THE SOCIAL PUZZLE (concluded).
The solution of the Social Puzzle—Mormon slavery and negro slavery
compared—The duty of the Government to break up Mormon slavery—The
remedy the same as for the political evils of Mormonism—Brigham Young
opposed to immigration of Gentiles—A growing spirit of
restlessness—Necessity of surrounding the youth with an atmosphere of
freedom—Personal Bondage of the Mormons overcome by Gentile
colonization—Social ostracism no longer dreaded—Mental Bondage
overcome by national schools and colonization—Moral Bondage
overcome by the same means—This policy not to be confounded with the
let-alone policy—An apparent policy of toleration—The alarmist’s cry
and its answer—The Mormon standpoint not to be overlooked—The cry of
unconstitutionality—The proposed Polygamy Amendment to the
Constitution—The cry of religious persecution—Imprisonment preferred
to sacrifice of principle—Law impotent to break up polygamy—Supposed
captivity of Mormon women a mistake—Mass-meeting of Mormon women to
plead for polygamy—Senator Hoar on the solution of the social
puzzle—How the law should be enforced and its probable
effect—Superiority of the colonization plan over any other plan—Its
effectiveness proved by the Oneida Community—The Social Puzzle
solved—The duty of the nation, the citizen, and the Church.
If our diagnosis of the Mormon social system is correct, then the only
effectual remedy will be one that reaches the real evil, which is
slavery; and as polygamy is only one of the results of slavery, remove
the cause and the result will likewise be removed.
But this slavery of the Mormons is very different from the negro slavery
in the South before our Civil War. The latter was a legalized traffic, and
the remedy for it was law. The slavery of the Mormons is a voluntary
one, and rests not upon law but upon religious conviction; and hence law
cannot be an effectual remedy. The Mormon Puzzle, then, is a much harder
one to solve than the Negro Puzzle before the war, and will require a
longer time for its solution.
The galley-slave realizes his bondage, feels his fetters, hears the twang
of his master’s whip, and longs and plans for a release from his
servitude; but he who is enslaved by a mental or moral dogma, while he
thinks he is of all men the most free, is in the most fearful condition of
slavery. This is the condition of all those who, like the Mormons, are
compelled to yield a blind obedience to the teachings of an infallible
priesthood; and it must necessarily be the case that all such are unfitted
to discharge the duties pertaining to independent citizenship. He, and he
only, is fitted to become a worthy citizen of our nation who strives to be
an independent thinker, and who follows no guide but his own conscientious
sense of right and wrong; but he, and he only, is a good Mormon who obeys
counsel without question or gainsaying. It is, therefore, the imperative
duty of our Government to break up this slavery among the Mormons, and to
do it as speedily as possible. The Government is responsible for the
growth of this system within its domains, and it is in duty bound to
eradicate its evils so far as it lies within its power; but thus far the
root-evil of the system has not been recognized. All the efforts of the
Government have been directed only against one of the branches—namely,
polygamy. The real evil is slavery, and it seems to us that the same
remedy we suggested for the solution of the Mormon Political Puzzle is the
proper solution of the Mormon Social Puzzle.
1. A National Colonization Scheme,
which would surround the Mormons with a people imbued with freedom, and exercising freedom of thought, speech, and action.
2. The establishment of National Free Schools of a high order all through
the Territory, by means of which the rising generation would be
continually surrounded with an atmosphere of freedom. Nothing can change
old Mormons, either men or women; but the young men and women—the rising
generation—may be reclaimed.
The system of bondage in vogue in Utah can only be successfully maintained
by its being isolated. The system thrived abundantly under Brigham Young,
because it was entirely isolated from the rest of the nation. There were
at various times individuals who dared to assert their God-given reason
and freedom; but being alone in the Territory, they were soon silenced.
But individual thought and expression have more encouragement now that the
days of isolation have to some extent passed away by the opening of the
Pacific Railroad and the mines of Southern Utah, and the influx of several
thousand Gentiles. Brigham Young knew that the immigration into Utah of a
large non-Mormon population would be the death-blow to his system, and so
he used every means in his power to prevent it. He opposed most
strenuously the opening of the railroad and the mines; but they were both
opened by the aid of United States troops. In the same year that the
Pacific Railroad was opened Henry Lawrence and his associates made their
noble stand in behalf of freedom of thought and action, and against the
dictation of the Church in temporal affairs; and ever since then there has
been a growing spirit of independence.
Among the young there is a growing restlessness and an increasing sense of
shame and wrong. The conditions are becoming dangerous, and the leaders
see it. The American flag is overhead. The bombshells which issue from a
free press are being heard and felt. Some flashes of the electric light of
knowledge are to be seen, and some of the hopes which make jubilant the
souls of American youth elsewhere are causing thrills in hearts in Utah
which have heretofore been stolid. The thing for us to do is to surround
them with an atmosphere of freedom, so that they will drink it in with
every breath; and it will not be long before it will permeate their entire
lives.
Their personal bondage would be overcome by their coming in contact with
a people imbued with the true American sense of freedom. In a few years no
fear of consequences would prevent them from asserting their rights. The
tables would be turned, and woe to them who should deliberately trample
their freedom under foot!
Moreover, by bringing in a large population of non-Mormons, social
ostracism would not be dreaded as it now is. If the majority of the people
were Gentiles, pecuniarily it would be to the advantage of a man in every
way to break loose from his bondage to the Mormon priesthood. Think you
that a man would work under a Mormon bishop for one dollar a day when
under a non-Mormon he could double his wages? Think you that he would
continue to allow the priesthood to swallow up about one half of his
income when his income would be trebled each year if he broke away from
their power? Surely not.
Then, too, the mental bondage of the people would thus be overcome. Even
aside from the establishment of national free schools, the illiteracy of
the people would be greatly overcome by the system of colonization
proposed; for a much more enlightened class of people would be brought in,
and by contact with them the scales of ignorance to a great extent would
drop from the Mormons’ eyes, and they would see their bondage; and to see
it will be to break from it. Besides, the schools would inevitably be made
free and greatly improved; and the newspapers would be greater in number
and scattered all over the Territory; and who can estimate the power of a
free press?
Moreover, the moral bondage of the Mormons would thus be overcome. Even
now, with only a small number of Gentiles in Utah, the Mormon leaders dare
not command their followers to murder and assassinate as once they did;
and polygamy would be more effectually overcome in that way than in any
other.
But the policy which I here advocate must not be confounded with the
let-alone policy which has been advocated by some, but which is a policy
which no true lover of humanity, if he knows the enormity of the existing
evils of the system, can hold for a moment. It was that policy which has
caused the system to attain its present rank growth. It was that policy
which has brought disgrace upon our nation in the eyes of the civilized
world. Shame that it should be held by any American! Was it the let-alone
policy by which the awful oppression of the priesthood was first broken in
England by that immortal hero and champion of liberty, John Wicliffe? Was
that the way in which Luther brought deliverance to the oppressed
thousands of Germany, and Knox established civil and religious freedom
upon the shattered ruins of priestly corruption and tyranny among
Scotland’s hills and vales? The let-alone policy was tried in our land
with negro slavery for more than a hundred years. Did it die out? Let the
answer come from the half million graves where sleep the unreturning
heroes of the Blue and the Gray.
Accordingly, the policy which I advocate is not the let-alone policy. Far
from it. It is rather the antipodes of that policy, the furthest remove
from it possible. Instead of letting every Mormon alone in his voluntary
bondage, it touches every Mormon; it brings a power to bear upon every
one which he cannot help but feel. It brings him into personal contact
with the spirit of freedom as it is exemplified in the genuine American.
True, it may be called a policy of toleration; but therein lies its
strength and its superiority over any purely repressive policy, for it is
regarded as an axiom that to tolerate error where truth surrounds it is
the best means for its destruction. The evils in the Mormon system would
long ago have been sunk out of sight but for its isolation from vital
contact with truth. What the result of a battle between Truth and Error
will be is known to all; but to conquer, Truth must be brought into close
contact with Error. The trouble has been that Utah until quite recently
has been hedged in by a Chinese wall of separation, so that Truth and
Liberty have been shut out. The plan we advocate breaks down this Chinese
wall entirely, and lets in the light of Truth and Liberty upon every
Mormon soul. It allows Truth to have free course and fair play. There will
then be a hand-to-hand combat between Truth and Error; and who can doubt
as to the result? “Truth is mighty and will prevail.”
But some alarmist may cry: “Ah! but it will take time for that moral
battle to be fought out to the end, and in the mean time the horrid cancer
will spread and spread, and even our own families will not be safe from
its infection.”
But, in reply, it can be said that nothing short of the annihilation of
the Mormons would overcome polygamy very soon. Even at the shortest, it
will take several years to accomplish its effectual overthrow. The Utah
Commission, in their report to the Secretary of the Interior, September
24th, 1886, deemed it proper to reiterate on this point what they had
before said in their report for 1884, viz.:
“As the Government has to deal here with a people who are wonderfully
superstitious and fanatically devoted to their system of religion, the
public should not expect, as the immediate result of the present laws of
Congress, nor indeed of any legislation, however radical, the sudden
overthrow of polygamy; and the most that can be predicted of such
legislation is, that it will, if no step backward be taken, soon
ameliorate the harder conditions of Mormonism, and hasten the day for its
final extinction.”
Furthermore, the cry that “even our own families will not be safe from the
infection of this ever-spreading cancer” is nothing but sheer cant—such a
cry as the ranting demagogue might raise; and it only shows how ignorant
most people are in regard to this question of Mormonism, even those who
claim to understand it. Polygamy is not taught by the Mormon missionaries,
and is not practised outside of Utah, and is practised there only by a
small minority of the people. In the letter of the First Presidency to the
Mormons at their semi-annual conference, dated October 6th, 1885, there
were the following statements, coming from the head of the Church, and
which are known to be true: “We never have believed or taught that the
doctrine of celestial marriage was designed for universal practice....
There appears to be a fallacious idea abroad regarding this doctrine. It
has been asserted that there was a design to propagate it outside of our
community, and thus introduce into the United States an element opposed to
the Christian views of this and other nations. On the contrary, our elders
have been instructed not to introduce the practice of that principle
anywhere outside of the gathering-place of the Saints; and they do not
preach it abroad to any extent, even in theory, except on occasions when
it is called for or when they are assailed on account of it.... It should
also be understood that the practice is not generally admissible even
among the Latter-Day Saints. It is strictly guarded, the intention being
to allow only those who are above reproach to enter into the
relationship.... The idea, therefore, that plural marriage is a menace to
the general monogamous system is without foundation. This fallacy is
further exhibited by the fact of the popular antipathy with which it is
regarded, people outside of our Church exhibiting a disposition the
reverse of favorable to its establishment in other communities, making the
extension of its practice abroad impossible.” No; our own homes are not in
much danger from this evil. The Mormons in Utah will be the only
sufferers. There should be no selfish motive aroused for the destruction
of this evil. Neither we nor our families are in great danger. Honor and
humanity are the motives which should actuate every American to wipe out
this foul blot upon our nation’s face and to uplift our brethren from the
degradation and bondage of this accursed system; and although the plan
with which we propose to accomplish this end will take some few years
before the climax will be reached, yet while the plan is gradually being
wrought out it will place a greater check upon the evil than any other
plan, and in the end will be effectual in breaking it up, which cannot be
said of any other plan yet proposed. And what is more, it would accomplish
the end with less of bitter spirit being manifested and with less property
and lives lost than any other plan that could possibly be brought forth,
because it is in strict accord with Christian principles and has nothing
in connection with it which could be construed by the Mormons as
religious persecution.
In dealing with this question we must not overlook the Mormon standpoint,
although it may differ from our own. The law against polygamy is regarded
by the Mormons, in the first place, as unconstitutional. The existing
prohibitory law is only a statute-law, which they claim to be out of
harmony with the fundamental law of our land as expressed in the
Constitution. The latter they claim to revere as inspired. Accordingly,
their constant hope and effort is to obtain admission into the Union as a
State, so that they might no longer be under the exclusive control of
Congress. Under the Constitution as it now is, Congress has no legislative
jurisdiction over the question of polygamy in the different States of the
Union. The whole subject, together with that of marriage and divorce, is
left with the States themselves, and may be regulated by them according to
their own discretion. Knowing this, the Mormons are working strenuously to
have Utah admitted as a State with all its rights and privileges; then
they could bid defiance to all the statute-laws of Congress on the subject
of polygamy, and in the exercise of their undoubted right they would enact
a law allowing polygamy, which would not transgress any article of our
Constitution. The earnest efforts of the Mormons will naturally be
directed to that end as long as the Constitution remains as it is. The
proper thing to do in order to completely overthrow that idea among the
Mormons is to pass the proposed Polygamy Amendment to the Constitution.
The Mormons would then see that, so far as that institution is concerned,
they have nothing to gain by gaining political control of a State. No
State could establish polygamy, any more than it could establish slavery;
and if any State, owing to local public sentiment or partisan politics,
were remiss in dealing with polygamists, the general Government would have
power to supply the remedy. If such an amendment were made to the
Constitution, the cry of the Mormons concerning the unconstitutionality of
the Anti-Polygamy Law would be completely overcome; for, as the Utah
Commission very aptly say in their report for 1886, “they would probably
not have the hardihood to say that the Constitution itself is
unconstitutional, and it is not unreasonable to predict that the more
sagacious and influential persons among the Mormons would realize the
hopelessness of a further conflict with the Government, and accommodate
themselves to the inevitable by the exercise of that ‘worldly wisdom’
which so often tempers and modifies the conduct of religious fanatics.”
Nevertheless, the Mormons could still raise their greatest cry—that which
has the greatest weight with them—the cry of religious persecution;
because then, as now, they would claim that the law interfered with their
religion. We cannot admit the truth of their assertion. Chief-Justice
Waite was right when he delivered the opinion of the United States Supreme
Court on this subject: “Laws are made for the government of actions; and
while they cannot interfere with mere religious belief and opinions, they
may with practices. Suppose one believed that human sacrifices were a
necessary part of religious worship, would it be seriously contended that
the civil government under which we lived could not interfere to prevent
the sacrifice? Or if a wife religiously believed it was her duty to burn
herself upon the funeral pile of her dead husband, would it be beyond the
power of the civil government to prevent her from carrying her belief into
practice? So here, as a law for the organization of society under the
exclusive dominion of the United States, it is provided that plural
marriages shall not be allowed. Can a man excuse his practices to the
country because of his religious belief? To permit this would be to make
the professed doctrines of religious belief superior to the law of the
land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a law unto himself.
Government could exist only in name under such circumstances.”
Those words express the views of at least nine tenths of the people in our
land. To deny those statements is to deny doctrines that are essential to
the possibility of civil government, and in effect would reduce society to
a state of anarchy in which every one may do as he pleases without any
legal responsibility. Crimes against society do not cease to be crimes
because they are religiously committed. Society can never take the
criminal’s conscience, whether it be religious or otherwise, as a test or
guide on this subject, and yet live under the regulation of law.
Nevertheless, the Mormons do not agree with us in such views, and hold
that every person who is convicted under the Edmunds law is a martyr to
his religion.
And looking at the subject as they do, we cannot help but feel a measure
of respect for the Mormons while we deplore their bondage, when we find
them, after conviction in court, when the alternative is presented to
them of a promise to obey the law against polygamy hereafter or go to
prison, deliberately choose the latter, saying, as Abram H. Cannon, one of
the elders of the Church did, March 17th, 1886: “I would like to state,
your Honor, that I have always endeavored to keep the laws of the United
States, because I have been taught by my parents that the Constitution was
a sacred instrument. That I have failed in this respect and now stand
before you convicted of the crime of unlawful cohabitation is due to the
fact that I acknowledge a higher law than that of man, which is the law of
God; and that law being a part of my religion, sir, I have attempted to
obey it. When I embraced this religion I promised to place all that I had,
even life itself, upon the altar, and I expect to abide by that covenant
which I made. And, sir, I hope the day will never come when I must
sacrifice principle even to procure life or liberty. Honor, sir, to me is
higher than anything else upon the earth; and my religion is dearer to me
than anything else that I have yet seen. I am prepared, sir, for the
judgment of the court.” Such a man one cannot help but respect; and we can
only wish that he stood up thus manfully in a nobler cause than that of
polygamy.
Shortly after Governor West went to Utah on his appointment by the
President, he visited the penitentiary of the Territory, and in an address
to the Mormon inmates promised them pardon if they would hereafter obey
the law; but after reflection, the following written reply was sent to him
signed by forty-eight Mormon prisoners:
“Utah Penitentiary, May 24, 1886.
“To his Excellency Caleb W. West, Governor of Utah:
“Sir: On the 13th instant you honored the inmates of the Penitentiary
with a visit and offered to intercede for the pardon of all those
enduring imprisonment on conviction under the Edmunds law, if they
would but promise obedience to it in the future, as interpreted by the
courts. Gratitude for the interest manifested in our behalf claims
from us a reply. We trust, however, that this will not be construed
into defiance, as our silence already has been. We have no desire to
occupy a defiant attitude toward the Government, or to be in conflict
with the nation’s laws. We have never been even accused of violating
any other law than the one under which we were convicted, and that was
enacted purposely to oppose a tenet of our religion.
“We conscientiously believe in the doctrine of plural marriage, and
have practised it from a firm conviction of its being a divine
requirement.
“Of the forty-nine elders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day
Saints now imprisoned in the penitentiary for alleged violation of the
Edmunds law, all but four had plural wives from its passage to
thirty-five years prior to its passage. We were united to our wives
for time and eternity by the most sacred covenants, and in many
instances numerous children have been born as a result of our union,
who are endeared to us by the strongest paternal ties.
“What the promise asked of us implied you declined to explain, just as
the courts have done when appeals have been made to them for an
explicit and permanent definition of what must be done to comply with
the law.
“The rulings of the courts under this law have been too varied and
conflicting heretofore for us to know what may be the future
interpretations.
“The simple status of plural marriage is now made, under the law,
material evidence in securing conviction for unlawful cohabitation,
thus, independent of our act, ruthlessly trespassing upon the sacred
domain of our religious belief.
“So far as compliance with your proposition requires the sacrifice of
honor and manhood, the repudiation of our wives and children, the
violation of sacred covenants, Heaven forbid that we should be guilty
of such perfidy; perpetual imprisonment, with which we are threatened,
or even death itself, would be preferable.
“Our wives desire no separation from us, and were we to comply with
your request they would regard our action as most cruel, inhuman, and
monstrous, our children would blush with shame, and we should deserve
the scorn and contempt of all just and honorable men.
“The proposition you made, though prompted, doubtless, by a kind
feeling, was not new, for we could all have avoided imprisonment by
making the same promise to the courts; in fact, the penalties we are
now enduring are for declining to so promise rather than for acts
committed in the past. Had you offered us unconditional amnesty, it
would have been gladly accepted; but, dearly as we prize the great
boon of liberty, we cannot afford to obtain it by proving untrue to
our conscience, our religion, and our God.
“As loyal citizens of this great Republic, whose Constitution we
revere, we not only ask for, but claim, our rights as freemen; and if
from neither local nor national authority we are to receive equity and
mercy, we will make our appeal to the Great Arbiter of all human
interests, who in due time will grant us the justice hitherto denied.
“That you may, as the governor of our important but afflicted
Territory, aid us in securing every right to which loyal citizens are
entitled, and find happiness in so doing, we will ever pray.”
Now, this reply is respectful, sincere, and straightforward, yet firm and
vigorous, and shows no sign of weakness or indecision. We must credit the
signers with the courage of conviction and the qualities which cause men
to suffer rather than recant. Such acts show unmistakably the utter
futility of law now as applied to Mormon polygamy. Had the law which was
enacted in 1862 then been rigidly put in force, and, if necessary,
supplemented by other legislation to make it effective, Mormon polygamy
might ere this have come to an end. Then it was in its first decade of
existence, and had not had time to be firmly grounded in the minds of the
people as a distinctive article of their faith; but now it has thirty-five
years of open practice back of it, and the example of father and mother,
who are stigmatized by any harsh appellation applied to polygamy.
Furthermore, the belief in it has been instilled into the minds of the
present generation from their childhood, and has become firmly grounded in
their belief.
There is one great mistake made by most people in regard to Utah polygamy.
They believe that the women of Utah are held by the men in a kind of
captivity, not being able to escape from their degradation, but would
gladly avail themselves of liberty if they only had an opportunity. The
fact is, that they are in voluntary servitude, and would not accept
liberty, because they believe it is their duty to be polygamists.
There was a mass-meeting of women held in Salt Lake City in the fall of
1878 which was attended by about two thousand women who were devoted
Mormons. At that meeting one woman seventy years of age said: “I thank God
that I am a polygamous wife;” and she said she had a “feeling of great
pity for those who did not enjoy this good blessing.” Another old lady
said: “I would not abandon it to exchange with Queen Victoria and all her
dependencies.” The secretary of the meeting said: “The women of this
country want to crush us, but it will be diamond cut diamond.” And thus
for nearly three hour one speaker after another defended polygamy, all
believing it to be an inspired doctrine given by God to aid in redeeming a
sinful world from a condition of sin and pollution to one of holiness and
purity. The following resolution among others was unanimously adopted by
the meeting:
“Resolved, That we solemnly avow our belief in the doctrine of the
patriarchal order of marriage—a doctrine which was revealed to and
practised by God’s people in past ages, and is now re-established on earth
by divine command of Him who is the same yesterday, to-day, and forever; a
doctrine which, if lived up to and carried out under the direction of the
precepts pertaining to it, and of the higher principles of our nature,
would conduce to the long life, strength, and glory of the people
practising it; and we therefore indorse it as one of the most important
principles of our holy religion, and claim the right of its practice.”
It can be plainly seen from that meeting that the leading Mormon women are
in earnest in their plea for polygamy, and that it is practised because
they believe God commanded it; and consequently it can never be overcome
by human law.
Senator Hoar, who, with Senator Edmunds, has divided the honor of
originating radical laws against Mormon polygamy, seems himself to have
acknowledged their worthlessness as an effective remedy. The following
letter from him to Joseph Cook was read by the latter in connection with
his lecture delivered in Boston, February 2d, 1885:
“Washington, January 31, 1885.
“My dear Sir: I am glad that the topics of Mormonism and the
reorganization of the South are to be discussed in your lectures in
Boston. Massachusetts is an old State. Her people dwell under
institutions which have been ripening for two hundred and fifty years;
but in the West, in the heart of the Continent, and in the South we
are laying foundations still. If Mormonism live and grow, the
Christian family will not be an element in the civilization of the
great Central States of the future. If the 30,000,000 of the colored
race who within fifty years will inhabit the States of the South are
to be a race of peasants, denied their practical and equal share in
the Government by such processes as have prevailed in recent years,
the republic itself cannot continue. The Russian ‘despotism tempered
by assassination’ is quite as desirable as Republicanism tempered by
both assassination and fraud. In the warfare with these things, the
school and the Christian Church are to be our most potent instruments.
They can accomplish more than any political party. I have
contemplated with the greatest satisfaction the noble work in this
cause of our New England churches and of the associations they have
organized.
“I am yours, very truly,
“George F. Hoar.”
It is, indeed, true that the school and the Christian Church are more
“potent instruments” for the overthrow of polygamy than any laws of our
political legislators. Law does not reach the evil, for it rests upon a
strong religious conviction. Law cannot reach it. To make a law that a
man shall not be fanatical is to waste paper on which something sensible
might be written; for Congress to undertake to keep people from becoming
fanatics is unspeakably ludicrous. Legislation in that direction is
intrusive. Law provides for the punishment of an overt act, and is
absolutely powerless as to a man’s eccentricity.
We do not mean to assert that the laws against polygamy should be stricken
from our statute-books. Far from it. On the contrary, it is a shame to our
country that they have been allowed so long to be nullified. Let us thank
God that during the past two years they have been enforced. They should be
most rigidly enforced, although no such system of inquisition and prying
into the most sacred relations of husband and wife through their children
should be instituted in the name of purity and justice, as the Mormons
claim is being now carried on there, and which called forth an earnest
protest by the women of Utah at a mass-meeting in the theatre of Salt Lake
City March 6th, 1886. Besides, other crimes in the Territory should not be
overlooked in zeal to punish that particular crime. The laws should be
impartially executed. Moreover, I believe the penalty for the crime should
be made to correspond better with the gravity of the crime. Six months’
imprisonment seems a very small penalty for such an enormous crime against
society; the Mormons purchase martyrdom at too cheap a price. It should be
increased to three or five years’ imprisonment.
Nevertheless, no matter what the law may be, it cannot alone overcome this
evil. It may make the evil unpopular. It may act upon some as an educator,
and cause them to lose their implicit confidence in their leaders; and,
indeed, such is said to be the fact in Utah now. Dr. McNiece, in his
letter to the writer from Salt Lake City, dated February 12th, 1886, says:
“The people are beginning to lose faith in their leaders. The Lord is not
coming down on the Wahsatch Mountains with horses and chariots of fire to
deliver the persecuted (?) Saints, as Orson Pratt used to predict. In
fact, the people are beginning to doubt about the Lord’s being on their
side at all.” Now, that is a good sign; and it is, doubtless, true of the
more enlightened among the Mormons; but upon the masses of the people, the
only effect will be to weld them closer together; and I cannot but think
that the leaders are glad that they can raise the cry of persecution. That
cry puts down all internal dissension, and unites the people against a
common enemy. “The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church,” has
passed into a proverb.
But the plan which we propose has nothing of persecution in connection
with it, and thus it will leave room for internal dissension; and from
within alone can Mormonism be effectually helped to eradicate its errors.
The evils will in this way be overcome by the people themselves, while in
reality the work will be accomplished by forces without.
That this system would prove effectual may be safely argued from the fact
that, wherever the Gentiles now live in any number, there polygamy is
discountenanced and is on the decline. Judge C. C. Goodwin, editor of the
Salt Lake Tribune, in an article in Harper’s Weekly, October, 1881,
said: “Not half of the daughters of Mormons who have grown up amid a large
population of Gentiles will ever enter into polygamy.”
Besides, it may be argued from a parallel case, which actually did take
place in our own land. The Oneida Community, in the midst of one of the
most prosperous and intelligent communities in the State of New York,
openly defied popular sentiment and covertly transgressed the law by the
maintenance of a social system as abhorrent as that of polygamy; for they
practised promiscuous marriage. They were a community having all things in
common, and the women were as much common property as any other property.
Its members, however, were not mobbed; they were not terrorized in the
name of law; they were not driven into exile by persecution; but free
contact with the healthful currents of the life about them finally
resulted in the disintegration of that portion of their social fabric
which was maintained in opposition to law and the sentiment of their
neighbors. Now, with that practical example in mind, who would dare say
that the scheme we advocate would not be effectual in breaking up
polygamy?
Thus we trust that we have shown that this plan would effectually cure the
evils of the Mormon social system, and bring the Mormons out of the
personal, mental, and moral bondage, which now blinds their eyes and
benumbs their sensibilities.
We regard it the duty of the nation to set on foot this peaceful, yet most
effective, plan. Let the nation at once establish free schools all over
the Territory, to let the rising generation breathe constantly the air of
liberty and have the light of knowledge, that the ignorance and
superstition which form the cement which keeps the Mormon social system
from falling into ruins may not get possession of their minds and souls;
and let the nation offer large inducements for colonists to emigrate to
Utah, and give them every facility. Money spent in this way is for the
general welfare, and is as justifiable as to spend money for a national
exposition, or for checking the spread of cholera or yellow-fever. If the
nation would do these two things, that accursed system of bondage would
disappear within the next decade, and the citizens of Utah would “be like
the rest of us.”
But if the nation fails to do this, then individual citizens throughout
the land, all lovers of humanity, and especially all Christian
denominations, should take the matter in hand; and they should not only
plant free schools in all parts of the Territory, a few of which have been
established already by five different Christian denominations; but they
should also form Utah Colonization Societies, whose object should be to
secure the planting of pure, freedom-loving, Christian families in every
Mormon city, town, and village; and they should not desist until the
Mormons are in a minority in Utah, the people freed from their bondage,
and the laws respected. Honor demands it; humanity cries out for it;
Christianity implores it.
“Up now for Freedom! Not in strife
Like that your sterner fathers saw—
The awful waste of human life,
The glory and the guilt of war;
But break the chain, the yoke remove,
And smite to earth Oppression’s rod,
With those mild arms of Truth and Love,
Made mighty through the Living God!”