(a) The Wise and Reasonable.
The understanding of the method of science, the understanding of the
mind, is destined to solve all the problems of religion and philosophy,
to explain thoroughly all the great and small riddles, and thus fully to
restore research to its mission of empirically studying details. If we
are aware that it is a law of reason to require some perceptible
material, some cause, for its operation, then the question regarding the
first or general cause becomes superfluous. Human understanding is then
seen to be first and last cause of all concrete causes. If we understand
that it is a law of reason to require for its operation some given
object, some beginning at which to start, then the question of the first
beginning must necessarily become inane. If we understand that reason
derives abstract units out of concrete multiplicities, that it
constructs truth out of phenomena, substance out of attributes, that it
perceives all things as parts of a whole, as individuals of some genus,
as qualities of some object, then the question regarding a "thing
itself," a something which in reality is back of all things, must needs
become irrelevant. In brief, the understanding of the interdependence of
reason reveals the unreasonableness of the demand for independent reason.
Now, although the main object of metaphysics, the cause of all causes,
the beginning of all beginnings, the nature of things, causes little
inconvenience to modern science, and even though the needs of the
present have overcome the leaning for speculation, this practical
downfall of speculation does not suffice for the solution of its
problems. So long as the theoretical law is not understood, according to
which reason requires some concrete object for its operation, there is
no hope of abandoning objectless thought, this malpractice of
speculative philosophy, which pretends to generate knowledge without
intercourse with objective reality. Our naturalists demonstrate this
very clearly as soon as they turn from their tangible specialties to
abstract things. The dispute over questions of life's wisdom, of
morality, or the quarrel over the wise, good, right, or bad, reveals
that here is the boundary of scientific agreement. The scientific
explorers of the exact sciences abandon every day their inductive method
when dealing with social problems, and stray off into the regions of
speculative philosophy. Just as in physics they believe in imperceptible
physical truths, in "things themselves," so in social matters they
believe in the reasonable, wise, right, or bad, in the sense of "things
themselves," of absolute phases of life, of unconditional conditions. It
is here where the outcome of our studies, of the critique of pure
reason, must be applied.
In recognizing that consciousness, the nature of understanding, the
mental activity in its general form, consists in developing general
concepts out of concrete objects, we circumscribe this insight by
stating that reason develops its understanding out of contradictions.
It is the nature of the mind to perceive, in given phenomena of
different dimensions and different duration, the nature of things by
their semblance, and their semblance by their nature; to distinguish in
wants of various degrees the most essential and necessary from the less
pressing; to measure within a certain circle of magnitudes the large by
the small and the small by the large, or in other words to compare the
contrasts of the world with one another, to harmonize them by
explanation. Common parlance instinctively calls understanding judging;
judging requires a certain standard. Just as surely as we cannot
perceive any objects which are "in themselves" great or small, hard or
soft, clear or dark, just as surely as these terms denote certain
relations and require a certain standard by which their relations can be
determined, even so does reason require a certain standard for the
determination of that which is reasonable.
The fact that we consider certain actions, institutions, conceptions,
maxims of other periods, nations, or persons unreasonable is simply due
to the application of a different standard, because we ignore the
premises, the conditions, which cause another's reason to differ from
our own. Men who differ in their mental estimates, in their
understanding of things, may be likened to the thermometers of Reaumur
and Celsius, one of which designates the boiling point by 80 and the
other by 100. A different standard is the cause of this different
result. On the so-called moral field there is no scientific agreement,
such as we enjoy in some physical matters, because we lack the uniform
standard which natural science has long since found. It is still
attempted to perceive the reasonable, good, right, etc., without
empirical data, by speculative reasoning without experience. Speculation
seeks the cause of all causes, the immeasurable cause; truth "itself,"
the unconditional and standardless truth; the unlimited good, the
unboundedly reasonable, etc. The absence of a standard is the essence of
speculation, and its practice is characterized by unlimited
inconsistency and disagreement. If there are followers of certain
positive religions who agree in the matter of morals, they owe this to
the positive standard which certain dogmas, doctrines and commandments
have given them. But if any one tries to perceive things by "pure"
reason, the dependence of this reason on some standard will be
demonstrated by its "impure," that is to say individual, perceptions.
Sense perception is the standard of truth, or of science in general. The
phenomena of the outside world are the standard of physical truths, and
man with his many wants is the standard of moral truth. The actions of
man are determined by his wants. Thirst teaches him to drink, need to
pray. Wants are regulated in the South by southern conditions, in the
North by northern conditions. Wants rule time and space, nations and
individuals. They induce the savage to hunt and the gourmand to indulge.
Human wants give to reason a standard for judging what is good, right,
bad, reasonable, etc. Whatever satisfies our need is good, the opposite
is bad. The physical feeling of man is the object of moral standards,
the object of "practical reason." The contradictory variety of human
needs is the basis for the contradictory variety of moral standards.
Because a member of a feudal guild prospered in a restricted
competition, and a modern knight of industry in free competition,
because their interests differ, therefore their views differ, and the
one justly considers an institution as unreasonable which the other
regards as reasonable. If the intellect of some person attempts to
define by mere introspection the standard of reasonableness as a general
thing, this person makes himself or herself the standard of humanity. If
reason is credited with the faculty of finding within itself the source
of moral truth, it commits the speculative mistake of attempting to
produce understanding without perceptible objects. The same mistake is
to blame for the idea that man is subordinate to the authority of
reason, for the demand that man submit to the dictates of reason. This
idea transforms man into an attribute of reason, while in reality reason
is an attribute of man.
The question whether man depends on reason or reason on man is similar
to the one whether the citizen exists for the state or the state for the
citizen. In the last and highest instance, the citizen is the primary
fact and the state is modified according to the requirements of the
citizen. But whenever the dominant interests of the citizenship have
acquired the authority in the state, then the citizen is indeed
dependent on the state. This is saying in so many words that man is
guided in minor matters by more important ones. He sacrifices the less
important, minor, particular things to the great, essential, general
things. He subordinates his desire for more individual indulgence to his
fundamental social needs. It is not pure reason, but the reason of a
weak body or of a limited purse which teaches man to renounce the
pleasures of dissipation for the benefit of the general welfare. The
wants of the senses are the material out of which reason fashions moral
truths. To single out the essential need among different physical needs
of various degrees of intensity or extension, to separate the true from
the individual, to develop general concepts, that is the mission of
reason. The difference between the apparently and the truly reasonable
reduces itself to the difference between the special and the general.
We recall that reason requires sense perceptions for its existence and
operation, that it needs some object which it can perceive. Existence is
the condition or premise of all understanding. Just as the understanding
of true existence is the function of natural science, so the
understanding of reasonable existence is the function of wisdom. Reason
in general has the mission of understanding things as they are. As
physical science it has to understand what is true, as wisdom, what is
reasonable. And just as true may be translated by general, so reasonable
may be translated by generally appropriate to need. We saw a while ago
that a sense perception is not true "in itself," but only relatively
true, that it is called true or general only in relation to other
perceptions of lesser importance. In the same way, no human action can
be reasonable or appropriate "in itself," it can be reasonable only in
comparison with some other action which attempts to accomplish the same
purpose in a less practicable, that is an impracticable, form. Just as
the true, the general, is conditioned on the relation to some other
object, on a definite quantity of phenomena, on definite limits, so the
reasonable or practicable is based on definite conditions which make it
reasonable or unreasonable. The end in view is the measure of the
practicable. The practicable can be determined only by some definite
object that is wanted. Once this object is known, then that action is
called reasonable which accomplishes it in the fullest, most general
way, and all other actions appear unreasonable compared to it.
In view of the law which we evolved by our analysis of pure reason and
which showed that all understanding, all thought, is based on some
perceptible object, on some quantity of sense perceptions, it is evident
that everything distinguished by our faculty of distinction is a certain
quantity and that, therefore, all distinctions are only quantitative,
not absolute, only graduated, not irreconcilable. Even the difference
between the reasonable and the unreasonable, or in other words between
that which is momentarily or individually reasonable and that which is
generally reasonable, is merely a quantitative distinction, like all
others, so that the unreasonable may be conditionally reasonable, and
nothing is unreasonable but that which is supposed to be unconditionally
reasonable.
If we understand that reason requires some perceptible object, some
perceptible standard, then we shall no longer try to understand the
absolutely reasonable, the purely reasonable. We shall then limit
ourselves to look for the reasonable, as for all other things, in
concrete objects. The definite, accurate, certain, uniform result of
some understanding depends on the definite formulation of the task, on
the accurate limitation of the perceptible quantity which is to be
understood. If a certain moment, a certain person, a certain class, a
certain nation are given and at the same time an essential need, a
general and predominating purpose, then the question regarding the
reasonable or suitable is easily answered. It is true that we may also
know something of things which are generally reasonable for mankind in
the aggregate, but in that case our standard must be abstract mankind
instead of some concrete part of it. Science may study the anatomical
structure of some concrete body as well as the general type of the human
body, but this again it can do only when it supplies the faculty of
understanding with general instead of individual material. If science
divides the whole human race into four or five races, by establishing a
certain standard of physiognomy, and later on discovers some individuals
or tribes whose characters are so peculiar and rare that they cannot be
classed under any of the established races, the existence of such
exceptions is not a crime against the physical order of the world, but
merely a proof of the inadequacy of our scientific classification. If,
on the other hand, some conventional mode of thought considers a certain
action as universally reasonable or unreasonable and then encounters
opposition in actual life, convention fancies itself exempt from the
work of understanding and assumes to deny civic rights in the moral
order of the world to its opponents. Instead of realizing the limited
applicability of its rules by the existence of opposing practices,
convention seeks to establish an absolute applicability of its rules by
simply ignoring the cause of the opposition. This is a dogmatic
procedure, a negative practice, which ignores facts on the pretense
that they are irrational, but it is not a positive understanding, not an
intelligent knowledge, such as manifests itself by the conciliation of
contradictions.
If our study aims to ascertain what is universally human and reasonable,
and if these predicates are given only to actions which are reasonable
and practicable for all men, at all times, and under all conditions,
then such concepts are absolute, indeterminate, and to that extent
meaningless, indefinite generalities. We are stating such universal and
indeterminate, and therefore unimportant and unpractical concepts, when
we say that physically the whole is greater than a part, or that morally
the good is preferable to the bad. The object of reason is that which is
general, but it is the generality of some concrete object. The practice
of reason deals with individual and concrete objects, with the things
which are the opposite of the general, with special and concrete
knowledge. In order to perceive in physics whether we are dealing with a
part or with the whole object, we must handle definite and concrete
objects or phenomena. If we desire to ascertain what is morally
preferable as good or bad, we must start out with a definite quantity of
human needs. Abstract and general reason, with its socalled eternal and
absolute truths, is a phantasmagoria of ignorance which binds the rights
of the individual with crushing chains. Real and true reason is
individual, it cannot produce any other but individual perceptions, and
these perceptions cannot be generalized to any greater extent than the
general material with which they operate. Only that is universally
reasonable which is acknowledged to be so by all reasons. If the reason
of some time, class, or person is referred to as rational, and if some
other time, class or person considers it irrational; if, for instance,
the Russian noble considers serfdom a rational institution and the
English bourgeois the so-called liberty of his wage worker, both of
these institutions are not absolutely rational, but only relatively,
only in a more or less limited circle.
It is not necessary to state that I do not mean to question the great
importance of our reason by the foregoing remarks. Even though reason
cannot independently, or absolutely, discern the objects of the
speculative introspection, such as the objects of the moral world, the
true, the beautiful, the right, the bad, the reasonable, etc., it
nevertheless is well fitted to distinguish relatively, by means of
concrete sense perceptions, between general and concrete things, between
the object and its manifestation, between fundamental needs and fanciful
appetites. Although we may dispense with the belief in absolute reason
and consequently realize that there can be no absolute peace, still we
may call war an unmitigated evil when comparing it with the peaceful
interests of our time or of our class. Not until we abandon our
fruitless exploring trip after absolute truth, shall we learn to find
that which is true in space and time. It is precisely the consciousness
of the relative applicability of our knowledge which is the strongest
lever of progress. The believers in absolute truth have adopted the
monotonous diagram of "good" men and "rational" institutions as a basis
for their views of life. For this reason they oppose all human and
historical institutions which do not fit into their pattern, but which
reality nevertheless produces without regard to their brains. Absolute
truth is the arch foundation of intolerance. On the other hand tolerance
proceeds from the consciousness of the relative applicability of
"eternal truths." The understanding of pure reason leads to the
realization that the consciousness of the universal interdependence of
reason is the true road toward practical reason.
(b) Morality and Right.
The nature of our task limits us to the demonstration that pure reason
is a nonentity, that reason is the sum of all acts of individual
understanding, that it deals only seemingly with pure and general, but
in reality with practical, or concrete, perceptions. We have been
discussing that philosophy which pretends to be the science of pure or
absolute understanding. We found its aim to be idle, inasmuch as the
development of speculative philosophy represents a succession of
disappointments, because its unconditional or absolute systems proved to
be limited in space and time. Our presentation of the matter has
revealed the relative character of so-called eternal truths. We
perceived that reason was dependent on sense perceptions, we found that
any truth required definite limits for its determination. As regards
more especially life's wisdom, we saw that the acquired knowledge of
"pure" reason manifested itself in practice by the dependence of the
wise or the rational upon concrete sense perceptions. If we now apply
this theory to morality as such, we must be able to establish harmony
also in this field, where there is some doubt as to what is right and
wrong, by means of the scientific method.
Pagan morality is different from Christian morality. Feudal morality
differs from modern bourgeois morality as does bravery from solvency. In
brief, we need no detailed illustration to show that different times and
nations have different moralities. We have but to understand that this
change is necessary, a special characteristic of the human race and of
its historical development, and we shall then exchange the belief in
"eternal truths," which every ruling class claims to be identical with
its own selfish laws, for the scientific knowledge that absolute right
is purely a concept which we derive by means of the faculty of thought
from the various successive rights. Right as an absolute concept means
no more and no less than any other general concept, for instance, the
head in general. Every real head is a concrete one and belongs either to
man or to some other animal, it is either long or broad, narrow or wide,
in other words it has special peculiarities. But at the same time, every
concrete head has certain general qualities which are universal in all
heads, for instance the quality of being the superintendent of the body.
Moreover, every head has as many general as individual traits, it is no
more personal than it is common. The faculty of thought abstracts the
general traits from the actual concrete heads and in this way creates
the concept of the absolute head. Just as the absolute head, or the
head, is composed of the general qualities of all heads, so the absolute
right stands merely for the general characters of all rights. Both of
these concepts exist merely as ideas, not as objects.
Every real right is a concrete right, it is right only under certain
conditions, at definite periods, for this or that nation. "Thou shalt
not kill," is right in peace, but wrong in war; it is right for the
majority of bourgeois society that wishes to see the outbursts of
passion controlled in the interest of its own predominant needs, but
wrong for the savage who has not arrived at the period where a peaceful
and social life is appreciated, and who therefore would consider the
above commandment as an immoral restriction of his liberty. For the love
of life, murder is a detestable abomination, for revenge it is a sweet
satisfaction. In the same way robbery seems right to the robber, wrong
to the robbed. There can be no question of any absolute wrong in such
cases, only of wrong in a relative sense. An action is wrong in a
general sense only in so far as it is generally disliked. Plain robbery
is wrong in the opinion of the great majority today because our
generation takes more interest in bourgeois affairs of commerce and
industry than in the adventures of the knights of the road.
If there were such a thing as an absolutely right law, dogma, or action,
it would have to serve the welfare of all mankind under all conditions
and at all times. But human welfare is as different as men,
circumstances, and time. What is good for me is bad for another, and the
thing which may be beneficial as a rule may be injurious as an
exception. What promotes some interests in one period may interfere with
them in another. A law which would presume to be absolutely right would
have to be right for every one and at all times. No absolute morality,
no duty, no categorical imperative, no idea of the good, can teach
man what is good, bad, right, or wrong. That is good which corresponds
to our needs, that is bad which is contrary to them. But is there
anything which is absolutely good? Everything and nothing. It is not the
straight timber which is good, nor the crooked. Neither is good, or
either is good, according to whether I need it or not. And since we need
all things, we can see some good in all of them. We are not limited to
any one thing. We are unlimited, universal, and need everything. Our
interests are therefore innumerable, inexpressibly great, and therefore
every law is inadequate, because it always considers only some special
welfare, some special interest. And for this reason no right is right,
or all of them are right, and it is as right to say "Thou shalt not
kill" as it is to say "Thou shalt kill."
The difference between good needs and bad needs, right wants and wrong
wants, like that between truth and error, reasonable and unreasonable,
finds its conciliation in the difference between the concrete and the
general. Reason cannot discover within itself any positive rights or
absolutely moral codes any more than any other speculative truth. It
cannot estimate how essential or unessential a thing is, or classify the
quantity of concrete and general characters, until it has some
perceptible material to work upon. The understanding of the right, or of
the moral, like all understanding, strives to single out the general
characteristics of its object. But the general is only possible within
certain defined limits, it exists only as the general qualities of some
concrete and determined perceptible object. And if any one tries to
represent some maxim, some law, some right in the light of an absolute
maxim, law or right, he forgets this necessary limitation. Absolute
right is merely a meaningless concept, and it does not assume even a
vague meaning until it is understood to stand for the right of mankind
in general. But morality, or the determination of that which is right,
has a practical purpose. Yet, if we accept the general and unconditional
right of mankind as a moral right, we necessarily miss our practical
aim. An act or a line of action which is universally or everywhere right
requires no law for its enforcement, for it will recommend itself. It is
only the determined and limited law, adapted to certain persons,
classes, nations, times, or circumstances, which has any practical
value, and it is so much more practical the more defined, exact, precise
and the less general it is.
The most universal and most widely recognized right or need is in its
quality no more rightful, better, or valuable than the most
insignificant right of the moment, than the momentary need of some
individual. Although we know that the sun is hundreds of thousands of
miles in diameter, we are nevertheless free to see it no larger than a
plate. And though we may acknowledge that some moral law is
theoretically or universally good or holy, we are free in practice to
reject it momentarily, in parts, or individually, as bad and useless.
Even the most sacred right of the most universal extent is valid only
within certain definite limits, and within particular limits an
otherwise very great wrong may be a valid right. It is true that there
is an eternal difference between assumed and true interests, between
passion and reason, between essential, predominating, general,
well-founded needs and inclinations, and accidental, subordinate,
special appetites. But this difference is not one of two separated
worlds, a world of the good and a world of the bad. It is not a
positive, general, continuous, absolute difference, but merely a
relative one. Like the difference between beautiful and homely, it
depends on the individuality of the person who distinguishes. That which
is a true and fundamental need in one case, is a secondary, subordinate,
and wrong desire in another.
Morality is the aggregate of the most contradictory ethical laws which
serve the common purpose of regulating the conduct of man toward himself
and others in such a way that the future is considered as well as the
present, the one as well as the other, the individual as well as the
genus. The individual man finds himself lacking, inadequate, limited in
many ways. He requires for his complement other people, society, and
must therefore live and let live. The mutual concessions which arise out
of these relative needs are called morality.
The inadequacy of the single individual, the need of association, is the
basis and cause of man's consideration for his neighbor, of morality.
Now since the one who feels this need, man, is necessarily an
individual, it follows that his need must likewise be individual and
more or less intensive. And since my neighbors are necessarily different
from me, it requires different considerations to meet their needs.
Concrete man needs a concrete morality. Just as abstract and meaningless
as the concept of mankind in general is that of absolute morality, and
the ethical laws derived from this vague idea are quite as unpractical
and unsuccessful. Man is a living personality, whose welfare and
purpose is embodied within himself, who has between himself and the
world nothing but his needs as a mediator, who owes no allegiance to any
law whatever from the moment that it contravenes his needs. The moral
duty of an individual never exceeds his interests. The only thing which
exceeds those interests is the material power of the generality over
the individuality.
If we regard it as the function of reason to ascertain that which is
morally right, a uniform scientific result may be produced if we agree
at the outset on the persons, conditions, or limits within which the
universal moral right is to be determined; in other words, we may
accomplish something practical if we drop the idea of absolute right and
search for definite rights applicable to well-defined purposes by
clearly stating our problem. The contradiction in the various standards
of morality, and the many opposing solutions of this contradiction, are
due to a misunderstanding of the problem. To look for right without a
given quantity of sense perceptions, without some definite working
material, is an act of speculative reason which pretends to explore
nature without the use of senses. The attempt to arrive at a positive
determination of morality by pure perception and pure reason is a
manifestation of the philosophical faith in understanding a priori.
"It is true," said Macaulay in his History of England, in speaking of
the rebellion against the lawless and cruel government of James II.,
"that to trace the exact boundary between rightful and wrongful
resistance is impossible: but this impossibility arises from the nature
of right and wrong, and is found in every part of ethical science. A
good action is not distinguished from a bad action by marks so plain as
those which distinguish a hexagon from a square. There is a frontier
where virtue and vice fade into each other. Who has ever been able to
define the exact boundary between courage and rashness, between prudence
and cowardice, between frugality and avarice, between liberality and
prodigality? Who has ever been able to say how far mercy to offenders
ought to be carried, and where it ceases to deserve the name of mercy
and becomes a pernicious weakness?"
It is not the impossibility of accurately determining this limit to
which the nature of the difference between right and wrong, in the sense
of Macaulay, is due. It is rather due to the vague thought which
believes in an unlimited right, in absolute virtues and faults, which
has not risen to the understanding that the terms good, brave, right,
and bad are valid always and everywhere only in relation to some
concrete individual who reasons, and that they have no validity in
themselves. Courage is foolhardiness in the eyes of the cautious, and
caution is cowardice in the opinion of the daring. The revolt against
existing governments is always right in the eyes of the rebels, always
wrong in the opinion of the attacked. No action can be absolutely right
or wrong.
The same qualities of man are good or bad, according to his needs and
their uses, according to time and place. Here trickery, slyness, and bad
faith prevail, there loyally, frankness and straightforwardness. Here
compassion and charity serve their purpose and promote welfare, there
ruthless and bloody severity. The quantity, the more or less beneficial
effect of a human quality, determines the difference between virtue and
vice.
Reason can distinguish between right and wrong, virtue and vice, only to
the extent that it can measure the relative quantity of right in any
faculty, rule, or action. No categorical imperative, no ethical code,
can serve as a basis for the real practical right. On the contrary,
ethics finds its justification in the actual righteousness of
perceptible objects. For general reason, frankness is not a better
quality than slyness. Frankness is preferable to slyness only inasmuch
as it is quantitatively, that is to say, more frequently, better, and
more generally appreciated than slyness. It follows that a science of
right can serve as a guide in practice only to the extent that practice
has served as a basis for science. Reason cannot determine the action of
man beforehand, because it can only experience, but not anticipate
reality, because every man, every situation, is new, original, exists
for the first time, and because the possibilities of reason are confined
to understanding a posteriori.
Absolute right, or right in itself, is an imagined right, is a
speculative desire. A scientifically universal right requires certain
definite and perceptible premises which form the basis of the
determination of the general. Science is not a dogmatic infallibility
which may say: This or that is right, because it is so understood.
Science requires for its perceptions some external object. It can
perceive right only if it rightly exists. The universal existence is the
material, premise, condition, and cause of science.
From the foregoing follows the postulate that morality must be studied
inductively or scientifically, not speculatively by the method of
traditional philosophy. We must not attempt to study absolute, but only
relative rights, only rights based on certain premises, and only this
can be the moral problem of reason. Thus the belief in a moral order of
the world is dissolved in the consciousness of human freedom. The
understanding of reason, of knowledge, of science, includes the
understanding of the limited validity of all ethical maxims.
Whatever impressed man as salutary, valuable, divine, was exhibited by
him in the tabernacle of faith as the most venerable thing. The Egyptian
worshipped the cat, the Christian venerates the divine providence. So,
when his needs led him to live a well-regulated life, the benefits of
the law inspired him with such a high opinion of its noble origin that
he adopted his own handiwork as a gift of heaven. The invention of the
mouse-trap or other useful appliances pushed the cat out of its exalted
position. Whenever man becomes his own master, takes care of himself,
and provides for himself, then all other providences become useless, and
his own mastership makes all superior tutelage unbearable. Man is a
jealous creature. Ruthlessly he subordinates everything to his own
interests, even God and His commandments. No matter how great or
venerable an authority any code may have acquired by long and faithful
service, as soon as new needs oppose it, they degrade the divine
authority to the ranks of human law and transform ancient right into
modern wrong. The Christian frivolity refused to respect the threat of
physical retribution which the Hebrew had anointed as an authority in
moral questions and revered under the maxim: Eye for eye, tooth for
tooth. The Christian had learned to cherish the blessings of
peacefulness; he carried submissive tolerance into the holy land, and
decorated the vacant tabernacle with the gentle injunction to offer the
left cheek when the right was tired of cuffs. In our times which are
Christian in name, but very anti-Christian in deeds, the long venerated
tolerance has long gone out of use.
Just as every religion has its own peculiar God, so every time has its
own peculiar right. To this extent, religion and morality are in harmony
with the worship of their sanctum. But they become arrogant upstarts
whenever they assume to exceed their natural boundaries, whenever they
attempt to saddle upon all circumstances, under the pretense of offering
something incomparable, absolute, permanent, that which is divine and
right at certain times and under definite conditions; whenever they
proclaim a successful remedy for their own peculiar disease as a
universal patent medicine for all diseases; whenever they overbearingly
forget their descent. A law is originally dictated by some individual
need, and then mankind with its universal needs is supposed to balance
itself on the thin rope of this one rule. Originally that which is
really good is right, and thereafter only some decreed right is supposed
to be really good. That is the unbearable arrogance. Ordained right is
not satisfied to serve as the right of this time, this nation or
country, this class or caste. It wants to dominate the whole world,
wants to be absolute right, just as if a certain pill could be absolute
medicine, could be good for everything. It is the mission of progress to
repulse this assumption, to pluck this peacock feather out of the tail
of the rooster, by leading mankind on beyond the boundaries prescribed
by ordained law, by extending the world for him, by conquering for his
cramped interests a wider liberty. The migration from Palestine to
Europe where the consumption of pork does not cause leprosy emancipates
our natural freedom from a once divine restriction by making it
irrelevant. But progress does not deprive one God of his shoulder straps
for the purpose of decorating some other God with them. That would
merely be an exchange, not an acquirement. Evolution does not drive the
saints of tradition out of the country; it simply retires them from the
wrongfully occupied field of universality into their peculiar
boundaries. Progress picks up the child and then pours the water out of
the bath tub. Though the cat may have lost its aureole and ceased to be
a God, it does not give up catching mice; and though the Jewish rules
for bodily cleanliness at certain definite times have long been
forgotten, a clean body is still highly respected. The present wealth of
civilization is due only to the economical administration of the
acquirements of the past. Evolution is as much conservative as it is
revolutionary, and it finds as much wrong as right in every law.
It is true that the believers in absolute duty scent a difference
between moral and legal right. But their self-interested narrowness does
not permit them to realize that every law is originally moral and that
every special morality is gradually reduced to the level of a mere law.
Their understanding reaches into other times and other classes, but does
not reach their own time and class. The laws of the Chinese and
Samoyeds are understood to refer to the peculiar requirements of those
people. But the rules of bourgeois society are supposed to be far more
sublime. Our present day institutions and moral codes are either
regarded as eternal truths of nature or reason, or as permanent oracular
expressions of a pure conscience. Just as if the barbarian did not have
a barbarian reason; as if the Turk did not have a Turkish conscience and
the Hebrew a Hebrew one; as if man could follow the dictates of some
absolute conscience, instead of the conscience being conditioned on the
man.
Whoever limits the purpose of man to the love and service of God, and to
eternal blessedness hereafter, may devoutly recognize the traditions of
abstract morality as authoritative and guide himself accordingly. But
whoever regards development, education, and blessedness on earth as
man's life purpose, will not think that the questioning of the assumed
superiority of traditional morals is irrelevant. It is only the
consciousness of individual freedom which creates sufficient unconcern
for the rules made by others to permit a brave advance, which
emancipates us from the striving for an illusory absolute ideal, for
some "best world," and which restores us to the definite practical
interests of our time and personality. At the same time we are thus
reconciled with the world as it really is, because we no longer regard
it as the unsuccessful realization of that which ought to be, but rather
as the systematization of that which cannot but be. The world is always
right. Whatever exists, is right and is not fated to be otherwise until
it changes. Wherever there is existence, which is power, there is also
right without any further condition, because it is right in a formative
stage. Weakness has no other right than that of striving for supremacy
and then enforcing a recognition of its long denied needs. The study of
history shows us not only the negative and ridiculous side of the
religions, customs, institutions and ideas of the past, but also their
positive, reasonable and necessary side. It explains to us, for
instance, that the deification of animals was due to an enthusiastic
recognition of their usefulness. And so the study of history shows not
alone the inadequacy of the things of the present, but also demonstrates
that they are the reasonable and necessary conclusions from the premises
of previous stages.
(c) The Holy.
In the well-known statement: The end sanctifies the means, the developed
theory of morality finds its practical expression. This maxim, used in
an ambiguous sense, may stand as a common reproach for us and for the
Jesuits. The defenders of the society of Jesus make efforts to prove
that it is a malignant attempt to discredit their clients. We shall not
try to speak for either party to this dispute, but will devote ourselves
to the subject matter itself, and seek to substantiate the truth and
reasonableness of this maxim, to rehabilitate it in the public opinion.
It will be sufficient for the refutation of the most general opposition
to understand that end and means are very relative terms, that all
concrete ends are means and all means are ends. There is no more of a
positive difference between great and small, right and wrong, virtue
and vice, than there is between end and means. Considered as something
integral by itself, every action has its own end and its means are the
various moments of which even the shortest action is composed. Every
concrete action is a means in relation to other actions which aim at the
same common effect. But in themselves actions are neither ends nor
means. Nothing is anything by itself. All being is relative. Things are
what they are only within and by their interrelations. Circumstances
alter cases. In so far as every action is accompanied by other actions,
it is a means, and serves a common end which exceeds its own special
end; but inasmuch as every action is complete in itself it is an end
which includes its own means. We eat in order to live; but so far as we
are living while we are eating, we are living in order to eat. As life
to its functions, so the end is related to its means. Just as life is
simply the sum of all life's functions, so the end is the sum of all its
means. The difference between means and end reduces itself to that
between the concrete and the general. And all abstract differences
reduce themselves to this difference, because the faculty of abstraction
or distinction reduces itself to the faculty of distinguishing between
the concrete and the general. But this distinction presupposes the
existence of some material, some given objects, some circle of sense
perceptions by which it manifests itself. If this circle is found in the
field of actions or functions, in other words, if a previously defined
number of different actions is the object of our study, then we refer to
the general character of these objects as the general end and to every
more or less extended part of them, or to every function, as a means.
Whether any definite action is considered as an end or as a means,
depends on the question whether we consider it as a whole in relation to
its own parts, or as a part of some whole in which it is connected with
other parts, with other actions. From a general point of view which has
all human actions for the object of its study, and encompasses them all,
there exists only one end, viz., the human welfare. This welfare is the
end of all ends, is the final end, is the real, true, universal end
compared to which all special ends are but means.
Now, our claim that the end sanctifies the means can have absolute
validity only in regard to some absolute end. But all concrete ends are
relative and finite. The one and sole absolute end is human welfare, and
it is an end which sanctifies all rules and actions, all means, so long
as they are subservient to it, but which reviles them as soon as they go
their own way without serving it. The human weal is literally and
historically the origin of the holy. That which is hale is holy. At the
same time we must not ignore the fact that the weal, or hale, in
general, the hale which sanctifies all means, is but an abstraction, the
real content of which is as different as are the times, the nations, or
persons which are seeking for their welfare. It must be remembered that
the determination of that which is holy or for the human weal requires
definite conditions, that no action, no means, is holy in itself, that
each one of them is sanctified only by definite relations. It is not
every end which sanctifies the means, but the holy end which sanctifies
its own means. But since every real and concrete end is only relatively
holy, it can sanctify its own means only relatively.
The opposition against our maxim is not so much directed against it, as
against the wrong application of it. Recognition is denied and the
socalled sanctified ends are accorded only limited means, because there
is lurking in the background the consciousness that these ends have only
a relative holiness. On the other hand our defense of the maxim does not
imply that the various nominally holy means and ends are sanctified
because some authority, some scriptural statement, some reason or
conscience, has declared them to be so, but only in so far as they
answer the common end of all ends, the human welfare. Our maxim of ends
does not at all teach that we should sacrifice love and truths to
sanctified faith, but neither does it demand that we should sacrifice
faith for love and truth. It merely states the fact that, whenever some
superior end has been determined by sense perceptions or circumstances,
all means contrary to that end are unholy, and that on the other hand
means which are generally unholy may become temporarily and individually
sanctioned by their relation to some momentary or individual welfare.
Wherever peacefulness is actually in favor as a sanctified means, war is
unholy. When, on the other hand, man seeks his salvation in war, then
murder and incendiarism are holy means. In other words, our reason
requires for a valid determination of that which is sanctified certain
definite material conditions or facts as premises; it cannot determine
the holy in general, not a priori, not philosophically in the old
speculative way, but only in concrete cases, a posteriori, only
empirically.
If we understand that human welfare is the end of all ends, the ideal
of all means; if we furthermore dispense with all special determinations
of this welfare, with all personal ideas of it, and recognize that it is
different under different circumstances, then we understand at the same
time that no means is sanctified beyond the sanctity of its end. No
means, no action, is positively sanctified or makes for human welfare
under all circumstances. According to circumstances and relations one
and the same means may be good or bad. A thing is good only to the
extent that its results are good, only to the extent that there is good
in its end. Lying and cheating are bad only because they result
injuriously for ourselves, because we do not wish to be lied to or
cheated. But whenever a sanctified end is in question, the deceptive
means used in lying and cheating are called tricks of war. If any one is
firmly rooted in the goodness of chastity because he thinks it was
ordained by God, we cannot discuss the matter with him. But if one
honors virtue for the sake of virtue and abhors vice for the sake of
vice, in other words, for their consequences, he admits that he
sacrifices the lust of the flesh to the end of good health. In short, he
admits that the means are sanctified by the end.
In the Christian conception of the world, the commandments of its
religion are absolutely good for all time, they are considered good
because Christian revelation declares them to be so. This conception
does not know that, for instance, its acme of virtue, the specifically
Christian virtue of abstemiousness, received its value only by contrast
with corrupt heathenish licentiousness, but that it is not a virtue
when compared to reasonable and normal satisfaction of material needs.
It deals with certain means which it calls indiscriminately good without
any relation to their ends, and others which it calls indiscriminately
bad in the same absolute way. And for this reason, it opposes the above
named maxim.
But modern Christianity, modern civilization, has practically long done
away with this faith. It does indeed call the soul the likeness of God
and the body a putrid food for worms; but its deeds prove that it does
not take its religious phrases seriously. It cares little for the better
part of man and directs all its thoughts and actions toward the
satisfaction of the despised body. It employs science and art, and the
products of all climates, for the glorification of the body, clothing it
sumptuously, feeding it luxuriously, caring for it tenderly, resting it
on soft cushions. Although they speak slightingly of this earthly life
in comparison to the eternal life beyond, yet in practice they cling for
six days of the week to the uninterrupted pleasures of this body, while
heaven is hardly considered worthy of careless attention for more than
one short hour on Sundays. With the same thoughtless inconsistency the
socalled Christian world also attacks our maxim with words, while in
practical life it sanctifies the despised means by the end of its own
welfare, going even so far as to demonstrate its inconsistency in its
own life by subsidizing prostitution with state funds. The fact that the
legislative bodies of our representative states keep down the enemies of
their bourgeois order by courtmartials and exile, that they justify this
course by the proverb, "Do unto others as you would that they should do
unto you," in the interest of "public" welfare, or that they defend
their divorce codes by the plea of individual welfare, proves that the
bourgeoisie also believes in the motto: The end sanctifies the means.
And even though the citizens delegate rights to the state which they
deny to themselves, also our opponents cannot but admit that in so doing
the citizens are simply delegating their own rights to the superior
authority of the state.
True, whoever employs lying and cheating in the bourgeois world for the
end of gaining wealth, even though he may make it one of his ends to
give to charity, or whoever steals leather, like Saint Chispinus, for
the purpose of making shoes for poor people, does not sanctify his means
by his end, because the end in that case is not sanctified, or only
nominally so, only in general, but not in the concrete case quoted. For
charity is an end of but inferior holiness which must not be more than a
means compared to the main end of maintaining bourgeois society, and
whenever it contravenes this main purpose, charity loses its character
of a good end. And we have already seen that an end which is sanctified
only under certain circumstances cannot sanctify its means beyond them.
The indispensable condition of all good ends is that they must be
subservient to human welfare, and whether this welfare is secured by
Christian or pagan, by feudal or bourgeois means, it always demands that
the things which are considered unessential and of lesser importance
should be subordinated to the essential and necessary things, while in
the above quoted cases the more salutary honesty and bourgeois
respectability would be sacrificed to the less salutary charity. "The
end sanctifies the means" signifies in other words that in ethics as
well as in economics, the profit must justify the investment of the
capital. Again, if we call the forcible conversion of infidels a good
end, and an arbitrary police measure a bad means, this does not prove
anything against the truth of the maxim, but only testifies to its wrong
application. The means is not sanctified in the case, because the end is
not, because a forced conversion is not a good end, but rather an evil
one resulting in hypocrisy, and because such a conversion does not
deserve this name, or because force is a means which is unworthy of this
term. If it is true that a forcible conversion or wooden iron are
senseless ideas, how is it that people will persist in fighting against
universally recognized truths with such inconsistencies, such inane word
plays, such tricks of rhetoric and sophistry? The means of the Jesuits,
sly tricks and intrigues, poison and murder, appear unholy to us only
because the Jesuitic purpose, for instance that of extending the wealth
and influence and glorifying power of the order, is an inferior end
which may make use of the innocent language of the pulpit, but is not an
absolutely sanctified end, no supreme end, to which we would grant means
that would deprive us of some essential end, for instance of our
personal and public safety. Murder and manslaughter are considered
immoral as individual actions because they are not means to accomplish
our main end, because we incline not toward revenge or
blood-thirstiness, nor toward arbitrariness and the wilful dispensation
of justice by some judge, but toward lawful decisions and the more or
less impartial decrees of the state. But do we not explicitly declare in
favor of the maxim "The end sanctifies the means," when we constitute
ourselves into juries and render dangerous criminals powerless by the
rope and the ax of the executioner?
The same people who boast of having dropped Aristotle, that is to say
the belief in authority, for centuries, and who therefore replaced the
dead traditional truth by living self-gained truth, are found to be
completely at odds with their own development in the above cited cases.
If we listen to the recital of some funny story, which may be told by
even a reliable witness, we nevertheless remain loyal to the principles
of free reason, that is to say we are free to regard as serious and
regrettable any incident which the narrator may consider funny and
ridiculous. People know how to distinguish between a story and the
subjective impression its incidents created on the mind of the narrator,
and which depends more on the personality of the witness than on the
actual facts. But in the matter of good ends and bad means it is
proposed to neglect the distinction between an object and its subjective
end which is otherwise the point of all critique. Such ends as charity,
the conversion of infidels, etc., are thoughtlessly, a priori, called
good and holy, because they once were so under particular conditions,
while now their effect in the cases above cited is just the opposite,
and then people wonder that the unrighteous title carries with it
unrighteous privileges.
Only that end is worthy of the predicate good or holy in practice which
is itself a means, a servant, of the end of all purposes, of welfare.
Whenever man seeks his welfare in bourgeois life, in production and
commerce of commodities, and in the undisturbed enjoyment of his private
property, he clips his long fingers by the commandment: "Thou shalt not
steal." But wherever, as among the Spartans, war is regarded as the
supreme end and craftiness as a necessary quality of a warrior, there
thieving is used as a means of acquiring craftiness and sanctioned as a
means for the main end. To blame the Spartan for being a warrior instead
of a sedate bourgeois would be to ignore the facts of reality, would be
equivalent to overlooking that our brain is not designed to substitute
imaginary pictures for the actual conditions of the world, but is
organized to understand that a period, a nation, an individual is always
that which it can and must be under given circumstances.
It is not from mere individual and unpraiseworthy fondness for the
paradox that we subvert current views by defending the maxim "The end
sanctifies the means," but from a consistent application of the science
of philosophy. Philosophy originated out of the belief in a dualist
contrast between God and the world, between body and soul, between the
flesh and the spirit, between brain and senses, between thinking and
being, between the general and the concrete. The conciliation of this
contrast represents the end, or the aggregate result, of philosophical
research. Philosophy found its dissolution in the understanding that the
divine is worldly and the worldly divine, that the soul is related to
the body, the spirit to the flesh, thinking to being, the intellect to
the senses, in the same way in which the unity is related to the
multiplicity or the general to the concrete. Philosophy began with the
erroneous supposition that the one, as the first thing, was the basis
on which developed the two, three, four, and the entire multiplicity of
things by succession. It has now arrived at the understanding that
truth, or reality, turns this supposition upside down, that the reality
with its multiplicity of forms, perceivable by the senses, is the first
and foremost thing out of which the human brain gradually derived the
conception of unity or generality.
No achievement of science can be compared with the amount of talent and
intellectual energy consumed in harvesting this one little fruit from
the field of speculative philosophy. But neither does any scientific
novelty encounter so many deep-rooted obstacles to its recognition. All
brains unfamiliar with the outcome of philosophy are dominated by the
old belief in the reality of some genuine, true, absolutely universal
panacea, the discovery of which would make all sham, false individual
panaceas impossible. But we, on the other hand, have been taught by the
understanding of the thought process that this coveted panacea is a
product of the brain and that, since it is supposed to be a general and
abstract panacea, it cannot be any real, perceptible, concrete panacea.
In the belief in an absolute difference between true and false welfare,
there is manifested an ignorance of the actual operations of brain work.
Pythagoras made numbers the basis of things. If this Grecian philosopher
could have realized that this basic nature was a thing of the mind, of
the intellect,[2] and that numbers were the basis of reason, the common
or abstract content of all intellectual activity, then we should have
been spared all the disputes which have raged around the various forms
of absolute truth, about "things in themselves."
Space and time are the general forms of reality, or reality exists in
time and space. Consequently all real welfare must be attached to space
and time, and every welfare which exists in these dimensions must be
real. The different welfares, in so far as their beneficent qualities
are concerned, are to be distinguished only by their height and breadth,
by the quantity of their dimensions, by their numeral relations. Every
welfare, whether true or seeming, is perceived by the senses, by
practices of life, not by abstract reason. But practice assigns the most
contradictory things to different people at different times as means to
their welfare. What is welfare in one place, is disaster in another, and
vice versa. Understanding, or reason, has nothing else to do in the
matter than to number these various welfares as they are made real by
sense perceptions in various persons and times, and degrees of
intensity, in the order in which they appear, and thus to distinguish
the small from the great, the essential from the unessential, the
concrete from the general. Reason cannot dictate to us autocratically in
matters of some absolutely true welfare, it can only indicate the most
frequent, most essential, and most universal welfare in a certain
perceived number of welfares. But it must not be forgotten that the
truth of such an understanding, or enumeration, depends on certain
definite premises. It is therefore a vain endeavor to search for the
true and absolute welfare. This search becomes practical and successful
only when it limits itself to the understanding of a definite amount of
welfare of some particular objects. The general welfare can be found
only within definite boundaries. But the various determinations of
welfare agree in this respect, that they all consider it well to
sacrifice the little for the great, the unessential for the essential,
and not vice versa. In so far as this principle is right, it is also
right for us to employ for the good end of a great welfare some small
means in the shape of a small evil and to endure it, and thus we see
once more that the end sanctifies the means.
If people were liberal enough to permit every one to go to heaven in his
or her own way, the opponents of our maxim would be easily convinced of
its truth. But instead of doing this, people follow the usual course of
shortsightedness and make their private standpoint a universal one. They
call their own private welfare the only true welfare, and regard the
welfare of other nations, times and conditions a mistake. So does every
school of art declare its own subjective taste to be objective beauty,
ignoring the fact that unity is but a matter of ideas, of thought, while
reality is full of the most varied forms. The real welfare is manifold
and the true welfare but a subjective choice which, like a funny story,
may make an entirely different impression on others, and be a false
welfare. Even though Kant, or Fichte, or some other particular
philosopher, may discuss at length the purpose of mankind and solve the
problem to his full satisfaction and to that of his audience, we
nevertheless have learned enough today to know that one can define one's
own personal idea of the purpose of mankind by means of abstract
speculation, but that one cannot discover any unknown and hidden object
in this way. Thought, or reason, requires some object, and its work is
that of measuring, of criticising. It may distinguish between true and
false welfare, but will also remember that they have their limits,
remember that it is itself personal and that its distinctions are
likewise personal and cannot be generalized beyond the point where
others receive the same impression of the same object.
Humanity is an idea, while man is always some special person who has his
or her peculiar life in a definite environment and is therefore
subservient to general principles only from motives of self-interest.
The sacrifice of ethics, like that of religion, is only seemingly a
self-denial and serves the ends of reasonable self-interest, an
expenditure with a view to greater gains. A morality worthy of that name
which is not better defined by the term obedience can be exercised only
through the understanding of its worth, of its value for our welfare, of
its usefulness. The variety of political parties is conditioned on the
varieties of the interests concerned, and the difference in the means is
conditioned on the difference in ends. In questions of less importance
even the champions of absolute morality testify to this fact.
Thiers in his history of the French Revolution tells of a peculiar
situation in the year 1796, when the patriots held the public power and
the royalists carried on a revolutionary propaganda. It was then that
the partisans of the revolution, who should have been the champions of
unlimited liberty, demanded coercive measures, while the opposition, who
secretly cared more for a monarchy than for a republic, voted for
unlimited liberty. "To such an extent are parties governed by their
self-interests," comments Thiers, just as if this were an anomaly
instead of being the natural, necessary and inevitable course of the
world. When, on the other hand, it is a question of the fundamental laws
of bourgeois order, then the moral representatives of the ruling classes
are egotistic enough to deny the connection of their material interests
with these laws and to claim that theirs are eternal, metaphysical world
laws, that the pillars of their special class rule are the eternal
pillars of humanity, and that their own means alone are holy ones and
their end the final end of the universe.
It is a disastrous deception, a robbing of human liberty, an attempt to
cause the stagnation of the historical development, if any age or class
thus proclaims its own peculiar purposes and means to be for the
absolute welfare of humanity. Morality originally reflects one's
interests just as fashion reflects one's taste, and finally the action
is moulded after the conceived pattern like the coat in dressing. In
this process, force naturally is exerted for the maintenance and
protection of one's own life and those who resist are subdued. Interest
and duty, though perhaps not entirely synonymous, are certainly closely
related. Both of them are merged in the term welfare. Self-interest
represents more nearly the concrete, immediate, tangible welfare, while
duty concerns itself with the more remote and general welfare of the
future also. While self-interest considers the present tangible metallic
welfare of the purse, duty demands that we keep not only a part of
welfare, but all welfare in mind, that we consider the future as well as
the present, that we remember the spiritual welfare as well as the
physical. Duty thinks also of the heart, of social needs, of the
future, of the spiritual weal, in brief of interest in general and urges
us to renounce the superfluous in order to secure and retain the
necessary. Thus your duty is your self-interest and your self-interest
your duty.
If our ideas are to adapt themselves to truth, or to reality, instead of
reality or truth adapting itself to our notions or thoughts, we must
understand that the mutability of that which is right, holy, moral, is a
natural, necessary and true fact. And we must grant to an individual the
theoretical freedom which cannot be taken from it in practice, we must
admit that it is as free now as it has ever been, that laws must be
adapted to the needs of the social individual and not to the vague,
unreal, and impossible abstractions, such as justice or morality. What
is justice? The embodiment of all that is considered right, an
individual conception, which assumes different forms in different
persons. In reality only individual, definite, concrete rights exist,
and man simply comes along and abstracts from them the idea of justice,
just as he abstracted from different kinds of wood the conception of
wood in general, or from material things the conception of matter. It is
just as far from the truth, to think that material things consist of, or
are by virtue of, abstract matter, although this view is widely spread,
as it is to believe that the moral or bourgeois laws were derived from
the idea of justice.
The ethical loss caused by our realistic, or if you prefer,
materialistic, conception of morality is not so great as it appears. We
need not fear that through this conception social beings will become
lawless cannibals or hermits. Freedom and lawfulness are closely allied
by the need for association which compels us to permit others to live
together with us. If a man is prevented by his conscience or by other
spiritualistic or bourgeois ethics from committing unlawful
actions—unlawful in the wider meaning of the term—he is either not
exposed to very grave temptations, or he has a nature so tame that the
natural or legal punishments fully suffice to keep him within prescribed
bounds. But where these checks are ineffective, morality is likewise
powerless. If it were otherwise, we should have to assume that morality
exerts in secret the same influence on the faithful which is exerted by
public opinion on the faithless. But we know from actual experience that
there are more pious thieves than infidel robbers. That the world, which
attributes so much value for social welfare to morality by word of
mouth, actually shares this view of ours, is proven by the fact that
bourgeois society gives more attention to the penal code and to the
police than to the influence of morality.
Moreover, our fight is not directed against morality, not even against
any special form of it, but only against the arrogance which assumes to
stamp some concrete form of morality with the trade mark of absolute
morality. We recognize that morality is eternally sacred, in so far as
it refers to considerations which a man owes to himself and to his
fellowmen in the interest of their common welfare. But the freedom of
the individual demands that each one should be at liberty to determine
the degree of consideration and the manner of giving it expression.
Under these circumstances it is as inevitable that the ruling powers,
classes or majorities should enforce their special needs under the form
of a prescribed right, as it is that a man's shirt should be closer to
his skin than his coat. But it appears to us not merely very
superfluous, but even detrimental to the energies required for the
progress of the future, that some decreed right should be elevated to
the position of absolute right and transformed into an insuperable
barrier to the advance of humanity.