The Osage Tribe, Two Versions of the Child-naming Rite (1928 N 43 / 1925-1926 (Pages 23-164))

THE OSAGE TRIBE: TWO VERSIONS OF THE
CHILD-NAMING RITE

By Francis La Flesche

The two versions of the Osage Child-naming Rite recorded in this volume were obtained with considerable difficulty, owing to the reluctance of the people to speak of the sacred rites that were formulated by the Ni´-ḳa Xu-be, Holy Men, of long ago. This unwillingness to speak of the tribal rites, excepting in the prescribed ceremonial way, arose from a sense of reverence for things sacred and from the belief that within the rites, and in the articles dedicated to religious use, there resides a mystic power which could punish, by supernatural means, the persons who speak irreverently of the rites and put to profane use the symbolic articles.

In the early part of the life of the Osage, according to tradition, the people kept together for protection and moved about without tribal or gentile organizations, a condition which they termed “gani´-tha,” which may be freely translated as, without law or order.

It was in those days that a group of men fell into the habit of gathering together, from time to time, to exchange ideas concerning the actions of the sun, moon, and stars which they observed move within the sky with marvelous precision, each in its own given path. They also noticed, in the course of their observations, that the travelers in the upper world move from one side of the sky to the other without making any disturbances in their relative positions, and that with these great movements four changes take place in the vegetal life of the earth which they agreed was effected by the actions of some of the heavenly travelers. These seasonal changes they named Be, Do-ge´, Ṭoⁿ, and Ba´-the (Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter).

The delving into the mysteries of the universe by this group of men, which was carried on for a long period of time, was primarily for the purpose of finding, if possible, the place from which comes all life.

The seasonal changes upon the earth which appear to accompany the movements of the sun and other cosmic bodies suggested to these men the existence between sky and earth of a procreative relationship, an idea which fixed itself firmly in their minds. It fitted their notion that the earth was related to and influenced by all of the great bodies that move around within the sky. However, they were not satisfied that these celestial bodies move without the guidance of some governing power, and they continued their search and their discussions. Then, in course of time, there crept into the minds of these men, who became known as the “Little Old Men,” the thought that a silent, invisible creative power pervades the sun, moon and stars and the earth, gives to them life, and keeps them eternally in motion and perfect order. This creative power which to their minds was the source of life they named Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da, Mysterious Power, and sometimes E-a´-wa-woⁿ a-ka, The Causer of Our Being.

These ideas are given expression in that part of the child-naming rite where the initiated members of two gentes are first called to enter the house in which the ceremonies are to take place. One of these gentes, the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, Peaceful Ṭsi´-zhu, represents the sky with its sun, moon, and stars, and the other, the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge, Peaceful Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, represents the earth with its waters and dry land. The house itself then becomes a symbol of the sky which encompasses the sun, moon, stars, and the earth. Thus the house, the two gentes and all the others who enter it to take part in the rite become, collectively, a symbol of the universe wherein life manifests itself by taking on an infinite variety of bodily forms. The whole ceremony is an expression of a longing desire that Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da who dwells in the universe will favor the little one who is to be named with a long life and an endless line of descendants.

The men who recorded the two versions of the Osage child-naming rite were typical full-blood Indians, neither of them spoke the English language, and nothing in all that they have given suggests foreign influence. Wa-xthi´-zhi (pl. 1) was a man of an inquiring mind. He did not hesitate to ask of his initiators the meaning of the parts of the rituals which he did not fully understand. He learned much from his father, who was well versed in the ancient tribal rites.

Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ (pl. 2) did not have these advantages, but he had a retentive mind and what he committed to memory of the rites was sufficient to him. He did not insist upon being informed as to the meaning of the parts of the rites that were obscure to him.

I am indebted to Mr. Vince Dillon, of Fairfax, Okla., for permitting me to use a photograph he had made of two little Osages showing symbolic hair cut of one of them. Also to Joe Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ for the loan of a photograph of his two daughters. Joe is the son of Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, who recorded the second version of the child-naming ceremony.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 1

WA-XTHI’-ZHI (I^N-GTHO^N´-GA (PUMA) GENS)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

SHO^N´-GE-MO^N-I^N (ṬSI´-ZHU WA-SHTA-GE GENS)

To a self-respecting Osage husband and wife, the ceremonial naming of their first three sons and their first three daughters is of the utmost importance. The couple regard the performing of the ceremony as a sacred duty to their children which must never be neglected.

Each of these sons and daughters must be named according to the rites prescribed by the ancient Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga. Until the ceremonial naming the child has no place in the gentile organization, and it is not even regarded as a person.

Every one of these three sons and three daughters has a special kinship term which can be used only by the father, the mother, and the nearest relatives. These special kinship terms, as observed in their sequence, are as follows:

All the sons born after the third one are Ḳa´-zhiⁿ-ga, and all the daughters born after the third one, Çi´-ge or A-çiⁿ´-ga.

To each of the first six children belongs a distinctive gentile personal name, spoken of as: iⁿ-gthoⁿ´ zha-zhe (Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´ name), mi´-noⁿ zha-zhe (Mi´-noⁿ name), etc. These names must always be ceremonially conferred upon the newly born child. All the other sons and daughters are named without any formality because the ceremony performed for the Ḳa´-zhiⁿ-ga and the Çi´-ge serves for the other children that may follow. These distinctive gentile names may be designated as gentile birth names.

The gentile birth names of the Puma gens, as given by Wa-xthi´-zhi, are as follows:

1. Mi´-wa-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. This name is commemorative of the talk that took place between the “Little Ones” and the Sun when they went to him to ask for aid as they were about to come to the earth, their future home. In asking for aid, the “Little Ones” addressed the Sun as grandfather, and the Sun, in reply, said to them: “It is true that you are my children.” Hence the name, Mi´-wa-ga-xe, Child-of-the-sun. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, lines 24 to 27.)

2. I´-e-çka-wa-the, Giver-of-speech. The Sun also gave to the “Little Ones” the power of expressing their thoughts by speech, and the skill in arranging their words so that they can be clearly understood. When a person speaks intelligently he is spoken of as i´-e-wa-çka, a clear speaker. The children are given the name I´-e-çka-wa-the as a recognition of this great gift from the Sun. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, line 34.)

The story of the introduction of this name, as told by the Black Bear gens in their Ni´-ḳi Ritual, differs from the Puma version of the story. (See p. 228, 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., lines 238 to 304.)

3. Moⁿ´-ga-xe, Arrow-maker. At the same time that the Sun gave to the “Little Ones” the gift of speech he gave to them a finished arrow so that when they came to dwell upon the earth they could make arrows like it and use them for defending themselves against enemies and for killing animals to use for food. The name is mentioned in the Puma Naming Ritual. (See p. 42, line 44.)

1. Moⁿ´-ca-ṭse-xi, Sacred Arrowshaft. The name Moⁿ´-ca-ṭse-xi refers to the ray of light which was given by the Sun to the “Little Ones” for use as an arrowshaft. This shaft had the quality of unerring precision which excited the wonder of the “Little Ones.” It was to them a mysterious arrowshaft. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, line 29.)

2. Moⁿ-zhoⁿ´-op-she-wiⁿ, Woman-who-travels-over-the-earth. This name refers to the ever recurring westward movement of the moon over the earth. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 41, line 39.)

3. Noⁿ´-mi-ṭse-xi, Beloved-child-of-the-sun. This name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 42, line 49.)

Another name follows that of the third son in the ritual, Iⁿ-shta´-sha-be, Dark-eyes, and is a Ḳa´-zhiⁿ-ga name. The name is mentioned in the Naming Ritual of the Puma gens. (See p. 42, line 54.)

The name E-noⁿ´-gi-tha-bi, The Favorite, follows that of the third daughter, and is a Çi´-ge name. This name is not mentioned in the ritual. Wa-xthi´-zhi said the fourth daughter is the favored one because if the first three should fail to bring forth children the parents would cherish the hope that their fourth daughter will give them grandchildren.

The distinctive birth names of the Puma gens, mentioned above, are spoken of as sky names, to distinguish them from the common gentile names. These birth names are said to have originated in the sky when the “Little Ones” were about to descend to the earth to take upon themselves bodily form. Some of these names refer to important events that came to pass before the descent from the sky to the earth. Earth names were also used by both the Puma and the Black Bear gentes. These names will be referred to later.

Every Osage gens has its own version of the tribal Child-naming Ritual. The versions belonging to the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga (Puma) gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division and that belonging to the Ṭsi´-zhu great division have been secured and are given below in detail.

When a man of the Puma gens is prepared for the ceremonial naming of his newly born son he sends for the Sho´-ḳa (official messenger) of his gens. On the arrival of the Sho´-ḳa the father puts before him his customary fee of a blanket or blue cloth and a little pipe which he must carry as his official badge. The father of the child then orders the Sho´-ḳa to go and call the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the Puma, the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, and the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge gentes. The Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge is the Peace gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division, and the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge the Peace gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga great tribal division. Prominence was given, in this ceremony, to these two gentes because they are the favored people of the sun and the unclouded sky, the most sacred of the cosmic forces. Through these two favored gentes the blessings of peace and long life are invoked for the child to be named and formally given its place in the tribal unit.

The Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of these three gentes assemble in the evening at the house of the father who, in a formal speech, makes known to them the purpose of the summons. Then the heads of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge and the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge gentes direct the Sho´-ḳa to go and call the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the following gentes to assemble at the house of the father on the next morning:

Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ, Wa-ça´-be-ṭoⁿ and the O´-poⁿ, of the Hoⁿ´-ga subdivision; Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge, Ho´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga, Wa-zha´-zhe Çka and the Ṭa´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga of the Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision; Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, Mi-k’iⁿ´ Wa-noⁿ and the Tho´-xe of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division.

The Sho´-ḳa, as he goes on this errand, does not neglect the little pipe, his official badge.

Before sunrise of the following day the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the Puma gens assemble at the house of the member who had been appointed by the father to act as Xo´-ḳa in the ceremony. When all the members had taken their places the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa (master of ceremonies) recites the wi´-gi-e relating to the symbolic articles with which the Xo´-ḳa is to be decorated. The wi´-gi-e is accompanied by certain ceremonial acts performed by an assistant. The first section of the wi´-gi-e relates to the red dawn, the beginning of the life of day. The assistant, who has put red paint on the palms of his hands, spreads them out toward the dawn that is reddening the eastern sky. When the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa reaches the fourth line the assistant paints red the face of the Xo´-ḳa. Then, as the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa goes on to the second section the assistant takes up a white, downy feather (pl. 3, b), taken from the under covert of an eagle’s tail, and holds it poised over the Xo´-ḳa’s head. When the twelfth line of the wi´-gi-e is reached the assistant quickly fastens the feather to the scalplock of the Xo´-ḳa. This feather symbolizes one of the two white shafts of light that may be seen at either side of the sun as it rises through the fading color of the dawn. Each of these two shafts symbolizes a never-ending life. The one at the right belongs to the Hoⁿ´-ga great division and the one at the left to the Ṭsi´-zhu great division. At the beginning of the third section of the wi´-gi-e the assistant rubs in the palms of his hands a bit of buffalo fat, then holds his outspread hands poised over the Xo´-ḳa’s head. When the twentieth line is reached he anoints the Xo´-ḳa’s hair with the oil, an act by which is expressed the wish that the child whom the Xo´-ḳa represents shall always be abundantly supplied with food of all kinds.

At the fourth section of the wi´-gi-e the assistant takes up a necklace of beads, or a narrow woven band, to which is attached a shell gorget (pl. 3, a) and holds it in readiness. When the twenty-sixth line is reached he puts the necklace upon the neck of the Xo´-ḳa so that the gorget hangs upon his breast. This gorget typifies the Sun, whose life endures forever.

As the ceremony of decorating the Xo´-ḳa goes on, the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga members of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge gens, followed, by those of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, go to the house of the father of the child to be named, and enter to take their places, those of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi at the east end on the south side and those of the Ṭsi´-zhu at the east end on the north side. (Fig. 1.) The house then becomes the home of these two gentes for the time being and for the purposes of the ceremony. The Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi is the Peace gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga great tribal division, its life symbol is the water portion of the earth. The hereditary chief of the Hoⁿ´-ga division was chosen from this gens. The Ṭsi´-zhu is the Peace gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division. Its life symbol is the clear blue sky. The hereditary chief of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division was chosen from this gens.

The purpose of the Ḳi´-noⁿ ceremony is to prepare the Xo´-ḳa who represents the child to be named to approach in the prescribed manner the house wherein sit the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi and the Ṭsi´-zhu gentes, the first representing the life-giving power of water and the latter the life-giving power of the sun whose abode is in the great blue sky. The Xo´-ḳa is to come to the sacred house as a suppliant for a full and complete life, uninterrupted by diseases or accidents, and for an endless line of descendants. The ceremonial approach of the Xo´-ḳa to the sacred house is called Ṭsi Ṭa´-p̣e (Ṭsi, house; Ṭa´-p̣e, approach), as to a place of refuge.

Fig. 1.—Diagram showing places of gentes in the lodge. 1. Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge; 2. Wa-ṭse-tsi Wa-shta-ge; 3. Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ; 4. Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ; 5. Mi-k’iⁿ´ Wa-noⁿ; 6. Wa-ça´-be; 7. Tho´-xe; 8. O´poⁿ; 9. Ho´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga; 10. Wa-zha´-zhe çka; 11. Ṭa´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga; 12. Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga; 13. Sho´-ḳa

At the close of the Ḳi´-noⁿ ceremony the Xo´-ḳa wraps about his body a buffalo robe, hair outside, and thus clothed in his sacerdotal attire he goes out of his own house to make his processional approach to the sacred house, following his Sho´-ḳa who precedes him in the march. After the manner of all suppliants who approach Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da, the Xo´-ḳa carries with him a little pipe with which to make a smoke offering to that mysterious power that controls all life. The Xo´-ḳa and the Sho´-ḳa, on their solemn approach to the House of Mystery, keep a certain distance apart. When they have gone some 40 or 50 paces they make a pause and the Xo´-ḳa sings the following song, after which he recites the first section of the wi´-gi-e called Wa´-çi-thu-çe Wi´-gi-e (Footstep Wi´-gi-e). The song precedes each of the four sections of the wi´-gi-e:

The words of the processional song:

are addressed to the child upon whom is to be conferred his personal, gentile name, and who is to be given his place in the Puma gens into which he was born. The star referred to in the song is the sun, the greatest life symbol of the Puma gens.

In the first section of the “Footstep Wi´-gi-e,” which the Xo´-ḳa recites as he makes his processional approach to the House of Mystery, the sun is referred to as the “Male Star.” The first line of the wi´-gi-e, “Toward what shall the little ones take their footsteps,” implies that much thought was given by the ancient Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga to the question as to the places where prayers for aid for the attainment of long life should be directed. The lines that follow imply that the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga had finally arrived at the belief that if the “Little Ones” go with their prayers to the “Male Star,” the sun, they would find the way by which they could reach old age. The authors of these peculiar rites in speaking of long life did not only mean the attainment of old age by the child but they also meant the continuity of its life by procreation.

In the second section of the wi´-gi-e the moon is referred to as the “Female Star.” The same form that is used for the sun is also used for the moon. The pairing of these two great cosmic bodies in this wi´-gi-e suggests a procreative relationship between the two. The last two sections of the wi´-gi-e are repetitions of the first two. These repetitions are made in order to complete the mystic number four. The moon, referred to in the second section as the female star, is the life symbol of the Wa-ça´-be, or the Black Bear gens.

When the Xo´-ḳa have finished reciting the first section of the Footstep Wi´-gi-e, which speaks of the approach of the little ones to the sun, he and the Sho´-ḳa continue their march. Again they pause and the Xo´-ḳa recites the second section which tells of the approach of the little ones toward the moon seeking for long life. The fourth pause brings them to the door of the House of Mystery, which they enter, followed by the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa and the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the Puma gens who are to give their child a place in the visible universe. They take their place at the east end of the lodge where sit the father and mother with the child. The Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga who had been called to take part in the ceremony also enter and take their fixed places, those belonging to the Hoⁿ´-ga great division at the south side and those of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division at the north side of the lodge. (Fig. 1.)

When all the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga have become settled in their places, according to gentes, the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa proceeds with the ceremonial acts called Wa-the´-the, which, translated literally, means, The Sending; that is, the sending of a fee of a blanket or other article of value to each, head of the gentes taking part in the child-naming ceremony. It is understood by these ceremonial acts that the members of the gens to whose head is sent a fee are requested to recite the wi´-gi-e relating to the Life Symbol of their gens. Each article is received from the hands of the A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa by the Sho´-ḳa who delivers it to the head of the gens for whom it is sent.

Wa-xthi´-zhi, who gives this child-naming ritual of his gens, the Puma, when acting as A´-ḳi-hoⁿ Xo´-ḳa, sends the fees in the following order:

Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge: Fee, with a red downy eagle feather, symbolizing the sun. The members of the gens will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the life-giving power of the sun. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 124, lines 1 to 177.)

Wa-ça´-be: Fee; will recite the Zha´-zhe Ḳi-ṭoⁿ Wi´-gi-e, Name Wi´-gi-e of the gens. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 228, lines 238 to 304.) The Wa-ça´-be and the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga gentes are closely related and one acts as Sho´-ḳa for the other in their ceremonies of initiation into the mysteries of the tribal rites.

Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ: Fee; will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the life-giving power of the sun, their life symbol. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 118, lines 1 to 36.)

Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ: Fee; will recite wi´-gi-e relating to the mottled eagle, the “stainless” bird that led the people down from the sky to the earth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 162, lines 177 to 311.)

Mi-k’iⁿ´ Wa-noⁿ: Fee; the members of this gens will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the moon and all the stars and to their power to aid the “little ones” to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 122, lines 1 to 44.)

O´-poⁿ: Fee; the members of the gens will recite the Wa-dsu-ṭa I-hi-thoⁿ-be Wi´-gi-e which tells of the various places of the earth where the little ones may find the animals on which to live. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 112, lines 1 to 109.)

Tho´-xe: Fee; some grains of maize are also sent. The members of this gens will recite the wi´-gi-e relating to the bringing of the maize to the people by a buffalo bull, and to his offer to aid the little ones to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 280, lines 83 to 110; also p. 134, lines 1 to 162.)

Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge: Fee, with cedar fronds. Members of this gens will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the red cedar, an evergreen tree which has power to resist death, and to its offer to aid the little ones to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95, lines 1 to 34.)

Ho´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga: Fee, with a kettle of water. The members of this gens will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the everflowing water which, has power to help the little ones to reach old age. These are the Fish people. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 98, lines 1 to 35.)

Wa-zha´-zhe çka: Fee, with a mussel shell. The mussel is the life symbol of this gens. The members of the gens will recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the power of the mussel to resist death, and to its consent to aid the little ones to reach old age. The Wa-zha´-zhe çka are a water people. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 94, lines 1 to 29.)

Ṭa I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga, the Deer People: Only a fee is sent to them. The members will recite their Wa-dsu´-ṭa I-hi-thoⁿ-be Wi´-gi-e, which tells of the various places of the earth where the deer will reveal themselves to the little ones to give them help to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 97, lines 44 to 103.)

When the Sho´-ḳa had delivered the last fee every Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga who knows his wi´-gi-e begins to recite it in a loud voice. None of the wi´-gi-es are alike and none of the members of a gens recite in unison, consequently there would be a volume of sounds most bewildering to the uninitiated.

The wi´-gi-e recited by the members of the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga gens at this time is called Zha´-zhe Ḳi-ṭoⁿ Wi´-gi-e, freely translated, the Name Wi´-gi-e. It is in three parts. The first, which includes sections 1 to 8, is called Zha´-zhe Ḳi-ṭoⁿ, the taking of names; the second, which includes sections 9 and 10, is called U´-noⁿ U-tha-ge, the telling of the means by which to reach old age; the third, which includes sections 11 and 12, is called U´-noⁿ-bthe U-gi-dse, the story of the search for the life-giving foods.

When Wa-xthi´-zhi made up his mind to give a description of the Child-naming Ritual of his own gens, the Puma, he did not hesitate to recite the wi´-gi-es and to tell of the ceremonial forms that accompany the entire ritual. But when asked to recite the wi´-gi-es of the 11 gentes who were summoned to take part in the ceremony of conferring a name upon a Puma child he declined to give them, although he knew all of them, for the reason that they were not his to give. He had not obtained from any of these gentes the right to transfer them to strangers or to members of other gentes.

It so happened that when Wa-xthi´-zhi was describing the Child-naming Ritual of his own gens, which he had a perfect right to do, Wa-sho´-she (pl. 4), a member of the Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ gens, was present. This man, when asked if he would be willing to give the U´-noⁿ Wi´-gi-e (Old-age Wi´-gi-e) of his gens for a fee, promptly replied that he would. He had obtained by purchase from his father the wi´-gi-e and so had acquired the right to transfer it to anybody, but the transfer must always be made for a fee. The fee was provided and Wa-sho´-she sat down and recorded the Old-age Wi´-gi-e of his own gens, the Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ. This name refers to the “Stainless Bird,” the mottled eagle, who conducted the Hoⁿ´-ga people to earth from mid-heaven. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 162, lines 177 to 199.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

SHELL GORGET AND DOWNY PLUME (LIFE SYMBOLS)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

WA-SHO´-SHE (HO^N´-GA A-HIU-TO^N (EAGLE) GENS)

The first seven lines of the wi´-gi-e refer back to the time when “the Hoⁿ´-ga who possess seven fireplaces” chose for one of their life symbols the “Stainless Bird,” the mottled eagle. The people who are here spoken of as the Hoⁿ´-ga having seven fireplaces are those who compose the seven gentile groups that represent the land portion of the earth in the two great tribal divisions symbolizing the cosmos. These seven gentile groups (seven fireplaces) are, as given by Black-dog. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 52-53.)

When the “Hoⁿ´-ga, a people who possess seven fireplaces” went to the “Stainless Bird” and said to him (lines 5, 6, and 7): “The little ones have nothing of which to make their bodies,” meaning that they have no symbol for the long life which they crave, he replied in the words as given in the wi´-gi-e, from line 10 to the end:

At the close of the recital of the wi´-gi-es by all the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga, the Sho´-ḳa places before the head of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens a bowl of water into which had been put fronds of the red cedar. The red cedar and the water are the life symbols of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, the people who came to earth from the stars. The following is an epitome of their wi´-gi-e:

—(See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95.)

The E-noⁿ´ Miⁿ-dse-ṭoⁿ, a people who belong to the same great tribal division as the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, use a similar wi´-gi-e, which is as follows:

A bowl of shelled corn, the life symbol of the Tho´-xe gens, was also placed before the head of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. (For the Maize Wi´-gi-e of the Tho´-xe gens, see 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 135, lines 57 to 113; also p. 277, lines 83 to 110.)

When the bowls of water and cedar fronds and shelled corn are placed before the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, the Sho´-ḳa puts in his arms the child to be blessed and named. The head of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens then passes the tips of the fingers of his right hand over the bowl of water and cedar fronds, and the bowl of the life-giving corn, then touches with the tips of his fingers the lips, head, arms and body of the child. The two bowls and the child are then passed on to the head of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi Wa-shta-ge gens, who goes through the same motions with the child. The child and the two bowls are then passed on to the heads of each of the other gentes who make the same motions over the child as were made by the heads of the first two gentes.

These ceremonial acts performed by the heads of the gentes officiating, by which the child is brought into touch with the ever-flowing waters, the red cedar, an everlasting tree, and the life-giving corn, are supplicatory acts by which the aid of Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da is sought for the child who is to go forth to take part in the great life activities. Not only is the attainment of old age desired for the child but also the continuity of its life by a never-ending line of descendants.

At the close of these ceremonial acts a sacred gentile name is conferred upon the child without further ceremony. If, however, there are two or more names to choose from, as is the case in some of the gentes, the mother of the child has the privilege of making a choice from two or three names. This privilege is given by the Xo´-ḳa, who offers to the mother two small sticks prepared for this purpose, each of which represents a name mentioned in the origin ritual of the gens naming the child. The mother usually chooses the stick representing the name which to her has the greater religious significance and is the most euphonious.

It was stated (see p. 33) that earth names as well as sky names were used by both the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga and the Wa-ça´-be gentes as distinctive birth names for their children.

In the course of a conversation concerning the gentile names, classed as sky and earth names, Wa-xthi´-zhi, of the Puma gens, remarked that: When the Hoⁿ´-ga people were coming from the sky to the earth they chose two persons (gentes) to act as official messengers. One of these persons was called Hoⁿ´-ga Wa´-ṭse-gi-ṭsi, The-sacred-one-from-the-stars, and the other Hoⁿ´-ga Wa-ṭse-ga-wa, The-sacred-radiant-star. These messengers were expected to find some way of dispersing the waters that submerged the earth and of exposing the ground beneath so as to make it habitable for all living creatures.

Wa´-ṭse-gi-ṭsi and Wa´-ṭse-ga-wa, the two messengers, found on the still waters the water spider, the water beetle, the white leech, and the dark leech, of whom they asked for aid which they could not give, but promised to help the people to reach old age. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 163, lines 200 to 273.) The two messengers went on and they met O´-poⁿ-ṭoⁿ-ga, the Great Elk, and appealed to him for aid. The Great Elk threw himself upon the waters four times and splashed about until the ground was exposed and ready to receive men and animals. He then called to the four corners of the earth for the life-giving winds to come. Next he threw himself upon the ground and rolled about; then, as he arose, the hairs of his body clung to the soil and became the grasses of the earth. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 165-167, lines 274 to 354.)

The two messengers then led the people over the dry land of the earth, when suddenly Hoⁿ´-ga Wa´-ṭse-gi-ṭsi, The-one-from-the-stars, came upon Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga, the Puma. The messenger then changed his name from Wa´-ṭse-gi-ṭsi to Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga. In like manner the Hoⁿ´-ga Wa´-ṭse-ga-wa, the Radiant Star, came upon Wa-ça´-be, the Black Bear. The Radiant Star then changed his name from Wa´-ṭse-ga-wa to Wa-ça´-be, the Black Bear.

These were the first earth names of the two related gentes, the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga and the Wa-ça´-be. Wa-xthi´-zhi mentioned several other personal earth names of these two gentes but he suggested that the parts of the rituals given by himself and Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ (pl. 5), in which are mentioned the earth names, be referred to as authoritative, and so the following paraphrases of those parts of the rituals are here given.

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 194-195, lines 1063 to 1115.)

Earth names mentioned in the origin wi´-gi-e given, by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ.

Mi´-xa-çka, the white swan from whom personal names were taken, as mentioned in the following wi´-gi-e given by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ, is a warrior symbol. The black color on its feet and on the tip of its nose typifies the fire that knows no mercy. The standards (crooks), which were carried by an Osage war party (pl. 6, a), typify the neck of the white swan.

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 228-231, lines 238 to 358.)

The earth names given by Wa-xthi´-zhi, of the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga (Puma) gens, in his wi´-gi-es are as follows:

The earth names given by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ of the Wa-ça´-be (Black Bear) gens in his wi´-gi-es:

The following earth names, not specifically mentioned by Wa-xthi´-zhi, also appear in the wi´-gi-es recorded by himself and by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ. These names are also regarded as sacred and are ceremonially bestowed upon the children of the Puma and Black Bear gentes:

1. Moⁿ´-hiⁿ-çi-i-ba-btho-ga, Round-handled-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 206, line 1399.)

2. Monⁿ´-hiⁿ-hoⁿ-ga, Sacred-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 207, line 1424.)

3. Moⁿ-hiⁿ-zhu-dse, Red-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 208, line 1439.)

4. The fourth name given by Wa-xthi´-zhi (Noⁿ-be´-wa-koⁿ-da, Mysterious-hand) does not appear in any of the wi´-gi-es given either by himself or by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ. However, the Mysterious-hand is spoken of by both of these men in their conversations concerning the rites, and is referred to in some of the wi´-gi-es. (See 36th Ann. Rept., p. 230, lines 323 to 340.) The story of the Mysterious-hand, as told colloquially, is that when the people came from the sky to the earth they had no weapons, but they killed animals by moistening the index finger of the right hand with saliva and pointing it at them. This name is also bestowed ceremonially.

1. Miⁿ´-ṭse-xi, Sacred-robe. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 235, line 510.)

2. No^ⁿ´-ḳa-dsi-wiⁿ, Spine-woman. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 235, line 512.)

3. Ṭse´-p̣a´-ga-xe, Buffalo-head-maker. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 235, line 518.)

4. Moⁿ´-hiⁿ-zhu-dse, Red-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 237, line 573.)

5. Moⁿ´-hiⁿ-hoⁿ-ga, Sacred-knife. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 237, line 576.)

At the close of the ceremony of blessing the child by the various gentes officiating, the Sho´-ḳa conducts the mother to a seat prepared for her in front of the Xo´-ḳa, who gives her special instructions in the ceremonies to be observed by her to complete the child-naming rite. Between the two is spread a buffalo robe which had been decorated with certain symbolic designs. (Fig. 2.) This formal talk to the mother is called “Ḳi´-noⁿ U-tha-ge,” Telling of the Symbolic Painting. Extra fees are required for the special instruction, which, with the help of friends and relatives, the mother is enabled to pay.

Fig. 2.—Symbolic robe prepared for children

If the mother is skilled with her awl and thread in ornamental work she would decorate with porcupine quills the symbolic robe to be used in this special ceremony; if not skilled, she would content herself with painting the symbolic designs on the robe.

When the robe has been spread before the Xo´-ḳa he begins to talk, as follows:

Wi-ṭsi-ni-e´, My daughter-in-law, I see you have brought with you a robe which you have dressed and decorated for the comfort of your little one. It is a sacred robe which should be put to use with proper ceremony. This ceremony you will observe for a period of four days, during which you will paint red the parting or your hair. It will be a sign that you appeal for a long and fruitful life for yourself and child, to the god of day whose path lies over the middle of the earth.

You have reddened the head and the forelegs of the robe. The head and forelegs of the robe typify that part of the earth whence rises the god of day to take his westward journey. Red is the color of the day when it is young, the time when you will rise and go forth to prepare food for the little one whose tender life is wholly dependent upon your efforts. A narrow line runs from the head of the robe along the middle of the back to the tail. This line typifies the path of the god of day who ever travels from east to west. Midway of the path is a round spot which represents the god of day when it has reached the middle of heaven. Here he marks the time when you will turn your thoughts from other things to the feeding of the little one so that the nourishing of its life may be continuous. The god of day continues his journey and in time reaches the edge of the earth, behind which he finally disappears. The hind legs and the tail of the robe are reddened to typify the glow that warns us of the ending of the day when your thoughts will again turn to the care of the little one. When you put these symbolic marks upon this sacred robe your thoughts reached out in appeal to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da for yourself and child.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

WA-ṬSE´-MO^N-I^N (WA-ÇA´-BE (BLACK BEAR) GENS)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
FORTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6

a, WAR STANDARD (SYMBOLIZES THE WHITE SWAN)
b, ṬSE´-WA-THE ROOT (NELUMBO LUTEA), USED FOR FOOD

As the shadow of night spreads over the land you will take your little one in your arms, draw this robe over you, then rest in sleep. The robe which you draw over yourself and child typifies the heaven, whence comes all life, and the act is an appeal to heaven for protection.

The procuring of food for the little one should always be done with a feeling of gratitude toward the Mysterious Power that brings forth life in all forms. There is a plant which is dedicated to use as a sacred food in the bringing up of the little ones, known as ṭse´-wa-the (Nelumbo lutea) (pl. 6, b). (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 183, lines 910 to 923.) You will at times go to the lake to gather the roots of this plant for use in feeding your little one. When about to go to the lake you will paint red the parting of your hair, as a sign of your gratitude to the god of day who passes over your head and over the plant you go to seek, shedding his life-giving power upon you as he goes upon his journey.

When you come to the edge of the lake you will look about for a staff to support you as you work in the water. You will choose the willow for your staff, for it is a tree that clings persistently to life. By this act you will make an appeal to the great Life-giving Power for a long and fruitful life for yourself and the little one. With the willow staff in your hands you will step into the water and take up from the soft earth beneath a root of the sacred plant, the ṭse´-wa-the. You will find clinging to the root some of the soft earth from which the plant draws nourishment and strength. Take this bit of soil and touch your forehead and body with it, an act which will be as a sign that you appeal to the earth wherein there is Life-giving Power. When you have performed this act return the root to the earth beneath the water, with the wish that the plant shall forever be plentiful. Then gather enough of the roots to satisfy the little one and yourself.

The maize is another sacred life-giving plant. You raise this plant from year to year. When you prepare the ground for planting the seed you will take one grain and put it in a hill, you will press down upon it the soil with your foot, and say: “My father-in-law bade me do this, as an expression of my faith that the sky and the earth will yield to me not only one ear of maize but one animal as well, or even one herd of animals.” In the next hill you will put two grains, in the next three, the next four, the next five, the next six, and in the seventh seven, always repeating the words at each planting.

The ceremony closes with the end of the special instructions given to the mother of the child blessed and named, and as each member of the gentes who had taken part in the rite rises to go he makes some pleasant remarks to the father and the mother.

When the mother goes to her field to plant the seeds of the maize she remembers the instructions and follows them in every detail. As the maize matures and the ears are still green and tender the mother cuts the stalks from the hills she had ceremonially made, leaving the ears on the stalks. She ties the stalks in bundles, and, with the aid of friends, carries them home to her house. She then prepares a feast to which she invites the man who had acted as Xo´-ḳa at the ceremonial naming of her child. He in turn invites some of his friends who had acted as Xo´-ḳa in child-naming ceremonies to come and share in the feast prepared for him.

If among the invited guests there happens to be a member of the Tho´-xe gens, learned in the rituals, he is requested by the honored guest to recite the maize wi´-gi-e of his gens.

A paraphrase is here given of the wi´-gi-e which the Tho´-xe recite to give pleasure to the host and to the guests. The mythical story points to mid-heaven as the region of the conception of life forms, and as the starting point of the Osage people in their journey to earth, the region of actual birth into bodily existence.

The feasting of the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga upon the fruits of the seeds of the maize planted by the mother with religious care in the seven sacred hills completes the rite of the naming of her child, by which its right to a place in its gens is formally recognized; the child has a place, not only in its gens, but also in the sky and the earth which the two great tribal divisions, the Hoⁿ´-ga and the Ṭsi´-zhu, represent.

The Child-naming ritual of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens of the Osage tribe, here recorded, was given by Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, a member of the Ba´-po subgens of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. The name Ba´-po (Popper in English), Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ explained, is the name of the elder tree, the trunk of which boys, from time reaching beyond memory, used for making poppers. The name refers to a mythical story and to a ceremonial office. The mythical story is as follows: When the people of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division descended from the sky to make the earth their home they came down as eagles, and they alighted on a great red oak tree. The shock of their alighting caused the acorns to drop from the tree in great profusion, which was taken as a prophecy that the Ṭsi´-zhu would become a numerous people. One eagle was crowded off the tree, but as he dropped down he alighted upon a blossoming elder tree. This eagle was a peace bird and his alighting on the ba´-po tree made it to become a peace symbol. The Ba´-po subgens was given the office of furnishing a pipestem for the peace pipe in the keeping of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, and the Ba´-po made the stem of an elder sapling a symbol of peace.

When Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ is called by a member of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens to act as Xo´-ḳa (instructor) in the ceremonial naming of his child he goes to the house of the father without any formality. Usually the call is made when the sun is traveling downward (afternoon); when he receives the message he promptly responds to the call. On his arrival at the house the father, in a formal speech, informs him that his summons was for the purpose of asking him to conduct the ceremonies to be performed at the naming of his child. When Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ gives his consent to officiate at the ceremony the fees for the men who are to take part are placed before him. These he examines to make sure that there are enough articles to go around, and to see if the man had also provided a pipe for the Sho´-ḳa or Official Messenger.

Being satisfied that the man had supplied all the necessary articles, he places in the hands of the father the ceremonial pipe and bids him go after the Sho´-ḳa of the gens. The father returns with the messenger who was already invested with the little pipe, the badge of his authority. When the two men had taken their seats Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ directs the Sho´-ḳa to go and call the heads of the following gentes, with their Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga members, to come to the house of the father, at sunrise the next morning, to take part in the ceremonies of naming his child:

1. Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, of the Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision, to recite their wi´-gi-e relating to their life symbol, the red cedar. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95, lines 1 to 34.)

2. Noⁿ´-poⁿ-da, Deer gens, of the Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision, to recite their wi´-gi-e relating to one of their life symbols, the water. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 98, lines 1 to 25.)

3. I´-ba-ṭse Ṭa-dse, Wind People, of the Hoⁿ´-ga subdivision, to recite their wi´-gi-e relating to one of their life symbols, the maize.

4. Tho´-xe, Buffalo-bull gens of the Ṭsi-zhu great division, to recite their wi´-gi-e relating to the maize. Tho´-xe is the gens that gave to the people the maize and the squashes. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 279, lines 54 to 110.) The Tho´-xe authorized the I´-ba-ṭse and certain other gentes to use the Maize ritual in their child-naming ceremonies.

5. Çiⁿ´-dse-a-gthe, Wolf gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division, to recite their wi´-gi-e relating to their life symbol, the sun. The Dog-star is also one of their life symbols. (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 118, lines 1 to 36.)

The Sho´-ḳa returns to the house of the father and reports that he has given notice to all the gentes named to attend the ceremony. Then Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ proceeds to recite the Wa-zho´-i-ga-the Wi´-gi-e of his gens, a name which means, The Taking of Bodies; that is, The Taking of Life Symbols. The reciting of this wi´-gi-e is for the benefit of the father and the child.

At the close of the wi´-gi-e Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ and the Sho´-ḳa are invited by the family to join them in the evening meal, after which the two men go home.

Before sunrise the next morning the Sho´-ḳa, carrying his little pipe, the badge of his office, goes to Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ’s house to conduct him to the house of the child to be named. Upon receiving the formal message from the Sho´-ḳa, Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ takes his paint pouch from a bag containing his personal belongings and puts some red paint on the inner surface of his hands. Then as the eastern clouds take from the rising sun a crimson tinge, he lifts his hands, palms outward, toward them and the sun itself. After a silent pause he withdraws his hands and reddens his face with the paint on them, as though with the color of the sun, and his messengers, the reddened clouds. When he has put upon his face the sacred color he takes from a package in which he keeps his ornamental feathers a red downy eagle feather which he fastens to his scalplock so that the red feather, the life symbol of his gens, stands firm and upright. In the days when buffalo were plentiful the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga who is to act as Xo´-ḳa at the child-naming ceremony wore a buffalo robe with the hair outside, but since the extinction of that animal he substituted for the robe a woven blanket obtained from traders.

Having thus decorated himself with red paint and the red feather, symbols of the sky, and the substitute of the buffalo robe, an earth symbol, Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, now actual Xo´-ḳa, goes forth to the house of the child to be named, following the Sho´-ḳa, who leads the way. It was explained by the old man that the manner of approach of his gens, the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, to the house of the child was very simple, that it did not have the elaborate ceremonial forms described by Wa-xthi´-zhi that were followed by his gens, the Puma, and the other war gentes of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division.

Arriving at the house, the Sho´-ḳa enters without pause and leads the Xo´-ḳa to his place at the left of the father, who sits with his wife and child at the east end of the house. When the Xo´-ḳa has taken his seat the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of his gens, the Ṭsi-zhu Wa-shta-ge, enter and take their places back of the Xo´-ḳa and the parents and sit in a row occupying the entire width of the house. Then the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the other gentes who are to take part in the ceremony enter, those of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division taking their accustomed places at the south side and those of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division at the north side of the house. (Fig. 1.) Except for the blankets of various colors, the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga were decorated alike, their faces painted red, the color of the sun and the dawn, and a red downy feather fastened to the scalplock of each one.

When all the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga had settled down in their places, and had exchanged with each other the usual social greetings, Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ opens the proceedings with a formal statement, setting forth the purpose of the gathering and adding some pertinent remarks concerning the ancient rite of naming the children and their formal recognition as members of the tribe. He then goes on to the ceremony of distributing the fees and the symbolic articles to be used in the rite. The distribution was made in the following order:

1. To the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, Star gens of the Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division, he sent, by the Sho´-ḳa, cedar fronds with fee. The cedar is a life symbol of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi gens.

2. To the Tho´-xe, Buffalo-bull gens, of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division, a bowl of shelled corn with fee. The maize is one of the life symbols of the Tho´-xe.

3. To the Noⁿ´-poⁿ-da, Deer gens of the Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division, a bowl of water with fee. Water is one of the life symbols of the Noⁿ´-poⁿ-da.

4. To the Çiⁿ´-dse-a-gthe, Wolf-tail gens, of the Ṭsi´-zhu great division, fee only. The sun is one of the life symbols of this gens. The Dog-star is also one of its symbols.

5. I´-ba-ṭse Ṭa-dse, Wind gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga subdivision of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division, a bowl of shelled corn. The Tho´-xe authorized the I´-ba-ṭse to use the maize ritual. This gens also has the office of performing the ceremonies by which the souls of warriors slain in battle are sent direct to the spirit land.

When the Sho´-ḳa, the Ceremonial Messenger, had made the last delivery of the symbolic articles and fees to the gentes above named, each Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga begins to recite the wi´-gi-e of his gens relating to its life symbol, such as the cedar fronds, the corn or water. As each Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga recites the wi´-gi-e of his gens, old Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ recites the Name Wi´-gi-e of his own gens, the Ṭsi-zhu Wa-shta-ge, which is as follows:

At the close of the simultaneous recital of the wi´-gi-es by the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the six gentes, namely, the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, Tho´-xe, Noⁿ´-poⁿ-da, Çiⁿ´-dse-a-gthe, I´-ba-ṭse, and the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, the Sho´-ḳa carries the infant to the head of the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi gens, who takes it in his arms, then, dipping the tips of the fingers into a wooden vessel, in which had been put sacred water and red cedar fronds, he gently touches with his moistened fingertips the lips, head, arms, and body of the little one. This ceremonial act is an appeal to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da to grant to the little one health and strength so that it may grow to maturity and old age without interruption by disease.

The child is next taken by the Sho´-ḳa to the head of the Noⁿ´-poⁿ-da gens, who blesses it in the same manner with the symbolic water and cedar fronds.

Then the little one is taken to the head of the I´-ba-ṭse gens, who touches the lips, head, arms and body of the child with pounded corn, besides the sacred water and cedar fronds. The touching of the child with the life-giving corn is an act of appeal to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da that the child be not permitted to suffer for want of food during its life, so that it may reach maturity and old age without difficulty. The gentile symbol of the I´-ba-ṭse gens is the wind but it was authorized by the Tho´-xe gens to use the corn ritual in its child-naming ritual.

The Sho´-ḳa takes the little one from the I´-ba-ṭse to the head of the Tho´-xe, Buffalo-bull, gens. In the mythical story of the origin of the maize it was Tho´-xe, Buffalo-bull, who gave to the people the maize and the squash. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 279-281, lines 54 to 110.) The head of the Tho´-xe gens takes the little one in his arms and blesses it with the sacred water and cedar fronds as did the Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi, then, mixing some of his own pounded corn with that of the I´-ba-ṭse, he blesses the child with the sacred corn, the life symbol of his own gens. The ceremonial act of the Tho´-xe is an expression of the wish that the life-giving corn will aid the new member of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens to successfully reach maturity and old age.

The next to take the child in his arms and bless it with the symbolic water, cedar fronds and corn is the head of the Çiⁿ´-dse-a-gthe, Wolf, gens. His ceremonial acts do not differ from those of the Tho´-xe.

The Sho´-ḳa then brings the little one to its own gens, the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, the People of Peace. The head of the gens takes the little one in his arms and blesses it in the same manner in which the Tho´-xe blessed it. This is the gens to whom the sick are brought that they might taste of the sacred food prepared by them and be strengthened. From this healing power the members of the gens like to take the name, Wa-stse´-e-doⁿ, Good-doctor.

When each of these gentes had blessed the child in turn the Sho´-ḳa brings the mother to the Xo´-ḳa, who places in her hands two little sticks, each of which represents a sacred name of the gens of which the little one has now become a member. The Xo´-ḳa bids her take one of the names represented by the sticks. The mother usually takes for her child the name that is most euphonious and which she thinks has the greater religious significance. The selection of a name for the new member of the gens closes the ceremony.

During the month of April, 1916, Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ was summoned to the house of Wa-xthi´-zhi to name his grandson, whose father is a member of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ promptly responded to the call but Wa-xthi´-zhi became uncertain as to whether or not the ceremonial naming of a child according to the ancient tribal rites would come under the prohibition of the new religion which he had accepted against the practice of the ancient Osage ceremonies. The full ceremony was omitted, but the old man was asked to offer to the mother the choice of two sacred names: Moⁿ-zhoⁿ´, Earth (see p. 70, line 45), and Wa-stse´-e-doⁿ, Good-doctor. The mother, a member of the Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga (Puma) gens, chose for her son, a member of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, the name Wa-stse´-e-doⁿ. Although the full child-naming ceremony was omitted, Wa-xthi´-zhi gave as fees to Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ a horse, a blanket, and other articles of value, amounting to about one hundred and fifty dollars.

The first wi´-gi-e recited in the child-naming ritual given by Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ (pp. 60 to 67) is entitled Wa-zho´-i-ga-the Wi´-gi-e, literally, The Taking of Bodies, and freely translated, The Taking of Life Symbols. In this wi´-gi-e eight gods, in the forms of certain cosmic bodies, are adopted as Life Symbols. Sex is attributed to these gods and goddesses and they are addressed as “grandfather” and “grandmother” because of their great age and mysterious character. The wi´-gi-e is an expression by the ancient Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of their longing desire for a tribal life that will be as lasting as that of the gods and goddesses who forever travel in the heavens. These gods and goddesses are paired in this wi´-gi-e as follows:

Xu´-tha-wa-ṭoⁿ-iⁿ of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ (Elder Ṭsi´-zhu), a war gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division, was asked for the Child-naming Ritual of his gens, he being referred to as one versed in the rituals of the Ṭsi´-zhu war gentes, but he declined to give it in full. With some reluctance he consented to recite the first wi´-gi-e of his ritual which corresponds to and bears the same title as the one given by Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, a Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens. (See pp. 60 to 67.)

Fig. 3.—Chart of constellation Wa´-ba-ha (Ursa Major)

Fig. 4.—Chart of Ṭa Ṭha´-bthi^N, Three Deer (in Orion)

In the Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ wi´-gi-e (The Taking of Life Symbols), the people of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens implored four gods and four goddesses of the sky for permission to take from them “bodies” for their little ones. The people of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, in the wi´-gi-e recorded by Xu-thu´-wa-ṭoⁿ-iⁿ, entreated six gods and four goddesses of the sky for permission to take “bodies” from them for their little ones. The following is the order in which the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ people approached these ten sky deities, the order in which they paired them according to sex, and the terms of relationship they used in addressing them:

1. Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da Hoⁿ´-ba doⁿ, the God of Day (the Sun), grandfather,
2. Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da Hoⁿ doⁿ, the Goddess of Night (the Moon), grandmother.

3. Mi-ḳa´-ḳ’e Hoⁿ-baⁿ doⁿ, the Day-star (Morning star), grandfather,
4. Mi-ḳa´-ḳ’e Hoⁿ´ doⁿ, the Night-star (Evening star), grandmother.

5. Wa´-ba-ha, Litter, the Dipper (Great Bear), (fig. 3), grandfather,
6. Mi-ḳa´-ḳ’e u-ḳi-tha-ç’iⁿ, Double-star, grandmother.

7. Ṭa-p̣a´, Deer-head, Pleiades, grandfather,
8. Ṭa Tha´-bthiⁿ, Three-deer, the three great stars in Orion’s belt (fig. 4), grandmother.

9. Mi-ḳa´-ḳ’e Zhu-dse, Red-star, the Pole star, grandfather,
10. Shoⁿ-ge A-ga-k’e e-goⁿ, Dog-star, Sirius, grandfather.

The two wi´-gi-es do not agree as to the sexes of two of the sky deities. In the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge wi´-gi-e, Ṭa-p̣a´ (Pleiades) is addressed as grandmother and in that of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ as grandfather. Ṭa-tha´-bthiⁿ, Three-deer, is addressed as grandfather in the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge wi´-gi-e and in that of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ as grandmother.

The difference between the two wi´-gi-es in this respect was spoken of to Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ and he said: “We notice such mistakes in the tribal rites but controversy over them is always avoided by the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga. Xu-tha´-wa-ṭoⁿ-iⁿ recited his wi´-gi-e correctly, and we recite ours as it was handed down to us. The Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, being a war people, mention in their wi´-gi-e their two war gods, the Red-star and the Dog-star; they address both as grandfather. We (the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge) are a peace people, therefore we do not mention those two gods in our child-naming ritual.”

The following is the first wi´-gi-e in the Child-naming Ritual of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, war gens, of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division, as recited by Xu-tha´-wa-ṭoⁿ-iⁿ.

The most important wi´-gi-es (recited parts of a ritual) used in the child-naming rituals are those which relate to the life symbols of a gens, such as the sun, the moon, the morning and evening stars, night and day, deer, elk, bear, etc., which are called wa-zho´-i-ga-the, objects of which bodies are made; and those which relate to the personal, sacred names adopted by a gens to be used by its members for their children. The wi´-gi-e relating to the life symbols are usually recited at the beginning of the ceremony. (See wi´-gi-e of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, p. 60.) The name wi´-gi-es, called Zha´-zhe Ḳi-ṭoⁿ (Zha´-zhe, name; Ḳi-ṭoⁿ, the taking of), are recited when all the Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga who were invited to take part in the ceremony of the conferring of a name upon a child have assembled. The life-symbol and the name-taking wi´-gi-es are paraphrases of the mythical stories of the origin of the people of a gens. These mythical origin stories are called Ni´-ḳi-e, freely translated, Sayings of the Ancient Men.

Xu-tha´-wa-ṭoⁿ-iⁿ (pl. 7), of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division, recorded the life symbol wi´-gi-e of his gens (see pp. 75-84) but he declined to give the wi´-gi-e of the sacred gens names. However, these names appear in the Wi´-gi-e Ṭoⁿ-ga, Great Wi´-gi-e (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 254-269), which are here given in their order, as follows:

1. ’Iⁿ-çka´, White Rock. In the origin story of this gens the people came down from the sky, as eagles, to the earth and alighted upon seven trees. Thence:

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 255.)

2. Moⁿ´-hiⁿ Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da, Mysterious Knife. From the White Rock the people went forth to wander over the earth. They thought to make for themselves a knife for ceremonial use. The Sho´-ḳa went again and again to find the right kind of stone of which to make the knife. He brought home the red flint, the blue flint, the flint streaked with yellow, the black flint and the white flint, one after the other, each of which was rejected as being unfit for use by the little ones as a knife. Finally he brought home a round-handled knife which was accepted as suitable for the purpose. Then followed the idea of the people of making a magical war club for ceremonial use. The Sho´-ḳa went in search for the right kind of tree out of which to make it. He brought to the elder brothers the hickory tree, the thick-barked hickory tree, the red oak tree, the red wood tree, the dark wood tree, each of which was rejected as being unsuitable for use as a club. Then he brought to them the willow tree, a tree that never dies. This the elder brothers accepted as eminently fitted for use as a club, and:

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XU-THA´-WA-ṬO^N-I^N (ṬSI´-ZHU WA-NO^N GENS)

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STRAPS FOR TYING CAPTIVES

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 261.)

3. We´-thiⁿ-ça-gi, Strong-strap. With the mysterious knife the people shaped out of the “tree-that-never-dies” a mystic club. Taking with them the knife and the club they went in search of a buffalo and found one. On coming in sight of the animal they brandished the magic weapon four times in the air and the buffalo fell lifeless to the ground:

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 267-268.)

4. We´-thiⁿ-ga-xe, Strap-maker. By the cutting of the first strap out of the skin of the left hind leg of the magically killed buffalo the people of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ gens created for themselves the office of making the straps (pl. 8) for the warriors for the tying of captives when any are taken. As they continued to cut out the strap they said:

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 268.)

5. Wé-thiⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga, Slender-strap. The strap they made out of the skin of the left hind leg of the animal was long and slender, and when they had finished it,

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 268-269.)

These seven straps cut from the left side of the buffalo were to serve as types for similar straps to be ceremonially made for each of the other gentes of the tribe when about to go to war, to use in tying captives.

6. He-thi´-shi-zhe, Curved-horn. As the people saw the horns of the buffalo they exclaimed:

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 269.)

7. He-thi´-zha-ge, Outspread-horns. The people noticed that the horns of the buffalo stood wide apart and outspread and so they exclaimed:

—(36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 269.)

Personal names relating to any of the life symbols of a gens serve to keep the members informed of their place in the gentile and tribal organization. For example: Men who were given such names as Ho-çoⁿ´, White-fish; To´-ho-ho-e, Blue-fish; and Ho´-ḳi-e-çi, Wriggling-fish, know that they are members of the Ho´-i-ni-ḳa-shi-ga, Fish-people, gens whose life symbol is the Fish, and that the place of their gens is in the Wa-zha´-zhe, the first of the two subdivisions of the Hoⁿ´-ga great tribal division which symbolizes the earth. The Wa-zha´-zhe subdivision typifies the water portion of the earth.

Those who were given such names as O´-poⁿ-ṭoⁿ-ga, Great-elk; Moⁿ´-thiⁿ-ḳa-ga-xe, Maker-of-the-land; and Moⁿ-zhoⁿ´-ga-xe, Maker of-the-earth, know that they are members of the Elk gens whose life symbol is the male elk (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 165, lines 274 to 354) and that the place of their gens is with the Hoⁿ´-ga, the second of the two subdivisions of the Hoⁿ´-ga great tribal division which symbolizes the earth. The Hoⁿ´-ga subdivision typifies the land portion of the earth.

Men who bear the names P̣i-çi´, Acorn; U-bu´-dse, Profusion; and Noⁿ-bu´-dse, Profusion (by the treading of the eagles on the branches of the red oak tree) know that they are members of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge (Peacemaker) gens, that the life symbol of their gens is the red oak tree, the emblem of fruitfulness, and that the place of their gens in the tribal organization is with the Ṭsi´-zhu, the second of the two great tribal divisions which symbolizes the sky, including the sun, moon and stars that move therein. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 281, lines 111 to 120.)

Fig. 5.—Totemic cut of the Omaha boys’ hair. No. 1 is typical of the head and tail of the elk. No. 2 symbolizes the head, tail, and horns of the buffalo. No. 2a—the children of this subgens and those of the Ni-ni´-ba-toⁿ subgens of other gentes have their hair cut alike; the locks on each side of the bared crown indicate the horns of the buffalo. No. 3 represents the line of the buffalo’s back as seen against the sky. No. 4b stands for the head of the bear. No. 4c figures the head, tail, and body of small birds. No. 4d, the bare head, represents the shell of the turtle; and the tufts, the head, feet, and tail of the animal. No. 4e pictures the head, wings, and tail of the eagle. No. 5 symbolizes the four points of the compass connected by cross lines; the central tuft points to the zenith. No. 6 represents the shaggy side of the wolf. No. 7 indicates the horns and tail of the buffalo. No. 8 stands for the head and tail of the deer. No. 9 shows the head, tail, and knobs of the growing horn of the buffalo calf. No. 10 symbolizes reptile teeth. The children of this gens sometimes have the hair shaved off so as to represent the hairless body of snakes.

Another custom, akin to the taking of personal gentile names, was originated by the ancient Noⁿ´-hoⁿ-zhiⁿ-ga, that of the adoption by each of the various gentes of the tribe of a particular style of hair cut for the young children to typify one of the life symbols of the gens. (Fig. 5.) The style adopted by the Hoⁿ´-ga gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga tribal subdivision for their children was that of cutting nearly all the hair of the head close to the skin, leaving an unbroken fringe along the entire edge. (Fig. 6.) The story of its adoption is best told in the wi´-gi-e of the gens, a paraphrase of which is here given:

This style of hair cut is called ḳonⁿ´-ha-u-thi-stse (ḳoⁿ´-ha, along the edge; u-thi-stse, a line left uncut), meaning an unbroken line of hair left uncut along the entire edge.

Fig. 6.—Symbolic hair cut of the Hoⁿ´-ga gens

At a festival being held at the Indian village near the town of Pawhuska, old Saucy-calf called the writer’s attention to a little boy who was playing hide-and-seek with other youngsters and said: “Look at the way his hair is cut (fig. 6); that is the Hoⁿ´-ga A-hiu-ṭoⁿ hair cut. That style is called ḳoⁿ´-ha-u-thi-stse. Xu-tha´-pa, Eagle-head, better known as Ben Wheeler, a young man who sat near us, looked up and said: “That’s my little boy; I cut my children’s hair like that.” Saucy-calf then explained that the act of the parents in cutting the hair of the child in that prescribed fashion was an implied petition to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da to permit the little one to live to see old age without obstruction of any kind.

Fig. 7.—Symbolic hair cut of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens

The people of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge (Peacemaker) gens, who occupied the most important and honored place in the great tribal division representing the sky and all that it contains, adopted the ḳoⁿ´-ha-u-thi-stse style of hair cut for their little ones, which varied slightly from the styles used by the Hoⁿ´-ga. In the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge symbolic hair cut the line of hair left uncut along the edge is divided into little locks to typify the petals of the cone-flower, which is the sacred flower of the gens (fig. 7).

Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, in speaking of the symbolic hair cut of the children of his gens, the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge, told the following mythical story of its origin:

In the beginning the Ṭsi´-zhu people came down, in the form of eagles, from the upper to the lower world. As they came in sight of the earth they beheld a large red oak tree. They soared down to it and alighted upon its topmost branches. The shock of their weight sent to the ground a shower of acorns which scattered around the foot of the tree, whereupon they said: We shall make of this tree our life symbol; our little ones shall multiply in numbers like the seeds of the oak that fall to the earth in countless numbers. The eagles that crowded upon the top branches of the oak became a people whose thoughts dwelt upon war, but two of the eagles found no resting place on the outspreading branches of the great oak and were obliged to drop to the earth. One alighted on a larger elder tree and his people became known as Ba´-po, people of the elder tree. The other eagle alighted upon the ground in the midst of a patch of little yellow flowers which his people made to be their life symbol and their emblem of peace. The people cut the hair of their children in such fashion as to make their heads resemble the little yellow flower, the emblem of peace. (Fig. 7.) This yellow flower is called Ba-shta´, Hair-cut. It is the Ratibida columnaris.

A paraphrase of the wi´-gi-e of the Xu-tha´-zhu-dse, Red Eagle, gens in which the “little yellow flower,” the emblem of peace, is mentioned, is here given.

Ṭoⁿ-woⁿ-i´-hi-zhiⁿ-ga, Little Ṭoⁿ-woⁿ-i´-hi, in speaking to Miss Fletcher in 1898 of the Osage gentile system, said that there are five subgentes in the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, namely:

1. Ṭsi´-u-çkoⁿ-çka, House in the center, meaning the Sanctuary in the keeping of this gens which, figuratively, stands in the center of the earth.

2. Ba´-po, Elder, or, People of the elder trees.

3. Moⁿ´-ça-hi, Arrow-tree, or, People of the arrow tree.

4. Zhoⁿ-çoⁿ´, White-tree (Sycamore), or, People of the white tree.

5. Sho´-ḳa, Messengers, or, People from whom a ceremonial messenger is chosen for the gens. Sometimes this gens is called Ṭsi´-u-thu-ha-ge, Last group of houses.

It is from the people of the Ṭsi´-u-çkoⁿ-çka that the hereditary chief of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division must always be chosen. The Ba´-po subgens has the office of making the stem for the ceremonial peace pipe of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge. The stem must always be made of the Ba´-po, the elder tree. The people of the Arrow-tree and the Sycamore gentes have lost the significance of their life symbols. All of these five subgentes use the cone-flower symbolic hair cut.

There is something pathetic in the passing away of these ancient rites and customs which the Osage Indians had treasured from the earliest times of their tribal existence. Joe Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ, like his father, had respect and reverence for the religious thoughts of his ancestors which they had expressed in symbols and rituals with ceremonial forms and handed down. Joe had two little daughters (pl. 9, a) upon whom he bestowed a large share of his affections. He not only gave to each of them a sacred name of his gens, but, from year to year, as they approached womanhood, he cut their hair to typify the sacred flower of peace and happiness, an act which implied a supplication to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da to bless each little one with a long and fruitful life. At the last symbolic hair cut the children had reached school age and they willingly went to the house of learning. The white children with whom they mingled hooted and jeered at them for their strange hair cut and made them unhappy. When they came home they told their father of their unkind treatment at the school. The fond father quietly took a pair of shears and cut away from each little head the symbolic locks.

Little Ṭoⁿ-woⁿ´-i-hi also stated that there was another style of symbolic hair cut called çiⁿ´-dse-a-gthe, tails worn on the head, which belongs to the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, the principal war gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division, which he described as: All of the hair of the head cut close but leaving uncut a row of three locks, equidistant apart, beginning at the crown of the head and ending near the edge of the hair at the back of the head. (Fig. 8.) This style of hair cut symbolizes all animals of the dog family, including the gray wolf, the coyote, and the domestic dog. It also symbolizes a star called Shoⁿ´-ge a-ga-ḳ’e e-goⁿ, Dog that lies suspended in the sky (Sirius).

The Dog Star is mentioned in the Child-naming Wi´-gi-e of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ gens, bearing the title Wa-zho´-i-ga-the Wi´-gi-e, Taking of Life Symbols, given by Xu-tha´-wa-ṭoⁿ-in. (See p. 82, sec. 10 of the wi´-gi-e.)

Little Ṭoⁿ-woⁿ´-i-hi said that the Wa-ça-be-ṭoⁿ, Black Bear gens of the Hoⁿ´-ga great division, had a similar style of hair cut as that of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ gens. Wa-xthi´-zhi said that the Puma gens also had the same style of hair cut.

Fig. 8.—Hair cut of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ and Wa-ça´-be (Black Bear) gentes

The symbolic hair cut of the Ni´-ḳa Wa-ḳoⁿ-da-gi gens, Men of Mystery, is: hair of the head all cut close excepting a lock left uncut on the crown of the head (pl. 10, a) and a lock at the back of the head near the edge, which does not show in the picture. The life symbol of this gens is the hawk and the hair cut represents this raptorial bird which was adopted by all of the gentes of both the Hoⁿ´-ga and the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal divisions as an emblem of courage for their warriors.

The name of the boy whose picture shows the hair cut of his gens is Gthe-doⁿ´-çka, White-hawk (Gthe-doⁿ, hawk; çka, white). It is the name that belongs to the second son in a family of this gens. His father’s name is Noⁿ´-ḳa-ṭo-ho, Blue-back (Noⁿ´-ḳa, back; ṭo-ho, blue), a name referring to the blue-backed hawk. White-hawk’s mother is Xi-tha´-doⁿ-wiⁿ, Good-eagle-woman, daughter of Shoⁿ´-ge-moⁿ-iⁿ of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens.

The style of symbolic hair cut adopted by the Tho´-xe gens is of the Çiⁿ´-dse A-gthe class and is described as, hair on entire head cut close excepting a little tuft left uncut just over the middle of the forehead, and a fringe running across the crown of the head from one ear to the other as shown in the picture (pl. 10, b); two tufts, one on either side of the head back of the fringe, and a tuft just above the nape of the neck, which do not show in the picture. This style of cut represents the buffalo bull, the principal life symbol of the gens.

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a

b

FOUR OSAGE CHILDREN

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a

b

CHILD’S HAIR CUT OF THE THO-XE AND NI´-ḲA WA-ḲO^N-DA-GI GENTES

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MEN, SHOWING HAIR CUT OF ADULT OSAGES

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BONE EAR PERFORATORS AND EXPANDERS

The two gentes, the Ni´-ḳa Wa-ḳoⁿ-da-gi and the Tho´-xe, are closely related, being joint custodians of the rites pertaining to war. (See 36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 64-65.) The symbolic hawks, each of which formed the central figure in the ceremonies of the war rites, were regarded as being in the special care of the Ni´-ḳa Wa-ḳoⁿ-da-gi, while all of the thirteen o-doⁿ´, military honors, to be won by each warrior of the tribe in order to secure ceremonial rank, belonged to the Tho´-xe. The war honor must be won in a fight by a war party carrying a hawk, the tribal emblem of courage. The places of these two gentes are on the Ṭsi´-zhu side of the two great tribal divisions, but they are not of the seven fireplaces of that great division.

In the Ṭsi´-zhu Wi´-gi-e recited by Moⁿ-zhoⁿ-a´-ḳi-da (36th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 277-285), relating to the mythical story of the descent of the people from the upper to the lower world, these two gentes are mentioned. A paraphrase of this part is here given:

At the time this work was begun the greater portion of the Osage people had practically ceased to observe the ancient custom of cutting the hair of their children in the prescribed symbolic fashion, and those who continued the practice were reluctant to speak of it on account of its sacred and mysterious character. For this reason it was not possible to make an exhaustive study of the hair cut of the various gentes of the tribe. In the days when the rite was generally and strictly observed the girl, when she had attained the age of ten, was permitted to let her hair grow long, and the boy was allowed to wear his hair in the same style as that of all the grown men; that is, all the hair of the head cut close excepting a crest beginning at the middle of the crown and terminating with a long braided tail called he-ga´-xa, horn, that hangs down the back of the head and on the shoulder. (Pl. 11.) The braided tail is called “a´-çku” by the Omaha and the Ponca Indians.

The Ponca and the Omaha, who were at one time a part of the Osage tribe, also had the same tribal custom of ceremonially cutting the hair of the children. The ritual used in the ceremony is a supplication to Wa-ḳoⁿ´-da to favor the child with a long and fruitful life.

In the course of her ethnological work among the Omahas in the years 1881-83, Miss Alice C. Fletcher undertook to gather information about the symbolic hair cut of the children of that tribe. At first she made slow progress because the Indians were unwilling to speak of matters that form a part of the tribal rites. One day, at the house of Xo´-ga, the members of the family and some visitors were speaking of Miss Fletcher’s difficulty in gathering information about the hair cut, when the old man caught his little boy and, holding him fast between his knees, proceeded to cut his hair. The little fellow fought manfully but in a short time he stood with his head closely sheared, with locks left uncut here and there. The father swung the boy to his back and as he started to go he said: “That white woman is my friend and I am going to help her.” He carried the child to Miss Fletcher and as he put him down before her he said, “That’s the hair cut of our gens. (See fig. 5, No. 2.) It is the picture of a bison; you can’t see it [the bison] but we can. You may make a sketch of it and write about it as much as you like.” The lady looked for a moment in silence at the locks and the little shorn head, then, with a hearty laugh and a handclap, she snatched up paper and pencil to make a sketch of the locks and the shorn head, to the delight of all the Indians present. Thereafter she had no trouble in getting information about the hair cut of all the gentes.

Like their relatives, the Omaha and the Ponca, the Osage people have a fondness for personal adornment. Much paint is used in decorating the face and body. Most of the lines and figures drawn upon the face and body are symbolic, as, for instance, a woman paints the parting of her hair almost daily. The red line symbolizes the path of the sun which forever passes over the earth and gives to it vitality. It is a sign of supplication for the continuity of life by procreation. Or, a man of the Life-giver gens paints his face all yellow with a narrow black line running diagonally across his face from one corner of his forehead down to the lower jaw on the opposite side. This is the life sign ceremonially put upon a captive when the word is passed by the Life-giver gens that the captive shall be permitted to live. A downy feather worn upright on the crown of the head by a man symbolizes the sun which brings life to the earth in material form. The white shell gorget which a man wears as a pendant on his necklace is also a symbol of the life-giving sun.

Down to recent times the Osage men have been sacrificing the shapeliness of their external ears to the gratification of their fondness for adornment. In ordinary times, and particularly on festal days, the Osage men weighted their ears with strings of wampum or other ornaments made of bone or shells and silver earbobs which were introduced by traders. The weight of the earrings and the crowding of the holes in the ears with the rings enlarge the perforations to an extraordinary size. (Pl. 11.) The holes, which are bored along the rim of the pinna, were made by the same men who performed the ceremony connected with the perforating. These men provided themselves with perforating instruments made of sharpened bone, wooden expanders, and little blocks of wood against which the ear is pressed when performing the operation. (Pl. 12.) For a long time Wa´-thu-xa-ge and Ṭsi´-zhu-zhiⁿ-ga held this office. The former died a few years ago. Both of these men were members of the Peace gens of the Ṭsi´-zhu great tribal division. An Osage was asked why the ears of the children were bored and he replied that the children whose ears were bored were apt to be better behaved than those whose ears were not perforated.

The following are the names of the gentes and subgentes of the two great tribal divisions, in their fixed, sequential order, as given by Shoⁿ´-toⁿ-ça-be, Black-dog, to Miss Alice C. Fletcher, in 1896. The name Sho´-ḳa is the title of a subgens from which the principal gens chooses a man or woman to act as official messenger at the performance of a tribal rite. The official messenger also bears the title.

1. Wa-zha´-zhe-çka; White Wa-zha´-zhe. Refers to the life symbol of the gens, the fresh water mussel, with its shell. The Sun also is a life symbol of this gens.

Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga Ni Moⁿ-tse; Puma-in-the-Water. Sho´-ḳa.

2. Ḳe´-ḳ’iⁿ; Carrier-of-the-Turtle.

Ba´-ḳ’a Zho-i-ga-the; Cotton-tree People. Sho´-ḳa.

3. Mi-ḳe´-the-stse-dse; Cat-tail (Typha latifolia).

Ka´-xe-wa-hu-ça; Youngest brother. Sho´-ḳa.

4. Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi; Star-that-came-to-Earth.

Xu-tha´ P̣a-çoⁿ Zho-i-ga-the; Bald Eagle People. Sho´-ḳa.

5. O-çu´-ga-xe; They-who-make-the-way-Clear.

Moⁿ-sho-dse-moⁿ-iⁿ; Travelers-in-the-Mist. Sho´-ḳa.

6. Ṭa-tha´-xiⁿ; Deer’s-Lungs, or Ṭa-çiⁿ´-dse-çka; White-tailed-Deer.

Wa-dsu´-ṭa-zhiⁿ-ga; Small-Animals. Sho´-ḳa.

7. Ho´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga; Fish-People.

E-noⁿ´ Miⁿ-dse-ṭoⁿ; Sole-owner-of-the-Bow. Refers to the office of the gens of making the ceremonial bow and arrows that symbolize night and day.

8. Hoⁿ´-ga U-ṭa-noⁿ-dsi; The-Isolated-Hoⁿ´-ga. The Earth.

Moⁿ-hiⁿ-çi; Flint-Arrow-Point. Sho´-ḳa.

1. Wa-ça´-be-ṭoⁿ; Owners-of-the-Black-Bear.

Wa-ça´-be-çka; The-White-Bear. Sho´-ḳa.

2. Iⁿ-gthoⁿ´-ga; Puma.

Hiⁿ-wa´-xa-ga; Thorny-hair, Porcupine. Sho´-ḳa.

3. O´-poⁿ; Elk.

Ṭa He Sha-be; Dark-horned Deer. Sho´-ḳa.

4. Moⁿ´-iⁿ-ḳa-ga-xe; Maker-of-the-Earth.

5. Hoⁿ-ga Gthe-zhe; The-Mottled-Sacred-One (the immature golden eagle).

6. Xu-tha; Eagle (the adult golden eagle).

7. Hoⁿ´-ga Zhiⁿ-ga; The Little-Sacred-One.

I´-ba-ṭse Ṭa-dse; The-Gathering-of-the-Winds. Sho´-ḳa.

Xoⁿ´-dse Wa-ṭse. Meaning uncertain; it is said that it probably refers to the office of keepers of all the Wa-ṭse, or war honors. Sho´-ḳa.

Names ceremonially bestowed on each of the first three sons and on each of the first three daughters born to a Wa´-ṭse-ṭsi man and his wife. As given by Noⁿ´-xe-çka-zhi, a member of the gens:

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Ṭa´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga, or Deer gens, as given by Ṭsi-zhe´-wa-the, a member of the gens.

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and daughters in a Ho´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga family.

Names of the first three sons and the first three daughters.

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Wa-ça´-be or Black Bear gens as given by Wa-ṭse´-moⁿ-iⁿ.

Special kinship terms and names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-shta-ge gens, as given by Btho´-ga-hi-ge.

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Mi-ḳ’iⁿ´, Sun-carrier gens, as given by E-hiu´-gthe, a member of the gens.

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Hoⁿ´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga gens, as given by Ni´-ḳa-thoⁿ-ba, a member of the gens.

The following are special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of this gens, as given by Hoⁿ´-moⁿ-iⁿ, a member. This man told the following story of the origin of this gens:

When the Hoⁿ´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga, People of the Night, were made they had fire. They wandered about upon the earth, but saw no people. At the beginning of day, when night had passed, they suddenly came upon the Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ, a warlike people. The Hoⁿ´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga offered their services to these strangers, which were accepted. The Ṭsi´-zhu Wa-noⁿ gave to the Hoⁿ´ I-ni-ḳa-shi-ga the office of Sho´-ḳa, which carried with it the duty of filling the ceremonial pipe and lighting it with the mystic fire of the People of the Night.

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and first three daughters in a family of this gens. The thunder is the life symbol of this gens.

Special kinship terms and personal names of the first three sons and the first three daughters in a family of the Tho´-xe gens, as given by Saucy-calf.