People who are accustomed to sit half the day with their hands
folded, over a bright November fire, talking of hard times and
other standing grievances, will do well to read "A Letter from
Sydney, the principal town of Australasia, edited by Robert
Ganger;" and study an annexed system of colonization as a
remedy for their distress. The Letter is written by a
plain-sailing, plain-dealing man of the world, and though on a
foreign topic, is in a homely style. We are therefore persuaded
that a few extracts will be useful to the above class of thinkers
and readers, as well as to others who do not, like the great man
of antiquity, sigh for new worlds.
All that you read in the works of Wentworth and Cunningham, as
to the healthfulness and beauty of the climate, is strictly true.
There are scarcely any diseases but what result immediately from
intemperance. Dropsy, palsy, and the whole train of nervous
complaints, are common enough; but then, drunkenness is the vice
par excellence of the lower orders; and the better class
of settlers have not learned those habits of temperance which are
suited to the climate of Naples. The two classes often remind me
of English squires and their grooms, as I used to see them at
Florence, just after the peace; masters drinking at dinner,
because they were abroad, and after dinner because they were
Englishmen; the servants drinking always, because wine and brandy
were cheap. Perhaps a generation must pass away before the people
here will accommodate their habits to the climate, which is that
of Italy, without either malaria or the sirocco.
The soil of New South Wales is not particularly fertile. The
plains of the Granges, and of the great rivers of China, the
lowlands of the West India islands, the swamps of the Gulf of
Mexico, and even the marshes of Essex, produce crops of which the
people here have no conception; but then, as we are without great
masses of alluvial deposit, so are agues and intermittent fevers
absolutely unknown. In point of natural fertility, I am inclined
to compare this soil to that of France; and I have no doubt that,
if the same quantity of agricultural labour as is employed in
France, were here bestowed upon an area
equal to the French territory, the quantity of produce would
fully equal that of France. Timber, coal, iron, and other useful
minerals, abound; the harbours and rivers teem with fish; cattle
of all sorts thrive and multiply with astonishing rapidity; every
fruit that flourishes in Spain and Italy comes to the highest
perfection; and Nature fully performs her part in bestowing upon
man the necessaries, comforts, and luxuries of life.
I was told that an estate of 10,000 acres might be obtained
for a mere trifle. This was true. I have got 20,000 acres, and
they did not cost me more than 2s. per acre. But I imagined that
a domain of that extent would be very valuable. In this I was
wholly mistaken. As my estate cost me next to nothing, so it is
worth next to nothing. It is a noble property to look at; and
"20,000 acres in a ring fence," sounds very well in England; but
here, such a property possesses no exchangeable value. The reason
is plain: there are millions upon millions of acres, as fertile
as mine, to be had for nothing; and, what is more, there are not
people to take them. Of my 20,000 acres I reckon about 5,000 to
be woodland, though, indeed, there are trees scattered over the
whole property, as in an English park. For my amusement, I had a
rough estimate made of the money that I could obtain for all this
timber, were it growing in any part of England. The valuation
amounts to above £150,000.
Having fortune enough for all my wants, I proposed to get a
large domain, to build a good house, to keep enough land in my
own hands for pleasure-grounds, park, and game preserves; and to
let the rest, after erecting farm-houses in the most suitable
spots. My mansion, park, preserves, and tenants, were all a mere
dream. I have not one of them. When, upon my first arrival, I
talked of these things to some sensible men, to whom I was
recommended, they laughed in my face. I soon found that a house
would, though the stone and timber were to be had for nothing,
cost three times as much as in England. This was on account of
the very high wages required by mechanics; but this was not all.
None of the materials of a house, except stone and timber, are
produced in the colony. Every pane of glass, every nail, every
grain of paint, and every piece of furniture, from the kitchen
copper to the drawing-room curtains, must have come from England.
My property is at a distance of nearly seventy miles from the
sea, and there is no road, but a track through the forest, for
two-thirds of that distance. The whole colony did not contain as
many masons, carpenters, glaziers, painters, black and
whitesmiths, and other mechanics, as I should have required. Of
course, I soon abandoned all thought of building a mansion. As
for a park, my whole property was a park, and a preserve for
kangaroos and emus.
A friend of ours, a free emigrant, has more than once
facetiously wished for our company in the colony; but judging
from the following, we had rather "let well alone," and stay at
home, than play the schoolmaster or march-of-intellect-man at
Sydney:—
As for mental wants, talking and reading are out of the
question, except it be to scold your servants, and to con over a
Sydney newspaper, which contains little else but the miserable
party politics of this speck upon the globe, reports of crime and
punishment, and low-lived slang and flash, such as fill the
pothouse Sunday papers of London.
Literary men, men of science, philosophers, do not emigrate to
new countries where their acquirements would be neither rewarded
nor admired. Sir Walter Scott, Sir Humphry Davy, and Mr. Malthus,
would not earn as much in this colony as three brawny experienced
ploughmen; and though the inordinate vanity of a new people might
be gratified by the possession of them, they would be considered
as mere ornaments, and would often be wholly neglected for things
of greater utility.
House-rent, that great bugbear of certain economists, is
indeed a grievous affair at Sydney, as page 20 proves:—
Behold me established at Sydney, in a small house, a poor
vamped-up building, more inconvenient, and far more ugly, than
you can imagine, for which I pay a rent of £250 a year. For
half the money you could get twice as good a house in any English
country town. This excessive house-rent is caused by the dearness
of labour, which enhances the cost of building; for, either the
builder will exact a rent proportioned to his outlay, or (if he
cannot obtain such a rent) he will not build.
Of what class then, you ask, have been the great mass of
emigrants from England, not convicts? Excellent people in
their way, most of them; farmers, army and navy
surgeons, subalterns on half-pay, and a number of indescribable
adventurers, from about the twentieth rank in England. They came
here to live, not to enjoy; to eat and drink, not to refine; "to
settle"—that is, to roll in a gross plenty for the body,
but to starve their minds. To these must be added convicts, many
of whom are become rich and influential; and some, not exactly
convicts, to whom England ceased to be a convenient residence.
The English who live at Boulogne, some for cheapness, some from
misfortune, and some from fear, would offer, I should think, a
fair sample of the materials which compose the best society in
New South Wales; though, I must admit, that the bustling,
thriving settler of New South Wales is a companion, rather
ignorant though he be—far away preferable to the not more
enlightened, but melancholy English sluggard of Boulogne. To form
a due conception of the "upper classes" here, suppose all the
natives of France annihilated, and the whole country belonging to
the English residents of Boulogne. In that case, there would be
an almost perfect resemblance between those Englishmen who,
across a narrow channel, can see their own country, and those
who, at its antipodes look upon the Pacific Ocean.
As in France, the first class call themselves "gens comme il
faut;" and in England, "people of fashion," or "the
world"—so here, the leaders of society are distinguished by
a peculiar term. They are called "respectable." Not to speak of
France, it is difficult to say what in England constitutes
"fashion." Not high birth, certainly—for some of the
despots of English society are sprung from the dunghill. Our
epithet to express exclusiveness is, I think better
chosen—for, though strictly speaking, it means worthy of
respect, it is claimed, here, only by those to whom respect is
paid. In England, the Quarterly Review tells us,
"respectability" sometimes means keeping a gig—here it
always means dining with the governor.
Our manners set the fashion. Those whom we exclude, exclude
others. Free emigrants claim to be of a nature superior to
convicts; convicts, whose terms of punishment have expired,
behave as if their flesh and blood were wholly unlike that of
convicts still in durance; convicts, who have not been convicted
south of the line, scorn those who have; and these several
classes, except the last, are as proud and tenacious of their
privileges as is every distinctive class in England, except the
unhappy lowest; or, as is every shade of colour in the West
Indies except the perfect black.
Of the settlement may amount in round numbers to 45,000. Of
these only 14,000, including women and children, have not been
convicted of felony; and two-thirds of the remainder,
seven-eights being grown men, are galley-slaves, still in
chains!
Influence of Convict Labour.
Little more than forty years ago this country was an absolute
waste. By way of contrast, behold, in the parts first settled,
the following proofs of wealth: a thriving capital, and several
interior towns, the latter being larger and better constructed
than the capitals of some English settlements in America, a
hundred years after their foundation; excellent roads; productive
turnpikes; crowded market-places; public hotels, superior to the
best in North America, even at this late hour; warehouses,
through which there is a constant flow of luxuries from all parts
of the world; public carriages, almost as well managed as those
of England; an astonishing number of private carriages, built in
Long Acre; several newspapers, and other periodical works;
booksellers' shops, well supplied from Europe; two banks of
deposit and discount; many churches and chapels; very good
schools for rich and poor; scientific, literary, and
philanthropic societies; a botanical garden; a turf club; packs
of hounds; dinner parties, concerts and balls; fine furniture,
plate, and jewels; and though last, not least, many gradations in
society, being so many gradations in wealth.
Whence have come all those things, over and above mere
subsistence, which astonish the beholder, when he reflects that
this colony has been planted little more than forty years?
An example has just passed my window, in the shape of a
dashing English landau. It contains a "lady," who married a poor
half-pay lieutenant, and who now drinks tea that would cost in
England twenty shillings the pound. They emigrated to New South
Wales in 1815. But how did she get that carriage, and how does
she manage to send to China for the gunpowder? Thus:—Her
husband is both landowner and merchant. Being constantly supplied
with a number of convict labourers, he breeds cattle
and cultivates grain; and as he gives to his labourers but just
enough for their subsistence, he has a large surplus produce.
Having sold to the local government wheat and beef for the supply
of prisons, hospitals, and barracks, he is paid partly with bills
upon the English treasury, and partly with dollars, sent from
England for the support of the great penitentiary. He remits one
of those bills to his London agent, and desires him to purchase,
with the proceeds thereof, a superb landau. In less than a year,
his wife "rides in her coach." He sends some of the dollars to
Canton, and purchases therewith a cargo of tea, of which he gives
to his wife as much as she likes, and sells the rest to the wives
of other men, who pay him with bills or dollars, received again
from the government for wheat and beef. Thus, you see, Mrs.
—— is indebted for two decided proofs of wealth to
the prevalence of crime in England. Even the coat of arms on her
landau was found by your Herald's College, in return for a part
of the proceeds of that bill, which was drawn to pay for the
food of the soldiers who drove the convicts, who produced the
food. Our old friend Sir George Nayler would no doubt start
at being told of his obligation to the pickpockets of London. And
the rogues are little aware of their influence in political
economy; but I have stated a plain fact, which, if you have any
doubts about it, pray submit both to Sir George himself, and to
Mr. M'Culloch.
That is, indeed, an ill-wind which blows no good. We owe every
thing, over and above mere subsistence, to the wickedness of the
people of England. Who built Sydney? Convicts. Who made the
excellent roads from Sydney to Parramatta, Windsor, and
Liverpool? Convicts. By whom is the land made to produce? By
convicts. Why do not all our labourers exact high wages, and, by
taking a large share of the produce of labour, prevent their
employers from becoming rich? Because most of them are convicts.
What has enabled the landowner readily to dispose of his surplus
produce? The demand of the keepers of convicts. What has brought
so many ships to Port Jackson, and occasioned a further demand
for agricultural produce? The transportation of convicts. What
has tempted free emigrants to bring capital into the settlement?
The true stories that they heard of fortunes made by employing
the cheap labour of convicts. But here are questions and answers
enough. The case is plain. Nearly all that we possess has arisen
from the happy influence of penal emigration and discipline, on
production, distribution, and consumption. Thanks to the system
of transportation, we have had cheap labour and a ready market;
production, consequently, has exceeded consumption; and the
degree of that excess is the measure of our
accumulation—that is, of our wealth.
The transportation of at least ten males for one female,
maintains a great disproportion between the sexes. This is the
greatest evil of all.
On the banks of the Illinois, I met with a labouring man, who
was always tipsy without ever being drunk. Enervated by
dram-drinking, he had not the courage to obtain a bit of forest
and settle; but he could earn seven shillings a day by his
labour. When I spoke to him, he complained of low wages. "At New
York, friend," said I, "five shillings a day are thought quite
enough." "I know that," he answered; "I was born there, and came
here to get eight shillings a day, which, I was told, was the
lowest rate hereabouts." It turned out that he never worked more
than three days in the week, and that, in order to obtain
twenty-four shillings a week by three days' labour, he had made a
circuitous voyage of some thousand miles from the place where he
was born, and where he could have earned thirty shillings a week
by working every day.
The base language of English thieves is becoming the
established language of the colony. Terms of slang and flash are
used, as a matter of course, every where, from the gaols to the
Viceroy's palace, not excepting the Bar and the Bench. No doubt
they will be reckoned quite parliamentary, as soon as we obtain a
parliament.
Is a dreadful evil, being a kind of land piracy. None but back
settlers, it is true, are exposed to its burnings, rapes, and
massacres; but these are as much British subjects as the
inhabitants of Sydney or of Downing Street. And, if the
inhabitants of towns escape those horrors, they are liable to be
murdered in a quiet way, and their property is exposed to every
kind of depredation. Their actual losses by robbery, including
the expense and loss of time occasioned by prosecutions, are very
great.
The concluding observations on "the
extension of Britain," and her colonial interests, are in a
forcible and liberal tone, but as they take rather too political
a turn for our pages, we recommend the anxious reader to the
volume itself, which is altogether the production of an original
thinker and an impartial writer.