Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom — Protocol No. I — Protocol No. II — Protocol No. III — Protocol No. IV — Protocol No. V — Protocol No. VI — Protocol No. VII — Protocol No. VIII — Protocol No. IX — Protocol No. X — Protocol No. XI — Protocol No. XII — Protocol No. XIII — Protocol No. XIV — Protocol No. XV — Protocol No. XVI — Protocol No. XVII — Protocol No. XVIII — Protocol No. XIX — Protocol No. XX — Protocol No. XXI — Protocol No. XXII — Protocol No. XXIII — Protocol No. XXIV
Let us put aside phraseology and discuss the inner meaning
of every thought; by comparisons and deductions let
us illuminate the situation. In this way I will describe our system,
both from our own point of view and from that of the
Goys.[2]
It must be remembered that people with base instincts are
more numerous than those with noble ones; therefore, the best
results in governing are achieved through violence and intimidation
and not through academic discussion. Every man
seeks power; every one would like to become a dictator if he
possibly could; and rare indeed are those who would not sacrifice
the common good in order to attain personal advantage.
What has restrained the wild beasts we call men?
What has influenced them heretofore?
In the early stages of social life they submitted to brute and
blind force; afterwards—to the Law, which is the same force
but disguised. I deduce from this that according to the laws
of nature, right lies in might.
Political freedom is not a fact but an idea. One must know
how to employ this idea when it becomes necessary to attract
popular forces to one’s party by mental allurement if it plans to
crush the party in power. The task is made easier if the opponent
himself has contradicted the idea of freedom, the so-called
liberalism, and for the sake of the idea yields his power.
It is precisely here that the triumph of our theory becomes apparent:
the relinquished reins of power are, according to the
laws of nature, immediately seized by a new hand because the
blind force of the people cannot remain without a leader even
for one day, and the new power merely replaces the old,
weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power of gold has replaced liberal rulers.
There was a time when faith ruled. The idea of freedom cannot
be realized because no one knows how to make reasonable
use of it. Give the people self-government for a short time
and it will become corrupted. From that very moment strife
begins and soon develops into social struggles, as a result
of which states are set aflame and their authority is reduced
to ashes.
Whether the state is exhausted by internal convulsions, or
whether civil wars deliver it into the hands of external enemies,
in either case it can be regarded as hopelessly lost: it
is in our power. The despotism of capital, which is entirely
in our hands, holds out to it a straw which the state must
grasp, although against its will, or otherwise fall into the
abyss.
To him who, because of his liberal inclinations, would contend
that arguments of this kind are immoral, I would propound
the question: If a state has two enemies, and if against
the external enemy it is permitted and it is not considered
immoral to use all methods of warfare, and as a protective
measure not to acquaint the enemy with the plans of attack,
such as night attacks or attacks with superior forces, then
why should the same methods be regarded as immoral when
applied to a worse foe, a transgressor against social order and
prosperity?
How can a sound and logical mind hope successfully to
guide the masses by means of reasonable persuasion or by
arguments if there is a possibility of contradiction, even
though unreasonable, but which may appear more attractive
to the superficially thinking masses? Guided entirely by shallow
passions, superstitions, customs, traditions, and sentimental
theories, the people in and of the mob become embroiled in
party dissensions which prevent all possibility of an agreement,
even though it be on a basis of perfectly sound reasoning.
Every decision of the mob depends upon the accidental or
prearranged majority, which, owing to its ignorance of political
secrets, pronounces absurd decisions, thus introducing the
seeds of anarchy into the government.
Politics have nothing in common with morals. The ruler
guided by morality is not a skilled politician, and consequently
he is not firm on his throne. He who desires to rule must
resort to cunning and hypocrisy. The great popular qualities—honesty
and frankness—become vices in politics, as they
dethrone more surely and more certainly than the most powerful
enemy. These qualities must be the attributes of Goy
countries; but we by no means should be guided by them.
Our right lies in might. The word “right” is an abstract
idea, unsusceptible of proof. This word means nothing more
than: Give me what I desire so that I may have evidence that
I am stronger than you.
Where does right begin? Where does it end?
In a state with a poorly organized government and where the
laws are insignificant, and the ruler has lost his dignity as the
result of the accumulation of liberal rights, I find a new right,
namely, the right of might to destroy all existing order and
institutions, to lay hands on the law, to alter all institutions,
and to become the ruler of those who have voluntarily, liberally
renounced for our benefit the rights to their own power.
With the present instability of all authority our power will
be more unassailable than any other, because it will be invisible
until it is so well rooted that no cunning can undermine it.
From temporary evil to which we are now obliged to have
recourse will emerge the good of an unshakable government,
which will reinstate the orderly functioning of the mechanism
of popular existence now interrupted by liberalism. The end
justifies the means. In laying our plans we must turn our
attention not so much to the good and moral as to the necessary
and useful. Before us lies a plan in which a strategic line
is shown, from which we must not deviate on pain of risking
the collapse of many centuries of work.
In working out an expedient plan of action it is necessary
to take into consideration the meanness, vacillation, changeability
of the mob, its inability to appreciate and respect the
conditions of its own existence and of its own well-being. It
is necessary to realize that the power of the masses is blind,
unreasoning, and void of discrimination, prone to listen to
right and left. The blind man cannot guide the blind without
bringing them to the abyss; consequently, members of the
crowd, upstarts from the people, even were they men of
genius but incompetent in politics, cannot step forward as
leaders of the mob without ruining the entire nation.
Only the person prepared from childhood to autocracy can
understand the words which are formed by political letters.
The people left to themselves, that is to upstarts from among
them, are ruined by party dissensions created by greed for
power and honors, and by the disorders resulting therefrom.
Is it possible for the masses of the people to direct the affairs
of the state without rivalry, and without interjecting personal
interests? Are they capable of protecting themselves
against external enemies?—This is impossible, since a plan
divided into as many parts as there are minds in a mob loses
its unity, and consequently, becomes incomprehensible and
unworkable.
Only an autocrat can outline great and clear plans which
allocate in an orderly manner all the parts of the mechanism
of the government machinery. From this it is concluded that
the government which is the most efficient for the benefit of
a country must be concentrated in the hands of one responsible
person. Civilization cannot exist without absolute despotism,
for government is carried on not by the masses, but by their
leader, whoever he may be. A barbarous crowd shows its
barbarism on every occasion. The moment the mob grasps
liberty in its hands it is speedily changed to anarchy, which
is in itself the height of barbarism.
Look at those beasts, steeped in alcohol, stupefied by wine,
the unlimited use of which is granted by liberty.
Surely you cannot allow our own people to come to this.
The people of the Goys are stupefied by spirituous liquors;
their youth is driven insane through excessive study of the
classics, and vice to which they have been instigated by our
agents—tutors, valets, governesses—in rich houses, by clerks,
and so forth, and by our women in the pleasure places of the
Goys. Among the latter I include the so-called “society
women,” their volunteer followers in vice and luxury.
Our motto is Power and Hypocrisy. Only power can conquer
in politics, especially if it is concealed in talents which
are necessary to statesmen. Violence must be the principle;
hypocrisy and cunning the rule of those governments which
do not wish to lay down their crowns at the feet of the agents
of some new power. This evil is the sole means of attaining
the goal of good. For this reason we must not hesitate at
bribery, fraud, and treason when these can help us to reach
our end. In politics it is necessary to seize the property of
others without hesitation if in so doing we attain submission
and power.
Our government, following the line of peaceful conquest,
has the right to substitute for the horrors of war less noticeable
and more efficient executions, these being necessary to
keep up terror, which induces blind submission. A just but
inexorable strictness is the greatest factor of governmental
power. We must follow a program of violence and hypocrisy,
not only for the sake of profit, but also as a duty and for the
sake of victory.
A doctrine based on calculation is as potent as the means
employed by it. That is why not only by these very means,
but by the severity of our doctrines, we shall triumph and
shall enslave all governments under our super-government.
Even in olden times we shouted among the people the words
“Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.” These words have
been repeated so many times since by unconscious parrots,
which, flocking from all sides to the bait, have ruined the
prosperity of the world and true individual freedom, formerly
so well protected from the pressure of the mob. The would-be
clever and intelligent Goys did not discern the symbolism
of the uttered words; did not notice the contradiction in the
meaning and the connection between them; did not notice that
there is no equality in nature; that there can be no liberty,
since nature herself has established inequality of mind, character,
and ability, as well as subjection to her laws. They
did not reason that the power of the mob is blind; that the
upstarts selected for government are just as blind in politics
as is the mob itself, whereas the initiated man, even though
a fool, is capable of ruling, while the uninitiated, although a
genius, will understand nothing of politics. All this has been
overlooked by the Goys.
Meanwhile dynastic government has been based upon this,
that the father passed to his son the knowledge of the course
of political evolution, so that nobody except the members of
the dynasty could possess this knowledge, and no one could
disclose the secrets to the governed people. In the course of
time the meaning of the dynastic transmission of the true
understanding of politics has been lost, thus contributing to
the success of our cause.
In all parts of the world the words “Liberty, Equality, and
Fraternity” have brought whole legions into our ranks through
our blind agents, carrying our banners with delight. Meanwhile
these words were worms which ruined the prosperity
of the Goys, everywhere destroying peace, quiet, and solidarity,
undermining all the foundations of their states. You will
see subsequently that this aided our triumph, for it also gave
us, among other things, the opportunity to grasp the trump
card, the abolition of privileges; in other words, the very essence
of the aristocracy of the Goys, which was the only
protection of peoples and countries against us.
On the ruins of natural and hereditary aristocracy we built
an aristocracy of our intellectual class—the money aristocracy.
We have established this new aristocracy on the qualification
of wealth, which is dependent upon us, and also upon science,
which is promoted by our wise men.
Our triumph was also made easier because, through our
connections with people who were indispensable to us, we
always played upon the most sensitive chords of the human
mind, namely, greed, and the insatiable selfish desires of man.
Each of these human weaknesses taken separately is capable
of killing initiative and of placing the will of the people at the
disposal of the buyer of their activities.
Abstract liberty offered the opportunity for convincing the
masses that government is nothing but the manager representing
the owner of the country, namely, the people, and that
this manager can be discarded like a pair of worn-out gloves.
The fact that the representatives of the nation can be deposed,
delivers them into our power and practically places
their appointment in our hands.
It is necessary for us that wars, whenever possible, should
bring no territorial advantages; this will shift war to an
economic basis and force nations to realize the strength of our
predominance; such a situation will put both sides at the
mercy of our million-eyed international agency, which will be
unhampered by any frontiers. Then our international rights
will do away with national rights, in a limited sense, and will
rule the peoples in the same way as the civil power of each
state regulates the relation of its subjects among themselves.
The administrators chosen by us from among the people
in accordance with their capacity for servility will not be experienced
in the art of government, and consequently they will
easily become pawns in our game, in the hands of our scientists
and wise counselors, specialists trained from early childhood
for governing the world. As you are aware, these
specialists have obtained the knowledge necessary for government
from our political plans, from the study of history, and
from the observation of every passing event. The Goys are
not guided by the practice of impartial historical observation,
but by theoretical routine without any critical regard for its
results. Therefore, we need give them no consideration. Until
the time comes let them amuse themselves, or live in the hope
of new amusements or in the memories of those past. Let
that play the most important part for them which we have
induced them to regard as the laws of science (theory). For
this purpose, by means of our press, we increase their blind
faith in these laws. Intelligent Goys will boast of their
knowledge, and verifying it logically they will put into practice
all scientific information compiled by our agents for the
purpose of educating their minds in the direction which we
require.
Do not think that our assertions are without foundation:
note the successes of Darwinism, Marxism, and Nietzscheism,
engineered by us. The demoralizing effects of these doctrines
upon the minds of the Goys should be already obvious to us.
It is essential that we take into consideration the modern
ideas, temperaments, and tendencies of peoples in order that
no mistakes in politics and in guiding administrative affairs
may be made. The triumph of our system, parts of whose
mechanism must be adapted in accordance with the temperament
of the peoples with whom we come in contact, cannot
be realized unless its practical application is based upon a
résumé of the past as related to the present.
There is one great force in the hands of modern states which
arouses thought movements among the people. That is the
press. The rôle of the press is to indicate necessary demands,
to register complaints of the people, and to express and foment
dissatisfaction. The triumph of free babbling is incarnated
in the press; but governments were unable to profit by this
power and it has fallen into our hands. Through it we have
attained influence, while remaining in the background. Thanks
to the press, we have gathered gold in our hands, although
we had to take it from rivers of blood and tears.
But it cost us the sacrifice of many of our own people.
Every sacrifice on our part is worth a thousand Goys before
God.
To-day I can tell you that our goal is close at hand.
Only a small distance remains, and the cycle of the Symbolic
Serpent—the symbol of our people—will be complete.
When this circle is completed, then all the European states
will be enclosed in it as in strong claws.
The modern constitutional scales will soon tip over, for we
have set them inaccurately, thus insuring an unsteady balance
for the purpose of wearing out their holder. The Goys
thought it had been sufficiently strongly made and hoped that
the scales would regain their equilibrium, but the holder—the
ruler—is screened from the people by his representatives,
who fritter away their time, carried away by their uncontrolled
and irresponsible authority. Their power, moreover,
has been built up on terrorism spread through the palaces.
Unable to reach the hearts of their people, the rulers cannot
unite with them to gain strength against the usurpers of
power. The visible power of royalty and the blind power of
the masses, separated by us, have both lost significance, for
separated, they are as helpless as the blind man without a
stick.
To induce the lovers of authority to abuse their power, we
have placed all the forces in opposition to each other, having
developed their liberal tendencies towards independence. We
have excited different forms of initiative in that direction;
we have armed all the parties; we have made authority the
target of all ambitions. We have opened the arenas in different
states, where revolts are now occurring, and disorders and
bankruptcy will shortly appear everywhere.
Unrestrained babblers have converted parliamentary sessions
and administrative meetings into oratorical contests.
Daring journalists, impudent pamphleteers, make daily attacks
on the administrative personnel. The abuse of power is definitely
preparing the downfall of all institutions and everything
will be overturned by the blows of the infuriated mobs.
The people are shackled by poverty to heavy labor more
surely than they were by slavery and serfdom. They could
liberate themselves from those in one way or another, whereas
they cannot free themselves from misery. We have included
in constitutions rights which for the people are
fictitious and are not actual rights. All the so-called
“rights of the people” can exist only in the abstract and can
never be realized in practice. What difference does it make
to the toiling proletarian, bent double by heavy toil, oppressed
by his fate, that the babblers receive the right to talk, journalists
the right to mix nonsense with reason in their writings, if
the proletariat has no other gain from the constitution than the
miserable crumbs which we throw from our table in return for
his vote to elect our agents. Republican rights are bitter irony
to the poor man, for the necessity of almost daily labor prevents
him from using them, and at the same time deprives him of
his guarantee of a permanent and certain livelihood by making
him dependent upon strikes, organized either by his masters
or by his comrades.
Under our guidance the people have exterminated aristocracy,
which was their natural protector and guardian, for its
own interests are inseparably connected with the well-being
of the people. Now, however, with the destruction of this
aristocracy the masses have fallen under the power of the
profiteers and cunning upstarts, who have settled on the
workers as a merciless burden.
We will present ourselves in the guise of saviors of the
workers from this oppression when we suggest that they enter
our army of Socialists, Anarchists, Communists, to whom we
always extend our help, under the guise of the rule of brotherhood
demanded by the human solidarity of our social masonry.
The aristocracy which benefited by the labor of the people by
right was interested that the workers should be well fed,
healthy, and strong.
We, on the contrary, are concerned in the opposite—in the
degeneration of the Goys. Our power lies in the chronic malnutrition
and in the weakness of the worker, because through
this he falls under our power and is unable to find either
strength or energy to combat it.
Hunger gives to capital greater power over the worker than
the legal authority of the sovereign ever gave to the aristocracy.
Through misery and the resulting jealous hatred we
manipulate the mob and crush those who stand in our way.
When the time comes for our universal ruler to be crowned,
the same hands will sweep away everything which may be an
obstacle in our way.
The Goys are no longer accustomed to think without
our scientific advice. Consequently, they do not see the imperative
need of upholding that which we will sustain by all
means when our kingdom is established, namely, the teaching
in the schools of the only true science, the first of all sciences—the
science of the construction of human life, of social existence,
which requires the division of labor and, consequently,
the separation of people into classes and castes. It is necessary
that all should know that equality cannot exist, owing to
the different nature of various kinds of work; that there cannot
be the same responsibility before the law in the case of an
individual who by his actions compromises an entire caste
and another who does not affect anything but his own honor.
The correct science of the social structure, to the secrets of
which we do not admit the Goys, would demonstrate to all
that occupation and labor must be differentiated so as not to
cause human suffering by the discrepancy between education
and work. The study of this science will lead the masses to
a voluntary submission to the authorities and to the governmental
system organized by them. Whereas, under the present
state of science, and due to the direction of our guidance
therein, the people, in their ignorance, blindly believing the
printed word, and owing to the misconceptions which have
been fostered by us, feel a hatred towards all classes whom
they consider superior to themselves, since they do not understand
the importance of each caste.
This hatred will be still more accentuated by the economic
crisis, which will stop financial transactions and all industrial
life. Having organized a general economic crisis by all possible
underhand means, and with the help of gold which is all
in our hands, we will throw great crowds of workmen into
the street, simultaneously, in all countries of Europe. These
crowds will gladly shed the blood of those of whom they, in
the simplicity of their ignorance, have been jealous since
childhood and whose property they will then be able to loot.
They will not harm our people because we will know of the
time of the attack and we will take measures to protect them.
We have persuaded others that progress will lead the Goys
into a realm of reason. Our despotism will be of such a
nature that it will be in a position to pacify all revolts by wise
restrictions and to eliminate liberalism from all institutions.
When the people saw that they obtained concessions and
license in the name of liberty, they imagined that they were
the masters, and rushed into power; but like every blind person,
they encountered innumerable obstacles; they rushed to
seek a leader, with no thought of returning to the old one, and
laid power at our feet. Remember the French Revolution,
which we have called “great”; the secrets of its preparation
are well known to us, for it was the work of our hands.
Since then we have carried the masses from one disappointment
to another, so that they will renounce even us in favor
of a despot sovereign of Zionist blood, whom we are preparing
for the world.
At present, as an international force, we are invulnerable,
because if we are attacked by one state we are supported by
other states. The unlimited baseness of the Goy peoples, who
grovel before force, who are pitiless towards weakness, who
are merciless to misdemeanors and lenient to crimes, who are
unwilling to tolerate the contradictions of a free social structure;
patient unto martyrdom in bearing with the violence
of daring despotism—this is what helps our independence.
They tolerate and permit such abuses from their modern
premiers—dictators—for the least of which they would behead
twenty kings.
How can such a phenomenon be explained, such an illogical
conception on the part of the mass of the people towards
events of seemingly the same nature? This phenomenon can
be explained by the fact that these dictators through their
agents whisper to their people that by these abuses they injure
the states for a supreme purpose, namely, for the attainment
of the happiness of the people, their universal fraternity, solidarity,
and equality. Of course, they are not told that this
unification will be achieved only under our rule. Thus, the
people condemn the just and acquit the unjust, more and more
convinced that they can do what they please. Owing to this,
the people destroy all stability and create disorder on every
occasion.
The word “Liberty” brings all society into conflict with all
authority, be it that of God or Nature. This is why, at the
moment of our enthronement, we shall strike this word from
the dictionary as being the symbol of brute power, which
turns the masses into bloodthirsty beasts. It is true, however,
that these beasts go to sleep as soon as they have drunk
blood, and then it is easy to shackle them; but if the blood is
not given to them they will not sleep and will struggle.
Every republic passes through several stages. The first
stage is like the early period of insane ravings of a blind
man throwing himself right and left. The second is the
demagogy which breeds anarchy, which inevitably leads to
despotism, not of a legal and open character and, consequently,
responsible, but an unseen and unknown despotism, no less
effective because exercised by some secret organization, acting
even less ceremoniously because it is hidden under the cover
and behind the backs of different agents. The change of these
agents will even help the secret organizations, as it will thus
be able to rid itself of the necessity of spending money to
reward employees of long terms of service.
Who and what can overthrow an unseen power? For such
is the character of our power. External Masonry[3] acts as a
screen for it and its aims, but the plan of action of this power,
and its very headquarters, will always remain unknown to the
people.
Liberty could also be harmless and remain on the state
program without detriment to the well-being of the people
if it were to retain the ideas of the belief in God and human
fraternity, free from the conception of equality for such a conception
is in contradiction to the laws of nature which establish
subordination. With such a faith the people would be
governed by the guardians of the parish and would thrive
quietly and obediently under the guidance of their spiritual
leader, accepting God’s dispensation on earth. It is for this
reason that we must undermine faith, tearing from the minds
of the Goys the very principal of God and Soul, and substituting
mathematical formulas and material needs.
In order that the minds of the Goys may have no time to
think and notice things, it is necessary to divert them in the
direction of industry and commerce. Thus all nations will
seek their own profit, and while engaged in the struggle they
will not notice their common enemy. But in order that liberty
should finally undermine and ruin the Goy’s society, it is
necessary to put industry on a basis of speculation. The result
of this will be that everything, absorbed by industry from the
land, will not remain in the hands of the Goys, but will be
directed towards speculation; that is, it will come into our
coffers.
The intense struggle for supremacy, the shocks to economic
life, will create, moreover have already created, disappointed,
cold, and heartless societies. These societies will have complete
disgust for high politics and religion. Their only guide
will be calculation, i.e., gold, for which they will have a real
cult because of the material delights which it can supply. It
will be at that stage that the lower classes of the Goys, not
for the sake of doing good, nor even for the sake of wealth,
but solely because of their hatred towards the privileged, will
follow us against our competitors for power, the intelligent
Goys.
What form of government can be given to societies in
which bribery has penetrated everywhere, where riches
are obtained only by clever tricks and semi-fraudulent means,
where corruption reigns, where morality is sustained by punitive
measures and strict laws and not by voluntary acceptance of
moral principles, where cosmopolitan convictions have eliminated
patriotic feelings and religion? What form of government
can be given to such societies other than a despotism
such as I shall describe?
We will create a strong centralized government, so as to
gather the social forces into our power. We will mechanically
regulate all the functions of political life of our subjects by
new laws. These laws will gradually eliminate all the concessions
and liberties permitted by the Goys. Our kingdom
will be crowned by such a majestic despotism that it will be
able, at all times and in all places, to crush both antagonistic
and discontented Goys.
We may be told that the despotism outlined by me is inconsistent
with modern progress, but I will prove to you that
the contrary is the case.
At the time when people considered rulers as an incarnation
of the will of God, they subjected themselves without murmur
to the autocracy of the sovereigns; but as soon as we inspired
them with the thought of their personal rights, they began to
regard the rulers as ordinary mortals. The holy anointment
fell from the heads of sovereigns in the opinion of the people;
and when we deprived them of their belief in God, then authority
was thrown into the street, where it became public property
and was seized by us. Moreover, the art of governing the
masses and individuals by means of cunningly constructed
theories and phraseology, by rulers of social life, and other
devices not understood by the Goys, belongs, among other
faculties, to our administrative mind, which is educated in
analysis and observation, and is also based upon skillful reasoning
in which we have no competitors, just as we have none
in the preparation of plans for political action and solidarity.
Only the Jesuits could be compared to us in this; but we were
able to discredit them in the mind of the senseless mob as a
visible organization, whereas we, with our secret organization,
remained in the dark. After all, is it not the same to the
world who will be its master—whether it be the head of
Catholicism or our despot of Zionist blood? To us, however,
the Chosen People, it is by no means a matter of indifference.
Temporarily, a world coalition of the Goys would be able
to hold us in check, but we are insured against this by roots
of dissension so deep among them that they cannot now be
extracted. We have set at variance the personal and national
interests of the Goys; we have incited religious and race
hatred, nurtured by us in their hearts for twenty centuries.
Owing to all this, no state will obtain the help it asks for from
any side because each of them will think that a coalition against
us will be disadvantageous to it. We are too powerful—we
must be taken into consideration. No country can reach even
an insignificant private understanding without our being secret
parties to it.
Per me reges regnant—“Through me the sovereigns
reign.” The prophets have told us that we were chosen by
God himself to reign over the world. God endowed us with
genius to enable us to cope with the problem. Were there
a genius in the opposing camp, he would struggle against us,
but a newcomer is not equal to an old inhabitant. The struggle
between us would be of such a merciless nature as the world
has never seen before; moreover their genius would be too
late.
All the wheels of government mechanism move by the action
of the motor which is in our hands, and that motor is
gold. The science of political economy, invented by our wise
men, has long ago demonstrated the royal prestige of capital.
To attain freedom of action, capital must obtain freedom to
monopolize industry and trade; this is already being done by
an unseen hand in all parts of the world. Such liberty will
give political power to traders, and will aid in subjugating
the people. At present it is more important to disarm peoples
than to lead them to war; it is more important to utilize flaming
passions for our purposes than to extinguish them; more
important to grasp and interpret the thoughts of others in
our own way than to discard them.
The most important problem of our government is to weaken
the popular mind by criticism; to disaccustom it to thought,
which creates opposition; to deflect the power of thought into
mere empty eloquence.
At all times both peoples and individuals have mistaken
words for deeds, as they are satisfied with the visible, rarely
noticing whether the promise is performed in the fields of
social life.
Therefore, we will organize ostensible institutions which
will prove eloquently their good work in the direction of
“progress.”
We will appropriate to ourselves the liberal aspect of all
parties, of all shades of opinion, and we will provide our
orators with the same aspect, and they will talk so much that
they will exhaust the people by their speeches and cause them
to turn away from orators in disgust.
To control public opinion it is necessary to perplex it by the
expression of numerous contradictory opinions until the Goys
get lost in the labyrinth, and come to understand that it is best
to have no opinion on political questions.
Such questions are not intended to be understood by the
people, since only he who rules knows them. This is the first
secret.
The second secret necessary for the success of governing
consists in so multiplying popular failings, habits, passions,
and conventional laws that no one will be able to disentangle
himself in the chaos, and consequently, people will cease to
understand each other. This measure would help us to sow
dissension within all parties, to disintegrate all those collective
forces which still do not wish to subjugate themselves to us;
to discourage all individual initiative which might in any
degree hamper our work.
There is nothing more dangerous than individual initiative;
if it has a touch of genius it can accomplish more than a million
people among whom we have sown dissensions. We must
direct the education of the Goy societies so that their arms
will drop hopelessly when they face every task where initiative
is required. The intensity of action resulting from
individual freedom of action dissipates its force when it encounters
another person’s freedom. This results in heavy
blows at morale, disappointments and failures.
We will so tire the Goys by all this that we will force them
to offer us an international power, which by its position will
enable us conveniently to absorb, without destroying, all governmental
forces of the world and thus to form a super-government.
In lieu of modern rulers, we will place a monster
which will be called the Super-Governmental Administration.
Its hands will be stretched out like pincers in every direction
so that this colossal organization cannot fail to conquer all the
peoples.
We will soon begin to establish great monopolies—reservoirs
of huge wealth, upon which even the large fortunes
of the Goys will depend to such an extent that they will
be drowned, together with the governmental credits, on the
day following the political catastrophe.
You economists, here present, will please carefully weigh
the significance of this scheme!...
We must develop, by all means, the importance of our super-government
by representing it as the protector and reward-giver
of all those who willingly submit to us.
The aristocracy of the Goys as a political force is dead.
We do not need to take it into consideration; but as land-owners
they are harmful to us because they can be independent
in their resources of life. For this reason we must deprive
them of their land at any cost.
To attain this object, the best method is to increase land
taxes—the indebtedness of the land. These measures will
keep land ownership in subjection.
The aristocracy of the Goys, which as a matter of heredity
is unable to be satisfied with small things, will soon be ruined.
At the same time it is necessary to patronize trade and
industry vigorously, and more important, to encourage speculation,
whose function is to act as a counterbalance to industry.
Without speculation, industry will increase private
capital and tend to the amelioration of land ownership by
freeing it from indebtedness created by the loans granted by
agricultural banks. It is necessary that industry should suck
out of the land both labor and capital and through speculation
deliver into our hands all the money of the world, thus throwing
all the Goys into the ranks of the proletarians. Then the
Goys will bow before us in order to obtain the mere right of
existence.
To destroy Goy industry we will create among the Goys
as an aid to speculation the strong demand for boundless
luxury which we have already developed.
Let us raise wages, which, however, will be of no benefit to
the workers, for we will simultaneously cause the rise in
prices of objects of first necessity under the pretext that this
is due to the decadence of agriculture, and of the cattle
industry.
We will also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of
production by teaching the workmen anarchy and the use of
alcohol, at the same time taking measures to expel all the intelligent
Goys from the land.
That the true situation should not be noticed by the Goys
until the proper time, we will mask it by a pretended desire
to help the working classes and great economic principles, an
active propaganda of which principles is being carried on
through the dissemination of our economic theories.
The intensification of armament and the increase of the
police force are essential to the realization of the above-mentioned
plans. It is necessary that there should be besides
ourselves in all countries only the mass of the proletariat, a
few millionaires devoted to us, policemen, and soldiers.
We must create unrest, dissensions, and hatred throughout
Europe and through European affiliations, also on other continents.
In this there is a twofold advantage: First, we will
hold all countries under our influence, since they will realize
that we have the power to create disorders or to restore order
whenever we wish. All countries have come to regard us as
a necessary burden. Second, we will entangle by intrigues all
the threads stretched by us into all the governmental bodies
by means of politics, economic treaties, or financial obligations.
To attain these ends we will worm our way into parleys and
negotiations, armed with cunning, but in so-called “official
language” we will assume the opposite tactics of seeming
honest and reasonable. In this way the peoples and the governments
of the Goys, taught by us to regard only the surface
of that which we show them, will look upon us as benefactors
and saviors of mankind.
We must be able to overcome all opposition by provoking
a war by the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose
us. Should, however, those neighbors, in their turn, decide to
unite against us we must respond by a world war.
Chief success in politics lies in the secrecy of its undertakings.
There must be inconsistency between the words and
actions of diplomats.
We must influence the Goy governments to action beneficial
to our broadly conceived plan, now approaching its triumphant
goal, creating the impression that such action is demanded by
public opinion which in reality is secretly organized by us
with the help of the so-called “great power,” namely, the
press; the latter, however, with few exceptions that need not
be considered, is already entirely in our hands.
In short, to sum up our system of shackling the Goy governments
of Europe, we will show our power to one of them
by assassination and terrorism, and should there be a possibility
of all of them rising against us, we will answer them
with American, Chinese, or Japanese guns.
We must provide ourselves with the same arms our enemies
can employ against us. We must seek the most
subtle expressions and evasions of the legal dictionary to
justify those cases in which we will be forced to announce
decisions which may seem unnecessarily bold and unjust, for
it is important that these decisions should be expressed in
terms so forcible that they will appear as the highest moral
rules of a legal character.
Our government must be surrounded by all the forces of
civilization, in the midst of which it will have to function. It
will surround itself with publicists, experienced lawyers, administrators,
diplomats, and, finally, people educated along
special lines in our special advanced schools.
These people will know all the secrets of social existence;
they will know all languages composed of political letters and
words; they will be familiar with the reverse side of human
nature, with all its sensitive chords, upon which they must
know how to play. These chords are the structure of the
intellects of the Goys, their tendencies, their failings, their
vices, and their virtues, the peculiarities of classes and castes.
It is evident that the highly talented members of our government,
to which I refer, will be recruited not from the ranks
of the Goys, accustomed to performing their administrative
duties without questioning their aim, and without thinking
why they are necessary. The Goy administrators sign papers
without reading them and work for profit or for pride.
We will surround our government by a whole world of
economists. It is for this reason that economics is the chief
science taught to the Jews. We will be surrounded by a
crowd of bankers, traders, capitalists, and most important of
all, by millionaires, because in essence everything will be
decided by a question of figures.
Meanwhile, as it is not yet safe to give the responsible
government posts to our brother Jews, we will give them to
people whose record and whose character are such that there
is an abyss between them and the people; also to people for
whom, in case of disobedience to our orders, there will remain
nothing but condemnation or exile—thus forcing them to
protect our interests to their last breath.
In applying our principles, turn your attention to the character
of the people in whose countries you will be resident
and among whom you will act, for a general similar application
of them before the reëducation of a people according to
our plan cannot be successful. But by advancing carefully
in their application you will see that before ten years have
passed the most obstinate character will have changed, and
we can then count another people among those who already
have submitted to us.
When we are enthroned we will substitute for the liberal
words of our Masonic catchword, “Liberty, Equality, and
Fraternity,” another group of words expressing simply ideas,
namely, “the right of Liberty, the duty of Equality, the ideal
of Fraternity.” Thus we will speak and ... we shall have
the goat by the horns.... De facto, we have already destroyed
all governments except our own, although de jure
there are still many left. At present, if any of the governments
raises a protest against us, it is done only as a matter
of form, and at our desire, and by our order, because their
anti-Semitism is necessary to enable us to control our smaller
brothers. I will not further explain this, as it has already been
the object of numerous discussions.
In reality there are no obstacles before us. Our super-government
exists under such extra-legal conditions that it is
common to designate it by an energetic and strong word—a
Dictatorship.
I can honestly state that at the present time we are law-makers;
we are the judges and inflict punishment; we execute
and pardon; we, as the chief of all our armies, ride the leader’s
horse. We rule by indomitable will because we hold in our
hands the fragments of a once strong party now subject to
us. We possess boundless ambition, burning greed for merciless
revenge, and bitter hatred.
From us emanates an all-embracing terror. People of all
opinions and of all doctrines are in our service; people who
desire to restore monarchies, demagogues, socialists, communists,
and other utopians. We have had to put all of them to
work; every one of them is undermining the last remnant of
authority, is trying to overthrow all existing order. All the
governments have been tortured by this procedure; they beg
for peace, and for the sake of peace are prepared to make any
sacrifice, but we will not give them peace until they recognize
our international super-government openly and with submission.
The masses have begun to demand the solution of the social
problem by means of an international agreement. The division
into parties has delivered all of them to us, because in order to
conduct a party struggle money is required, and we have it all.
We might fear the union of the intelligent power of the
Goys’ rulers with the blind power of the masses, but we have
taken all measures against such a possibility. Between the
two powers we have raised a wall in the form of mutual terror;
thus the blind power of the people continues to be our support,
and we alone will act as its leader and, naturally, we
will direct it towards our goal.
To prevent the hand of the blind from freeing itself from
our guidance, we must from time to time keep in close touch
with the masses, if not through personal contact then through
our most devoted brethren. When we become a recognized
power we will personally address the masses in open places,
and we will expound political problems in the desired direction.
How verify what is taught in village schools? But whatever
the representative of the government or the ruler himself
states will be immediately known to the entire nation, for it
will rapidly spread by the voice of the people.
In order not prematurely to destroy Goy institutions, we
have touched them with our efficient hands and grasped the
ends of the springs of their mechanism. Formerly these
springs were in rigid but just order; we have changed it to
liberal, disorderly, and arbitrary lawlessness.
We have affected legal procedure, electoral law, the press,
personal freedom, and, most important, education, the corner-stone
of free existence.
We have misled, corrupted, fooled, and demoralised the
youth of the Goys by education along principles and theories
known by us to be false but which we ourselves have inspired.
Without changing substantially the existing law we have
created stupendous results by distorting the laws through
contradictory interpretations. These results first manifested
themselves by the fact that interpretation has concealed the
law itself, and thereafter has completely hidden it from the
eyes of the governments by the impossibility of understanding
such complicated jurisprudence.
Hence the theory of the court of conscience.[4]
You may say that there will be an armed rising against us
if our plans are discovered prematurely; but in anticipation
of this we have such a terrorizing manoeuver in the West
that even the bravest soul will shudder.
Underground passages will be established by that time in
all capitals, from where they can be exploded, together with
all their institutions and national documents.
To-day I will begin by reiterating what has already been
stated. I beg you to remember that the government and
the masses are satisfied with visible results in politics. How can
they examine the inner meaning of things when their representatives
consider that pleasure is above everything? It
is important to know one detail in our policy. It will help
us in discussing division of authority, freedom of speech, of the
press, of religion (faith), the right of assembly, equality before
the law, inviolability of property and of the home, indirect
taxes and the retrospective force of law. All such questions
should never be directly and openly discussed before the
masses. When it becomes necessary for us to discuss them,
they should not be elaborated but merely mentioned, without
going into details, pointing out that modern legal principles
are being accepted by us. The significance of this reticence lies
in the fact that a principle which has not been openly declared
gives us freedom of action to exclude unnoticed one point or
another, whereas if elaborated the principle becomes as good
as established.
The people feel an especial love and admiration towards the
political genius, and they always react to their acts of violence
as follows:
“Yes, of course it is villainy, but how clever!—It is a trick
but cleverly done! So majestically! so impudently!...”
We count upon attracting all nations to the construction of
the foundations of the new edifice which has been planned by
us. It is for this reason that it is necessary for us first of all
to acquire that spirit of daring, enterprise, and force which,
through our agents, will enable us to overcome all obstacles
in our path.
When we accomplish our coup d’état, we will say to the
peoples: “Everything went badly; all of you have suffered.
We will abolish the cause of your sufferings, that is to say,
nationalities, frontiers, and national currencies. Of course
you are free to condemn us, but would your judgment be just
if you were to pronounce it before giving a trial to what we
will give you?” Thereafter they will exalt us with a sentiment
of unanimous delight and hope. The voting system which we
have used as a tool for our enthronement, and to which we
have accustomed even the most humble members of humanity
by organizing meetings and prearranged agreements, will
have performed its last service and will make its last appearance
in the expression of a unanimous desire to become more
closely acquainted with us before having pronounced a
judgment.
To attain this we must force all to vote, without class discrimination,
to establish the autocracy of the majority, which
cannot be obtained from the intellectual classes alone. Through
this method of accustoming every one to the idea of self-determination,
we will shatter the Goy family and its educational
importance. We will not allow the formation of
individual minds, because the mob, under our guidance, will
prevent them from distinguishing themselves or even expressing
themselves. The mob has become accustomed to listen
only to us who pay it for obedience and attention. We will
thus create such a blind power that it will be unable to move
without the guidance of our agents, sent by us to replace their
leaders.
The masses will submit to this régime because they will
know that their earnings, perquisites, and other benefits depend
upon these leaders.
The plan of government must emanate already formed from
one head, as it would be impossible to put it together if disintegration
by many minds into small pieces is allowed. That
is why we only are allowed to know the plan of action; but we
must not discuss it in order not to affect its ingenuity, the
correlation between its component parts, the practical force
of the secret meaning of its every clause. Were such a plan
to be submitted to and altered by frequent voting, it would
reflect the stamp of the misconceptions of every one who has
not penetrated its depth and the correlation of its aims. For
this reason our plans must be strongly and clearly conceived.
Consequently, the inspired work of our leader must not be
thrown to the mercy of the mob or even of a limited group.
These plans will not immediately upset contemporary institutions.
They will only alter their organization, and consequently
the entire combination of their development, which
will thus be directed according to the plans laid down by us.
More or less the same institutions exist in different countries
under different names, such as representative bodies,
ministries, senate, state council, legislative and executive
bodies. It is not necessary for me to explain to you the connecting
mechanism of these different institutions, as it is well
known to you. I only call to your attention that every one of
the aforesaid institutions fulfills some important governmental
function, and, moreover, I beg you to notice that the word
“important” refers not to the institution but to the function.
Consequently, it is not the institutions that are important but
their functions. Such institutions have divided among themselves
all the functions of government, namely, administrative,
legislative, and executive powers; therefore, their functions in
the state organism have become similar to those in a human
body. If one part of the governmental machine is injured,
the state itself falls ill, in the same way as the human body,
and then it dies.
When we injected the poison of liberalism into the state
organism, its entire political complexion changed; the states
became infected with a mortal disease, namely, the decomposition
of the blood. It is only necessary to await the end of
their agony.
Constitutional governments were born of liberalism, which
replaced the autocracy that was the salvation of the Goys,
for the constitution, as you well know, is nothing more than a
school for dispute, discussion, disagreement, fruitless party agitation,
dissension, party tendencies—in other words, a school
for everything which weakens the efficiency of government.
The platform no less than the press condemned the authorities
to inaction and impotency and thereby rendered them useless
and superfluous, for which reason they were overthrown in
many countries. The rise of the republican era then became
possible, and then we substituted for the ruler a caricature of
government—a president chosen from the mob, from among
our creatures, our slaves. This was the kind of mine we laid
under the Goys, or, more correctly, under the Goy nations.
In the near future we will make the president a responsible
officer, whereupon we will no longer stand on ceremony in
carrying out the things for which our dummy will be responsible.
What difference does it make to us that the ranks of
those aiming at authority will thin out, that confusion will result
from inability to find presidents, confusion which will
definitely disorganize the country?
To accomplish our plan, we will engineer the election of
presidents whose past record contains some hidden scandal,
some “Panama”—then they will be faithful executors of
our orders from fear of exposure, and from the natural desire
of every man who has reached authority to retain the privileges,
advantages, and dignity connected with the position of
president. The Chamber of Deputies will elect, protect, and
screen presidents, but we will deprive it of the right of
initiating laws or of amending them, for this right will be
granted by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our
hands. Of course then the power of the president will become
the target of numerous attacks, but we will give him the means
of self-protection by giving him the right of directly applying
to the people, for their decision, over the heads of their representatives.
In other words, he will turn to the same blind
slave—to the majority of the mob. Moreover, we will empower
the president to proclaim martial law. We will justify
this prerogative under the pretext that the president, as chief
of the national army, must control it in order to protect the
new republican constitution, which he, as a responsible representative
of this constitution, is bound to defend.
It is obvious that under such conditions the keys to the
shrine will be in our hands, and nobody except ourselves will
be able to guide the legislative power.
We will also take away from the Chamber, with the introduction
of the new republican constitution, the right of interpellation
in regard to governmental measures, under the
pretext that political secrets must be preserved. With the
aid of this new constitution we will reduce the number of
representatives to the minimum, thus also reducing to the
same extent political passions and passion for politics. If, in
spite of this, those remaining are recalcitrant, we will abolish
them completely by appealing to the majority of the people.
The appointment of the president and vice presidents of the
Chamber and Senate will be the prerogative of the president.
Instead of continuous parliamentary sessions, we will shorten
them to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief executive,
will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament,
and in the case of dissolution, defer the appointment of a new
parliament. But to prevent the president from being held
responsible before our plans are matured for the results of all
these essentially illegal actions inaugurated by us, we will
give the ministers and other high administrative officials surrounding
the president the idea of circumventing his orders
by issuing instructions of their own. Consequently, they will
be made responsible instead of him. We recommend that the
execution of this plan be given especially to the Senate, State
Council, or Council of Ministers, and not to individuals. Under
our guidance the president will interpret in ambiguous ways
such existing laws as it is possible so to interpret. Moreover,
he will annul them when the need is pointed out to
him by us: he will also have the right to propose temporary
laws and even modifications in the constitutional work of
government, alleging as the motive for so doing the exigencies
of the welfare of the country.
By such measures we will be able to destroy gradually, step
by step, everything that, upon entering into our rights, we
were obliged to introduce into government constitutions as a
transition to the imperceptible abolition of all constitutions,
when the time comes to convert all government into our
autocracy.
The recognition of our autocrat may come even before the
abolition of the constitution; the moment for this recognition
will come when the people, tormented by dissension and the
incompetency of their rulers, incited by us, will exclaim:
Depose them, and give us one universal sovereign who will
unite us and abolish the causes of dissension—national frontiers,
religion, state indebtedness—and who will give us the
peace and quiet which we cannot find with our rulers and
representatives.
But you know well that to render such a universal expression
of desire possible, it is necessary continuously to disturb the
relationship between the people and the government in all
countries, and so to exhaust everybody by the dissension,
hostility, struggle, hatred, and even martyrdom, hunger, inoculation
of diseases, and misery, as to make the Goys see no
other solution than an appeal to our money and complete rule.
Should we give the people a rest, however, the longed for
moment will probably never arrive.
The Council of State will tend to accentuate the power of
the ruler; in the capacity of an ostensible legislative body,
it will act as a committee for the drawing up of laws and
statutes on behalf of the ruler.
The following is the program of the new constitution which
we are preparing. We will make laws and control the courts
in the following manner:
1. By suggestions to the legislative body.
2. By means of orders issued by the president as general
statutes, decrees of the Senate, and decisions of the Council
of State, as regulations passed by the ministries.
3. And when the opportune moment arrives—in the form
of a coup d’état.
Having thus roughly outlined the modus agendi, we will now
take up in detail those measures by which we will complete the
development of the governmental mechanism in the above
direction. By these measures, I mean the freedom of the
press, the right of assembly, religious freedom, electoral rights,
and many other things which must disappear from the human
repertoire, or must be fundamentally altered on the day following
the declaration of the new constitution. It is only at
this moment that it will become possible for us to announce
all our decrees, for at any time in the future every perceptible
change would be dangerous, and this for the following
reasons: If these changes should be introduced and rigidly
enforced, it might cause despair by creating the fear of further
changes in a similar direction; if, however, they are made
with a tendency to subsequent leniency, then it might be said
that we have recognized our mistakes, which would undermine
the faith in the infallibility of the new authority; it might also
be said that we were frightened, and that we were forced to
make concessions for which nobody would be thankful since
they would be considered as legitimately due.
Any of these impressions would be detrimental to the prestige
of the new constitution. It is necessary for us that, from the
first moment of its proclamation, when the people are still
dumbfounded by the accomplished revolution and are in a
state of terror and surprise, they should realize we are so
strong, so invulnerable, and so mighty that we shall in no
case pay attention to them, and not only will we ignore their
opinions and desires, but be ready to and capable of suppressing
at any moment or place any sign of opposition with indisputable
authority. We shall want the people to realize that
we have taken at once everything we wanted, and that we shall
under no circumstances share our power with them. Then
they will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will
await further developments.
The Goys are like a flock of sheep—we are wolves.
Do you know what happens to sheep when wolves get into
the fold?
They will also close their eyes to everything because we
will promise to return to them all their liberties after the
enemies of peace have been subjugated and all the parties
pacified.
Is it necessary to say how long they would have to wait
for the return of their liberties?
Why have we conceived and inspired this policy for the
Goys without giving them an opportunity to examine its inner
meaning if not for the purpose of attaining by a circuitous
method what is unattainable for our scattered race by a direct
road?
This constituted a base for our organization of secret
masonry which is not known to and whose aims are not even
suspected by these cattle, the Goys. They have been decoyed
by us into our numerous ostensible organisations, which appear
to be Masonic lodges, so as to divert the attention of their
co-religionists.
God has given us, his chosen people, the power to scatter,
and what to all appears to be our weakness, has proved to
be our strength, and has now brought us to the threshold of universal
rule.
Little remains to be built on these foundations.
The word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We
will define it as follows:
Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law.
Such a definition of this word will eventually serve us, because
liberty will be in our power; and also because the laws will either
destroy or construct only what we desire in accordance with
the above mentioned program.
We will deal with the press in the following manner: What
is the present rôle of the press? It serves to arouse furious
passions or egotistic party dissensions which may be necessary
for our purpose. It is empty, unjust, inaccurate, and most
people do not understand what end it serves. We will shackle
it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the same with
other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid
ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we
remain open to criticism through pamphlets and books? We
will convert the products of publicity, now so expensive, owing
to the need of censorship, into a source of income for our
state. We will impose a special stamp tax. When a newspaper
printing shop is started, bonds will have to be deposited,
which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the
part of the press. In case of an attack, we will mercilessly
impose fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the
payment of which is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge
income to the government. It is true that party papers might
not fear the loss of money, so we will suppress these after the
second attack on us. No one shall touch the prestige of our
political infallibility and remain unpunished. The pretext for
stopping a publication will be that the publication in question
excites public opinion without cause or reason. I ask you to
bear in mind that among those who attack us there will be
also organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively
those points which we plan to change.
Not one notice will be made public without our control.
This is already being done by us, since the news from all
parts of the world is received through several agencies in
which it is centralized.
These agencies will then be completely in our power and
they will publish only such news as we will permit.
If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of the
Goys to such an extent that almost all of them see world
events through colored glasses which we put over their eyes;
if, even at present, there is not one state which bars our access
to state secrets, so termed by the stupid Goys, then what will it
be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign, are the
recognized rulers of the world?
Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who
wishes to become an editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be
obliged to obtain a diploma, which in case of disobedience will
be immediately revoked.
With such measures, thought will become an educational instrument
in the hands of our government, which will not allow
the people to be led astray into realms of fancy and dreams
about beneficent progress. Who of us does not know that these
fantastic blessings are the direct road to baseless hopes which
lead to anarchistic relations between the people and the government?
Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led
to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting
any limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists
in thought if not in action. Each one of them pursues
the phantom of liberty, becoming self-willed, that is to say,
falling into a state of anarchy by protesting for the mere sake
of protesting.
We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will
place stamp taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed
matter, while on books containing less than four hundred and
eighty pages we will place a double tax. We will classify them
as pamphlets, so as to lessen the number of magazines, which
represent the worst printed poison—and on the other hand,
to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be
little read, especially as they will be expensive. Our own publications,
guiding public opinion in the direction we desire,
will be cheap and rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the
writing of mere leisure literature, whereas punishment will
make the writers dependent upon us. Even if there were
writers who would like to attack us, they would find no publishers
for their works. Before printing any work, the editor
or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission.
We will then know beforehand of the attacks that are being
prepared against us, and we will destroy them by coming out
with advance statements on the subject.
Literature and journalism are the two most important educational
forces; for this reason our government will become the
owner of most of the periodicals. This will neutralize the
injurious influence of the private press and have great influence
on the people. If we permit ten periodicals, we ourselves
will print thirty, and so forth. This, however, must not
be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published
by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting
trust in us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies,
and in this way they will be caught in our trap and made
harmless.
The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an
official character. They will always stand guard over our
interests and consequently their influence will be comparatively
limited.
In the second category we will place semi-official organs,
whose aim will be to attract the indifferent and little interested.
The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which
at least in one of its publications will represent the opposition
to us. Our real enemies will mistake this seeming opposition
as belonging to their own group and will thus show us their
cards.
All our newspapers will represent different tendencies,
namely, aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic,
so long of course as the constitution lasts. Like the
Indian God Vishnu, these periodicals will have one hundred
arms, each of which will reach the pulse of every group of
public opinion. When the pulse beats faster, these arms will
guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person loses
the power of reasoning and is easily led. Those fools who
believe that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers
of their party will be repeating our opinions or those
which we desire them to have. Imagining that they are following
the press of their party, they will follow the flag which
we will fly for them.
In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program,
we must organize the press with great care. Under the
title of the Central Department of the press, we will organize
literary meetings at which our agents unnoticed will give the
passwords and countersigns. Discussing and contradicting
our policies, although always superficially, without touching
their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against
official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express
ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary
declarations. This, of course, will be done when it
is useful to us.
These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people
that complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will
give our agents the opportunity to declare that the papers
opposing us are mere wind-bags, since they are unable to find
any real ground to refute our orders.
Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention,
will be the most successful means of guiding the public
mind and of inspiring confidence in our government. Thanks
to them, we will as the need arises excite or pacify the public
mind on political questions. We will be able to persuade or
confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes lies,
referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way
they are received by the public, always carefully sounding the
ground before stepping on it. We will surely conquer our
enemies, because they will not have the press at their disposal
in which to express themselves in full. Moreover, with the
above mentioned plans against the press, we will not even
need to refute them seriously.
The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of
our press, we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our
semi-official organs.
In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity
of a password; all organs of the press are bound by
professional secrecy; like the ancient augurs, not one member
will disclose his secret if he is not ordered to do so. Not one
journalist will dare to disclose this secret, for not one of them
is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has a disgraceful
action in his past record. The fact would immediately be made
public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a
few, the prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout
the country—he is admired.
Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts.
There we must excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those
of the capitals, by means of which we may always attack them,
presenting such ambitions to the capitals as the inspired views
and aims of provincial districts. It is obvious that their source
will be ours. It is necessary for us that while we are not yet
in full power, the capital should be under the influence of
provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the
majority prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us
that at the critical psychological moment the capitals should
not discuss an accomplished fact, for the mere reason that it
had been accepted by the provincial majority.
When we reach the phase of the new régime, which is transitory
to our accession to power, we must not allow the press
to expose social corruption. It must be thought that the new
régime has satisfied everybody to such an extent that even
criminality has stopped. Cases of criminal activity must only
be known to their victims or their accidental witnesses, and to
these alone.
The need of daily bread forces the Goys to silence and compels
them to remain our obedient servants. The agents taken
from among them for our press will discuss the facts they are
ordered to publish, when it is inconvenient for us to publish
statements openly in official documents. While discussion and
dispute are taking place, we will simply pass the measures we
desire and present them to the public as an accomplished fact.
Nobody will dare to demand the rejection of measures thus
passed, and the more so as they will be interpreted as an improvement.
At this point the press will divert the thoughts of
the people to new problems (we having accustomed the people
always to seek new emotions). Those brainless creators of
destiny, who heretofore have been unable to understand and do
not now understand that they are ignorant of matters which
they undertake to discuss, will also hasten to discuss these new
problems. Political questions are meant to be understood only
by those who have created them and have been directing them
for many centuries.
From all this you will realize that by aiming to control the
opinion of the mob we will only facilitate the functioning of
our mechanism, and you will also notice that we seek approbation,
not for actions but for words uttered by us on various
occasions. We always declare that we are guided in all our
policies by the hope and certainty of serving the general good.
To divert the over-restless people from discussing political
problems, we now make it appear that we provide them with
new problems, namely, those pertaining to industry. Let them
become excited over this subject as much as they like. The
masses will consent to remain inactive, to rest from so-called
political activity (to which we ourselves accustomed them for
the purpose of helping us in our struggle against the Goy government),
only on condition of a new occupation in which we
can show them supposedly the same political background.
To prevent them from reaching any independent decisions,
we will divert their minds by amusements, games, pastimes,
passions, and cultural centers for the people. We will soon
begin to offer prize contests, through the press, in the field of
art, and sports of all kinds. Such attractions will definitely
deflect the mind from problems over which we would otherwise
have to fight with the people. By losing more and more the
custom of independent thought, they will begin to talk in
unison with us, because we alone will provide new lines of
thought through persons with whom of course we will presumably
have no connection.
The rôle of liberal Utopians will be definitely terminated
when our government is recognized. Until that time, they will
do us good service. For this reason we will still direct thought
towards different fantastic theories which will appear to be progressive.
For it was by the word “progress” that we have
successfully turned the brains of the stupid Goys. There are
no brains among the Goys to realize that this word is but a
cover for digression from the truth, unless it is applied to material
inventions, since there is but one truth and there is no
room for progress. Progress, being a false conception, serves
to conceal the truth so that nobody may know it except ourselves,
God’s elect, who are its guardians.
When our kingdom is established, our orators will discuss the
great problems which have stirred humanity for the purpose
of bringing it finally under our blessed rule.
Who will then suspect that all these problems were instigated
by us, according to a political plan which has not been disclosed
by any one during so many centuries.
When we become rulers we will not tolerate the existence
of any other religion except our own, which proclaims
one God, with whom our fate is bound up because we
are the Chosen People, and our fate has determined the fate of
the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions.
If the result of this produces modern atheists, as a transitory
step, this will not interfere with our plans but will act as an
example to those generations which will listen to our teaching
of the religion of Moses, which, owing to its solid and
thoughtful system, will eventually lead to the domination of
all nations by us. We will also lay stress on the mystical truth
of Masonic teaching which, we will assert, is the foundation
of its whole educative power.
On every possible occasion we will then publish articles in
which we will compare our beneficial rule with that of the
past. The benefits of peace, although attained through centuries
of unrest, will serve to demonstrate the beneficial character
of our rule. The mistakes made by the Goys during their
administration will be pictured by us in the most vivid colors.
We will cause such disgust towards the administration of the
Goys that the masses will prefer the peace of serfdom to the
rights of the much lauded liberty which has so cruelly tortured
them and drained from them the very source of human existence,
and by which they were exploited by a mass of adventurers,
ignorant of what they were doing. The useless changes
of government, to which we ourselves prompted the Goys,
when we were undermining their governmental apparatus, will
become such a nuisance to the people by that time, that they
will prefer to endure anything from us rather than risk a
repetition of former unrest and hardships. We will, moreover,
lay particular stress on the historical mistakes made by the
Goy governments, which caused humanity to suffer for many
centuries for lack of understanding of all matters pertaining to
its true welfare, and because of their search for fantastic
schemes of social welfare. The Goys did not notice that such
schemes instead of improving mutual relationship, which is
the basis of human existence, have only made it worse.
The whole force of our principles and measures will lie
in the fact that they are put forward and interpreted by us as
being in sharp contrast to the decayed social order of former
times.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the
Goy religion, but nobody will ever discuss our religion in the
light of its true aspect, and nobody will ever thoroughly understand
it, except our own people, who will never dare to disclose
its secrets.
In countries so-called advanced we have created insane,
dirty, and disgusting literature. For a short time after our
entrance into power we will encourage its publication in order
that the contrast between it and the speeches and programs
which will be heard from our heights should be more pointedly
marked. Our wise men, trained as guides to the Goys, will
prepare speeches, plans, memoranda, and articles, by which
we will influence the minds and direct them towards the conceptions
and the knowledge which we wish them to have.
When we finally become rulers by means of revolutions,
which will be arranged so that they shall take place simultaneously
in all countries and immediately after all existing
governments shall have been officially pronounced as incapable
(which may not happen soon, perhaps not before a whole century),
we will see to it that no plots are hatched against us.
To effect this, we will kill heartlessly all who take up arms
against the establishment of our rule.
The establishment of any new secret society will be met by
the death penalty, and those societies which now exist and are
known to us and either work or have worked for us, will be
disbanded and their members exiled to continents far removed
from Europe.
We will deal in the same manner with those Masons among
the Goys who know too much. The Masons whom we may
pardon for any reason will be kept under continual fear of exile.
We will pass a law whereby all members of secret organizations
will be exiled from Europe, that being the center of our
government. The decisions of our government will be final
and there will be no right of appeal.
In the Goy society, where we have planted such deep roots
of dissension and protest, order can only be restored by merciless
measures which will serve as evidence that our power
cannot be infringed. There is no necessity for regard towards
the victims sacrificed for the future good. To attain good,
even though by the sacrifice of life, is the duty of every government
which realizes that its existence depends not upon
privileges alone, but upon the exercise of its duties as well.
The most important means for erecting a stable government
is to strengthen the prestige of authority. This is only obtained
by its majestic and unshakable power, which will convey
the impression that it is inviolable because of its mystical
nature, namely, because chosen by God. Such until recently
has been the Russian Autocracy—our only dangerous enemy
throughout the world, with the exception of the Pope. Remember
Italy drowning in blood; she did not touch a hair on
the head of Sulla who had shed that blood. Sulla had become
powerful in the eyes of the people, although they were tortured
by him; his manly return to Italy placed him beyond
persecution. The people do not touch those who hypnotize
them by bravery and steadfastness of spirit.
Meanwhile, until our rule is established, we, on the contrary,
will organize and multiply free masonic lodges in all
the countries of the world. We will attract to them all those
who are and who may become public-spirited, because in these
lodges will be the chief source of information and from them
will emanate our influence.
All these lodges will be centralized under one management,
known only to us and unknown to all others; these lodges will
be administered by our wise men. The lodges will have their
own representative in this management in order to screen the
above mentioned Masonic government; he will give the password
and elaborate the program. We will tie the knot of all
revolutionary liberal elements in these lodges. Their membership
will consist of all strata of society. The most secret political
plans will be known to us and will fall under our leadership
on the very day of their origination. Among the members of
these lodges will be almost all the agents of the international
and national police, whose work is indispensable for us, inasmuch
as the police not only are able to take independent measures
against the rebellious, but may also serve to mask our
actions, provoke discontent, and so forth.
Most people who become members of secret societies are
adventurers, career makers, and irresponsible persons in general,
with whom we will have no difficulty in dealing and who
will help us to set in motion the mechanism of the machine
planned by us. If this world becomes perturbed, it will only
prove that it was necessary for us to disorganize it so as to
destroy its too great solidarity. If a plot is laid, it must be
headed by one of our most trustworthy servants. It is only
natural that we want nobody but ourselves to guide the work
of the Masons,[5] for we know where we are trending, we know
the final aim of every action. The Goys, however, understand
nothing, not even the immediate results. They are usually concerned
about the momentary satisfaction of their ambitions in
achieving their intentions. They do not notice, however, that
the intention itself was not initiated by them, but that it was
we who gave them the idea.
The Goys become members of the lodges out of pure curiosity,
or hoping to receive their share in the public funds.
There are others who come for the purpose of seizing the
opportunity of putting before the public their impossible and
baseless hopes. They long for the emotion of success and for
the applause which we grant them lavishly. We create their
success in order to utilize the self-deception that is born with
it and by which people, without noticing, begin to follow
our suggestions without suspecting them, and being fully convinced
that their infallibility originates its own ideas and,
therefore, does not need those of others. You have no idea
how easy it is to bring even the most intelligent Goys to a
state of unconscious credulity, and, on the other hand, how easy
it is to discourage them by the smallest failure, or merely by
ceasing to applaud them, thus bringing them into servitude
for the sake of achieving new success. To the same extent as
our people ignore success for the sake of carrying out their
plans, so are the Goys ready to sacrifice all their plans for the
sake of success. Their psychology makes the problem of direction
easier for us. Those tigers in appearance have the
souls of sheep and nonsense filters through their heads. As a
hobby we have given them the dream of submerging human
individualism through the symbolic idea of collectivism.
They have not yet discovered and will not discover that this
hobby is a clear infringement on the principal law of nature,
which, from the beginning of the world, created a being unlike
all others, precisely for the sake of expressing his individuality.
If we were able to lead them to such insane and blind
beliefs, does it not obviously prove the low level of development
of the Goy mind as compared to our mind? It is precisely the
thing which guarantees our success.
How far sighted were our wise men of old when they said
that to attain a serious object one must not stop at the means,
nor should one count the victims sacrificed to the cause. We
have not counted the victims from among the Goys, those
seeds of cattle. Although we have sacrificed many of our
own peoples, we have already given them in return a formerly
undreamed-of position on earth. The comparatively few victims
from among our own people have saved our race from
destruction.
Death is the unavoidable end of all. It would be better to
accelerate this end for those who interfere with our cause
than for our people or for us, ourselves, the creators of this
cause to die. We kill Masons in such a way that none but the
brothers suspect, not even the victims; they all die when it
is necessary, apparently from a natural death. Knowing this,
even the brethren, in their turn, dare not protest. It is through
such measures that we have uprooted the heart of protest
against our orders from among the Masons. Preaching liberalism
to the Goys, at the same time we hold our people and our
agents under iron discipline.
Through our influence the enforcement of the Goy laws
has been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has
been undermined by the liberal interpretations introduced by
us. The courts decide as we dictate the most important
principles, both political and moral, viewing the cases in the
light presented by us for the Goy administration. This we
accomplished naturally through agents, with whom we have
ostensibly no connection, namely, through the press or otherwise.
Even senators and high officials blindly follow our advice.
The purely animal mind of the Goys is incapable of
analysis and observation, and even less so of foreseeing to
what results the development of the principle involved in a case
may lead.
It is through this difference in the process of reasoning between
us and the Goys that it becomes possible clearly to demonstrate
the stamp of God’s elect as compared to the instinctive
and bestial mentality of the Goys. They see, but they cannot
foresee, and they cannot invent anything except material
things. It is clear, therefore, that nature herself intended us to
rule and guide the world.
When the time comes for our open rule, then will be the time
to show its benefits, and we will change all the laws. Our laws
will be short, clear, irrevocable, and requiring no interpretation,
so that everybody will be able to know them thoroughly.
The chief point emphasized in them will be a highly developed
obedience to authority, which will eliminate all abuses, for all
without exception will be responsible before the supreme
power vested in the highest authority.
Abuse of power by minor officials will then disappear, because
it will be punished so mercilessly that they will lose
the desire to experiment with their power. We will closely
watch every action of the administration, upon which depends
the action of the government machinery, for corruption
there creates corruption everywhere; not a single violation
of law or act of corruption will remain unpunished. Acts of
concealment and willful neglect on the part of governmental
officials will disappear after they have seen the first example
of severe punishment. The prestige of power necessitates
that appropriate, that is to say severe, punishments should be
inflicted even for the smallest violations of the sanctity of the
supreme authority, committed for the sake of personal gain.
The guilty, if punished severely, will be like a soldier who
falls on the battlefield of administration for the sake of Authority,
Principle, and Law; these principles do not allow any
digression from their social function for a personal motive,
even on the part of those who rule. For instance: Our judges
will know that by attempting to show stupid mercy, they overstep
the law of justice, which was created solely for exemplary
punishment of crimes and not for the manifestation of moral
qualities on the part of the judge. Such qualities are commendable
in private, but not in public life, which constitutes
the educational forum of human life.
The personnel of our judges will not remain in office after
the age of fifty-five. First, because old people adhere more
persistently to prejudiced opinions and are less capable of submitting
to new commands; and secondly, because that enables
us to achieve a certain flexibility of change in the personnel,
which will bend more easily under our pressure. He who
wishes to retain his position will have to obey blindly.
In general, our judges will be selected only from among
those who will clearly understand that they must punish people
and enforce the laws, and not indulge in dreams of liberalism
at the expense of the educational plan of the government, as is
now imagined by the Goys. The method of changing the personnel
will also serve to undermine the collective solidarity of
the governmental officials and will attach them to the cause
of the government, which decides their fate. The younger
generation of judges will be so educated as to prevent any
criminal activity which might interfere with the inter-relationship
which we have established for our subjects.
At present the Goy judges, lacking a clear conception of the
nature of their duties, make exceptions to all kinds of crimes.
This occurs because the present rulers, when appointing judges,
do not take the trouble to encourage the sense of duty and
conscientiousness in the work to be performed by them. As
the animal sends out its young in search of prey, so the Goys
are giving their subjects responsible offices without taking
the time to explain their functions. Owing to this, their rule
is undermined by their own efforts and through the actions of
their own administration. Let us use the result of such actions
as one more example of the advantage of our own rule.
We will eliminate liberalism from all the important strategic
positions in our administration upon which depend the training
of our subjects for our social order. These positions will
be given only to those who have been trained by us for governmental
work.
In answer to a possible remark, that the putting of old
officials on the retired list may prove expensive for the treasury,
I can state first, that, prior to their dismissal, some private
work will be found for them to replace what they are losing,
and secondly, I may also remark, that all the world’s
money will be concentrated in our hands; consequently, our
government need not fear expense.
Our autocracy will be consistent in every respect, and consequently
every manifestation of our great power will be respected
and unconditionally obeyed. We will ignore grumbling
and discontent, and all active manifestations of either will be
suppressed by punishment, which will serve as an example to
the rest of the people.
We will abolish the right of appellate courts to annul judicial
decisions, which will become the exclusive prerogative of
the sovereign, for we cannot permit the people to think that an
incorrect decision may possibly be rendered by the judges appointed
by us. Should, however, such an error happen, we
ourselves will annul the decision; but the punishment which
we will impose upon the judge for misconception of his duties
and of his responsibility will be so severe that it will eliminate
the very possibility of a recurrence. I repeat that we will
watch every step taken by our administration in order to enable
us to satisfy the people, for they have a right to demand
a good appointee from a good administration.
In the person of our sovereign, our government will bear
the appearance of a patriarchal or fatherly tutelage. The
people, our subjects, will see in him a father who takes care
of every need, every action, and who is concerned with every
relationship, both among the subjects themselves and between
them and the sovereign.
Thus, they will become imbued with the idea that it is impossible
for them to do without this guardian and guide if they
wish to live in a world of peace and quiet. They will recognize
the autocracy of our sovereign, whom they will respect and
almost deify, especially when they realize that our agents do
not usurp his power, but merely execute his orders blindly.
They will be glad that everything is regulated in their lives, as
is done by wise parents who wish to educate their children to
a sense of duty and obedience. With regard to the secrets of
our political plans, both the masses and their administration are
like little children.
As you can see for yourselves, I base our despotism upon
right and duty; the right of forcing the performance of duty
is the direct function of government, acting as the father to
its subjects. It is the right of the strong to utilize his power
in order to lead humanity towards a social order established
by the law of nature, namely, obedience. Everything in the
world is subject, if not to some other persons, then to circumstances,
or to its own nature; but in any case, to something
stronger than itself. Consequently, let us be the strongest for
the common good.
We must sacrifice without hesitation those individuals who
violate the existing order, for in exemplary punishment of evil
there lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel places the crown offered to him by
Europe on his sacred head, he will become the Patriarch of
the World. The necessary sacrifices made by him will never
equal the number of victims sacrificed to the mania of greatness
during the centuries of rivalry between the Goy governments.
Our sovereign will be in constant communication with the
people, delivering from tribunes addresses which will be spread
to all parts of the world.
For the purpose of destroying all collective forces except
our own, we will nullify the universities, the first stage of
collectivism, by reconstructing them along new lines. Their
directors and professors will be trained for their work through
detailed secret programs of action, from which they will not
be able to deviate in the least with impunity. They will be
appointed with special care and will be so placed as to be completely
dependent upon the government.
We will exclude from the curriculum civic law, as well as all
that touches upon political questions. These subjects will be
taught only to a few dozen selected for their striking ability
from among the initiated. The universities must not allow the
callow youths to graduate who concoct plans of constitutions
as they do comedies or tragedies, or who meddle with political
matters which even their fathers do not understand.
Poorly directed study of political questions by a great number
of people creates Utopians and poor citizens, as you can
judge by the universal education as conducted by the Goys
along those lines. It was necessary for us to infiltrate into
their educational system such principles as have successfully
broken down their social order. When we are in power, we
will eliminate all disturbing subjects from educational systems
and will make young people obedient children of their superiors,
loving the sovereign as their assurance of hope, peace,
and quiet.
For the study of the classics and ancient history, which
contain more bad than good examples, we will substitute
a program dealing with the future. We will obliterate from
the memory of the people all those facts pertaining to former
centuries which are not to our advantage, leaving only those
which emphasize the mistakes of the Goy governments. The
study of practical life, of obligatory social order, of the inter-relationship
of human beings, the avoidance of evil, egotistical
examples that plant the seed of evil, and other questions of a
pedagogical nature, will head the educational program. This
program will differ for each caste, never allowing education to
be of a uniform character. Such a system is of special importance.
Each caste must be educated with strict limitations, according
to its particular occupation and the nature of the work.
Accidental genius has always been able and always will be able
to rise to a higher caste; but, for the sake of this rare exception,
to open the door to the inefficient, and to admit them to higher
castes or ranks, enabling them to occupy positions of others
born and trained to fill them—is absolute insanity. You, yourself,
know what happened to the Goys when they yielded to
this nonsense.
In order to implant the sovereign firmly in the minds and
hearts of his subjects, it is necessary to acquaint the people,
during his term of office, both in schools and in public places,
with the importance of his activity and the benevolence of his
enterprises.
We will abolish all unlicensed teaching. Students will have
the right to gather, with their relatives, in their colleges as if
in clubs. During these gatherings, on holidays, the teachers
will read supposedly unbiased lectures on problems of human
relationship, on the law of imitation, on the cruelty of unrestricted
competition, and finally, on new philosophical theories
which have not yet been disclosed to the world.
We will promote these theories into dogmatic beliefs, using
them as stepping-stones to our faith. After having presented
our program of action for the present and for the future,
I will read to you the principles of these theories.
In short, knowing from the experience of many centuries
that men live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are
imbued only by means of education given to persons of all
ages, of course by different methods but meeting with equal
success, we will absorb and appropriate to our own advantage
the last traces of independent thought, which for a long time
have been directed to the goal and to the ideas necessary to
us. The system of enslaving thought is already in action
through so-called visual education.
This system tends to turn the Goys into thoughtless, obedient
animals, expecting to see in order to understand. In France
one of our best agents, Bourgeois, has already announced a
new program of visual education.
The lawyer’s profession makes people grow cold, cruel,
stubborn and unprincipled, and compels them to take an
abstract or purely legal viewpoint in all matters. They have
learned to consider solely the personal gain derived from every
case they handle and not the possibility of the social benefit
of its results. They rarely refuse to take a case and always
strive for acquittal at all cost, clinging to minor technical
points of a legal nature. In this way they demoralize the
courts. Therefore we will limit this profession, converting it
into an executive public office. Lawyers will be deprived of
the right of contact with their clients on the same basis as are
the judges. They will receive their cases only from the court,
preparing them on the strength of written reports and documents
and defending their clients after they have been examined
in court on the basis of the facts obtained during the
trial. They will receive a salary, regardless of whether the
defense has been successful or not. They will act as simple
exponents of the case on behalf of the defense in counterbalance
to the public prosecutor, who will act as exponent on behalf
of the prosecution. This will shorten legal procedure and
establish an honest and impartial defense, conducted not for
the sake of personal gain, but based on the personal conviction
of the lawyer. This will also eliminate the existing bribery
among fellow lawyers and prevent their allowing the side to
win which pays.
We have already taken care to discredit the clergy of the
Goys and thus to undermine their function, which at the
present time could have been very much in our way. Their
influence over the people diminishes daily.
To-day freedom of religion has been proclaimed everywhere;
consequently, it is only a question of a few years before
the complete collapse of Christendom. It will be still easier to
deal with other religions, but it is too early to discuss this
problem. We will confine clericalism and clericals within such
a narrow field that their influence will have an effect opposite
to what it used to have.
When the moment comes to annihilate the Vatican completely,
an invisible hand, pointing towards this court, will guide
the masses in their assault. When, however, the masses
attack, we will come forward as defenders to prevent too
much bloodshed. By this method we will penetrate its very
heart and will not leave it until we have undermined its
power.
The King of Israel will become the real Pope of the
Universe, the Patriarch of the International Church.
But until we have accomplished the re-education of the
youth to new transitional religions and finally to our own, we
will not openly attack the existing churches, but will fight them
by means of criticism, thus creating dissension.
In general, our press will denounce governmental activities
and religion, and will expose the inefficiency of the Goys in the
most unscrupulous terms, so as to humiliate them to such an extent
as only our ingenious race is capable of doing. Our rule
will simulate the God Vishnu, who resembles us physically;
each of our hundred hands will hold one of the springs of the
social machine. We will see everything without the aid of the
official police; in its present organization, however, which we
have worked out for the Goys, the police prevent the government
from seeing anything. According to our program, one-third
of our subjects will watch the others from a pure sense of
duty, as volunteers for the government. Then it will not be
considered disgraceful to be a spy and an informer; on the
contrary, it will be regarded as praiseworthy. Unfounded reports,
however, will be severely punished to prevent abuse of
this privilege.
Our agents will be recruited both from among the highest
and the lowest ranks of society; they will be selected from
among the pleasure-loving governmental officials, editors,
printers, booksellers, salesmen, workmen, drivers, butlers, etc.
This police force will have no official rights or credentials,
which give opportunity for the abuse of power, and consequently
it will be powerless; it will merely act as observer and
will make reports. The verification of such reports and the
issue of warrants for arrests will rest with a responsible group
of police controllers. The actual arrests, however, will be
made by a gendarme corps or the municipal police. In case of
failure to report any political matter which has been observed
or rumored, the person who should have reported it may be
brought to trial for concealment of crime, if it is proven that
he is guilty.
In the same way that our brethren are now under obligation
to report on their own initiative on all apostates, or on any
person marked as being opposed to the Kehillah, so in our
Universal Kingdom it will be obligatory for all subjects to
serve the state in that direction.
Such an organization will eliminate all abuse of power and
various kinds of coercion and corruption, in fact, the very
things which have been introduced into the customs of the
Goys by our councils and by the theories of the rights of
supermen. But how otherwise could we foment the increasing
causes for disorder in the midst of their administration?
What other means could we use? Among these means, one of
the most important is the employment of such agents for the
preservation of order as are in a position to manifest their
own evil inclinations in the course of their destructive work,
namely, their self-will, abuse of authority, and, most important
of all, bribery.
When the time comes for us to strengthen the measures
of police protection (the most terrible poison for the
prestige of authority), we will artificially organize disorder or
simulate the expression of discontent with the aid of experienced
orators. These orators will be joined by sympathizers.
This will give us the pretext for searches and special restrictions
which will be put in force by our servants among the
Goy police.
As most conspirators work as amateurs for the sake of
chattering, we will not disturb them until we see that they
are about to take action; but we will introduce in their midst
secret service agents. It must be remembered that the prestige
of authority diminishes if conspiracies against it are often
discovered, for that leads to the presumption of the weakness
of the authority, or, what is worse, to the admission of its own
mistakes. You are aware that we have destroyed the prestige
of the ruling Goys by frequent attempts made on their lives
through our agents, who were but blind sheep of our flock,
easily moved, by a few liberal phrases, to crimes, so long as they
were of a political nature. We have forced the rulers to admit
their own weakness by adopting open measures of police protection,
and thereby we have ruined the prestige of their
authority.
Our sovereign will be protected only by the most invisible
guard, because we will never allow any one to think that conspiracy
might exist against him which he is unable to combat and
from which he has to hide himself. If we were to allow this
thought to prevail, as it prevails among the Goys, we would
thereby sign the death warrant, if not of the sovereign himself,
then of his dynasty in the near future.
Observing strict decorum, our sovereign will use his power
only for the benefit of the people, but never for his own
good or for that of his dynasty. By strictly adhering to this
decorum, his authority will be respected and protected by his
subjects; moreover, he will be worshiped, because it will be
known that upon his authority depends the well-being of every
citizen of the kingdom, and the stability of the social order
itself.
To guard the sovereign openly is equivalent to an admission
of the weakness of his governmental organization.
Our sovereign, when amidst his people, will always appear
to be surrounded by a crowd of curious men and women, who
will stand beside him as though accidentally and will hold back
the other people as though through respect for order. This example
will implant an idea of self-restraint in others. If there be
a person in the crowd trying to present a petition, and working
his way through the ranks, the person nearest to him must
take the petition and present it to the sovereign in sight of
the petitioner himself, so that all may know that the petition
presented has reached its destination and consequently that
there exists a control of affairs on the part of the sovereign
himself. The prestige of authority demands that the people
should be able to say, “If only the king could know it,” or,
“The king will know about this.”
With the establishment of an official police guard the mystical
prestige of authority vanishes at once; with a certain amount
of audacity, every one considers himself superior to authority;
the assassin realizes his strength and only has to watch his
opportunity to make an attempt against an official. We
preached differently for the Goys, but we can see the results to
which open methods of protection have led them.
We will arrest criminals upon the first more or less well-founded
suspicion. Because of the fear of a possible mistake
political criminals should not be given the opportunity to
escape; indeed towards political crime we will show no mercy.
If, in exceptional cases, it may seem possible to allow the investigation
of motives which have led to ordinary criminal
offences, there is no excuse for those who attempt to deal with
matters which no one can understand except the government.
Moreover, not even all governments are capable of understanding
the right policy.
Though we will not allow individuals to become involved
in politics, we will, on the other hand, encourage the submission
for the approval of the government of all petitions and
reports containing suggestions and plans for bettering the
condition of the people. This will bring to our knowledge
the shortcomings or merely the fantastic aspirations of our
subjects. These suggestions we will answer either by favorable
action or by refusals proving the lack of intelligence and
the errors of those who have submitted such suggestions.
Sedition is nothing but the barking of a lap dog at an elephant.
From the point of view of a government which is well
organized, not from the police standpoint but with regard to its
social basis, the lap dog barks at the elephant because he does
not realize his strength. It is only necessary for the elephant
to show his strength once and the dog barks no more; he
begins to wag his tail the moment he sees the elephant.
In order to eliminate the prestige of martyrdom from political
crime, we will seat the political criminal on the same bench
with thieves, murderers, and other disgusting and dirty criminals.
Then public opinion will regard that class of criminals
as quite as disgraceful as any other, and will brand them with
equal contempt.
We have endeavored to prevent, and I hope have succeeded
in preventing, the Goys from using such methods of dealing
with seditious activities. In order to attain this end, we have
made use of the press and public speeches; indirectly, through
cleverly compiled historical textbooks, we have given publicity
to martyrdom as though revolutionists had undergone it for
the sake of human welfare. Such an advertisement has increased
the contingent of liberals and forced thousands of
Goys into the herds of our cattle.
To-day we shall deal with the financial program, the discussion
of which I have postponed until the end of my
report because it is the most difficult, conclusive, and decisive
point in our plans. In approaching it, I will remind you that I
have already intimated that the result of our actions is measured
in figures.
When we become rulers, our autocratic government, for the
sake of self-defense, will avoid burdening the people with
heavy taxes, and it will not forget the rôle it has to play,
namely, that of Father and Protector. But as government organization
is costly, it is necessary to raise the means for its
maintenance. Consequently, we must carefully work out the
plan of a fair distribution of taxation.
In our government the sovereign will have the legal fiction
of owning everything in his kingdom (which is easily put into
practice), and can resort to legal confiscation of all money
in order to regulate its circulation throughout the country.
Consequently, the best method of taxation is the levying of a
progressive tax on property. Taxes will thus be paid without
difficulty or ruin in respective proportion to the amount of
property owned. The rich must realize that it is their duty
to give a part of their surplus wealth for the benefit of the
country as a whole, because the government guarantees inviolability
of the remaining part of their property and the right of
honest gain. I say honest because the control of property will
prevent legal theft.
This social reform must come from above, for the time is
ripe and it is becoming necessary as a guarantee of peace.
The tax on the poor is the seed of revolution, and it acts
detrimentally to the government, which loses the great in
its pursuit of the little. Moreover, the taxation of capital
will lessen the increase of wealth in private hands, in which
at present we have concentrated it as a counterweight to the
governmental power of the Goys, namely, to the state
treasury.
Progressive taxation, assessed according to the amount of
capital, will produce a much greater revenue than the present
system of taxing every one at an equal rate, which is useful to
us now only as a means of exciting revolt and discontent among
the Goys. The power of our sovereign will rest mainly in
equilibrium and in guarantees of peace. For these, the capitalists
must cede a part of their income so as to protect the
action of the government machine. Public needs must be met
by those who can best afford to do so and by those from whom
there is something to take.
Such a measure will eliminate the hatred of the poor towards
the rich, as they will be regarded as the financial supporters of
the state and the upholders of peace and prosperity. The
poor will also see that the rich are providing the necessary
means to insure this end.
To prevent intelligent taxpayers from being too discontented
with the new system of taxation, they will be furnished with
detailed reports of the disbursement of public funds, exclusive
of such as are appropriated for the needs of the throne and
administrative institutions.
The sovereign will not own property, since everything in the
state will seem to belong to him and these two conceptions
would contradict each other. Private means would eliminate
his right to own everything.
The relatives of the sovereign, aside from his descendants
who will also be supported by the state, must join the
ranks of government officials, or otherwise work for the right
of holding property. The privilege of being of royal blood
must not entitle them to rob the state treasury.
Sales, profits, or inheritances will be taxed by a progressive
stamp tax. The transfer of property, whether in cash or
otherwise, without the required stamp, will place the payment
of the tax on the original owner, dating from the time of the
transfer until the time of the reported failure to record the
transaction. Transfer vouchers must be shown weekly at the
local branch of the state treasury, together with a statement of
the names, surnames, and the permanent addresses both of the
original and of the new owner. The recording of the names
of those participating in a transaction will be necessary in all
transactions involving more than a certain amount for ordinary
expenditure. The sale of prime necessities will be taxed only
by a stamp tax, which will represent a certain small per cent of
the cost of the particular article.
Just calculate how many times the amount received from
such taxes will exceed the income of the Goy governments.
The state bank must keep a definite reserve fund, and all
sums in excess must be put back into circulation. The cost
of public works will be met out of this surplus fund. The
initiative of such works emanating from the government will
also tie the working class to the interests of the government
and the rulers. Some of this money will be allotted to prizes
for inventions and for the purposes of production.
Even small sums in excess of a certain definite and broadly
calculated fund, should not be allowed to be kept in the state
treasury, because money is intended to circulate, and every
impediment to circulation is detrimental to the governmental
mechanism, which the money lubricates; the congestion of
lubricating substances can stop the proper functioning of the
mechanism.
The substitution of bonds for a part of the currency has
created just such an impediment. The result of this has already
become sufficiently evident.
We will also establish an auditing office, so as to enable the
sovereign to find at all times a full account of state revenues
and expenses, except for the current month not yet made up,
and that of the previous month not yet presented.
The only person who will not be interested in robbing the
state treasury will be the sovereign, its owner. This is the
reason why his control will prevent the possibility of loss or
misappropriation.
Receptions for the purpose of etiquette, which waste the
valuable time of the sovereign, will be abolished, because the
ruler needs time for control and thought. Then his power will
not be frittered away on the people surrounding the throne
for the sake of appearance and brilliance, and who have only
their own and not the public interest in mind.
The economic crises were created by us for the Goys only
by the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge amounts
of capital were kept idle and were taken away from the nations,
which were thus compelled to apply to us for loans. Payment
of interest on these loans burdened the state finances and made
the states subservient to capital. The concentration of industry
having taken production out of the hands of the artisan and put
it into the hands of capitalists, sucked all the power out of the
people and also out of the state.
The present issue of money generally does not coincide with
the need per capita, and consequently it cannot satisfy all the
needs of the working classes. The issue of currency must
correspond with the increase in population, and children must
be reckoned as consumers from the day of their birth. The
revision of the issue of currency is an essential problem for the
whole world.
You know that gold currency was detrimental to the governments
that accepted it, for it could not satisfy the requirements
for money, since we took as much gold as possible out
of circulation.
We must issue a currency based on the value of the working
power, whether it be of paper or wood. We will issue money
in proportion to the normal demands of every subject, adding
a certain amount at every birth and decreasing it with every
death.
Every department (the French administrative divisions),[6]
every district, will be in charge of its own accounts.
To avoid any delay in paying government expenses, the terms
of such payments will be decreed by order of the sovereign;
this will eliminate any favoritism of the ministry (of finance)[7]
over any other department to the detriment of the others.
The budget of revenues and the budget of expenditure will
be placed side by side, in order that they may always be compared
with each other.
We will present plans for the reform of the Goy financial
institutions and of their principles, as planned by us, in such a
manner that nobody will be frightened. We will demonstrate
the need of reform by the disorderly twaddle produced by the
financial disorganization of the Goys. We will show that the
first reason for this confusion lies in the drafting of rough estimates
for the budget, which increases from year to year. This
annual budget is with great difficulty made to last during the
first half of the year; then a revised budget is demanded and
the funds thus allotted are spent in the next three months, after
which a supplementary budget is called for and all this is
wound up by a liquidation budget. As the budget of the following
year is based on the total expenditure of the preceding
year, the divergence from the normal reaches fifty per cent
annually, so that the annual budget trebles every ten years.
Owing to such a procedure, resulting from the carelessness of
the Goy governments, their treasuries became empty. The
period of loans followed and used up the remainder and
brought all the Goy states to bankruptcy.
You can well understand that such a management of financial
affairs as we induced the Goys to pursue cannot be adopted
by us.
Every loan proves the impotency of the government and
its failure to understand its own rights. Loans, like the
sword of Damocles, hang above the heads of the rulers, who
instead of placing temporary taxes on their subjects, stretch
forth their hands and beg the charity of our bankers. Foreign
loans are leeches, which can never be removed from the governmental
body until they either fall off themselves or the
government itself manages to get rid of them. But the Goy
governments instead of throwing them off increase their
number, so that these governments must inevitably perish
through self-inflicted loss of blood.
Indeed, what is a loan, especially a foreign loan, if not a
leech? A loan is the issuance of government obligations
which involve the liability to pay interest in proportion to the
sum borrowed. If the loan pays five per cent, then in twenty
years the government has unnecessarily paid in interest an
amount equal to the principal sum borrowed. In forty years
it has paid twice; in sixty years it has trebled the sum, while
the loan still remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is evident that under the system
of universal taxation the government takes the last penny
from the poor taxpayers in the form of taxes in order to pay
interest to foreign capitalists, from whom the money was borrowed,
instead of collecting these same pennies for its needs
free from all interest.
So long as the loans were domestic, the Goys only shifted
the money from the pockets of the poor into those of the
rich; but when we bribed the proper persons to make the loans
foreign, then national riches poured into our hands and all
the Goys began to pay us the tribute of subjects.
The carelessness of the reigning Goys in statemanship, the
corruption of their ministers, the ignorance of other officials
of financial problems, has forced their countries into debt to
our banks to such an extent that they can never pay off their
debts. It should be realized, however, that we have gone to
great pains in order to bring about such a state of affairs.
Impediments to the circulation of money will not be allowed
by us, and therefore there will be no government bonds,
except one per cent bonds, so that the payment of interest
should not deliver the power of the state to the sucking of
leeches. The right of issuing bonds will be exclusively
granted to industrial corporations, which will easily pay the
interest out of their profits. The government, however, does
not derive profit on borrowed money as these corporations
do, since the state borrows money for expenditure and not
for production.
Industrial bonds will also be bought by the government,
which instead of being, as at present, the payer of tribute on
loans, will become a sound creditor. Such a measure will
prevent stagnation in the circulation of money, as well as indolence
and laziness, which were useful to us so long as the Goys
remained independent, but are not wanted by us in our government.
How apparent is the shortsightedness of the purely bestial
brains of the Goys! It manifested itself when they borrowed
money for at interest. It did not occur to the Goys that,
at any rate, this money, with the additional interest on it, would
have to be taken from the resources of the country and paid
to us. Would it not have been more simple to take the needed
money from their own people?
This proves the genius of our distinguished mind, for we
were able to present the question of loans to them in such a
light that they saw in loans an advantage for themselves.
Our estimates, which we will produce when the time comes,
will be based on the experience of centuries, on all those experiments
which were conducted by us at the expense of the
Goy governments; our estimates will prove to be clear and
definite, and will obviously demonstrate the advantage of our
new system. They will end all those abuses which made it
possible for us to master the Goys, but which cannot be permitted
in our reign.
We will so organize the accounting system that neither the
sovereign himself nor the most humble clerk will be able to
deflect the smallest sum from its destination or direct it into a
different channel from that indicated in our original financial
plan.
It is impossible to govern without a definite plan. Traveling
along a definite road with an indefinite supply of provisions
destroys heroes and knights.
The Goy rulers, to whom we once gave advice to neglect
governmental duties for grandiose receptions, etiquette, and
pleasures, only concealed our rule. The accounts of the powerful
favorites who replaced the sovereign were drawn up by our
agents, and they always satisfied the shallow minds by promises
that in the future there would be savings and improvements.
Savings from what? From new taxes? This might have
been asked but was not asked by those who read our reports
and plans. You know to what their carelessness has led them,
what financial disorganization they have reached in spite of
the wonderful diligence of their people.
I will add one more detail regarding domestic loans in addition
to the report which I made at the last meeting. I
will not speak any more of foreign loans, for they filled our
coffers with the national money of the Goys. There will be no
foreigners in our government, nobody outside.
We profited by the corruption of the administrators and by
the negligence of the rulers in receiving sums that were
doubled, trebled, and even more, loaning the Goy governments
money which in reality was not needed by the states at all.
Who could do the same with regard to us? Therefore, I will
only set forth details in regard to domestic loans.
In announcing such a loan, the governments open a subscription
to their bonds. To make them accessible to all, they
vary the denomination from one hundred to thousands, and the
first subscribers are allowed to buy below face value. The
following day the price is artificially raised on the pretext that
everybody hurried to buy the bonds. In a few more days
there is a pretense that the treasury is filled and that it is not
known what to do with the money, which has been oversubscribed.
(What was the use of taking it?) The subscription
is evidently considerably in excess of the amount asked for.
Therein lies the effect, for it is thus demonstrated that the
public has confidence in the government obligations.
But after the comedy has been played the fact of the debt
appears, and it is usually a heavy one. In order to pay the
interest, new loans have to be issued, which do not liquidate
but increase the original debt. Then when the borrowing
capacity of the government has been exhausted, it becomes
necessary to meet the interest on the loan—not the loan
itself—by new taxes. These taxes are nothing but a debit
used to cover a debit.
Then comes the period of conversions, but these only decrease
the payment of interest while they do not annul the
debts. Moreover, they cannot be made without the consent
of the bondholders. When a conversion is advertised, an offer
is made to return the money to those who are not willing to
convert their bonds. If everybody were to demand his money,
the government would be caught in its own net and would be
unable to return all the money. Fortunately, the Goy subjects,
ignorant of financial affairs, always preferred to suffer a fall
in the value of their securities and a reduction of interest to the
risk of new investments; thus, they have given these governments
more than one opportunity of throwing off a deficit of
several millions. At present, with the existence of foreign
loans, the Goys cannot play such tricks, for they know that
we would demand all the money back.
Thus, an avowed bankruptcy will be the best proof of the lack
of common interest between the people and their government.
I direct your express attention to the above circumstance,
as also to the following: At present all domestic loans are
consolidated into so-called floating debts; in other words, into
those whose terms of payment are more or less close at hand.
Such debts consist of money placed in savings banks. Being
at the disposal of the government, for a considerable length of
time, these funds vanish in the payment of interest on foreign
loans, and they are replaced by an equal amount of government
securities. The latter cover all the deficits in the government
treasuries of the Goys.
When we mount the throne of the universe, such financial
expedients, being detrimental to our interests, will vanish. We
will also destroy all stock exchanges, for we will not allow the
prestige of our authority to be shaken by the shifting of the
prices of our securities. We will fix the full price of their
value legally without any possibility of its fluctuation. (A rise
leads to a fall, and this was precisely what we did to the Goy
stocks and bonds at the beginning.)
We will replace the stock exchanges by great government
credit institutions, whose functions will be to tax commercial
values according to governmental plans. These institutions will
be in a position to throw daily on the market 500,000,000 shares
of industrial stocks, or to buy up a like amount. Thus all industrial
enterprises will become dependent upon us. You can
well imagine what power that will give us.
In all that I have hitherto reported to you I have carefully
tried to show you a true picture of the mystery of present
events, as also of those of the past, which all flow into the
stream of great events, the results of which will be seen in the
near future. I have exposed our secret plans which govern
our relations with the Goys, as well as our financial policy.
There remains but little to add.
We hold in our hands the greatest modern power—gold.
In the course of two days we can get it from our treasuries in
any desired quantity.
Is there any more need for us to prove that our rule is
decreed by God? Do we not prove by such wealth that all the
evil which we were forced to do during so many centuries has
served in the end to true happiness—to the restoration of
order? Although by means of violence, order will nevertheless
be established. We will be able to prove that we are benefactors,
who have brought true welfare and individual freedom
to the tortured world, insuring at the same time the possibility
of enjoying peace, quiet, and dignity of relationships, upon the
sole condition, of course, that obedience to the laws established
by us is practiced. We will also make it clear that freedom does
not mean license and in doing whatever people please, no more
than dignity and power imply the right to propound destructive
doctrines, like freedom of conscience, equality, and similar
things. Individual freedom by no means imports the right
of disturbing oneself and others, disgracing oneself by making
ridiculous speeches in disorderly gatherings, and implies that
true liberty means individual inviolability through an honest
and strict obedience to social laws; that moreover, human
dignity implies the conception of one’s rights as well as the idea
of legal inhibitions which prohibit fantastic dreams about the
Ego.
Our power will be glorious because it will be mighty; it will
rule and guide, and not helplessly crawl after leaders and
orators, shouting insane words which they call great principles,
and which in reality are simply Utopian. Our power will lead
to order, which, in turn, brings happiness to the people. The
prestige of this power will excite mystical adoration, and the
peoples will bow before it. True power does not yield to any
right, even be it that of God. None will dare approach it in
order to deprive it even of an atom of its might.
To teach the people obedience they must be taught modesty,
and to accomplish this the production of luxuries must
be limited. We will thus improve customs, demoralized by
rivalry, resulting from luxury.
We will restore handicraft, which will undermine the private
capital of manufacturers. This is necessary, because big manufacturers
often influence, although not always consciously, the
thoughts of the people against the government.
A people, practicing handicraft, does not know what
unemployment means, and this makes them cling to existing
conditions and consequently to the power of authority. Unemployment
is most dangerous for a government. It will have
finished its work for us as soon as authority falls into our
hands.
Drunkenness will also be forbidden by law and will be punishable
as a crime against human decency, for man becomes
bestial under the influence of alcohol.
Once more I state, that people obey blindly only the hand
that is strong and entirely independent of them, in which they
see a sword of defense and a stronghold against the blows
of social misfortune. Why should the sovereign have an
angel’s heart? They want to see in him the personification of
might and power.
The sovereign who will replace the present existing governments,
dragging along their existence in the midst of a society
demoralized by us, which denies even the power of God and
from whose midst rises on all sides the flames of anarchy, must
primarily undertake to extinguish this all-consuming fire.
Therefore, he must destroy such a society, if necessary drown
it in its own blood, in order to resurrect it as a well-organized
army, which consciously struggles against the infection of any
anarchy affecting the state organism.
He, God’s elect, is chosen from above for the purpose of
crushing the insane forces that are moved by instinct and not
by intellect, by bestiality and not by humanitarianism. These
forces are now triumphant, and assume the form of robberies
and all kinds of violence exercised in the name of liberty and of
right. They have destroyed all social order, so as to establish
the throne of the King of Israel; but their rôle will be ended
with his coming into power. Then it will be necessary to
sweep them from his path, on which not a twig or an impediment
shall remain.
Then we will say to the peoples: Pray to God and bow
before him who bears the mark of predestination, to whom
God Himself showed His Star, so that none but He Himself
should free you from all sinful forces and from evil.
Now I shall refer to the manner in which we will strengthen
the dynastic roots of King David so as to cause this dynasty
to endure until the last day. This method will consist chiefly
of the same principles which enabled our Wise Men to conserve
their power to cope with universal problems and to guide
the education of the thoughts of humanity at large.
A few members of the seed of David will train the sovereigns
and their successors, who will be selected not by right of
inheritance, but according to their personal ability. To them
the deep political mysteries and the plan of our rule will be confided,
but in such a wise manner that nobody will know these
secrets. The aim of this method is to prove to all that power
will not be given to the uninitiated in the mysteries of political
art.
Only such people will be taught how to apply the above mentioned
plans in practice, by comparing them with the experiences
of many centuries, and only they will be initiated in the
conclusions drawn from all the observations of political, economic,
and social movements and sciences; in short, only they
will know the true spirit of the laws, irrevocably established by
nature for the purpose of regulating human relationship.
Direct descendants of the sovereign will often be prevented
from inheriting the throne if, during the period of their study,
they show signs of frivolity, lenience, or other tendencies
detrimental to authority, which would make them incapable
of government and dangerous to the prestige of the Crown.
Only those of an undoubtedly able and firm, even cruel character,
will receive the reins of government from our Wise Men.
In case of illness, loss of will-power, or any other form of
inefficiency, the sovereigns will be compelled to hand over the
reins of government to new and able hands.
The sovereign’s immediate plan of action and its application
in the future will be unknown even to the so-called closest
advisers.
Only the sovereign and his three sponsors will know the
future.
In the person of the sovereign, with his immovable will over
himself and humanity, all will recognize Fate itself with her
mysterious paths. Nobody will know the aims of the sovereign
when he issues his orders, and thus nobody will dare oppose
him.
Naturally the mental capacity of the sovereign must be
equal to the plan of rule herein contained. For this reason he
will not mount the throne before a test of his mind is made by
the above mentioned Wise Men.
To make people know and love their sovereign, it is necessary
that he should address the people in public places, thus establishing
harmony between the two forces, now separated
from each other by mutual terror. This terror was necessary
for us until the time came to make both forces fall under our
influence.
The King of Israel must not be influenced by his passions,
especially by sensuality. No particular element of his nature
must have the upper hand and rule over his mind. Sensuality,
more than anything else, upsets mental ability and clearness of
vision by deflecting thought to the worst and most bestial side
of human nature.
The Pillar of the Universe in the person of the World Ruler,
sprung from the sacred seed of David, must sacrifice all
personal desires for the benefit of his people.
Our sovereign must be irreproachable.
II. PARALLELISM BETWEEN THE PROTOCOLS AND JEWISH WRITINGS — 1. Extracts from Protocols — 2. Extracts from Protocols — 3. Extracts from Protocols — 4. Extract from Protocols — 5. Extracts from Protocols — 6. Extract from Protocol
There are many passages in the writings and speeches
of well-known Jewish leaders at various times during the last
hundred years which show a remarkable parallelism with some
of the important ideas set forth in the Protocols. The following
instances may be cited as a result of a search which
is by no means exhaustive. In each case we cite a passage
taken verbatim from the Protocols, followed under the title
of “Substantiations” by parallel quotations from well-known
Jews.
(a) “The prophets have told us that we were chosen by
God himself to reign over the world. God endowed us with
genius to enable us to cope with the problem.” (Protocol
No. V.)
(b) “God has given us, his chosen people, the power to
scatter, and what to all appears to be our weakness has
proved to be our strength, and has now brought us to the
threshold of universal rule.” (Protocol No. XI.)
(c) “When the King of Israel places the crown on his
sacred head, offered him by Europe, he will be the Patriarch
of the World.” (Protocol No. XV.)
Substantiations
(a) “The men of all nations shall be subject to Israel, but
those who have ruled over you shall be destroyed with the
sword.”
(Apocalypse of Baruch (LXXII), a well-known Jewish
work of the first century A.D.)
(b) “Our task is great and holy and its success is guaranteed.
Catholicism, our greatest foe, lay wounded in its brains.
The net which is being spread by Israel all over the surface of
the earth will spread day by day, and the glorious prophecies
of our holy rights will be finally realized. The time is approaching
when Jerusalem will become the home of worship
of all peoples and the banner of the Jewish monotheism will
be flying on the most distant coast. Our strength is enormous,
we must learn how to apply it in practice. What have we to
be afraid of? The day is approaching when all the wealth of
the world will become the property of the Sons of Israel.”
(Isaac-Adolphe Crémieux, founder of the Alliance Israélite
Universelle, quoted by Serge Nilus, in a footnote which appears
on page 172 in 1917 edition of his book, “It is near!
At the door!” A reference to the same document of the Alliance
Israélite Universelle can be found in issue No. 24, December
15, 1909, of the Arabic paper “Al Kalemat” (“The
World”), which was published in New York. See article
entitled, “A Chapter Concerning Moral Discussions. Concerning
the Destroyers of the Foundation of the Christian
Faith,” pp. 461-464.)
(c) “It has always been a unique feature of Judaism that
its traits of particularism—essential to its self-preservation—have
been blended with the highest aspirations of universalism.”
(Paul Goodman, “Zionism and Liberal Judaism,” Zionist
Review, Nov. 1917.)
(d) “When we read in the Book of Isaiah that the prophet
of the exile declared that the Jews were God’s witnesses,
chosen for a religious purpose and charged with a religious
mission, we believe that he was speaking words which were
inspired by God.”
(Cl. G. Montefiore, “Outlines of Liberal Judaism,” p. 166.
London: Macmillan and Co., Limited. 1912.)
(e) “The Jews energetically reject the idea of fusion with
the other nationalities and cling firmly to their historical hope,
i.e., of world empire.”
(From speech of Dr. Mandelstam, Professor in the University
of Kiev, Russia, delivered at the Basel Zionist Congress
of 1898. See H. S. Chamberlain’s “The Foundations of the
Nineteenth Century,” Vol. I, p. 335. London: John Lane.
1913.)
(f) “The Jew will never be able to assimilate himself; he
will never adopt the customs and ways of other peoples. The
Jew remains a Jew under all circumstances. Every assimilation
is purely exterior.”
(From speech of Rabbi Dr. Leopold Kahn on Zionism, delivered
in July, 1901, in the orthodox Jewish school in Pressburg,
Idem.)
(g) “The governments of all countries, scourged by anti-Semitism,
will serve their own interests in assisting us to obtain
the sovereignty we want.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 11. Published by the
Federation of American Zionists, New York, 1917.)
(h) “Christianity itself seems to Jews only a stage in the
preparation of the world for a purified, developed and universalized
Judaism.”
(Cl. G. Montefiore, “Outlines of Liberal Judaism,” p. 163.
London. 1912.)
(i) “Liberal Judaism has higher ambitions for the Jewish
people. Above all, it seeks to preserve the Jewish religion in
full beauty and power, and to extend its workings to a sphere
co-extensive with the universe of men.”[26]
(Rabbi Mattuck, quoted by Paul Goodman in his article on
“Zionism and Liberal Judaism,” in the Zionist Review, November,
1911. Reprinted by Petty & Sons, Ltd., Whitehall
Printeries, Leeds, pp. 2 and 3.)
(j) “It is not given to every one to understand that which
is not yet finished.... Yes! The likelihood of realizing
our demands and proposals grows with our numbers and with
the increase in our strength. For the present we have reason
to be satisfied with the spirit in which our aspirations were
regarded by the mighty ones of the earth. Do not demand
more than this intimation from your Action Committee. In
this respect you must have implicit confidence in it. You may
freely question it regarding all other matters.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “Congress Addresses,” delivered at London,
August 13, 1900, at the Zionist Congress. Published by the
Federation of American Zionists, New York, 1917.)
(k) “Let the sovereignty be granted us over a portion of
the globe large enough to satisfy the reasonable requirements
of the nation: the rest we shall manage for ourselves.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 11.)
(a) “We must follow a program of violence and hypocrisy,
not only for the sake of profit, but also as a duty and
for the sake of victory.” (Protocol No. I.)
(b) “When we finally become rulers ... we will see to
it that no plots are hatched against us. To effect this we
will kill heartlessly all who take up arms against the establishment
of our rule.” (Protocol No. XV.)
Substantiations
(a) “Our people who are receiving the new country from
the Society will also thankfully accept the new constitution it
offers them. Should they, however, show signs of rebellion,
they will be promptly crushed.” (Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish
State,” p. 38.)
(b) “The interests of the revolution require the physical
annihilation of the bourgeois class. It is time for us to start.”
(Red Gazette, Aug. 31, 1918, No. 159. Published by the Petrograd
Soviet of the Workmens’ & Soldiers’ Deputies, presided
over by the Jew, Apfelbaum—Zinoviev.)
(c) “Blood and mercilessness must be our slogans.” (Leon
Trotzky, International Communist Congress, Moscow, March,
1919. Quoted, New York Evening Sun, March 18, 1919.)
(a) “We will also artfully and deeply undermine the
sources of production by teaching the workmen Anarchy
and the use of alcohol, at the same time taking measures to
expel all the intelligent Goys from the land.
“That the true situation should not be noticed by the
Goys until the proper time, we will mask it by a pretended
desire to help the working classes and great economic principles,
an active propaganda of which principles is being
carried on through the dissemination of our economic theories.”
(Protocol VI.)
(b) “We will present ourselves in the guise of saviors of
the workers from this oppression, when we suggest that
they enter our army of Socialists, Anarchists, Communists,
to whom we always extend our help under the guise of the
rule of brotherhood demanded by the human solidarity of
our social masonry.” (Protocol III.)
Substantiations
(a) “When the Jew gives his thought, his devotion, to the
cause of the workers and of the dispossessed, of the disinherited
of the world, the radical quality within him there, too, goes
to the roots of things, and in Germany he becomes a Marx and
a Lassalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in Austria he
becomes a Victor Adler and a Friedrich Adler; in Russia, a
Trotzky. Just take for a moment the present situation in
Russia and in Germany. The revolution set creative forces
free, and see what a large company of Jews was available for
immediate service. Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki,
and Bolsheviki, Majority and Minority Socialists—whatever
they be called ... Jews are to be found among the trusted
leaders and the routine workers of all those revolutionary
parties.”
(Rabbi J. L. Magnes in his address delivered at the opening
session of the first Jewish Labor Congress, January 16, 1919,
New York City. See the Jewish Forum, February, 1919,
P. 722.)
(b) “The Jew, therefore, does take an active part in revolutions;
and he participates in them in so far as he is a Jew,
or more correctly in so far as he remains Jewish.”
(Bernard Lazare, “Anti-Semitism: Its History and Causes,”
p. 312. Published by International Library Publishing Co.,
New York, 1903.)
(c) “We must not, however, leave these problems (social)
and this reform (social) outside of our Jewish thought, our
Jewish activities. We must not let them be taken by active
Christians and stamped as specifically Christian.”
(Rabbi Montefiore, “Outlines of Liberal Judaism,” pp. 266
and 267. London, 1912.)
(d) “Das Volk, a Jewish periodical published in America,
writes in 1905:
“‘One cannot blame us that people with different mentalities
and views as Social Democrats, Anarchists, and so on, are
filled with our socialist territorial ideas, and enter in our ranks
in order to struggle for a better future of the Jewish people.
On the contrary, it shows that life itself has raised our ideal
and drives all under our banner.’”
(The Jewish Life, March, 1906, p. 173. Jewish newspaper
published in Russian, found in New York Public Library.)
(e) The following quotation is an estimate by Bernard
Lazare, Jewish writer, of the part which was and is played
by the Jews in the revolutionary movement throughout the
world:
“Their [i.e., the Jews’] contribution to present-day Socialism
was, as is well known, and still is, very great. The Jews,
it may be said, are situated at the poles of contemporary society.
They are found among the representatives of industrial
and financial capitalism, and among those who have vehemently
protested against capital. Rothschild is the antithesis
of Marx and Lassalle; the struggle for money finds its counterpart
in the struggle against money, and the world-wide outlook
of the stock-speculator finds its answer in the international
proletarian and revolutionary movement. It was Marx who
gave the first impulse to the founding of the Internationale
through the manifesto of 1847, drawn up by himself and Engels.
Not that it can be said that he ‘founded’ the Internationale,
as is maintained by those who persist in regarding the
Internationale as a secret society controlled by the Jews.
Many causes led to the organization of the Internationale, but
from Marx proceeded the idea of a Labor Congress, which
was held at London in 1864, and resulted in the founding of
that society. The Jews constituted a very large proportion
of its members, and in the General Council of the society, we
find Karl Marx, Secretary for Germany and Russia, and James
Cohen, Secretary for Denmark. Many of the Jewish members
of the Internationale took part subsequently in the Commune,
where they found others of their faith. In the organization
of the socialist party, the Jews participated to the greatest extent.
Marx and Lassalle in Germany, Aaron Libermann and
Adler in Austria, Dobrojan Gherea in Roumania, are, or were
at one time, its creators and its leaders. The Jews of Russia
deserve special notice in this brief résumé. Young Jewish
students, scarcely escaped from the Ghetto, have played an important
part in the Nihilistic propaganda; some, among them
women, have given up their lives for the cause of Liberation,
and to these young Jewish physicians and lawyers, we must
add the large number of exiled workingmen who have
founded in London and New York important labor societies,
which serve as centers of socialistic and even of anarchistic
propaganda.”
(Bernard Lazare, “Anti-Semitism,” pp. 312, 313, and 314.)
(f) “When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat,
the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we
rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 10.)
(g) “Thus it would seem as if the grievance of the anti-Semite
were well founded; the Jewish spirit is essentially a
revolutionary spirit, and consciously or otherwise, the Jew is a
revolutionist.”
(Bernard Lazare, “Anti-Semitism,” p. 298.)
“At present as an international force we are invulnerable.”
(Protocol III.)
Substantiations
(a) “Nothing effectual can really be done to our injury.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 9.)
(b) “The very impossibility of getting at the Jews nourishes
and embitters hatred of them.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 10.)
(c) “It is of course possible to get at shares and debentures
in railways, banks and industrial concerns of all descriptions,
by taxation, and where the progressive income tax is in force,
all our realized property can eventually be laid hold of. But
all these efforts cannot be directed against Jews alone, and
where they have nevertheless been made, severe economic
crises with far-reaching effects have been their immediate
consequences.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 10.)
(d) “A distracted and divided people have been so well instructed
in thought that the unity of Israel is greater than all
the differing religions, social, economic and political views of
the individuals who make up a nation, that the Rabbis of Eastern
Europe have entered in full force into the vanguard of the
movement.”
(Jacob de Haas. See his preface to Hertzl’s “The Jewish
State,” p. 8.)
(e) “... There is such a thing as a Kol (All) Israel policy
to be pursued by all Jews together, regardless of their political,
their economic, their spiritual outlook.”
(Rabbi Judas L. Magnes, Speech delivered at the Jewish
Labor Congress, Jan. 16, 1919, at Yorkville Casino, New York
City; quoted in the Jewish Forum, February, 1919, p. 720.)
(f) “The Jewish people, traditionally and through its experience,
knows the meaning of internationalism, and it must
apply the method of internationalism to its own national life
as well, sharing the destiny of every people, free and oppressed,
in freeing the world in order that it itself may be
freed.”
(Rabbi Judas L. Magnes, Ibid., p. 721.)
(g) “But, in order that the Jewish people may do its work
in the world, it must be organized—organized for its specific
purposes as well as for participation in all of the cultural and
spiritual movements of humanity.”
(Rabbi Judas L. Magnes, Ibid., p. 724.)
(h) “Here we are, just Jews and nothing else, a nation
among nations. Take it or leave it.”
(From speech of Dr. Weizman, delivered in Manchester,
England, Dec. 9, 1917, partially quoted in a pamphlet entitled
“Great Britain, Palestine and the Jews,” p. 73. Published by
Geo. H. Doran Co., New York.)
(i) “Our union is not a French one, nor English, nor Swiss,
nor German. Nay, our union is Jewish and it is universal.
The other peoples are split into nationalities. We, however,
are the only ones who have no co-citizens, but exclusively co-religionists.
The Jew will not sooner become the friend of
a Christian or a Mohammedan than at the time when the light
of the Jewish faith—the only religion of reason—will spread
throughout the world. Scattered among peoples who are hostile
to our rights, to our interests, we wish above all to be and
always to remain Jews. Our nationality is the religion of our
fathers and we do not recognize any other. Living in lands
of dispersion we cannot be concerned about the changing aims
of those lands which are strange to us until the time when our
own aims both moral and material are in danger. The Jewish
teachings must spread all over the world. Sons of Israel!
however much the faith would disperse you all over the earth,
always consider yourselves as members of a chosen people. If
you realize and if you understand that the faith of our ancestors
is our sole patriotism, if you realize that in spite of your
cover nationalities you form only one and the same people, if
you believe that only Judaism constitutes the religious and
political truth, if you are convinced in the above, you universal
sons of Israel, you will come to us, you will listen to our appeal
and you will prove that you accept it.”
(In 1860, Isaac Adolphe Crémieux, the well-known Jewish
leader in France, founded the Universal Jewish Alliance
(Alliance Israélite Universelle). On this occasion he issued
a circular appeal to the Jewish organizations throughout the
world. The above quotation is from this circular appeal.
Quoted by A. Shmakoff, “Jewish Speeches,” p. 131.)
(j) “It is our opinion that the Jewish question can be
solved only by the Jews themselves.... We no longer want
to wear the mask of any other nationality.”
(Theo. Hertzl, in Congress Addresses delivered at Basle,
December 26, 1901, p. 28. Published by the Federation of
American Zionists, 1917, New York.)
(k) “Furthermore, it is well understood in Germany and
in Austria that the Jews of Russia have never had real citizenship
in Russia, and although a Jew may have been born in
Russia, that does not necessarily imply that he has been a citizen
of Russia. Realizing that, and for other apparent reasons,
the German and Austrian Governments are making every
effort to secure the coöperation and good-will of the large Jewish
population, now under their control.”
(Rabbi Judas L. Magnes. See his letter to Mr. Byrlavski,
June, 1916. Published in the Report of the Commission of
the American Jewish Relief Fund. New York City, March,
1917.)
(l) “Let us forget whence we spring. No more talk of
‘German’ or of ‘Portuguese’ Jews. Though scattered over
the earth we are nevertheless a single people.”
(Rabbi Salomon Lipmann-Cerfberr in his opening speech
delivered on July 26, 1806, at the meeting preparatory to the
Synedrion. Quoted by H. S. Chamberlain in his “Foundations
of the Nineteenth Century” Vol. I, p. 329.)
(m) “Israel is a nationality. We are born Jews, ‘natu’ because
we are born Jews. A child born from Jewish parents is
Jewish. The very birth casts on him all the duties of an Israelite.
It is not through circumcision that we obtain our Israelan
quality. Nay, circumcision is in no way analogous to Christian
baptism. We are not Israelites because we are circumcised,
but, on the contrary, we circumcise our children because we
are Israelites. We acquire the Jewish character through our
birth, and we can never lose it nor get rid of it. Even if a Jew
denies his religion, even if he is baptized, he does not cease
to be an Israelite. All Israelite duties continue to remain
with him.”
(Archives Israélites, 1864. Quotation from Ed. Drumont,
“La France Juive,” Vol. I, p. 14, 12th ed. Paris: C. Marpont
E. Flammarion.)
(a) “The economic crises were created by us for the
Goys only by the withdrawal of money from circulation.”
(Protocol XX.)
(b) “We hold in our hands the greatest modern power—Gold.”
(Protocol XXII.)
Substantiations
(a) “The first official violation of Jewish liberties invariably
brings about an economic crisis. Therefore, no weapons
can be effectually used against us, because these cut the hands
that wield them.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 43.)
(b) “When we rise, there rises also our terrible power of
the purse,”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 10.)
(c) “The day is approaching when all the wealth of the
world will become the property of the Sons of Israel.”
(Isaac Adolphe Crémieux, quoted by A. Shmakoff, “Jewish
Speeches,” p. 131.)
(d) “The Government of Palestine (in the hands of Jews),
composed of men of wisdom and of intellectuals will guide
the economic movement not only of the Orient and of Anatolia,
but probably also of the whole world.”
(The Inkilab, a Jewish paper published in Constantinople.
Quoted in La Vieille France, No. 108, February 13, 1919,
p. 21.)
“At present, if any of the governments raises a protest
against us, it is done only as a matter of form and at our
desire and by our order, because their anti-Semitism is
necessary to us to govern our smaller brothers.” (Protocol
IX.)
Substantiations
(a) “The governments of all countries, scourged by anti-Semitism,
will serve their own interests in assisting us to obtain
the sovereignty we want.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 11.)
(b) “Disaster binds us together, and, thus united, we suddenly
discover our strength. Yes, we are strong enough to
form a State, and a model State.”
(Theo. Hertzl, “The Jewish State,” p. 10.)
III. PARALLELISM BETWEEN THE PROTOCOLS AND CERTAIN ACTIVITIES OF THE JEWS OUTSIDE OF RUSSIA — “ Secret Kingdom of the Press ” — “ Minority Rights” in the Light of the Protocols — Radical and Revolutionary Activities of the Jews in Various Countries — Conclusion
There are a number of important policies in the Protocols
which find a striking parallel in certain activities and movements
among Jews in various parts of the world outside of
Russia. Among these policies of the Protocols are: the control
of the press for political purposes, securing international or
so-called “minority” rights for the Jews, the stirring up of
class hatred and social disorder, and the promotion of revolutions
and internationalism.
1. The boast is made in the Protocols that in Europe the
press, with unimportant exceptions, is under Jewish control.
It is indeed true that the Jewish influence in the press in many
parts of the world is very powerful. Just how powerful it
is in America it is difficult to state. It is certainly a great
and growing power in New York City. A Jewish magazine,
The American Jewish News, recently pointed with pride to
the great number of newspapers in New York which are
either controlled by the Jews or in which Jews occupy important
strategic positions. In the article referred to, which
was published in the issue of March 28, 1919, under the title
“Men Who Make Our Newspapers,” the following statement
is made:
“While it is an accepted fact that certain of our industries
to-day are almost entirely directed and supported by Jewish
minds and labor, there are nevertheless just as many which
are not generally conceded to come within the same classification
which have at their head men of Jewish descent. Most
important among these latter is the greatest of all public institutions—the
press.
“Hardly a newspaper of importance thrives in this city but it
has at its head or in some position of paramount influence a
man in whose fibre there is Jewish energy. And with one exception
the achievements of these men who mould and interpret
American public opinion could provide material for books
of incalculable inspiration.”
The article proceeds to refer to several large dailies in New
York which are owned or controlled by Jews, with biographical
sketches of these men and their subordinates. At the end of
the article it is stated that the men mentioned are “but a few
of a great number.”
That there is nothing new in the Jewish policy of controlling
the press is shown by the following statement of Isaac-Adolphe
Crémieux, who in 1860 founded the Alliance Israélite
Universelle.
“Consider the governmental and public offices as nothing.
Look upon all honors as upon nonsense. Do not pay any attention
for the time being to money itself.... Capture the
press! Through it everything will come to you in the natural
course of events.”[27]
The complete dictatorship over the press exercised by the
Jewish Bolshevist leaders in Soviet Russia is such a generally
accepted fact that it needs no extended comment. All newspapers
that have attempted in any way to criticize the Bolshevist
government have been ruthlessly suppressed, and many
writers who have dared to criticize Trotzky have been executed.
The policy of the Bolsheviks is well expressed by one of
the Soviet officials, N. Bukharin, in “The Communist Program,”
published by the Soviet printing office, called “The
Communist,” Moscow, 1918, Chapter VII, pp. 20-23:
“The Communist (Bolshevist) party receives from all sides
accusations and even threats like the following: ‘You close
newspapers, you arrest people, you forbid meetings, you
trample under foot freedom of speech and of the press, you
reconstruct autocracy, you are oppressors and murderers.’ It
is necessary to discuss in detail this question of the ‘liberties’
in a Soviet Republic....
“At present the following is clear for the workingmen and
the peasants. The Communist party not only does not demand
any liberty of the press, of speech, meetings, unions, etc., for
the bourgeois enemies of the people, but, on the contrary, it
demands that the government should be always in readiness to
close the bourgeois press; to disperse the meetings of the enemies
of the people, to forbid them to lie, slander, and spread
panic; to crush ruthlessly all attempts at a restoration of the
bourgeois régime. This is precisely the meaning of the dictatorship
of the proletariat.”
2. From a practical point of view it is of the utmost importance
to Christian countries to ascertain whether the Jews
are to be treated as citizens who enjoy equal rights and equal
duties with the rest of the community, or whether they are to
have, in addition, special privileges uniform in every country
because they are Jews.
The American Constitution grants equal rights to all citizens
of the United States, without distinction as to race or
religion. The same conception of citizenship prevails in
a majority of the western European countries (Great
Britain, Netherlands, France, Italy, Switzerland, Norway,
and Sweden).
During the last two years, however, the Jews in various
countries have adopted a peculiar policy, threatening the fundamental
principles of equal citizenship, by demanding special
national or minority rights in central and eastern European
states. During the Peace Conference the Jews maintained an
influential delegation at Paris which insisted that such rights
be granted to the Jews in Poland, Austria, Roumania, Jugoslavia,
Czechoslovakia and Ukrainia. A special Bill of Jewish
Rights was presented by the Jewish delegation to the Peace
Conference. This bill contained the following stipulations:
“First—New guarantees of citizenship for those born in
the territories affected, or resident therein since August, 1909.
“Second—All citizens to enjoy equal civil, religious, national
and political rights, without distinction of birth, race,
nationality or religion.
“Third—The right to use the language of any national
minority in business, private intercourse, public meetings or
the press shall be guaranteed; nor shall there be any restriction
of such language in the schools or other institutions, nor shall
the validity of any transaction or document be affected by the
use of any language whatsoever.
“Fourth—The state shall recognize the several national
minorities as constituting distinct autonomous organizations,
having the right to establish, manage and control schools and
religious, educational, charitable and social institutions.
“Fifth—Each national minority shall be allotted its proportion
of state, departmental and municipal funds, based on
the ratio of its numbers in the respective areas, as well as in
the entire population.
“Sixth—Proportional representation of national minorities
in elected bodies.
“Seventh—Those observing any other day except Sunday
as Sabbath shall not be required to perform on such days acts
they regard as desecrations, and shall be permitted to conduct
business on Sunday if they so desire.
“Eighth—The signatories to the treaty, or any minority
which may be affected by failure to observe its provisions, shall
be entitled to submit complaints for adjudication to the League
of Nations, which will assume jurisdiction.” (New York
Tribune, June 12, 1919.)
This Bill of Rights was strongly endorsed by the American
Jewish Congress held in Philadelphia in December, 1918. We
quote an article in the New York Tribune of May 14, 1919,
on this subject:
“NATIONS MUST GUARANTEE RACIAL RIGHTS, SAYS MACK.
“CHAIRMAN OF JEWISH DELEGATION TO PARIS CABLES RESULTS
OF ITS EFFORTS.
“According to a cable received by the Zionist Organization
of America from its president, Judge Julian W. Mack, who is
now in Paris, heading the American Jewish Congress delegation
to the peace conference, and chairman of the Jewish
delegations from every part of Europe, the treaty offered to
Germany requires Poland and other nations to accept separate
provisions guaranteeing rights to racial, religious and linguistic
minorities within their boundaries.
“Judge Mack says the word ‘national’ is not included in
the treaty as now formulated, but that a decision on this point
is expected in a few days.
“He expresses himself as sanguine that the substance of the
demands adopted by the American Jewish Congress, held in
Philadelphia last December, will be obtained.”
Moreover, the Bill of Rights was endorsed by most of the
recognized Jewish organizations throughout the world.
“NINE MILLION JEWS PRESENT BILL OF RIGHTS AT PARIS,” is
the title under which the universal support of Hebrew national
rights within the boundaries of other nations was recorded
by the New York Tribune on June 12, 1919.
Mr. Edward Dillon, in his book “The Inside Story of the
Peace Conference,” referring to these national rights and to
the support which was extended to the Jewish demands, stated
that the Allied policy was “looked upon as anything but disinterested.”
Mr. Dillon further said:
“Unhappily this conviction was subsequently strengthened
by certain of the measures decreed by the Supreme Council between
April and the close of the Conference. The misgivings
of other delegates turned upon a matter which at first sight
may appear so far removed from any of the pressing issues of
the twentieth century as to seem wholly imaginary. They
feared that a religious—some would call it racial—bias lay
at the root of Mr. Wilson’s policy. It may seem amazing to
some readers, but it is none the less a fact, that a considerable
number of delegates believed that the real influences behind
the Anglo-Saxon peoples were Semitic.
“They confronted the President’s proposal on the subject
of religious inequality, and, in particular, the odd motive alleged
for it, with the measures for the protection of minorities
which he subsequently imposed on the lesser states, and which
had for their keynote to satisfy the Jewish elements in eastern
Europe. And they concluded that the sequence of expedients
framed and enforced in this direction were inspired by the
Jews, assembled in Paris for the purpose of realizing their
carefully thought-out program, which they succeeded in having
substantially executed. However right or wrong these
delegates may have been, it would be a dangerous mistake to
ignore their views, seeing that they have since become one of
the permanent elements of the situation. The formula into
which this policy was thrown by the members of the Conference,
whose countries it affected, and who regarded it as fatal
to the peace of eastern Europe, was this: ‘Henceforth the
world will be governed by the Anglo-Saxon peoples, who, in
turn, are swayed by their Jewish elements.’” (Pages 496, 497.)
Mr. Dillon emphasizes that the Jewish demands for special
national privileges were largely fomented by western Jews,
including those of the United States. He even states that
among the many Jews who were present at the Paris Peace
Conference “the largest and most brilliant contingent was
sent by the United States.” (Page 12.) According to this
author, “Their principal mission, with which every fair-minded
man sympathized heartily, was to secure for their
kindred in Eastern Europe rights equal to those of the populations
in whose midst they reside. And to the credit of the
Poles, Rumanians, and Russians, who were to be constrained
to remove all the existing disabilities, they enfranchised the
Hebrew elements spontaneously. But the western Jews who
championed their eastern brothers, proceeded to demand a
further concession which many of their own co-religionists
hastened to disclaim as dangerous—a kind of autonomy
which Roumanian, Polish and Russian statesmen, as well
as many of their Jewish fellow-subjects, regarded as tantamount
to the creation of a state within a state.” (Page 13.)
The treaties imposed by the Allies upon Poland, Rumania,
Czecho-Slovakia, Jugo-Slavia and Greece granted all, or
nearly all the demands of the Jews contained in the above
“Bill of Rights,” while Austria and Hungary gave pledges
in their treaties with the Allied and Associated Powers, that
they would protect “minority rights” in the same general
way defined in the treaties with the other five powers.
These treaties, as Mr. Dillon correctly points out, go much
further than to guarantee to the Jews residing in these several
countries full political equality with other citizens, and
freedom from persecution or discrimination on account of
race or religion. Not only did the treaties contain such guarantees,—which,
Mr. Dillon states, the small powers in question
were quite willing to give,—but they contained a principle
new to international law, viz. that a racial minority should be
treated in various relations as a separate entity within the
State, with separate rights of its own, which it is permitted
to enforce against the national government. An illustration
of this new principle is found in certain articles of the treaty
with Poland relating to educational matters. By these articles
the Polish State is actually compelled to permit the Jews, in
towns and districts where they constitute “a considerable
proportion” of the population, to administer primary education
in their own language in the Jewish schools, supported
by an allocated part of the state funds. The articles of the
treaty which create this extraordinary “minority right” are
quoted verbatim below. The two articles must be read together
and compared with each other to bring out their full
meaning.
“Article 9
“Poland will provide in the public educational system in
towns and districts in which a considerable proportion of
Polish nationals of other than Polish speech are residents
adequate facilities for ensuring that in the primary schools the
instruction shall be given to the children of such nationals
through the medium of their own language. This provision
shall not prevent the Polish Government from making the
teaching of the Polish language obligatory in the said schools.
“In towns and districts where there is a considerable proportion
of Polish nationals belonging to racial, religious or
linguistic minorities, these minorities shall be assured an
equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the sums
which may be provided out of the public funds under the
State, municipal or other budget, for educational, religious
or charitable purposes.
“The provision of this article shall apply to Polish citizens
of German speech only in that part of Poland which was
German territory on August 1, 1914.
“Article 10
“Educational Committees appointed locally by the Jewish
Committees of Poland will, subject to the general control of
the State, provide for the distribution of the proportional
share of the public funds allocated to the Jewish schools in
accordance with Article 9, and for the organization and management
of these schools.
“The provisions of Article 9 concerning the use of languages
in schools shall apply to these schools.”
In some central European countries the Jews took prompt
advantage of the favorable feeling created in Paris by the
Jewish leaders towards the Jewish national demands. Thus,
for instance, in Ukrainia a special ministry for Jewish affairs
was established, headed by Krasny Pinhoos, a Jew. According
to information contained in an editorial article in the New
Witness of April 11, 1919, the new minister of the Jews “told
a press representative that the Jews take part in the spiritual
and social life of the Ukraine under conditions of equality
with those of the rest of the population, but that in affairs
appertaining to the Jewish community they would govern
themselves.”
The New Witness made a rather peculiar deduction from
the above statement of Mr. Pinhoos:
“But it is anyhow a good thing that in one country at least
the Jewish race should be regarded and should consent to be
regarded as something different and separate. We presume
that as soon as the Jewish State in Palestine is established, Mr.
Pinhoos will change his title to that of Jewish Ambassador.
Mr. Pinhoos hopes that before long there will be many other
such ministries established, but while Isaacs and Mond can
govern England and dictate to the Peace Conference, there is
not much hope that they will desire to rule the affairs of
Whitechapel.”
Mr. Israel Zangwill, in a recent address at the Poale Zion
Conference in London, went a step further when he stated
that the race which produced “a Beaconsfield, a Reading, a
Montagu, a Klotz, a Kurt Eisner, a Trotzky” should be represented
as an independent member of the League of Nations.
(See Mr. Zangwill’s statement in The Jewish Chronicle, February
27, 1920, No. 2656, p. 28.)
In view of the adoption of this policy by the Jews in Paris,
Americans are justified in ascertaining just what is the position
of the American Jewry with respect to enforcing such
a program here. Our Constitution knows no such thing as
foreign national rights enjoyed by persons who at the same
time enjoy the privileges of American citizens. A subject of
a foreign nationality when he becomes an American citizen
renounces his former allegiance, and it is upon this condition
only that he becomes a member of our body politic.
Nevertheless in the United States itself, where the Jews
enjoy an absolute equality of rights with all other citizens, they
have recently endeavored to build up an institution which is
entirely opposed to the spirit of the American Constitution,
namely, a special Jewish court which tries cases pertaining
only to the Jews. This institution is known as “The Jewish
Court of Arbitration” and holds its sessions in one of the
Municipal Court rooms in New York City. This fact was
briefly recorded by the New York Times in its issue of February
19, 1920, in an article under the title, “Jews Here Start
Modern Sanhedrin.” While this significant fact may have
passed almost unnoticed by the American public, nevertheless
it has already attracted attention in France.
It is unthinkable to any American brought up under a system
of government which has provided a check against the
oppression of minorities by the majority, that special rights
should be granted to any of the ethnic elements of our population,
such as the Jews, the Chinese, the Negroes, or any other
racial group, or that any of these groups should by virtue of
such special rights diminish our sovereignty by a treaty provision
similar to Article XII of the special treaty with Poland.
By this article Poland agreed that any member of the Council
of the League of Nations should have the right to bring to the
attention of the Council any infraction or any danger of infraction
of any of these obligations (the national rights of
the Jews), and that the Council may thereupon take such
action and give such directions as it may deem proper and
effective in the circumstances.[28]
The whole question of Jewish double national rights is of
the utmost importance, since the recognized Zionist leaders
and the international Zionist organizations have on various
occasions strongly urged the adoption of such double rights.
Such rights and privileges for the Jews indeed are more than
“national rights”; they are in one sense international rights
common to Jews living in different countries. In other words,
under such a system they would enjoy both the rights of citizenship
of the particular country in which they live, and in
addition, special privileges granted to them alone. The granting
of such privileges to the Jews would constitute a series
of international rights conferred exclusively upon the Jewish
race. The Protocols of the Zionist Men of Wisdom contemplate
this very thing in the following language:
“Then our international rights will sweep away the national
rights in a limited sense and will rule countries in the same
manner as the civil power of each state regulates the relationship
of its subjects among themselves.” (Protocol No. II.)
It is a question to what extent the demands for Jewish
minority rights in eastern European states may be a part of
the general Zionist movement. To this movement little attention
can be given in this volume. It is sufficient to quote
a portion of an article published in the New York Globe on
January 25, 1919, under the title “Want Brandeis to Govern
Judea.” The staff correspondent of the New York Globe and
Chicago Daily News in London, under date of December 31,
1918, refers to the Zionist movement and the exposition of
its objects and purposes by one of its leaders, Ittimar Ben Avi:
“If the plans and ambitions of the recently proclaimed nation
of Judea are fulfilled, Louis Brandeis, now Justice of the
United States Supreme Court, will be the first of the new
rulers of Israel. The dream of the renationalization of Palestine
which has lived for 2,000 years in the hearts of the Jews
is fast entering the realm of reality. Judea is sending its delegates
to the peace conference. Its existence as a nation has
been recognized by the allies, its declaration of independence
has been signed and its diplomats and politicians are already
busy moulding the future of its institutions.
“Ittimar Ben Avi is the first of its peace delegates to reach
London. An impassioned idealist who already visions Judea
enrolled among the great powers of the world, is Ben Avi.
But his idealism and his oratorical agitations on behalf of
Judea have not impaired his worth as a diplomat.
UNDER BRITISH TRUSTEESHIP
“‘Israel cannot leap to its feet, full grown and capable,’ he
explained. ‘It has been scattered and dormant too long. As
delegate to the peace conference, I am to outline the demands
of the new Judea. The first and most important of these is
the political desire of the new Hebrew nation. We desire a
British trusteeship for a period of twenty-five years. We do
not want to establish a parliament or congress in Judea for at
least twenty-five years. The British have emancipated us from
the Turk. Great Britain is more capable of governing or overseeing
Palestine as a colony than any one other country.
“‘If the English will agree to this our plan then includes
the appointment by England of a Zionist as governor-general
of Judea. It is more or less known among Zionists that Mr.
Justice Brandeis is the most logical man now living for the
position of governor-general. Under him there should be two
sub-governors—one a Christian and the other a Moslem.
Both should be appointed by England. We also intend to have
attorney generals for the various provinces and mayors for the
various communities in Palestine. These are to be elected by
the people.
“‘After twenty-five years Judea may be in position to govern
herself. As a totally independent nation and part of an
entente including Armenia and Arabia, Judea would be a
powerful asset to the western world not only as a producer of
culture and a contributor to the world’s markets, but as a military
barrier against any power seeking to control the Suez
Canal.’
“OUTNUMBERED BY OTHERS
“Ben Avi’s desire for a British over-lordship is inspired by
the fact that were Palestine to proclaim a complete independence
to-day and seek by popular vote to elect its own ruler,
the Moslem and Christian peoples living there would outnumber
and outvote the Hebrew population. The result would be
a nation in which the Jews were in the minority. By England’s
recognition of Judea as a Jewish nation and giving its Moslems
and Christians representation through sub-governor generals,
the Zionists are confident that their dreams will be most
practically fulfilled.
“The history of Palestine’s struggle towards renationalizing
of the Jewish race is comparatively recent. Beginning some
forty years ago with the agitation of a handful of idealists,
the movement expanded slowly. Great effort to repopulate
Palestine with Jews drawn from Russia for the most part
met with indifferent success. In the face of ridicule and protest
from their own race, the Jews of England, the United
States, France, Russia and Germany, acting as an intensive
minority, pursued their dream.”
3. The strategy of stirring up class hatred in Christian
nations, and the encouragement of revolutionary radicalism
to that end, which has such a prominent place in the Protocols,
finds corroboration in the very prominent part which, in
recent times, the Jews have been taking in the radical and
revolutionary movement in many parts of the world, including
Hungary, Germany, Holland, Poland, the United States, and
certain South American states.
The predominant influence of the Jews in the Bolshevist
movement throughout the world is a question which is publicly
discussed in the European press. The Budapest correspondent
of the London Times some time ago stated:
“Hungary is being terrorized by Jewish agitators.” (American
Jewish News, May 2, 1919.)
Charges of this kind have appeared in the press in many
European countries. In this connection we call the attention
of the reader to an article of the Morning Post, entitled “An
Insult to Poland,” August 30, 1919. In this article, among
other things, the following is stated:
“It is unfortunately true that Bolshevism is very largely
a Jewish movement. In Russia the Jewish Bolsheviks have
taken a terrible revenge upon all whom they regarded as
enemies, and also upon all who protected the Russian peasantry
against the exactions of the Jewish usurers.”
This article closes with the following sentence:
“And we warn Jews also, not for the first time. They are
showing themselves not Englishmen of the Jewish faith, as
we used to consider them, but a nation with a foreign policy
of their own—and that policy hostile to the friends of England.
And that is what in the end Englishmen will not stand.”
The three following documents are also of importance:
(a) An editorial article which appeared in the London
Morning Post on April 8, 1919, entitled “Bolstering the
Bolshevik.”
(b) A letter signed by Lionel Rothschild and nine other
well-known British Jews to the editor of the London Morning
Post, which practically justifies the stand that was taken by
that paper.
(c) Comment on the two above-mentioned documents published
in the American Jewish News on May 2, 1919.
We set forth in full these three documents.
(a) “Bolstering the Bolshevik
“The news from Russia fluctuates from day to day. It is
now reported that the situation on the Murmansk Coast has
somewhat improved; but the situation in Archangel is obviously
critical. Our soldiers have driven off formidable attacks;
but the fighting is close and desperate. From South
Russia the Bolsheviks reported that Odessa had been captured,
and although we may hope that if this is true the Allied forces
were safely evacuated, there remains a terrible anxiety as to
the fate which may have overtaken our devoted friends in
South Russia. For these critical situations we do not blame
the War Office; but we do blame Allied policy which has
trifled with the whole situation and has alternated between
large promises to our Allies and obsequious approaches to our
enemies. We are informed that although the anti-Bolshevist
Armies in Russia have been promised arms and supplies in
abundance, what they have actually received has been contemptible.
The result is that they are fighting almost naked
and in many cases without arms. We may be certain both our
soldiers and our allies in Russia are putting up a brave and
desperate fight for their lives and their cause, but in these circumstances
they must feel that they have been forgotten, if
not betrayed, by those upon whom they looked for support.
And so it is in Poland. We hear from trustworthy sources
that the spirit of the Poles is magnificent. They are ready to
become a strong and trusty support of the Allies upon the eastern
borders of Germany; but they ask in vain for munitions,
supplies and raw materials, and they see their vital communications
with the Baltic left in the hands of their enemy and ours.
“Poland and Russia are one problem in this sense. We
must support our friends if we are to defeat the Bolsheviks,
and their secret abettors the Germans. For it is certain in that
while Germany consistently suppresses Bolshevism in Germany
she encourages it in Poland and Russia. But we are not
supporting our friends. We promised them supplies which
did not arrive, and political support which breaks down before
German opposition. What is the reason of it? We notice that
the Daily Herald and the Daily News are persistently telling
the people of this country that we are fighting Bolshevism in
obedience to the pressure of the capitalists. Now that is a lie.
We are fighting Bolshevism in opposition to a very strong
group of German-Jewish and Russian-Jewish capitalists, who
are secretly working for the Bolshevist cause. Mr. Lansing
may or may not be aware of the fact, but he is helping as corrupt
a group of international financiers as ever lived. And the
object of that group is to support Bolshevism in Russia in order
to make a deal with the Bolsheviks. We have mentioned several
times the disagreeable fact that the Russian Bolsheviks
were Russian Jews. These Jews are at the present moment
in control of the Russian Government and they have powerful
friends in all the Allied countries who are helping them. We
have appealed to the British Jews, but appealed so far in vain,
to dissociate themselves formally from a cause which is doing
the Jewish people terrible harm in all parts of the world. In
reply the Jewish press shower upon us not only abuse but
threats. Thus, for example, the Jewish World threatens us
with the fate of Mordecai: ‘ ... we wish it no harm, but we
would beg it to recollect,’ so it says, ‘while yet it has its
feet upon the earth, the fate of its anti-Jewish forbear in that
narrative, in the hope that it may mend its ways betimes.’
“We are aware of the significance of that threat. We fully
understand what it means, and the secret Allies upon whom
the Jewish World reckons when it makes it. We saw them at
work in Glasgow and Belfast. We see them at work now in
Budapest, where, it is reported, out of thirty members of
the Bolshevik Soviet, twenty-six are Jews. We understand the
threat, but we do not propose to be deterred in our duty to the
British public by the terrorist methods of the Bolsheviks. And
we suggest to the British Jewish community—most of whom,
we believe, are by no means in sympathy with this crusade—that
they are being served very badly in their newspapers,
which openly threaten Bolshevik methods and scoff at advice
which is tendered in a friendly spirit. In secret, we feel certain,
the majority of the British, Jews distrust and dislike the
fanatics who are now leading Jewry astray in the cause of a
spurious Jewish Imperialism. But they are afraid to dissociate
themselves publicly from the dervishes of Judaism. In
the meantime these powerful influences are at work in every
country, and chiefly in Paris, where they are working powerfully
against the cause of Poland. An unseen hand is at this
present time stifling the infant Poland in its cradle, and this
is being done in the interests of German-Jewish Capitalism. It
is a conspiracy which is assisted by so-called Liberal newspapers
like the Daily News, and so-called Labor newspapers
like the Daily World; but it is a conspiracy, nevertheless, which
is directed against the cause of liberty in Poland and in the
interests of alien Capitalism. For it remains true that our
labor agitators, while they are the enemies of British Capital,
contrive to be the friends of the Capitalism of the enemies of
England. Mr. Lloyd George and President Wilson—those
champions of liberty—also appear to be more susceptible to
the influence of an alien capitalism than to the cry for freedom
of long enchained Poland. We ask our readers, who remember
the traditional friendship of England with the Polish
cause, to mark the note of anguish in Mr. Paderewski’s statement
which we publish this morning. He speaks—and he
speaks truly—of ‘the bitterness of the disappointment of the
Polish population,’ but it is not only the Polish population that
is disappointed by the great Danzig betrayal. Every student
of Allied interests must see that, whereas a strong Poland
might be a bulwark against both German militarism and Russian
Bolshevism, a weak Poland must be the vassal of one and
the victim of the other. As to the economic side of the question,
British commerce may bid farewell to all hope of a connection
in Poland if it leaves Poland in such a situation as to
be the enforced dependent of Germany.”
(b) “Bolshevism and Jewry—a Repudiation
London Morning Post,
April 23rd, 1919.
“To the Editor of the Morning Post:—
We have read with deepest concern and with sincere regret
certain articles which have recently appeared in two closely
associated Jewish newspapers in this country on the topic of
Bolshevism and its ideals. In our opinion, the publication of
these articles can have no other effect than to encourage the
adoption of the theoretic principles of Russian Bolsheviks
among foreign Jews who have sought and found refuge in
England. We welcome, accordingly, your suggestion that
British Jews should ‘dissociate themselves from a cause which
is doing the Jewish people harm in all parts of the world.’
This is profoundly true, and we, on our behalf and on behalf
of numbers of British Jews with whom we have conferred,
desire to dissociate ourselves absolutely and unreservedly from
the mischievous and misleading doctrines which those articles
are calculated to disseminate. We repudiate them as dangerous
in themselves and as false to the tenets and teachings of
Judaism.
Partly in order to counteract the mistaken policy of the
newspapers referred to, the League of British Jews was
founded in November, 1917. The proceedings and views of
the League are published in a monthly bulletin, entitled Jewish
Opinion, which can be obtained at the office of the League,
708-709 Salisbury House, E.C. 2, and which may eventually be
merged in a larger journal appearing at more frequent intervals.
For we thoroughly concur with your criticism that ‘the
British Jewish community, most of whom,’ as you rightly say,
‘are by no means in sympathy with this (Nationalist) crusade,
are being served very badly by their newspapers.’ Meantime
we take this opportunity of repudiating in public the particular
statements in those newspapers to which you have felt it
your duty to call attention.
Yours, etc.,
- Lionel de Rothschild
- Swaythling
- Philip Magnus
- Marcus Samuel
- Harry S. Samuel
- Leonard L. Cohen
- I. Gollancz
- John Monash
- Claude G. Montefiore
- Isidore Spielmann.”
(c) “Prominent London Jews justify anti-Semitic Attack
“General Monash, Rothschild, and Montefiore Figure
in Agitation.
“In reply to a recent article in the London Morning Post,
in which the editor accused the Jews as being Bolsheviks, a
letter justifying the stand of the Post in the matter was sent
to that paper and signed by Baron Lionel Rothschild, Lord
Swaythling, Sir Magnus, Sir Marcus Samuel, Sir Harry
Samuel, General Monash, Sir Isidore Spielmann, Claude Montefiore,
Leonard Cohen and Professor Galantz.
“As a result of this letter, a self-sanctifying leading editorial
appeared in the Post, which cried out in virtuous indignation
against all those who had previously questioned that the
majority of the Jews are Bolsheviks. The letter, coming as it
has, at a time when the anti-Semitic pot is boiling in London,
has a peculiarly unfortunate effect. The opinion of London
Jewry towards these ten men they consider have betrayed them,
may best be left to the imagination.”
It is significant that the feeling that the Jews are largely
instrumental in promoting Bolshevism and radicalism in general
is by no means confined to England. The New York
World published on January 26, 1919, a cable, from Buenos
Aires entitled “Argentina Deports Fourteen Hundred Bolshevists.”
The cable reads as follows:
“Buenos Aires, January 25.—Fourteen hundred prisoners,
charged with Bolshevist activities, are on board a cruiser here
awaiting deportation, according to Secret Service Men. The
majority of them are Russian Jews. Some Spaniards are
among the number.”
In the same connection the New York Tribune, on January
24, 1919, reported that in Buenos Aires posters were put
up in which the Russian Jews were blamed “for the recent
outbreaks, as well as the anarchistic outbreak in 1910,” and
it was demanded that “the government rid the nation of this
Jewish pest.”
In the issue of The Review of March 13, 1920, an article
was published entitled “Bolshevism in Holland.” The article
gives a brief description of the Bolshevist movement in Holland.
It also gives the names of the most prominent leaders
of the Bolshevist movement in that country. In part the
article reads as follows:
“First among these is Mr. David Wijnkoop, an Amsterdam
Jew, of a fiery, impetuous temperament, a great orator with
a strong hold on the masses. He is the Dutch counterpart of
his Russian comrade Trotzky, whom he resembles even in outward
appearance, and a faithful henchman of his Moscow
alter ego in the spreading of the latter’s international propaganda.”
It is a well-known fact that in Hungary, during the Bolshevist
revolution of 1919, Bela Kun, whose real name is Cohen,
a Jew, became the dictator. It was often reported in various
papers that out of the thirty-one Soviet officials in Hungary
twenty-six were Jews.
In Austria revolutionary attempts were made to set up a
Bolshevist government, and the two brothers Alder, as well
as Friedrich Adler, all of whom are Jews, were the leading
spirits of the Bolshevist revolutionary propaganda in that
country.
In Germany the first Spartacan revolt was almost exclusively
under the control of Jews. Among others were: Rosa
Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, Radek (whose real name is Sobelsohn),
Eugene Levine, Muscham.
In the recent attempt to overthrow the Ebert Government
and set up a Bolshevist Republic, almost all of the leaders in
Berlin were Jews. The New York Sun, under date of
March 18, 1920, gives the names of the Communist leaders
who attempted to overthrow the government as follows: Cohn,
Daumig, Newmann, Dr. von Kahn, Kurt Bever, Levy.
As to the United States the following should be stated:
While it is a generally recognized fact that the Socialist,
Communist, Radical, I. W. W., and Bolshevist movements
are largely recruited from the foreign-born population of
various nationalities, nevertheless it can scarcely be denied
that the moving spirit of the destructive revolutionary propaganda
is largely Jewish and fomented by Jews. Thus, for
instance, the notorious “Russian” Soviet Bureau, headed by
Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, a German, was almost exclusively
composed of Jews. Those who were in charge of responsible
departments in the Bureau were as follows:
| Abraham Heller |
|
Manager of the Commercial Department |
| Nuorteva |
|
Whose real name is said to be Neuberger, Manager of the Propaganda
Department |
| Gregory Weinstein |
|
General Office Manager |
| Morris Hillquit |
} |
Counselors at law for the Soviet Bureau |
| Charles Recht |
} |
All of the five Socialists who were recently ousted from the
Assembly of the state of New York by an overwhelming vote
were Jews. Their names are: Louis Waldman, August Classens,
Samuel A. de Witt, Samuel Orr, and Charles Solomon.
During the trial of these men one of the most sensational
pieces of evidence introduced by the state to show that the
Socialist Party advocated the overthrow of the government
by violence and revolution, was a book published in Yiddish
by the Jewish Socialist Federation of America. This federation
is a part of the Socialist Party. The official report of the
Judiciary Committee of the Assembly of the State of New
York remarks that in the book published in Yiddish, the principles
of Socialism, “were not camouflaged, as they frequently
are in English” (page 31). The book in question typifies the
extreme of revolutionary Socialism in the United States. We
quote some of the more striking passages:
“Workingmen cannot depend on ‘peaceful evolution’; they
must prepare for a revolution, and class-dictatorship” (page
207).
“The Socialist movement rouses the workingmen to revolution;
it preaches to them class-struggle, awakens within them
class-consciousness, makes all necessary preparations for a
Socialistic order. When society is ready for the overturn,
when the Socialist organization feels that the moment has
come, it will make the revolution. To predict when and how
this should be done is impossible. This is a thing which must
be determined separately in every country, because the circumstances
in every country are different. No sooner than the
revolution is made, however, the first aim of the Socialists
must be to seize the government, the state, by whatever means
they can succeed in doing this with and then their rule must
establish the dictatorship of the Proletariat.
“This dictatorship will be employed for one thing, to eliminate
capitalism by force, take away by force the capital from
private owners and transfer it to the ownership of the
community.”
“Socialists seek to be elected into the government principally
for the sake of propaganda.”
“To the Socialist at present, the meaning of class struggle,
Internationale, and dictatorship of the Proletariat must be
clear. He must understand that Socialism is not a reform
movement. He must know that Socialism is a Revolutionary
world-perspective, and that the Socialist movement is a
Revolutionary movement.”
The radical periodicals published in this country in Russian
are almost entirely managed and completely controlled by
Jews. For instance, the Russki Golos has an editorial staff
composed of four men, all of whom are Jews, namely, Weinbaum,
Zvesdichiy, Sokolov, Gisenkin. The official organ of
the Russian Communist Branch of the American Communist
Party, the Novy Mir, is edited by two Jews, namely, N. Hourwitch,
and Stoklitzky. The Bolshevist weekly, Pravda, is
edited by two Jews, namely, Finkelstein and Weinstein. The
Ukrainian Bolshevist tri-weekly publication, Robitnik, is published
by a Jew, K. Pitlar. At the same time, even leaving
out the well-known Yiddish publication The Jewish Daily
Forward, with pronounced pro-Bolshevist tendencies, the new
Anarchistic periodical, The Communist World, published in
English, has the following men on its editorial staff, all of
whom are Jews:
| Maximilian Cohen |
Editor |
| B. D. Wolfe |
Associate Editor |
| George Ashkenouzi |
Business Manager |
| H. Winitsky |
Executive Secretary |
Winitsky was recently convicted of criminal anarchy in the
New York Courts.
Again, with the recently founded Communist Party of
America, the rôle of the Jew is very important, inasmuch as
its founder is Louis Fraina, an Italian Jew. Examples of
this kind could be multiplied almost indefinitely. For this
reason we must content ourselves with a reference to an article
published in the New York Call. This is the official organ
of the Socialist Party of America, which is issued under the
motto:
“Workers of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose
but your chains, and a world to gain.”
The president of this publication is S. Block, a Jew. The
article in question, entitled “Chicago Workers Plan Big May
Day Demonstrations,” deals with the arrangements for the
May Day Parade of the Chicago radical labor organizations
in 1919. It enumerates some of the organizations
which were represented in the conference which planned the
demonstrations:
- “Joint Board, Cloak Makers’ Union
- 11 branches of the Workmen’s Circle
- Millinery Workers, Local Union, 47
- Northwest Side Jewish Socialist Branch
- The Hebrew Trades
- The Brushmakers’ Union
- The 13th Ward Jewish Socialist Branch
- The Karl Marx Jewish Socialist Branch
- Yipsel Jewish Socialist Branches 1 and 4
- Carpenters’ Union, Local 504
- West Side Jewish Socialist Campaign Conference
- The Northwest Side Jewish Socialist Campaign Conference
- The 15th Ward Campaign Committee
- West Side Jewish Socialist Branch
- Amalgamated Local Union, 39
- Waist Makers’ Union, 100
- International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union
- Bakers’ Union, 237
- Capmakers’ Union, Local 5
- Young People’s Progressive Dramatic Club
- City Central Committee, Jewish Socialist Branches
- City Central Committee, Workmen’s Circle
- Douglas Park Jewish Socialist Branch”
Indeed, it can scarcely be denied that the Jewish labor organizations
as enumerated by this Socialist publication itself
were in complete control of the whole May Day parade in
one of the biggest cities in the United States.
One more fact of importance which should be mentioned
is that four Anarchists, who were convicted and sentenced
to terms of twenty years by the United States District Court
for the Southern District of New York, were Jews. Their
names are: Jacob Abrams, Samuel Lippman, Hyman Lachowsky,
Mollie Stimer.
Finally, we refer to the well-known activities of Emma
Goldman and Alexander Berkman, both of whom are Jews, and
who were deported on the Soviet Ark “Buford.”
Of course, it is significant that the radical labor movement
is largely controlled by Jewish internationalists, but still more
significant appears the fact that recently several rabbis have
taken a definite stand in support of the Red movement. We
shall refer here to two instances. On October 25, 1919, the
New York Tribune stated that Rabbi Judah L. Magnes had
publicly announced that “he was a Bolshevik and in full
sympathy with their doctrines and ideals.” The article referred
to is entitled “Bolshevik Talk Forces Magnes Out.”
Therein it is revealed that on account of his public announcement
that he was in full sympathy with Trotzky, Rabbi Magnes
was forced to resign from the American Jewish Committee.
It is important to bear in mind that at that time Rabbi Magnes
was one of the most honored members of the Jewish community.
Rabbi Magnes was deputed in 1916 to represent in
Europe the American Jewish Relief organization, The Joint
Distribution Committee, which, among other activities, solicited
and distributed money and supplies to the Jews in territories
occupied by the Central Powers. Whenever there is
a great mass meeting Rabbi Magnes appears as the chief
spokesman on behalf of the Jews in New York City, as has
happened several times since his expulsion from the American
Jewish Committee. Rabbi Magnes was one of the founders
of the People’s Council, which was dissolved by the United
States Government during the war. Here is a tentative
enumeration of Rabbi Magnes’s activities as stated in the
Tribune article above referred to:
“Dr. Magnes was one of the organizers of the American-Jewish
Committee which has been engaged in philanthropic
work among the Jews for the last fifteen years. Most of the
work of the committee was confined to countries where the
people were oppressed. Dr. Magnes has held many important
posts and at one time was Rabbi of the Temple Emanu-El.
Shortly after we entered the war he became a strong pacifist
and was active in the People’s Council.
“There was a movement started on the East Side early in
the summer to make Dr. Magnes the Socialist candidate for
Congress. The persons who attempted this move are now
supporting Congressman London for reëlection. Dr. Magnes
is chairman of the American Jewish Kehillah.”
The other instance is that of Rabbi Maxwell Silver of
Temple Shaari Zedek, Brooklyn, who, on January 8, 1920, was
ousted by his congregation early in January, 1920, because of
alleged radical utterances. “It was charged that he drew
class lines and spoke of the rich as oppressors.” (See New
York Times, January 8, 1920.) This fact alone might not be
of great importance, but the action of the New York Association
of Reformed Rabbis, as reported in the New York daily
press, is significant:
“After the dismissal of Rabbi Maxwell Silver, of Congregation
Shaari Zedek, of Brooklyn, the New York Association
of Reformed Rabbis undertook the mediation of the
trouble between the congregation and the Rabbi, and as a
result pointed out that the whole difficulty was due to an unfortunate
misunderstanding. Thereupon the trustees decided
to recommend the reinstatement of Rabbi Silver, and we are
happy to state that such reinstatement was ratified by the congregation
after a special meeting last night. By a special
resolution the New York Association of Reformed Rabbis
expresses its confidence in the worthiness of Rabbi Silver and
also in the good intentions of the Congregation Shaari Zedek
to serve the cause of Israel.”
It is also a peculiar fact to consider that certain powerful
Jewish bankers were instrumental and active in spreading
Bolshevism, which now threatens the whole world. In this
connection we refer the reader to one of the “Sisson Documents,”
published by the United States Government in 1917
under the title “German Bolshevist Conspiracy”:
On September 21, 1917, one of the leading German Spartacan
leaders, a Jew, by name of Furstenberg, wrote a letter to
a Bolshevist by the name of Raphael Scholan, who became
later one of the Bolshevist commissaries in Soviet Russia, as
follows:
Stockholm, Sept. 21, 1917.
“To Mr. Raphael Scholan,
Haparanda.
Dear Comrade:
The banking house, M. Warburg, opened an account for
the enterprise of Comrade Trotzky, upon receipt of a telegram
from the Chairman of the ‘Rhein-Westphalian Syndicate.’
A lawyer, probably Mr. Kestroff, obtained ammunition
and organized the transportation of same, together with that
of the money, to Lulea and Vardo, the firm of Essen & Son,
Lulea, as to the consignee and the confidential persons to
whom the sum demanded by Comrade Trotzky is to be handed.
Fraternal greetings!
(sgd) Furstenberg.”
Rumors that international Jewish financiers have been supporting
the Bolsheviki in Russia are persistent.
Who are the international financiers? Perhaps the answer
is to be found in the following cable dispatch of the Wolff
Agency on the German situation in 1919, published by
La Vieille France in the issue of February 13, 1919:
“The deputy Hyemann has revealed the curious fact: The
Bolshevist movement is supported by financiers. The banker,
Bleichroeder, has contributed two millions to the Extremist
Journal.”
It is of course known that Bleichroeder is one of the most
powerful Jewish financiers in Germany.
It will be remembered that the Protocols bring out very distinctly
two ideas, namely, economic and social dissensions of
all kinds, including anarchism and communism and also a
world war.
In a recently published book which has created much interest,
entitled “The Inside Story of Austro-German Intrigue,”
by Joseph Goriĉar and Lyman Beecher Stowe, the authors
advanced the theory that Jewish bankers have during the last
century played an important rôle in European war conspiracies.
Mr. Goriĉar was, during the early part of the late war,
Austro-Hungarian Consul in Berlin. We refer to one of the
most important passages in the book bearing upon the subject:
“The pro-war bankers of 1854 as well as those of 1914
originated in the Semitic banking center of Frankfort-on-the-Main
in Germany, the birthplace of the Bethmann-Hollwegs,
the Goldschmidts, the Seligmans, Jacob Schiff,[29] and the Rothschilds.
“All the vast wealth of the banking house of the Rothschilds,
amounting at the beginning of the war to some twenty
billion francs, was made chiefly in war operations, war financing.
The Rothschild brothers of the Central Empires have in
fact sometimes financed simultaneously rival groups of belligerents.
“Frankfort-on-the-Main is, and has been for more than a
hundred years, the chief source of financial backing for wars.
Kings, emperors, and war ministers have had to await the
pleasure of these bankers before issuing their ultimata. To
that centre have been added Vienna, Berlin, and Budapest, the
other important centres of Jewish world finance. In Vienna
the Rothschilds’ word is law; in Berlin, the Hahnemans, Bleichroeders,
Mendelssohns, especially the last named, who of late
years have controlled Russia’s finances. To these same
sources may be traced the origin of the World War.” (Pages
56 and 57.)
The “Protocols” have already attracted public attention in
various countries. The attitude which the Jewish leaders will
take in regard to them is a matter of great interest and deep
concern. Until now they have kept silent. Only on rare
occasions have the Jews referred, though very indirectly, to
the question of the existence of a Jewish world conspiracy.
The most explicit utterance on the subject in the United States
is that of Rabbi Stephen Wise, in his address to the Congregation
of Free Synagogues in Carnegie Hall, on March 1,
1920. The reports of the address in the daily press are rather
meager. We set forth in full the report which appeared in
the New York Tribune on the following day:
“‘JEWISH PLOT’ ONLY AMONG APOSTATES, SAYS DR. WISE
“BELIEVES MEN WHO FORSWEAR ANCIENT FAITH WOULD SEIZE
POWER FOR OWN ENDS
“Speaking to the congregation of the Free Synagogue in
Carnegie Hall yesterday on the subject of ‘The Jewish Conspiracy,’
which has had its most recent revival in a story published
in the London Morning Post, charging that Jews were
in a plot to seize control of the world, Dr. Stephen S. Wise
said that the only serious ‘conspiracy’ among the Jews to-day
emanated from the young men who foreswore their ancient
faith.
“Saying that oppression and injustice have attended the
followers of the Jewish faith for centuries, Dr. Wise added
that they had a right to be vindictive, but that it was not in
their nature to be so.
“‘It is the Jew who has been reduced to such a state of
degradation by oppression that he lies when he swears allegiance
to another faith which has not even touched his heart,
who becomes a dangerous element in the life of the world,’
said Dr. Wise.
“‘The conspiracy,’ if there is one, is among those of Jewish
birth who are or seem ashamed of their origin. They follow
false gods or none at all, and among them will be those who
may seize power for their own ends.”
In conclusion it must be stated that the motives which have
actuated the publication of this book are not anti-Semitic.
The object—already indicated in the introduction—is to call
the attention of the American people to a document which
may throw important light upon the international Bolshevist
movement which menaces directly the vital interests of the
United States.
That this attention is amply justified appears from a review
of the recent publication of the Protocols in England, which
appeared in the London Times on May 8, 1920. The article
is so significant that it is reprinted in its entirety.
“THE JEWISH PERIL.”[30]
A Disturbing Pamphlet
Call for Inquiry
(From a correspondent)
The Times has not as yet noticed this singular little book.
Its diffusion is, however, increasing, and its reading is likely to
perturb the thinking public. Never before have a race and a
creed been accused of a more sinister conspiracy. We in this
country, who live in good fellowship with numerous representatives
of Jewry, may well ask that some authoritative criticism
should deal with it, and either destroy the ugly “Semitic” bogy
or assign their proper place to the insidious allegations of this
kind of literature.
In spite of the urgency of impartial and exhaustive criticism,
the pamphlet has been allowed, so far, to pass almost unchallenged.
The Jewish Press announced, it is true, that the anti-Semitism
of the “Jewish Peril” was going to be exposed. But
save for an unsatisfactory article in the March 5 issue of the
Jewish Guardian, and for an almost equally unsatisfactory contribution
to the Nation of March 27, this exposure is yet to
come. The article of the Jewish Guardian is unsatisfactory,
because it deals mainly with the personality of the author of
the book in which the pamphlet is embodied, with Russian reactionary
propaganda, and the Russian secret police. It does
not touch the substance of the “Protocols of the Learned
Elders of Zion.” The purely Russian side of the book and its
fervid “Orthodoxy” is not its most interesting feature. Its
author, Professor S. Nilus, who was a minor official in the Department
of Foreign Religions at Moscow, had, in all likelihood,
opportunities of access to many archives and unpublished
documents. On the other hand, the world-wide issue raised by
the “Protocols” which he incorporated in his book and are
now translated into English as “The Jewish Peril,” cannot fail
not only to interest, but to preoccupy. What are the theses of
the “Protocols” with which, in the absence of public criticism,
British readers have to grapple alone and unaided? They are,
roughly:—
(1) There is, and has been for centuries, a secret international
political organization of the Jews.
(2) The spirit of this organization appears to be an undying
traditional hatred of the Christian world, and a titanic ambition
for world domination.
(3) The goal relentlessly pursued through centuries is the
destruction of the Christian national States, and the substitution
for them of an international Jewish dominion.
(4) The method adopted for first weakening and then
destroying existing bodies politic is the infusion of disintegrating
political ideas of carefully measured progressive disruptive
force, from liberalism to radicalism, and socialism to
communism, culminating in anarchy as a reductio ad absurdum
of egalitarian principles. Meanwhile Jewry remains immune
from these corrosive doctrines. “We preach Liberalism to the
Gentiles, but on the other hand we keep our own nation in entire
subjection” (page 55). Out of the welter of world anarchy,
in response to the desperate clamour of distraught
humanity, the stern, logical, wise, pitiless rule of “the King of
the Seed of David” is to arise.
(5) Political dogmas evolved by Christian Europe, democratic
statesmanship and politics, are all equally contemptible
to the Elders of Zion. To them statesmanship is an exalted
secret art, acquired only by traditional training, and imparted
to a select few in the secrecy of some occult sanctuary.
“Political problems are not meant to be understood by
ordinary people; they can only be comprehended, as I have
said before, by rulers who have been directing affairs for many
centuries.”
(6) To this conception of statesmanship the masses are contemptible
cattle, and the political leaders of the Gentiles, “upstarts
from its midst as rulers, are likewise blind in politics.”
They are puppets, pulled by the hidden hand of the “Elders,”
puppets mostly corrupt, always inefficient; easily coaxed, or
bullied, or blackmailed into submission, unconsciously furthering
the advent of Jewish dominion.
(7) The Press, the theatre, stock exchange speculations,
science, law itself, are, in the hands that hold all the gold, so
many means of procuring a deliberate confusion and bewilderment
of public opinion, demoralization of the young, and encouragement
of the vices of the adult, eventually substituting,
in the minds of the Gentiles, for the idealistic aspiration of
Christian culture the “cash basis” and a neutrality of materialistic
scepticism, or cynical lust for pleasure.
Such are the main theses of the “Protocols.” They are not
altogether new, and can be found scattered throughout anti-Semitic
literature. The condensed form in which they are
now presented lends them a new and weird force.
Incidentally, some of the features of the would-be Jewish
programme bear an uncanny resemblance to situations and
events now developing under our eyes. Professor Nilus’s
book was, undoubtedly, published in Russia in 1905. The
copy of the original at the British Museum bears the stamp of
August 10, 1906. This being so, some of the passages assume
the aspect of fulfilled prophecies, unless one is inclined
to attribute the prescience of the “Elders of Zion”
to the fact that they really are the hidden instigators of
these events. When one reads (page 8) that “it is indispensable
for our plans that wars should not produce any
territorial alterations,” one is most forcibly reminded of the
cry, “peace without annexations” raised by all the radical
parties of the world, and especially in revolutionary Russia.
And again:—
We will create a universal economic crisis, by all possible
underhand means and with the help of gold, which is all in
our hands. Simultaneously we will throw on to the streets
huge crowds of workmen throughout Europe. We will increase
the wages, which will not help the workmen as, at the
same time, we will raise the price of prime necessities ... it
is essential for us at all costs to deprive the aristocracy of their
lands. To attain this purpose, the best method is to force up
rates and taxes. These methods will keep the landed interests
at their lowest possible ebb.
Nor can one fail to recognize Soviet Russia in the following:—
“... in governing the world the best results are obtained
by means of violence and intimidation.... In politics, we
must know how to confiscate property without any hesitation,
if by so doing we can obtain subjection and power. Our State,
following the way of peaceful conquest, has the right of substituting
for the terrors of war, executions less apparent and
more expedient, which are necessary to uphold terror, producing
blind submission.... By new laws we will regulate the
political life of our subjects as though they were so many
parts of a machine. Such laws will gradually restrict all freedom
and liberties allowed by the Gentiles.... It is essential
for us to arrange that, besides ourselves, there should be in all
countries nothing but a huge proletariat, so many soldiers and
police loyal to our cause; ... in order to demonstrate our enslavement
of the Gentile Governments of Europe, we will show
our power to one of them by means of crime and violence,
that is to say, a reign of terror; ... our programme will induce
a third part of the populace to watch the remainder from
a pure sense of duty or from the principle of voluntary service.”
Bearing in mind when this was published, we see, fifteen
years later, a government established in Russia of which a
high percentage of the leaders are Jews, whose modus operandi
follows the principles quoted, and whose mainstay is a
Communist Party, which answers to the last quotation. We
see this, and it seems uncanny. The trouble is that all this
fosters indiscriminate anti-Semitism. That the latter is rampant
in Eastern Europe is a fact. That its propaganda in
France, England, and America is growing is a fact also. Do
we want, and can we afford to add exacerbated race-hatred to
all our political, social, and economic troubles? If not, the
question of the “Jewish Peril” should be taken up and dealt
with. It is far too interesting, the hypothesis it presents is far
too ingenious, attractive, and sensational not to attract the attention
of our none too happy and none too contented public.
The average man thinks that there is something very fundamentally
wrong with the world he lives in. He will eagerly
grasp at a plausible “working hypothesis.”
What are these “Protocols”? Are they authentic? If so,
what malevolent assembly concocted these plans, and gloated
over their exposition? Are they forgery? If so, whence
comes the uncanny note of prophecy, prophecy in parts fulfilled,
in parts far gone in the way of fulfilment? Have we
been struggling these tragic years to blow up and extirpate
the secret organization of German world dominion only to find
beneath it another more dangerous because more secret?
Have we, by straining every fibre of our national body, escaped
a “Pax Germanica” only to fall into a “Pax Judaeica”?
The “Elders of Zion,” as represented in their “Protocols,” are
by no means kinder taskmasters than William II and his
henchmen would have been.
All these questions, which are likely to obtrude themselves
on the reader of the “Jewish Peril,” cannot be dismissed by
a shrug of the shoulders unless one wants to strengthen the
hand of the typical anti-Semite and call forth his favourite
accusation of the “conspiracy of silence.” An impartial investigation
of these would-be documents and of their history
is most desirable. That history is by no means clear from the
English translation. They would appear, from internal evidence,
to have been written by Jews for Jews, or to be cast
in the form of lectures, and notes for lectures, by Jews to Jews.
If so, in what circumstances were they produced and to cope
with what inter-Jewish emergency? Or are we to dismiss the
whole matter without inquiry and to let the influence of such
a book as this work unchecked?
The publishers believe that the vast majority of the Jews
in this country have never heard of the Protocols, and would
denounce the plan which they set forth. The Jews here, constituting
about three per cent of the population, enjoy the same
rights and privileges as other citizens. All are equal before
the law and all are free from persecution on religious grounds.
American Jews are regarded by their fellow citizens, and for
the most part doubtless regard themselves, as Americans of
Jewish faith. They have indeed a special ground for gratitude
to the country of their adoption, for they have found
here opportunities which they did not enjoy in many other
countries. They have shared in all the activities leading to
prosperity and they have prospered. That they do, in fact,
recognize their favorable situation is shown by the statements
two of them are reported by the New York Times, in its issue
of May 4, 1920, to have made at a mass meeting held on the
preceding evening at Cooper Union under the auspices of the
Independent Order of Brith Abraham, to express the gratitude
of the Jewish people to Great Britain for taking the mandate
for Palestine. Judge Gustave Hartman, Grand Master
of the order, is reported to have said in part:
“We didn’t know what a home was until we reached this
greatest of all republics, the United States of America. Here
we are given free and equal opportunity under the free institutions
of this country. In this country the Jews have lived
and prospered, and in all this country there are no better citizens
than the Jewish people.”
Judge Otto A. Rosalsky said “that it became the duty of
the Jewish citizens of America to cherish the ideals of this
country and keep them intact, so that they might be handed
down to their children’s children.”
Doubtless American Jews will recognize the menace to
American institutions and American prosperity of any such
political conspiracy as is outlined in the Protocols. But the
situation demands more than tacit disapproval on their part.
Bearing in mind the close parallelism shown to exist between
the “Protocols” and the actual policies of Bolshevism as practiced
in Russia, the dominant position occupied by the Jews
in the Soviet Government, and the open sympathy and approval
given to international Bolshevism by prominent Jews
outside of Russia, it is vitally necessary that the American
Jews should by word and deed express their condemnation
not only of Bolshevism, but of any plan or program for world
domination similar to that contained in the Protocols. Aside
from their position on these matters, there is no likelihood
of any change in the favorable situation of the Jews in this
country unless by their own conduct they convince the American
people that they are hostile to our institutions or to our
system of government, or that they desire to constitute within
the borders of the United States a race apart,—to be treated
as members of a foreign nation, enjoying special rights, privileges,
or immunities.
