of their leaves, as if by a hail-storm. One long row of rebel dead lie in the outskirts of the field, almost as straight, and regular, as if they had fallen at dress parade. They were drawn up here to resist the charging party, who, reserving their fire until reaching the corn, then discharged a volley, which bore down almost the whole line.

Returning to the road and following on towards Sharpsburg, we come to the little elevation on which several rebel batteries were planted. Numerous are the evidences of the terribleness of our fire, when it was concentrated upon them, as the battle progressed. Dead cannoniers, dead infantrymen, and dead horses; exploded caissons, broken wheels, and fractured limbers; muskets, revolvers, and stilettos; round shot, solid shot and case shot, scattered promiscuously together! Could mortal live under such a concentrated fire? How did they remain and live so long?

In the rear of here is another corn-field filled with the dead and dying of the enemy. A solid shot has completely beheaded one and passing through the body of another left a fearful wound, from which the bowels are protruding. Stopping to draw a bucket of water from the well close by, we observe two more who were apparently shot while lying concealed behind the sweep. The dwelling house is deserted and the barn in ruins; smoke still rising from the mass of smouldering grain. Returning again to the road and entering “Bloody Lane,” the most appalling sight of all meets our eye. Here our boys succeeded in getting a cross fire on the rebels, and they lie in heaps from one end of the lane to the other. Retreat, they could not, surrender they would not, and only eighteen remain uninjured of the Regiment stationed in the defile.

The pioneers have already arrived and commenced burying the dead in long trenches. At the head of one of these is a rough pine board bearing the inscription, “142 dead rebels buried here.” Pursuing our way through the fields, past the ruins of a dwelling destroyed by our shell, and a small church perforated with bullets, we arrive in front of the position occupied by the Thirty-third. A windrow of dead and dying rebels lie here. The Chaplain is kneeling in prayer with a young South Carolinian, who was shot through the hip and afterwards had his arm broken and fingers taken off by a shell, as he lay stretched upon his back. There are pools of blood all around, and we have to pick our way carefully to avoid tramping upon the prostrate forms. Cries for water, water, are heard in every direction, mingled with the moans of the poor unfortunates, who are breathing their life away.

Passing further on to the left, the same gory sights meet the eye. The large number of killed and wounded in the vicinity of Antietam bridge, testify to the fierceness of General Burnside’s struggle for its possession. The woods here, as at the right of the line, are torn and shivered by shell. Clasped firmly round a small sapling is a confederate with a bullet through his brain. He evidently caught at this tree, when falling, and so firm was his grasp that death has failed to relax it. At the foot of another is stretched a Union soldier wearing a breast-plate. A small depression made by a ball, shows it to have once saved his life, but a second bullet, though not perforating the plate and entering his breast, has glanced upward and passing through his chin inflicted a death wound.

Leaving the battle-field with its gastly sights, we arrive at the village of Sharpsburg to find fresh evidences of the conflict. Buildings burned or perforated with minie and shell, churches filled with abandoned confederate wounded, disabled horses running loose about the streets, and knapsacks, guns and equipments thrown away in the hasty flight of their owners. Antietam was a sorry day for the enemy.

The following are extracts from the report made by the Third Brigade commander immediately succeeding the battle. “A severe, unexpected volley from the woods on our right struck full on the Thirty-third and Seventy-seventh, which staggered them for a moment, but they soon closed up, faced by the rear rank, and formed in a close and scorching fire, driving back and scattering the enemy at this point.” ...

“The Thirty-third and Seventy-seventh, under Lieutenant-Colonel Corning and Captain Babcock repulsed the enemy handsomely, and then took and held firmly their respective places in line of battle until relieved.”

Our loss during the engagement amounted to 11,426. That of the confederates has never been made known. Our captures in this battle and those of the mountain passes, amounted to thirty-nine colors, thirteen guns, fifteen thousand stand of small arms, and six thousand prisoners. The enemy’s wounded were kindly provided for, and received the same attention as our own.

A very noticeable feature among the officers made prisoners, was the entire absence of shoulder straps. A narrow strip of cloth over the shoulder, or silver star on the coat collar, were the only insignia of rank.

Our Regiments of new troops covered themselves with glory in the fight. In fact, Pea Ridge, Donaldson and Newbern had previously demonstrated that true courage and patriotism are more than a match for mere drill and discipline. Said a rebel officer, while extolling their gallantry, “—— them, they didn’t know when they were flanked.”

CHAPTER XXII.

Two days after the battle, General Smith’s Division moved up the river near to Williamsport, to reinforce General Couch, it being reported that the enemy were re-crossing the Potomac at that point. The Thirty-third commenced marching at ten o’clock in the evening, joining General Couch at daylight. Two thousand rebel cavalry had forded the river, but upon finding us in force, retired. About four miles in the rear, the Pennsylvania Militia were drawn up in line of battle across the turnpike leading to Hagerstown.

There were nearly thirty thousand of this extemporized army, who had hastened forward from every portion of the State, to assist in repelling the invader. Clergymen, lawyers, doctors, merchants, mechanics, and farmers made up the ranks. Among the privates, manning a howitzer, we recognized Congressman Kelly and Judge White of Philadelphia. The men were armed with Sharp’s rifles, minies, flint-locked muskets, shot-guns, squirrel rifles, in short everything that could be classed under the head of “shooting irons.” They were equipped in every style, from the neat soldierly uniform of the Philadelphians to the raw homespun of the Mountain boys. It was truly an imposing militia turnout.

On the 23rd, the Regiment broke camp, and proceeding north on the Hagerstown turnpike, encamped near Bakersville, where it remained three weeks. About the 1st of October, the President again visited the army. Having reviewed the troops at Harper’s Ferry, under General Sumner, he rode up to Antietam, and after inspecting the battle-field, reviewed Generals Burnside’s and Porter’s commands. He then proceeded up to Williamsport, and inspected the troops there, Smith’s Division passing before him about three o’clock on the afternoon of the 2d. He was accompanied by General McClellan, and everywhere welcomed with cheers.

Monday, October 6th, Lieutenants Rossiter and Roach arrived with two hundred recruits for the Thirty-third, who were welcomed in a brief speech by the Lieutenant-Colonel. Part of them were apportioned to the various Companies, and the remainder formed into a new Company, D, that Company having been disbanded. The men very much enjoyed the time spent in Maryland. The surrounding country was very healthy and fertile, affording an abundance of everything for man and beast. Sickness and want, which had so decimated the ranks on the Peninsula, were unknown here.

Never did painter’s eye rest upon more beautiful and picturesque scenery than that from Williamsport to Harper’s Ferry. The wide but shallow Potomac winds gracefully among the hills and through the rich valleys, lined on either side with stately oaks, spreading elms and weeping willows, which furnished a refreshing shade during the heat of the day. Every few rods little rivulets come leaping and dashing down from the highlands, while an occasional larger stream, like the Antietam, gives variety to the scene. The canal runs nearly parallel with the river for the whole distance, divided from it by the narrow tow-path. The boatmen must have loved to reach this part of their journey, where the tall trees hide out the sun, and their overhanging branches form one continuous arbor for the drivers.

Here officers and men used to come daily and recline upon the green banks, or wander up and down the stream. Occasionally a party would ride down ten miles to Harper’s Ferry, and spend the day in visiting that wild scene of ruin.

No village has occupied a more prominent position in connection with this wicked rebellion. Certainly no other has experienced so many vicissitudes; for from the beginning of May, 1861, when the rebels seized upon the place, as a base of offensive operations against Maryland and Pennsylvania, it has changed hands with the changes of the seasons.

The fortunes of war have transformed it from one of the most beautiful and prosperous, to one of the most desolate and poverty stricken of villages. On rounding a spur of the Maryland Heights, it appears on the opposite side of the Potomac, clustering around the base of a precipitous hill, climbing its uneven sides and extending inland for some distance. A substantial bridge has taken the place of General Banks’ pontoons, and trains pass to and fro hourly. Underneath, and scattered about the abutments, are seen the remains of the thirty-five cars and engines thrown into the river by Jackson’s forces. The cars land you among the acres of ruins of government buildings. The black walls remain standing, and but little of the rubbish has been removed. A huge pile of gun-barrels, locks, &c., fused by the heat into a shapeless mass, is all that remains of the thirty thousand muskets deposited in the arsenal before the war. Large iron wheels are lying about, one of them originally costing thirty thousand dollars.

It is a singular fact, that of all the government buildings, John Brown’s famous “engine-house” has alone escaped destruction. This is a brick structure, some thirty feet square, fronting on the Potomac. It seems almost incredible that the misguided man could have held it such a length of time against such fearful odds, and then only to surrender when stormed by the marines. To have attempted it was unparalleled bravery, or down right insanity.

The port-holes which the old man dug through the walls have been filled, the engine removed, and John Brown’s fortress is now used as a rebel prison house.

The harsh, severe weather of northern latitudes, is never experienced here, nor, on the other hand, the oppressive heats of more southern localities. The climate presents that happy medium so conducive to health and enjoyment. The most romantic and picturesque scenery meets the eye in every direction. On the right are seen the wild, mountainous regions of the Virginia Highlands, covered with oak and evergreen, and intersected with deep ravines; on the left, the precipitous Maryland Heights, now white with national tents: in front and beneath, the Potomac and Shenandoah, flowing majestically together, consolidating their energies, as it were, for cutting a channel through the lofty mountain range. Close by the bank of the latter is “Jefferson’s Rock,” where that eminent statesman was wont to retire for meditation and reflection. In the rear the pastoral lowlands of the Shenandoah stretch out as far as the eye can reach, rich in cereals of every growth and variety. Of the thirty-two hundred inhabitants before the war, less than seven hundred now remain. With but few exceptions, these are Unionists, and, if we are to believe their declarations, have been so from the first. Fully one half the houses are vacant, their secession owners having decamped, and, being considered common property by the soldiers, many of them have been stripped of doors, windows, and other wood-work, suitable for camp-tables, stools, firewood, &c. Harper’s Ferry is indeed a sad and striking commentary upon the rebellion.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Saturday, October 11th, the Thirty-third left the vicinity of Bakersville and encamped near Hagerstown, which is a thriving village of some four thousand inhabitants. It is the county-seat of Washington County, Maryland, which has sent 1,600 men to the war. The Herald and Torch, a staunch Union paper, is published here, and the people, with but few exceptions, are thoroughly loyal. During the first year of the rebellion a secession sheet was issued, but the people becoming exasperated, compelled the editor to remove to Dixie. When General Lee occupied the place a few weeks since, he returned and coolly taking possession of the Torch Office, resurrected his paper. He was, of course, obliged to retire with the rebel army.

One of the most noticeable features of the place was the numerous bevies of fair maidens, who, in accordance with the southern habit, sallied out, after tea, without shawls or bonnets, on moonlight walks. These rambles gave rise to many pleasant acquaintances, at least on the part of the soldiers.

There is a daily stage running from Hagerstown to Williamsport and Martinsburg, two other thoroughly loyal places. Martinsburg is situated on the Virginia side, thirteen miles back from the Potomac. When the vote on the ordinance of secession was taken, it gave an overwhelming Union majority, though rebel bayonets were bristling at the polls. Through all the vicissitudes of this unhappy struggle, the people have remained true to their first faith.

On the same day that the Regiment reached its new encampment, General Stuart started on his famous detour round our lines, and Lieutenant-Colonel Corning was despatched with the Thirty-third and Seventy-seventh New York, and two pieces of artillery, to the Cavetown Turnpike bridge. His instructions were to watch vigilantly for the rebel cavalry, and intercept any of them who might return that way from Chambersburg, where they had gone. But, instead of taking the backward track, Stuart kept on round our army, and passing by Frederick, crossed back into Virginia near Edward’s Ferry. This was considered a wonderful feat at the time, but has since been cast into the shade by the operations of General Stoneman.

Saturday, October 18th, the Third Brigade passed through Hagerstown, and arrived at Clear Spring on the following morning. The Thirty-third was immediately stationed along the Potomac to guard Nolan’s Ferry, Dam No. 5, the “Fiddle-String,” and various other points on the river and canal. The weather now began to grow cold, and a northeast wind blew much of the time, which occasioned some discomfort to those who were not provided with tents.

On the 27th, the Regiment again proceeded on picket for three days, during which time a company of Maryland cavalry forded the river, and, surprising the rebel pickets, captured several of them.

Six weeks had how elapsed since the battle of Antietam, during which time our army had been posted along the Potomac for the distance of twenty miles or more, guarding the various fords and recuperating their energies for another campaign. The rebels, in the meantime, having harvested all the rich cereals of the Shenandoah Valley, and destroyed the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, began to fall back to the interior of the State. This retrograde movement commenced during the third week of October. General McClellan immediately detected it, and prepared for an advance. Instead of following directly after the enemy, he decided upon marching down the Loudon Valley, lying parallel with the Shenandoah, and separated from it by the Blue Ridge; the army to proceed in two columns, one, consisting of the troops around Harper’s Ferry, to march along the southern base of the Blue Ridge; the other, comprising those about Williamsport, Sharpsburg, and in Pleasant Valley, to cross the river at Berlin, and pursuing the various turnpikes, unite with the first in the vicinity of Warrenton, about forty miles from the Potomac.

Friday, October 24th, a detachment of the Fiftieth New York, Engineers, under Major Spaulding, was sent to Berlin, six miles below Harper’s Ferry, and constructed a bridge 1,500 feet long, consisting of sixty pontoons. On the following Tuesday, October 28th, General Franklin’s Corps received marching orders. The next day the Third Brigade took up the line of march, and was joined at Shafer’s farm, on Thursday, by the Thirty-third, which had returned from picket duty. Proceeding through Boonsboro and Turner’s Gap, the Regiment reached Berlin on Saturday, where it was joined by Colonel Taylor and Lieutenant Corning, returned from recruiting service. Colonel Taylor had been very successful in his labors, having secured more than two hundred new men, who were sent on at Hagerstown.

Troops were converging at this point from all directions, waiting for their turn to cross over into Dixie, and long trains of ammunition and supplies extended back into the country for miles. At sunset, on the evening of the 2d of November, the army commenced crossing. The crescent moon shone brightly over the heights of Loudon, and, seemingly far up in the heavens, a red signal light glimmered on the summit of the neighboring mountain. Scattered along the Maryland hillsides for miles, were camp fires, lighting up the picturesque scenery and shimmering on the clear and sparkling waters of the Potomac. Seated at one of them was the brave General Reynolds, since killed at the battle of Gettysburg, dressed in a turban and loose gown, conversing with his staff. The cries of boatmen, coming up from below with supplies, were mingled with the clatter of horses’ hoofs, whose riders galloped down the tow-path from Pleasant Valley with dispatches for the various Corps Commanders. The occasional booming of a gun could be heard in the west, indicating that our cavalry were in proximity to the enemy.

Crossing at Berlin.

All night long a steady stream of men poured over, cheering lustily as they reached the opposite shore. The Thirty-third marched over the bridge about six o’clock in the morning (Monday), and passing through Lovettsville, encamped about ten miles from the river. The route lay through a most fertile and productive region, which had not been ravaged by either army, and the boys, with Stuart’s raid fresh in their minds, foraged on an unparalleled scale. Unmindful of Gen. McClellan’s order against “jayhawking,” they scoured over the adjoining farms, and from every direction were heard, through the stillness of the night, the piercing wail of expiring pork, the plaintive lowing of stricken bovine, or suppressed cry of unfortunate gallinaceous. No details of guards were made to protect the rebel inhabitants, as was the case on the Peninsula, and the next day found many of the men mounted upon horses and loaded down with booty of every description. Not far from this camp was the scene of Lieutenant-Colonel McVicar’s brilliant exploit, where, a few days before, he had gallantly led a charge upon the enemy. He rode far in advance of the charging party, captured several prisoners, and, in addition to having his horse shot under him, received five bullets through his clothing. One of the captured horses was presented to him by the commander of the expedition, and since his death has been sent home to his widow at Rochester.

Tuesday we resumed the march at daylight, and proceeding fifteen miles, near by a Quaker settlement, encamped beyond Union. With hardly an exception, these Friends have remained staunch Unionists, and, what is more, have not hesitated to proclaim their anti-slavery sentiments when the rebel minions have been all around them.

Mr. Yardly Taylor, the leading man in the society, is widely known among the Quakers of the Northern States. He possessed a magnificent estate, beautified with groves, arbors, gravel walks, and gardens abounding in every variety of exotics. We found him a very genial, affable gentleman, upwards of 60 years of age, and willing to do anything for the Federal soldiers. This Union settlement was like an oasis in the desert of rebellion.

The road from Union to Philamount presented numerous evidences of the severe cavalry fights which had taken place between Gens. Pleasanton and Stuart. There were also several Federal and Rebel wounded scattered among the farm-houses. A few fresh graves were likewise observed. We remained in camp until two o’clock, Wednesday afternoon, and then marched five miles to a point, where the various columns of the army could be seen, extending up and down the valley for many miles, and presenting a fine spectacle. Heavy cannonading was heard all day from the front.

Thursday we marched seven miles more. As we proceeded further into Virginia, the country grew very desolate, exhibiting all the ravages and evils of war. Gens. Geary and Blenker with his German Division, had both been through here in the spring, and the rebel army had since come along and destroyed what they left. It seemed as though the hand of the destroying angel had swept over the land, withering as it went.

Owing, however, to the absence of nearly all the men in the army, the game in this region had not been hunted down, and was found in abundance. The fur, fin and feather tribes held almost undisputed sway in the forests and streams.

Friday we marched at 6 A. M., and arriving at White Plains, waited for supplies. A dreary snowstorm prevailed all day, covering the ground to the depth of several inches. Many of the men, who had imprudently thrown away their overcoats or blankets, suffered severely from the cold.

The intelligence received on Saturday, that Gen. McClellan had been removed, added still more to the gloom. The order for his removal reached his headquarters at Rectortown, a small village to the right of White Plains, about 11 o’clock on the previous evening. Gen. Gorman and several members of his staff were present at the time. He continued conversing in a cheerful manner, and was apparently the least affected one of the number. Gen. Burnside, to whom the command was turned over, soon made his appearance, and spent the greater portion of the night in consultation with him, after which Gen. McClellan penned the following farewell address to his troops:

On the Sunday evening following, he gave an informal reception at his tent, where several hours were spent in conversation. Upon one of the guests remarking to him, “General, we shall see you back again in a fortnight,” he replied, “If I never return to the Army of the Potomac, may I live to write its history. It is a task to which I shall devote myself.”

To another he remarked, “I feel as if the Army of the Potomac belonged to me. It is mine. I feel that its officers are my brothers, its soldiers my children. This separation is like a forcible divorce of husband and wife.” Of his successor, he said: “Burnside is the best and honestest of men. He is no Mr. Pope, he will do a great deal better than you expect.” Monday he rode among the troops, accompanied by a large retinue, and took an affectionate adieu of all of them. History fails to present, if we except the parting of Napoleon from his soldiers, so affecting and imposing a spectacle as was this farewell of Gen. McClellan to the army, whose leader he had been for eighteen months. After visiting the troops at Warrenton and vicinity, he rode out to New Baltimore, where Smith’s Division had arrived. The various Regiments were drawn up in line, with bright uniforms and burnished arms, and as their late Chief passed slowly before them, rent the air with cheers. It was a great ovation, shrouded in the gloom of a funeral occasion.

Gen. McClellan’s connection with the soldiers of the Army of the Potomac was ended, but nothing could sever the bonds of friendship and affection which united him to them. To many the secret of this great popularity has ever been a mystery. It arose from a variety of causes. It is rarely the case that a Regiment does not become attached to its Colonel, a Brigade to its Brigadier, and a Division or Corps to its Major-General. In the same manner the army became attached to its commander. Long connection increases this attachment, and General McClellan had been associated with these soldiers for nearly a year and a half.

Gen. McClellan possessed a physique and address calculated to excite admiration. Indeed, it was proverbial in the army that no one could doff his hat so gracefully as “Little Mac.” In addition to being Napoleonic in his appearance, he was Napoleonic in his speeches and orders, which equally won their hearts. He was likewise free from that boasting spirit which had made Pope so unpopular.

He visited frequently among his troops—an important means of winning popularity. His Generals, appointed and promoted through his influence, thoroughly infused a McClellan element into their commands. An army of Generals bear very much the same relation to their Chief that office-holders do to the head of their party. By maintaining him in his position, they ensure their own, and in promoting his interests, they promote themselves. Especially is this true under a Democratic form of Government, where politics exert such an undue influence in the army.

Gen. McClellan’s troops were, furthermore, of the opinion that his plans had been interfered with by the Washington authorities, and promised reinforcements withheld at the very moment he most needed them. Finally, they believed that he could lead them to victory.

When we speak of this enthusiasm for General McClellan, we do not, however, imply that it was universal. Not only Burnside, but his whole Ninth Army Corps, began to question his military capacity, when he failed to “push the enemy to the wall,” on the day succeeding the battle of Antietam. The troops who had previously been attached to the Department of Virginia proper, as well as the new levies, were to a certain extent indifferent as to who might be their leader.

CHAPTER XXIV.

Gen. McClellan took his departure for Washington on a special train from Warrenton, Tuesday noon, and Gen. Burnside assumed command, after issuing the following address:

He immediately proceeded to organize the army into three Grand Divisions—the Second and Ninth Corps, under Sumner, comprising the right; Third and Fifth, under Hooker, the centre; and First and Sixth, under Franklin, the left. Gen. Smith succeeded Franklin in the command of the Sixth Corps, and Gen. Howe was placed in charge of the Division.

We had now obtained possession of all the Gaps in the Blue Ridge. But we had merely locked the door after the escape of the animal, for the enemy, instead of being cooped up in the Shenandoah Valley, were in advance of us, well on their way to Culpepper. After mature deliberation and consultation with Gen. Halleck, who had arrived at Warrenton, Gen. Burnside decided to march rapidly to Fredericksburg, cross the Rappahannock at that place, and pushing southward, seize some point on the railroad, and fight a battle with Lee before he could mass all his forces. His reasons for choosing this route in preference to the one by Gordonsville, he has since stated, as follows: “The further we got into the interior of Virginia the larger would be our line of communications, and the greater would be the difficulty we would have in keeping them open, as the enemy had on our right flank a Corps that at almost any time could, by a rapid movement, seriously embarrass us. If we were caught by the elements so far from our base of supplies, and at the same time in the enemy’s country, where they had means of getting information that we had not, it might, I thought, prove disastrous to the army, as we had but one line of railway by which to supply it. In moving upon Fredericksburg, we would all the time be as near Washington as would the enemy; and after arriving at Fredericksburg, we would be at a point nearer Richmond than we would be even if we should take Gordonsville. On the Gordonsville line the enemy, in my opinion, would not give us a decisive battle at any place this side of Richmond. They could defend Gordonsville until such time as they felt they had given us a check, and then with so many lines of rail open to them, they would move upon Richmond or Lynchburg, and, in either case, the difficulty of following them would be very great.” Gen. Halleck agreed to have the pontoons ready for him at Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg, on his arrival.

Saturday and Sunday, Nov. 15th and 16th, the army started in a south-easterly direction in three columns, with the exception of a small force, which bore off towards Culpepper, to mislead and cause the enemy to think we were going to advance in that direction. The Thirty-third broke camp early on Sunday, and marching sixteen miles, encamped in a beautiful grove near Catlett’s Station. The men were in fine spirits, and moved rapidly over the good roads, inspired with the hope that they were now going to Richmond without fail.

The first day’s march presented nothing worthy of interest, unless it was the worn-out and ruined plantations which were seen on every side. Upon halting at one we found the mansion, situated back from the road, entirely deserted. Windows, doors, and everything of a combustible nature, had disappeared from the once splendid dwelling. Near by were a number of rude log huts, occupied by negroes. A bevy of children sallied out to inspect us as we rode up, betraying all that eager curiosity peculiar to the African race. They, together with a few helpless old men and women, were the sole occupants of the place. From them we learned that it belonged to a second cousin of John Randolph of Roanoke, who had died a few weeks before, and was buried beneath a tall oak in front of the mansion. The widow had gone to Fredericksburg, taking with her what effects she could.

Monday morning the reveille was sounded very early, and by six o’clock the Regiment was on its way. The march lay through a country more barren and desolate, if possible, than that north of Warrenton, presenting the worst features of a slave region. “Snatching” and “jayhawking” continued to be the order of the day, as when in the Loudon Valley. “How are you, Stuart?” “I believe this horse came from Pennsylvania;” “This is a Maryland pig;” were among the oft repeated responses made to the rebel farmers, who expostulated with the boys for making way with their animals. Very little satisfaction could be obtained from the “invaders.” War the Virginians wanted, and war they should now have to their hearts’ content. After a march of fourteen miles, we bivouacked near the mouth of Acquia Creek.

A Virginia Sowing Machine.

Tuesday we proceeded about fourteen miles further, and encamped near Stafford Court House, between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers, about ten miles from the latter.

The right and centre Divisions had now arrived in the vicinity of Falmouth, but no pontoons greeted the eye of Gen. Burnside. The Washington authorities had neglected to forward these essentials for crossing the river, and the rapid and successful marching had been to no purpose. In a day or two more the enemy would be on hand, fortifying the Fredericksburg Heights, and resisting our passage. How great must have been the Commanding General’s disappointment and anger at this phase of affairs! All his plans foiled; the whole campaign a failure; simply because some one had “forgotten to give the order” for forwarding a few pontoons.

The Second, Third, Fifth and Ninth Corps encamped near the river. The Sixth remained near Stafford Court House, and the First, pushing on to Brooks’ Station, was stretched along the Fredericksburg and Acquia railroad, upon which repairs were immediately commenced. Generals Franklin and Smith, who were boon companions, and nearly always together, located their headquarters in a grove close by the village of Stafford, which presented a scene of utter ruin. Dwellings, formerly occupied by the better class, were deserted, and the surrounding negro huts consumed, timber by timber, in the camp fires of the Union soldiers. Our troops had occupied the place during the previous spring. The once neat Court House stood by the road side, a striking monument to treason and rebellion. Deprived of its white picket fence, stripped of window blinds, benches and doors, walls defaced by various hieroglyphics, the judge’s bench a target for the expectorating Yankee, the circular enclosure for the jury besmeared with mud, and valuable documents lying about the floor; it was indeed a sad picture of what an infatuated people will bring upon themselves. In one corner of the yard stood a House of Records, in which had been filed all the important documents belonging to the county for a century. But they now lay scattered upon the floor around the steps, and in the door yard, to the depth of fifteen inches or more. It is impossible to estimate the inconvenience and loss which will follow this wholesale destruction of deeds, claims, mortgages, &c.

Warwick Court-House, near Youngs’ Mills, Virginia.

The jail, across the way from the Court House, where many a poor fugitive had doubtless languished in chains for striking out for freedom, was converted into a guard-house. Peeping through the iron grates of the windows, were to be seen the bilious countenances of several culprits, who, may be, were atoning for having invaded a hen roost or bagged an unsuspecting pig.

Colonel Taylor’s men took up position on a woody crest, and immediately commenced felling trees, pitching tents, building camp fires, and making themselves comfortable generally. The constant ringing of numerous axes and crashing of falling trees all around us, recalled memories of other days, and it was difficult to realize that we were not in a western log clearing. Indeed, the army of “invaders” have accomplished for Virginia what her indolent population have failed to do, cleared up the woodlands, and let the sunlight into many a hitherto cheerless and unhealthy spot.

The boys, as if prescient of coming delay and ease, soon began to construct elaborate log huts, which afforded a much more comfortable shelter than the thin, airy tents. Foraging parties scoured the surrounding country daily, and returned at night loaded down with eatables of every description. What confederate money (of which we had an abundance) would not buy, was “confiscated.” These expeditions were greatly enjoyed by those participating in them. Roving through woods and fields, from one farm house to another, they made numerous acquaintances, and learned everything of interest pertaining to the locality.

On one occasion a party halted at an obscure hovel for a drink of water. On entering we found the only occupant to be a superannuated negress, who, as she expressed it, having become “too old a critter to do nothing, had been turned out here to die.”

Further conversation disclosed the fact that she had belonged to James Ashby, a brother of the deceased famous General of that name. She related much that was of interest concerning the Ashby family. There were three brothers of them—James, Turner and Richard (commonly known as Dick)—raised in the vicinity of Front Royal, and all now in their graves. James, who was her master, moved to this vicinity when a young man, acquired a large estate, and died February, 1861. Turner, the General, who, when a young man, was admired by every one for his manly bearing, and in later years for his chivalric deeds, was killed at the battle of Cross-Keys. Dick, the remaining and youngest brother, was shot in a skirmish, just prior to the last battle of Bull Run.

After the death of her master, the younger slaves were sent South and sold. “Though I hab raised,” she said, “nineteen children to manhood (eleven sons among the number), all of whom hab been torn away from me, and hab worked hard all my life for massa, his heirs wouldn’t let me stay in the house, but sent me here, with a little hog and hominy, to die alone.” Three times she had herself hoed the little patch of corn in front of the hut, and gathered and husked it. On our inquiring if she was “Union,” she replied, “I’se partial to Yankees, but some of dem is mighty rogues. Dem ar low class people among dem steal all my things. Two came along last week and showed me twenty-five cents for some hoe-cake, which I gib dem, and bless you child, when dey come to pay, felt in all de pockets and couldn’t find de money; but, God bless you chil’ren, dey knew all de time where it was. But de Southrons are just as bad.”

She recounted, with tears in her eyes, the manner in which her youngest son was dragged away. He had been sick for some time, but when word came that the Union forces were advancing, they tied his legs, and placing him in a cart, drove off towards Richmond; but he never reached there, having died in the streets of Olean. We left “Aunt Sophie,” more convinced than ever that the cruelties and wrongs which grow out of slavery have not been overdrawn.

CHAPTER XXV.

During the first few days the rations were drawn from Acquia Landing with teams, but heavy rains coming on, the wheeling became terrible. Pioneers were accordingly set to work building corduroy roads, and in a week’s time constructed seven miles of them.

On the 28th the bridge over the Potomac Creek, ninety feet in length, was completed, and the cars immediately commenced running, bringing up plenty of supplies of every description. This structure, in addition to numerous other works, had been destroyed during the preceding August, when General Burnside abandoned the region. They had now all to be rebuilt.

The time passed here much in the same manner as in Maryland, the Regiment being employed on picket duty, slashing timber, &c., &c. Occasionally the officers rode over to the front, and viewed General Headquarters, Fredericksburg, and the river scenery, which is very attractive. Our own and the rebel pickets were scattered along the banks of the Rappahannock, almost within speaking distance of each other, and frequently indulged in conversation. “You have lost your best man,” shouted out a grey-back, one afternoon; “Burnside is played out. We don’t care a —— for him.” A Ninth New Hampshire boy replied by asking him where they had stolen their blue overcoats. “We took them off the dead Yankees at Antietam. Why didn’t you take ours?” “Because they walked off so fast,” was the ready reply. Another wanted to know if we had any Bull Run boys with us. “Have you any South Mountain or Antietam boys with you?” retorted one of our pickets. These interviews, which generally partook of a profane character, were afterwards forbidden. The enemy continued to augment their forces daily, throwing up new earthworks every night to the right or left of the city. Their operations were plainly visible from the balloon and signal stations.

Nearly opposite the road to the camp of the Thirty-third was an interesting relic of the old-time Aristocracy, concerning which the present race of Virginians boast so much, and possess so little. Standing remote and alone in the centre of a dense wood, was an antiquated house of worship, reminding one of the old heathen temples hidden in the recesses of some deep forest, whither the followers after unknown gods were wont to repair for worship, or to consult the oracles. On every side are venerable trees, overtowering its not unpretentious steeple. The structure is built of brick (probably brought from England), in the form of a cross, semi-gothic, with entrances on three sides, and was erected in the year 1794. On entering, the first object which attracts the attention, is the variously carved pulpit, about twenty-five feet from the floor, with a winding stair-case leading to it. Beneath are seats for the attendants, who, in accordance with the custom of the old English Episcopacy, waited upon the rector. The floor is of stone, a large cross of granite lying in the centre, where the broad aisles intersect. To the left of this is a square enclosure for the vestrymen, whose names are written on the north wall of the building. The reader, if acquainted with Virginia pedigrees, will recognize in them some of the oldest, and most honored names of the State—Thomas Fitzhugh, John Lee, Peter Hodgman, Moor Doniphan, John Mercer, Henry Tyler, William Mountjoy, John Fitzhugh, and John Peyton. On the south wall are four large tablets, containing Scriptural quotations. Directly beneath is a broad flag-stone, on which is engraved, with letters of gold: “In memory of the House of Moncure.” This smacks of royalty. Parallel to it lies a tomb-stone, “Sacred to the memory of William Robison, the fourth son of H. and E. Moncure, of Windsor Forest; born the 27th of January, 1806, and died 13th of April, 1828, of a pulmonary disease brought on by exposure to the cold climate of Philadelphia, where he had gone to prepare himself for the practice of medicine. Possessed of a mind strong and vigorous, and of a firmness of spirit a stranger to fear, he died manifesting that nobleness of soul which characterized him while living, the brightest promise of his parents, and the fondest hopes of their afflicted family.”

Led, doubtless, by the expectation of discovering buried valuables, some one had removed the stone from its original position, and excavated the earth beneath. Close by the entrance on the north side, are three enclosed graves, where sleep those of another generation. The brown, moss-covered tombstones appear in strong contrast to a plain pine board at the head of a fresh made grave alongside, and bearing the inscription: “Henry Basler, Co. H, 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers.”

One evening considerable alarm was occasioned by the appearance of numerous camp fires in the rear, the supposition being that the enemy had turned the right of our lines, and were pushing for Acquia Landing. Inquiry, however, soon ascertained that they proceeded from General Sickles’ Division, which was on the march from the vicinity of Fairfax to join the Second Corps.

Nearly four weeks had now elapsed since the army arrived at the new base of operations. The rainy season was approaching, and whatever was done, must be done quickly. Owing to the difficulty our scouts and spies experienced in crossing the river, but very little reliable information could be obtained of the enemy’s forces. They were variously estimated at from sixty to one hundred and twenty-five thousand men. A long extended line of fortifications appeared on the first crest of hills, but whether these constituted their only earthworks, or a new Torres Vedras existed beyond, was a matter of uncertainty.

It was, however, definitely ascertained that Jackson had arrived from the Shenandoah Valley, and that Lee had posted his troops up and down the river for a distance of twenty miles, to obstruct our crossing.

After consulting with his Division and Corps Commanders, General Burnside decided upon throwing his entire army across at some given point, and hurling it quickly upon the necessarily weak line, pierce, and break it, before the rebel General could concentrate his forces. Skinner’s Neck, about twelve miles below the city, was the point first chosen for crossing. But he afterwards decided to cross at Fredericksburg, because, as he has since informed us, he “felt satisfied that they did not expect us to cross here, but down below. In the next place, I felt satisfied that this was the place to fight the most decisive battle; because, if we could divide their forces by piercing their lines at one or two points, separating their left from their right, then a vigorous attack by the whole army would succeed in breaking their army in pieces. The enemy had cut a road along the rear of the line of heights, by means of which they connected the two wings of their army, and avoided a long detour around, through a bad country. I wanted to get possession of that road.”

As an initiatory step to active operations, he commenced a series of feints down the river as far as Port Conway, twenty miles below. Among other ruses, a long train of empty wagons was sent down the river road, in plain view of the enemy, and returned by an obscure route. Wednesday evening, December 3rd, the Left Grand Division received marching orders, with instructions to proceed in a southerly course, as if intending to strike and cross the river several miles below Fredericksburg.

Colonel Taylor had just moved his command to a new spot, higher up the side of the woody crest on which it was encamped, and the men were busily employed in erecting log-huts when the orders came. Instead, however, of occasioning any dissatisfaction, they were received with joy, and the men began, with alacrity, preparations for resuming the “on to Richmond.” Strange as it may seem, soldiers dread the privations and dangers of an active campaign less than the idleness and ennui of camp; and, contrary as it may be to the opinion generally entertained, there is much less sickness on the march than when the troops are encamped. The excitement consequent upon seeing new sights, and participating in new scenes, dispels those camp ills, real or imaginary, so common among soldiers during a period of inactivity.

By eleven o’clock the next morning, everything was got in readiness, and the Regiment took its place in the advancing column, which extended for miles, and was headed by Generals Franklin and Smith. Proceeding about eight miles, through Stafford Village, on the cross-road intersecting the Falmouth and Acquia Turnpike, the troops bivouacked for the night close by Potomac Creek bridge.

On the following day a snow storm set in, which, together with the rain, imparted a decidedly gloomy and sombre aspect to the surroundings. The soldiers protected themselves as best they could with their frail tents, stirring out but little. The march was resumed Saturday morning at eight o’clock, and reaching White-Oak Church, an insignificant building, in which Stephen A. Douglass delivered an address during his last political tour, the Corps turned straight to the left, towards Belle Plain, and proceeding about a mile, encamped in the fields and woods adjoining the road. Here it remained until the following Thursday, about six miles from Fredericksburg, and two in the rear of Burnside’s Headquarters. The Thirty-third occupied a small grove, together with the 20th, 49th, 77th New York and 7th Maine. The First Corps soon after came up and took position near the Sixth. Various inquiries concerning the roads and distances to Port Conway were made of the inhabitants, who, with hardly an exception, were rebels, in order to create the impression that we were going to move down the river. This, together with other similar ruses, succeeded admirably, for, as we afterwards learned, General Lee sent down the whole of Jackson’s force to Port Royal, opposite Port Conway, to resist our crossing.

Meanwhile preparations were actively going on in front. Additional pontoons had been brought from Washington, and the Engineers’ Brigade made ready their trains. The Second, Third, Fifth and Ninth Corps, composing the right and centre Grand Divisions, were placed under marching orders, though not moving from their camps.

CHAPTER XXVI.

At length everything was in readiness, and during Wednesday evening, December 11th, the advance movement was begun. All night long, the rumbling of artillery could be heard, as numerous batteries moved to the Rappahannock and were planted along the bank. One after another, the long, phantom-like pontoons descended the hillsides, and were unloaded near the points designated for crossings. Four bridges were to be thrown, the first a few yards above the Lacey House, which fronts the main street of the city, the second several hundred yards below, and the third and fourth about a mile still further down the river. The right and centre Grand Divisions were to cross on the first two, and the left on the remaining two. General Burnside designed to have all the artillery in position by eleven o’clock, the pontoons thrown by two A. M., and a large force across by sunrise. Owing, however, to numerous delays, none of the boats were launched before four o’clock.

The writer stood at the upper crossing. It was a most solemn scene, those brave Engineers (50th New York) pushing their pontoons out upon the ice, and fearlessly moving them around in the water, to their proper positions. Any moment might terminate their existence. They were upon the very threshold of eternity. Pacing along the opposite bank, or grouped around the picket fires, were to be seen the rebel sentinels, almost within pistol-shot. Occasionally they would stop a moment to view our operations, then resume their beat as unconcernedly as if nothing unusual was transpiring. The bridge was headed directly for one of their fires.

Nearly one quarter of it was completed without interruption, when, suddenly, as the Court House clock struck five, two signal guns boomed away in the distance, and were immediately followed by a sharp volley of musketry. Lieutenant-Colonel Bull, two captains and several men fell dead; others tumbled headlong into the water and sank to the bottom, or were rescued by their brave comrades and brought bleeding and dripping to the shore. We were not unprepared for this. Before the enemy had time to re-load, our artillery planted on the bluffs overhead, and infantry drawn up along the river’s bank, returned a heavy fire upon the buildings in which the sharpshooters were secreted.

Boom, boom, went the cannon, crack, crack, went the rifle, for one long hour, until the silence of the rebels terminated the duel, and the pontoniers resumed operations. But they had hardly reached the outermost boat, and turned their backs to place an additional one in position, before another murderous fire was poured in upon them, and the fierce duel was renewed. After another hour’s delay firing ceased, and again the builders stepped forward, but were again compelled to fall back. New batteries now opened rapidly upon the buildings, but failed to dislodge the sharpshooters, who, crouching down in their hiding places, fired upon the pontoniers as often as they ventured from the shore. About ten o’clock General Burnside appeared and gave the order, “Concentrate the fire of all your guns upon the place, and batter it down.” One hundred and forty-three, cannon of various calibre, from 10-pound Parrots to 4½ inch siege guns, were immediately trained upon the doomed city, and for fifty minutes rained down a perfect tempest of solid shot, shell and canister. Through the mist and dense clouds of smoke, bright fires appeared bursting forth in different parts of the town, and adding to the terrible grandeur of the spectacle.

When the cannonading ceased and the smoke cleared away, the destructiveness of our fire was apparent. Whole rows of buildings along the river side were rent and riven, as if by the thunderbolts of heaven—roofs gone, doors and windows smashed to atoms, and great hideous gaps through the walls; shade trees shorn of their limbs or twisted from their trunks; fences stripped of their pickets by canister, or lying flat on the ground; streets furrowed with solid shot, and strewn with household effects; elegant up-town residences in flames; we had literally swept the city with the besom of destruction.

It did not seem possible that any animate thing could have survived this bombardment; and there were in fact no signs of life visible; but no sooner had the engineers again resumed operations, than they were greeted with a fresh shower of bullets. How the sharpshooters had managed to live through all that fire and smoke, was to us almost a miracle. Yet they were alive, and as plucky as ever, and our gunners returned to their work.

General Burnside now almost despaired of effecting a crossing. Nothing but some brilliant coup-de-main would accomplish it. He accordingly decided upon sending a body of men over in boats, who should rush suddenly upon the concealed foe, and hunt them from their holes. The Seventh Michigan and Nineteenth Massachusetts were designated for this purpose. The gallant fellows never flinched from the duty assigned them, but taking their places in the pontoons, pushed bravely out into the stream, regardless of the rapid volleys of musketry which were poured into them. In a moment they had gained the opposite shore, and fearlessly sweeping up the bank, dashed into the houses, and shot, bayoneted or captured the small force which had occasioned us so much trouble and delay. A hundred dark, swarthy Alabamians and Mississippians were brought back, amidst the wildest cheers of the spectators who had witnessed the heroic act.

Fredericksburg was now ours, and no further trouble was experienced in laying the bridge. The second was completed in a similar manner; about ninety men belonging to Colonel Fairchild’s New York Regiment being taken over in boats, and returning with 110 rebels. Owing to the fact of there being no buildings to screen them, the enemy could offer but little resistance to the engineers at the lower crossings, and they were completed much earlier in the day.

The pontoons now being thrown, the right and centre Grand Divisions moved down in columns to cross, halting around Falmouth Station. The left, which had marched from White-Oak Church early in the morning, was massed during the day on the plain below. For some reason, General Burnside decided to cross but a small force that night, and the Sixth Corps drew back from the plain, and bivouacked in the adjoining woods. Leaving the vast army—

sleeping along the banks of the river and in the groves beyond, let us briefly survey the scene of its operations during the four days which followed.

Directly in the rear of Fredericksburg is a plain, about one quarter of a mile wide, extending back to a low range of hills, along the crest of which was the enemy’s first line of works. At the foot of and running parallel with this range, is a massive stone wall, behind which infantry were posted. In the rear of the first is another and much higher chain of hills, extending down the river for several miles. Along the top of these woody heights ran the road, referred to by General Burnside, connecting the rebel right with the rebel left, which rested immediately back of the city.

Crossing Hazel Creek, a small stream skirting the lower part of the place and emptying into the Rappahannock, the ground becomes very level, stretching out into a broad plateau, and traversed by the Bowling Green turnpike, running half a mile back from the river, and the Fredericksburg and Richmond railroad still further back. The Bernard House was located on the bank, about one mile and a half below the city. Three-fourths of a mile lower down, the Massaponax Creek flows into the Rappahannock. This plain, bounded on the north by Hazel Creek, east by the Rappahannock, west by a chain of hills, and south by the Massaponax, was the theatre of General Franklin’s operations. While he advanced and occupied some point in these hills, Sumner and Hooker were to storm the batteries in the rear of Fredericksburg. Our narrative will be confined mainly to the left Grand Division.

Long before daylight Friday morning, it commenced crossing, and by ten o’clock was all over. As fast as the various commands reached the opposite shore, they debouched upon the plain, spreading out like a fan, prepared to sweep down the enemy before them. The Thirty-third passed over the bridge about 7½ o’clock. An hour and a half later the Sixth Corps was drawn up in line of battle, facing to the west. The First Corps joined on further to the left. Skirmishers were deployed, and feeling their way cautiously forward, encountered those of the enemy near the Bowling Green road. The first man wounded was John S. Havens, of Company H, Thirty-third, which was in the front. After a few moments the rebels fell back, leaving us in possession of the road. Owing to the dense fog which prevailed, it was deemed best not to fight the battle that day, and our troops moved no further forward. About 2½ o’clock in the afternoon, the enemy opened some masked guns from the heights on our batteries facing in that direction, which, immediately limbering up, moved several yards further to the front and returned the fire. The artillery duel was kept up for some time, resulting in but little loss to us.

General Burnside rode down from the right at sunset, and was received with vociferous cheering by the Regiments as he galloped rapidly by. Officers and men had alike admired the courage which led him to boldly cross the river and endeavor to clear up the mystery which enshrouded the enemy; and now that the rebels had apparently retreated, leaving a mere shell of an army to oppose us, their admiration for their chief knew no bounds.

CHAPTER XXVII. BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG, FOUGHT SATURDAY, DECEMBER 13TH.

Battle-field of the Left Grand Division.

Franklin’s troops slept upon their arms that night, little dreaming of the fierce conflict of the morrow. At an early hour Saturday morning, it became evident that the enemy, instead of having fallen back, were concentrating their forces, with the design of giving us battle. The sun rose clear in the heavens, though the mist and fog of a late Indian summer enveloped the plain. The air was mild and balmy as on a September day, and the fifty thousand men whom the reveille woke from their slumbers began to prepare for action, and were soon marshalled in “battle’s magnificently stern array.”

They were arranged as follows: The Sixth Corps, under General Smith, on the right, composed of three Divisions, viz: General Newton’s on the extreme right and rear, resting near the bridges; General Brooks’ in the centre, and General Howe’s on the left. The First Army Corps, General Reynolds, extended still further to the left, drawn up in the following order: General Gibbon’s Division on the right, connecting with General Howe’s; General Meade’s, centre; and General Doubleday’s, left, facing to the southward, and resting nearly on the river. The Thirty-third was posted in the first of the three lines of battle, to support a battery. General Jackson commanded the rebels in front of us. At an early hour the Thirteenth Massachusetts and Pennsylvania Bucktails, among other Regiments, were deployed in front, as skirmishers, between whom and the enemy’s skirmishers considerable firing ensued. General Vinton, now commander of the Brigade, venturing too far in front, was shot through the groin, and conveyed back to the Bernard House, which had been appropriated for the Division Hospital. Col. Taylor took command until the arrival of Gen. Neill, formerly of the Twenty-third Pennsylvania. As soon as the heavy mist cleared away, Capt. Hall’s Second Maine Battery, planted at the right of Gibbon’s Division, opened upon the enemy. Artillery firing now became general along the whole line. Heavy siege guns in our rear, the First Maryland and First Massachusetts Batteries, and Battery D, Fifth Artillery, on the right; Captain Ransom’s and Captain Walker’s in front, and Harris’ Independent on the left, kept up a terrific fire on the rebels. Orders now came to advance, and about nine o’clock, Gibbon’s and Meade’s Divisions commenced moving slowly forward, thereby almost straightening our lines, which were previously arranged somewhat in the form of a crescent. Considerable resistance was met with, but the forces continued to move forward, until at mid-day the line of battle was half a mile in advance of where it had been in the morning.

But now came the reserve fire of the enemy, with terrific force. Shot and shell were poured into our men from all along the heights, which, curving around in the shape of a horse-shoe, exposed them to an enfilading fire. The rebel infantry likewise appeared, and fired rapidly. Still Meade and Gibbon continued to press on, and as the enemy gave way, cheer after cheer rent the air from our troops. General Meade now led his Division on a charge, and pressing on the edge of the crest, skilfully penetrated an opening in the enemy’s lines and captured several hundred prisoners, belonging to the Sixty-first Georgia and Thirty-first North Carolina Regiments. Owing, however, to the lack of reinforcements, he was eventually compelled to fall back. While the fight was progressing at this point, Jackson sent down a heavy column, near the Massaponax, to turn our left, but it was handsomely repulsed and driven back by Doubleday.

Very heavy firing now raged along the line. Dense clouds of smoke hid friend and foe from view, and the heavy roar of artillery and musketry shook the ground as with an earthquake. The bloody carnival was at its height, “and wild uproar and desolation reigned” supreme. Mortals could not long endure such a conflict, and after forty minutes’ duration, it was followed by a temporary lull, the combatants resting from their labors through sheer exhaustion. The rising smoke disclosed the field strewn with the dead and wounded, lying thick as autumnal leaves. The lull, however, was of short duration. Again “stiffening the sinews and summoning up the blood,” the warriors rushed forward over the mangled forms of their comrades, and the conflict raged with fury. One of Gibbon’s Brigades, gallantly charging over the plain, dashed right up to the mouths of the frowning cannon, and storming the enemy’s breastworks, captured two hundred prisoners. Once more the air resounded with cheers, cheers which, alas! were many a noble fellow’s death-cry. But unable to withstand the galling fire, the troops, like those of Meade before them, were compelled to relinquish their hold on the crest, and fall back, with decimated ranks.

Reinforcements now arrived, consisting of Sickles’ and Birney’s Divisions from Hooker’s command, and were sent to the support of Meade. Newton’s Division was also transferred from the extreme right of the line to the right of the First Corps, and became engaged. General Franklin was seated, most of the time, in a little grove, which he had made his temporary headquarters, watching the progress of the battle, and delivering orders to the Aid-de-Camps, who were constantly arriving and departing. Occasionally mounting his horse, he rode up and down the lines, regardless of the missiles of death, anxiously peering in the direction of the woody crest, to discover if possible some weak spot in the enemy’s lines. Generals Smith and Reynolds were with him frequently.

About one o’clock, the young and gallant General Bayard, of the cavalry, was fatally wounded. He had just seated himself under a tree by General Franklin, when a ball striking a few yards in front, ricocheted, and passed through his thigh, inflicting a fearful wound. He was immediately conveyed to the hospital, and died a few hours afterwards. As he was lying on the couch, the Chaplain of the Harris Light Cavalry approached, and inquiring if he desired him to write anything for him, “By-and-by,” he replied. Then turning to Surgeon Hackley, he asked if he should be able to live forty-eight hours. A negative answer being given, he further inquired if he should die easy. He was to have been married in a few days.

Meanwhile Generals Howe’s and Brooks’ Divisions were exposed to an enfilading fire from the enemy’s artillery. The Thirty-third still supported a battery. Instead of being posted some distance to the rear, Colonel Taylor was ordered close up to the guns, and the men lay almost beneath the caissons. Shot and shell were whizzing, screaming, crashing, and moaning all around them, but they manfully maintained their position, receiving the fire directed upon the artillerists. Towards noon a 64-pounder opened from the hill directly back of Fredericksburg. The first shell struck a few feet in front of the Regiment, the second fell directly in their midst, plunging into the ground to the depth of three feet or more. The enemy had obtained a most perfect range, and would have inflicted a great loss of life, had not the monster gun, very fortunately for us, exploded on the third discharge. The guns which the Thirty-third supported were repeatedly hit by the enemy, whose batteries could be distinctly seen glistening in the edge of the woods a mile distant.

One round shot struck the wheel of a caisson, smashing it to atoms, and prostrating the “powder boy,” who was taking ammunition from it at the time. Had the missile gone ten inches further to the left, it must have exploded the caisson and caused fearful havoc among the Thirty-third. Here Colonel Taylor lay with his men, for many long hours, exposed to the fury of the rebel cannoniers, without shelter or protection of any kind, until the after part of the day, when they were relieved by the Forty-third New York, Col. Baker, and fell back to the second line of battle. Towards evening, a Brigade of the enemy charged down from the crest upon one of our batteries (Martin’s), yelling and cheering, as they came on the double quick. Slowly the Second and Fourth Vermont, which were in the skirmish line, fell back, until the enemy had advanced well on towards the guns, when a most sweeping cross fire was poured upon them. At the same time, the Third Vermont, concealed in a ravine close by, rose to their feet, delivering volley after volley, and they were sent back, broken, disorganized and howling to the thickets.

And so the dark masses of men swayed to and fro through the livelong day, neither side gaining any material advantage. Nor did the going down of the sun end the struggle. After the evening shadows had gathered over the plain, the artillery still kept playing upon each other, though probably with but little effect. About half past eight, the last gun was fired, and the shrieks and groans of the sufferers alone broke upon the stillness of the night.

The fighting on the right, at Fredericksburg, had been still less successful. Again and again were our forces hurled against the rebel works, only to be rolled back with confusion and slaughter. The narrow plain previously described, over which they had to charge, was so completely commanded by the enemy’s guns, as to render every foot of it untenable. The last assaulting column succeeded, however, in reaching the stone-wall which we had all day attempted to gain possession of. But they had no sooner commenced clambering up the green sides of the bluff, and arrived within a few feet of the guns, before rebel reinforcements arrived and drove them back beyond the wall and over the plain. This terminated the fighting on the right.

During the night General Burnside summoned his Division Commanders to his Headquarters, and after a brief consultation, informed them of his determination to renew the attack in the rear of the city, on the following day. His plan was to form his old Corps, the Ninth, into a column of attack, by Regiments. He thought that the eighteen or twenty Regiments of which it was composed, by arriving quickly, one after another, would be able to carry the stone-wall and the batteries in front, and force the enemy back to his second line of works.

All of his Generals stoutly opposed the project, but still believing that it would prove successful, he ordered the storming columns to be got in readiness. When, however, General Sumner, always so fond of a fight, rode up to him on the following day, and said, “General, I hope you will desist from this attack; I do not know of any General Officer who approves of it, and I think it will prove disastrous to the army,” he decided upon abandoning it.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

The dawn of Sunday found the left Grand Division arranged in much the same order of the day previous. The Thirty-third still held the position which it had occupied during the afternoon. An attack from the enemy was now hourly expected, but they made no demonstrations, and what was most inexplicable to Gen. Franklin and every one else, failed to open their guns planted along the crest, and completely sweeping every part of the plain. The men rested on their arms, and the day was spent in removing the wounded from the field.

Collected in the rear of the Bernard House were several of the prisoners, who were addressed by Chaplain Lung in the afternoon. Prominent among the number was a member of the Fifty-fourth North Carolina, mostly composed of conscripted Union men. Finding that he could not escape to the North, or avoid being impressed, he concluded to accept $1,200, to go as a substitute, and desert at the first favorable opportunity. He was caught in the act, and sent to Richmond and imprisoned. On the day before the battle, he was hurried up to Fredericksburg, with several others, and sent to the front with a gun. When the enemy gave way before Meade’s charge, he remained behind, concealed in the bushes, expecting our soldiers would come up and rescue him. The charging force failing, however, to follow up their success, he was seized with the most intense forebodings. Knowing full well that he would surely be shot, if thus caught in the act of deserting the second time, in a moment of frenzy, he whipped out his jack-knife, and made two perforations, opposite each other, in his left leg, hoping thereby to make his officers think that he was wounded, and on this account lagged in the rear. He afterwards fortunately made his escape. The wound was a poor apology for a gun-shot hole, though it might have passed muster with the rebel surgeons if he had been taken, and thereby saved his life.

The Bernard House, since destroyed by fire, was a large, elegant stone mansion, built after the English style, and fitted up in a princely manner. The spacious apartments were furnished with velvet carpeting, damask curtains, statuary, and paintings—everything which wealth could command. Several large libraries of choice volumes evinced a literary taste on the part of the occupants, while the well stocked larder, and spacious wine-cellar, testified no less to their epicurean proclivities. The proprietor, A. N. Bernard, a corpulent bachelor of the genuine F. F. V. stamp, was arrested when our forces first crossed, for conveying information to the enemy. He was, however, granted the freedom of his house, and wandered about from one room to another, almost distracted at seeing the “Yankees” carrying away his furniture and books, devouring his sweetmeats, and drinking, in Union toasts, his imported liquors. He had sown the wind, he was now reaping the whirlwind.

Monday passed in much the same manner as Sunday. The enemy could be seen erecting new batteries along the crest, but did not open upon us. Why this failure to shell our forces, which lay for two days upon the open plain, exposed to the destructive cross-fire of their guns, remains a mystery to our Generals to this day. They probably desisted, hoping that we would renew the attack, or were afraid to fire upon them, lest, infuriated and exasperated, our troops would, as a dernier resort, recklessly charge up the heights, and capture their batteries, at whatever cost.

Monday evening the retrograde movement across the river, which had several hours previously been determined upon, commenced. The three Grand Divisions began crossing simultaneously. A light rain and a heavy wind blowing away from the enemy, favored the perilous movement, and it was conducted in safety. A more masterly retreat from before an enemy was never executed. So secretly had all the preliminary movements been conducted, that when the various Regiments were quietly ordered to fall in, they supposed it was for a night attack. The Thirty-third re-crossed about 9 o’clock, and before morning the entire army was over.

Thus terminated the first battle of Fredericksburg, the greatest we had yet fought, and surpassing in magnitude that of Waterloo. General Lee had three hundred guns in position, and one hundred thousand men (see London Times’ Correspondence); General Burnside nearly the same number of guns, and one hundred and thirty thousand men; whereas the combined forces of Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington at Waterloo, before the arrival of Blucher, amounted to only one hundred and fifty thousand; two hundred and forty pieces covering the whole amount of their artillery.

We were repulsed, but not dispirited.

Such brave, heroic fighting as the Union Soldiers performed on that bloody Saturday, has never been surpassed, and will ever redound to the glory of our arms. For nine long hours they stood upon an open plain, exposed to the cross fire of hundreds of hostile cannon, unprotected by shelter of any kind, and fought an enemy concealed in forests, behind breastworks and in rifle-pits. Had no delays occurred at the outset, the assault would undoubtedly have proved successful, but after the enemy had had time to withdraw all their forces from below and mass them in front, defeat was a foregone conclusion.

Officers and men were disposed to believe that the movement had been peremptorily ordered from Washington, until the appearance of General Burnside’s frank and manly letter, assuming the entire responsibility. From that time forward, the army questioned his military capacity, but could not refrain from admiring his qualities as a man.

WHITE-OAK CHURCH, VA.

After re-crossing the river, the Thirty-third bivouacked in the dense woods near by, where it remained two days. Tuesday morning, a squad of rebel officers rode down over the battle-field to the Bernard House. This brought them within range of our guns planted on Stafford Heights, and Battery C, Fifth Regulars, immediately dropped a shell among them, which exploding, killed two, and sent the others fleeing back to the hills. The riderless horses dashed down to the river, and were shot by our men, employed in digging rifle-pits on this side.

Friday, December 19th, the left Grand Division moved back to White-Oak Church, and the Thirty-third re-occupied the camp which it had left on the Thursday previous. Once more the men applied themselves to the labor of building log-huts and fitting up winter quarters. The “Cabins” were arranged in long rows fronting on the road, and protected from the wind by the grove of hemlocks. The weather continued very warm and pleasant, and but little sickness prevailed in the Regiment. Christmas was devoted to mirth and hilarity, the Colonel giving a dinner party to the officers at his tent.

Marching orders were again received on the 30th, but were almost immediately countermanded. General Burnside had arranged another plan of attack, but the details having been ferreted out by rebel sympathizers at Washington, he was compelled to relinquish it. The Regiment frequently went on picket, and as a general thing enjoyed the change. The Fitzhughs, Balls, and several other families who lived near the picket line, always welcomed the officers and men to their houses. Though confessed rebels, many pleasant hours were spent in the society of the daughters, whose brothers and lovers were absent in the rebel army. There was in fact hardly a corporal’s guard of young men left between the Potomac and Rappahannock, so effectually had the conscription act been enforced.

Among other maidens who were accustomed to entertain the Regiment, was the betrothed of Geo. B. Davis, a nephew of Jeff.’s. One afternoon a cavalryman, after vainly ransacking the out-buildings of her father’s plantation for corn, approached the door in which the young lady was standing, and insisted that some of the grain, “which he knew was concealed in the house, should be given him.” “We have none, was the reply.” “Stand aside until I go in and see for myself,” he rudely retorted, at the same time whipping out of its sheath a heavy Colt’s Revolver. No sooner done than the fair girl planted herself firmly in the door way, drew a small repeater from her bosom, and deliberately aiming it at the rascal’s head, exclaimed, “Approach one step further towards this house, and you are a dead man.” Cowed and baffled by this exhibition of bravery, the trooper turned on his heel and left. This incident illustrates the coolness and courage with which some of the Virginia women are endowed.

The following changes, in addition to those already mentioned, had occurred in the Regiment up to this time.

Captain Theodore Hamilton, Co. G, promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel, 62d N. Y.

Captain G. Murray Guion, Co. A, promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel, 148th N. Y.

Captain A. H. Drake returned to duty from Salisbury, North Carolina, October 6th.

Captain H. J. White, Co. B, resigned.

Captain James M. Letts, Co. I, resigned.

Adjutant Charles T. Sutton resigned.

First Lieutenant H. J. Draime, Co. B, promoted to Captain B.

First Lieutenant E. J. Tyler, Co. A, promoted to Captain A.

First Lieutenant John W. Corning, Co. B, promoted to Adjutant.

First Lieutenant G. A. Gale, Co. G, promoted to Captain G.

First Lieutenant E. E. Root, Co. I, promoted to Captain I.

John Gummer, Co. E, promoted to First Lieutenant E.

Charles D. Rossiter, appointed First Lieutenant D.

Otis Cole, appointed First Lieutenant H.

First Lieutenant R. C. Niles, Co. H, resigned.

First Lieutenant H. G. King, Co. F, resigned.

Second Lieutenant G. W. Marshall, Co. G, promoted to First Lieutenant G.

Second Lieutenant Ira V. Germain, Co. G, dismissed.

Second Lieutenant Pryce W. Bailey, Co. A, promoted to First Lieutenant A.

Second Lieutenant Jefferson Bigelow, Co. D, resigned.

Second Lieutenant J. Marshall Guion, Co. H, resigned.

Second Lieutenant C. H. Howe, Co. I, resigned.

Second Lieutenant William H. Long, Co. I, promoted to First Lieutenant I, and since on Brennan’s, Davidson’s and Neill’s Staffs successively, Assistant A. G.

Second Lieutenant L. C. Mix, Co. C, promoted to First Lieutenant B.

Second Lieutenant H. H. Hills, Co. F, promoted to First Lieutenant F.

Second Lieutenant Walter H. Smith, Co. E, resigned.

First Sergeant J. F. Winship, Co. F, promoted to Second Lieutenant F.

First Sergeant G. T. Brennan, Co. I, promoted to Second Lieutenant I.

First Sergeant J. E. Stebbins, Co. C, promoted to Second Lieutenant C, vice Mix, promoted.

First Sergeant Byron F. Craine, Co. D, promoted to Second Lieutenant G.

First Sergeant T. H. Sibbalds, Co. A, promoted to Second Lieutenant A.

First Sergeant C. H. Howe, Co. I, promoted to Second Lieutenant I.

Sylvester Porter, Co. H, promoted to Second Lieutenant H.

W. W. Smith, Co. E, appointed Second Lieutenant E.

William E. Roach, Co. D, appointed Second Lieutenant D.

Orlando Bacon promoted to Sergeant-Major.

John W. Alexander promoted to Quartermaster-Sergeant.

Corporal J. F. Barker promoted to Commissary-Sergeant.

John J. Carter promoted from Commissary-Sergeant to Second Lieutenant B.

MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.

First Surgeon S. Mulford, resigned.

First Assistant Surgeon D’Estaing Dickinson, promoted to full Surgeon.

Second Assistant Surgeon Richard Curran, promoted to First Assistant Surgeon.

Duncan McLachlen appointed Second Assistant Surgeon.

Edmund De Graff appointed Hospital Steward.

CHAPTER XXIX.

The weather continued to be very open and favorable for offensive operations, and accordingly, on the 20th of January, General Burnside began another forward movement. His plan this time was to cross the Rappahannock several miles above Falmouth, and turn the enemy’s left wing.

Monday morning, the left Grand Division was put in motion, reaching Banks’ Ford—the spot designed for crossing—the same day. One of the most terrible storms the Army ever experienced set in that night and continued until Wednesday, rendering the passage of the river impossible.

We were literally engulphed in a sea of mud, Virginia subsoil, of all Jeff.’s dirty allies the most effective, completely blocking our progress, and transforming, in a few hours’ time, our compact, well disciplined forces, into a confused, chaotic mass. One hundred and thirty-seven thousand men “stalled” in mud! Pontoons overturned and abandoned, or “snaked” along by infantry; artillery “mired” to the hubs, or broken down by the road-side; ammunition trains upset, or at a dead-lock; supply wagons stuck fast in the clayey soil, or half hidden beneath the surface; soldiers leaping from bog to bog, or floundering in the mud like so many Neighbor Pliables in the Slough of Despond; stragglers roaming through the fields and forests in quest of food, or collected around a barrel of whiskey thrown overboard to lighten some driver’s load; did an army ever before encounter such a plight?

A further advance under such circumstances was of course out of the question, and on Thursday the army returned to Falmouth, the Thirty-third re-occupying its old camp for the third time. A portion of the Regiment remained up the river to assist in getting back the artillery, pontoons and other materiel. On the Monday following, we were startled by the report that General Burnside had been succeeded by General Hooker. Very few were disposed to credit the statement, but it was soon confirmed by the appearance of the following farewell address:

Owing to the lack of co-operation manifested on the part of many subordinate officers, General Burnside had, prior to this time, issued an order dismissing several of them. This order he sent to the President, with the request that he would either sanction it, or relieve him from the position of General Commanding. He must be clothed with authority to root out all disorganizing elements in his army, substituting, in the place of envious, intriguing Generals, those who would labor in unison with him, or yield over his command. The President did not see fit to confer this authority upon him, and he was accordingly relieved.

Rarely do we meet with one possessed of such noble qualities as were displayed in General Burnside’s character. Free from those personal ambitions which lead so many to seek only

influenced solely by motives of patriotism, generous and magnanimous to a fault, manly and Christian in his deportment, unassuming and almost diffident, he was the idol of the Ninth Army Corps, and won the esteem and admiration of all who were thrown in contact with him. His only faults were those of a military character: of these the main one was a want of reticence. The closest secrecy in all matters was seemingly incompatible with his frank, open nature. Lack of confidence in his own judgment led him to confer freely with others concerning his plans, who in turn communicated them to others, until he could with truth, exclaim:

But admitting, as he himself repeatedly did, that he was not endowed with that grasp of intellect, fertility of resource, in short Napoleonic comprehensiveness, necessary for commanding so large an army, how many men are born in a century who are thus endowed? Napoleon once remarked that there was but one General in the whole of France, besides himself, who could manœuvre one hundred thousand men.

General Hooker came into power with a flourish of trumpets, breathing death and destruction to the foe. After ridiculing without stint his predecessors, plotting and scheming for their overthrow, and declaring that he would “take the contract for bagging the whole rebel army,” he had at last prevailed upon the President, who was boxing the compass for a new chief, to appoint him. The appointment was, however, conferred, as General Hooker has frequently said, in direct opposition to General Halleck’s wishes. Now that he had secured the reins, Mr. Rebel must beware. He would “smash them to ——.” “God Almighty must have mercy on their souls—he wouldn’t.”

The prince of braggarts, one could not be in his presence an hour without recalling a character in King John.

No sooner had he assumed command than the Grand Divisions were abolished, and Generals Franklin and Sumner relieved—the latter at his own request. General Smith was immediately after transferred to the Ninth Army Corps, which had departed for the Peninsula. The following was his parting address:

The rainy season had now arrived; all hopes of further active operations were abandoned, and the army went into permanent winter quarters. During the month of February, the Thirty-third, Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, and One Hundred and Nineteenth Pennsylvania, were formed into a new Brigade, and placed under the charge of Colonel Taylor, who established his Headquarters at the “Lee House,” about one mile and a half from White-Oak Church. The Regiment changed its location to a woody crest on the Lee estate, a third of a mile in the rear of the Colonel’s quarters. This was the most delightful camp the Thirty-third had during its two years of service; airy, roomy, healthy, commanding a fine view of the surrounding country, and well supplied with pure water from springs close by. On the summit of the hill, a square clearing was made, company streets laid out, and the soldiers’ cabins built in regular order. The officers’ quarters were constructed just in the edge of the wood at the head of the various streets. Encamped directly beneath, on the hill side, were the Forty-ninth and One Hundred and Nineteenth Pennsylvania.

The months of February, March, and April, passed very pleasantly. Athletic sports of every description and in-door amusements, beguiled away many hours. A mail was received every evening and distributed at the Chaplain’s tent. The New York, Philadelphia and Washington daily papers, together with numerous volumes from the Bernard libraries, and other secession sources, furnished ample reading material.

On becoming weary of the monotony of camp life, many sauntered out to the surrounding forests, fields, and farm-houses, in quest of adventure. Between the encampment and Acquia Creek was a settlement of contrabands, employed by government in wood-chopping. They occupied the huts built by the enemy when in possession of the region, and were apparently very contented with their new mode of life. After the labors of the day were closed, they assembled for a Virginia “hoe-down,” in which the slaves so much delight, or to participate in religious exercises. Most of the older members of the community were of a religious turn, and not unfrequently spent the entire night in devotion. Their leader on such occasions, a wrinkled, osseous specimen, whose crisp hair and callous skin were, if possible, a shade darker than that of his companions, had been the head-cook of his master, and now acted in that capacity. He was never so much at home as when exhorting the brethren, and instead of being embarrassed by the presence of soldiers, then talked and prayed with increased fervor. The writer took down his prayer one evening. He had just risen from his knees when we entered, but loth to lose an opportunity of displaying his talent to the “northern white folks,” he again kneeled down and delivered the following with great unction.

Oh, Lord God of dis glorious Universe. Wilt dou look down in de omnipresence of dy eye upon dese dy collard children bowed upon de knucklebone dis night. Take a solemn peep upon us and let a heap of light in. Dou knowest what dese dy poor darkies need. Dere be Sam, dere be Jerry, and dere be Pompey. Dey are in dere sins, dats what I reckon. Help dem to git up, and git from de wilderness of sin, and come in to de clearing of salvation. Take a solemn peep also upon de darkies in de other cabin, who fiddle and whirl on de bombastic toe, while dy servant fulminates words to dee. May dey rise above the anthratory things of dis world, and fly like massa Linkum’s balloom heavenward. Ruler of all humans on dis earth, wilt dou bress de Generals in de field dis night, if it be circumspection in dy eye. Bress de Colonels in de field dis knight, if it be circumspection in dy discreet eye, and also bress de Union soldiers who carry de musket and chew de cartridge, fightin for de Union and de Stars and Stripes. Dey fight in a scientific cause, and be de bestest of men, but good Lord, mey dey swear less and pray more. And finally bress dy humble servant now supplicating dee in behalf of dese benighted darkies. It behoves dee to dig deep, and sound to de very bottom of his heart. May dere be nary blimmage between myself and my Saviour.

In de language of de mighty Washington, dis world is all a fleetin show. To-day we are alive and hoppin around like grass-hoppers, to-morrow the sickle of death cuts us down, and spreads us out like grass in hay time. On every side dou knowest, oh Lord, is de evidences of de general dislocation and distruction of de human family. Dere be fightin among one another, and natural disease. But we die to live again, either as saints or evil spirits. Dere be discushions on doctrines. Elecshion, Before-ordination, Perfection, and sich like, confuse de intellects of both black men and white. But good Lord, dou knowest dat dese are vain allusions, splittin an dividin dy creatures into sexes without mercy. Whoever will can go to glory. Many dare will be with sleek countenances, white collars and fine clothes, who will find do gates shut against dem, while de blind old woman hobbling on crutches, she go straight in, Amen.

Slave Quarters.

The hearty burst of amens which followed from the hearers, indicated that they were no less satisfied with his “gifts” than the leader himself, whose serene and placid countenance was turned upon us in a most knowing manner, as much as to say, “any white man beat that?”

Contrabands near Acquia Creek.

Several now joined in singing a “hymn,” of which the chorus was—

While this was being sung, a young member of the band, with sleeves rolled up and a bandana wrapped about his head, stood in the centre of the cabin, and kept time. He continued beating with the feet and patting with the hands, at the same time twisting himself into every conceivable shape the human body will admit of, until the perspiration rolled off in large drops from his forehead. An exhortation was next listened to, after which they sang a variety of tunes, the following being a sample—

In describing this strange scene, we have no intention of throwing ridicule upon these unfortunates, or their devotions, but merely to give the reader an idea of the manner in which slave worship is frequently conducted.

The health of the troops continued to be remarkably good, only five per cent. of the entire army being on the sick list. Indeed, when we compare the sanitary condition of the Army of the Potomac from its origin up to the present time with that of other military organizations, there is abundant occasion for thanksgiving. Nearly one half of our entire forces of the Revolution, forty-seven per cent., were at one time unfit for duty. Of thirty thousand troops that composed the English Army under Wellington in 1809, six thousand were sick in the hospitals. In 1811, the Portuguese Army, numbering forty-four thousand, had nine thousand on the sick list. The terrible sickness during the late Crimean struggle is fresh in the memory of every one. Thirty thousand Russian soldiers perished in a few weeks’ time from camp diseases, and thirty-five per cent., if we mistake not, of the allied troops were prostrated with sickness when Florence Nightingale entered upon her mission of mercy. At the commencement of the war, the enemy calculated largely on Cholera, Yellow Jack, and other maladies, as allies in decimating our ranks; but the health of the troops thus far has been unparalleled in the history of modern warfare. This has been mainly due to the lavish amount of supplies—at least one third greater than those furnished to any European Army—and to the skillful management of the medical Department.

What is known as the Regimental fund comprises the proceeds from the sale of the excess rations furnished to the various Regiments. This sum amounts to several thousand dollars annually, thus indicating the liberality of government in the matter of food. The Medical Department characterized at the commencement of the war, by little order or efficiency, is now completely systematized and placed on a servicable footing. Immediately on the resumption of active operations, the Surgeons are assigned to the duty for which they are best qualified; some to the care of the sick, others to the amputating table, and others to the field.

“Poor white trash.”

The encampment was frequently visited during the winter by those stigmatized among the wealthier Virginians, as “poor white trash.” They generally came to crave “a little flour,” “a few potatoes,” anything to keep body and soul together. Deprived of their sons by a contest in which they took no interest, stripped of their little all by both parties, reduced to absolute penury, theirs was a hopeless lot indeed.

CHAPTER XXX.

Winter had now passed, and the warm, genial days of April were fast drying up the roads, and rendering the resumption of operations practicable. Four months had rolled away since the bloody struggle under Burnside, during which the army had recuperated its energies, recovered its morale, and been reinforced by numerous accessions of troops. Believing, with Frederick the Great, that a soldier’s pluck lies in his stomach, Gen. Hooker had added fresh bread, potatoes and other esculents to the already substantial bill of fare, thereby putting his men in the best of fighting trim; and they, in turn, had come to cherish a certain regard for and confidence in him, shouting like the Portuguese under Crawford, “Long live the General who takes care of our bellies.”

The army was ripe for offensive movements. The long weeks of inactivity had afforded the General commanding ample time for reviewing the situation, deciding upon a plan of attack, and completing the necessary preparations.

About the middle of the month marching orders were issued to the troops, but were immediately rescinded, owing to a furious storm which arose and prevailed for two days. The elements again becoming propitious, on Monday and Tuesday, April 27th and 28th, the various Army Corps left their snug winter quarters and moved towards the Rappahannock. The programme decided upon was this: while a portion of the army crossed below Fredericksburg, and diverted the attention of the enemy, the remainder were to proceed up the river, and turning their left wing, occupy a position directly in the rear of the rebel works. At the same time Gen. Stoneman, taking nearly the entire body of our cavalry, was to make his way down through the State by the Culpepper route, and circling round to the railroad, destroy the bridges over the North and South Anna rivers, less than twenty miles from Richmond.

After the seventy-five thousand men thrown in the rear had attacked and defeated the enemy, the fifty thousand at Fredericksburg were to press forward likewise, engage them, and cut off the way of retreat towards Richmond. This comprehensive and masterly plan—substantially the same as Gen. Burnside’s last—must, if it had proven successful, have accomplished no less than its author intended, the total destruction of Gen. Lee’s army; but, alas! Jackson had not then received his death wound.

The Second Corps, Couch’s; Fifth, Meade’s; Eleventh, Howard’s; and Twelfth, Slocum’s; marched to the upper fords of the Rappahannock, and meeting with but little opposition, most of the force moved forward, and by Thursday night were massed in the vicinity of Chancellorsville, after having travelled a distance of thirty-six miles. On Friday, Gen. Hooker, who accompanied this wing of the army, formed the troops in a line of battle, of a triangular or Redan shape, resting with its wings respectively on the Rappahannock, between Banks’ and United States Fords and Hunting Creek—an affluent of the Rappahannock—and having its apex at Chancellorsville, in the rear of Fredericksburg. The events which followed we shall allude to briefly, reserving our main description for those operations in which the Thirty-third were concerned.

During the day reconnoitring forces were sent on the roads leading to Fredericksburg, to “feel” the enemy, and likewise learn the topography of the region. All night Friday, parties were engaged in felling trees, clearing away the tangled thickets, and constructing abatis. Saturday, Howard’s Corps was posted on the extreme right; then a Division of Sickles’ Corps (3), which had come up; then Slocum; then Couch; then Meade on the left; Humphrey’s Division of Meade’s Corps holding the extreme left. Several unsuccessful attempts were made by the enemy during the day to pierce the lines, but about four o’clock in the afternoon, Jackson suddenly hurled forty thousand men upon Howard’s Corps, which fell back in confusion. The Second Division of the Third Corps was immediately wheeled around to the rescue, and succeeded in recovering some of the lost ground, but the right of the line was completely turned. This success of the enemy placed Gen. Sickles, who had pushed forward in front with the remaining two Divisions of the Third Corps, in a very precarious condition, nearly severing his connection with the remainder of the army. Gen. Hooker now decided upon a night attack, which, though terrible and bloody, as the engagement through the afternoon had been, resulted in victory. The enemy were driven full half a mile, and the lines re-formed on the left, much in the same manner as they had been before.

The First Army Corps, which had arrived from Falmouth, and the Fifth, were posted as a new line, while the disorganized Eleventh was transferred to the left. About 5½ o’clock Sunday morning, the enemy came down the plank road leading from Chancellorsville, and made a furious onslaught. The engagement soon became general, and for five hours the roar of artillery and sharp rattle of musketry resounded through the forest. Our batteries were posted on commanding positions, and made great havoc among the enemy as they advanced to the conflict.

About ten o’clock the lines were contracted and re-formed in the vicinity of the clearing, which, together with a single house, constituted all of Chancellorsville. During the remainder of the day the enemy made several attempts to break them, but were each time repulsed. Here the army remained on the defensive, in a strongly entrenched position, until the following Tuesday evening, when it retreated, and safely re-crossed the Rappahannock.

Returning now to the other wing of the army, the First Corps, Gen. Reynolds, Third, Gen. Sickles, and Sixth, Gen. Sedgwick, proceeded, on the afternoon of the 28th, to the dense woods back of the point where Gen. Franklin crossed the river in December, and bivouacked for the night. The Thirty-third, which was on picket Tuesday, when the Sixth Corps broke camp, having gone out the day previous, was ordered in at two o’clock P. M., and in a half hour’s time completed their preparations for departure. The sick had previously been sent to the Corps Hospital, which had been established at Potomac Creek Bridge, and placed in charge of Surgeon Dickinson. All clothing and camp equipage, not absolutely necessary, were sent to Belle Plain, in charge of Quartermaster Alexander, and the haversacks and knapsacks, loaded down with rations, of which the troops were ordered to have eight days’ supply. The time for their departure northward was drawing rapidly near, and for days the men had been making themselves merry over the prospect of soon being with the loved ones at home, after two long years absence. Under such circumstances they could hardly have been expected to enter upon the new movement with much heart or spirit. Instead, however, of flinching from the fresh duties imposed upon them, they stepped with alacrity to their places when Col. Taylor, who had now resumed command of his Regiment, gave the order to “fall in,” eager to strike one more blow for their country—add one more laurel to the wreath of honor which encircled the name of the gallant Thirty-third.

Leaving the now grass-green crest, where so many pleasant weeks had been spent, the Regiment wended its way down the sloping sides, through the fields on the left, and crossing the main thoroughfare near White-Oak Church, entered the forest. An hour’s march brought them to a small clearing, where a halt for a few moments was ordered, and the men stretched themselves out on the green turf. Again entering the woods, they pursued a circuitous course, through dense thickets, across deep ravines and over treacherous bogs, until the Division was overtaken at dusk, close to the spot where the Regiment had encamped after re-crossing the river in the winter. Fires not being permitted, the men were obliged to dispense with coffee, and sup as best they could on “hard tack” and ham, after which the light shelter tents were spread and, they betook themselves to rest. The “Light Brigade” of the same Division was employed during the night in getting the pontoons down near to the river.

Instead of being drawn on noisy, rumbling trucks, as heretofore, they were quietly conveyed on the men’s shoulders, who tugged away lustily at them until between three and four o’clock in the morning, Wednesday, when they were launched in the river. So stealthily had the operations been conducted, that the enemy’s pickets did not sound the alarm, until they saw boat loads of armed men approaching. They had time to fire only two or three volleys, and then fled. Russell’s Brigade was the first to reach the opposite bank, and rapidly clambering up its sides, started in pursuit of the astonished rebels. The officer of the picket line was found fast asleep in bed, and on being brought over, entreated us not to exchange him, “for if you do,” he said, “I shall surely be shot for having been caught napping.” Col. Irwin, of the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania, and some eight or ten others, were wounded in the crossing. Two bridges were lain, in the identical positions occupied last year, and Brooks’ Division of the Sixth Corps thrown over.

Later in the morning, five companies of the Fiftieth New York, Engineers, proceeded one mile and a quarter below, and commenced throwing two other bridges. Troops from Meredith’s (Iron) Brigade of Gen. Wads worth’s Division, First Corps, dashed over in boats, and charging up the bank, took nearly all of the enemy prisoners, who were firing from behind earthworks and rifle-pits. The Twenty-fourth Michigan, Col. Marrow, led this gallant charge, followed by the Sixth Wisconsin. Some of the rebels who escaped took refuge in a house close by, but our guns immediately being turned upon it, they scampered from the building as fast as their legs could carry them, provoking round after round of laughter from our boys. The whole of Wadsworth’s Division crossed, the General not waiting for the bridges to be completed, but fearlessly swimming his horse over. Troops now began to debouch at various points from the forest, and reaching the flats along the river, halted and stacked arms. The Thirty-third, together with the other Regiments of Howe’s Division, breakfasted early, and descending to the plain about nine o’clock, halted at the same spot where it had lain during the day preceding the crossing last year under Burnside. The sky was of a leaden, wintry gray, and a stiff breeze was blowing.

CROSSING THE RAPPAHANNOCK.

The Advance of the Sixth Corps.

The whole of the Sixth Corps, with the exception of Brooks’ Division, now over the river, were massed here, and the First Corps, with the exception of Wadsworth’s Division, near the two lower bridges, while the Third, Gen. Sickles, remained back on the hills and in the woods in the rear.

Can it be? was the question which trembled on every lip, that we are again to be recklessly hurled against that amphitheatre of hills, before which five thousand of our number fell last year? So it seemed. The three entire Corps could not be designed for a mere feint movement? But when no more troops were crossed over, and on the following day a series of marches and countermarches were ordered, all gloomy forebodings were dispelled, for we then knew that the appearance of the three Corps here was for a ruse, though on a large scale, to attract the attention of the enemy, while the force above moved to their rear. The appearance by noon of two heavy lines of the enemy on the old battle-field, now a beautiful carpet of green, proved that the strategy had been successful.

As fast as their numerous regiments arrived from above or below, they descended the hills and formed in line at the foot to receive us. There they remained in position for hours; but seeing no disposition to advance on our part, large numbers, dropping back in the woods, swarmed like bees in the tree-tops to scrutinize our movements, and ascertain, if possible, “what we were about that we did not come on.” Gen. Sedgwick, who had charge of this wing of the army, continued to march and counter-march the troops in view of the enemy. Forming on the crest of the hills, they would move down in solid columns to the bridges, as if to cross, but instead of crossing, quietly draw back through a gully, and in a half hour’s time be descending the hill again. This series of manœuvres led the enemy to suppose that our entire army was here. The disappearance, however, of most of the rebel infantry from our front, on Friday morning, indicated that they had divined our strategy—not, however, until it had accomplished the purpose intended, as the reading of the following order showed:

While the enemy had delayed in our front, our right wing had reached Chancellorsville.

The reading of these brief lines to the various Regiments occasioned the wildest enthusiasm, and cheer after cheer was given for “Fighting Joe.” While waiting orders on the flats, elegant swords were presented to Captains Cole and Gifford by their respective Companies. The Colonel made a brief address, urging them to wield these new weapons manfully in the coming strife.

Just at nightfall the enemy opened a heavy fire on the lower bridges and the infantry on the opposite bank, killing and wounding some thirty of them. Our guns replied with much spirit, until darkness put an end to the conflict. The rebels used one heavy Whitworth gun, which was planted four miles away, and fired with a most uncomfortable precision.

Friday was a day of comparative quiet, there being no infantry and but very little artillery firing. The enemy’s pickets were posted along the Bowling Green road, while heavy reinforcements from Richmond could be seen moving over the hills towards Chancellorsville. Gen. Sickles’ Corps moved up the river to reinforce Hooker.

During the afternoon, members of the Regiment improved the inactivity to visit the old Washington Estate, situated down the river, about a mile in the rear of the lower bridges. The story of little George cutting down his father’s apple tree with his new hatchet, is familiar to every one. The exact spot where the tree stood is pointed out, and the green on which the Father of his Country played and wantoned in his childhood. The Estate has descended to the Fitzhughs, who abandoned it on our appearance here last fall. Their son, a Captain in the Confederate service, was killed on Wednesday, when the Iron Brigade crossed the river.

Saturday morning found our troops posted in about the same position as the day previous, the Thirty-third still remaining encamped on the flats. About half-past seven a rebel battery, planted during the night in front of the ruins of the Bernard House, tossed a couple of shells among the pickets, who were playing ball. This was immediately followed by their ten-pound Parrots, planted on the crest, three-quarters of a mile below, which again concentrated a rapid fire on the lower bridges and Wadsworth’s Division. They were, however, soon silenced by our heavy guns. Occasional skirmishing continued through the day. Towards evening, Gen. Brooks discovered bodies of the enemy moving along the hills, as if to fall upon our right. When, however, he perceived, a few moments later, that the head of the column was directed towards Chancellorsville, he became satisfied that Gen. Lee was withdrawing all his infantry from our front, and immediately ordered the skirmish line forward. The “Light Brigade,” which was then in front, advanced, flanked the enemy’s pickets and drove them in fine style half a mile beyond the Bowling Green road. Scattered along the turnpike were found knapsacks, canteens and several “dummeys,” or pickets of straw.

The lower crossing had now been abandoned, and Gen. Sedgwick sent the First Corps likewise up the river to reinforce Hooker, leaving only the Sixth Corps below Fredericksburg. Immediately on our obtaining possession of the Bowling Green turnpike, Howe’s and Newton’s, the two remaining Divisions of the Corps, passed over the bridges.

CHAPTER XXXI. THE STORMING OF FREDERICKSBURG HEIGHTS. SUNDAY, MAY 3, 1863.

Sunday, May 3d, was a proud day for the Union arms—the boasted Heights of Fredericksburg were stormed by our brave boys, and the Stars and Stripes planted triumphantly over that “Gibraltar of America.” Whatever the result of the fighting in the rear, that in front crowned our arms with imperishable renown. “This crest of hills,” wrote the London Times’ correspondent, after the battle under Burnside, “constitute one of the strongest positions in the world—impregnable to any attack from the front.” The achievements of that memorable day again demonstrated that what is impossible with John Bull becomes possible with Jonathan. The members of the Thirty-third can ever point with pride to the conspicuous part which they bore in this brilliant achievement—the crowning glory of their two years’ career.

FREDERICKSBURG HEIGHTS.

Stormed by the Sixth Army Corps.

Though Gen. Lee had withdrawn his infantry from the ridge below the city, he left, as he supposed, a sufficient force to hold the hills immediately in the rear. Here was planted the best of his artillery, supported by the flower of his infantry, under command of the haughty and supercilious Barksdale, who a few weeks later breathed his life away on the crimson fields of Gettysburg—abandoned by his own men, without a slave even to bring him a cup of cold water.

About one o’clock Sunday morning, a courier arrived at Gen. Sedgwick’s headquarters, with orders from Gen. Hooker to storm the Heights, and pushing on beyond, join him at Chancellorsville. After crossing below Fredericksburg Saturday evening, Howe’s Division had advanced up towards the city on the Bowling Green road, as far as Hazel Creek, the Thirty-third and Forty-ninth New York being deployed as skirmishers. When Hooker’s orders arrived, Gen. Newton’s Division passed to the right, and later, Howe’s also moved further on, connecting with him. Brooks likewise came up from below, and formed on to Howe’s left. The positions of the various Divisions became then as follows: Gen. Brooks, extreme left; Gen. Howe, centre; and Gen. Newton, right; connecting on with Newton’s was Gibbon’s Division of the Second Corps, extending above the city.

The Regiments for the assault were selected from Howe’s, Newton’s and Gibbon’s commands. The following comprised all, or nearly all, the number: 31st, 33d, 36th, 43d, 49th, 59th, 61st and 77th New York; 23d, 61st, 82d, 93d, 98th, 122d, 127th and 139th Pennsylvania; 7th, 19th and 20th Massachusetts; 5th Wisconsin, 6th and 7th Maine, 21st New Jersey and 1st Long Island.

To Gen. Neill’s Brigade was assigned the honor of leading the left one of the storming columns, and to the Thirty-third the honor of leading the Brigade. The reader will remember that the line of works to be taken was about one third of a mile in the rear of Fredericksburg, constructed on a natural bluff, extending above and below the city for some distance, and known as “Marye’s Heights.” Beneath ran the famous stone-wall, forming the western boundary of the plain over which the charging columns must pass. Along the lower edge of this plateau, close by the reservoir, which separates it from the city, the troops were massed, lying on the ground to avoid the enemy’s fire. The diagram on the opposite page represents the scene of action, with the relative positions occupied by the advance Regiments of the assaulting columns.

Heavy artillery firing was kept up during the morning, between the rebel batteries and our own, planted along the edge of the river. The siege guns posted on Stafford Heights fired repeatedly on the enemy’s works, doing good execution. One of the shells exploded a rebel caisson at the redoubt near the stone-wall, and killed ten horses. After blowing up the caisson it struck two directly behind, and hurled eight others down the steep precipice in the rear into the yawning chasm beneath. They presented a hideous spectacle as they lay at the bottom, dead and dying.

Diagram Showing Position of the Storming Column.

At length, as the City Hall clock struck eleven, came the order for the charge, and the lion-hearted men rose to their feet. The hundreds of spectators in the rear held their breath in terrible suspense, expecting to see them the next moment prostrate in the dust. “Forward!” cries Gen. Sedgwick, and they echelon up the open plain, regardless of the frowning batteries which vomit grape and cannister upon them. Col. Spear drops dead from his horse, and the Sixty-first Penn., at the right of the Chancellorsville road, momentarily recoils; but the Forty-third New York comes rapidly to the rescue, and the columns again press forward, delivering the battle cheer, which is heard above the roar of artillery and fierce roll of musketry. Three hundred yards are passed, one hundred more will bring them to the stone-wall. All the guns along the crest now concentrate their fire on the plain. Col. Johns falls, Col. Newman falls, Major Wheeler falls; Captains Gray, Ballinger, Irwin, Burke and Knickerbocker are dead; the ground comprised within the focus is strewn with the bodies of the slain. But there is no wavering, and in a moment more the “Slaughter-Pen” is ours. The Sixth Maine and Thirty-first New York scale the wall, bayonet the defenders, dash up the crest, and amid long continued shouts and cheers, turn their own guns upon the fleeing enemy. “What men are these,” inquires a terrified gunner, as our brave boys appear upon the ramparts. “We are Yankees, ——; do you think we will fight now?” is the response.

Neill’s Brigade, further to the left, has likewise swarmed over the wall, and now unfurls its banners on the Heights.

Only part of the work is, however, done. The guns on the right and left of the Chancellorsville road have been stormed, but there yet remains a heavy battery further to the left, which is now turned upon the portion of the works occupied by us. The Thirty-third tarries but a moment, and then starts for these guns, followed by the remaining Regiments of the Brigade. Quickly descending to the ravine at the left, they double-quick through underbrush and obstructions of every description, cheered on and led forward by the Colonel, Lieut.-Colonel, Major and Adjutant. The rebel gunners see them coming through the thicket, and depressing their guns, rain down a tempest of cannister. Captain Root falls, pierced through the thigh; Capt. Cole is prostrated by a minie; Lieut. Byrne lies by his side; seventy men are wounded or dead. The old flag, which waved in triumph at Williamsburg, Golden’s Farm and Antietam, goes down. A second color-bearer seizes the banner and raises it on high, but a bullet quickly lays him low. Another and another grasps the standard, until six have been shot down, when Sergeant Vandecar rushes forward, hoists the tattered banner on his musket, and the Regiment presses forward. As they emerge from the wood to the opening, they are saluted with a rapid fire from the rebel infantry supports, but unmindful of the deluge of iron hail, they push on, clamber up the green glacis, sweep over the parapet, and capture a thirty-two pounder at a bound. Oh! it was a splendid sight to see those gallant fellows rush boldly up to the cannon’s mouth, and snatch victory from the jaws of death.

The artillerists, with the exception of a few who fled, were captured or killed. The supports fell back and formed in line of battle. A squad of them, who lagged behind, were ordered to surrender. They refused to do so, when a ball from the musket of Sergeant Proudfoot brought one of them to the ground. Again they were ordered to halt, and again refusing, Sergeant Kane killed a second. A third and fourth were likewise shot down. Having formed in line, the infantry opened a heavy fire on the Thirty-third, also drawn up in line. The Seventh Maine soon came up to its support, being received with loud cheers, and formed on the left. The Twenty-first New Jersey not long after followed, and the rebels were put to flight.

It was with the greatest difficulty that Col. Taylor could restrain his men from following. Many of them, unmindful of the orders of their Captains, did push forward in the pursuit, killing and wounding several of the fugitives. The Thirty-third’s banner was unfurled over the captured redoubt, and the men lay down to rest after their arduous labors. Two more guns were taken by the Regiments of the Brigade further to the left.

MARYES HEIGHTS.

Showing the Redoubt captured by the Thirty-third.

This part of the enemy’s line of fortifications consisted of four detached earthworks, very strong and inaccessible to infantry, as they supposed, on account of the steepness of the hill and dense underbrush, which intervened between it and the city. Lieut. Col. Corning’s horse—a magnificent animal—was shot from under him, as he was fearlessly charging up the hill with the Regiment. While passing through the woods below, Capt. Draime discovered a party of rebels a short way off, and taking a few of his men started after them. He returned after the redoubt was taken, bringing with him Col. Luce of the Eighteenth Mississippi, and one Captain, four Lieutenants and thirty-eight privates, belonging to the same regiment. Capt. Tyler narrowly escaped, having his clothing perforated eleven different times with bullets. It seemed almost a miracle that any of the officers or men could have passed through such a fiery ordeal unscathed.

CHAPTER XXXII. BATTLES OF SALEM HEIGHTS.

After resting for a brief period on the summit of the Heights, the Corps pushed rapidly up the turnpike leading to Chancellorsville, no effort being made to take possession of the still higher ridge at the left, to which a portion of the enemy had retreated, and were now tossing an occasional shell at us. The country presented a beautiful appearance, with its green meadows and vast fields of cereals stretching out in every direction. Gen. Brooks’ Division, which now took the advance, moved rapidly forward, but instead of meeting with Hooker’s pickets, encountered a heavy force of the enemy, about four miles ahead, near Salem. They were concealed in a forest, into which our infantry were imprudently advanced before it was shelled. The rebels immediately rose from their masked position, and delivered a murderous fire. Gen. Brooks quickly formed his men in line, and soon became hotly engaged. While the conflict was at its height, a body of the enemy suddenly opened upon him from the left, and he changed front to meet them. The battle now became very sanguinary, the rebels rapidly thinning our ranks with their cross fire. Darkness came to our relief and the fighting ceased, not, however, before we had lost twelve hundred men. Seven hundred of this number belonged to Bartlett’s Brigade—consisting of the Twenty-seventh New York, among other Regiments,—who fell in twenty minutes time. The woods afterwards took fire from our shells, and many of the wounded belonging to both parties perished in the flames.

The little army slept soundly that night after the arduous duties of the day. But there were many officers as well as men who lay down to rest with serious apprehensions of the morrow. No troops had been thrown forward to occupy the higher ridge at our left. What should prevent the enemy from circling round under cover of night to this crest, and descending get between us and the captured but now abandoned Heights in the rear?

The dawn of Monday proved how well grounded had been these fears. At eight o’clock a heavy rebel column was observed streaming down the mountain side, and pushing rapidly for Marye’s Heights. Not a picket had been thrown out to give warning of their approach, or a single gun to sweep the gully through which they had to pass. A scene of utmost confusion now ensued. The road leading from the city out to the army was crowded with straggling soldiers, going on to rejoin their Regiments, supply wagons, ammunition trains and ambulances filled with wounded from the previous evening’s fight. The soldiers scattered through the fields in all directions. The teamsters and ambulance drivers dashed furiously into the city, or turned back to the army, thereby escaping. A few, losing presence of mind, cut their horses loose from the wagons, and, mounting them, rode away, in hot haste. Gen. Gibbon, in charge of the city, sent up one or two Regiments left with him as a patrol, to check the enemy. But it was useless for them to attempt doing so, and after firing three or four rounds, they fled out to the army. The rebels now pressed forward and re-occupied the Heights, delivering as they did so, one of their characteristic yells, so much resembling a wolf howl.

After resting for a moment they were deployed out to the right of the Heights, and forming an extended line, swept rapidly up after the Sixth Corps. A Union battery, planted on a bluff up the river, one mile from the city, immediately opened a hot fire on their backs, and so interfered with his plans that the commanding officer was content to draw in his forces and mass them around the Heights.

Fredericksburg, as well as Falmouth, was now perfectly defenceless, all the troops not with Sedgwick having been sent up to the support of Hooker, and a few siege guns planted on Stafford Heights, comprising almost our only artillery. The enemy, had they known it, could have passed down into the city with impunity, paroled our fifteen hundred wounded, and then, seizing our pontoon-boats, pushed over the river and captured Gen. Hooker’s headquarters and the immense supplies at the Falmouth depot. Why they did not at least descend to the city still remains a mystery. Perhaps they were intimidated by the show of resistance made by a few stragglers, whom some wounded officers collected about the streets and posted along the edge of the city. Capts. Root and Cole, and other officers in the hospital, sent their swords and equipments over the river, expecting to be made prisoners. As the day advanced, however, and the enemy did not come down, preparations were made for transferring the wounded to the opposite bank, and before night they were all taken over, together with the materiel of war, which had collected there.

The Sixth Corps was now placed in a most critical position by this coup-de-main of Gen. Lee, having the enemy in front, left and rear, and an unfordable river on the right. No wonder that Gen. Butterfield, Chief-of-Staff, when he rode down to the Falmouth side of the river and comprehended the situation, remarked to Gen. Fogliardi, the Swiss General who accompanied him, “Sedgwick has gone up.” That indomitable hero, however, had no idea of “going up,” but immediately set about rescuing his command from the dilemma in which Hooker and his Chief-of-Staff had placed it. Hooker and his Chief-of-Staff, we say, for it was in accordance with their orders that the Sixth Corps had been pushed on, regardless of the higher ridge at the left.

The diagram on the opposite page represents the positions of the different forces of both armies as they then were.

First on the west our main army, then Lee’s main army, then the Sixth Corps, then a rebel Corps, and then our siege guns, planted on the east side of the river—a most extraordinary sandwiching of opposing forces together.

Instead of attempting to cut his way through to Hooker in front, or Fredericksburg in the rear, Gen. Sedgwick drew back Brook’s Division, still in the advance, and arranging his army in the form of an arc, fronting towards the enemy, gradually contracted the lines until the wings extended nearly to the river. By this movement the rebels were thrown out of the rear to his left front. The lines continued to stretch out towards the river, until they enclosed Banks’ Ford, six miles above the city, over which communication was immediately established with Falmouth, and Gen. Sedgwick sent for supplies. The announcement of this fact dispelled much of the gloom prevailing at headquarters, for it was then known that if the Corps could hold out until night it would be able to draw back to the ford, under cover of darkness, and escape.

At daybreak, the Thirty-third, together with three other Regiments of Gen. Neill’s Brigade, had been sent out to attack a body of rebels who appeared on the higher ridge, some distance further on from the point where they finally descended. After a spirited fight, the enemy were put to flight. The Regiment had now returned, and was posted on the left curvature of the arc formed by Sedgwick, about one mile from the Heights, and near the road leading from the city. Occupying a commanding position, and being so near, they could perceive all the operations of the flanking force, which numbered twenty-five thousand. The reader can imagine their feelings at seeing the Heights which they had so gallantly stormed on the day previous, now reöccupied by the enemy. After being arranged in line of battle, the men amused themselves by firing at the rebel skirmishers, who crept up behind the trees and fences to reconnoitre our position. Several were killed in this manner. Lieutenant Carter, seizing a musket from the hands of one of his men, brought down a general officer, who persisted in recklessly riding out in front of the line.

As the morning advanced, members of the Regiment proceeded out on the road, and brought in one of the wagons abandoned by the teamsters, which proved to be well stocked with delicacies for a General and his Staff. This was a rich prize for the men, who, now having subsisted for six days on the scanty contents of their haversacks, were as eager for food as the famished Arab in the desert, who, discovering a bag of gold, mourned that it did not contain dates.

Towards noon a Brigade of rebels charged upon the earthworks thrown up in front of the Brigade, but were handsomely repulsed, and two hundred of them made prisoners, by a counter charge.

Our forces remained in two lines of battle, expecting every moment a fierce onslaught from various points. But the day wore away without an attack, and the men were beginning to think that none would be made, when suddenly, about four o’clock, a heavy column of reinforcements for the enemy were observed descending the upper ridge. This meant battle. Imagine a semi-circle within a semi-circle, and you have the relative positions of the opposing forces at that time.

An hour later, the rebel hordes rose quickly from the Heights where they had lain all day, and rushing forward with cheers and yells, precipitated themselves upon our line. At the same moment the siege guns at Falmouth opened a fire on their rear. Gen. Neill’s Brigade, being the nearest to them, bore the brunt of the attack, and though assaulted by overpowering numbers, maintained its position and repulsed the enemy. One Regiment, the same which broke at White-Oak Swamp, gave way, thereby bringing a destructive cross fire upon the Thirty-third. As the rebels fell back in disorder through the fields, it was only by the greatest exertions that Col. Taylor could restrain his men from following. A few squads did rush forward and secured several prisoners.

But unmindful of the havoc made in their ranks, the enemy again pressed on, determined to crush the Brigade. At the same time they attacked other points in the extended arc, and Gen. Neill, seeing that there was imminent danger of his position being turned, fell back, not, however, before having incurred a loss of one thousand men. Gen. Sedgwick now gave instructions for the entire lines to recede, in accordance with the plan which he had previously decided upon, viz: to slowly fall back fighting to the river, until darkness should come on. As the lines drew back, the enemy steadily pursued, a vigorous fire of musketry and artillery being kept up on both sides. Our batteries literally mowed the pursuers down, as they repeatedly charged upon them in solid columns. The gunners reserved their fire until the charging forces came within a few rods, and then poured the grape and cannister into them at a fearful rate. Having broken the columns, they would fall back to new positions, and again resist their approach.

In this manner the retreat was conducted most successfully, though not without great loss. The Thirty-third, which suffered severely at the outset, likewise lost many men in falling back, including Lieuts. Porter and Rossiter. While scaling a fence at one time, which through some culpable negligence had been left standing, several were killed and wounded. Gen. Neill being stunned by the falling of his wounded horse, Col. Taylor temporarily took command of the Brigade.

To assume command of a Brigade in the confusion of a retreat, when the enemy was pressing on all sides, was a most hazardous undertaking. Col. Taylor, however, did not shrink from the responsibility, and with the assistance of the Major of the Seventh Maine, who stepped forward when he called for volunteer Aids, soon arranged the Regiments in proper line.

SALEM HEIGHTS.

Charge of the Thirty-third.

Darkness closed upon the combatants and prevented further pursuit by the enemy, though skirmishing continued for hours afterwards. Never had men watched more eagerly for the going down of the sun, and now that night had spread her sable mantle over the scene, great was the sense of relief experienced.

But the joy at their deliverance is suddenly dispelled by a report that the bridges thrown over the river at Banks’ Ford have been destroyed, and thus the way of retreat cut off. During the afternoon the enemy between us and Hooker had succeeded in planting several guns near the ford, and kept pounding away at the bridges for hours. One of them was seriously injured, but before they could complete its destruction, batteries were got into position on the opposite side of the river, and drove them away. Happily, then, this rumor was without foundation.

The scenes of that night vividly recalled the memories of the seven days’ retreat on the Peninsula. Though no panic prevailed, there was the utmost confusion. Owing to the darkness and the large number of wounded, and immense amount of war materiel which had to be conveyed over, many of the wounded were left where they fell during the battle, it being impossible to bring them away. This was the case with most of those belonging to the Thirty-third. Lieut. Rossiter died in the hands of the enemy. By morning the entire Corps was safely over, and encamped along the flats on the opposite side. The Thirty-third crossed the bridge about 8 o’clock, A. M.

The next morning the rebels commenced shelling the troops from the west bank, which caused them to draw back immediately from the river. Brooks’ and Newton’s Divisions moved a few miles to the northward, Howe’s remaining in the vicinity. During the following night the main army re-crossed above, under cover of a fierce storm. Wednesday and Thursday were spent in getting back to Falmouth. Howe’s Division returned to White-Oak Church during Friday, now for the third time.

The Thirty-third encamped in a field about three-quarters of a mile from its former position. It was a sad sight, those thin and decimated ranks; of five hundred and fifty brave men, who two weeks before marched out to meet the enemy, less than three hundred now returned.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Gen. Stoneman fully accomplished the object of his expedition by destroying the railroad bridge, but owing to the defeat of the army, no material advantage resulted from his labors.

So terminated the second bloody campaign of the Rappahannock. The reader who has followed us through the various operations, will readily fix upon two main circumstances, as contributing to our defeat—the breaking of the Eleventh Corps at Chancellorsville, and the failure to take possession of the upper range of hills at the left of Fredericksburg. Gen. Hooker had succeeded admirably in getting the main portion of the army in the rear of the enemy. He had chosen a good position, and skilfully posted his troops. All was going well until the giving away of the Eleventh Corps let Jackson, with forty thousand men, upon his right flank. He was thenceforward compelled to act upon the defensive. Sedgwick was now brought forward upon the board, and assigned the duty of restoring, at least, equilibrium to the contest, by a bold, fearless move. If unsuccessful, the entire army must rapidly retreat across the Rappahannock. If successful, the fortunes of the campaign would be retrieved, and Lee ground to atoms between the upper and nether millstone, or forced to “ingloriously fly” towards Richmond. The Heights were victoriously stormed, and all was well with Sedgwick. But now comes the terrible blunder which decides the contest, the neglect to occupy the upper ridge.

If, says Victor Hugo, Bulow, Blucher’s Lieutenant, had debouched from the forest above Freschemont, instead of pursuing the route he did, the form of the nineteenth century would have been different. If Sedgwick had debouched from the Heights above Fredericksburg to the ridge at the left, instead of pushing on towards Chancellorsville, the enemy would have been hemmed in, and the bloody battle of Gettysburg never have been fought; or if a single battery of heavy guns had been left to command the road leading down from the ridge and the ravine through which the flanking force had to pass, in order to reach Marye’s Heights, the tables would not have been turned, and Sedgwick instead of Lee compelled to fight one way and face another.

Our losses during the seven days’ campaign were not far from sixteen thousand, or four thousand more than those incurred in the December struggle. Of this number, more than five thousand came from the Sixth Army Corps.

The casualties of the enemy amounted to not far from twelve thousand. In the death of Jackson they suffered an irreparable loss. Better, said one of the Richmond papers soon afterwards, that a whole Army Corps should have gone down than the brave Stonewall. The true circumstances of his death have never been published. On Saturday evening he proceeded out on the turnpike leading from Chancellorsville, to examine his lines. Instead of riding alone, as was frequently his habit on such occasions, he was accompanied by most of his staff and several orderlies. A squad of the First North Carolina Regiment had, in the meantime, been posted across the road by a Division General, to intercept a body of our cavalry, which he learned was on a reconnoissance. Mistaking Jackson and his aids in the dark for the Union troopers, they all fired as he drew near, killing the aids, wounding two orderlies and sending one bullet through Jackson’s right hand, and another through his left arm. He died six days afterwards, from the effects of these wounds.

The various statements which have appeared from time to time concerning his piety have not been exaggerated. He was a decidedly spiritual rebel. While located at Harper’s Ferry and Winchester, during the earlier months of the war, he led the Union Prayer Meetings, and those of the Presbyterian Church, of which he was a Deacon.

There is not wanting evidence to prove that he held, at the outset, serious doubts as to the justice of the insurrection or rebellion. Some of the readers may recall the following incident, given to the public last August. It was related to us by a clergyman, who received it from the lips of the divine referred to.

Dr. J——, a prominent Presbyterian divine of New York, who was closely related to Stonewall, being in Central Virginia just prior to his rapid march on Banks, spent the night with him and attempted to convince him of his error in regard to the States-rights doctrine. At the General’s request they devoted some two hours to prayer, Jackson praying long and earnestly. When they rose from their knees his eyes were suffused with tears, and in a repentant voice he remarked: “Whatever Virginia decides to do, I will do. If to return to the Union, I will fight for the Union.” Not a week elapsed before Dr. J—— heard of his relative thundering up through the Shenandoah in hot pursuit of Banks. The States-rights heresy has compassed the ruin of many gifted and brave men.

The following is General Neill’s report of the part borne by his Brigade in the campaign.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Tuesday, May 12th, Colonel Taylor brought the welcome intelligence to the Regiment, that they were to go home on the coming Friday. The order for their departure was accompanied by the following addresses from the Corps, Division, and Brigade Generals.

On the evening before departure, Colonel Taylor assembled the recruits, numbering one hundred and sixty-three, who having enlisted for three years, were to be left, and addressed them a few words of parting; expressing his regret that they were not to accompany the Regiment home; urging them to conduct themselves in the future, gallantly, as they had done in the past; and informing them that their officers and comrades, though absent in body, would be present with them in spirit. Lieutenant-Colonel Corning followed with a brief address. They were formed into one Company, and attached, under Captain Gifford, to the Forty-ninth New York.

Early Friday morning, the Regiment proceeded to Brooks’ Station. Just before leaving the camp, the Seventh Maine, which had been intimately associated with the Thirty-third during its entire campaign, appeared in a body, and presented their adieus.

Leaving Brook’s Station at 9 o’clock, they reached Acquia Landing, and embarking on board a small steamer, an hour later, arrived at Washington about 4 o’clock P. M. The men were quartered in barracks until the following day, when they left at noon on a special train for Elmira, reaching that city at 4 o’clock on Sunday afternoon.

The Regiment remained here until the following Saturday, when it departed for Geneva, to receive a magnificent welcome, tendered by the citizens of that village. As the little steamer conveying the men hove in sight, they were greeted with the thunder of artillery, mingled with the chimes of the various church bells, and, on disembarking at the wharf, were met by the village authorities, and a large deputation of citizens. After a few moments spent in congratulation, the Regiment formed in procession, and marched through the principal streets to the park, where the following address was listened to from Hon. Charles J. Folger:

Col. Taylor responded as follows:

Three cheers were now given for the citizens of Geneva, and three more for the Union, after which the soldiers repaired to Camp Swift, to partake of a bounteous repast prepared by the ladies of the village. The tables groaned under the profusion of choice delicacies, which were dispensed by fair hands to the war-worn veterans.

The remainder of the day was spent in visiting with friends and recounting incidents connected with the two year’s campaign. During the morning, a number of the Regiment, who had been taken prisoners at Salem Heights, arrived from Annapolis, and participated in the generous hospitalities. Twenty-five of the wounded, who returned with the command, were likewise most of them present.

CHAPTER XXXV.

On the following Monday, May 25th, the Regiment proceeded to Canandaigua, where a splendid ovation was received at the hands of the citizens. The most extensive preparations had been made and the people flocked in by hundreds from the surrounding country to welcome home their own “Ontario Regiment.” The train, consisting of ten coaches, reached the depot at nine o’clock, where an immense crowd of people were assembled to catch a first glimpse of the heroes of Williamsburg and Marye’s Heights. After a brief delay, a procession was formed, under the direction of the Marshal of the day, in the following order:

Marshal—William Hildreth.

Band.

Committee of Arrangement.

Speakers.

Assistant Marshal—M. D. Munger.

Colonel Taylor and Staff.

Regiment.

Assistant Marshal—Darwin Cheney.

Band.

Firemen.

Citizens.

Having formed, the procession marched to the Court House Square, where E. G. Lapham, Esq., addressed the Regiment as follows.

After a brief reply from Colonel Taylor, the procession re-formed, and marched through various streets of the village, which were gaily festooned and decorated with flags. In front of the Webster House a wreath of evergreen spanned the entire street, and the Stars and Stripes were unfurled over the building. Crossing the railroad, a little distance above, was a massive arch, consisting of two semicircles of evergreen, studded with bouquets and bright flowers, and containing in the centre the word “Welcome.” A second arch was erected near the Episcopal Church, composed of green twigs bespangled with roses, and extending across the street. On one side appeared the words, “Welcome to the Brave,” wrought with red and white flowers. On the opposite, “Tears for the Fallen,” enshrouded with crape. Over the entrance to the Seminary Grounds appeared the mottoes, “Our Country,” and “Its defenders,” gracefully set out with laurel and roses. Suspended over the gateway of the Academy was a “Welcome,” of red, white, and blue. On entering Gibson street, the procession passed under a third beautiful arch of evergreens and flowers, bearing the significant word “Williamsburg.” Arrived at the Fair Grounds, east of the village, the gates were thrown wide open, and the spacious enclosure soon filled with thousands of spectators. After listening to numerous stirring airs from the Hopewell, Canandaigua, and Regimental brass bands, the Regiment performed the various evolutions of the manual, exhibited the manner of pitching tents, made a “charge,” and went through with numerous other military exercises, which elicited rounds of applause from the lookers on. These ended, J. P. Faurot, Esq., ascended the platform, which had been erected for the occasion, and delivered the following address:

Lieut.-Col. Corning responded to the address by thanking the speaker for his complimentary allusion to the men of the Thirty-third. They were worthy of it all. “If you could have seen them,” he continued, “on the battle-field, a spontaneous feeling of gratitude would have burst from your hearts. Yes, they are worthy of all the honor you can bestow upon them. We thought at one time that your loyalty was growing cold, and that the ‘God bless you,’ tendered to us at parting, had been forgotten. But, thank God, I am pleased to find it different, by the splendid manner in which you have welcomed us home to-day. These men are entitled to all the honor you can bestow on them; and the sick, those who had to come home on account of impaired health, are equally entitled to your honor and your regard, with those who have passed safely through the perils of a battle-field.”

After the singing of the “Red, White and Blue,” by a choir of young ladies and gentlemen, Colonel Taylor stepped forward and returned to the ladies of Canandaigua the beautiful flag which they had presented to the Regiment two years before. As he did so he remarked, that

On receiving back the now torn and tattered banner, the ladies presented the following address, read by A. H. Howell, Esq.:

The choir now sang the “Star Spangled Banner,” after which Chaplain Lung delivered the following parting address to the Regiment:

This closed the exercises of the day, and the Regiment re-forming, proceeded to the Canandaigua House to partake of a sumptuous banquet, prepared by the ladies of the village.

Rarely has it been the lot of mortals to receive such an ovation as were those tendered to the Thirty-third by the citizens of Geneva and Canandaigua. It was well nigh a recompense for two years of toil and danger, to become a recipient of such welcomes. Every circumstance connected with them will be fondly cherished by the officers and men.

The Command returned to Geneva the same evening, and was quartered at the barracks, the officers taking rooms at the hotels. Tuesday, June 2nd, Captain Beirn, of the regular service, assembling the Regiment on the green in front of the barracks, mustered it out of the service by Companies, and the Thirty-third passed into history.

FINIS.

APPENDIX. BIOGRAPHIES OF THE THIRTY-THIRD OFFICERS. — COLONEL ROBERT F. TAYLOR — LIEUTENANT-COLONEL J. W. CORNING — MAJOR JOHN S. PLATNER — ADJUTANT CHARLES T. SUTTON — ADJUTANT JOHN W. CORNING — QUARTERMASTER HIRAM LLOYD SUYDAM — QUARTERMASTER HENRY N. ALEXANDER — CHAPLAIN GEORGE N. CHENEY — CHAPLAIN AUGUSTUS H. LUNG — SURGEON T. RUSH SPENCER — SURGEON SYLVANUS S. MULFORD, — SURGEON D’ESTAING DICKINSON — ASSISTANT SURGEON RICHARD CURRAN — ASSISTANT-SURGEON DUNCAN M’LACHLEN — CAPTAIN GEORGE M. GUION, — CAPTAIN EDWIN J. TYLER, — FIRST LIEUTENANT PRICE WESLEY BAILEY, — SECOND LIEUTENANT THOMAS H. SIBBALDS, — CAPTAIN HENRY J. WHITE, — CAPTAIN HENRY J. DRAIME, — FIRST LIEUTENANT L. C. MIX, — SECOND LIEUTENANT JOHN J. CARTER, — CAPTAIN JOHN F. AIKENS, — CAPTAIN CHESTER H. COLE, — FIRST LIEUTENANT ROBERT H. BRETT, — SECOND LIEUTENANT J. E. STEBBINGS, — SECOND LIEUTENANT ANDREW J. SCHOTT, — CAPTAIN HENRY J. GIFFORD, — FIRST LIEUTENANT STEPHEN T. DUEL, — SECOND LIEUTENANT WM. E. ROACH, — CAPTAIN WILSON B. WARFORD, — FIRST LIEUTENANT JOHN GUMMER, — SECOND LIEUTENANT WALTER H. SMITH, — CAPTAIN JAMES M. McNAIR, — FIRST LIEUTENANT H. A. HILLS, — FIRST LIEUTENANT GEORGE T. HAMILTON, — FIRST LIEUTENANT HENRY G. KING, — SECOND LIEUTENANT JOHN F. WINDSHIP, — CAPTAIN THEODORE B. HAMILTON, — CAPTAIN GEORGE A. GALE, — FIRST LIEUT. ALEXANDER E. EUSTAPHEIVE, — FIRST LIEUTENANT G. W. MARSHALL, — SECOND LIEUTENANT BYRON F. CRAIN, — CAPTAIN CALVIN C. WALKER, — CAPTAIN ALEXANDER H. DRAKE, — FIRST LIEUTENANT REUBEN C. NILES, — FIRST LIEUTENANT MARSHALL J. GUION, — FIRST LIEUTENANT OTIS COLE, — SECOND LIEUTENANT SYLVESTER PORTER, — CAPTAIN JAMES M. LETTS, — CAPTAIN EDWARD E. ROOT, — CAPTAIN WILLIAM HALE LONG, — FIRST LIEUTENANT GEORGE BRENNAN, — SECOND LIEUTENANT CHARLES HOWE, — CAPTAIN PATRICK McGRAW, — FIRST LIEUTENANT BARNARD BYRNE, — SECOND LIEUTENANT PATRICK RYAN, — SECOND LIEUTENANT EDWARD CAREY, — FIRST LIEUT. GEORGE W. BROWN, — FIRST LIEUTENANT MOSES CHURCH, — FIRST LIEUT. CHARLES D. ROSSITER, — SERGEANT-MAJOR GEORGE W. BASSETT — TO THE NEW YORK THIRTY-THIRD REGIMENT.

The State Military Authorities at Albany are now collecting biographies of all the commissioned officers from this State, to be printed and preserved among the archives of the Commonwealth. It was customary at Rome and Athens to engrave the names of their warriors on marble-tablets erected at the street corners, that all might see who had perilled their lives in defence of their country.

Was born in Erie, Pa., June 19th, 1826. He attended school until fifteen years of age, when he became employed as an apprentice in the clothing business. In 1843 he proceeded to Toronto, Canada, remaining there until the spring of 1845. After spending several months in travelling, he settled in Rochester, and during the following December associated himself with the Rochester Union Grays. April 14th, 1847, he enlisted in Captain Wilder’s Company, 10th Infantry, and was appointed Orderly Sergeant. The Regiment, which was raised for the war by Colonel Robert E. Temple, immediately proceeded to Mexico, and served in various campaigns until August 1848. Sergeant Taylor distinguished himself on various occasions, but especially at the battle of Meir. The Regiment was detached from the army, and stationed at this post village, for several weeks. Learning this fact, a considerable force of the enemy advanced cautiously through the mountain defiles, and made a sudden night attack, hoping to capture the entire command. On entering the village they proceeded immediately to the barracks where the men were quartered, and opened a hot fire on them. Not a commissioned officer was present at that time. Sergeant Taylor immediately roused the men from their slumbers, rallied them around him, and after a brief engagement, routed the Mexicans and put them to flight.

Returning to Rochester during the fall of 1848, he remained a short time, and then settled at Stafford, Genesee County. He was engaged in the clothing business here until the spring of 1851, when he removed to South Byron. During the fall of the same year he proceeded to Cuba, Allegany County, and in the following spring, returned to Rochester, where he has continued to reside until the present time. Soon after returning, he, with several others, organized the Rochester Light Guard. He was immediately elected Orderly Sergeant, and promoted to Second Lieutenant, January 26th, 1856. July 4th, 1856, he was made Division Inspector, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, on General Fullerton’s Staff. Resigning this position, he was elected First Lieutenant of the Light Guard, which had now become Co. C., Fifty-fourth Regiment State Militia. January 25th, 1857, he was elected Major of the Regiment. August 19th, 1857, he resigned his Majorship to accept the Captaincy of the Light Guard. On the firing of Fort Sumter, April, 1861, he commenced raising a company for the war, and in fourteen days tendered eighty-six men to the Governor. His Company was immediately accepted, and mustered into the service as Company A, Thirteenth New York Volunteers. On the 22d day of May, he was unanimously elected Colonel of the Thirty-third New York.

Colonel Taylor was present with his command in all the engagements of its two years’ campaign, with the exception of Antietam, when he was absent on recruiting service. Owing to his soldierly qualities and skill in manœuvring troops, he was frequently placed in command of a Brigade. His gallant conduct during the last series of battles around Fredericksburg greatly increased the esteem and regard with which he was held among his fellow-officers and men.

Was born in Yarmouth, North Scotia, Nov. 4th, 1813, and when eleven years of age removed with his parents to Rochester. The father losing all of his property by an extensive conflagration, the son was thrown on his own resources, and resorted to various shifts for a livelihood. In 1829 he joined a military organization, and devoted much time to the manual. During a part of the years 1833 and 1834, he resided in Waterloo, where he was elected Captain of a Company of Fusileers. In the spring of 1834 he proceeded to Clayton, Jefferson Co., and spent two years in teaching and agricultural pursuits. He was here likewise chosen Captain of a Militia Company. In the spring of 1837 he started on a travelling tour, and spent several months among the Western wilds, meeting with numerous adventures. Returning to New York in December, he settled at Ontario, Wayne Co., where he remained ten years, engaged in agricultural pursuits. In 1847 he removed to Palmyra, and embarked in the mercantile business. May, 1850, he sailed for California, and after spending three years in mining operations, returned to Palmyra. He now commenced the study of law, was admitted to the bar in March 1855, and continued the practice of his profession until the outbreak of the war. He was chosen Justice of the Peace, Police Magistrate, Mayor of the village, and filled other positions of trust. In the fall of 1860 he was elected by a heavy majority to represent his district in the State Legislature.

He took a prominent part in the various Legislative proceedings of the session, and when the South rebelled, urged the enforcement of the most stringent measures for their subjection. On the adjournment of the Assembly he returned home, and the next day commenced raising a Company for the war. He was promoted from Captain to Lieutenant-Colonel of the Thirty-third, November, 1861, and was present with the Regiment in all its encounters with the enemy, being frequently complimented by his superior officers for “gallantry and courage.”

Was born at Clyde, Wayne County, March 23, 1837. During the month of April, 1857, he proceeded to Geneva, and became Assistant Postmaster. On the following June he entered the Dry Goods House of S. S. Cobb as accountant, and in the spring of 1859 became a partner. When the Geneva Company was organized he enlisted as a private, his name being the second on the roll, and was unanimously elected First Lieutenant. On the promotion of Captain Walker to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the Regiment, Capt. Platner was unanimously chosen to succeed him. January 24, 1861, he was appointed Major of the Thirty-third, which position he filled with much distinction until the close of the two years’ campaign, participating in all the battles and skirmishes of the Regiment, and having two horses killed and two wounded in action. He commanded the Thirty-third during the engagements at Savage’s Station, White Oak Swamp, and Malvern Hills, bringing it safely through all the toils and dangers of the retreat from before Richmond.

Was born in the city of New York, in the year 1830. He marched to the defence of Washington, April 17th, 1861, with the famous Seventh Regiment, of which he had long been a member, and on returning, received his appointment in the Thirty-third. October 29th, 1863, he resigned in consequence of ill health.

Was born in the town of Ontario, Wayne County, September 8th, 1841. At the age of six years he removed with his parents to Palmyra, where he attended school and engaged in teaching until the fall of 1861. During the month of October he was appointed Second Lieutenant of Co. B, and on the following May, promoted to first Lieutenant. He had charge of his Company during the months of July and August 1862, and acquitted himself with much credit at the battle of Golden’s Farm, and during the seven days’ retreat. Returning to Palmyra, after the army reached Harrisons’ Landing, on recruiting service, he was prostrated with a severe fit of sickness. Recovering, he rejoined his Regiment in November, and was appointed Adjutant.

Was born in Geneva, April 26th, 1822, was appointed Quartermaster on the organization of the Regiment; resigned his position September 14th, 1861. He now resides in Geneva, being extensively engaged in the confectionery business.

Was born in Rochester, April 18, 1823, where he remained until 1850, engaged in various pursuits. He was residing in Chicago when the Thirty-third was organized. Enlisted as a private, and was promoted to Quartermaster, September 14th, 1861.

Was born in Richmond, Ontario Co., June 3d, 1829. He graduated at Hobart College, Geneva, in the year 1849. In 1850 he proceeded to the Episcopal Seminary in Fairfax County, Virginia, remaining there until June 1852, when he was ordained Deacon in Christ’s Church, Alexandria. He then came to Rochester, to assist Rev. H. W. Lee, D. D., then Rector of St. Luke’s Church, and since Bishop of Iowa. December, 1852, he took charge of St. Mark’s Church, Penn Yan, and in June, 1853, was admitted to the priesthood by the Bishop of Western New York. October, 1854, he was called to the charge of Trinity Church, Rochester. He remained here until receiving the appointment of Chaplain to the Thirty-third. Accompanying the Regiment to Washington, he resigned, December 1st, 1861, and returned to his Church. He afterwards accepted a call from the Episcopal Church at Branchport, where he was prostrated by disease, and died June 12th, 1863. The men became very much attached to him during his brief sojourn with the Regiment.

Was born in Rush, Susquehanna County, Pa., November 1st, 1827. After devoting several years to study and teaching, he entered the Harford Academy, where he remained two years and a half. At the expiration of that time, he was admitted into the Sophomore Class of the Lewisburg University, and graduated in 1853. In the fall of the same year he became a student in the Theological Seminary at Rochester, and completed his studies July, 1855. During the year 1857 he was settled Pastor of “the First Baptist Church of Canandaigua Village,” laboring with marked success until commissioned, January 2nd, 1862, Chaplain of the Thirty-third. While on the Peninsula, he was attacked with a severe fit of sickness, and lay at the point of death for several days. He, however, recovered his health, and rejoining the Regiment, remained until its return home, when he resumed his pastoral labors at Canandaigua.

Was appointed Surgeon of the Thirty-third on its organization, afterwards promoted to Brigade Surgeon.

Who resided at Cherry Valley, was chosen Assistant Surgeon of the Thirty-third on its organization and was afterwards promoted to full Surgeon. He resigned at Stafford Court House.

Was born in the town of Watertown, Jefferson County, May 19th, 1836, and graduated from Albany Medical College in 1858. After practising in Watertown and vicinity four years, he was chosen Surgeon to Sing Sing Prison, which position he held when appointed Assistant Surgeon of the Thirty-third. He was promoted to full Surgeon in the fall of 1862, and remained with the Regiment until its return home. While in charge of the Liberty Hall Hospital on the Peninsula, containing nearly five hundred men, he was made prisoner, refusing to leave his patients. After being detained by the rebel authorities for several weeks, he was set at liberty and rejoined the Regiment. During the winter of 1863 he was placed in charge of Howe’s Division Hospital at Acquia Creek, and when General Hooker’s series of battles occurred, was given, the entire supervision of all the hospitals of the Sixth Army Corps.

Was born in Carrahill, Clare County, Ireland, January 4th, 1838, and coming to this country at the age of twelve years, settled at Seneca Falls with his parents. He graduated from the Medical Department of Harvard College in 1860, and enlisted as a private in the Thirty-third. He was appointed Hospital Steward, when the Regiment reached Washington, and promoted to Assistant Surgeon, August 15, 1862. General Smith complimented him, after the battle of Antietam, in a special order, for having advanced with his Regiment into the thickest of the fray.

Was born in Caledonia, Livingston County, January 30th, 1832. Studied medicine with Dr. Chamberlain, of Le Roy, New York. Graduated at the Buffalo Medical College, and was appointed Assistant Surgeon of the Thirty-third, January 22nd, 1863.

Co. A, was engaged in the druggist business at Seneca Falls, on the outbreak of the rebellion. Remained with the Regiment until September, 1862, participating in the various battles of the Peninsula, when he was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 148th New York Volunteers, which position he still retains.

Co. A, was born in Onondaga County, New York, April 1st, 1828. He moved at an early age to Seneca Falls, which has been his home until the present time. Engaged in the mercantile business at eighteen years of age and, followed it until 1847, when he sailed for California, being nine months and twenty-two days on the voyage. Returned to Seneca Falls, in the spring of 1851, and re-engaged in business. Was elected as First Lieutenant of Company A, on its formation. Acted as Adjutant of the Regiment from May until August 1862, and on the following October was promoted to the Captaincy.

Co. A, was born in Newtown, North Wales, August 18th, 1837. Emigrated to this country in 1847, settled at Skaneateles; moved from thence successively to Auburn, New York City and Utica. Returning home, attended school one year, and then proceeded to Seneca Falls. Enlisted as a private in Company A, afterwards elected to Second Lieutenant, and detached to General Davidson’s Staff at Yorktown. Promoted to First Lieutenant, May 21st, 1862; was relieved from Staff at Harrison’s Landing, and took charge of his Company. Appointed on General Neill’s Staff, January 16th, 1863.

Co. A, on the organization of the company, was elected Second Sergeant, and promoted to Second Lieutenant, October 1862, immediately after the battle of Antietam.

Co. B, succeeded to the command of the Company when Captain Corning was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel, November 1861. Afterwards resigned and was succeeded by First Lieutenant Draime.

Co. B, was born in the City of Sadan, France, and coming to America in 1832, settled with his parents in Canton, Ohio. March 27th, 1839, he enlisted in the Fifth Regular Artillery, was soon promoted to non-commissioned officer, and remained in the service five years. During that time, he was stationed in Detroit, Chicago, Buffalo, Sackett’s Harbor, Fort Columbus, Fort Adams, &c. Fired the minute guns at Sackett’s Harbor on the death of President Harrison, and was ordered to Rhode Island with his battery, to assist in suppressing the insurrection known as the “Dorrite War.”

After leaving the army, he resided, among other places, in Rochester, Fredonia, &c., employed in superintending engineering operations. He was living in Palmyra when the war commenced; enlisted as a private in Co. B, was elected Second Lieutenant, and promoted to First Lieutenant, and then Captain.

Co. B, was born in New Haven, Conn., in 1829. Removed to Ithaca, N. Y. Having early developed a taste for drawing, he was induced to go to New York to learn the “art and mysteries” of engraving. After five years’ practice, started business in Rochester. Was engaged for ten years, until the war, when he went with the Thirty-third as Commissary Sergeant. Promoted to Second Lieutenant of Co. C, July 29th, 1861. Acted in that capacity until the battle of Antietam, when he was wounded. Promoted to First Lieutenant, and assigned to Co. B, October 17th, 1862. Afterwards rejoined the Regiment and was detailed Aid-de-Camp to Colonel Taylor, Colonel Commanding First Brigade, Second Division, Sixth Corps, not being sufficiently recovered to resume active duties as a line officer.

Co. B, was born in Troy, June 16th, 1842. His parents dying when he was quite young, he was removed to Buffalo, and sent to school. Two years later he was placed under the care of Rev. John Sherdan, of Portageville. Soon after Cyrus Rose, of Nunda, adopted him, receiving him into his family as his own son. He was nearly prepared for College when the war commenced, but laying aside his books, enlisted as a private in Co. F. On reaching the field, was appointed Quartermaster-Sergeant. Nine months afterwards he was promoted to a Second Lieutenancy, and assigned to Co. B. General Smith mentioned Lieutenant Carter, among others, after the battle of Antietam, “whose conduct was particularly gallant under my own observation.”

Co. C, was born at Newburg, N. Y. Removed at the age of fourteen to Waterloo. Was employed in various pursuits until the breaking out of the war, when he was made Captain of Co. C. Resigned at Washington, July 28th, 1861.

Co. C, was born in Leray, Jefferson County, October 3rd, 1828. When sixteen years of age he proceeded to the West. Returned to Leray, and soon removed to Pillar Point, where he became employed as a ship-carpenter. Afterwards worked in Oswego, Syracuse, and New York. When the war broke out, he was residing in Waterloo; enlisted as a private in Co. C, was elected First Lieutenant on the formation of the Company, and promoted to Captain, July 29th, 1861. He was with the Thirty-third in all its engagements up to the storming of Marye’s Heights, when he was severely wounded in the thigh. He recovered sufficiently, however, to return home with the Regiment.

Co. C, was born in Yorkshire, England, May 17th, 1829, came to this country when above five years of age, and settled at Utica. At twenty-one years of age sailed for California, where he remained two years. Returned to Utica, and engaged in the machinist business. In 1860 moved to Waterloo. Was elected Orderly Sergeant of Co. C, and promoted to First Lieutenant, July 29th, 1861.

Co. C, was born at Madrid, St. Lawrence County, August 2, 1833. Enlisting as a private in Co. C, at Waterloo, was elected Third Sergeant; promoted to Orderly Sergeant, July 29th, 1861, and to Second Lieutenant, October 17th, 1862.

Co. C, was elected Second Lieutenant on the organization of the Company, and resigned, July 29th, 1861. Since died at Waterloo, N. Y.

Co. D, succeeded John R. Cutler to the command of Co. D, at Camp Griffin. Was educated for the law. Enlisted as a private in the Thirteenth New York Volunteers, and afterwards promoted to First Lieutenant of Co. D, Thirty-third New York. On the departure of the Regiment from the field, the one hundred and sixty-three three years’ recruits were organized into one Company under him, and attached to the Forty-ninth New York.

Co. D, was chosen First Lieutenant on the formation of the Company; since resigned.

Co. D, was born in Colchester, Vermont, October 9th, 1825, moved, at seven years of age, to Troy, and from thence to Rochester in 1838. Proceeded to California in 1849, and returned to Rochester. Was appointed Second Lieutenant, Co. D, during the fall of 1862. Has since performed service, at battles of Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, in the ambulance Corps, to which position he was assigned in February, 1863.

Co. E, was born in Hunterdon, New Jersey, July 27th, 1822. Removed to Geneseo in 1839, where he remained until the breaking out of the rebellion. Enlisted as a private in Co. E, and was immediately elected Captain. Was very fond of military pursuits, and for many years served as Captain of a Military Company.

Co. E, was born in Dorsetshire, England, July 23d, 1819; came to this country during the spring of 1851, and settled in Geneseo. Enlisted as a private in Co. E, and was elected Second Lieutenant. Promoted to First Lieutenant, July 28th, 1862.

Co. E, resigned, March 18th, 1863.

Co. F, was born on the 8th of June, 1835, in Nunda, N. Y. His earlier years were spent at school, and upon the farm. He prepared for College under the tutorship of Prof. Judson A. Bassett, at the Nunda Literary Institute, and after teaching a term, entered the University of Rochester in July, 1857. He graduated with his class in July 1860, and immediately entered the law office of Orlando Hastings, in Rochester. During the winter of 1860 and 1861 he taught the Academy in West Bloomfield, N. Y., where he was engaged when the rebellion broke out. He immediately enlisted with a company forming at Nunda, of which he was elected Captain, May 10th, 1861. He continued with the company until it was mustered out of service, June 2nd, 1863, at Geneva, N. Y. The degree of Master of Arts was conferred upon Captain McNair at the Commencement of the University of Rochester in July, 1863.

Co. F, was born at Nunda, Livingston Co., Feb. 1st, 1834. Proceeded to Shelby County, Ky., in the year 1856, and afterwards to Illinois, Kansas, Missouri, and Nebraska, being employed most of the time in teaching. Returning to Nunda, enlisted as a private in Co. F, elected Orderly Sergeant on the organization of the Company, promoted to Second Lieutenant, February, 6th, 1862, and to First Lieutenant at White Oak Church, December 27th, 1862.

Co. F, enlisted as a private in Co. F, was elected First Lieutenant on its permanent organization, and resigned at Camp Griffin.

Co. F, was born at Mount Morris, August 15th, 1835. When the war commenced, enlisted as a private in Co. F, was chosen Second Lieutenant, and promoted to First Lieutenant, February, 1862. He was detailed for a time as Acting Quartermaster.

Co. F, was born in Queensbury, Warren County, June 11th, 1832. At nineteen years of age removed to Angelica, Allegany County; afterwards resided in Illinois, Missouri, and Michigan. Returned to Wyoming, Pike County. During the winter of 1861, enlisted as a private in Co. F; promoted to Second Sergeant, May 6th, 1861, afterwards to First Sergeant, and, December 27th, 1862, to Second Lieutenant.

Co. G, was elected Captain of the Company on the organization, and participated in all the earlier engagements in which the Regiment was engaged. During the month of December, 1862, he was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the Sixty-second New York, which position he still holds.

Co. G, was born in London, Canada West, November, 1st, 1839. In 1845, removed to Watertown, and three years later to Buffalo; attended school until sixteen years of age, and then became employed in the printing establishment of Jewett, Thomas & Co., where he remained four years. When hostilities commenced, he enlisted in a three months’ Regiment, and afterwards in Co. G, as a private. Was immediately elected First Sergeant, and served in that capacity until May 20th, 1862, when he was promoted to Second Lieutenant. October 16th, 1862 he was promoted to First Lieutenant, and during the following December, to Captain of the Company. He was wounded in the left leg before Yorktown, but remained but a brief time away from the Regiment.

Co. G, was elected First Lieutenant on the organization of the Company, and resigned October 14th, 1862.

Co. G, was born in Elizabethtown, N. J., March 1st, 1840. Removed to Buffalo with his parents at an early age, where he remained until the breaking out of the rebellion. Enlisted as a private in the Buffalo Company, elected Fifth Sergeant on the formation of the Company. Promoted to First Sergeant, May 20th, 1862, Second Lieutenant, October 15th, 1862, and to First Lieutenant, December 27th, 1862.

Co. G, was born at Manchester, Ontario Co., April 26th, 1836. At ten years of age he removed with his parents to Shortsville; enlisted as a private in the Canandaigua Co. D; promoted to Second Lieutenant, December 27th, 1862, and assigned to Co. G.

Co. H, was elected Captain of Co. H, on its formation. When the Regiment was organized at Elmira, he was chosen Lieutenant-Colonel, but resigned not long after reaching Washington.

Co. H, was born at Starkey, Yates County, October 18th, 1832. At the age of fifteen, removed with his parents to Steuben County, where he remained until the year 1858. Then became employed as a clerk in Canandaigua and afterwards at Geneva. Enrolled himself as a private in Co. H, elected Second Lieutenant on the organization of the Company, and promoted to First Lieutenant, May 25th, 1861. He was taken prisoner at Williamsburg, and after several months’ confinement in Salisbury, North Carolina, was exchanged and returning to the Regiment, January 24th, 1862, he was promoted to the Captaincy of Co. H.

Co. H, was elected Orderly Sergeant on the formation of the Company, promoted to Second Lieutenant, Jan. 24th, 1862, and resigned December 27th, owing to ill health.

Co. H, was appointed Commissary Sergeant at organization of Regiment. Was transferred from Co. A, and made Second Lieutenant of Co. H, January 24th, 1862; resigned December 27th, 1862.

Co. H, was born in Perinton, Monroe Co., Sept. 14th, 1834. At nineteen years of age, entered the Rochester University, remaining there nearly two years. Returning home, engaged in farming and stock growing until twenty-four years of age, then became employed two years on the Michigan Southern railroad. Returning home again, engaged in nursery and vineyard business until August 27th, 1862, when he enlisted as a private in a body of recruits for the Thirty-third. Was commissioned First Lieutenant, October 13th, and assigned to Co. H. Remained with the Company until Jan. 27th, when he was appointed A. A. G., First Brigade, Howe’s Division. Served in this capacity, and also as Acting Brigade Commissary, until March 23d. April 14th, was transferred to General Russell’s Staff.

Co. H, was born in the town of Seneca, Ontario County, April 17th, 1842, where he resided with his parents until the outbreak of the rebellion. Enlisted as a private in Co. H, and was elected Second Sergeant, May 23d, 1861. He was afterwards promoted to First Sergeant, and to Second Lieutenant, October 16th, 1862. Was wounded, at the battle of White Oak Swamp, in the left shoulder, and confined to the hospital for two months. At the end of that time he rejoined the Regiment, and was again wounded in the right thigh, during the sanguinary struggle on Salem Heights. Returned home, and was mustered out with his Company.

Co. I, was engaged in the Daguerrean business at Penn Yan on the outbreak of the rebellion; was chosen Captain of Co. I, on its organization, and resigned at Camp Griffin.

Co. I, was born in Washington County, August 24th 1839. Removed at an early age to Yates County. After spending several years, at the Prattsburg Academy and Rochester Commercial College, he became employed in the Stationery House of George R. Cornwell, Penn Yan, as confidential clerk. Was elected First Lieutenant of Co. I, on its organization, and promoted to Captain, December 27th, 1861. He received a severe wound in the left thigh while leading his Company in the charge on Marye’s Heights. For several weeks his life was despaired of, but after lying two months in the hospital, he recovered sufficiently to return home.

Co. I, was born in New York City, February 22nd, 1835. At fifteen years of age went to sea. Returned in three years; engaged in mercantile pursuits till the outbreak of the rebellion, then joined the Seventh Massachusetts as a private. Was afterwards elected Second Lieutenant Fifth New York, and a few days succeeding, Second Lieutenant, Co. I, Thirty-third. After being promoted to First Lieutenant, served as Provost Marshal under General Brooks, and as Aid-de-Camp to General Davidson. October, 1862, was promoted to Captain, and A. A. General, and assigned to duty under General Vinton. Remained with him until General Neill took Command of the Brigade, when he became his A. A. General.

Co. I, was born in Penn Yan, December 18th, 1838. Remained there until the outbreak of the rebellion, when he enlisted as a private in Co. I. Promoted to Sergeant, August 1st, 1861, to Orderly Sergeant, January 1st, 1862, and to First Lieutenant, December 1st, 1862.

Co. I, was elected Orderly Sergeant at its organization. Promoted to Second Lieutenant, December 31st, 1861, and resigned, October 1862.

Co. K, was born in the county of Down, Ireland, June 16th, 1824. When seventeen years of age, enlisted in the Eighty-ninth Regiment English Infantry, serving in Canada three years, and in England, Ireland and Scotland eleven more. Came to this country in the winter of 1853, and settled at Seneca Falls. Was elected Captain of Co. K, and remained with the Regiment till the close of its two years’ campaign.

Co. K, served as First Lieutenant of Co. K, until severely wounded while charging up Marye’s Heights.

Co. K, was elected on the formation of the Company, afterwards resigned.

Co. K, was appointed to fill Lieutenant Ryan’s place, but was immediately assigned to General Smith’s Staff.

BY A. A. H.

GENERAL ORDERS PERTAINING TO THE ARMY. — PICKET DUTY.

This most important feature, for the safety of an army, is perhaps the least understood of all that appertains to the art of war. As the same system is germain to all armies, the following explanation will, no doubt, be acceptable in this volume, as the duty has been seldom described, though often spoken of, in the numerous details of midnight attacks, and skirmishes. In the disposition of, say two hundred men, they go forth to a point designated as the grand reserve, varying in distance from two hundred rods to nearly a mile from the outer or picket line, where are left half of the number as a reserve, in case the pickets are driven in, and also for mutual relief in their fatiguing duties (often out on picket for three days). Then, to the right and nearer the line, is stationed an officer and forty-eight men, who immediately relieve the line of men (who are out in front) sixteen in number, leaving thirty-two men on the support, so-called—or two more reliefs, relieving each other every two hours; the same on the left support.

When six hours have passed, the three reliefs on each support having stood on post their two hours each, the Grand Reserve sends out the ninety-six men who have been resting—forty-eight to each support—they, in turn, going through the same routine—the first ninety-six men going back to the main reserve to rest, &c. Thus the whole thing is systematized, the Grand Reserve and the supports alternately relieving each other, until the whole time for which they are detailed, expires, when another detail from some other Regiment relieves the whole picket. The Picket Guard is always commanded by a Staff Officer. The following is a specimen of an order from Brigade Headquarters, detailing a Picket Guard from the Thirty-third Regiment:

REGIMENTAL RECORD. — COMPANY A. — KILLED. — DIED. — DESERTED. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — COMPANY B. — KILLED. — MISSING IN ACTION. — DIED. — DESERTED. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — COMPANY C. — DIED, DISCHARGED, DESERTED, AND TRANSFERRED. — COMPANY D. — DISCHARGED. — DIED. — COMPANY E. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — DIED. — DESERTED. — DROPPED. — COMPANY F. — KILLED IN BATTLE. — DIED. — DESERTED. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — COMPANY G. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — DIED. — DESERTERS. — COMPANY H. — DISCHARGED. — TRANSFERRED. — COMPANY I. — COMPANY K.