I
When Sultan Suleiman had taken up his winter residence
in Aleppo, I, the author of these pages, was appointed to the
Admiralship of the Egyptian fleet, and received instructions
to fetch back to Egypt the ships (15 galleys), which some
time ago had been sent to Basrah on the Persian Gulf. But,
"Man proposes, God disposes." I was unable to carry out
my mission, and as I realized the impossibility of returning by
water, I resolved to go back to Turkey by the overland route,
accompanied by a few tried and faithful Egyptian soldiers.
I traveled through Gujarat, Hind, Sind, Balkh, Zabulistan,
Bedakhshan, Khotlan, Turan, and Iran, i.e., through Transoxania,
Khorassan, Kharezm, and Deskti-Kiptchak; and as
I could not proceed any farther in that direction, I went by
Meshed and the two Iraks, Kazwin and Hamadan, on to
Bagdad.
Our travels ended, my companions and fellow-adventurers
persuaded me to write down our experiences, and the dangers
through which we had passed, an accurate account of which it
is almost impossible to give; also to tell of the cities and the
many wonderful sights we had seen, and of the holy shrines
we had visited. And so this little book sees the light; in it
I have tried to relate, in simple and plain language, the
troubles and difficulties, the suffering and the distress which
beset our path, up to the time that we reached Constantinople.
Considering the matter it contains this book ought to have
been entitled, "A tale of woe," but with a view to the scene
of action I have called it "Mirror of Countries," and as such
I commend it to the reader's kind attention.
II
THE BEGINNING OF THE STORY
When the illustrious Padishah was holding his court at
Aleppo, in Ramazan of the year 960 (1552), I was commanded
to join the army.
I celebrated Ramzam-Bairam in attendance on his Majesty,
later on, however, I went to Sidi-Ghazi, made a pilgrimage
in Konia to the tomb of Molla-i-Rumi, and visited the shrines
of the Sultan ul-Ulema, and Shemsi Tebrizi, and of the
Sheik Sadr-ed-din-Koniavi; at Kassarie I made a pilgrimage
to the graves of the Sheiks Awhad-ed-din Kirmani,
Burham-ed-din, Baha-ed-din Zade, Ibrahim Akserayi, and
Davud Kaissari. Returned to Haleb (Aleppo), I visited
the graves of Daud, Zakeriah, and Balkiah, as also those of
Saad and Said, companions of the Prophet. The Kurban-Bairam
I spent again in attendance on the Sultan.
I must here mention that Piri Bey, the late Admiral of
the Egyptian fleet, had, some time previous to this, been dispatched
with about 30 ships (galleys and galleons) from Suez,
through the Red Sea, touching Jedda and Yemen, and through
the straits of Bab-i-Mandeb, past Aden and along the coast
of Shahar.60 Through fogs and foul weather his fleet became
dispersed, some ships were lost, and with the remainder he
proceeded from Oman to Muscat, took the fortress and made
all the inhabitants prisoners; he also made an incursion into
the islands of Ormuz and Barkhat, after which he returned to
Muscat. There he learned from the captive infidel captain
that the Christian (Portuguese) fleet was on its way, that
therefore any further delay was inadvisable, as in case it
arrived he would not be able to leave the harbor at all. As a
matter of fact it was already too late to save all the ships; he
therefore took only three, and with these just managed to
make his escape before the arrival of the Portuguese. One of
his galleys was wrecked near Bahrein, so he brought only two
vessels back to Egypt. As for the remainder of the fleet at
Basrah, Kubad Pasha had offered the command of it to the
Chief Officer, but he had declined, and returned to Egypt by
land.
When this became known in Constantinople the command of
the fleet had been given to Murad Bey, formerly Sanjakbey
of Catif, then residing in Basrah. He was ordered to leave
two ships, five galleys, and one galleon at Basrah, and with
the rest, i.e., 15 galleys (one galley had been burned in Basrah)
and two boats, he was to return to Egypt. Murad Bey
did start as arranged, but opposite Ormuz he came upon the
infidel (Portuguese) fleet, a terrible battle followed in which
Suleiman Reis, Rejeb Reis, and several of the men, died a
martyr's death. Many more were wounded and the ships
terribly battered by the cannon-balls. At last, night put a
stop to the fight. One boat was wrecked off the Persian coast,
part of the crew escaped, the rest were taken prisoners by the
infidels, and the boat itself captured.
When all this sad news reached the capital, toward the end
of Zilhija of the said year 960 (1552), the author of these
pages was appointed Admiral of the Egyptian fleet.
I, humble Sidi Ali bin Husein, also known as Kiatibi-Rumi
(the writer of the West, i.e., of Turkey), most gladly accepted
the post. I had always been very fond of the sea, had taken
part in the expedition against Rhodes under the Sultan
(Suleiman), and had since had a share in almost all engagements,
both by land and by sea. I had fought under Khaireddin
Pasha, Sinan Pasha, and other captains, and had
cruised about on the Western (Mediterranean) sea, so that
I knew every nook and corner of it. I had written several
books on astronomy, nautical science, and other matters bearing
upon navigation. My father and grandfather, since the
conquest of Constantinople, had had charge of the arsenal61
at Galata; they had both been eminent in their profession, and
their skill had come down to me as an heirloom.
The post now entrusted to me was much to my taste, and
I started from Aleppo for Basrah, on the first of Moharram
of the year 961 (7 Dec. 1553). I crossed the Euphrates at
Biredjik and when in Reka (i.e., Orfah), I undertook a pilgrimage
to the tomb of Abraham, having visited on the way
between Nisebin and Mossul the holy graves of the prophets
Yunis and Djerdjis and of the sheiks Mohammed Garabili,
Feth Mosuli, and Kazib-elban-Mosuli. On the way to Bagdad
I made a little detour from Tekrit to Samira, and visited
the graves of Iman Ali-el-Hadi and Iman Haman Askeri,
after which I came past the towns of Ashik62 and Maashuk,
and through Harbi, past the castle of Semke, on to Bagdad.
We crossed the Tigris near Djisr and, after visiting the graves
of the saints there, I continued my journey past the fortress
of Teir, to Bire, and crossing the Euphrates near the little
town of Masib, I reached Kerbela (Azwie), where I made a
pilgrimage to the graves of the martyrs Hasan and Husein.
Turning into the steppe near Shefata, I reached Nedjef
(Haira) on the second day, and visited the graves of Adam,
Noah, Shimun, and Ali, and from there proceeded to Kufa,
where I saw the mosque with the pulpit under which the
prophets of the house of Ali are buried, and the tombs of
Kamber and Duldul. Arrived at the fortress of Hasinia, I
visited the grave of the prophet Zilkefl, the son of Aaron,
and in Hilla I made pilgrimages to the graves of Iman Mohammed
Mehdi and Iman Akil, brother of Ali, and also visited
there the mosque of Shem. Again crossing the Euphrates
(this time by a bridge), I resumed my journey to Bagdad
and went from there by ship to Basrah. On the way we
touched Medain, saw the grave of Selmas Faris, admired
Tak Kesri and the castle of Shah Zenan, and went past Imare
Bugazi, on the road of Vasit to Zekya, past the strongholds of
Adjul and Misra to Sadi-es Sueiba and on to Basrah, where
I arrived toward the end of Safar of the said year (beginning
of February, 1554).
III
ABOUT WHAT HAPPENED IN BASRAH
On the day after my arrival I had an interview with Mustafa
Pasha, who, after seeing my credentials, made over to
me the 15 galleys which were needing a great deal of repair.
As far as could be, they were put in order, calked and provided
with guns, which, however, were not to be had in sufficient
quantity either from the stores there or from Ormuz.
A water-supply had also to be arranged for, and as it was
yet five months before the time of the monsoon,63 I had plenty
of leisure to visit the mosque of Ali and the graves of Hasan
Basri, Talha, Zobeir, Uns-bin-Malik, Abdurrahman-bin-Anf,
and several martyrs and companions of the Prophet. One
night I dreamed that I lost my sword, and as I remembered
that a similar thing had happened to Sheik Muhieddin and
had resulted in a defeat, I became greatly alarmed, and, just
as I was about to pray to the Almighty for the victory of the
Islam arms, I awoke. I kept this dream a secret, but it troubled
me for a long time, and when later on Mustafa Pasha
sent a detachment of soldiers to take the island of Huweiza
(in which expedition I took part with five of my galleys),
and the undertaking resulted in our losing about a hundred
men all through the fickleness of the Egyptian troops, I fully
believed this to be the fulfilment of my dream. But alas!
there was more to follow—for:
What is decreed must come to pass,
No matter, whether you are joyful or anxious.
When at last the time of the monsoon came, the Pasha sent
a trusty sailor with a frigate to Ormuz, to explore the neighborhood.
After cruising about for a month he returned with
the news that, except for four boats, there was no sign of any
ships of the infidels in those waters. The troops therefore
embarked and we started for Egypt.
IV
WHAT TOOK PLACE IN THE SEA OF ORMUZ
On the first of Shawal we left the harbor of Basrah, accompanied,
as far as Ormuz, by the frigate of Sherifi Pasha.
We visited on the way from Mehzari the grave of Khidr, and
proceeding along the coast of Duspul (Dizful), and Shushter
in Charik, I made pilgrimages to the graves of Imam Mohammed,
Hanifi, and other saints.
From the harbor in the province of Shiraz we visited Rishehr
(Bushir) and after reconnoitering the coasts and unable
to get any clue as to the whereabouts of the enemy by means
of the Tshekleva,64 I proceeded to Katif, situated near Lahsa65
and Hadjar on the Arabian coast. Unable to learn anything
there, I went on to Bahrein, where I interviewed the commander
of the place, Reis Murad. But neither could he give
me any information about the fleet of the infidels. There is a
curious custom at Bahrein. The sailors, provided with a
leather sack, dive down into the sea and bring the fresh water
from the bottom for Reis Murad's use. This water is particularly
pleasant and cold in the spring time, and Reis Murad
gave me some. God's power is boundless! This custom is
the origin of the proverb: "Maradj ul bahreia jaltakian,"
and hence also the name "Bahrein."
Next we came to Kis, i.e., old Ormuz, and Barhata, and
several other small islands in the Green Sea, i.e., the waters
of Ormuz, but nowhere could we get any news of the fleet. So
we dismissed the vessel, which Mustafa Pasha had sent as an
escort, with the message that Ormuz was safely passed. We
proceeded by the coasts of Djilgar and Djadi, past the towns
of Keimzar or Leime, and forty days after our departure,
i.e., on the tenth of Ramazan, in the forenoon, we suddenly
saw coming toward us the Christian fleet, consisting of four
large ships, three galleons, six Portuguese guard ships, and
twelve galleys (Kalita), 25 vessels in all. I immediately
ordered the canopy to be taken down, the anchor weighed,
the guns put in readiness, and then, trusting to the help of
the Almighty, we fastened the filandra66 to the mainmast,
the flags were unfurled, and, full of courage and calling upon
Allah, we commenced to fight. The volley from the guns and
cannon was tremendous, and with God's help we sank and
utterly destroyed one of the enemy's galleons.
Never before within the annals of history has such a battle
been fought, and words fail me to describe it.
The battle continued till sunset, and only then the Admiral
of the infidel fleet began to show some signs of fear.
He ordered the signal-gun to fire a retreat, and the fleet
turned in the direction of Ormuz.
With the help of Allah, and under the lucky star of the
Padishah, the enemies of Islam had been defeated. Night
came at last; we were becalmed for awhile, then the wind
rose, the sails were set and as the shore was near ... until
daybreak. The next day we continued our previous course.
On the day after we passed Khorfakan,67 where we took in
water, and soon after reached Oman, or rather Sohar.68 Thus
we cruised about for nearly 17 days. When on the sixth of
Ramazan, i.e., the day of Kadr-Ghedjesi, a night in the month
of Ramazan, we arrived in the vicinity of Maskat and Kalhat,69
we saw in the morning, issuing from the harbor of
Maskat, 12 large boats and 22 gurabs, 34 vessels in all, commanded
by Captain Kuya,70 the son of the Governor. They
carried a large number of troops.
The boats and galleons obscured the horizon with their
mizzen sails (Magistra)71 and Peneta (small sails) all set;
the guard-ships spread their round sails (Chember-yelken),
and, gay with hunting, they advanced toward us. Full of confidence
in God's protection we awaited them. Their boats
attacked our galleys; the battle raged, cannon and guns,
arrows and swords made terrible slaughter on both sides.
The Badjoalushka penetrated the boats and the Shaikas72
and tore large holes in their hulls, while our galleys were
riddled through by the javelins (Darda)73 thrown down upon
us from the enemy's turrets, which gave them the appearance
of bristling porcupines; and they showered down upon us....
The stones which they threw at us created quite a whirlpool
as they fell into the sea.
One of our galleys was set on fire by a bomb, but strange
to say the boat from which it issued shared the like fate. God
is merciful! Five of our galleys and as many of the enemy's
boats were sunk and utterly wrecked, one of theirs went to
the bottom with all sails set. In a word, there was great loss
on both sides; our rowers were now insufficient in number to
manage the oars, while running against the current, and to fire
the cannon. We were compelled to drop anchor (at the
stern) and to continue to fight as best we might. The boats
had also to be abandoned.
Alemshah Reis, Kara Mustafa, and Kalfat Memi, captains
of some of the foundered ships, and Derzi Mustafa Bey, the
Serdar of the volunteers, with the remainder of the Egyptian
soldiers and 200 carpenters, had landed on the Arabian
shore, and as the rowers were Arabs they had been hospitably
treated by the Arabs of Nedjd.
The ships (gurabs) of the infidel fleet had likewise taken
on board the crews of their sunken vessels, and as there were
Arabs amongst them, they also had found shelter on the Arabian
coast. God is our witness. Even in the war between
Khaiveddin Pasha and Andreas Doria no such naval action as
this has ever taken place.
When night came, and we were approaching the bay of
Ormuz, the wind began to rise. The boats had already cast
two Lenguvurta, i.e., large anchors,74 the Lushtas were
tightly secured, and, towing the conquered gurabs along, we
neared the shore while the galleys, dragging their anchors,
followed. However, we were not allowed to touch the shore,
and had to set sail again. During that night we drifted away
from the Arabian coast into the open sea, and finally reached
the coasts of Djash,75 in the province of Kerman. This is a
long coast, but we could find no harbor, and we roamed about
for two days before we came to Kichi Mekran.76
As the evening was far advanced we could not land immediately,
but had to spend another night at sea. In the morning
a dry wind carried off many of the crew, and at last, after
unheard-of troubles and difficulties, we approached the harbor
of Sheba.77
Here we came upon a Notak, i.e., a brigantine (pirate-ship),
laden with spoils, and when the watchman sighted us
they hailed us. We told them that we were Mussulmans,
whereupon their captain came on board our vessel; he kindly
supplied us with water, for we had not a drop left, and thus
our exhausted soldiers were invigorated. This was on Bairam
day, and for us, as we had now got water, a double feast-day.
Escorted by the said captain we entered the harbor of Guador.78
The people there were Beluchistanis and their chief
was Malik Djelaleddin, the son of Malik Dinar. The Governor
of Guador came on board our ship and assured us of his
unalterable devotion to our glorious Padishah. He promised
that henceforth, if at any time our fleet should come to Ormuz,
he would undertake to send 50 or 60 boats to supply
us with provisions, and in every possible way to be of service
to us. We wrote a letter to the native Prince Djelaleddin to
ask for a pilot, upon which a first-class pilot was sent us, with
the assurance that he was thoroughly trustworthy and entirely
devoted to the interests of our Padishah.
V
WHAT WE SUFFERED IN THE INDIAN OCEAN
God is merciful! With a favorable wind we left the port
of Guador and again steered for Yemen. We had been at sea
for several days, and had arrived nearly opposite to Zofar79
and Shar, when suddenly from the west arose a great storm
known as fil Tofani.80 We were driven back, but were unable
to set the sails, not even the trinquetla (stormsail). The
tempest raged with increasing fury. As compared to these
awful tempests the foul weather in the western seas is mere
child's play, and their towering billows are as drops of water
compared to those of the Indian sea. Night and day were
both alike, and because of the frailty of our craft all ballast
had to be thrown overboard. In this frightful predicament
our only consolation was our unwavering trust in the power
of the Almighty. For ten days the storm raged continuously
and the rain came down in torrents. We never once saw the
blue sky.
I did all I could to encourage and cheer my companions,
and advised them above all things to be brave, and never to
doubt but that all would end well. A welcome diversion occurred
in the appearance of a fish about the size of two galley
lengths, or more perhaps, which the pilot declared to be a
good omen.
The tide being very strong here and the ebb slow, we had
an opportunity of seeing many sea-monsters in the neighborhood
of the bay of Djugd, sea-horses, large sea-serpents, turtles
in great quantities, and eels.
The color of the water suddenly changed to pure white,
and at sight of it the pilot broke forth into loud lamentations;
he declared we were approaching whirlpools and eddies.
These are no myth here; it is generally believed that they
are only found on the coasts of Abyssinia and in the neighborhood
of Sind in the bay of Djugd, and hardly ever a ship
has been known to escape their fury. So, at least, we are told
in nautical books. We took frequent soundings, and when
we struck a depth of five Kuladj (arm-lengths) the mizzensails
(Orta Yelken) were set, the bowspreat81 ... and ... heeling
over to the left side, and flying the commander's flag,
we drifted about all night and all day until at last, in God's
mercy, the water rose, the storm somewhat abated, and the
ship veered right round.
The next morning we slackened speed and drew in the
sails. A stalwart cabin boy (or sailor) was tied to the
Djondu, whereby the post at the foot of the mizzenmast was
weighted down, and the sailrope slightly raised. Taking a
survey of our surroundings we caught sight of an idol-temple
on the coast of Djamber. The sails were drawn in a little
more; we passed Formyan and Menglir,82 and directing our
course toward Somenat,83 we passed by that place also.
Finally we came to Div,84 but for fear of the unbelievers which
dwell there we further drew in our sails and continued on our
course with serderma.
Meanwhile, the wind had risen again, and as the men had
no control over the rudder, large handles had to be affixed
with long double ropes fastened to them. Each rope was
taken hold of by four men, and so with great exertion they
managed to control the rudder.
No one could keep on his feet on deck, so of course it was
impossible to walk across. The noise of the ... and the
... was deafening; we could not hear our own voices. The
only means of communication with the sailors was by inarticulate
words, and neither captain nor boatswain could for a
single instant leave his post. The ammunition was secured
in the storeroom, and after cutting the ... from the ...
we continued our way.
It was truly a terrible day, but at last we reached Gujarat
in India, which part of it, however, we knew not, when the
pilot suddenly exclaimed: "On your guard! a whirlpool in
front!" Quickly the anchors were lowered, but the ship was
dragged down with great force and nearly submerged. The
rowers had left their seats, the panic-stricken crew threw off
their clothes, and, clinging some to casks and some to jacks,
had taken leave of one another. I also stripped entirely,
gave my slaves their liberty, and vowed to give 100 florins to
the poor of Mecca.
Presently one of the anchors broke from its crook and another
at the podjuz; two more were lost, the ship gave a terrible
jerk—and in another instant we were clear of the breakers.
The pilot declared that had we been wrecked off Fisht-Kidsur,
a place between Diu and Daman;85 nothing could
have saved us. Once more the sails were set, and we decided
to make for the infidel coast; but after duly taking note of
tide and current, and having made a careful study of the
chart, I came to the conclusion that we could not be very far
off the mainland. I consulted the horoscope in the Koran,
and this also counseled patience. So we commenced to examine
the hold of the ship and found that the storeroom was
submerged, in some places up to the walls, in some places
higher still. We had shipped much water, and all hands
set to work at once to bale it out. In one or two places the
bottom had to be ripped up to find the outlet so as to reduce
the water.
Toward afternoon the weather had cleared a little, and
we found ourselves about two miles off the port of Daman, in
Gujarat in India. The other ships had already arrived, but
some of the galleys were waterlogged not far from the shore,
and they had thrown overboard oars, boats, and casks, all of
which wreckage eventually was borne ashore by the rapidly
rising tide. We were obliged to lie to for another five days
and five nights, exposed to a strong spring-tide, accompanied
by floods of rain; for we were now in the Badzad,86 or rainy
season of India, and there was nothing for it but to submit
to our fate. During all this time we never once saw the sun
by day, nor the stars by night; we could neither use our clock
nor our compass, and all on board anticipated the worst. It
seems a miracle that of the three ships lying there, thrown on
their sides, the whole crew eventually got safely to land.
VI
WHAT HAPPENED IN THE PROVINCE OF GUJARAT
After five days, in God's mercy, the wind somewhat abated.
All that was saved of the wreckage, cannon and other armament
we left with the Governor of Daman, Malik Esed, who,
since the time of Sultan Ahmed, the ruler of Gujarat, had
held office there. In the harbor were some Djonk's87 i.e.,
monsoon ships belonging to Samiri, the ruler of Calcutta.
The captains came on board our ship and assured us of the
devotion of their chief to the Padishah. They brought us a
letter which said that Samiri was waging war day and night
against the Portuguese infidels, and that he was expecting the
arrival of an Imperial fleet from Egypt under the guidance
of the pilot Ali, which was to put the Portuguese to flight.
Malik Esed, the Governor, gave me to understand that the
fleet of the infidels was on its way, that it behooved us to
avoid it and, if possible, to reach the fortress of Surat. This
news frightened the crew. Some of them immediately took
service under Melik Esed, and some went ashore in the boats
and proceeded by land to Surat.
I remained on board with a few faithful of the men, and
after procuring a Dindjuy,88 or pilot-boat, for each vessel, we
set out for the harbor of Surat. After great difficulties we
reached the open. Presently the Kutwal,89 Aga Hamsa,
hailed us with a letter from Umad-el-mulk, the Grand Vizier
of Sultan Ahmed, who informed us that there were large
numbers of infidels about, and that Daman being a free port
we had better be careful. He would allow us to come to
Surat if we liked, as we were now in most perilous waters.
This was exactly what we wanted to do, so we struggled on
for five days longer, sailing at the flow, riding at anchor at
the ebb of the tide, until at last we reached the harbor of
Surat, fully three months after our departure from Basrah.
Great was the joy of the Mohammedans at Surat when
they saw us come; they hailed us as their deliverers (Khidr),
and said: "You have come to Gujarat in troublous times;
never since the days of Noah has there been a flood like unto
this last, but neither is it within the memory of man that
a ship from Rum (Turkey) has landed on these coasts. We
fervently hoped that God in his mercy would soon send an
Ottoman fleet to Gujarat, to save this land for the Ottoman
Empire and to deliver us from the Indian unbelievers."
The cause of the disturbances was this: After the death
of Sultan Bahadur, the ruler of Gujarat, one of his relatives,
a youth of twelve years old, had succeeded to the throne. The
army had acknowledged him, but one of the nobles, Nasir-ul-Mulk,
had refused to take the oath of allegiance, and had
raised the banner of sovereignty on his own behalf.90 He had
many adherents, took the stronghold of Burudj,91 left a sufficient
garrison to keep it, proceeded himself to another town,
and then called in the aid of the Governor of the infidels
(Portuguese) at Goa, promising that in return for his services
the harbors on the coast of Gujarat, viz., Daman, Surat,
Burudj, Ketbaye, Sumenat, Minglur, and Furmeyan, should
be thrown open to the Portuguese, while he would retire to
the land of the interior.
Sultan Ahmed had immediately collected an army to go to
Burudj, and when informed of our arrival he took from our
troops 200 gunners and other men, and advanced toward
Burudj.
On the third day we who were left behind were attacked
by the infidel captains of Goa, Diu, Shiyul, Besai,
and the Provador;92 five in all, commanding 7 large galleons
and 80 gurabs. We went ashore, pitched our tents, and threw
up entrenchments; for two whole months we were busy preparing
for battle. But the tyrant Nasir-ul-Mulk, who had
joined with the infidels, had hired murderers to kill me; they
were, however, discovered by the guard and fled. Again another
time he tried to poison my food, but, being warned by
the Kutwal of Surat, this attempt to take my life also failed.
Meanwhile Sultan Ahmed had taken the stronghold of Burudj
and sent two of his officers, Khudavend and Djihanghir,
with elephants and troops to Surat, while he proceeded to
Ahmedabad, where a youth, called Ahmed, a relation of Sultan
Ahmed, had in the meantime raised a revolt. A battle
followed, in which the usurper was wounded, Hasan Khan,
one of his adherents, killed, and his army put to flight. Sultan
Ahmed reascended his throne, and, as Nasir-ul-Mulk died
of vexation over his misfortunes, peace was once more restored
in Gujarat.
When the infidels heard of this they sent an envoy to Khudavend
Khan to say that they did not mind so much about
Surat, but that their hostility was chiefly directed toward the
Admiral of Egypt, viz., my humble person. They demanded
that I should be given up to them, but were refused; and
my soldiers would have killed the envoy, but I reminded them
that we were on foreign soil and must commit no rash
deeds.
It so happened that a runaway infidel gunner from one of
my ships had enlisted on the ship of the envoy, and, knowing
a good deal about our affairs, he had undertaken to prevent
our departure after the holiday of Kurban. No sooner had
this come to the knowledge of my men, than they attacked
the envoy's ship and captured the infidel, who was executed
on the spot, greatly to the alarm of the envoy.
There is in Gujarat a tree of the palm tribe, called tari
agadji (millet-tree). From its branches cups are suspended,
and when the cut end of a branch is placed into one of these
vessels a sweet liquid, something of the nature of arrack,
flows out in a continuous stream; and this fluid, by exposure
to the heat of the sun, presently changes into a most wonderful
wine. Therefore at the foot of all such trees drinking-booths
have been placed, which are a great attraction to the
soldiers.
Some of my men, having indulged in the forbidden
drink, determined to kill their Serdar. One of these profligates,
Yagmur by name, one evening after sunset surprised
Hussain Aga, the Serdar of the Circassians. A few comrades
rushed to his assistance, there was some fighting and
two young men were wounded, and one, Hadji Memi, was
killed. Then the soldiers pressed round, and implored me to
punish the evil-doers, but I again reminded them that we
were on foreign soil, in the land of a foreign Padishah, and
that our laws had no force here. "What," they cried, "the
laws of our Padishah hold good everywhere. You are our
Admiral, judge according to our law, and we will be the executioners!"
Thereupon I pronounced judgment according
to the law of the Koran, which says: "Eye for eye, life for
life, nose for nose, ear for ear," etc.
The man was executed, and peace restored. When the
nobles of the Begs heard of the occurrence they took the lesson
to heart, and the envoy immediately hired a conveyance and
went to Sultan Ahmed.
But my troops were getting dissatisfied. In Surat, Khudavend
Khan had been paying them from 50 to 60 paras per
day, and in Burudj, Adil Khan had done the same. At last
their pent-up feelings burst forth and they argued as follows:
"It is now nearly two years since we have received any pay,
our goods are lost, and the ships dismantled; the hulks are old,
and our return to Egypt is practically made impossible."
The end was that the greater part of them took service in
Gujarat.
The deserted ships, with all their tools and implements,
were given over to Khudavend Khan, under condition that he
should immediately remit to the Sublime Porte the price
agreed upon for the sale.
After receiving a confirmatory note to this effect, both
from Khudavend Khan and Adil Khan, I started on my journey
to Ahmedabad93 in the beginning of Muharram of the
year 962 (end of November 1552), accompanied by Mustafa
Aga, the Ketkhuda (chief officer) of the Egyptian Janissaries,
and Ali Aga, the captain of the gunners (both of which had
remained faithful to their Padishah), and with about 50
men.
A few days took us from Burudj to Belodra,94 and from
there we proceeded to Champanir.95
On our way we saw some very curious trees, whose crowns
reached up to the sky, and the branches swarmed with bats
of such extraordinary size that their wings on the stretch measured
40 inches across. The most curious part about the
trees, however, was that the roots hung down from the
branches and, when touching the ground, planted themselves
and produced new trees. Thus from one tree, from ten to
twenty new ones sprung up. The name of this tree is the
Tobi tree,96 and more than a thousand people can find shelter
under its shade. Besides these we saw several Zokum trees.97
Parrots were very plentiful, and as for the monkeys, thousands
of them made their appearance in our camp every evening.
They carried their young in their arms, made the most
ridiculous grimaces, and strongly brought to our minds the
stories of Djihan Shah, according to whom these animals live
in a community but acknowledge no head among them. At
nightfall they always retired to their own place.
After a great many vicissitudes we at last arrived in Mahmudabad,98
and after a journey of 50 days in Ahmedabad
the capital of Gujarat. There I visited the Sultan, his
Grand Vizier Imad-ul-Mulk, and other dignitaries. The
Sultan, to whom I presented my credentials, was pleased to
receive me most graciously and he assured me of his devotion
to our glorious Padishah. He gave me a horse, a team of
camels,99 and money for the journey.
At Cherkes, in the vicinity of Ahmedabad, is the grave of
Sheik Ahmed Magrebi, which I visited. One day, being at
the house of Imad-ul-Mulk, I met the infidel envoy, and our
host addressed him in this way, "We have need of the Sultan
of Turkey. Our ships touch the ports of his Empire, and
if we were not free to do so, it would be bad for us. Moreover,
he is the Padishah of the Islamitic world, and it is not
seemly that we should be expected to deliver up his Admiral
to you." I became very angry at this speech and cried:
"Hold, thou cursed tongue! Thou foundest me with a shattered
fleet, but I swear by God Almighty thou shalt see ere
long not only Ormuz, but Goa itself, yield before the victorious
arms of the great Padishah!"100 To which the unbeliever
made the following answer: "Henceforth not so much
as a bird will be able to leave the ports of India." I replied:
"One need not necessarily go by water, there is a land route
also." He was silent after that, and the subject was
dropped.
A few days after this Sultan Ahmed offered me the command
of the Province of Burudj, with a very large income,
but I refused, saying that I would not stay if he gave me the
whole of the land. One night in my dream I saw the Khalifa
Murteza Ali. I had a piece of paper before me with Ali's
seal upon it. With this seal, the seal of God to help me, away
with all fear, for in its strength all foreign waters were mine
to command.
Next morning I told my dream to my companions and all
were glad with me. I asked for permission to depart, and
the ruler granted my request out of respect for our Padishah.
Amongst the learned101 of this land of Banians102 there is
a tribe which they call the "Bats," whose business it is to
escort merchants or travelers from one land into another,
and for a very small remuneration they guarantee their perfect
safety. Should the Rajputs,103 i.e., the mounted troops
of the land, attack the caravan, the Bats point their daggers
at their own breast, and threaten to kill themselves if they
should presume to do the slightest harm to the travelers
entrusted to their care. And out of respect for the Bats, the
Rajputs generally desist from their evil purpose, and the
travelers proceed on their way unmolested. Occasionally,
however, the Bats carry out their threat, otherwise it would
have no force. But if such a thing does happen, if a caravan
is attacked and the suicide of the Bats becomes necessary, this
is considered a terrible calamity, and the superstition of the
people demands that the offenders be put to death, and not
only the offenders themselves but the chief of the Rajputs
deems it necessary to kill their sons and daughters also; in
fact, to exterminate the whole of their race. The Mohammedans
of Ahmedabad had given us two such Bats as an escort,
and so, about the middle of Safar of the said year, we
started on our overland journey to Turkey.
In five days we reached Patna,104 traveling in carriages,
and visited the grave of Sheik Nizam the Pir (spiritual
chief) of Patna. Here Shir Khan and his brother Musa
Khan had collected an army, to fight Behluj Khan, the ruler
of Radanpoor.105 For fear of our siding with their enemies,
the people tried to retain us, and would not allow us to proceed
on our journey until the battle should be over. We
showed them, however, that we had not come to render either
party any assistance, but that we only wanted to continue
our journey in peace, and had a pass from their ruler to that
effect. Then at last they let us go, and after five days we
came to Radanpoor, where I was presented to Mahmud Khan,
but he treated me very rudely, and insisted on forcibly detaining
three of my companions before he would consent to
our departure.
On the way we met some friendly Rajputs; their Beg
was of great service to us, and gave me a letter of protection
(free pass). The camels were hired, and after dismissing
the Bats which the people of Ahmedabad had sent with us, we
continued our journey.
VII
WHAT BEFELL US IN THE PROVINCE OF SIND
Leaving on the first of Rebiul-Evvel we came, after a ten
days' journey, to Parker,106 a town of the Rajputs. Here we
were surprised by the infidels, but thanks to the letter of protection
and a few presents, we were let free; quite anticipating
further dangers, however, we were on our guard when next
day a band of hostile Rajputs commenced a free fight with us.
Immediately I ordered all the camels to be let down on their
knees so as to form a ring round us, and then the firing began
on all sides. The infidels, not prepared for this, sent
us word that "they had not come to fight, but to exact the
passage money," to which I made reply: "We are not merchants
and carry nothing but medicines and Mohurs107 on
which we have already paid duty; but if there be anything
further to pay we are quite prepared to do so." This had
the desired effect; they let us pass, and for about ten days we
wandered through deserts and sandy places, until we reached
Wanga,108 the frontier town of Sind. Here we hired fresh
camels, and in five days we came to Djoona109 and Baghi-Feth.
The throne of Sind was then occupied by Shah Husein
Mirza. He had reigned for 40 years, but during the last
5 years he had become invalided and unable to mount his
horse, so now he only went about on board his ship in the
river Sihun.110
At that time Isa Terkhan, the commander of the capital of
Sind, called Tata,111 had put to death a number of able officers
belonging to Shah Husein, after which he had captured the
treasure, stored in the fortress of Nasrabad, and divided it
amongst his men, and then proclaimed himself as Humayun
Shah. (It says literally that he had this title inserted in the
Friday-prayers and ordered the Nakara112 to be played.)
Thereupon Shah Husein had nominated his adopted brother
Sultan Mahmud as commander of the land troops, and he
himself with 400 ships had set out against the rebels. Hearing
of my arrival he received me with great honor. It was
then the beginning of the month of Rabia-al-Sani. He gave
me festive apparel113 and conferred upon us the title of a
God-sent army;114 he offered me, besides all this, the governorship
of Bender-Lahuri or Duyuli-Sindi. Of course I refused
this offer, but when I requested permission to continue my
journey I was given to understand that I should not be allowed
to do so until after the successful termination of the
campaign. He also wrote a letter to our glorious Padishah,
explaining matters; in a word he did not rest until he had
quite cleared us from being mixed up in this war with Isa
Khan. The Mohammedans pleaded in vain that our arms
could bring no evil upon them,115 for, said they, "Are we not
all of one nation, and are not many of our sons and brethren
in the rebel army?" And this was perfectly true. I had an
interview with Sheik Abdul Vahab and received his blessing;
I also visited the graves of the Sheiks Djemali and Miri.
The campaign lasted a month, earthworks were thrown up
and cannon raised thereon, but as Tata lies on an island and
their shot did not reach so far, the fortress could not be taken.
Nevertheless there was great loss of life on both sides. At
last a compromise was decided upon. Mir Isa relinquished
his adherence to Humayun Padishah, returned to his allegiance
to Husein Mirza, and sent his son Mir Salih with presents
of submission. On the other hand, Husein Mirza gave
the remainder of the treasure, which Mir Isa had divided
amongst his troops, to Mir Salih. Isa was reinstated in his
former rank, and Mirza sent him a formal acceptance of his
allegiance by the hand of the Vizier Molla Yari. He also
sent him a Nakara by Tugbeghi, the chief standard-bearer,
and released from prison the ten rebels from the tribes of
Argun and Tarkhan,116 which had sided with Mir Isa, from
his side, had sent back the wife of Husein Shah, called Hadji
Begum, and in the first days of Djemadi-ul-evvel, Sultan Mahmud
returned by land, and Shah Husein by water, to the
city of Bakar. On the tenth day after his wife had rejoined
him, Shah Husein died, and it was supposed that she had poisoned
him.
Directly after his father's death, Sultan Mahmud divided
the property in three parts. One part was for the wife of the
deceased, and another part he sent to Mir Isa by a Khodja.
The body was taken to Tata; he lent me one of his own ships,
and providing himself with horses, camels, and other necessaries,
returned by land to Bakar. While the body of Mirza,
with his wife and an escort of 50 ships, was on its way to
Tata, the soldiers attacked the remaining vessels and plundered
them. The sailors took flight, and we, the passengers,
were compelled to take command of the ships. Beset on all
sides by the Djagatais (Central Asians), we relinquished our
firearms, and barely escaped with our lives. At last, after
struggling for ten days against the stream, we made our way
to Nasirpur.117 This town had been plundered by the Rajah,
i.e., the Bey of the Rajputs.
We were greeted with the news that Mir Isa, with 10,000
valiant soldiers, was pursuing Sultan Mahmud, and that his
son, Mir Salih, with 80 ships, was close behind us. This was
very perplexing but I decided at once to turn back. We
prayed long together, and then started on our return to Tata.
Three days later we passed Mir Salih in the river. I went
on board his ship with a few small presents, and he asked
me where we were going. I said, "We are going to your
father," whereupon he told me to go back with him. I said,
"We have no sailors on board," so he gave me fifteen of his
crew; and thus compelled to turn back, we had another weary
ten days to get through. One day I chanced upon Mir Isa in
a small town of Sind. Here I also found the former partizans
of the late Mirza, who were tired of fighting and desired
peace. Isa received me with great honor, forgave me the
past, and allowed me to remain a few days, saying that he
intended shortly to send his son Mir Salih to Humayun Padishah,
and that I might as well travel under his escort, for,
he added, "Sultan Mahmud will never allow thee to pass
Bakar; he is a son of Ferrukh Mirza and wants to become
Padishah." This proposal, however, did not suit me, and
I insisted upon continuing my journey forthwith, suggesting
that he should give us back the ships lately taken from us, and
also to send a messenger in advance, for with God's help he,
Sultan Mahmud, would probably have to submit to the Padishah
(Humayun), and thus peace be restored. Isa agreed
to this, and gave me seven ships with their complement of
sailors. He wrote to the Padishah to assure him of his unalterable
loyalty, and so we went on our way. We were
struck with the enormous size of the fish (alligators) sporting
in the river, as also with the numbers of tigers on the banks.
It was necessary to keep up a perpetual warfare with the
people of Semtche and Matchi, through whose territory our
course lay, and thus we reached Siyawan,118 and shortly after
we came to Bukkur by the way of Patri119 and Dible. Here
I fell in with Sultan Mahmud and his Vizier Molla Yari. I
offered a small gift to the former, who thereupon expressed
his willingness to submit himself to Humayun, and also to
make peace with Mir Isa.
I composed a chronogram on the death of Husein Mirza
and presented Sultan Mahmud with two gazels,120 after
which I requested permission to continue my journey. This
was granted, but as the route past Kandahar was made unsafe
by the inroads121 of Sultan Bahadur, a son of Sultan Haidar,
the Ozbeg, and as the season of the Semum (hot winds) had
now commenced, the Sultan offered to give me an escort by
the way of Lahore, warning me to be on my guard against the
Djats, a hostile tribe which had its abode there. But whichever
route I chose I should have to wait a while yet, and as
a matter of fact I waited for a whole month. One night in
my dream I saw my mother, who told me that she had seen
her highness Fatima in a dream, and had learned from her the
glad news, that I should soon be coming home, safe and sound.
When next morning I told this dream to my companions
they were full of good courage. Sultan Mahmud, when he
heard of it, at once consented to my departure. He gave me
a beautiful horse, a team of camels, a large and a small tent,122
and money for the journey. He also provided me with a
letter of recommendation to Humayun, and an escort of 250
mounted camel-drivers, from Sind. Thus we departed about
the middle of Shaaban, and reached the fortress of May in five
days, traveling by the way of Sultanpoor.123 As the Djats
were very troublesome, we did not take the route of Djenghelistan
(the forest), but preferred to go through the steppe.
On the second day we came to the spring, but found no water,
and many of my companions nearly succumbed with heat and
thirst. I gave them some Teriak (opium), of the very best
quality, and on the second day they were recovered. After
this experience we deemed it advisable to leave the desert and
to return to Mav, for the proverb says truly, "A stranger is
an ignorant man." In the steppe we saw ants as large as
sparrows.
Our escort from Sind was afraid of the wood, and I had to
inspire my own people with fresh courage. I placed 10
gunners in front, 10 in the center, and 10 in the rear of our
caravan, and thus, trusting in God's protection, we commenced
the journey. The people from Sind also took courage after
this, and went with us.
Thus, after manifold dangers, we came after ten days to
Utchi,124 or Autchi, where I visited Sheik Ibrahim and received
his blessing. I also made a pilgrimage to the graves
of the Sheiks Djemali and Djelali. In the beginning of
Ramazan we resumed our journey and came to the river
Kara, or Kere,125 which we crossed by means of a raft. The
people of Sind gave us permission to proceed as far as the
Machvara,126 and this river was crossed by boats. On the
other side we found 500 Djats awaiting us, but our firearms
frightened them and they did not attack. We advanced unmolested,
and reached the town of Multan on the fifteenth of
Ramazan.
VIII
MY EXPERIENCES IN HINDUSTAN
In Multan I only visited the graves of the Sheiks Baha Bahaeddin,
Zekeria, Rukneddin, and Sadreddin. I received a
blessing from Sheik Mohammed Radjva, and, after receiving
permission to continue my journey from Sultan Mirmiram
Mirza Hasan, we proceeded toward Lahore. In Sadkere I
visited Sheik Hamid, received his blessing, and in the first
days of the Month Shawwal we came to Lahore. The political
state of the country was as follows: After the death
of Selim Shah a son of Shir Khan, the former Sovereign of
Hindustan, Iskender Khan, had come to the throne. When
the Padishah Humayun heard this he immediately left Kabul
and marched his army to India, took Lahore, and fought Iskender
Khan near Sahrand. He won the battle and took
400 elephants, besides several cannon and 400 chariots.
Iskender Khan escaped to the fortress of Mankut, and Humayun
sent Shah Abul-Maali with a detachment of soldiers
after him. Humayun himself proceeded to his residence at
Delhi and dispatched his officers to different places. The
Ozbeg, Iskender Khan, he sent to Agra, and others to Firuzshah
Senbel,127 Bayana, and Karwitch. War raged on all
sides, and when I arrived at Lahore the Governor, Mirza
Shah, would not let me continue my journey until I had seen
the Padishah (Humayun). After sending the latter word of
my arrival, he received orders to send me forthwith to Delhi.
Meanwhile a whole month had been wasted, but finally we
were sent off with an escort. The river Sultanpoor was
crossed in boats and after a journey of 20 days we arrived,
toward the end of Dulkaada, by the route of Firuzshah128 in
the capital of India, called Delhi. As soon as Humayun
heard of our arrival he sent the Khanikhanan129 and other superior
officers with 400 elephants and some thousand men to
meet us, and, out of respect and regard for our glorious Padishah,
we were accorded a brilliant reception. That same
day the Khanikhanan prepared a great banquet in our honor;
and as it is the custom in India to give audience in the evening,
I was that night introduced with much pomp and ceremony
into the Imperial hall. After my presentation I offered
the Emperor a small gift, and a chronogram upon the
conquest of India, also two gazels, all of which pleased the
Padishah greatly. Forthwith I begged for permission to
continue my journey, but this was not granted. Instead of
that I was offered a Kulur130 and the governorship over the
district of Kharcha. I refused, and again begged to be allowed
to go, but for only answer I was told that I must at
least remain for one year, to which I replied: "By special
command of my glorious Padishah I went by sea to fight the
miserable unbelievers. Caught in a terrible hurricane, I
was wrecked off the coast of India; but it is now my plain
duty to return to render an account to my Padishah, and it is
to be hoped that Gujarat will soon be delivered out of the
hands of the Unbelievers." Upon this Humayun suggested
the sending of an envoy to Constantinople, to save my going,
but this I could not agree to, for it would give the impression
that I had purposely arranged it so. I persisted in my entreaties,
and he finally consented, adding, however: "We
are now close upon the three months of continuous Birshegal,131
(i.e., the rainy season). The roads are flooded132 and impassable,
remain therefore till the weather improves. Meanwhile
calculate solar and lunar eclipses, their degree of latitude,
and their exact date in the calendar. Assist our astrologers
in studying the course of the sun, and instruct us concerning
the points of the equator. When all this is done, and the
weather should improve before the three months are over,
then thou shalt go hence."
All this was said solemnly and decisively. I had no alternative,
but must submit to my fate. I took no rest, however,
but labored on night and day. At last I had accomplished
the astronomical observations, and about the same time
Agra fell into the hands of the Padishah. I immediately
wrote a chronogram for the occasion, which found much favor.
One day, during an audience, the conversation turned upon
Sultan Mahmud of Bukkur, and I suggested that some official
contract (Ahdnameh, i.e., "agreement") should be
made with him, to which Humayun agreed. The document
was drawn up, and the Emperor dipping his fist in saffron
pressed it upon the paper, this being the Tughra,133 or Imperial
signature. Thereupon the document was sent to Sultan
Mahmud.
The Sultan was much pleased, and both he and his Vizier
Molla Yari expressed their thanks for my intervention in a
private letter, which I showed to his Majesty, who had entrusted
me with the transaction.
This incident furnished the material for a gazel, with
which the Sovereign was so delighted that he called me a second
Mir Ali Shir.134 I modestly declined the epithet, saying
that it would be presumption on my part to accept such praise,
that, on the contrary, I should consider myself fully rewarded
to be allowed to gather up the gleanings after him. Whereupon
the Sovereign remarked: "If for one more year thou
perfectest thyself in this kind of poetry thou wilt altogether
supplant Mir Ali Shir in the affections of the people of the
Djagatais." In a word, Humayun loaded me with marks of
his favor. One day I was talking to Khoshhal, the Imperial
archer, and the Sovereign's special confidant; a superb youth.
He used to take part in the poetical discussions, and provided
me with material for two gazels, which soon became popular
all over India and were in everybody's mouth. The same
good fortune attended my acquaintance with the Afetabedji,135
Abdurrahman Bey, a courtier who also rejoiced in the
confidence and affection of the monarch, and was his constant
companion in private life. He also entered the poetical contest,
and I composed two gazels upon him.
In a word, poetical discussions were the order of the day,
and I was constantly in the presence of the Emperor. One
day he asked me whether Turkey was larger than India, and I
said: "If by Turkey your Majesty means Rum proper, i.e.,
the province of Siwas,136 then India is decidedly the larger,
but if by Turkey you mean all the lands subject to the ruler
of Rum, India is not by a tenth part as large." "I mean
the entire Empire," replied Humayun. "Then," I said, "it
appears to me, your Majesty, that the seven regions over
which Iskender (i.e., Alexander the Great) had dominion,
were identical with the present Empire of the Padishah of
Turkey. History records the life and the reign of Iskender,
but it is not reasonable to suppose that he actually visited and
personally ruled these seven regions, for the inhabited world
(the fourth part of the present inhabited world) is 180 degrees
longitude and from the equator about 60 degrees latitude.
Its area, according to astronomical calculations, covers
1,668,670 fersahhes. It is therefore an utter impossibility
for any man to visit and govern all these lands in person.
Perhaps he only owned a portion of each of these
regions (Iklim), in the same way as the Padishah of Turkey
does." "But has the ruler of Turkey possessions in all these
regions?" asked Humayun. "Yes, certainly," I replied,
"the first is Yemen, the second Mecca, the third Egypt, the
fourth Aleppo, the fifth Constantinople, the sixth Kaffa, and
the seventh Ofen and Vienna.137 In each of these regions the
Padishah of Turkey appoints his Beglerbeg and Kadi, who
rule and govern in his name. Moreover, I was told in Gujarat,
by the merchants Khodja Bashi and Kara Hasan (God
alone knows whether their story is true), that when the Turkish
merchants in China desired to insert the name of their
Sovereign in the Bairam prayers on Bairamday, they brought
the request before the Khakan of China, stating that their
Sovereign was Padishah of Mecca, Medina, and the Kibla
(Direction of the prayer), and therefore entitled to have his
name inserted in the Bairam prayers. The Khakan, although
an unbeliever, had insight enough to see the justice of
their request, which he granted forthwith; he even went so
far as to clothe the Khatib138 in a robe of honor and to make
him ride on an elephant through the city. Ever since that
time the name of the Padishah of Turkey has been included
in the Bairam prayers, and to whom, I ask, has such honor
ever before been vouchsafed?" The Sovereign (Humayun),
turning to his nobles, said: "Surely the only man worthy to
bear the title of Padishah is the ruler of Turkey, he alone
and no one else in all the world."
Another time we were talking about the Khan of the
Crimea, and I remarked that he also held his office under the
Padishah of Turkey. "But," said Humayun, "if that be
so, how, then, has he the right of the Khutbe?" "It is a
well-known fact," I replied, "that my Padishah alone has the
power to grant the right of Khutbe and of coinage." This
statement seemed to satisfy everybody and we prayed together
for the welfare of my Sovereign.
One day the Emperor planned a little excursion on horseback
to visit the graves of the holy Sheiks of Lahore, and
I accompanied him. We visited the graves of Shah Kutbeddin,
the Pir of Delhi, of Sheik Nizam Weli, Sheik Ferid
Shekr-Ghendj, Mir Khosru Dehlevi, and Mir Husein Dehlevi.
When the conversation turned upon the poetical works of Mir
Khosru I quoted some of his best poems, and under their influence
I conceived a most telling distich. I turned to the
Emperor, saying, "It would be presumption on my part to
measure my powers against those of Mir Khosru,139 but he has
inspired me, and I would fain recite my couplet before your
Majesty." "Let us hear it," said Humayun, and I recited
the following:
"Truly great is only he who can be content with his daily bread.
For happier is he than all the kings of the earth."
"By God," cried the monarch, "this is truly sublime!"
It is not so much my object here to make mention of my
poetic effusions, but rather to show up Humayun's appreciation
of poetry.
On another occasion I called upon Shahin Bey, the keeper
of the Imperial Seal, and asked him to use his influence to
obtain permission for me to depart. In order not to come
empty-handed I brought him two gazels, and begged him urgently
to intercede for me. Shahin Bey promised to do his
best, and one day he actually brought me the glad news that
my petition had been granted, but that I was expected to
offer my request formally in verse. The rainy season was
now at an end; I wrote to the monarch, enclosing two gazels,
which had the desired effect, for I received not only permission
to leave, but also presents and letters of safe conduct.
All was ready for the start. Humayun had given audience
on Friday evening, when, upon leaving his castle of pleasure,
the Muezzin announced the Ezan just as he was descending
the staircase. It was his wont, wherever he heard the summons,
to bow the knee in holy reverence. He did so now, but
unfortunately fell down several steps, and received great injuries
to his head and arm. Truly the proverb rightly says,
"There is no guarding against fate."
Everything was confusion in the palace, but for two days
they kept the matter secret. It was announced to the outer
world that the Sovereign was in good health, and alms were
distributed amongst the poor. On the third day, however,
that was on the Monday, he died of his wounds.140 Well may
the Koran say, "We come from God and to him do we return."
His son Djelaleddin Ekber was at the time away on a journey
to visit Shah Ebul Maali, accompanied by the Khanikhanan.141
He was immediately informed of the sad event.
Meanwhile the Khans and Sultans were in the greatest consternation;
they did not know how to act. I tried to encourage
them and told them how at the death of Sultan Selim
the situation was saved by the wisdom of Piri Pasha, who
managed to prevent the news of his death from being noised
abroad. I suggested that, by taking similar measures, they
might keep the Sovereign's death a secret until the Prince
should return. This advice was followed. The divan (council
of State) met as usual, the nobles were summoned, and a
public announcement was made that the Emperor intended to
visit his country-seat, and would go there on horseback. Soon
after, however, it was announced that on account of the unfavorable
weather the trip had to be abandoned. On the next
day a public audience was announced, but as the astrologers
did not prophesy favorably for it, this also had to be given up.
All this, however, somewhat alarmed the army, and on the
Tuesday it was thought advisable to give them a sight of their
monarch. A man called Molla Bi, who bore a striking resemblance
to the late Emperor, only somewhat slighter of
stature, was arrayed in the imperial robes and placed on a
throne specially erected for the purpose in the large entrance
hall. His face and eyes were veiled. The Chamberlain
Khoshhal Bey stood behind, and the first Secretary in front
of him, while many officers and dignitaries, as well as
the people from the riverside, on seeing their Sovereign, made
joyful obeisance to the sound of festive music. The physicians
were handsomely rewarded, and the recovery of the
monarch was universally credited.
I took leave of all the grandees, and with the news of the
Emperor's recovery I reached Lahore about the middle of the
month Rebiul Evvel. This was on a Thursday. Traveling
by the way of Sani-Pata, Pani-Pata, Kirnat, and Tani Sera,
I came to Samani,142 where I communicated the news to the
Governor that the Padishah (Humayun) was giving audiences,
and that he was in good health.143 From there I went
by the road of Sahrandi to Matchuvara144 and Bachuvara,145
and crossing the Sultanpoor by boat I returned to Lahore by
a forced march. Meanwhile Prince Djelaleddin Ekber had
ascended the throne, and in Lahore and many other places his
name was inserted in the Friday prayers. Mirza Shah, the
Governor of Lahore, however, would not permit me to leave,
for he professed to have received orders from the new Emperor
that no one was to be allowed to go to Kabul and
Kandahar. The only way therefore was to go back to the
Emperor (Ekber), and accordingly I went as far as Kelnor,
where I met Djelaleddin Ekber and the Khanikhanan just
opposite the fortress of Mankit.146
I was informed through Molla Pir Mehemmed,147 the
Khodja of Bairam Khan, that during the interregnum I
should remain where I was, and that in a short time he would
appoint me to some post either in Hind or Sind, whichever I
preferred. I hastened to produce my ferman, given to me by
the late Padishah, presenting him at the same time with a
chronogram on the death of his father. My verses pleased
the Mirza and, after examining the ferman of his father, he
gave me leave to continue my journey, stipulating, however,
that I should travel in company with the four Begs, which he
was about to send with troops to Kabul.
Ebul Maali,148 who meanwhile had been taken prisoner, was
confined in the castle of Lahore. In return for my chronogram
I received a lakh for traveling expenses, and began to
prepare for my journey with the four Begs.
Amongst the many strange and wonderful things I saw in
India I must make mention of a few. The unbelievers are
called in Gujarat "Banian," and in India "Hindu." They
do not belong to the Ehli-Kitab,149 and believe in fate (kademi-alem).
When a man dies his body is burned by the riverside.
If the deceased leaves a wife past child-bearing she is
not burned; if, however, she is not past that age she is unconditionally
burned. If a wife of her own free will offers
herself to be burned, the relations celebrate the occasion with
great rejoicings. Should the Mohammedans interfere and
forcibly prevent the self-sacrifice, fate decrees that their king
must die, and no other be raised. For this reason, officers
of the Padishah are always present on such occasions, to prevent
any act of violence.150
Another curious custom is the use of tame gazelles in
hunting. A noose is lightly thrown over their antlers, and
then they are driven to mix with the wild gazelles. Like
seeks like, and the latter soon make up to their tame companions,
bringing their heads in close proximity to those of
the others. The noose which is round the antlers of the tame
animal falls over the head of the other and pulls it down.
The more it struggles the more it gets entangled, and can not
possibly escape. This method is in use all over India.
Buffaloes are very plentiful in the steppes. They are
hunted with elephants. Turrets are placed on the elephant's
back, in which several men are hidden. Thus they traverse
the plain, and as soon as the elephant comes up with the
buffalo he attacks him with his teeth and holds him till the
hunters get off his back and capture him. Wild oxen (Gaukutas)151
are hunted in a similar manner, but they are much
stronger than other animals of their kind, and their tongue is
supposed to have such force that they can kill a man with it.
The Emperor Humayun once told me a story to the effect
that one of these wild oxen, having overtaken a man, flayed
him with his tongue from head to foot. The Emperor
vouched for the truth of this story with an oath. The best
kutas are found in the land of Bahr-itch, perhaps that accounts
for their being called Bahri-Kutas (which means sea-kutas),
although they belong unquestionably to the terrestrial
animals. I might go on enumerating many more interesting
and curious things to be seen in India, but it would keep me
too long.
About the middle of Rebiul Evvel we left for Kabul. We
crossed the River Lahore in ships, and came presently to another
large stream, which had to be crossed. Finding no
ships at hand, we built a raft of barrels and chairs and so
managed to reach the other side. Next we came to Bahara,
where another river had to be crossed, this time in ships.
When I told the Governor (Khodja) of this place what Ekber
had commanded, he exclaimed, "God be merciful! As the
Padishah was dead we have not collected the taxes, the people
still owe them. I will send round, collect the moneys and
hand them over to you."152 Mir Babu's and the other Begs
who were of the company consulted together and decided
that as Shah Abul Maali had escaped from his prison in
Lahore, and might possibly have taken refuge with his brother
Kihmerd Bey in Kabul, it would not be safe for them to delay,
but they suggested that I should wait till the tribute-money
was collected, and follow them as soon as I could.
But I argued that the roads were unsafe and dangerous and
that it would be much better to keep all together. I acted
on the principle that "The contented mind shall be satisfied
and the covetous man shall be humbled." So I relinquished
my claim upon the tribute-money and continued my journey
with the others. After crossing the rivers Khoshab153 and
Nilab154 in ships, I set foot upon the shore of Bakhtar.155
XI
OUR EXPERIENCE IN BAKHTAR-ZEMIN (KABULISTAN)
In the beginning of the month Djemaziul-Evvel we left the
river Nilab and turned toward Kabul. For fear of the
Afghans under Adam Khan, we made a quick march through
the night, and at daybreak we arrived at the foot of the mountain.
So far the Afghans had not seen us, but by the time
we had reached the top there were thousands of them gathered
together. We seized our guns, and with God's help
managed to get out of their way, and came to the town of
Pershuer, i.e., Peshawur. Soon after, we crossed the Khaiber
Pass, and reached Djushai. In the mountains we saw
two rhinoceroses (Kerkedans),156 each the size of a small
elephant; they have a horn on their nose about two inches
long. In Abyssinia these animals are much more plentiful.
Presently we reached Laghman,157 and after a very toilsome
journey through Hezareland,158 we entered Kabulistan and its
capital Kabul. Here I visited the two sons of Humayun,
Mehemmed Hekim Mirza and Perrukk Fal Mirza; I also saw
Mun'im Khan, and, after presenting the ferman from Humayun,
I was treated with much honor. Kabul itself is a
beautiful city, surrounded by mountains covered with snow,
and pleasure-gardens with running brooks. Pleasure and
merriment prevailed everywhere, feasting and banqueting
were the order of the day. In every corner were gaily
dressed, slender Lulis159 enticing one with music and song to
join the merry crowd; the populace, in fact, seemed to have
no thought for anything but for pleasure and enjoyment.
"Who would long for houris and the Paradise whose good
fortune has brought him amongst the Lulis of Kabul?"
We, however, had no time for such frivolities, our only aim
and object was to reach home as soon as possible. Mun'im
Khan remarked that the roads were snowed up, that the
Hindu Kush could not possibly be passed, and that it would
be far better for us to wait a few days in Kabul; but I
quickly replied that men could overcome mountains, if they
had the mind to do so. Thereupon the Governor commanded
Mir Nezri, the Chief of the Perashi and Peshai, to accompany
me, and his men were to conduct our horses and goods
safely across the mountain pass. We left accordingly in the
beginning of Djemazi ul Evvel and came to Karabag,160 and
from there to Tcharikar and Pervane or Mervan.
This was Nezri's native country. He collected his men,
and they took us across to the other side of the mountain.
It was a very difficult passage, but we accomplished it that
day, and spent the night in a village at the foot of the pass.
XII
THE CONDITION OF BADAKHSHAN AND KHATLAN
Early in the month of Redjeb we came to the city of Anderab,
and journeyed from there through Badakhshan to Talikan,
where I had an interview with Suleiman Shah161 and
his son Ibrahim Mirza. On the day of our arrival the Mirza
had met us, and received me in his pleasure-garden; I offered
him some presents and a gazel. The Mirza, who understood
poetry, entered into a poetical competition with me, and
introduced me next day to his father, to whom I also offered
gifts and a gazel. The Sovereign also showed me much
attention and loaded me with signs of his favor. There was
hostility between Pir Mohammed Khan, the ruler of Balkh,
and Borak Khan, the ruler of Transoxania, and the roads
were made unsafe, the more so as Pir Mohammed's younger
brother had raised a revolt in Kunduz, Kavadian, and Termed,
which districts were now in great tumult. They advised
me therefore to travel by the way of Badakhshan and
Khatlan,162 and both Suleiman and his son presented me with
horses and garments of honor, besides giving me a letter of
recommendation to Djihanghir Ali, the ruler of Khatlan,
who had married his younger sister; and so I journeyed to
Kishm, the capital of Badakhshan.163 I saw the Sovereign's
pleasure-garden, and Humayun's garden Duabe, and proceeded
from Kalai Zafar164 to Rustak, and from there to
Bender Semti.165 I approached Dalli, in Khatlan, from the
Kashgar (eastern) side, and made a pilgrimage to the grave
of Seid Ali Hamadani, and from there I went to Kulaba,166
where I met with Djihanghir Ali Khan, and after presenting
my letter of recommendation he gave me an escort of 50 men
to conduct me to Charsui, where I crossed the Pul-i-Senghin167
(stone bridge), and dismissed the men who had escorted us.
XIII
EVENTS IN TURAN (TRANSOXANIA)
On the day that I crossed the bridge I first set foot on
Transoxanian soil. After a day's rest I proceeded to Bazar
No (New-Market), and from there to a little place called
Tchiharshembe, where I visited the grave of the Khodja
Yaakub Tcharkhi. Then on to Tchaganian, i.e., Hissar-i-Shadman.168
I visited Timur Sultan, the Kagalga169 of the
Ozbeg rulers, and passed Mount Senghirdek,170 where it always
rains and a considerable stream is formed at the foot of
the mountain, and I marveled at the wonderful works of God.
The next station was Sehri-Sebz, i.e., Kesh, where I met
Hashim Sultan, who gave me permission to continue my
journey to Samarkand. With great difficulty we got across
the mountain171 situated between the two last-named places;
we touched the little town of Mazar, and in the beginning
of Shaaban we reached Samarkand, which is a perfect paradise.
Here I saw Borak Khan172 (more correctly called
Noruz Ahmed), who, in return for my humble offerings, gave
me a horse and garments of honor. It was this same Borak
Khan to whom his Majesty the Padishah had sent cannon and
guns by the hand of Sheiks Abdullatif and Dadash. At
the time of my arrival Abdullatif Khan, the rider of Samarkand,
was dead,173 and Borak had taken his place. Pir Mohammed
Khan, in Balkh, and Burhan Seid Khan,174 in Bokhara,
declared their independence, and Borak's first business
was to settle this matter. He began by taking Samarkand
and proceeded to Shehri-Sebz, where a great battle was
fought, in which the Ketkhuda (overseer) of the Osman soldiers
fell. He then took the stronghold and marched to
Bokhara, which place he laid siege to. Seid Burhan, the
ruler of Bokhara, made peace with Borak, relinquished the
place to him, and retired to Karakul, where the brother of
Pir Mohammed Khan then reigned. He, however, gave up
the place to Seid Burhan. When Borak Khan entered Samarkand,
the Aga of the Osmans175 had just started with a
few men on their way to Turkey, having taken the way of
Tashkend and Turkestan. Ahmed Tchaush was also on the
point of returning to Turkey by the way of Bokhara and
Kharezm, for part of the Janissaries had enlisted under
Seid Burhan, and the remainder joined his son. About 150
remained faithful to Borak Khan. When he had communicated
all this to me, he added: "I am now as a liar before
his Majesty the Sultan of Turkey, for I can do nothing, but if
thou wilt help me, something may yet be done." He offered
me the government of a Province, but I said that with such
a small army nothing could be done, moreover that, without
the consent of my Padishah, I could not stir in the matter.
He thereupon proposed to send an envoy to the Sublime Porte
to explain the situation. As a matter of fact he had already
decided to send Sadr Alem, a descendant of Khodja Ahmed
Jesewi,176 and gave him a letter, in which he expressed his
willingness in the future to satisfy every wish of the Sultan.
He discharged me, however. During my stay in Samarkand
I made a pilgrimage to the grave of the prophet Daniel, to
the place of the Khidr (Elias), to the cloak and to the
wooden shoes of the Prophet, and also to the Koran, written
by Ali himself.177 Besides these places I visited the graves
of the following sheiks and sages: the author of Hidayet,
Ebu Mansur Matridi; Shah-Zinde, Khodja Abdullah, Khodja
Abdi-birun, Khodja Abdi-derum, the Tchopanata, and the
Kazizade of Rum, and the grave of the 444,000 Transoxanian
sages.
But to return to Borak Khan. One day, while talking
together, he asked me which of all the cities I had visited
pleased me most. I replied with the following stanza:
"Far from home no one longs for Paradise.
For in his eyes his native town is superior even to Bagdad."
"Thou hast spoken well," said the Khan.
Now as regards the embassage to Constantinople, Sadr
Alem proposed to go by Turkestan, but when he was told that
the Nogai tribe of the Mangit committed violence upon travelers,
and that the roads swarmed with robbers and highwaymen,
who gave no quarter to Mussulmans,178 but plundered
and ill-treated any that came in their way, he decided to
travel through Bokhara.
Unfortunately, just then the news came that Seid Burhan
had again declared war with Borak Khan, and that the latter's
son Kharezm Shah had been attacked. Borak Khan advised
me thereupon to remain at Ghidjduvan until the return of
the envoy. If no hostilities took place we might travel by
that way, but otherwise we were to wait until he sent some
one to conduct us safely through Bokhara. To this I agreed.
On the fifth of Ramazan we started, touched Kala and Kermineh,
crossed the river of Samarkand179 at Duabe, and so
arrived at Ghidjduvan,180 where I visited the grave of Khodja
Abdul Khalik.
As the Mirza was not here, and no news concerning him
could be obtained, we went on to Pul Rabat. Meanwhile
the troops of Prince Kharezm Shah had prepared for battle.
Suddenly Khan Ali Bey, the Prince's tutor, accosted us with
the question whither we were going. When I replied: "To
Bokhara," he said: "Seid Burhan, the ruler of Bokhara,
threatens to attack Prince Kharezm Shah, and we pray thee
to help us." "How now!" I cried, "we help no man;
Borak Khan has not requested us to do so; on the
contrary, he has charged us to go to Ghidjduvan, and there to
await the return of the envoy." So we continued on our
way. As we approached Minar (Spire) about 100 redcoats
(Ala tehapan)181 rushed down upon us, crying: "In the name
of the Mirza, turn back," and at the same time they struck
one of my companions. Immediately we prepared to fight,
when a Seid sprang forward and commanded the Ozbegs to
stop. Both sides held back, and the Seid announced that the
Mirza sent us greeting and desired us not to proceed any
farther, but to look on from a distance. So we were compelled
to turn back. With ten of my companions I had an
interview with the Mirza, who renewed his request that we
should help him; but I refused again, whereupon ten guns
were forcibly taken from us and we were commanded to remain
mere spectators. The Prince's bearing was very
haughty before he had sighted the enemy, for as the proverb
says:
"Our own fist is always of iron,
Until we receive the first box on the ear."
But no sooner had Seid Burhan appeared in sight, from the
opposite direction, than the Prince retreated across the
bridge to the Rabat (Karvanserai). I went on with six
companions, which I left behind me in the court of the kiosk.
Seid Burhan advanced with 1,000 Kizil-Ayaks,182 i.e., young
men from Bokhara, and 40 Turkish archers, therefore well
equipped for war. In a moment he defeated the Prince, who,
being wounded by a bullet, took flight, leaving his colors,
musical and other military instruments behind him on the
battle-field. Of my three companions which fled with the
Prince, one was wounded by a lance and died soon after,
and while the others retreated with the Ozbegs into the Rabat
where they were attacked by Seid Burhan, I went on to meet
the army to inquire after the Mirza, leaving my horse in
charge of two men. I heard that he was quartered close to
the Rabat, and asked to be conducted into his presence, and
just as I was crossing the bridge, attended by a few men,
some villain wounded me with an arrow. This was the signal
for a general attack; swords were raised on all sides, and I
was very near losing my life.
Fortunately the attack had been witnessed by the Osmans
serving under the Khan; they had recognized me and came
to my rescue, calling out: "This man is the guest of our
Prince, what then is the meaning of this?" The Ozbeghi
(commander of 10 men) immediately stopped the attack
and apprized the Khan of what had taken place, whereupon
the latter, a glorious youth, hastened to me, embraced
me, and begged my forgiveness, for it was by accident, he
said, that I had become mixed up in the battle and I had
been attacked on the principle of the proverb which says:
"Wet and dry burn together." He commissioned two officers
to conduct us over the bridge, during which transport two
more of my people were attacked and received sword wounds.
I lost on this occasion a beautiful led-horse, all my cooking
apparatus, one pack-horse, and 10 saddle-horses, which were
stolen by the soldiers. With much difficulty I got across the
bridge, and, while I was resting at a little distance, the Khan,
to please me, ordered the Turkish soldiers stationed in the
Rabat to hand the place over to me, as we were innocent and
free from all reproach. As I approached the place I called
out: "Stop fighting; I am here, and the Khan will pardon
you for my sake." Thus the Rabat fell into my hands and
with it some of the lost horses, but many of the firearms
were irrevocably lost. My two men, who had been taken
prisoner in the fight, had escaped, and so we proceeded to the
town, which we reached that night. Seid Burhan spoke
thus to me: "Be thou my guide in this and in the next
world; this land shall henceforth belong to thy Padishah, thou
shalt rule in Bokhara and I will retire to Karakol." "Not
so," was my reply, "if thou gavedst me the whole land of
Transoxania I could not stay here. Know, O Khan! that I
shall report before the Sublime Porte the injustice which has
been done to thee, and my glorious Padishah will be gracious
unto thee, and possibly the government of these provinces will
be entrusted to thy care." These words pleased the Khan;
he gave a banquet in my honor and showed me much kindness,
and during the fortnight which I spent in Bokhara he
visited me every day in the pleasure-garden which served as
my residence. I composed a gazel in his honor, which highly
delighted him and led to many poetical discussions. When
at last I desired permission to continue my journey, he demanded
of me that I should give him our iron guns in exchange
for his brass ones. He pressed me so hard that I was
compelled to give in, and received 40 brass muskets in return
for all the iron ones which we had left. I also had to exchange
my led-horse for a gelding, besides giving him two
precious books.
Meanwhile the envoy from Borak Khan had arrived, who
apologized to me for his son (Kharezm Shah), and made
peace with Seid Burhan through the mediation of the Ghidjduvani
Abdul Sultan. Thus peace and security were once
more restored.
I delayed in Bokhara to make pilgrimages to the graves
of Bahaeddin Nakishbendi, Kazi Khan, Tchar Bekir, Khodja
Ebn Hifz Kebir, Sadr esh Sheriat, Tadj esh Sheriat, Seid
Mir Kelal (the spiritual head of Baha-eddin), Sultan Ismail
the Samanide, Eyub and Sarakhsi, and after that I journeyed
to Kharezm.
Our way led first to Karakol, then to Farab, where we
crossed the Oxus in ships, and early in the month Shavval
I touched Iranian soil, namely Khorassan. The first town I
stopped at was Tchardjui,183 where I visited the grave of
Khodja Meshed, a brother of Imam Ali Musa.184 Then we
took the road through the wilderness185 to Kharezm. By
day and by night we had to wage war against lions;186 it was
not safe for one man to go alone to draw water; but at last,
after ten days of unutterable weariness, we reached Hezaresp,187
and from there in five days, Khiva, where I visited
the grave of Pehlevan Mahmud Pir.
XIV
OUR EXPERIENCES IN KHAREZM AND DESHTI-KIPCHAK
Toward the end of Shavval we left Khiva, and in five days
we came to Kharezm, where I made the acquaintance of
Dost Mohammed Khan and his brother Esh-Sultan.188 I visited
the graves of Sheik Nedjmeddin Kubera, Sheik Ali
Rametin, Sheik Khalweti Yan, Imam Mohammed Bari'i,
Sahib Kuduri, Djar Ullah Ulama, Molla Husein Kharezmi
(the expounder of the Koran), Seid Ata, and Hekim Ata.
When it was brought to my knowledge that the holy Sheik
Abdullatif had died in the city of Vezir, I could not rest
until I had made a pilgrimage to his grave in company with a
few friends. As this saint had been, moreover, my spiritual
adviser in Sufism, I recited the whole Koran over his grave,
to insure for him everlasting peace and bliss in Paradise.
We also cooked a pilaf (a rice dish) and I prepared a
chronogram in commemoration of his death.
Having received letters of commendation to the Manghit
chiefs, from Hadji Mohammed Sultan, Timur Sultan, and
Mahmud Sultan, the three sons of Agatai Khan, I returned
to Kharezm, where Sheik Sadr Alem, the envoy of Borak
Khan, had meanwhile also arrived. Our party consisted
besides ourselves of the wife of Sheik Husein of Kharezm
(daughter of Makhdum Aazam), the Sheik's son, and a few
Moslems; we traveled in carriages. Most of the company
wore clothes of sheepskin and they wanted us to do the same,
for they said, the Manghit189 are worse even than the Ozbegs,
and when they see strangers they invariably take them
for Russians,190 which is synonymous to saying, they attack
them. Thus we were compelled to don the outlandish garb
(sheepskin), for, as I said to encourage my people: "A
wise man follows the ways of the world and makes no trouble
of it."
Thus equipped we started in the first days of Zilkaada.
For more than a month we wandered about in the Deshti
Kipchak191 (Kirghiz steppe). It was late in the autumn, and
at that time of the year not a bird, not a wild ass (Onagre)
can be seen, for there is not a vestige of verdure, not a drop
of water to be found. It was one interminable wilderness;
one desert steppe. At last we came to a place called Sham,
and shortly after to Saraidjik,192 where we met some Hadjis
and three of the Moslems which had been discharged at Samarkand.
These latter were quite naked, and at sight of us they
cried: "Whither go ye? Astrakhan is taken by the Russians,
Ahmed Tchaush has fought in battle with them, and
our Aga has been plundered by the troops of Arslan Mirza.
The way is blocked, be warned and go back." In vain I
quoted the lines:
"We are but poor beggars, what harm can befall us?
For ten armed men can not rob one who has nothing."
The rest of the company, especially the merchants, were
not of my opinion; they proposed to delay a few days in
Kharezm and await events, for:
"Speed is from the devil and patience is from God."
The envoy and the other Moslems were of the same mind,
and so I reluctantly retraced my steps to Kharezm. The
envoy returned to Samarkand, but all the rest remained in
Kharezm, and when Dost Mohammed Khan, the ruler of
Khiva, inquired of me by which route I now proposed to
travel, I replied, "I will go by the way of Meshhed in
Khorassan to Irak Adjemi, and from there to Bagdad."
Thereupon the Khan said: "Remain here with us. In the
spring the Manghits seek their pastures, possibly the Russians
may also quit the land by that time, and, remember,
the way to Bagdad is long."
But I could not agree to this, and in support of my argument
I quoted the proverb: "To the lover Bagdad is not far
distant"; so at last the Khan had to give in. He agreed to
my departure, gave me a beautiful horse, and to my companions
he gave the carriage in which we had traveled up to
here.
As regards our route my first plan was to travel by the
way of the Caspian Sea and Shirvan, but my companions
did not like this, because the Mussulman army which had
lately broken up from Kaffa193 had become involved in a bloody
war with Abdullah Khan, who would not permit any Turks to
pass that way. Next we made inquiries about the roads of
Circassia, past Demir-Kapu, but we heard that the Circassians
had raised a revolt. There remained therefore only
the way of Khorassan and Irak, and concerning these districts
we learned that the Persian King was in perfect harmony
with our glorious Padishah,194 but that the Bey of Kizilbash
(the Shiite officer) would probably prevent us from obtaining
admittance to the Shah. I thought to myself, "Where God
does not slay, man's attempts are but futile"; moreover,
"they who fear death should not venture on travels"; so
after duly consulting the horoscope,195 and having made quite
sure that there was no other way open to us, I decided to
travel through Persia. The camels were hired and all was
ready; I went to take leave of Dost Mohammed, the ruler of
Khiva, who remarked casually that it was quite impossible
for us to travel with firearms through the enemy's land.
Thereupon we gave half of our arms to the Khan, and the
other half to his younger brother Esh Sultan. We received
a letter of commendation to Ali Sultan, a brother of Tin Sultan,
and being well stocked with provisions and large skins
for water, and trusting in God, we started on our journey
to Kharezm in the beginning of the month Zilhidje.
XV
OUR FATE IN KHORASSAN
By divine grace we got safely across the Oxus196 and encamped
on the opposite shore, awaiting the arrival of the rest
of our party. While there, the wife of Sheik Husein sent
me a message to say that she had a dream in which she had
seen her father, the holy Makhdum Aazam, who had come
from Vezir to Kharezm in company with another holy sage.
Arrived in the town he had thus addressed the people, who
welcomed him joyfully: "Mir Sidi Ali has read the Koran
over my grave in Vezir, and he has supplicated for my
patronage. I have therefore come to help him and to lead him
safely through Khorassan." This message filled me with joy.
I struck camp next morning and the day following we arrived
in Dorum;197 we passed through, unmolested by Mahmud Sultan,
and proceeded to Bagwai,198 which place we also passed,
without being hindered by Pulad Sultan, and came to Nesa.199
Here I found Ali Sultan, former Governor of Merw, and
brother of Tin Sultan, to whom I offered my letter of commendation
from Esh Sultan, and was allowed free passage,
for everybody in these parts is devoted to his Majesty our
Padishah. Thus we came to Bawerd (Abiwerd)200 and Tus,
where I visited the graves of Imam Mohammed Hanifi and of
the poet Firdusi; and on the first of Muharram of the year
964 I reached Meshhed-i-Khorassan, where I immediately
made a pilgrimage to the grave of Imam Ali Musa Riza, the
prince of Khorassan.
When at sea, during the great storm some time ago, I had
vowed to give a Tumen to the Imam; now I fulfilled my
vow, and paid a Tumen to Mutawali (the overseer of the
Mosque and Mausoleum) and I also paid a Tumen to the
Seid. In Meshhed I found Ibrahim Mirza, the son of Behram
Mirza, who occupied the throne there; also Suleiman
Mirza, the son of Shah, and his Vekil (representative) called
Kokche Khalipha, who entertained me at a banquet.
In the course of our conversation, these gentlemen naturally
wished to draw me into an argument upon the succession
and sanctity of the Caliphs Ali, Ebubekr, Omar, and
Osman; but I acted upon the principle that silence is the
best answer to give a fool, and I was silent. They pressed
me, however, and I told them the story of Khodja Nasreddin,
who was once asked to read the Koran in the Mosque, to
which he had replied, "this is not the place." "And now,"
I said, "I have not come hither to argue with you, and I
refuse to be questioned." It was with great difficulty that
I at last rid myself of them.201
One of the guests, unfortunately, was a miscreant, of the
name of Ghazi Bey; he gave vent to his wrath in these words:
"It is not seemly to send such people as these to the Shah.
How do we know that they may not kill the men we give
them as an escort, and then take flight? Very possibly they
belong to the Ottomans that were sent to Borak Khan, or
perhaps they are the bearers of a secret correspondence, and it
might be advisable to search them."
The Mirza (Ibrahim) approved of this plan, and the next
morning 200 men in armor (kurdji) surrounded the kervanserai
and took us prisoners. As the proverb says: "Those
who can not be caught by fair means will be by foul play."
We were each of us put in charge of one of the guards;
I was taken to the apartment of the Kokehe Khalipha, with
my two attendants. My horses were given in another
man's charge, and my other effects were entrusted to Mutawali's
keeping. They made us undress, and as it was winter
we suffered much from the cold. The next day the Mirza
took from me all my official papers and sundry letters which
I had received from different princes, and had them all put
into a bag and sealed.
When my companions saw this they trembled for their lives,
but I comforted them with the sayings, "He who falls
through no mistake of his will not shed tears," and "Since
fate has not forgotten to bring thee into this world, it will
not forget to take thee out of it," and further, "Patience is
the key to the final goal."
So we calmly resigned ourselves to our fate. A little later
on all were put in chains, except myself; but I was strictly
guarded by five men. This action of the Mirza troubled me
not a little, and although I tried to make light of it, my heart
was very heavy. I wrote a gazel to comfort myself, and
with the inspiring thoughts suggested by it fresh in mind,
I fell asleep, and being in a semiconscious state, a divine inspiration
in the form of a Murabba202 was vouchsafed to me,
which I sent to Mutawali. This composition caused great
excitement among the nobility of the place. About the same
time one of the attendants of the Imam declared (whether it
was true or feigned I can not say) that in his dream he had
seen the Caliph Ali, who had charged him to go and set Mir
Sidi Ali free. The news of this dream spread rapidly through
the town and stirred up the people, whose sympathies were
now all turned in my favor.
Mutawali and Seid went to the Mirza and said: "This
man came on a pilgrimage to visit the shrine of the Imam.
He is under a vow and desires to go to the Shah. As the Shah
is on friendly terms with the Padishah of Turkey it is not
right that we should in any way trouble this pilgrim now
in the Ashura203 days. If the man be a traitor, it is sure to
come to light, for as the Koran says, 'A traitor is known by
his countenance,' and there need be no further question of
suspicion." These words of the wise man and of Seid did
not lose their effect upon the Mirza. From my side I pointed
out to him the unreliableness of the information upon which
he had acted, and in order further to enlist his sympathies
in my favor I sent him three poems, after which, partly for
fear of the Shah, and partly regretting his rash deed, he gave
us our liberty on the tenth of Ashura. He loaded me with
presents and gave another banquet in my honor. He also
restored to us our horses and our clothes; but many of my
other possessions I never recovered. Four valuable books
were taken, and the whole of my correspondence was conveyed
by his armour-bearer, Ali Bey, and a Yassaul to the
Shah in a sealed bag, the transport being effected on a barrow
about the middle of Muharram of the said year. Traveling
in the same caravan with us was one of the wives of the Shah
and one of the wives of Behram Mirza, who were both returning
from a pilgrimage to the shrine of the Imam. I
made their acquaintance, and they treated us kindly. By
my advice my companions comported themselves with due
courtesy and modesty toward the retinue of these ladies, mindful
of the saying: "The peace of two worlds depends on two
things only, courtesy to friends and flattery to foes."
Arrived in Mshabur I visited the graves of Imamzade
Mohammed Mahruk, and of Sheik Attar (ferideddin). Here
I also met with Aga Kemal, the Vekil of Khorassan, who,
however, did not interfere with us. In Sebzevar we met with
a little hostility, but acting on the principle that "Barking
dogs bite not," we soon got free from these firebrands and continued
on our way.
XVI
OUR VICISSITUDES IN IRAK-ADJEM
Arrived in the Province of Irak we skirted the Demavend
range, traveling from Mazendran to Bestam, where we visited
the graves of Mohammed Aftah, Sheik Bayazid Bestami,
and Sheik Ebulhasan Harkani. The next day we reached
Damgan.
That night one of our company called Ramazan the pious,
and known as Boluk Bashi,204 had a dream. Bayazid Bestami
with 40 Dervishes had appeared unto him and had spoken
thus: "Let us pray for the safe return of Mir Sidi Ali."
The Sheik, moreover, had written a passport and sealed it,
"that we might not be molested by the way."—This was
his dream, and when I heard of it I rejoiced greatly and
thanked God for his mercy vouchsafed; for this message
(from the dead) virtually saved my life. After visiting the
grave of Imam Djafar in Damgan, we proceeded to Semnan,
where we visited the grave of Sheik Ala-ed-Dowleh Semnani.
In this place they tried to draw us into sectarian
controversies, but I restrained my comrades, and reminded them
of the Hadis, which says: "Ustur zahbak, zahabek in mazhabak,"
i.e., "hide thy gold, thine opinions, and thy faith";
and I argued with them, saying, "Not one of you has traveled
more than I have, and experience has made me wise. A
wise man does not heed the words of the vulgar and the ignorant."
They saw the wisdom of my words, and acted upon my
advice.
Before long we came to Rei,205 where I made pilgrimages to
the graves of Imam Abdul Azim, and of Bibi Shehrbanu, the
consort of Imam Husein. Here I also met Mohammed
Khudabend, a son of the Shah's, and the Kurdji-bashi206
Sevindek Aga. Their presence was accounted for in this
way: Some time ago the Shah had sent Ismail Mirza from
Kazvin to Herat, and had now recalled him to Kazvin. The
reason of this was that certain things which had happened
during his rule had come to light, and by command of the
Shah one of the nobles of Kazvin had been executed, and in
like manner, also by order of the Shah, some followers of
Ismail had been put to death. After this the Shah commanded
Prince Mohammed Khudabend to appear before him,
and the Kurdji-bashi was sent to fetch him. I was very
pleased to meet the Prince, who assured me of the unwavering
devotion of the Shah to our glorious Padishah.
Journeying from Rei it took us a month and a half (to
the end of Safar) before we reached Kazvin, the capital of
Irak.207
Upon the Shah being told of our arrival we were none of
us allowed to enter the city, but had to take up our quarters
in Sebzeghiran, one of the neighboring villages, under the
protection of Mohammed Bey, the Divan Bey208 of the Great
Vizier Maasum Bey. Presently the Ishik Agasi209 arrived,
who took down our names, and the number of our horses,
and gave his people private instructions to watch us strictly
at night, until further orders.
We were told that the Shah was very angry that we had
been allowed to leave Meshhed without any further inquiry,
and that in consequence of this Kokche Khalipha and Mir
Munshi (first secretary) had been deprived of office. Following
up this information, the Kapchadji, Ali Bey, came to
us by order of Yassaul Pir Ali, and said: "The people here
have evil intentions, if you have any ready money about you,
give it to me to keep, and if Providence deliver you out of
this plight, I will return it; if on the other hand evil should
befall you it is better that your riches should fall in the hands
of friends than of foes."
But I replied: "People who have wandered so long in
foreign parts carry no cash about them, and they who fear
death do not venture so far from home. I believe in the
words of the Koran: 'He who is appointed to die can not
delay the hour, and without God's permission no man can
slay.'"
It so happened that the Shah had by this time examined the
letters which had been conveyed to him in a sealed bag, and
the ladies who had traveled with us bore witness that we
were poor and harmless folk. Moreover, I had sent the Shah
a quatrian which had found much favor, so he set us free.
The Shah commanded his Vekil,210 Maasum Bey, to offer me a
banquet, after which he would himself entertain me. Maasum
Bey was also commissioned to give me the glad news,
that I was free to go where I liked, and, as an envoy was
shortly to be sent to the Sublime Porte, I might, if I liked,
travel by the way of Azerbaidjan, i.e., by Tebriz and Van.
Thereupon I requested that my desire might be made known
to the Shah. I said, "We are not prepared to meet the hardships
of the Van road in the winter time, and we beg to be
allowed to travel by the way of Bagdad"; which request he
graciously granted.
On the second day we were invited by the Shah to a banquet,
and I presented my humble offerings. During the feast we
conversed upon poetical and other subjects, and the Shah remarked
to his courtiers: "These men do not look like intriguers;
they are only pilgrims and religious fanatics"—and
on the strength of this verdict Kokche Khalipha and Mir
Munshi were reinstated in their office. I received a horse
and two changes of robes, a bale of silk, and several other
things; the two Serdars received each two robes of honor,
and my five traveling companions, each one. Altogether the
Shah behaved handsomely to us and showed a marked respect
for the person of his Majesty the Padishah.
One day I was invited to a banquet in the large music-hall,
all the Beys of the royal family being present. To give some
idea of the magnificence here displayed I will only mention
that from five hundred to one thousand Tumens211 had been
spent on the decoration of the hall. There were some hundreds
of velvet and silken brocaded carpets, painted and embroidered
in figurative designs; quantities of luxurious
cushions and exquisitely artistic tents, canopies, and sunshades.
Yuzbashi Hasan Bey, one of the Shah's confidants, turned
to me and said: "Is not this indeed a treasure-house?" "It
is," I replied, "yet the wealth of kings is not measured by
their gold and silver but by their military power." This
remark silenced him; he did not return to the subject.
As the envoy had already started for Tebriz I was detained
for another month, during which time the Shah showed me
much attention, and I spent a good deal of my time in his
presence. One day he ventured the remark: "Why were
those 300 Janissaries sent from Turkey to assist Borak
Khan?" I answered that these had not been sent to
strengthen Borak Khan's forces, but merely as an escort to
the late Sheik Abdullatif, because it was a well-known fact
that the Circassians212 had killed Baba Sheik, a son of the
holy Ahmed Jesewi, on the road from Astrakhan, and that
that route was therefore made unsafe. If the Padishah had
intended to send military help, not three hundred, but some
thousands of Janissaries, would have gone to Bokhara.
Another time I was drawn into a religious dispute with
Mir Ibrahim Sefevi, one of the Shah's relatives and a sage.
The conversation ran as follows:
Ibrahim: "Why do the learned men of Turkey call us
unbelievers?"
I: "It is said that the followers of the Prophet have been
insulted by your countrymen, and according to the
statutes of our religion he who insults his superiors
is an unbeliever."
Ibrahim: "That is what Imam Aazam (Ebn Hanifa)
says, but according to Imam Shafi this belongs to the
pardonable offenses."
I: "I understand that it is customary with you to accuse
Ayesha, the wife of the Prophet (may God have
mercy upon her), of immorality, and as this throws a
stigma on the Prophet's name, it is synonymous to
blasphemy. The people who can do this are in a
state of apostasy, and their life is forfeited. Their
goods can be confiscated and their men put in prison.
Any one persisting in this unbelief is subject to imprisonment,
but if they renounce they may, without
their wives, with or without marriage...."
Ibrahim: "I must contradict this. In our eyes also,
any one who accuses Ayesha of immorality is an unbeliever
and a blasphemer and contradicts the Koran;
because in the Sacred Book God Almighty testifies to
the virtue of Ayesha. But all the same we can not
love her because she set herself against Ali."
I: "How do you explain it that although the Hadis declares
that the Ulemas are on a level with the prophets
of the people of Israel, it nevertheless frequently happens
that offensive language is used against the
former?"
Ibrahim: "Does the name Ulema not include our Ulemas
also?"
I: "In a facetious way it includes all Ulemas, but beyond
this it is a well-known fact that it is said of them:
'The flesh of the Ulema is poisonous, their odor is
sickening, and to eat them is death'; and if in spite of
this men will insult them, they must pay the penalty
both in this world and in the next."
To this he could make no reply, and I turned the conversation
into another channel.
The Shah once said to me, "Tell me, since thou hast
traveled so much, which of the cities thou hast visited pleases
thee best." And I replied: "I have indeed seen most of the
cities of this world, but I have found none to compare with
Stamboul and Galata."
The Shah allowed this to pass, and continued: "At how
many Tumens dost thou estimate the combined income of the
Beys and Beylerbeys of Turkey?" to which I replied: "The
Beys and Beylerbeys of Turkey receive payment according
to their rank, but they enjoy besides this generally a private
income. Other princes remunerate their officers in proportion
to the pay of the regiment which they command, but if
the pay of the Beys and other officers in the service of the
Emperor of Turkey were to be based upon this foundation,
it would run not into Tumens, nor yet Lakhs,213 but into
Kulurs. To give you an example: The payments made to
the Beylerbeys of Rumelia, Anatolia, Egypt, Hungary (Budin,
i.e., Ofen), Diarbekir, Bagdad, Yemen, and Algiers, are,
each in themselves, as much as any other prince would lay
out on the whole of his army. This proportion holds good
for all the other Beylerbeys also, and is in strict accordance
with the superior standing of our government. Quite a
different system is adopted for the troops under Khans and
Sultans, for there is always an element of uncertainty there;
but in Turkey the army belongs to the Padishah. All Beylerbeys
and officers are his servants, and an Imperial command
is law and can not be trifled with."214
On this same occasion some of the officers asked whether
the documents which had been taken from me by Ibrahim
Mirza in Meshhed had ever been placed before the Shah.
This question was answered in the affirmative, but I did not
like to pursue the subject, mindful of the saying: "When
evil slumbers, cursed be he who arouses it"—and I turned
the conversation into another channel.
I preferred to plead my cause with another gazel, which
the Shah graciously accepted, and which finally led to the
desired result. We received permission to leave. He wrote
a letter expressive of his unalterable respect and devotion to
his Majesty the Padishah, gave me more presents, and commanded
Nazr Bey, a brother of Yuzbashi Hasan Bey, to accompany
me on the journey.
While in Kazvin I made a pilgrimage to the grave of
Imam Shahzade Husein, and in the beginning of Rebiul Evvel
I started on my journey to Bagdad.
Near to Sultani, we passed Abhar, and I stopped to visit
the grave of Pir Hasan, the son of Akhi Avran, then on to
Kirkan, where I visited the grave of Mohammed Demtiz215,
a son of Khodja Ahmed Jesewi, and from there to Derghezin
and Hamadan, in which latter place the graves of Ain-ul-Kuzat
and Pir Ebulalay, the armor-bearers of the Prophet, were
visited. At Saadabad, our next station, I was met by the
governor, who treated me with marked attention.
Then we took our way by Mount Elvend and Nihavend (in
Suristan) to Bisutun, where I visited the grave of Kiazim,
and in the village Weis-ul-karn, the grave of the saint of that
name. We then proceeded to Kasri-Shirin and through
Kurdistan to the fortress Zendjir. While there we were
much interested in watching a Huma bird216 high up in the
sky. This is supposed to be a good omen, and we were therefore
well pleased. Some enlarged upon the good fortune
presaged by his appearance, others spoke of the curious properties
of the bird, of whom Sa'di sings:
"The Huma is distinguished from all other birds,
In that he lives on bones, yet is not a bird of prey."
It is a known fact that this bird feeds exclusively on bones.
The legend says that the Huma, before demolishing a bone,
carries it up high in the air, and then drops it, with the result
that it breaks into many pieces. He then swoops down upon
these, divides them into equal portions, and devours them.
This is the origin of the saying, when Persian officials,
through extortion, obtain more than they can well digest:
"They should follow the example of the Huma bird and divide
their spoils into smaller, equal portions."
Here, at Zendjir, I dismissed Nazr Bey, whom the Shah
had given me as an escort, and after crossing the great river
Tokuz Olum217 we came to Ban (or Sheri Ban). Toward
the end of the same month of Kebiul Sani we reached Bagdad,
where we were most hospitably received by Khizr Pasha.
We did not delay, however, but hurried on to Turkey.
XVII
THE REST OF OUR ADVENTURES
In the beginning of Djemazi-ul Evvel we crossed the Tigris
in ships, and after revisiting the sacred graves there we journeyed
on. Past Kasri, Semke, and Harbi we came to Tekrit
and Mossul, and by the old road of Mossul and Djizre to
Nisibin. From there by Diarbekir and Mardin we reached
Amed, where I saw Iskender Pasha, who received me most
graciously. In the course of conversation I told him some
of our adventures, to which he listened with much interest,
and exclaimed: "You have gone through more than even
Tamum Dari has done, and as for all the marvelous things
which you have seen, they are beyond the dreams of even
Balkiah and Djihan Shah."
Questioned upon the different sovereigns and armies of the
countries I had visited, I said: "In all the world there is no
country like Turkey, no sovereign like our Padishah, and no
army like the Turkish. From East to West the fame of the
Ottoman troops has spread. For victory follows their banner
wherever they go. May God keep Turkey in wealth and
prosperity until the last day shall dawn. May he preserve
our Padishah in health and happiness and our troops ever
victorious. Amen!"
When asked whether our name was known in those remote
parts, I answered. "Certainly, more than you would think."
In the further course of conversation I learned that a report
of my death had reached the Porte, and that therefore the
post of Egyptian Admiral had been given to Kurdzade, the
Sandjak-bey of Rhodus. I thought to myself: "Long live
my Padishah, I shall easily obtain another office"; and I
comforted myself with poetic effusions. Of course I trusted
in God Almighty, nevertheless I was always thinking about
the conquest of Ormuz and Gujarat, and I argued thus to
myself: "These fantastic dreams have so filled thy brain, that
thou art being drawn down to the earth by them; the spirit
of wandering is so strong in thee that thou canst not give thy
body rest until it shall return to dust."
I resumed my journey to Turkey, in the hope soon to set
eyes again on Constantinople. Arrived in Arghini I visited
the grave of the prophet Zilkefl; from there by Kharput to
Malatia and the grave of Seid Ghazi Sultan, a native of that
place, and shortly after I reached Siwas, the first station on
Turkish territory. Ali Pasha received me there with marked
distinction; I delayed a short time to visit the grave of Abdul
Wahab Ghazi, and to call upon Ali Baba, who gave me his
blessing.
After this I continued my journey to Stamboul, across the
plain of Ken to Kara Hissar Behram Shah, and through
Bozauk to Hadji Bektash, where I made pilgrimages to the
graves of the saints of that place, and to Balam Sultan; then
on to Kirshehr and the graves of Hadji Avran and Aashik
Pasha, past Ayas Varsak to Angora, crossing the Kizil Irmak
(Halys) by the bridge of Chashneghir.218 I visited the grave
of Hadji Bairam Sultan and his children, and the Khidr,
and had a friendly interview with Djenabi Pasha. From
Beybazari we came to Boli, touched Modurn, and on to Kunik,
where is the grave of Sheik Shemseddin; next we came to
Tarakli Yenidje and Keive, with the bridge over the Sakaria
river, past Agadj-Deniz, on to Sabandja and Iznikmid219 and
the grave of Nebi Khodja. From there our way led past
Ghekivize and Skutari, where I crossed the Bosphorus, and
reached Constantinople in safety.
God be praised, who led me safely through manifold dangers,
and brought me back to this most beautiful country of
all the earth. Four years have passed away; years of much
sorrow and misery, of many privations and perplexities; but
now in this year 964 (1556), in the beginning of Redjeb, I
have once more returned to my own people, my relations, and
my friends. Glory and praise be to God the Giver of all
good things!
His Majesty the Padishah happened to be at Adrianople,
and on the second day after my return I traveled thither, to
pay him homage. I had the good fortune to be most
graciously received by his Imperial Majesty. The high Viziers,
and especially Vizier Rustem Pasha, loaded me with kindnesses.
I was appointed to join the Corps of the Muteferrika
(officers in attendance on the Sultan) with a daily income
of sixty aktche. And the Kethhuda (intendant), who
had accompanied me on my travels, had his salary increased
with eight aktche, and was appointed Muteferrika for
Egypt. One of the Boluk-Bashi (Chef d'Escadron) received
eight aktche and my other traveling companions each six
aktche above their ordinary pay. One of these latter was
nominated to the post of Egyptian Tchaush, and the others
joined the volunteers. They received their pay for the four
years they had been away, payment being made out of the
Egyptian treasury.
Toward the end of Rajab his Majesty the Sultan returned
to Constantinople, and on the day that he entered the Konak
of Tchataldja I was appointed Defterdar of Diarbekir.220
Thus in his gracious kindness his Majesty had pleased and
satisfied us all.
He who wishes to profit by this narrative let him remember
that not in vain aspirations after greatness, but in a quiet and
contented mind lieth the secret of the true strength which
perisheth not. But if in God's providence he should be
driven from home, and forced to wander forth in the unknown,
and perchance be caught in the turbulent waves of the
sea of adversity, let him still always keep in mind that love
for one's native land is next to one's faith. Let him never
cease to long for the day that he shall see his native shores
again, and always cling loyally to his Padishah.
He who doeth this shall not perish abroad; God will grant
him his desire both in this world and in the next, and he shall
rejoice in the esteem and affection of his fellow-countrymen.
I completed this narrative in Galata in the month Shaaban
of the year 964 (1556), and the transcript of it was accomplished
in the month Safar of the year 965 (1557).