According to Professor Lachmann, this poem has no title in most of the
manuscripts. In the two that have a superscription, it is styled the
Book of Kriemhild. Its ordinary name, The Nibelungenlied, is derived
from the Lassberg manuscript which ends with the words, der Nibelunge
liet, the lay of the Nibelungs, while the better manuscripts for liet
read nôt, calamity. The word Nibelung is a patronymic from nebel,
mist or darkness, and means, child of mist or darkness. Who these
Nibelungs were is involved in appropriate obscurity. In the first part
of the poem, they are Siegfried's Norwegian dependents, formerly
subjects of King Nibelung; in the second, they are the Burgundians,
possibly as being then the possessors of the wondrous treasure. In F.H.
von der Hagen's Remarks on the poem, there is a long rambling note on
this word, a note, however, which is worth reading. The commentator
travels from the Nephilim, or giants of scripture, down to Neville, the
great Earl of Warwick, and his coal-black head of hair. I have followed
Mr. Birch in using the form Nibelunger, as more convenient for the
verse, and more suitable to our language, and also to mark the
difference between the name of an individual, and that of a tribe. For
the same reasons I have ventured to employ the form Amelunger.
FIRST ADVENTURE
(St. VI.) The famous city of Worms derived its name, according to one
tradition, from the Lindwurm, or dragon slain by Siegfried under the
linden tree; according to another, from the multitude of dragons that
infested the neighborhood. The Rose-garden of Kriemhild (which, though
celebrated in other poems, is not noticed in this) was in the vicinity.
The progress of civilization, elegance, cleanliness and classic
refinement has converted the Rose-garden into a tobacco ground.
(St. XIII.) Lachmann's First Lay begins here, and ends with St.
LXXXVIII, Second Adventure.
(St. XVII.) Liebe, here, is not Love, but Joy, Pleasure. See
Lachmann's Treatise on the Original Form of the Poem, p. 91.
SECOND ADVENTURE
(St. XIII.) Swertdegne are young noble squires destined for
knighthood. The manic rîcher kneht of St. XXXIV are also squires, the
same as the edeln knehte at the end of the poem. The mere knehte
were an inferior class, like our yeomen. Nine thousand of these last
accompanied Gunther to Etzel's court, and were entertained apart.
THIRD ADVENTURE
(St. V.) Make, an old form for mate. Spenser has among other
passages
And of fair Britomart ensample take,
That was as true in love as turtle to her make.
"Faerie Queene," III, ii. 2.
It is common in German romances of a certain period for brides to be
carried off by force, and maidens to be wooed by suitors who have never
set eyes on them. See Gervinus's Abridgment of his History of German
poetry. See also the Gudrun.
(St. XXVII.) Lachmann observes on the third verse: "This verse cannot be
explained from our Lays (i.e., from anything in the poem); the
Netherlanders lost no friend but Siegfried. Is there an allusion to
other legends, or is the departure adorned with the usual coloring?" It
really almost seems as if the writer of this particular stanza had
confounded Nibelungers, Netherlanders and Burgundians all together.
(St. LI.) Most of the marvels of modern romantic poetry may be traced
back to much older tales reported by Greek authorities. The Scythian
griffins, who watched the treasures coveted by their neighbors the
Arimaspians, the dragon Ladon, who guarded the golden apples of the
Hesperides, the more celebrated bullionist, who kept an eye on the
golden fleece, are the undoubted ancestors of the more modern specimens
of the serpent tribe, who inherited the like miserly passion, and
allured such champions as Siegfried and Orlando to tread in the steps of
Hercules and Jason. The volatile disposition of Wayland the Smith
reminds us of Dædalus; his skill in his art exhibits him as a rival of
Vulcan; his grandfather Wiking, like Ulysses, "æquoreas torsit amore
Deas." The Alcinas and Armidas of the modern Italians are only
heightened copies of Calypso and Circe; Siegfried, Orlando and Ferraù,
with their invulnerable hides and superfluous armor, are each of them a
modernized Achilles. This list might be easily lengthened. I am not,
however, aware that the fancy of giving names to swords can be traced to
the classics. Durindana, the sword of Orlando, Fusberta, that of
Rinaldo, Excalibur, of King Arthur, Joyeuse, of Charlemagne, and others,
may be paralleled by the following list from Northern fable, Gram and
Balmung belonging to Siegfried, Mimung to Wayland and Wittich, Nagelring
to Dietrich, Brinnig to Hildebrand, Sachs to Eck, Blutang to Heime,
Schrit to Biterolf, Welsung to Sintram the Greek and Dietlieb, Waske to
Iring, etc. This list is anything but perfect.
(St. LV.) The tarnkappe, from an old word tarnen to conceal, and
kappe, a mantle or cloak, otherwise called nebelkappe, from
nebel, mist, obscurity, was a long and broad mantle, which made the
wearer invisible, and gave him the strength of twelve men. For want of a
better word I have translated it "cloud-cloak."
FOURTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Lachmann's Second Lay begins here, and ends with St. CXXII,
Fourth Adventure.
(St. XLIV)
A Skottysshe knight hoved upon te bent,
A wache I dare well saye;
So was he ware on the noble Percy
In the dawnynge of the daye.
English "Battle of Otterbourne."
(St. LXVII.) In this poem "the Rhine" is used to express the dominion
of Gunther, though, strictly speaking, Siegfried was himself from the
Rhine, being a native of Xanten. It is remarkable that at St. I, Second
Adventure, this last circumstance is stated, and yet at St. XIII and St.
XV, Third Adventure, in the conversation between Siegfried and his
father, both of whom were then at Xanten, the phrase ze Rîne is used
with reference to Gunther's country.
(St. LXIX.) "slew him many a slain." This phrase is borrowed from Samson
Agonistes.
FIFTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Lachmann's Third Lay begins here, and ends with St. LX of this
Adventure.
(St. XX.)
Ne she was derke ne browne, but bright,
And clear as the Moone light,
Againe whom all the starres semen
But small candles, as we demen.
Chaucer's "Romaunt of the Rose" in the description of Beauty.
For all afore, that seemed fayre and bright,
Now base and contemptible did appeare,
Compar'd to her that shone as Phebes light
Among the lesser starres in evening clear.
"Faerie Queene," IV, v. 14.
(St. XXIII.) So Chaucer says of Mirth in the "Romaunt of the Rose":
He seemed like a portreiture,
So noble was he of his stature.
(St. XXVIII.) In the last verse of this stanza Lachmann thinks
magetlîchen, not minnelîchen, was the original word; "We have,"
says he rather austerely, "love enough and to spare in St. XXX, Fifth
Adventure;" and certainly, if he be justified in rejecting St. CCXCVIII,
and consequently in putting St. CCXCIX next to St. CCXCVII, there is
rather a superabundance of the tender passion with minnelîchen, in two
successive lines, and minne in a third. On the other hand, it may be
said that this very superabundance is produced by Lachmann's own
rejection of St. CCXCVIII, and that to alter the text of the preceding
stanza in consequence of that rejection, is something like what lawyers
call taking advantage of one's own wrong. But however that may be, it
cannot be denied, that magetlîchen is in St. CCXCVII far more
appropriate than minnelîchen, and its suits my convenience as a
translator infinitely better. I have therefore gladly adopted it.
(St. XL.)
In fame's eternal beadroll worthy to be fil'd.
"Faerie Queene."
SIXTH ADVENTURE
(St. II.) Lachmann's Fourth Lay begins here, and ends with St. LXXXVIII.
The poem, which we now possess under the name of the Nibelungenlied,
throws into the shade the early history of Siegfried and Brunhild, and
retains only a few obscure allusions to the fact that they were old
acquaintances. See the Preface.
Issland, the Kingdom of Brunhild, which I have thus written to
distinguish it from our English word island, is identified by von der
Hagen with Iceland; Wackernagel, in the Glossary to his "Alt-deutsches
Lesebuch" prefers to derive it from Itisland (itis, woman in old
German), the land of women or Amazons. It is however against this
derivation, that, though Brunhild was a "Martial Maid" herself, her
kingdom was not a kingdom of Amazons, like that of Radigund in the
"Faerie Queene." Her female attendants were like other women, and her
knights and the officers of her court were of the other sex.
(St. XVI.) In this stanza and those that follow we may clearly discern
that several versions of the same tale have been huddled together. The
same thing may be observed in other parts of the poem, but nowhere so
clearly as here. For the tarnkappe see the note to St. CI.
(St. XXXVIII.) tuus, O Regina, quid optes
Explorare labor, mihi jussa capessere fas est.
(St. XLV.) Zazamanc, according to von der Hagen, is a city in Asia
Minor; Lachmann seems to place it in the Land of Romance.
(St. XLVI.) The hides here meant, according to von der Hagen, are the
hairy ones of warm-blooded marine animals rather than the skins of
fishes properly so called.
(St. LII.) This stanza (not to mention some others) must have been
interpolated by a poetical tailor.
(St. LXIII.) According to von der Hagen, the best Rhenish wine is
produced about Worms. It is called "Our Lady's Milk," and is superior to
Lacryma Christi.
SEVENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XII.) The Ballad of Lord Thomas and Fair Annet has something
similar of the lady's horse:
Four and twenty siller bells
Wer a' tyed till his mane,
And yae tift of the norland wind,
They tinkled ane by ane.
(St. XVI.) This description of a castle (burc) does not materially
differ from those which occur elsewhere in the poem. The castle was not
one building, however large and complex, but included in the same ample
circuit of its walls several extensive buildings, and afforded
sufficient accommodation for a very great number of persons. The most
conspicuous of the buildings within the castle seem to have been large
detached erections, to which in this poem are applied the words hûs
(house), palas (palace), sal (hall), and gadem (room). In the
passage before us, palas and sal are distinguished from one another;
the same is the case at St. LXXXIV, Twenty-fourth Adventure (palas unde
sal), and at St. XXXVII, Ninth Adventure, where Etzel's and Gunther's
dwellings are respectively spoken of. On the other hand, the hall where
the Burgundians feast with Etzel, and where the repeated conflicts take
place, is called palas at St. XIX, Thirty-sixth Adventure, sal at
St. XX, same Adventure, hûs at St. IX, same Adventure, and gadem at
St. XX, Thirty-ninth Adventure, not to mention other passages; and the
large building in Etzel's castle, where Gunther and his knights sleep,
is called sal at stanzas VII and XVI, hûs at stanzas XV and XVII,
and gadem at St. XIX, of the Thirtieth Adventure. These terms
therefore seem nearly synonymous, or at least equally applicable to the
large detached buildings in question, which resembled our public halls,
such as Westminster hall and Guild-hall, and the halls of colleges and
Inns of Court. Some of the halls in this poem seem to have been of truly
poetical dimensions. Gunther (St. XXVI, of the Thirteenth Adventure)
entertains in his hall twelve hundred knights of Siegfried's, besides
his own Burgundians. Etzel's circle was still more numerous. The
Burgundian knights were more than a thousand in number; Rudeger's five
hundred or more: Dietrich had many a stately man, no doubt the six
hundred mentioned at St. IV, of the Thirty-second Adventure, and we
learn from stanza V, of the Thirty-fourth Adventure, that 7,000 Huns
were massacred by the Burgundians; all these made up a dinner party of
about 9,000 guests. The less aristocratic followers of Gunther, 9,000 in
number, seem also to have been feasting in one immense room, when the
Huns took advantage of their unarmed condition to massacre them. The
term, indeed, applied to the building is hûs, but this, we have seen,
is one of the words used to designate great public halls. The hall,
where Gunther and his knights lay so splendidly (St. IX, Thirtieth
Adventure), seems to have been an Eton Long Chamber on a gigantic scale.
After allowing for the twelve knights with Dankwart and the yeomen, he
must have had more than a thousand warriors in his train. Treachery and
violence were so common in the Middle Ages, that a great man was not
safe except with a multitude of dependents about him, and the peculiar
circumstances of Gunther's case required peculiar precaution. Yet even
Siegfried took a thousand warriors of his own, and a hundred of
Siegmund's, when they went together to visit his brother-in-law. These
large halls were used for feasting, dancing, conversation, and sleeping,
but there were other smaller separate buildings (kemenaten) for the
residence of people of consequence, which no doubt contained several
rooms. These also formed the bowers, or private apartments, of high-born
ladies. The kamere (chamber) seems to have been a room used for all
sorts of purposes, among others for keeping stores and treasure as well
as for living and sleeping. There seem to have been no private chapels
within the walls of the castles described in this poem, none, for
instance, such as St. George's Chapel in Windsor Castle, or the chapels
in our Inns of Court and Colleges. Everybody went for his divinity to
the minster. Kriemhild, who was in the habit of going to matins before
daybreak, took her way to the minster, though it was so far from the
castle at Worms that the ladies (St. XXXIV, Thirteenth Adventure) rode
on horseback from one to the other. Gunther's castle was connected with
the city of Worms, but seems to have communicated with the surrounding
country, like the citadels of our present fortified towns. At stanzas
XXXII, XXXIII, Thirteenth Adventure, the ladies view from the castle
windows a tournament held in the country outside the walls. Etzel's
castle, as far as I remember, is not represented as connected with any
town.
(St. XXII.) All this description of the adventurers bears a resemblance
to the passage in the Iliad where Helen points out the Greek chiefs to
Priam; it reminds us also of the imitation of Homer in the "Jerusalem
Delivered."
(St. XXXIV.) Siegfried here seems to apologize to Brunhild for
presenting himself before her.
(St. XLIII.) Compare stanzas LXXXIV, Seventh Adventure—LXXXV, Tenth
Adventure—XXXI, Nineteenth Adventure, and the observations.
(St. XLVI.) I cannot understand how the skin could be seen under a
silken surcoat, which was so strong as never to have been cut by weapon,
and which was moreover worn over a breastplate. Lachmann has reason to
say "die Brunne ist vergessen."
(St. LXX.)
So did Sir Artegal upon her lay,
As if she had an iron anvil been,
That flakes of fire, bright as the sunny ray,
Out of her steely arms were flashing seen,
That all on fire you would her surely ween.
"Faerie Queene," V, v. 8.
(St. LXX.) For der helt, the hero, Lachmann conjectures der helde,
the concealed one.
(St. LXXXVIII.) According to Lachmann the Fourth Lay concludes with this
stanza (L. St. XLII). What follows between this stanza and St. XLI,
Tenth Adventure (L. St. XXVII, Ninth Adventure) he considers to consist
of two continuations by different authors. Among other matters, they
contain the two marriages of Brunhild and Kriemhild, events which I can
scarcely imagine to have been passed over without notice, though I admit
that they are not related in the clearest manner.
EIGHTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Lachmann observes that this stanza is inconsistent with St.
LXXXIV, Seventh Adventure, where Siegfried is said to have taken the
cloak back to the ship.
(St. XVIII.) Siegfried, I suppose, was not recognized from being in
complete armor, but his shield might have identified him, as in the
battle with the Saxons. Nothing is said here of what he had done with
his tarnkappe.
(St. XXIII.) The lûtertranc (clear drink) was wine passed through
spices, and afterward strained.
(St. XLV.) Our common participle bound (bound for such and such a
place) seems in this sense to be derived from the old northern verb
bown, to make ready, and not from bind.
And Jedburgh heard the Regent's order,
That each should bown him for the border.
"Lay of the Last Minstrel."
NINTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) According to Lachmann (L. St. XCV, Seventh Adventure) another
continuation begins here. He thinks this addition is by another author
than the composer of the first, and that it resembles in several
respects the Third Lay of his edition, which answers to the Fifth
Adventure ("How Siegfried first saw Kriemhild") of other editions.
(St. III.) Hagan here speaks ironically, but with good nature, as to a
friend. He exhibits the same turn, but with the bitterness that suits
the change of circumstances and the person whom he addresses, in his
dialogues with his enemy Kriemhild, when he meets her in Hungary.
(St. XXVII, Ninth Adventure.) The lady supplies the place of the modern
pocket handkerchief mit snêblanken gêren in the original. The German
gêre is evidently the English gore, a word which puzzled no less a
person than Tyrwhitt, and which Johnson, who writes it goar, has
confounded with the gusset. The latter is the piece under the arm of a
shirt; the gore, as Tyrwhitt was afterward accurately informed by "a
learned person," is a common name for a slip, which is inserted to widen
a garment in any particular part. It is a wedge-shaped piece, as the
German commentators say of their gêre. Shirts at present, however it
may have been in Chaucer's or in Tyrwhitt's time, are not made with
gores; the opening on each side renders gores unnecessary; but in the
female of the shirt and in the smockfrock, gores are, I believe, still
used. The passage in Chaucer illustrates the passage before us. The poet
says of the Carpenter's Wife (Canterbury Tales, 3235)—
A seint (girdle) she wered, barred all of silk,
A barme-cloth (apron) eke white as morwe (morning) milk
Upon hire lendes (loins) full of many a gore.
In the last line the expression "full of many a gore" means, probably,
full made, spread out by means of many a gore; otherwise "full of gores"
would have been sufficient, and the addition of "many" an inelegant
piece of surplusage. However that may be, it is clear that the apron
stuck out and extended round the person of the wearer in consequence of
the number of these gores, or wedge-shaped pieces, which made the bottom
much wider than the top. An apron, thus made up of a multitude of gores,
might not unaptly be itself called in the plural a woman's gores, and
this seems to have been formerly the case in Germany. Kriemhild is here
said to wipe her eyes with snow-white gores, and, in the Gudrun, the
heroine of that name is rated by the tyrannical Gerlind for wrapping up
her hands indolently in her gores. It is of course impossible for a
translator to render these two passages literally, at least if he wishes
to be intelligible.
(St. XLVIII.) The commentators are not particularly clear as to what
these garments, called in the original "noble Ferrans robes," really
were. Von der Hagan says there must have been a city of that name in the
East, from which these robes came, while Lachmann says there is a stuff
composed of silk and wool, which still goes by the name of ferrandine.
The Dictionary of the French Academy mentions a silk stuff as formerly
going by that name.
TENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XLI.) Lachmann's Fifth Lay begins here, and concludes with St.
DCCV.
(St. LXIX.) The cord or girdle, thus worn by ladies, seems to have been
tolerably strong, not merely from the use to which Brunhild put hers
here, but also from the manner in which Florimel's is applied by Sir
Satyrane.—"Faerie Queene," III, vii., 36.
The golden ribband, which that virgin wore
About her slender waste, he took in hand,
And with it bownd the beast, that lowd did rore
For great despight of that unwonted band.
(St. LXXII.)
Ἰλίῳ αἰπεινᾷ Πάρις οὐ γάμον, ἀλλά τιν' ἄταν
ἀγάγετ' εὐναίαν ἐς Θαλάμους Ἑλέναν.
Eurip. Androm. 103.
(St. LXXXI.) If this and the following stanza are, as Lachmann thinks,
an addition, they no doubt were added to supply a palpable defect in the
narrative. If it were not for them, the company would be spoken of as
rising from table (St. LXXXIV) when it is nowhere mentioned that they
had sat down.
I must venture to remark that Lachmann's note to the next stanza is not
very satisfactory. Though the knights and ladies may usually have eaten
apart, it seems to have been allowable for the mistress of the house at
least to be present when the knights were feasting (St. XXVI, this
Adventure, to St. XXIII, Twenty-seventh Adventure), and there is nothing
unreasonable in supposing that the married sister of the host might have
accompanied her husband. This seems more natural than to assume that the
queens left their apartments and went to the hall (probably a detached
building) just to show themselves before they retired to bed. I must own
I do not see the difficulty about coming and going noticed by
Lachmann. Everybody, who goes to a place, comes to it when he gets
there. As the poem stands, everything is consistent. The queens cross
the palace court and go to the hall for the good substantial reason of
getting their suppers. They come back to their private apartments, or
bowers, where they remain awhile with their immediate attendants, and
during the short interval, that elapses before dismissing the latter and
going to bed, Siegfried slips through his wife's fingers, and goes to
Gunther's private apartments.
I should add that, at St. XXIV, Twenty-seventh Adventure, the young
margravine and her damsels are brought back into the eating hall after
the men have finished their repast, but that depends on the correctness
of the reading die schœnen (see note to St. XXXI, Twenty-seventh
Adventure) and on the consequent expulsion of the latter stanza. If we
retain the latter stanza, the young margravine is sent for ze hove,
like Kriemhild at St. XXXI, Tenth Adventure. But we can scarcely apply
to young married women and their near female connections, also married,
passages like these, that relate to young spinsters. In the passages
quoted in the note to St. XXIV, Twenty-seventh Adventure, men and women
are mentioned as eating apart, but it is stated to be an old custom, and
is noted as an ancient peculiarity.
(St. LXXXV, Tenth Adventure.) It appears from this description that the
wearer of the cloak must have had the power of being visible or
invisible as he chose. He might have on the mantle, and yet be visible.
Siegfried does not here leave his wife in the ordinary way, and then put
on the cloak. He seems to disappear miraculously. This differs from the
account given in stanzas XLIII, Seventh Adventure, and LXXXIV, of the
same, where Siegfried puts on the cloak before he becomes invisible, and
remains so till he puts it off, but agrees with St. XXI, Nineteenth
Adventure, where it is distinctly stated that Siegfried wore the cloak
at all times. I should however add that, in the original, there is what
appears to my ignorance a difficulty, though, as the commentators take
no notice of it, I suppose there is really none. The original stands
thus:—
Sî trûte sîne hende mit ir vil wîzen hant,
Unz er vor ir augen, sine wesse wenne, verswant,
literally, "She fondled his hands with her very white hand, till he
before her eyes, she knew not when, vanished." As to the interpreters,
Braunfels simply modernizes the old dialect, rendering wenne by
wann; Simrock and Marbach are equally literal, except that they put
wie, how, where Braunfels has wann; Beta, who here as elsewhere is
less rigorously literal than his comrades, merely says, "then it
happened that he suddenly vanished before her sight." I must confess I
cannot understand how Kriemhild could not know when a thing happened
that passed before her eyes, though she might well be puzzled how to
account for it. It is remarkable that the Lassberg manuscript, which is
said by Lachmann and other competent judges to contain a revised and
remodelled text, omits altogether St. LXXXVI, Tenth Adventure, and
alters the stanza before it, and that after it in such a way, that the
supernatural seems to disappear, and Siegfried is merely represented as
stealing away from the women, and coming secretly and mysteriously (vil
tougen) to Gunther's chamber. This manuscript however mentions the
tarnkappe at St. LXXVII, same Adventure. Did the reviser of this
manuscript wish it to be inferred, that Siegfried, after leaving his
wife, went and put on the tarnkappe?
(St. CX.) In the Volsunga Saga Brunhild is a Valkyrie, or Chooser of the
Slain, a sort of Northern Bellona, endowed with supernatural strength.
This superhuman prowess is connected with her virgin state, and by
becoming a wife she is reduced to the ordinary weakness of woman. In the
Nibelungenlied this circumstance comes upon us by surprise, for we are
nowhere told that the strength of Brunhild differed from that of other
women, except in degree, and no reason is given why matrimony should
produce any greater change in Brunhild than in the rest of her sex. The
passage is in fact derived from the Scandinavian form of the legend, and
seems scarcely in harmony with the spirit of the German poem.
ELEVENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XIV.) Worms beyond the Rhine, Wormez über Rîn. The writer here as
elsewhere speaks of Worms with reference to his own situation to the
east of the Rhine, whereas Xanten, like Worms, is on the west side of
that river.
(St. XVI.) Newsman's bread, botenbrôt, was the term for the present
given to a messenger.
(St. XXXI.) Lachmann's Sixth Lay begins here and ends with St. XLIX,
Fourteenth Adventure.
TWELFTH ADVENTURE
(St. XLVIII.) Gary, like a shrewd courtier, avoids praising Kriemhild's
good looks to a rival beauty.
(St. LIV.) A difference of opinion exists in united Germany as to the
interpretation of this passage, Lachmann, Simrock, Marbach, and Beta
being on one side, and von der Hagen and Braunfels on the other. I
readily vote with the majority. Rumolt's understrappers, as I conceive,
are not the pots and pans, but the subaltern cooks, the scullions and
other drudges of the royal kitchen.
THIRTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. II.) I follow Lachmann's conjecture of het for heten in the
third line of this stanza.
(St. XXII.) Chaucer in like manner says of the carpenter's wife,
"Canterbury Tales," v. 3255—
Full brighter was the shining of hire hewe,
Than in the tower the noble yforged newe.
For the brilliant addition to the simile he is perhaps indebted to
Dante's
Fresco smeraldo in l'ora che si fiacca.
The comparison of the brilliant color of a blooming northern beauty to
gold, "red gold," as it is constantly called in old German and old
English poetry, forms a curious contrast with the phrases of Catullus,
"inaurata pallidior statua" "magis fulgore expalluit, auri," and
that of Statius, "pallidus fossor redit erutoque concolor auro," not
to mention the saying of Diogenes, that gold was pale through fear of
those who had a design upon it.
(St. XXIII.) Lachmann interprets the gesinde or followers to be
Gunther's, and rejects the stanza as spurious, and manufactured for the
purpose of introducing Dankwart, who is represented as seeking out new
quarters, without necessity, for people who were already quartered in
the city. But are not the followers of Siegfried meant?
(St. XXVII.) A curious instance of awkwardness in the service of the
highest tables.
(St. XXXII.) The original has in the first verse in dem lande, in the
country, i.e., just outside the city walls, close under the castle,
from the windows of which the ladies might see the tournament. The
minster was in a separate part of the city, just as in London St. Paul's
is at a certain distance from the Tower. Here the horses are sent for,
which seems to show that the castle and the minster could not have been
contiguous, yet they could not have been very far apart, as Kriemhild
was in the habit of going to the minster before daybreak. (St. III,
Seventh Adventure.)
FOURTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. IV.) The same simile is applied to Kriemhild herself at St. XX,
Fifth Adventure.
(St. XXX.) In the dialogues that follow the queens are not particularly
complimentary, but they at least use no weapons but their tongues. I do
not know what authority the writer of "Murray's Handbook for Northern
Germany" has for the following statement. "The combat between Chrimhelda
and Brunhelda is supposed to have been fought on the south side of the
Dom."
(St. XXIII.) Wind, a mere nothing; this phrase is not uncommon in the
poem.
The prophets shall become wind.—Jer. v. 13.
(St. XL.) Brunhild had been asserting that Siegfried was Gunther's
vassal, or, in feudal language, his man. Kriemhild sarcastically alludes
to this with more bitterness than delicacy.
(St. XLI.) Brunhild seems as much annoyed by this usurpation of her
trinkets as by the scandalous imputation mentioned in the preceding
stanza.
(St. L.) I have followed Professor Lachmann's explanation of the first
line of this stanza. He makes the Seventh Lay open here, and end with
St. XXXI, Fifteenth Adventure, but whatever we may think of his general
theory of the poem, his prefatory remarks here are well worth an
attentive perusal. It is clear that some stanzas, probably a good many,
have been lost. As the work stands at present, even if we interpret the
first line of this stanza to mean that many a fair woman departed,
Siegfried is left behind to hear his brother-in-law and his friends
discuss the expediency of knocking him on the head. In the part that is
lost there was probably an account of the breaking up of the assemblage
at the church door, and of the immediate summoning of a council in some
more convenient place. It was no doubt explained how Siegfried's denial,
which at first seemed so satisfactory, was afterward made of no account,
and possibly a good deal, of which we have now only a fragment in
stanzas L—LI, passed between Brunhild and Hagan, her husband's
principal adviser. Probably, too, as Lachmann has observed, the
invulnerability of Siegfreid was considered.
FIFTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XVIII.) The stanza, which contains this example of ancient
discipline, is rejected by Lachmann on account of the innere reim,
which, however, he thinks, suits perfectly with the "somewhat
over-charged coloring" which the author has adopted. Pictures of
domestic happiness in the same style of coloring are, I suppose, rarely
to be met with in Germany in the present liberal and enlightened age.
(St. XXIV.) See note to St. V, Third Adventure.
(St. XXXVI.) The Wask forest is the mountainous range called in French
the Vosges, which, as well as Worms, is to the west of the Rhine; this
stanza is therefore at variance with St. I, Seventeenth Adventure, where
the hunters cross the Rhine to return to Worms. Lachmann gets over the
difficulty by his theory of separate lays. According to his arrangement
St. XXXVI, this Adventure, is in the Seventh Lay, and St. I, Seventeenth
Adventure, in the Eighth, and these two Lays are the work of different
poets. Two points are certain; the first, that there were two traditions
as to the place of Siegfried's death, one fixing it in the Waskenwald,
the other in the Odenwald; the second, that Gunther and Hagan were
generally believed to have attacked Walter of Spain in the Waskenwald.
Now there appears to me nothing improbable in supposing, either that a
minstrel with his head full of Walter's history and the connection of
Gunther and Hagan with the Waskenwald, might have recited Waskenwalde
for Otenwalde, or, on the other hand, that one, who was familiar with
the tradition that Siegfried was killed in the Odenwald, might have
found an den Rîn at St. XXXVII, Sixteenth Adventure, and altered it to
über Rîn. At any rate I cannot help thinking that either of these
suppositions is less improbable than that a poet should first tell us
how Gunther and Hagan plotted against Siegfried, how the latter accepted
their treacherous invitation to the hunt, and how he went to take leave
of his wife, and that then the provoking rogue should immediately close
his poem without informing us what passed between Siegfried and his
wife, whether the hunt took place, or whether the plot succeeded.
SIXTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St I.) Lachmann's Eighth Lay begins here and ends with St. I,
Seventeenth Adventure.
(St. XXII.) The schelch or shelk seems by the description in
Braunfels's Glossary to have been a kind of tragelaphus, with hair down
the breast.
(St. XXIII.) Des gejeides meister, I presume, means Siegfried himself,
who at St. XXXIX is called jegermeister.
(St. XXVII.) Tryst.
Ye shall be set at such a tryst
That hart and hind shall come to your fist.
Squire of Low Degree.—Ellis's "Specimens," v. 1, p. 341.
Tryst is a post or station in hunting, according to Cowell as quoted in
Tyrwhitt's Glossary to Chaucer, but Walter Scott uses it for a place of
appointment generally.
(St. XXXVIII.) For the sweetness of "the panther's breath or rather
body" I refer the reader to Gifford's note in his edition of Ben Jonson,
v. 3, p. 257. It is worth while however to quote the following passage
on panthers from Pliny's Natural History, 1. 8, c. 17, as it is not
noticed by Gifford. "Ferunt odore earum mire sollicitari quadrupedes
cunctas, sed capitis torvitate terreri; quamobrem, occultato eo, reliqua
dulcedine invitatas corripiunt."
(St. XXXIX.) I scarcely know whether I have translated this stanza
properly. The variegated work (expressed by geströut in the original)
seems to have been produced by different sorts of fur. The grâ unde
bunt of St. XVI, Third Adventure, seems to mean the same thing. Gold
thread or wire, and something like gold lace appear to have been
fashionable ornaments in the dress of both sexes. Precious stones, too,
were in great request. But I own I have been much puzzled by the
milliners' and tailors' work in the poem, and I dare say have made
mistakes. I may observe that the women were both tailors and milliners.
Kriemhild herself was an accomplished cutter (see St. XLIV, Sixth
Adventure), and, if it had not been for her assistance, her brother and
his companions would not have been fit to be seen at the splendid court
of Brunhild. The men were expert cutters in their line, but their
instrument was the broadsword.
(St. XL.) In this poem the edges of a sword are constantly spoken of in
the plural. The warriors seem to have had only two-edged swords.
(St. LIV.) The fourth line of this stanza, which is admitted as genuine
by Professor Lachmann, is one of those passages which are at variance
not merely with his theory, but with that which attributes the two parts
of the poem to two different authors. It refers to the slaughter toward
the close of the second part, and would be impertinent and out of place
in a poem that concluded with the death of one hero only.
(St. LVIII.) The poet says the broad linden, according to Lachmann,
assuming that the story of Siegfried's death under a linden tree was
generally known.
(St. LXII.) Intelletto veloce più che pardo.—"Petrarch, Sonn." 286.
(St. LXIV.) Johnson quotes from Ecclesiasticus, "I have no thank for all
my good deed." So in St. Luke vi. 33—"If ye do good to them that do
good to you, what thank have ye?"
SEVENTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. II.) Lachmann's Ninth Lay begins here and ends with St. LXXI,
Seventeenth Adventure. The Professor has no objection to considering
this and the preceding Lay as works of the same author.
(St. IX.) The two last lines of this stanza and the two first of the
next are rejected by Professor Lachmann, because, as he thinks, they
contradict the last line of St. XI, where Kriemhild professes her
ignorance of the murderer. But Kriemhild is not a witness on oath, but a
woman in a frenzy of grief, who does not weigh her words, but one moment
utters an obvious suspicion, as if it were an ascertained fact, and the
next confesses that she has no positive proof, and cannot act upon what
she feels to be true. There is no very great inconsistency in saying,
"A. and B. are at the bottom of this: if I could only bring it home to
them, I'd make them smart for it." But the neuter pronoun in the third
line, referring to houbet in the second, proves that the second line
is not interpolated. Professor Lachmann, indeed, gets over the
difficulty by altering the gender of the pronoun to the masculine.
(St. XI.) The last verse of this stanza seems a preparation for the
display of Kriemhild's character in a new point of view. The softer
parts of her character have been exhibited thus far; her revengeful and
unforgiving spirit will gradually swallow up every other feeling, and at
last close the poem with a general massacre. See, too, stanzas
XXIII—XXXII—XLV.
(St. XXI.) I have translated the second line of this stanza according to
Simrock's version, but it is impossible to make any satisfactory sense
of it. Professor Lachmann has justly printed the stanza in italics.
(St. XLIII.) On this curious superstition, which is as much English and
Scotch as German, see Nare's Glossary under the word "Wounds," and the
notes to "Earl Richard" in the second volume of the "Minstrelsy of the
Scottish Border." The whole passage is condemned as spurious by
Lachmann, principally on account of the discrepancy in the mention of
wounds in the plural, while only one wound was given by Hagan. There
are, however, two similar discrepancies in the poem. Kriemhild is killed
by Hildebrand apparently with a single blow, and immediately after is
spoken of as hewn in pieces; and Rudeger is killed by a single blow at
St. XXXVII, Thirty-seventh Adventure, while at St. L, same Adventure, he
is described as verhouwen, and at St. XXXII, Thirty-eighth Adventure,
as lying with severe death-wounds fallen in blood.
EIGHTEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Lachmann's Tenth Lay begins here and ends with St. XLV,
Nineteenth Adventure.
(St. XXI.) They in the last line of this stanza seems to mean the
Burgundians.
(St. XXVI.) Here they go home to Netherland; before, in this Adventure,
the Nibelungers' land is spoken of as the country of Siegmund. This has
not escaped the hawk's eye of Lachmann.
NINETEENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XVIII.) The morning gift was a present bestowed by the husband on
the wife the morning after the wedding. It was often promised before
marriage.
(St. XXI.) This passage, which states that Siegfried wore the
cloud-cloak at all times, agrees with the description of its mode of
operation at St. LXXXV, Tenth Adventure, but is inconsistent with
stanzas XLIII-LXXXIV, Seventh Adventure, from which last it would seem
to have been necessary for Siegfried to put on the cloak in order to
become invisible, and to put it off when he wished to become visible
again. The inconsistent passages probably arose from varying traditions
as to the operation of this miraculous garment. There is another
difficulty here. From Alberic's words it would seem that the possession
of the treasure depended on the possession of the cloud-cloak. If he and
his fellows had not lost the cloak together with Siegfried (by which
last words he seems to refer not to the original loss of the cloak, when
Siegfried first won it, but to its loss in consequence of that hero's
death), the Burgundians should not have had the treasure, but we are
nowhere told what became of the cloak after Siegfried's death, and
Kriemhild claims the treasure as a gift from Siegfried, not as depending
on the possession of the cloak.
TWENTIETH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Lachmann's Eleventh Lay begins here, and ends with St. III,
Twenty-first Adventure. "The historical relation of Etzel to Attila,"
says Professor W. Grimm ("Deutsche Heldensage," p. 67), "is quite
clear." It is here strengthened by the "mention of his brother
Blœdelin, who answers to the Bleda of Priscus and Jornandes, and is
found in the Klage, in Biterolf, in the Vilkina Saga, and other later
poems. Helche, otherwise Erka, Herche, Herriche, and Hariche, reminds us
of the Kerka of Priscus." Priscus was secretary to Maximin, the
ambassador of Theodosius the Younger at the court of Attila, and wrote a
history, of which extracts are still extant. The following is his
account of an interview with Kerka, the "frou Helche" of our poem.
Ἐνταῦθα τῆς Ἀττήλα ἐνδιαίτουμενης γαμετῆς, διὰ τῶν πρὸς τῇ θύρᾳ
βαρβάρων ἔτυχον εἰσόδου, καὶ αὐτὴν ἐπὶ στρώματος μαλακoῦ κειμένην
κατέλαβον, τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἐρέας πιλωτοῖς τοῦ ἐδάφους σκεπομένου, ὥστε ἐπ'
αὐτῶν βαδίζειν. περιεῖπε δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπόντων πλῆθος κύκλῳ καὶ θεράπαιναι
ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐδάφους ἀντικρὺ αὐτῆς καθήμεναι ὀθόνας χρώμασι διεποίκιλλον,
ἐπιβληθησομένας πρὸς κόσμον ἐσθημάτων βαρβαρικῶν· προςελθῶν τοίνυν καὶ τὰ
δῶρα μετὰ τὸν ἀσπασμὸν δοὺς ὑπεξήειν.
Gibbon in the 34th chapter of his
History has given almost a translation of Priscus. "The wife of Attila
received their visit sitting, or rather lying, on a soft couch; the
floor was covered with a carpet; the domestics formed a circle round the
queen, and her damsels, seated on the ground, were employed in working
the variegated embroidery which adorned the dress of the barbaric
warriors." There is a full account of Attila and the Huns with much
relating to the Nibelungenlied in the late Hon. and Rev. William
Herbert's Historical Treatise subjoined to his Poem on Attila.
(St. V.) The Margrave Rudeger is perhaps the most interesting character
in the poem, but there is no one, with regard to whom the historical,
the legendary, and the mythical are more unintelligibly jumbled. Whether
he was an historical Austrian Margrave of the tenth century, a mere
legendary hero, or "a divine being," as Lachmann is disposed to think
him, is more than any plain Englishman can venture to decide. It seems
that his native country was Arabia, but whether by that name is meant
the region commonly so called, or a district in the centre of Spain, is
as yet anything but a settled point. Wherever it was, he was driven from
it by a king of Toledo, and took refuge with Etzel.
(St. XX.) I am uncertain whether I have given the true meaning of this
stanza, which is rejected by Lachmann, and, indeed, can scarcely be
reconciled with the rest. I have used Hun and Hungarian
indifferently. The Hungarians were of a different race from the Huns,
but Mr. Hallam says of them, "The memory of Attila was renewed in the
devastations of these savages, who, if they were not his compatriots,
resembled them both in their countenances and customs."
(St. XXXI.) See Lachmann (St. 1113, L.) who conjectures ersiwet for
erfüllet or ir sulet.
(St. XLVII.) This refers to something not related in this poem.
(St. LIX.) Here again is an allusion to something not mentioned in the
poem, namely, to some service rendered by Rudeger to Hagan.
(St. LXIV.) The poet, who put this speech into the mouth of Gunther,
could have had no notion of the real history and extensive power of
Attila.
(St. CXX.) King Etzel appears to have been a truly liberal and
enlightened monarch.
(St. CXLV.) In the last line of this stanza, the plural of the verb is
authorized by three manuscripts, and, though they may be none of the
best, their readings deserve attention, when they are commanded by
necessity and common sense. The plural (in for ihnen) in the
preceding line requires the plural in this. The young ladies cried at
leaving home, but were soon reconciled to their lot by the gayeties of
King Etzel's court. If the reader is not satisfied with this, he can
replace they by she. Kriemhild will then be meant.
TWENTY-FIRST ADVENTURE
(St. III.) Vergen. Veringen in Suabia, on the Lauchart, three leagues
from the junction of that river with the Danube.—Lachmann, St. 1231, L.
(St. VII.) This good bishop Pilgrin, who is an historical personage,
died in the tenth century, and therefore could scarcely have been
Attila's wife's uncle, if chronology is to pass for anything with
popular poets. All that relates to him is rejected as spurious by
Lachmann and W. Grimm. See the latter's "Deutsche Heldensage," p. 71.
(St. XIV.) Efferding. A town of Austria beyond the Ems near the Danube
(von der Hagen, v. 5221).
(St. XXVI.) Botlung was the father of Etzel according to the poets. His
real name was Munduic.
(St. XL.) Medilik, now Mölk. An abbey still renowned for the abundance
and excellence of its wine stores. It supplied Buonaparte's army in
1809.
TWENTY-SECOND ADVENTURE
(St. XIII.) Lachmann rejects stanzas XIII, XVI, XVII (1288, 1291, 1292
of his edition). He thinks that, even if one were determined to defend
the first, nobody could tolerate the frigidity and abject style of the
two last. For my own part, I am more struck by the absurdity of
Rudeger's caution to Kriemhild not to kiss all Etzel's men. I suppose he
was afraid she would have no lips left after such reiterated osculation.
(St. XIX.) These German strangers or guests (Tiuschen gesten) are the
Burgundians according to von der Hagen, but Thüringians according to
Lachmann. The latter says, the expression does not occur elsewhere in
the Lays of the Nibelungers. This restricted use of a term, which was
afterward extended to a whole nation, resembles the restricted use of
the word Hellen in Homer.
(St. XXIII.) The good margrave seems here to discharge the duties of a
male duenna.
(St. XL.) Von der Hagen here notices the custom of tilting by the way in
festal processions. Similar descriptions occur elsewhere in this poem,
as for instance at the landing of Gunther and Brunhild (St. VII, Tenth
Adventure). In this respect the Nibelungenlied differs from the "Orlando
Innamorato" and "Furioso," as well as from the "Faerie Queene," in all
of which poems tournaments are exhibited with far more pomp and
ceremony, and as matters of long previous preparation.
(St. XLI.) Haimburg, a town of Hungary on the borders of Austria, was
fortified, according to von der Hagen, by Duke Leopold, of Austria, out
of the ransom of Richard Cœur de Lion.
(St. XLIV.) Etzel's castle, now Buda, so called from Attila's brother,
Buda or Bleda.
TWENTY-THIRD ADVENTURE
(St. III.) Lachmann's Thirteenth Lay begins here and ends with St.
LXXXIV, Twenty-fourth Adventure.
TWENTY-FOURTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) See the note to St. XLV, Eighth Adventure.
(St. LXIII.) This stanza seems out of its place here. It should come
somewhere before the council of the Burgundian chiefs, for it is
necessary to know when an entertainment is to take place in order to
determine whether one can attend it, and when one ought with propriety
to set out. Hagan, besides, must be considered to have had a knowledge
of this, before he arranged the plan of setting out only a week after
the departure of the ambassadors.
TWENTY-FIFTH ADVENTURE
(St. II.) Lachmann's Fourteenth Lay begins here and ends with St. LVI,
Twenty-sixth Adventure.
(St. XVIII.) This is the only stanza in the second part where the term
Nibelunger is applied to Siegfried's subjects as in the first part. In
all succeeding passages it means the Burgundians.
(St. XIX.) Ostervranken, according to von der Hagen, is Austrasia, or
the Eastern portion of the Empire of the Franks, afterward, though in a
more restricted sense, the Circle of Franconia.
(St. XXIII.) Professor Lachmann observes that, if the fight with the
Bavarians be not alluded to, the prediction contained in this stanza is
not fulfilled, "quite against the prophetic style of this lay;" but I
venture to submit that this is no prediction at all, but a mere
expression of the very natural opinion that, if any army should attempt
to swim a large river in a state of flood, many may be swept away and
drowned. Gernot makes a similar remark on the want of a boatman at St.
LXIV.
(St. XXIX.) The raiment of these mermaids, which is styled wondrous
farther on, seems to have been the swan-raiment worn by the Valkyries or
Choosers of the Slain, which enabled its wearers to assume the shape of
swans, or at least to fly away. Hagan therefore had good ground to begin
with laying hands on the wardrobe of these water-nymphs, though his
reason for doing so is so obscurely alluded to in the poem that it may
be doubted whether the poet was himself aware of the original force of
the legend. In the traditions respecting Vælund, Wieland, or Wayland the
Smith, that hero captures a wife by a similar stratagem. The swan-maiden
in Wieland's case was one of the Valkyries, and indeed the two mermaids
in the Nibelungenlied appear, from the part assigned to them in the
poem, to be genuine Choosers of the Slain. These swan-maidens, as far as
their volatile character is concerned, seem to have given a hint to the
author of Peter Wilkins.
(St. XLVIII.) So in the old lay of Hildebrand (a fragment of which,
written on the first and on the last leaf of a manuscript of the "Book
of Wisdom" and other religious pieces, was discovered in the public
library of Cassel by W. Grimm) that hero offers arm-rings to his son,
who, not knowing him, had challenged him to fight. It was the custom to
offer such rings on the point of a sword or spear, and to receive them
in the same way. To prove this, W. Grimm quotes this passage among
others. See Lachmann's treatise on the "Lay of Hildebrand" in the
Transactions of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, 1833. The same word
(bouc) is used both here and in the old lay.
(St. LXVII.) This stanza, which appears in only two manuscripts, seems
incompatible with the rest of the narrative. It was probably introduced
by a reciter from the description of a ferry-boat in some other poem.
TWENTY-SIXTH ADVENTURE
(St. V.)
On the other side Adam, soon as he heard
The fatal trespass done by Eve, amaz'd,
Astonied stood, and blank.
"Paradise Lost," ix. 888.
Upright men shall be astonied at this.—Job, xvii. 8.
(St. LIV.) Rudeger is an Austrian Axylus.—"Iliad," vi. 14.
ἀφνειὸς βιότοιο, φίλος δ'ἦν ἀνθρώποισιν,
πάντας γὰρ φιλέεσκεν, ὁδῷ ἐπὶ οἰκία ναίων.
The German poem is here certainly not inferior to the Greek. Similes are
as rare in the Nibelungenlied as they are abundant in the Iliad, but it
would be difficult to find one more just and elegant than this.
(St. LVII.) Lachmann's Fifteenth Lay begins here; it concludes with St.
XIV, Twenty-eighth Adventure.
TWENTY-SEVENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XXIV.) I quote some passages from Ellis's "Specimens" on the custom
of the two sexes eating apart:
The king was to his palace, tho the service was ydo,
Ylad with all his menye, and the queen to hers also,
For hii held the old usages, that men with men were
By hem selve, and women by hem selve also here.
Robert of Gloucester.—"Specimens," vol. i. p. 100.
The above metre, though very rough and uncouth, resembles that of the
Nibelungenlied. In the corresponding passage quoted by Ellis from
Geoffry of Monmouth, the custom is said to have come from Troy.
"Antiquam consuetudinem Trojæ servantes Britones consueverant mares cum
maribus, mulieres cum mulieribus, festivos dies separatim celebrare."
Ellis gives a similar account of Arthur's coronation from Robert de
Brunne's translation of Wace:
Sometime was custom of Troy,
When they made feast of joy,
Men thogether should go to meat
Ladies by themself should eat.
See the note to St. LXXXI, Tenth Adventure.
(St. XXXI.) There is a difficulty here from its being said that the
young margravine was desired to go to court, i.e., to the assembly in
the hall, when at St. XXIV the ladies (die schönen in the original)
had already returned thither. Lachmann removes the difficulty by
condemning the stanzas XXXI, XXXII, XXXIV as spurious; he thinks it
impossible that anyone can collect from the third line of St. XXII that
the men went into a different hall from that which they had entered at
St. XIX; but it is not the third but the second line of St. XXII that
describes the separation of the men and women, and that too in the
following words,
"Rittere unde vrouwen die giengen anderswâ;"
now who can collect from this verse that the women went and the men
stayed? If words mean anything, both went away. As to the return of the
ladies at St. XXIV, that rests on a doubtful reading, die schönen, the
fair ones, whereas the best manuscript, that on which Professor
Lachmann's text is generally founded, reads die künen, the bold ones,
meaning the knights. I should add that the preliminary conversation from
St. XXV to St. XXXI is fitter to be held in the young lady's absence.
(St. XLIV.) These foreign champions are the Burgundians themselves
according to von der Hagen. This is far from satisfactory, but I can
offer nothing more so. Can it be possible that there was once a version
(now lost) of the story, in which the Nibelungers, properly so called,
accompanied the Burgundians into Hungary? This might account not merely
for these foreign champions, but for the term Nibelunge being applied
to the Burgundians. But, in fact, everything relating to the Nibelungers
is obscure and confused to the last degree.
(St. L.) Nudung was the son, or, according to another account, the
brother of Gotelind.
(St. LXVI.) Lachmann transposes this and the two following stanzas to
after St. XVI, Twenty-eighth Adventure, where they form the beginning of
his Sixteenth Lay, which ends with St. XLIV, Twenty-ninth Adventure. The
speech which begins at the third line of this stanza is attributed to
the messenger by von der Hagen, and perhaps justly, as appears from the
last verse of the next stanza, from which it would seem that the king
heard the news afterward. On the other hand, Kriemhild here is addressed
in the singular, while in a similar passage (St. XCI, Fourth Adventure)
she is addressed by a messenger in the plural. She, however, would
scarcely have uttered before Etzel the words at the close of St. LXVIII,
Twenty-seventh Adventure.
TWENTY-EIGHTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Bern is Verona according to von der Hagen and Wackernagel and
the whole body of Commentators. Von der Hagen applies to Hildebrand the
words in the third line, ez was im harte liet; so does Marbach.
Braunfels and Beta apply them to Dietrich. But in that case would not
the author have said dem was ez?
(St. IV.) The Amelungs, or Amelungers, were the reputed descendants of
Amala, king of the Goths, the tenth ancestor of Theodoric king of Italy.
(St. V.) This famous hero, the redoubted Dietrich, is only a secondary
character in the Nibelungenlied, though in old German traditions
generally he bears the principal part. He was the son of a nocturnal
spirit, and his fiery breath made him more than a match for Siegfried
himself, as it melted the horny hide of his antagonist. He is
identified, I believe, by universal consent, with Theodoric the
Ostrogoth. I am afraid that it is too certain that he came to a bad end,
but whether he disappeared on being summoned by a dwarf, or was carried
off by the devil in the shape of a black horse, or, according to the
monastic legend reported by Gibbon, was deposited by foul fiends in the
volcano of Libari, is more than I can decide.
(St. XX.) Lachmann's Seventeenth Lay begins here and ends with St.
XXXII, Thirtieth Adventure.
(St. XXI.) Hagan's suspicions are natural enough, for Kriemhild appears
to have kissed nobody but Giselher, whereas, according to the etiquette
of this poem, she should not only have kissed her other two brothers,
but Hagan himself, not merely as her cousin, but as one of Gunther's
principal retainers.
(St. XXVI.) This stanza is rejected by Lachmann on account of the
interior rhyme wære and swære in the third and fourth lines, but
surely the outbreak of Hagan in the next stanza is the beginning of a
speech. It would have been more plausible, if St. VIII is to be
rejected, to reject St. XXI, Thirtieth Adventure, as well, for the first
line of St. XXVII would come in very well after the last of St. XXIV;
but then, on the other hand, no answer would be given to Kriemhild's
question, "Where have you that bestowed?"
(St. XXVII.) The two languages agree in taking the devil's name in vain
by using it as a ludicrous but forcible negative. The phrase is
authorized by Johnson.
(St. XXVIII.) Von der Hagen explains these two robberies by observing
that Hagan had despoiled Kriemhild of her own inheritance as well as of
the wondrous hoard. The poem itself, however, seems to explain the
matter somewhat differently. Hagan committed the first robbery when he
took the hoard (St. XXXV, Nineteenth Adventure); the second, when he
seized Siegfried's other treasures (St. CXXXII, Twentieth Adventure).
(St. XXXIV.) Lachmann places this and the following stanzas after St.
XIX, as part of his Sixteenth Lay.
TWENTY-NINTH ADVENTURE
(St. I.) Von der Hagen discovers here (v. 7055 of his Remarks) a trace
of the tradition (which, however, is not noticed in this poem) that
Hagan had lost an eye. This appears visionary to me. At St. XVII,
Thirty-second Adventure, the same words are applied to Dankwart, who
certainly had two eyes in his head. Twice in this poem a personal
description of Hagan occurs (St. XXV, Seventh Adventure, and XVII,
Twenty-eighth Adventure) and in neither case is a hint given that he was
a dux luscus. The author or authors of the Nibelungenlied, therefore,
must have followed a different tradition.
(St. XXVIII.) It is Folker's long broadsword that the poet, with a grim
kind of merriment, calls his fiddlestick. We shall soon see the minstrel
κῶμον ἀναυλότατον προχορεύειν.
(St. XL.) Walter of Spain, Waltharius manu fortis, is the hero here
alluded to. See note to St. XXI; Thirty-ninth Adventure.
(St. XLVII.) This stanza, and those that follow, come, according to
Lachmann's arrangement, after St. XXXIII, Twenty-eighth Adventure, and
form part of his Seventeenth Lay.
(St. XLVIII.) This allusion to the future is of such a nature as to be
irreconcilable with the notion of separate lays. The like may be said of
many other passages.
(St. LV.) Morat or morass, as far as I can make out from a rather
confused note of von der Hagen's, was a sort of caudle, flavored with
mulberry or cherry juice. Ziemann's recipe is to take old and good wine,
and to mix it with mulberry syrup, rose julep, cinnamon water, and an
ad libitum infusion of simples. All this together composes the sweet
drink in question.
THIRTIETH ADVENTURE
(St. XVIII.) So in the Ballad of the Lochmaben Harper in the "Minstrelsy
of the Scottish Border,"
And aye he harped, and aye he carped,
Till à the nobles were fast asleep.
(St. XIX.) "As now," says von der Hagen, "at the entrance of many old
buildings, particularly churches, a tower stands, containing the stairs
which lead directly to the upper story."
(St. XXI.) This stanza, which is only found in the Lassberg and two
other manuscripts, seems to have been inserted, like several others, in
order to soften the ferocious character attributed to Kriemhild in the
latter part of the poem.
THIRTY-FIRST ADVENTURE
(St. I.) The whole of this Thirty-first Adventure is supposed by
Lachmann to be an addition to the foregoing. His reasons are anything
but conclusive.
(St. X.) According to von der Hagen the shields were high enough for the
bearer to lean upon them, and pointed below, so that they might be
firmly fixed in the ground. They thus, I presume, in some degree
protected the owners, even while the latter were resting.
(St. XII.) The dust was raised by the horses, as the Huns seem to have
ridden from the palace.
(St. XXIII.) "The kings" here, as mostly elsewhere, are the three
Burgundian brothers.
(St. LXIII.) Kriemhild here deals with Blœdel as Juno does in the
Iliad with Sleep, and in the Æneid with Œolus.
(St. LXXII.) Something seems defective here, for it is not explained
what bad object Kriemhild had in view in sending for her son, though it
so happened that mischief came of it. Von der Hagen and Vollmer mention
the account in the Vilkina Saga, according to which Kriemhild, in order
to set the Huns and Burgundians by the ears, told her son to strike
Hagan in the face, and Hagan returned the compliment by cutting off the
lad's head and throwing it into his mother's lap, but this is
incompatible with the manner in which the fighting begins in our poem,
though this particular stanza seems to refer to something of that sort.
The reviser of the Lassberg manuscript seems to have observed the
difficulty; at least the last line of the stanza is different in that
manuscript. Possibly this stanza may have crept in from a now lost
recension, which more nearly resembled the Vilkina Saga. The like may be
said of St. IV, Thirty-second Adventure, which contains the celebrated
contradiction about the age of Dankwart.
THIRTY-SECOND ADVENTURE
(St. IV.) This stanza is completely at variance with the earlier parts
of the poem, in which Dankwart is represented as Siegfried's companion
in arms. It is therefore a most efficient ally of those critics who
attribute the poem to two or twenty different bards, and this has
perhaps rather blinded them to its defects. It is quite inconsistent
with the heroic character displayed by Dankwart in this very portion of
the poem, and, as an answer to Blœdel's speech, is a consummate piece
of stupidity. Blœdel had not accused Dankwart of having murdered
Siegfried or offended Kriemhild, but of being the brother of Hagan, who
had done both. Dankwart should either have attempted to show that Hagan,
not himself, was innocent, or that they were not brothers, or he should
have urged the hardship of making one brother suffer for the crimes of
another. Any of these answers would have been to the purpose; not so the
speech which is put into his mouth here. Blœdel, with equal
absurdity, after having already told him that he must die because his
brother Hagan had murdered Siegfried, now replies that he must die
because his kinsmen Gunther and Hagan had done the deed. It appears
probable that here, as elsewhere, a passage has crept in from another
version of the legend, which agreed, more nearly than our poem, with the
Vilkina Saga. I quote the following passage from the summary of that
work in Vollmer's Preface to the "Nibelunge Nôt." "Hogni begged Attila
to give peace to young Giselher, as he was guiltless of Sigurd's death.
Giselher himself said that he was then only five winters old, and slept
in his mother's bed; still he did not wish to live alone after the death
of his brothers." In the Vilkina Saga Hogni, who answers to the Hagan of
our poem, is represented as the brother of the other three kings. It
may appear visionary to speculate on the contents of a poem which may
never have existed, but certainly in any version of the legend, which
represented Hagan as the brother of Gunther and Giselher, Giselher
might naturally have made the speech here put into the mouth of
Dankwart, and have been told in reply that he must die for the crime
that his brothers Gunther and Hagan had committed. The idea of a
recension more nearly allied to the Vilkina Saga than that which we
possess is no notion of mine. It was started years ago by no less a
person than Professor W. Grimm, though not with reference to this
passage of the poem. See his "Deutsche Heldensage," p. 182.
(St. VII.) This mention of Nudung's bride, together with what follows in
the next stanza, is quite unintelligible, if we suppose an independent
lay to begin at St. I.
THIRTY-THIRD ADVENTURE
(St. XXII.) Lachmann seems here with reason to read Volkern for
Giselheren, but have not the two stanzas, XXII and XXIII, changed
places?
(St. XXX.) With this stanza (St. 1916, L.) ends Lachmann's Eighteenth
Lay. I must own that it appears to me quite impossible that any writer
could end a separate poem in this manner. Similar objections may be made
to the conclusion of most of these Lieder.
(St. XXXI.)
with huge two-handed sway
Brandish'd aloft the horrid edge came down
Wide wasting.
"Paradise Lost," b. 6.
(St. XLV.) There certainly seems some confusion here. The only people
who had injured Gunther in Hungary were the Huns who had massacred the
yeomen, and these were not present in the hall. If, on the other hand,
he suspected that the Huns in the hall were privy to it, why allow Etzel
and Kriemhild to depart without so much as an observation? Why, as
Lachmann has observed, does not Dietrich think it necessary even to make
a request in their behalf? It is easy to remove these objections by
declaring everything spurious between St. XXX and St. XII, Thirty-fourth
Adventure, but unfortunately, though St. XXIV, Twenty-eighth Adventure,
which brings Etzel and Kriemhild into the hall, is not admitted into
Lachmann's Lays, it is clear from stanzas XII-XIV, Thirty-third
Adventure (1898-1900 L.), which form part of his Eighteenth Lay, that
both Etzel and Kriemhild were present in the hall when the fighting
began, and indeed Lachmann admits that the plan of his Eighteenth Lay
requires that they should quit it. The composer however of the lay, who
surely ought to know his own plan best, seems to have been of a
different opinion, for, after having set the Huns and Burgundians by the
ears in the hall, and put Dankwart and Volker to keep the door, he has
left us to guess the final result of these serious preliminary
arrangements. The 7,000 Huns massacred here are no doubt the same as the
7,000 who accompanied Kriemhild to church at St. XX, Thirty-first
Adventure, and the same perhaps as the men of Kriemhild mentioned at St.
XX, Thirtieth Adventure. These last had attempted mischief, and
Gunther may here take the will for the deed.
(St. LVIII.) The meaning of this stanza is anything but clear. From the
original, and the two readings von and vor, it would seem doubtful
whether Hagan laments that he sat at a distance from Folker or that he
took precedence of him.
THIRTY-FOURTH ADVENTURE
(St. XI.) I must confess I cannot see any inconsistency between the
first line of this stanza and the third of the preceding one; but there
is certainly a discrepancy between the second line, in which both Hagan
and Folker are mentioned as scoffing at Etzel, and the two stanzas
immediately following, which confine the invectives to Hagan.
(St. XII.) Lachmann's Nineteenth Lay begins here and ends with St. V,
Thirty-sixth Adventure. Scarcely any of the whole twenty begin and end
so unappropriated as this.
(St. XIX, XX, XXI.) I have arranged these stanzas as Simrock and Beta
have done. Braunfels places them XX, XIX, XXI.
THIRTY-FIFTH ADVENTURE
(St. XX.) I have here, without intending it, stumbled on an interior
ryhme, sounded confounded. Still I can assure Professor Lachmann that
the stanza is genuine.
THIRTY-SIXTH ADVENTURE
(St. VI.) Here begins Lachmann's Twentieth Lay.
(St. IX.) Here they are described as coming ûz dem hûse, which seems
to contradict Kriemhild's exhortation at St. XX, not to let the
Burgundians come für den sal. Perhaps they here merely come out of the
hall into a vestibule at the top of the staircase, so as to speak with
Etzel and Kriemhild, but not into the open air. So at St. V,
Thirty-ninth Adventure, Gunther and Hagan are said to be outside the
house, but at St. XXV, same Adventure, Hagan rushes down from the
staircase to attack Dietrich. From St. XXVI, Thirty-sixth Adventure, the
staircase seems to have been of no great length.
THIRTY-SEVENTH ADVENTURE
(St. XVII.) Compare stanzas CXV, CXVI, Twentieth Adventure.
(St. LIX.) It is odd, that the hall, which must have been the principal
eating-hall in the castle, is here called Kriemhild's. Von der Hagen
thinks Kriemhild had appropriated it by having attempted to set it on
fire, but arson is an odd kind of title. He supposes, too, it may be the
hall mentioned at St. IV, Twenty-ninth Adventure; yet it seems strange
that Etzel should have received his guests anywhere but in his own hall.
(St. XCI.) This stanza, as Professor Lachmann justly observes, cannot
belong to Hagan, but is appropriate to Giselher, who is mentioned
immediately after. Still there is an awkwardness here.
THIRTY-EIGHTH ADVENTURE
(St. II.) The king himself has come to the feast, has made one of the
party, that is, has been slaughtered with the rest. See Lachmann's note
(St. 2173 L.).
(St. XLIII.) I have with Simrock and Beta followed the reading of the
Lassberg manuscript, struchen for stieben. The latter is explained
by Braunfels and von der Hagen with reference to the flying out of
sparks from armor, but this effect follows in the next line. To an
Englishman the reading stieben appears to bear a comical resemblance
to our vulgar phrase, "dusting a man's jacket."
(St. LXXXIX.) The Amelungers' land was Bern, that is Verona, the
hereditary possession of Dietrich: who was driven from it by his uncle
Ermanrich, Emperor of Rome. He took refuge with Etzel, and remained in
exile 30 or 32 years. For what further relates to him and the Amelungers
see the notes to Sts. IV and V, Twenty-eighth Adventure.
THIRTY-NINTH ADVENTURE
(St. V.) The phrase, outside the house, ûzen an dem hûse, appears to
mean merely outside the hall. They seem to have stood in a sort of
vestibule at the top of the stairs that led down into the courtyard.
Compare St. IX, Thirty-sixth Adventure, and the note.
(St. IX.) I have ventured, in conformity with the original, to talk of
"joys lying slain," though certainly the phrase seems harsh in English.
One manuscript reads freunde friends, instead of freuden joys.
(St. XXI.) Walter of Spain ran away with Hildegund from the court of
Etzel, as that monarch himself informs us in an earlier part of this
poem. As the young hero was passing with her through the Vosges or Wask
mountains, he was attacked by Gunther with twelve knights, among whom
was Hagan. The latter however, "for old acquaintance' sake," refused to
fight against Walter, and persevered in his refusal, till the Spaniard
had killed eleven knights, and Gunther himself was in danger. At last,
after all three were wounded, they made up matters. According to the
Vilkina Saga, Walter, after slaying the eleven knights, put Hagan to
flight, and then, having lighted a fire, sat down with Hildegund to dine
on the chine of a wild boar. As he was thus agreeably employed, Hagan
fell upon him by surprise but was pelted so severely by Walter with the
bones of the wild boar, that he escaped with difficulty, and, even as it
was, lost an eye.—See W. Grimm's "Deutsche Heldensage," p. 91.
The Latin poem "Waltharius," which is translated from a lost German one,
gives a more dignified account of the matter. There also Hagano refuses
to fight at first, and says
"Eventum videam, nec consors sim spoliorum,"
Dixerat, et collem petiit mox ipse propinquum,
Descendensque ab equo consedit, et aspicit illo.
Eleven knights are killed, but next day, after Walter has left a
stronghold, where he could be attacked by only one at a time, he is
assailed on his march by Gunther and Hagan, and the fight continues till
Gunther has lost a foot, Walter his right hand, and Hagan his right eye
and twice three grinders. The combatants are then reconciled. For the
situation of this field of battle, see "Lateinische Gedichte des 10.
und 11. Jahrhunderts" by J. Grimm and Schmeller, p. 123.
(St. XLVI.) This stanza, which is in the Lassberg manuscript only, has
been added apparently, like others, to soften the character of
Kriemhild.
(St. LII.) Harrow and welaway. Old exclamations of distress or anger.
Harrow and welaway!
After so wicked deed, why liv'st thou lenger day?
"Faerie Queene," II, viii. 46.
(St. LVII.) The edeln knehte here, and the vil manic rîche kneht of
St. XXXIV, in both passages associated with knights, were no doubt of a
far superior station to that of the mere knehte, 9,000 of whom
followed Gunther into Hungary. These last we may call yeomen, the other,
squires. The edeln burgære (St. XXXV, Seventeenth Adventure), seem to
have been not the mere townsfolk, but the chiefs of the corporation the
lord mayor, aldermen, and common council of Worms.
Transcriber's Note:
Some initial characters and final punctuation were replaced.
Quotation marks have been changed to allow the modern reader
to follow a quotation from one stanza to the next.
Inconsistent hyphenation and spellings were retained.
Pg 295: (stout and ruet) changed to (stout and true)
Pg 395: Greek: proselthon, internal terminal sigma retained.