Back from the gates of the City of Life
there runs a great highway, whose beginning
is in the land—east of the sun and
west of the moon—where the
unborn dwell. It is a broad and well-trodden
road; beaten smooth by the feet
of the hurrying generations that tread
sharp upon one another's heels as they
press forward out of grey and airless
nothingness into the warm atmosphere of
existence.
By the side of this road lies a chimæra,
with woman's breasts couched upon lion's
paws. It is the old direful Questioner of
Thebes; the Propounder of Riddles; the
prodigious Asker of Enigmas. Before entering
the gates of the City the jostling
multitude must pause in their furious haste
towards life and listen to her as she propounds
to each generation her problem.
Every generation guesses at the riddle with
fear or hope, with timidity or courage, as
its nature may be, and then rushes on within
the gates, not knowing if it has guessed
aright, but with the task laid upon it of
living out its life by the light of that answer,
let the result be what it will.
The Sphinx lies watching the generations
whirled past her into existence. She listens
to the cries, the turmoil, the bitter plaints
of those within the walls who believed that
they had solved her problem a century ago,
and as she listens she smiles her cold, incredulous
smile. Not yet have they divined
her secret, if one may judge from their loud
protests, and this new generation pouring
in among them has but small patience with
their failure. The newcomers are quite
sure that they at last have answered the
immortal conundrum correctly. They have
found it quite easy, and they mean to show
their silly predecessors how simple it is to
find happiness if one has only the correct
formula.
All the preceding guesses have been
wrong?—well, but it is just because they
were wrong that the application failed.
Here is the right one at last, triumphantly
evolved by the new heir of all the ages, and
it will be soon seen how criminally, how
almost incredibly mistaken the previous
generations have been in their foolish
attempts to live by such palpably absurd
theories of existence.
Make way!—you silly old folk—make
way for the young lords of life who come
bearing truth and wisdom to the world!
Who come to inaugurate a reign of peace
and plenty and delight!
The old generation, nearing the City's
lower gate,—beyond which lies another
road, equally broad and well-travelled, but
gloomier and more airless than the one by
which they came,—shake their heads
doubtingly at these assertions. They were
quite as confident in their time, and yet,
somehow, things did not work out as they
expected. No doubt their own guess was
quite right; they are almost sure of it;
but many unforeseen exigencies interfered.
People were obstinate. The formula was
perfect, but people were so very wrong-headed
that it never had a proper opportunity
of proving how infallible it really
was. And so difficulties in the application
arose, and—But the young newcomers
push them, still babbling and explaining,
out of the further gate, and set at once
about regenerating the unfortunate city
which has been forced to wait such a
weary while for this the perfect solution of
all problems.
And the old Questioner lying without
the gates stares with her long, calm eyes
into the white mist from which yet more
generations are to come, and she smiles
her fixed and scornful smile.
It was after this fashion our century,
nineteenth of the era, came in—flushed,
happy, confident. It came an army with
banners, every standard blazoned in letters
of gold with its magic device—"Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity."
How it hustled the poor painted, formal,
withered, old eighteenth century out at the
nether gate! Smashing its idols, toppling
over its altars, tearing down its tarnished
hangings of royalty from the walls, and
bundling its poor antiquated furniture of
authority out of windows. All doors were
flung wide; the barriers of caste, class, sex,
religion, race, were burst open and light
poured in. The gloomy Ghettos were
emptied of their silent, stubborn, cringing
population; forged by the hammer of Christian
hate through two thousand years into
a race as keen, compact, and flexible as
steel. The slave stood up free of bonds;
half exultant, half frightened at the liberty
that brought with it responsibilities heavier
and more inexorable than the old shackles.
Woman caught her breath and lifted up
her arms. The old superstitious Asiatic
curse fixed upon her by the church was
laughed scornfully into nothingness. She
was as free as the Roman woman again.
Free to be proud of her sex, free to wed
where she chose, free to claim as her own
the child for whom she had travailed to
give life.
A vast bonfire was made of the stake,
the wheel, the gyve; of crowns, of orders,
of robes of state. All wrongs were to be
righted, all oppressions redressed; all inequalities
levelled, all cruelties forbidden.
Men shuddered when they thought of the
crimes of the past, when they talked of
Calas. Such a crime would never be possible
in this new golden age. Only of
oppression and cruelty was vice bred.
Given perfect liberty and perfect justice
the warring world would become Arcadia
once more. Lions if not hunted, and if
judiciously trained by the constant instilling
of virtuous maxims, would acquire a
perfect disgust for mutton, and lambs would
consequently lie down beside them and
would grow as courageous and self-reliant
as wolves.
What a beautiful time it was, those first
thrilling days of the new era! How the
spirit dilates in contemplating it, even now.
The heart beat with the noble new emotions,
the cheek flushed, the eyes glistened
with sensibility's ready tear. It was so
pleasant to be good, to be kind, to be just;
to feel that even the bonds of nationality
were cast aside, and that all mankind were
brothers striving only for pre-eminence in
virtue. It was a new chivalry, a new
crusade. Only, instead of lovely princesses
to be succoured, or sepulchres to be saved,
it was the rescue of all the humble and
suffering, a crusade against the paganism
of the strong. The heart could hardly hold
without delicious pain this broad flood of
universal kindness.
It was then that Anarcharsis Clootz
presented to the National Assembly his
famous "deputation of mankind."...
"On the 19th evening of June, 1790,
the sun's slant rays lighted a spectacle
such as our foolish little planet has not
often to show. Anarcharsis Clootz entering
the august Salle de Manège with the
human species at his heels. Swedes, Spaniards,
Polacks, Turks, Chaldeans, Greeks,
dwellers in Mesopotamia come to claim
place in the grand Federation, having an
undoubted interest in it.... In the meantime
we invite them to the honours of the
sitting, honneur de la séance. A long-flowing
Turk, for rejoinder, bows with Eastern
solemnity, and utters articulate sounds; but
owing to his imperfect knowledge of the
French dialect, his words are like spilt
water; the thought he had in him remains
conjectural to this day.... To such things
does the august National Assembly ever
and anon cheerfully listen, suspending its
regenerative labours."
It was at this time the big words beginning
with capitals made their appearance
and were taken very seriously. One talked
of the Good, the True, the Beautiful, and
the Ideal, and felt one's bosom splendidly
inflated by these capitalized mouthfuls.
There were other nice phrases much affected
at the time—the Parliament of Man, the
Federation of the World, la Republique de
Genre Humain. The new generation was
intoxicated with its new theory of life, with
its own admirable sentiments.
Discrepancies existed, no doubt. The
fine theories were not always put into complete
practice. While the glittering phrases
of the Declaration of Independence were
declaring all men free and equal, some million
of slaves were helping to develop the
new country with their enforced labour.
The original owners of the soil were being
mercilessly hunted like vermin, and the
women of America had scarcely more legal
claim to their property, their children, or
to their own persons than had the negro
slaves. Nor did the framers of the Declaration
show any undue haste in setting about
abolishing these anomalies.
The National Assembly of France decreed
liberty, equality, and fraternity to all
men, and hurried to cut off the heads and
confiscate the property of all those equal
brothers who took the liberty of differing
with them.
But it was a poor nature that would
boggle at a few inconsistencies, would
quench this fresh enthusiasm with criticism.
After all, mere facts were unimportant.
Given the proper emotion, the lofty sentiment
of liberty and good-will, the rest
would come right of itself.
A new heaven and new earth, so it
seemed, was to be created by this virile
young generation who had rid themselves
of the useless lumber of the past. The
period was one of universal emotion, exhibiting
itself in every form: in iconoclastic
rages against wrong—rages that could only
be exhausted by the destruction of all the
customs, laws, and religions that had bound
the western world for two thousand years;
it showed itself in sanguinary furies against
oppression—furies which could be satiated
only by seas of blood; in floods of sympathy
for the weak that ofttimes swept away both
strong and weak in one general ruin. It
was displayed in convulsions of philanthropy
so violent that a man might not
refuse the offered brotherhood and kindness
save at the price of his life. The cold
dictates of the head were ignored. The
heart was the only guide. Is it any wonder
that driven by the wind of feeling and with
the rudder thrown overboard the ship pursued
an erratic and contradictory course.
Seen in this way one is no longer surprised
at the lack of consistency of the Declaration
des Droits de l'Homme, that declared "All
men are born and continue free and equal
in rights"—that "Society is an association
of men to preserve the rights of man"—that
"freedom of speech is one of the most
precious rights," and yet that France, crying
aloud these fine phrases, slaughtered
even the most silent and humble who were
supposed to maintain secret thoughts opposed
to the opinions of the majority. It
is no longer astonishing to read the generous
sentiments of our own Declaration and
to remember the persecutions, confiscations,
and burnings that drove thirty thousand
of those not in sympathy with the Revolution
over the borders of the New England
States into Canada, and hunted a multitude
from the South into Spanish Louisiana.
One is no longer amazed to hear de Tocqueville
declare that in no place had he found
so little independence of thought as in this
country during the early years of the Republic.
By liberty—his adored liberty—the
revolutionary sentimentalist meant only
liberty to think as he himself did, and the
whole history of man records that there is
nothing crueller than a tender heart ungoverned
by a cooler head. It is in this same
spirit that the inquisitor, yearning in noble
anguish over souls, burns the recalcitrant.
It is plain to him that such as are so gross
and vicious as to refuse to fall in with his
admirable intentions for their eternal welfare
can be worthy of nothing gentler than
fire.
But whatever the discrepancies might be,
the whole state of feeling was vastly more
wholesome, more promising, than the dry
formalism, the frivolous cynicism which it
had annihilated and out of which it had
been bred. The delicate, fastidious, selfish
formalists of the eighteenth century were
naturally aghast at the generation to which
they had given birth. It was as if an elderly
dainty cat had been delivered of a blundering,
slobbering, mastiff puppy, a beast which
was to tear its disgusted and terrified parent
in pieces. No doubt they asked themselves
in horror, "When did we generate
this wild animal that sheds ridiculous tears
even while drinking our blood?" Not seeing
it was the natural child and natural reaction
from the selfish short-sightedness of "Que
ne mangent ils de la brioche?" from the
frigid sneer of "Apres nous le deluge."
This torrent of emotionalism to which
the nineteenth century gave itself up is
amazing to our colder time. It manifested
itself not only in its public policy, in its
schemes for universal regeneration, but it
completely saturated all the thought of the
time, was visible in its whole attitude toward
life. Madame Necker could not bear the
thought of her friend Moulton's departure
after a short visit, so that he was obliged
to leave secretly without a farewell. She
fainted when she learned the truth and
says, "I gave myself up to all the bitterness
of grief. The most gloomy ideas
presented themselves to my desolate heart,
and torrents of tears could not diminish
the weight that seemed to suffocate me"—and
all this about the departure of an
amiable old gentleman from Paris to Geneva!
They had no reserves. The most secret
sentiments of the heart were openly
discussed. Tears were always flowing.
Nothing was too sacred for verbal expression.
They wrote out their prayers, formal
compositions of chaste sentiments, and
handed them about among their friends
as Italian gentlemen did sonnets in the
Quattro Cento. On anniversaries or special
occasion they penned long epistles full of
elegant phrases and invocations to friends
living under the same roof, who received
these letters next morning with the breakfast
tray, and shed delicious tears over them
into their chocolate.
"A delicate female" was a creature so
finely constituted that the slightest shock
caused hysterics or a swoon, and it was
useless to hope for her recovery until the
person guilty of the blow to her sensitiveness
had shed the salt moisture of repentance
upon her cold and lifeless hand and
had wildly adjured her to "live"—after
which her friends of the same sex, themselves
tremulous and much shaken by the
mere sight of such sensibility, "recovered
her with an exhibition of lavender-water"
or with some of those cordials which they
all carried in their capacious pockets for
just such exigencies. Nor did the delicate
female monopolize all the delicacy and
emotionalism. The Man of Feeling was
her fitting mate, and the manly tear was as
fluent and frequent as the drop in Beauty's
eye. Swooning was not so much in his
line; there was less competition, perhaps,
for the privilege of supporting his languishing
frame, but a mortal paleness was no
stranger to his sensitive countenance, his
features contracted in agony over the smallest
annoyance, and he had an ominous
fashion of rushing madly from the presence
of the fair one in a way that left all his
female relatives panting with apprehension,
though long experience might have taught
them that nothing serious ever came of it.
Thus the Nineteenth Century entered
upon its experiment with the verities, beginning
gloriously; palpitating with generous
emotion; ready with its "blazing
ubiquities" to light the way to the millennium.
The truth had been discovered, and
needed but to be thoroughly applied to
ensure perfect happiness. By 1840 the
tide of democracy and liberalism had risen
to flood. The minority were overawed
and dumb. To suggest doubts of the
impeccable ideals of democracy was to
awaken only contempt; as if one should
dispute the theory of gravity. It was chose
jugée. It did not admit of question. The
experiment was in full practice and the
new theory, having swept away all opposition,
had free play for the creation of
Arcadias.
Alas! Thus in the eighteenth period of
our era had Authority cleared the ground.
It had burned, hanged, shut up in the
Bastille all cavillers, and just as the scheme
had a chance to work it crumbled suddenly
to pieces in the blood and smoke of revolutions.
Democracy had no fear of tragedy
from the very nature of its principles, but
it had decreed liberty, and liberty began
to be taken to doubt its conclusions. There
began to arise voices bewailing the flesh-pots
and the lentils of the ruined House of
Bondage. Democracy had brought much
good: that was not denied, but alas, what
of the old dear things it had swept away,
the sweet loyalties, the ties between server
and served. The enormous social and
political edifice reared by feudalism had
had black dungeons, noisome cloacæ, no
doubt, but what of its rich carvings, of its
dim, tender lights filtered through flowered
traceries? Where was its romance, its
pageants and revels? The rectangular,
ugly, wholesome building, which democracy
had substituted as a dwelling for the soul
of man, with its crude, broad light flooding
every corner, failed to satisfy many who
forgot all the bitter inconvenience of the
ancient castle, remembering in homesick
longing only its ruined beauties and hoary
charm.
Science in its hard unsentimental fashion
commenced to demonstrate the fallacy of
the heart's ardent reasoning. She stripped
the lovely veil from nature's face, and
showed the tender springing grass of the
fields, the flushed orchard blossoms, the
nesting bird, the painted insect floating in
the breeze,—all, all engaged in a ferocious
battle for life—trampling on the weak,
snatching the best food, always either
devouring or devoured. It had been decreed
with thunderous finality that the
feeble should be by law placed on equality
with the strong, and this was announced
as the evident intention of beneficent nature.
Science, however, relentlessly demonstrated
that nature was not beneficent; that
in fact she was a heartless snob, and that to
"Nature's darling, the Strong," she ruthlessly
sacrificed multitudes of the helpless.
Democracy had made itself the champion
of the humble, had cursed the greedy and
powerful; science proved that the humble
and unaggressive were doomed, as was
proved by their not surviving in the terrible
struggle for life that was raging in all forms
of nature, and of which the human mélee
was but an articulate expression. The conviction
that humanity had once known
perfect equality, and that freedom had been
filched by the unscrupulous, was shown to
be quite unfounded. Rousseau's Contrat
Social was made absurd by Darwin's Descent
of Man. All research tended to prove
that from the earliest Pliocene it was not
the weak or the humble, but he who
"Stole the steadiest canoe,
Eat the quarry others slew,
Died, and took the finest grave,"
who had founded families, developed races,
brought order out of chaos, had made
civilizations possible, had ordained peace
and security, and had been the force of
upward evolution.
It was thus that the freedom which the
heart had given to the head was used to
prove how fallible that generous heart was.
Then out of all of this groping regret,
out of this new knowledge, there arose, with
excursions and alarums, Carlyle; the first
who dared frankly impeach the new theory
and decry its results. Through all his
vociferousness, through all his droning tautology,
his buzzing, banging, and butting
among phrases like an angry cock-chafer,
through the general egregiousness of his
intolerable style, there rang out clear once
again the pæon of the strong. Here was
no talk of the rights of man. His right as
of old was to do his duty and walk in the
fear of the Lord.
... "A king or leader in all bodies of
men there must be," he says. "Be their
work what it may, there is one man here
who by character, faculty, and position
is fittest of all to do it."
For the aggregate wisdom of the multitude,
to which Democracy pinned its faith,
he had only scorn.
... "To find a Parliament more and
more the expression of the people, could,
unless the people chanced to be wise, give
no satisfaction.... But to find some sort
of King made in the image of God, who
could a little achieve for the people, if not
their spoken wishes yet their dumb wants,
and what they would at last find to be their
instinctive will—which is a far different
matter usually in this babbling world of
ours" ... that was the thing to be desired.
"He who is to be my ruler, whose
will is higher than my will, was chosen for
me by heaven. Neither, except in obedience
to the heaven-chosen, is freedom so
much as conceivable."
Here was the old doctrine of the divine
right of the strong man to rule, come to
life again, and masquerading in democratic
garments.
No revolution resulted. Democracy did
not fall in ruins even at the blast of his
stertorous trumpet, but the serious-minded
of his day were deeply stirred by his words,
more especially as that comfortable middle-class
prosperity and content, to which the
democrat pointed as the best testimony
to the virtue of his doctrines, was being
attacked at the same time from another
quarter. Not only did Carlyle scornfully
declare that this bourgeois prosperity was
a thing unimportant, almost contemptible,
but the proletariat—a new factor in the
argument—began to mutter and growl that
he had not been given his proper share in
it, and he found it as oppressive and unjust
as we had found the arrogant prosperity of
the nobles intolerable.
That old man vociferous has passed now
to where beyond these voices there is peace,
but the obscure mutterings of the man in
the street, which was then but a vague undertone,
has grown to an open menace.
The Sphinx smiles as she hears once more
the same cries, the same accusations. We
of the middle classes, who threw off the
yoke of the aristocracy, clamoured just such
impeachments a century back. We are
amazed now to hear them turned against
ourselves. To us this seems an admirable
world that we have made; orderly, peaceable,
prosperous. We find no fault in it.
It has not worked out, perhaps, on as generous
lines as we had planned, but on
the whole each man gets, we think, his
deserts.
We ask ourselves wonderingly if the
aristocrat of the eighteenth century did not,
perhaps, see his world in the same way.
He paid no taxes, but he thought he did
his just share of work for the body politic;
he fought, he legislated, he administered.
Perhaps it seemed also a good world to
him; well arranged. Perhaps he was as
indignant at our protests as we are at those
of to-day. We thought ourselves intolerably
oppressed by his expenditures of the
money we earned, by his monopoly of
place and power; but we argue in our behalf,
that as we pay the taxes we should decide
upon the methods of the money's use and
have all the consequent privileges. What,
we ask ourselves angrily, do these mad
creatures, who are very well treated, mean
by their talk of slavery—of wage-slavery?
How can there be right or reason in their
contention that the labourer rather than
the capitalist should have the profit of
labour? Does not the capitalist govern,
administer, defend?
Attacked, abused, execrated, we begin
to sympathize with those dead nobles, who
were perhaps as honest, as well-meaning,
as we feel ourselves to be; who were as disgusted,
as scornful, as little convinced by
our arguments as we by those who accuse
us in our turn of being greedy, idle feeders
upon the sweat of others. Perhaps to him
the established order of things seemed as
just and eternal as it does to us. We begin
to have more comprehension of that dead
aristocrat.
For a hundred years now democracy has
had a free hand for testing its faiths and
ideals. Let us reckon up the results of
this reign of liberty, equality, fraternity.
Out of the triumphant bourgeoisie has
grown a class proud and dominant as the
nobles of old days. They have wealth,
luxury, and power, such as those nobles
never dreamed of. Capital is organized
into vast, incredibly potent aggregations.
Labour in its turn has organized for itself
a despotism far-reaching, unescapable,
which the old régime would never at its
haughtiest have ventured upon. The two
are arrayed against one another in struggles
of ever-increasing intensity.
The Brotherhood of Man is still a dream.
The continent of Europe is dominated by
two autocratic sovereigns, who overawe
others by the consistent and continuous
policy only possible to a despotism. The
republics of France and of South America
are the prey of a horde of adventurers who
only alternate despotisms; the armaments
of the world are so pretentious that each
fears to wield so terrible a weapon. The
great nations are dividing the weak among
themselves as lions do their prey. All
nations are exaggerating their barriers and
differences. Russia is repudiating the
Occidental languages and civilizations which
she at first received so gladly. Hungary
has abandoned the German tongue, and
the Hungarians, Czechs, and Bohemians,
held together by the bond of Austria, are
restive and mutually repellent. The Celt
revives and renews his hatred of the Saxon,
and in Ireland and in Wales the aboriginal
tongues and literatures are being disinterred
and taught as a means of destroying
the corporate nationalism of the British
Isles. The Bretons disclaim their part and
interest in France. The Spanish empire
has fallen into jealous and unsympathetic
fragments. The Hindus are clamouring
for an India for the Indians. All are
rivals; envenomed, and seeking domination.
And America,—America, the supreme
demonstration of the democratic
ideal,—what of her? America has embarked
upon imperial wars: refuses
sanctuary to the poor and oppressed as
inadmissible paupers, and laughs at the
claims to brotherhood and citizenship of any
man with a yellow skin.
The church, which is most opposed to
individual liberty of thought, has been
reconquering great territory in the very
citadels of free conscience. One large body
of Protestants is repudiating its protests
against irresponsible authority, and basing
its claims rather upon appeal to ancient
precedent.
Science has one by one torn in pieces
and scattered the iridescent bubbles of
democracy's sentimental visions. The
Ghetto is open, but the Jews are still persecuted.
A Calas is no longer sacrificed to
bigoted churchmen, but an intolerant army
make possible the Affaire Dreyfus. Zola,
after a century of democracy, is called upon
once more to take up the work of Voltaire.
Woman is still waiting for political equality
with man. But perhaps the most surprising
result is man's change in his attitude
towards himself. Man, who spelled himself
with reverent capital letters, who pictured
the universe created solely for his
needs,—who imagined a Deity flattered by
his homage and wounded by his disrespect—Man,
who had only to observe a respectable
code of morals to be received into
eternal happiness with all the august honours
due a condescending monarch, had
fallen to the humility of such admissions
as these....
"What a monstrous spectre is this man,
the disease of the agglutinated dust, lifting
alternate feet or lying drugged with slumber;
killing, feeding, growing, bringing forth
small copies of himself; grown upon with
hair like grass, fitted with eyes that glitter
in his face; a thing to set children screaming;— ...
Poor soul here for so little,
cast among so many hardships filled with
desires, so incommensurate and so inconsistent;
savagely surrounded, savagely descended,
irremediably condemned to prey
upon his fellow lives, ... infinitely childish,
often admirably valiant, often touchingly
kind; sitting down to debate of right
or wrong and the attributes of the Deity;
rising up to battle for an egg or die for an
idea.... To touch the heart of his mystery
we find in him one thought, strange to
the point of lunacy, the thought of duty,
the thought of something owing to himself,
to his neighbour, to his God; an ideal of
decency to which he would rise if possible,
a limit of shame, below which if it be possible
he will not stoop.... Not in man
alone, but we trace it in dogs and cats which
we know fairly well, and doubtless some
similar point of honour sways the elephant,
the oyster and the louse, of whom we know
so little"—
Alas, Poor Yorick! How a century of
liberty has humbled him. It is thus the
successors of Rousseau, of Chateaubriand,
of the believers in the perfectibility of man,
speak—saying, calmly, "The Empire of
this world belongs to force"—and that
"Hitherto in our judgments of men we
have taken for our masters the oracles and
poets, and like them we have received for
certain truths the noble dreams of our imaginations
and the imperious suggestions of
our hearts. We have bound ourselves by
the partiality of religious divinations, and
we have shaped our doctrines by our instincts
and our vexations.... Science at
last approaches with exact and penetrating
implements ... and in this employment
of science, in this conception of things, there
is a new art, a new morality, a new polity,
a new religion, and it is in the present time
our task to discover them."
We must not forget to consider a little
the amusing change our century has seen
in the alteration of its heroic ideals. For
the sentimental rubbish, the dripping egotism
of a Werther, of a Manfred, in whom
the young of their day found the most
adequate expression of their self-consciousness,
we have substituted the Stevenson
and Kipling hero—hard-headed, silent,
practical, scornful of abstractions, contemptuous
of emotions, who has but two dominant
ideals, patriotism and duty; who keeps
his pores open and his mouth shut.
The old democratic shibboleths still remain
on our lips, are still used as if they
were truisms, but in large measure we have
ceased to live by them, we have lost all our
cocksureness as to their infallibility. We
give frightened sops to our anarchical
Cerberus. We realize that despite all we
so proudly decreed the strong still rule and
plunder the weak, and weak still impotently
rage and imagine a vain thing of
legislation as a means of redressing this
endless inequality.
Much of good we have given. How
could an ideal so tender, so beautiful, so
high of purpose, fail of righting a thousand
wrongs?
How could those sweet, foolish tears fail
to water the hard soil of life and cause a
thousand lovely flowers of goodness and
gentleness to bloom? That we have not
solved the riddle of the Sphinx, that we
have not found the secret of happiness, is
hardly cause for wonder or shame. Neither
will our successors find it, but it is interesting
to speculate as to what clue they will
use to guide them in the search. It is plain
that our ideals, our formulæ, are being
cast aside as inadequate, but the new century
is coming in with no programme as
yet announced. It is thoughtful, silent;
it avoids our drums and shoutings and
vociferous over-confidence.
What will be its Time-Spirit, since ours
plainly will not serve? Will the wage-earners
shear the bourgeoisie of their privileges
as we shore the nobles a century ago—or
will liberty sell herself to authority
again in return for protection against the
dry hopelessness of socialism, or the turmoil
of anarchy? Or will the new generation
evolve some new thought, undreamed
of as yet—some new and happier guess at
the great central truth at which we forever
grasp and which forever melts and eludes?