REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON LAWBREAKERS
National Conference of Charities and Correction, O. F. Lewis, General Secretary of New York Prison
Association, Chairman.
The Committee on Lawbreakers presents
to the National Conference of
Charities and Correction a partial survey
of needs not yet met in the field of
the treatment of the delinquent. In
October, 1910, the eighth international
prison congress met for the first time on
American soil. Never before had this
country been under so comprehensive or
so discriminating a scrutiny by foreign
criminologists. As one newspaper man
put it: “The world’s spot-light was
turned on American prisons and American
treatment of prisoners.”
In April, 1911, Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise,
the Chairman of the English prison
commission, and president-elect of the
next international prison congress of
1915, reported to his government. He
commended in general American state
prisons and reformatories, but condemned
the systems, or lack of systems, in
vogue in city and county jails. “Among
the jails,” he stated, “many features linger
such as called forth the wrath of
John Howard, the great English philanthropist,
noted for his exertions on behalf
of prison reform at the end of the
18th century. Promiscuity, unsanitary
conditions, absence of supervision, idleness
and corruption—these remain features
in many places,” says the report.
“Until the abuses of the jail system are
removed, it is impossible,” concludes Sir
Evelyn, “for the United States to have
assigned to her by general consent a
place in the vanguard of la science penitentiaire.”
This is not pleasant reading, yet the
question with us tonight is not whether
this criticism makes us as Americans
pride-sore, but as to the truth of this
friendly but stinging criticism. On our
program this evening we have a distinguished
gentleman, son of the eminent
American founder of the international
prison congress, who will testify that
the English comments of Sir Evelyn are
mild as compared with the American
reality.
Rome was not built in a day. As in Chicago
you find still in immediate context
the mansion and the hovel, we have, in
our treatment of delinquents, in close
juxtaposition the prison and the jail,
the reformatory and the workhouse,
children’s courts and lynch law, probation
and short term sentences, the
indeterminate sentence and industrial
prison idleness, parole and definite sentences,
prison hospitals for tuberculosis
and jail pens for syphilis-infected
tramps. Civic pride in great modern
prisons exists side by side with civic
indifference as to filthy lock-ups or town
jails.
At the beginning of the second decade
of the twentieth century—the century of
hoped-for social justice—let us face
frankly certain problems yet unsolved
in the treatment of delinquents. Far
from feeling that we have reached the
thumb-twiddling stage of complacent
satisfaction, let us see where our methods
still break down.
First, the local and county jails. Not
stopping with the remark of Thomas
Holmes at the international prison congress
that “every jail I saw on the
American trip ought to be wiped off the
face of the earth,” and that nowhere in
Europe do such conditions exist, we find
Professor Charles R. Henderson as
chairman of a special committee of the
American Prison Association of Chicago
in 1907, uttering a scathing arraignment
of revolting and demoralizing jail conditions.
We find Frederick H. Wines
more recently in Maryland arraigning
jail conditions in many parts of the country.
We find Warren F. Spalding of
Massachusetts writing in the Sage
Foundation volumes on Correction and
Prevention about the jail friendships
that make of the novice a life long criminal,
of the contamination of women
prisoners, the herding of juvenile offenders
with adults, the dearth of attention
to physical conditions in jails, the
deplorable lack of proper ventilation, the
ravages of disease among jail inmates
and the absence of that rigid vigilance
without which the ordinary jail cannot
be kept in a sanitary condition; overcrowding,
night buckets, monotony, filth,
poorly cooked or tainted food, unconvicted
prisoners and convicted prisoners
in unrestricted communication, the fee
system, local inattention to the fundamental
principles of penology.
The case against the average jail
seems proved. Has not the time come
to make a general national campaign
against this “school of crime?”
Mr. F. G. Pettigrove of Massachusetts
dissents from the above statements regarding
jails as follows:
“I do not approve the unqualified general
denunciation of jails. Nobody who
is familiar with the Massachusetts jails
would make such an attack upon them
as is implied by the form of the reference
to that subject.”
Prison Labor. Prison labor is an unsettled
problem; one that we must face;
a problem complicated by local and state
conditions, and one in which the motives
of men and even communities have often
been impugned. Scanning the titles of
papers read at the national conference
of charities and correction during the
last decade, we have found only in the
committee report by Mr. Whittaker in
1908 and in the paper of Dr. James H.
Leonard, Superintendent of the Ohio
State Reformatory, definite and extended
treatment of the prison labor
problem, this fundamental problem of
penology.
Has the problem been solved? Are
prisoners everywhere earning their maintenance?
Has any one system proved
satisfactory? Is there general consensus
of opinion that the prisoner shall not
be utilized for private gain? Is there
no demoralizing idleness in so-called
model prisons? Is there no high tension
labor in so-called model prisons?
No, prison labor has not reached a
satisfactory solution when we can still
cite a recent article of Dr. A. J. McKelway
in Volume II. of “Correction and
Prevention” regarding prison labor in
the South: “The leasing of convicts
whether to corporations or individuals,
is a system that has been abolished by
some of the southern states, but which
still prevails in some of the states, accompanied
as it always has been with
indefensible abuses (p. 72). I make bold
to affirm that such abuses as were found
to exist in Georgia will be found to exist
in a greater or less degree in every state
where the leasing system still prevails.”
We learn that in Alabama even the
wardens and the guards are employed by
the contractors. We find that in Ohio
in connection with the discontinuance
of contract labor and the development
of the State use system the state penitentiary
was plunged into the most deplorable
idleness. We find in Pennsylvania
an archaic legal compulsion to
utilize only hand power machinery, and
but thirty-five per cent of the prisoners
at any one time. We find under the
present status of the state use system in
New York that the State prisoners earn
only about one-fourth of the cost of
their maintenance, and a nominal sum
of not more than 2c. a day, which earnings
can be radically reduced by fines.
We find loud protests in Rhode Island
because the State lets the services of able
bodied prisoners to contractors at 30c.
a day, and we find in Maryland under
the contract system a penitentiary which
is said to have returned to the State
treasury in 1910 a surplus of thirty-five
thousand dollars from the earnings of
prisoners, while the over time work
earned for the prisoners themselves
$41,928. We find the Detroit House of
Correction on the State account system
earning a profit in 11 years of $368,000,
paying its prisoners from ten to twenty-five
cents a day wages, and planning to
distribute to the families of prisoners,
through the city poor master, $15,000
during the year 1911 in addition to the
surplus which it expects to turn over to
the city. We find the Minnesota State
prison under the State account system
making the following report for the last
ten years:
| Total earnings |
$2,210,880 |
| Total expenses |
1,199,248 |
| Excess of earnings |
$1,011,632 |
The binder twine plan in the ten years
has made a profit of $1,653,290, of which
$352,553 was paid to the support fund
for convict labor. Quoting again from
Dr. McKelway, we learn that in Texas
the convicts are worked on the leasing,
contract, public account and public works
system. “But a legislative investigating
committee has recently discovered horrible
abuses in all these systems. A
number of convicts were found who had
been literally beaten to death during the
last year (1909) and the prisoners
seemed to dread the prison farm as much
as work within the prison wall, if not
more.”
We find Warden Gilmour of the
Toronto Central prison stating that on
the prison farm of that institution the
inmates work cheerfully and without
guards. And so, ladies and gentlemen,
your Committee on Lawbreakers respectfully
suggests that the general subject
of prison labor, in its various phases,
be made the chief subject of this committee
at the next national conference.
Prison labor is not simply an administrative
problem; it is an industrial problem
and a health problem, and concerns
vitally the training and efficiency of
scores of thousands who, leaving prison,
are potential subjects for charity of a
public or private nature. It is a vital
problem for the national conference of
charities and correction as well as for
the American prison association. The
problem of the proper utilization of
prisoners is a fundamental problem in
every American state.
The fact that a separate organization,
the National Committee on Prison
Labor, has been established to study the
prison labor problem, and the further
fact that the newspaper and magazine
press has manifested much interest in
the field which this committee occupies,
are evidences of the extent and importance
of the field.
Frank L. Randall, General Superintendent
of the Minnesota State Reformatory
and a member of the Committee
on Lawbreakers, makes the following
suggestion:
“If the recommendation of the Committee
on Lawbreakers be adopted to
make the subject of prison labor a feature
of the next conference the leaders
of organized labor should be invited to
participate. We should ask the labor representatives,
if they urge the state use
plan, to concede to the prisons the field,
so far as the products are paid for with
public funds.”
The Treatment of Defective Delinquents. There are undoubtedly thousands of
feeble-minded persons in correctional institutions.
In recent annual reports, of
Elmira Reformatory, it has been stated
that about 35% of its inmates are mentally
defective. The presence of the
feeble-minded is a detriment to many
plans that have been adopted for the
instruction and training of prisoners.
The complete exclusion from the ordinary
prison of persons afflicted with tuberculosis
has improved the healthfulness
of those prisons and has also supplied a
better and more hopeful means of treatment
for the unfortunate sufferers. The
same treatment—segregation—should be
applied to all those to whom special
treatment would be a benefit, or whose
ailments are of such a nature as to endanger
the welfare of others. Dr. Henry
E. Goddard of Vineland estimates that
25% of delinquents are mentally defective.
“All mental defectives would be
delinquents,” he states, “in the very nature
of the case, did not some one exercise
some care over them. The mentally
defective must be cared for as we care
for irresponsibles.” Mr. Ernest K.
Coulter, for many years clerk of the
Children’s Court of Manhattan and
Bronx, New York City, states his belief
that the most important step to be
taken by the state in its slow abandonment
of antiquated methods of dealing
with child offenders and victims of bad
environment and neglect must be the
establishment of institutions for the special
treatment of the mental defectives
of this class. In the great state of New
York, there is no special custodial institution
to which the criminal feeble-minded
can be committed and transferred. So
important is this matter, that it has been
made the subject of one of the section
meetings of this Committee on Lawbreakers.
Parole. The principle of parole is a
fundamental complement to the principle
of the indeterminate sentence. Its
successful application requires an efficient
merit system within the prison, a
competent parole board and adequate
supervision of the post-prison parole period,
the co-operation of the employment
giving public, and the persistent following
up, recapture and reimprisonment of
wilful violators of parole.
Only in a most general way do we yet
know the results of the administration of
parole systems in the country. We find
a general belief based on long experience
and some careful study of prison
statistics, that about 75% of paroled
persons from reformatories or prisons
“stay straight” during the parole period.
We still lack any study of sufficient magnitude
to admit of generalization in the
case of any state as to the proportion
of criminal recidivism after the parole
period. The New York Prison Association
will shortly make public an extended
study of the careers of seven
hundred inmates of Elmira Reformatory,
yet this number, though intensively
studied, will be too small for any
comprehensive generalization but will
rather indicate both a statistical method
of study of criminal careers and the
great inadequacy of present institutional
or extra-institutional social facts and
social statistics of delinquents.
As regards post-prison treatment and
aid of the released or discharged prisoner,
we find Amos W. Butler in Volume
II of the Sage Foundation series
on “Correction and Prevention” reporting
that only about 24 organizations exist
throughout this country for this purpose,
though several of these societies
spread their activity through a number
of states. We find also very varying
periods of parole, some of six months
as at Elmira, some of seven months, as
at Huntington, Pa.; nine months, as at
the Illinois State Reformatory, or until
the expiration of the maximum sentence,
as at Concord, Mass., or at Bedford,
or Albion in New York. We find
in Mr. Butler’s study state after state
recorded as follows: “State makes no
effort to find work or keep in touch with
prisoner after his discharge;” “no provision
for aftercare of either paroled or
discharged prisoners;” “no parole officers;”
“no parole agents;” “no provision
for finding work or for visiting
prisoners,” etc., etc.
A prominent eastern reformatory superintendent
recently said: “Why spend
nearly two hundred dollars annually to
maintain one inmate in a reformatory,
and then spend only $1.50 per inmate
during his period of parole to help him
not to go wrong?” This committee on
lawbreakers believes that the parole
period of an offender is barely second in
importance to the period of imprisonment.
The poorly supervised parole
period breeds recidivism, contempt for
law, the alienation of the sympathy of
judges, the irritation and criticism of
the public, unintelligent scorn for reformatory
methods, and immense ultimate
cost to the state in further loss of
property or life.
The Probation Movement, long
known and developed in Massachusetts,
has during this last decade made great
national progress. Nevertheless the
probation movement faces grave dangers.
It is on the defensive. The methodology
of probation is still in the experimental
stage. More important than
the extension of the system is the building
up of an effective technique. In too
many places probation is still synonymous
either with sentimental leniency or with
perfunctory police surveillance. The
most essential factors in probation work
are the educative, reformatory and reconstructive
work represented by home
visitation, the development of right mental
habits and the rendering of practical
assistance.
The improvement of probation methods
depends primarily upon the appointment
of interested, faithful and
competent probation officers. The tendency
is strongly in the direction of increasing
the number of public salaried
probation officers. Although this tendency
is inevitable and desirable, it brings
in its trail the gravest danger of which
the probation system must meet, namely
the danger of appointments being made
through the influence of partisan politics.
Those interested in the probation
system should therefore look squarely
in the face the question as to how probation
officers should be appointed;
whether by judges without interference
by any outside regulations or authorities;
whether through civil service examination;
whether upon the approval
of some outside body such as a state
probation commission, or whether the
appointing power should be vested in
authorities other than the judges, as in
local non-partisan, non-sectarian committees
or commissions.
Ex-Attorney-General Julius M. Mayer
dissents from the foregoing paragraph
as follows:
“I am opposed to the appointing
power being placed in anybody except
the judges, which, to my mind, leaves
open only the question as to whether examinations
should be competitive or
non-competitive.”
In a further letter Judge Mayer
writes:
“There cannot be any discussion as to
who should appoint probation officers.
It is absurd to say that any person outside
of the judge should appoint. I personally
should refuse, if a judge, to
place anybody on probation if the probation
officers were appointed by any
one but the court or judge. As a matter
of fact I doubt seriously whether in
New York State there would be any
legal power in any other body to make
any such appointment. The suggestions,
in this regard, are, to my mind, utterly
absurd and unworthy of being dignified
by being incorporated in our report.”
A problem in administrative efficiency
that must be worked out is the co-ordination
of probation and parole systems.
There seem no valid reasons why in general
the same persons cannot do both
probation and parole work in the same
localities. At present parole supervision
is usually exercised by persons who are
not probation officers and often the parole
officers are itinerant officers obliged
to travel over wide areas. The effective
supervision and aid of those on parole
requires that those exercising the parole
oversight shall confine their efforts to
a comparatively limited area. The efficiency
of parole service would undoubtedly
be greatly strengthened in communities
where it is not practicable to have
special parole officers, if the parole work
were entrusted to the local probation officers.
This combination of work, if
properly carried on, can be carried on
with mutual advantage to both systems
and without any detriment to either of
them.
The Wives and Children of Prisoners.
The dependency of these often innocent
victims of the delinquency of the breadwinner
is closely allied to the problem of
prison labor. Any plan is paradoxical
that removes a breadwinner to prison
idleness and leaves a despairing family
to exist by charitable help or by the
bounty of impoverished neighbors. The
state having the right to protect itself
from crime by imprisoning the offender,
has also the duty to make work for him,
first to pay for his own maintenance,
and secondly, to contribute, so far as
possible, to the maintenance of his family.
No explanations of alleged necessary
idleness, of lack of orders for
prison goods, of political interference
with extension of prison labor systems,
or of the need of the payment of prisoners’
earnings to a tax-ridden state should
prevail against the fact that the state or
the political subdivision of a state owes
to the stricken family the partial fruits
of the toil of the prisoner and must develop
such a system of industry as will
both make the prisoner self supporting
and bring to his family some return for
his labor. Inability to accomplish less
than this is a confession of state-inefficiency
that should not be tolerated and
that invites the fullest scrutiny.
Farm Colonies. The campaign for
compulsory farm colonies for habitual
tramps and vagrants has gained much
impetus since 1907, when the problems
of vagrancy were discussed in detail, at
the Minneapolis national conference of
charities and correction. In a half
dozen states farm colony bills were introduced
last winter, but none were
passed. The press seems almost unanimous
in favor of such colonies; public
opinion is expressing even greater annoyance
at the so-called “tramp-army.”
Typical of the dissatisfaction with the
present expensive and palliative treatment
of vagrancy is the reiterated statement
of the New York State Board of
Charities that vagrancy costs the state
of New York about two million dollars
a year from public and private charitable
funds.
The time certainty seems at hand for
a systematic campaign against the vagrancy
evil. Drifting methods of alleviation
and of passing-on constitute only
an aggravation of the situation. Vagrancy
and crime are closely akin. The
Committee on Lawbreakers raises the
question whether the movement partially
organized several years ago for a national
vagrancy committee should not at
this session of the national conference
be organized with the aim of furthering
systematic methods for the reduction of
vagrancy. A problem in European
countries sufficiently serious to be called
one of the most fundamental social
problems deserves systematic and adequate
attention in the United States
where the problem is still in its earlier
stages.
Closely allied is the great problem of
inebriety and its treatment. The special
United States census of 1904 showed
that 54% of all commitments to correctional
institutions were due to intoxication,
vagrancy and disorderly conduct.
A special committee of this national conference
of 1911 treats of this national
question in a general session and in section
meetings. The committee on lawbreakers
emphasizes the pressing immediate
need of state and national campaigns
for the reduction of drunkenness
and the rational treatment of the drunkard.
Prisoners’ Aid Societies. Organized
charitable work of private societies in
the correctional field is woefully slight
in comparison with the charity organization
movement for the spread of the
gospel of social service. There are
hardly a score of active prisoners’ aid
societies of fairly wide range in the
United States. Yet the great movement
for probation and parole, for better
prisons and for better prisoners, for the
help of released prisoners and for dependent
families of prisoners, for the
reduction of vagrancy and inebriety, for
the better care of the mentally or physically
defective delinquents, for better
laws and greater public information—these
great movements need the directing
power of strong charitable organizations
of the prisoners’ aid kind. The
field of delinquency needs the same
thorough development that in the last
generation has been accorded to the
field of charity. A national prisoners’
aid society was organized at the last
meeting of the American Prison Association,
to develop greater co-operation
between the now existing prisoners’ aid
societies and to extend the prisoners’ aid
work. The national association publishes
a monthly journal of sixteen pages
called the Review.
American Criminology. Tendencies
in this country in the problems of the
treatment of the criminal have been
overwhelmingly administrative rather
than analytical and academic. Our foreign
guests in 1910 often remarked that
we characteristically experimented and
did things rather than debated and philosophized
on the theories of criminology.
The extravagance of sole adhesion
to the former method is increasingly obvious,
however, and has led, among
other things, to the organization of the
American Institute of Criminal Law
and Criminology, a central body for the
inculcation of more scientific methods
for the treatment of the delinquent as
well as for the extension of our knowledge
of the criminal. A recent conference
in New York City on the reform
of the criminal law and procedure indicated
the wide-spread belief of the ablest
members of the bench and bar that
our criminal law and its administration
need radical reforms. In the fields of
criminal statistics, also, we need far
more light even if such light shall only
indicate clearly that comprehensive and
accurate criminal statistics are practically
impossible to collate. To the efforts
of the American Institute of Criminal
Law and Criminology to advance in
accuracy, in dignity, and in usefulness
our store of information as to crime and
its treatment, the national conference
should give full credit and strong encouragement.