Halt ye not for food or slumber,
View not ’vantage, count not number;
Jolly reapers, forward still!
Grow the crop on vale or hill.
Thick or scattered, stiff or lithe,
It shall down before the scythe.
Forward with your sickles bright,
Reap the harvest of the fight.
SCOTT.
After four years of indefatigable exertions—doubt
and disaster—success and glory—sickness
and privation—hope and delight—the British army
began to prepare for the promising campaign of
1813, under a chief whose military talents had
riveted the confidence alike of his soldiers, as
the citizens of that empire, for whose weal—for
whose glory—for whose existence as a mistress
of the world, he had shared in all the privations
and sufferings of his troops, and was ready still
to endure even to death, or crown his country’s
hopes with success in that mighty and awful strife
which engaged her so long. The winter had passed,
and the early spring of Portugal had brought to
that country reinforcements, money, and equipments,
the want of which had but too frequently
impeded the success of our army in the Peninsula.
Transports were continually floating up the sunny
Tagus, with their red-cross flags waving from the
masts—their decks covered with glittering accoutrements,
and hearty soldiers: fresh detachments
and fresh regiments were daily filing off the public
squares of Lisbon, to join the grand army;
while the eyes of the often disappointed Portuguese
followed them with patriotic hope, and their
hearts and tongues ejaculated wishes for their
success. The road from Lisbon to Coimbra and
Vizeu, which had so often withered under the
wasteful tread of war, now glistened with groups
of laughing soldiers and brightening prospects;
even the ruined towns of Condexia and Pumbal
lost their appearance of despair, and assumed a
faint aspect of hope—such as the dying feel from
leech’s promises. The inhabitants everywhere
were kind, the season was propitious, and the soldiery
seemed to have caught a spirit of confidence
which reacted on the people; and if it did not entirely
remove their doubts and fears, it tended considerably
to advance their hopes of success, and to
tranquillize their long-disturbed minds. The arrival
of the Hussar brigade at Lisbon affected
the Portuguese more than any of the other warlike
preparations—it was a cordial to their feeble
spirits. This brigade consisted of the 10th, 15th,
and 18th Hussars; and certainly its appearance
was sufficient to encourage them highly;—the
genius of romantic chivalry never imagined a
more warlike and beautiful body of horse—their
perfect discipline—their splendid equipments—their
health and spirits—the true British halo
which seemed to glisten around them—all conspired
to elevate the Lisbonians almost to a certainty
of success in the approaching campaign.
At no period of the war was there more cause
for strong hope in the Portuguese than at this
time: all the fortresses in their frontier-towns
were in our possession—those provinces of Spain
which were the favourites of Soult’s army evacuated—Souchet
just defeated by Sir John Murray
in the South—and Buonaparte ably opposed
by the Russians; but the Portuguese had been
so often led astray by flattering prospects, that
nothing short of entire success could wholly convince
them that they were secure from the persecutions
of the French.
On the 20th of April I found myself at Oporto,
having marched from Coimbra for the purpose of
joining the left, or third column of the army, under
the command of Sir Thomas Graham; which
was destined to enter Spain by Tras os Montes.
This column consisted of the first, third, and fifth
divisions, together with the first cavalry division.
The second, or centre column, was under the immediate
command of his Grace the Duke of Wellington;
and consisted, I believe, of the fourth,
sixth, seventh, and light divisions: this was to advance
to Salamanca. The first, or right column of
the army, under the command of Lord Hill, was
to proceed along the Tagus toward Toledo. Thus
all the forces under the command of the Duke
of Wellington were divided into three powerful
columns; and so disposed as to be available at
several points of attack.—A finer army—better
officered and better equipped, from the massy
ponton to the tent peg, never took the field;
and none ever acquitted themselves there more
creditably.
In sketching what I remember of this memorable
campaign, it cannot be expected that I should
display the pen of the historian; if I did so, I
must of necessity draw from other sources than
my own observation and the narratives of my brother-soldiers:
but to this I do not pretend; what
I recollect to have witnessed, or have been told by
eye-witnesses, is all I offer to my readers:—an
individual on a campaign, as a narrator of what
occurred before him, ought not—could not consistently,
do more: this I will attempt, so far as I
conceive the matter may be interesting; I will describe
my humble share in the glories of the army,
and note those things only which, in my progress
with it, appeared to me not unworthy of remark:
I will do so with truth; and if I omit occasionally
the notice of some particulars of interest, familiar
to the memory of some who served with me, it can
only be from want of more acute recollection.
I have no doubt forgotten many a town, and
wood, and valley, and blue mountain, which lay
on my way, and many a circumstance also; however,
enough remains to afford my mind a vivid
picture of that eventful march,—to me, highly
interesting and delightful, notwithstanding the fatigues
which frequently attended it; and I trust
that what I do remember of it will not be uninteresting
to my readers.
I will mention an incident which happened to
me when I arrived at Oporto; and the motive I
have in touching on so trifling an occurrence is,
that an opinion as to the French influence in Portugal,
even at that promising time, may be in some
measure drawn from it. I arrived at Oporto
about five o’clock in the evening, and received a
billet upon a respectable house for myself, my servant,
and two horses. The master of this house
was a rich lawyer; and although I learnt that
quarters were very indifferent in the town, yet
the appearance of the house inspired me with
the hope that I should be enabled to make a
better report on this subject, as far as regarded
myself.
The outward gates of the house were open, and
I walked up a wide staircase: having knocked
at a large door, I was admitted by a cross-looking
woman, who in answer to my question of whether
the gentleman of the house was at home, replied,
with a shrug of the shoulders, “Nao esta in caza”
(not within). I explained the nature of my visit,
producing the paper which authorised it; and immediately
the countenance of the dame wore the
most vinegar aspect: “Nao esta quartelia, Senhor,
nada, nada, nada” (no room, none, none.) This
I knew must be false, from the size of the house,
as well as from my knowledge of the disposition of
many of the Portuguese to shift off the trouble of
accommodating English officers. However, I was
determined to act only through the authorities; for
the Commander of the forces was very scrupulous
upon this point, and justly so; for many officers
during former campaigns had acted rather despotically
in their quarters, and occasioned reports
of such a nature as to call forth a general order
upon the subject, the effects of which were sorely
felt by those officers whose conduct was peaceable
and conciliating. Consistent with the spirit of
this order, I left the old Donna, telling my servant
he was to remain, and returned to the Portuguese
authorities, who gave me the billet. On describing
my reception, one of them burst out into exclamations
of rage, declaring that the person on
whom I was billeted was a liar and a favourer of
the French. “He had room enough in his house
for four French officers,” said he; “and if he does
not find accommodation for you, Sir, in every way
befitting a British officer, I will send him a dozen of
Portuguese soldiers.” He then wrote a note to the
lawyer, and requested me to take no excuse from
him, but to order my servant to carry my luggage
at once into the house. I pursued the directions
given,—ordered my boy to unload and place
my panniers, &c. in the house, and proceeded up
stairs myself. The door was opened, and without
ceremony I walked into the principal room of the
house, where I discovered the lawyer in a fever of
anxiety. He was a little smoke-dried man, of about
fifty years of age, dressed in a spotted robe de chambre,
and powdered in the highest style of professional
ultraism. His fever increased to a paroxysm
when he saw me in the heart of the garrison, for
he never expected such a surprise; he reiterated
the words of the old woman with a grin, (which he
thought was a smile)—an attempt at polite denial—a
widening of the mouth into a sort of imitation-smile,
in which his little eyes took no part;
in them could be seen the splenetic rage which
would have burnt me into a cinder, if it had possessed
the power. He declared that he could not
accommodate me, nor any other officer; and had
I been weak enough to parley with him civilly
on the subject, his presumption would have increased
more rapidly than it did; but I coolly
threw myself down upon his splendid sofa, and
desired him to read the note which I brought
from the magistrates. He read it, and after a
pause and a protracted shrug of the shoulders,
muttered something of the great inconvenience he
should be put to by having an officer billeted on
him; but that he supposed he must put up with
it; and begged that I would walk down to a room
which he had below. I followed him; and after a
tedious hour’s search for keys, he succeeded in
opening an apartment, into which I followed him.
Here, he said, he would put a bed on the floor,—the
only bed he had; and that he would also send
down two chairs and a table; hinting, at the same
time, that Lord Wellington’s orders were that no
other furniture was in any case to be supplied,
except by the voluntary act of those on whom
officers were quartered. An adequate idea of the
apartment it is scarcely possible to give: it had
been a sort of lumber-room, I suppose, for some
centuries back—covered with cobwebs—damp,
dirty, and dark—not an atom of any kind of
moveable;—on the ground floor, too! and, contrasted
with the superior accommodation given to
officers by the Portuguese generally, it had the
effect of exciting my indignation against the little
lawyer to such a degree, that had it not been for
the respect I bore for the orders of Lord Wellington,
I believe I should have punished the insolent
old rogue on the spot, by the application of my
whip to his parchment skin. I paused a little;
then took the key out of the door; and, nodding
ironically to my patrao, I said, “esta bon”—“it
will do very well.” I then went out, and ordered
my servant to lead in both the horses:—there was
scarcely a stable to be got in Oporto for love or
money; and the thought struck me, that I could
not only provide myself with a tolerable substitute
for such accommodation, but punish the little
hater of the English as he deserved.
The horses were brought into the apartment
forthwith, to the astonishment, confusion, and intense
mortification of the lawyer. Neither my
servant nor myself could refrain from laughter at
the picture. The little gentleman’s hands clasped
in the fervency of his raging astonishment; his
frame trembling with passion,—the old dame exclaiming
loudly at the door, “Ai! Jesus, Maria,
Joze!” and the animals (as all horses will after a
journey,) relieving themselves by those actions,
which in a parlour may seem out of place and
highly laughable, but in a stable “quite correct.”
The scene can only be imagined perfectly by those
who saw it. The lawyer now lost all patience,
and gave way to the most violent and unbounded
rage. He called me “heretic Englishman,” and
openly proclaimed his hatred of Great Britain
and love of France; he stamped, raved, and
ejaculated; but I coolly told him to walk out,
or that I would lock him in with the horses,
as I could not remain longer in my stable.
He obeyed with a scowl and a curse; while I
thanked him in the most polite manner for the
accommodation his house had afforded me, and
went back to the magistrates, to whom I related
the affair. Their enjoyment of the joke was little
less than mine; they advised me to keep the room
as a stable while I remained at Oporto (which I
did), and gave me another billet for myself, upon
a house opposite to the lawyer’s, where I received
the most hospitable attention for the few days I
remained in the town; and had the pleasure of
nodding at old parchment every morning as he
went out of his house; which civility he never
thought proper to notice, except by a frown, peculiar
to his Jacobinical countenance.
As nearly as I can recollect, it was on the
twenty-third of May, that our column commenced
its march from its cantonments. Illness, brought
on by overheating myself in an excursion of pleasure
up the Douro, prevented me from marching
on the appointed day. By the desire of the medical
officer, I remained behind—having been bled
but more than one day I would not stay, and
although still unwell, persisted in my intention of
moving, and mounted for the road.
The weather was very hot when I set out; and
having been advised by the surgeon not to fatigue
myself, if possible, on the march, until I had perfectly
recovered, I pursued my route at one day’s
march behind the army, without attempting to
gain on it; but had I been in perfect health, I
could not have overtaken it, for my baggage horse
could not have travelled more than about fifteen
or twenty miles a day—the average distance of
each march of the army; and this is quite enough,
considering the wretched roads over which the animals
had to go, together with the great heat of
the climate.
I proceeded in the track of the army, by Amarante,
Villa Real, Mirandella, and Oitero the frontier
town, without beholding a military uniform,
and just as if I had been travelling for amusement.
The inhabitants of the considerable towns were
hospitable and cheerful: from all of those to whom
I spoke, I heard the highest encomiums on the army
which had but the day before delighted them with
its grand appearance. The villages in the province
of Tras os Montes presented but little of the power
or of the will to afford hospitality to the stranger;
many of the houses were shut up and deserted,
while those which were inhabited were stripped of
almost every accommodation. This arose from the
fear which the poor of that province entertained of
a passing army, whether friends or foes—they had
retired on the approach of ours, as they were
often in the habit of doing from the French, and
had not returned when I passed. As a proof of
the feelings they entertained for the safety of their
provisions, &c., I will mention a circumstance in
which I was concerned. I had taken possession of
a cottage, in a miserable village, between Villa Real
and Mirandella; it was inhabited by an old woman,
her married daughter, and two little boys:
they received me with great civility. I, as usual
on the march, enquired whether any sort of provisions
in the village could be purchased; and was
told that I could not—all was gone—they had
been destroyed by the French. I asked if I could
not find a fowl, or a few eggs? No, all was gone;—“nada,
nada, nada.” I therefore ordered my
servant to prepare some chocolate and cold beef, on
which I was about to sit down to dine, when I heard
a cock crow as if under ground;—the countenances
of my hostess and her daughter changed. “Very
odd!” thought I:—the cock crowed again:—the
greatest confusion was evident in the old woman’s
face—she bustled about—threw down a stool—slapped
the door, and made every kind of noise
possible; but the cock crowed a third time; when
my servant, who was a droll Portuguese, without
further ceremony addressed the old woman, pointing
at the same time to a huge old chest which
stood on one side of the room, “La esta o gallo,
Senhora,” (there is the cock) said he; and then
removed a small chest from the top of the large one—opened
the lid; when out flew the tell-tale bird,
followed by seven of his hens, delighted, no doubt,
as much with his release as their mistress was mortified.
I, however, relieved the old lady’s embarrassment,
by putting a couple of crucadas novas
(about four and sixpence) upon the table: the
sight of the money settled the business, and she,
without hesitation, gave me two of her prisoners—fine
fat hens—assuring me that she had lost many
by the soldiers; and fearing another loss from me,
she had determined to pack up her poultry in the
chest: many had bought fowls from her before, but
forgot to pay for them. I passed a pleasant evening
and night at this poor cottage, and the whole
family gave us a loud “Viva os Inglezas!” at parting
next morning.
The country through which I passed was highly
picturesque—it was beautiful to look at, but most
tiresome to travel over: in general the roads are
more like craggy beds of rivers than passages constructed
for communication and the benefits of commerce.
I remember that the very morning I left
the old woman’s cot, it was no more than eight
o’clock when I came in sight of the town at which
I was to halt. I was on the top of a mountain:
beneath me was a river, winding through a fertile
valley, on the opposite side of which stood another
mountain, apparently not a mile from me; and at
the base of the latter was the town, the bells of
which I could hear ringing; yet it was five o’clock
in the afternoon before I entered it, although I never
halted—so intricate and difficult was the winding
and steep road I had to pass over. Having mentioned
this, I am reminded of a circumstance that
occurred as soon as I entered the town, which gave
a melancholy proof of the besotted slavery in which
the minds of the Portuguese peasantry are held by
their clergy. An alarm had been given; the bells
were all set in furious motion; every body was
running through the streets towards one place. I
left my servant with the horses, and proceeded
along with the scattered crowd. Every face was
woe-begone—as though some dire calamity, such as
fire or earthquake, had occurred. The numbers of
the people increased as I advanced. We arrived at
the principal church: I pushed my way into it,
and there the most piteous lamentations assailed
my ears. The church was filled with people—all
on their knees; tears were streaming down the
old people’s cheeks, and the crowd beating their
breasts in sorrow. The cause of this mourning
was not an earthquake, though it was a conflagration.
However, it was neither the church nor the
priest that was burnt; but the doll-dressed figure
of the Virgin Mary, which had caught fire from
the carelessness of the church-clerk, in allowing a
lighted candle that he held to touch her holy petticoat!—the
satin had blazed; but the flames were
soon extinguished, and the damage done was happily
confined to the melting of one of her ladyship’s
wax fingers, scorching her left cheek, discolouring
several tinsel ornaments, and seriously injuring
the outer-petticoat. For this the town was thrown
into confusion, and the streams of its grief let
forth! What crowned the farce, was a young,
ignorant-looking priest haranguing the mob upon
the calamity; pointing with apparent intensity of
sorrow at the burnt hand; kissing it and imploring
his dupes to join him in his grief; no doubt with
a view that they should join him afterwards in
raising funds for re-dressing the Virgin. Such is
the deplorable ignorance of the people of a fine
country! Yet there is a strong party in Europe,
who seek to shut out from them the glorious rays
of a liberal constitution, and therefore every chance
of enlightenment! But, thank Heaven! there are
others who will spread the light amongst them:—the
torch of British Liberty now burns over their
heads; and they keep their eyes on it, in spite of
the “holy” and hateful fogs that are ever rising
around them.
I entered Spain from Oitero. In crossing from
the one country to the other a thin wood intervenes,
and for six or seven miles through it, neither
house nor hut is to be seen: it is level ground,
and covered with brush-wood. A few goats and
their herdsman were all the living things I saw
while crossing it: not a bird flew over me.
At the first village which I entered in Spain, I
met with some British soldiers (detached) with a
commissariat officer, who informed me that the
centre column of the main army had entered Salamanca,
headed by Lord Wellington, and that
the French were retreating everywhere, without
making any opposition. Next day I pushed on in
hopes of overtaking the troops belonging to my
division, and now the country forming a fine level,
I was enabled to increase my speed. At length I
could descry the wide and sweeping track of the
advancing armies—in the abstract, melancholy to
contemplate! The country was chiefly covered
with a luxuriant crop of corn, over which the immense
column of the army passed, with its baggage,
artillery, and cattle:—the traces of the cavalry—of
the infantry—and of the cannon, could
be distinctly and plainly distinguished from each
other; and although their road was through the
high and firm corn, the pressure upon it was so
great that nothing but clay could be seen, except
at the verges of the tracks, where the broken and
trampled wheat was less over-trodden. Then there
was as much cut down for forage as destroyed by
feet; the mark of the rough sickle of the commissaries,
the dragoons, and the muleteers, were
in patches all around, disfiguring the beautiful
waving ocean of yellowing corn—ocean indeed—nothing
can give so just an idea of its expansion:
the corn in that country, does not grow in
fields enclosed like our English, but over the
whole face of the land, making one wide plain
of vegetation, sprinkled at various distances with
little villages, which look like heaps of red tiles
to the distant eye of the observer: I have counted
not less than twenty-two villages within one
circular view. Such was the country, nearly all
the way to Palencia.
On the third day after I entered Spain, I overtook
the rear of the column—I think it was the
fourth division—and continued to march with it.
Here I had an opportunity of seeing the Portuguese
troops in a large body; and they afforded
me subject for delightful reflection. I could not
help thinking what different beings they appeared,
and under what different circumstances they were
placed, from their state and prospects about three
years before, when I first saw them in the field, a
short time after the battle of Busaco: then a more
wretched-looking set of creatures never were beheld—the
predatory Arabs were not worse clothed,
worse disciplined, or worse fed; there was neither
uniformity in dress, nor equipment for comfort—threatened
by a rapacious enemy, then in the
heart of their hapless country—harassed by partial
defeat—their only hope resting on their handful
of gallant defenders, the British soldiers:—how
different did they appear now!—orderly,
cheerful, healthy, well disciplined, well armed; their
polished accoutrements glistening in the sun; their
utensils for comfort all neatly packed upon their
backs; tents on their mules; provisions with their
commissary: not shut up in a niche of their plundered
country, menaced and insulted, but proudly
marching towards the heart of Spain—of France (as
it turned out)—their hated invaders in their turn
flying before their regenerated ranks; the British
by their side, and leading them on after the bloody
and successful struggles of three years. Oh! it
was a sight that could not be seen and reflected
upon, without a bounding of the heart! And their
cheers, as their clean blue columns passed through
the Spanish towns, spoke to the slave’s breast, a
magic tongue. Proud indeed may those feel, whose
indefatigable exertions brought the soldiers of
Portugal to the pitch of perfection in which they
then were, and grateful may be that nation to protecting
England for those mighty services. “Liberty!”
was the cry through the ranks, and “Liberty!”
was the cry from the crowd, as they passed
through the towns of Portugal and Spain. Their
songs were embued with their sentiments of patriotism;
and they sung them often as they went:
their musicians cheered and nourished this feeling,
and their national air “Vencer ou morir,”5 as
sung by a number of them, when they encamped
on the frontier of France, with the French in their
front, preparing for battle, was, from its patriotic
sentiments and martial yet melancholy music, one
of the most soul-stirring anthems that ever flowed
from the patriot’s heart:—Portogallo, the
composer of it, may fairly claim a portion of the
laurels which were gained by his countrymen in
every action fought after it became popular. I
have heard it boldly played in the teeth of the
enemy by the Portuguese bands; and I marked
the countenances of the listeners with delight:
it made all Portuguese hearts pant for the fight,
and swell with revenge for the injuries of their
trampled country; and as the voices joined the
music, “Vencer ou morir” was not sung without
meaning.
I have written English words to the air, and
perhaps they may not be unacceptable here:—
The tyrant smote our country—
Arise! arise! revenge the blow:
His ranks are there—prepare—prepare
To meet the hated foe.
Oh! blessed sun of Freedom,
O’er the fight shine high, shine high!
For we’ll conquer—we’ll conquer—
We’ll conquer—or we’ll die.
Pure blood our fathers gave us,
And pure still through our veins it runs;
Far better lose the last drop here,
Than taint it for our sons.
Oh! spirits of our heroes,
In the fight be nigh, be nigh!
For we’ll conquer—we’ll conquer—
We’ll conquer—or we’ll die.
The axe will strike the oak down,
The lightning will the tower lay low;
But nations smote by tyranny,
Grow stronger every blow.
Revenge, revenge in the battle,
To the heart and sword be nigh!—
Oh! we’ll conquer—we’ll conquer—
We’ll conquer—or we’ll die.
The power of music combined with poetry,
seems more gigantic when applied to the struggles
of a people for liberty—or in other words—to exalt
the passion of patriotism, than any other emotion
of the heart; perhaps, because the passion itself
is more susceptible of excitement than others. The
songs of every nation speak more strongly the
character of the particular people to which they
belong, than any thing that can be written by the
pen of the commentator or the historian. It was
a great statesman who said “Give me but the
power to write the songs of a nation, and I will
govern them;” an observation in my mind, of no
less strength than truth. The war-songs of every
people are part of their arsenal; and by no means
the least in power. The Scotch pipes have done
nearly as much as the claymore. An instance of
this occurred with the late gallant Colonel Cameron
of the 42d. The piper was detached from
the corps by the order of the General at an engagement
in Holland—the men went into action
without him;—they charged, and were repulsed.
The General, on the evening of the same day, said
to the Colonel, “Don’t boast of your 42d again.”
To this censure Colonel Cameron replied, “General,
you are to blame—you took our arms from
us.”—“How?”—“You took the pipes from
us: let us have them, and we’ll prove the 42d
worthy of the highest boast.” This was done; the
regiment had an opportunity next day of charging
with the pipes behind them, and they covered
themselves with glory. The Irish too, at the
storming of Badajos, carried the breach to the
tune of “Garryowen,” played by their own band
under the most destructive fire. The power of
national song was so feared by Buonaparte, that
he forbade the Swiss air “Le Ranz des Vaches” in
his army, lest the natives of that country should
desert. It was stated in the French National Assembly
that the Marseillois Hymn brought a
million of recruits to the army; and certainly
it might be said that Dibdin’s songs did more for
the British navy than the whole of the press-gang.
The anthem of “God save the King”
every body values, yet none have said, (although
I believe it to be truth) that it is a strong bulwark
of the throne—that it throws a sublimity—a
grandeur—a general respect around royalty;
excites the warmest sentiments of devotion, and
secures unconscious attachment. The national
hymn of Portugal is strongly expressive of that
mixture of melancholy and martial boldness of
sound which inspires the hearer to meditate revenge
for injuries done; and, as the Spaniards
suffered in a similar way to the Portuguese, their
national song carries with it a sentiment precisely
similar to that of Portugal. This song was not
composed during the days of Ferdinand, but while
the nation was struggling, in concert with the British,
for liberty; and every Guerilla sung it—every
peasant sung it—every child sung it. Its
title is, “A la Guerra Espaniolas;” the Spanish
words of it are simple, but strong; and the music,
like the national air of the Portuguese, is truly
beautiful. The following are English words, written
for it among the mountains of Biscay; and to
those of my readers who know the air, perhaps
they will be acceptable.
The curse of Slavery’s o’er us,
And suffering Freedom weeps;
No hope—no hope’s before us
While Spain’s bright spirit sleeps.
But if her slumbers lighten,
Then Freedom’s glance will brighten,
And lips shall cease to sigh, and hearts to pain.
So let us smite
The drum of fight;
She’ll wake and rise again.
To the war—to the war, ye Spaniards!
The hour is nigh,
To break your chain;
Your rights to gain.
Live free—live free,—or die!
In death our sons are sleeping
Our homes in ruin laid;
Our daughters o’er them weeping,
Alone—forlorn—betrayed!
In vain is Britain’s bravery,
To rid you of your slavery;
In vain her heroes bleed—her arms resound,
Unless the fire
Of Freedom’s ire
Burn every heart around.
To the war—to the war, ye Spaniards!
The hour is nigh
To break your chain;
Your rights to gain.
Live free—live free,—or die!
—But enough of music: let us now march on
without it.
I proceeded with the fourth division, and arrived
after two marches, at the high banks of the
Esla: there it was that I beheld the concentrated
army—at least the greatest part of it. Some of
the troops had passed the river and “opened the
ball” with the enemy on the opposite bank: their
rear guard had a brisk engagement with our advanced
cavalry, and the 10th Hussars had the
honour to draw the first blood of the campaign—they
“astonished” the French Dragoons not a
little. After this brush the enemy continued their
retreat rapidly, in the direction of Burgos.
The crossing of the Esla by the army, as I
beheld it, was one of the most impressive, magnificent,
and beautiful sights that was ever presented:
I will describe it briefly, from my memory,
upon which it is indelibly delineated.
The river Esla, at the point where the army
crossed, is in breadth equal to the Thames at
Richmond or Windsor; high banks—or rather
hills—rise abruptly on either side, for the most
part covered with short trees and underwood: the
approaches to the river are by even pathways
winding down each side of it. When standing
on that bank where first I saw the river, the water
appeared to be about three hundred yards below
me, and its course bending so as to exclude a
farther view of it than the segment of a circle of
about a mile in length. On my left, where the
river began to appear, and where the hill on which
I stood pushed itself forward and terminated
in an overhanging rock, the ponton was placed—immense
boats at regular distances, and well
planked, so as to form a passage of about twenty
feet in breadth, railed on each side compactly:
so admirable a bridge it was, that one would suppose
it to have been a permanent rather than a
temporary erection, which could be at a moment
removed and carried wherever the army went.
Over this passed the troops, with the exception of
some cavalry who forded at another part, and five
of whom (Germans) were swept away by the current
in crossing. An idea may be formed of the
vast quantity of soldiers, muleteers, women, horses,
mules, artillery stores, equipage, and baggage,
which covered the hills near the ponton, when I
say, that I was from ten o’clock in the morning
until five in the afternoon, before it came to my
turn to pass the water; and all this time the bridge
was filled with columns of men. We who waited
for our turn, sat on the hill under the trees, eating
cold beef and biscuit, chatting, and admiring the
splendid scene. The day was as bright as the sun;
a general hilarity spread over every countenance;
the Spanish and Portuguese muleteers cracked their
loud jokes with the soldiers—laughed and sung—ate
their rations, and toasted their friends in grog.
To add still more interest to the scene, many
elegant English ladies—wives of the officers—were
to be seen upon the rock which overhung the
river, with their gay parasols and waving feathers,
while immediately below was the bridge with its
moving mass—horse—foot—artillery—baggage—and
followers:—a little above this, and still beneath
the ladies, were groups of bullocks swimming
across the river, and with difficulty gaining
the opposite bank, owing to the power of the
current; while others were climbing the opposite
hills, refreshed and relieved from the dust of their
day’s travel, by the cool water from which they
had just emerged. The distant and lessening line
of troops as it winded upwards to the plain above,
and broke into several divisions to take up ground
for the night, added an admirable perspective
background to the picture. Then arose the hum
of the crowd—the loud command—the laugh—the
mingling of different languages—the lowing
of oxen—the neighing of horses, and the braying
of the less noble animals—the clear sky—the
bright sun—the crystal river, overhung and darkened
in the distance by bold rocks, on which the
wondering goatherd lay as his goats carelessly
browsed—it was a scene never to be forgotten.
Every soldier saw at a glance the collective
strength of the great military machine of which
he formed a part—all beneath his eye, as it were
in a theatre: this heightened the glow of pride
within him, and elevated his spirit with the buoyancy
of glorious hope—all was cheerfulness, and
the army looked more like conquerors, than men
about to enter into a bloody and doubtful contest.
I spent seven hours in admiring, and then crossed
in my turn the ponton; took up my quarters for
the night, with my horses, under a shed; and slept
as soundly as the Prince who was cast into a seven
years’ sleep by a fairy.
The morning was only opening her eyes, when
the drum beat and we turned out: the fires of
the night were expiring; around many of which
groups of soldiers were assembled, packing up
their knapsacks and fixing their accoutrements.
The moving to and fro of military figures, all over
the level ground, before me—the tingling of the
mules’ bells—the drums at various distances—the
early birds chirping—the horses champing their
barley—the men biting their biscuit—the increasing
hum and the coming daylight—by degrees,
dissipated the heaviness which naturally
succeeded to a short field sleep, and the cheerfulness
of the preceding day was restored throughout.—The
column was in motion; and the field,
where thousands crowded, was, in a few minutes,
as naked and silent as a desert.
At this ground we had expected a desperate
fight; but with the exception of a brush with our
Hussars, the enemy showed no wish to trouble us.
The soldiers now became still more elevated with a
confidence in success; and the wishful cry which
every where along the march had resounded in
their ears, from the inhabitants, “Vamus a Francia!”—“(Away
to France!)” was considered as
about to be realized; yet most of the army expected
that we should first have a desperate struggle
at the Ebro.
We marched by Aguilar to Palencia; our light
cavalry by Zamora and Toro: the right and centre
columns of the army, with Lord Wellington,
passed through Salamanca to Valladolid—the whole
directing their march to Burgos. At Palencia I
first saw the ponton boats in their carriages: they
were drawn by oxen; each boat had a carriage to
itself, and each carriage was drawn by from twelve
to sixteen. The boats were reversed—or bottom
uppermost—and seated on them were the pontoneers,
dressed in naval uniform; these were
men specially employed to launch the boats, form
the bridge, and, in short, to conduct that service
through all its branches. I had but a faint idea
of the extreme ponderosity of warlike machinery
until I beheld these boats upon their carriages:
the battering rams of the Romans were go-carts
compared with the ponton train on the march:
the Spaniards, as they passed, threw up their
eyes in an ecstasy of admiration at the sight of
them, and cheered loudly while they were in view.
Over those boats were to pass to France, which
they feared and hated, the invading and delivering
armies—over them the cannon that was to
thunder their victory:—this thought was enough
to make them cheer, and their “vivas!” were well
answered by the troops that followed.
I remained at Palencia until the evening of the
day on which the pontons passed through it; and
there I accidentally met with a young officer,
whose subsequent greatness I little thought then
depended so on the success of our campaign, as
it afterwards turned out. This officer was Captain
De Grammont, then of the 10th Hussars,
but now his Grace the Duc de Guiche. He is a
part of the royal family of France, aid-de-camp
to the Duke d’Angoulême, and high in favour at
the Tuilleries. When I saw him at Palencia, he
appeared one of the finest models of a young
Hussar chief I ever beheld: he wore his beard,
which curled upon his chin; his regimentals were
sufficiently field-rubbed to have lost that very bright
gloss which distinguished them on the parade at
home; and there was a melancholy cast about his
countenance and manner, which, from being mixed
with the most affable address, made a strong impression
upon me—particularly when I learnt his
true situation. He was engaged against his countrymen—but
for his country’s rights; and he had
only a day or two before met them in the charge.
It was his troop that spilled the first French blood
of that campaign, and it was his subaltern who
gave the first wound. He described the charge to
me: it was thus:—The French having crossed the
Esla, a strong guard covered their retreat, and the
10th Hussars attacked their rear, which was defended
by light dragoons. In advancing to the
charge, the Subaltern of Captain De Grammont,
Cornet Fitzgerald—a lad of only sixteen years of
age—happened to have been somewhat in advance
of the troop, owing to the mettle of his horse: the
Cornet’s servant rode beside him in the ranks, and
determined to protect his master. The French
dragoons came on gallantly; their swords were
nearly as long again as those of our Hussars; and
a ferocious looking Sergeant was coming at full
gallop—right in front of the Cornet: in vain was
the young officer called on to pull in his horse—on
he went, his servant closing up to him in order to
avert the steel of the opponent: a moment more
and the long straight sword of the French dragoon
would have been cased in the youth’s breast; for the
servant’s horse could not head his master’s. The
Captain expected to see him fall; but just as the
point of the weapon approached, the cornet grasped
his pistol—fired—and down the dragoon tumbled
from his saddle! This was but an instant before
the remainder of the hussars were mixed with
their opponents; and in a few minutes more, they
were pursuing them as fugitives, killing, wounding,
and taking many of them. I remembered
having seen this heroic youth at Lisbon, when the
regiment landed there: he was a mere stripling,
with light hair, and rosy cheeks—anything but
the man destined to kill the first Frenchman on
the campaign; and I still more admired him when
I heard that he was a son of the celebrated Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, and cousin to the present
Duke of Leinster. I met Captain De Grammont
afterwards, at the close of the campaign, and he assured
me joyfully, that he had had the pleasure,
the day before, of looking from the Pyrenees, while
on piquet, at the lawful estates of his family; and
only a very few months after this, I had the gratification
of seeing him enter the town of Bordeaux
as a Duke, and on the staff of his lawful
Prince, the Duke d’Angoulême. This officer, although
born in France, is in language and manners
a perfect English gentleman, from having
been since his infancy in England. He received
his commission in the 10th Hussars when very
young, and remained in the regiment until the
restoration of the Bourbons. Should we yet go
to war with France, I should be sorry to see the
gallant soldier arrayed against us, and I am sure
it would be no pleasurable office to himself.
We moved on the left of Burgos, which city the
French, contrary to our expectation, had not shut
up, but quickly abandoned at the approach of the
British. I slept in the house of an intelligent
peasant, about two miles from the fortress, and
of course the war was the subject of our chat. I
found the man very communicative: he had the
fullest hope of our success, and gave it as his
opinion, that the French would not stand at the
Ebro. He talked of the time when the British
were before on his ground; and showed me in his
fields some of their bones—bleached white and
dry: he informed me that a great number of our
army perished there. This man, from his apparent
acquaintance with the events of the war in
Spain, I have no doubt had taken an active part
in it—perhaps on the French side; for if it had
been on the other, he most probably would not
have made it a secret in our conversation; however,
many of the Spaniards sided with the
strongest party, and now that the British held the
sway, this peasant was their warmest well-wisher.
We proceeded through Villa Diego towards the
Ebro, and came in sight of that river from the
plain—or high table land—over which I had been
travelling ever since I had left Portugal. The
advanced troops had passed the river that morning
without opposition, for the French had continued
their retreat. The view of the valley—or rather amphitheatre—at
the bottom of which the Ebro runs,
astonished me by its beauty: for several days I
had been accustomed to little variation of scenery—all
level country; and now the bosom of luxuriant
and romantic nature suddenly presented itself
to my sight, as if it were done by magic. Half a
dozen steps brought me from a view of mere sky
and corn plains, to a scene of the most splendidly
varied character—a deep valley, or rather hollow,
of about ten miles in circumference, surrounded
by woody mountains, except at that part directly
facing me. This part opened, and there the eye
might travel over blue hills, until the more distant
could not be distinguished from the light clouds
of the horizon. In this circular valley, every
variation of rural beauty was to be seen—cultivated
fields—luxuriant foliage—bubbling streams—winding
paths—villas, and farm-houses. At the
bottom ran the Ebro,—in this place a river of no
great breadth; and here the main body of the
liberating army had crossed a few hours before me.
The line of march now lay along a small branch
of a river, which watered the foot of high and bold
rocks, shelved and wooded in the most picturesque
manner; trees, rooted over trees, hung out in grotesque
attitudes, or dipped downwards, as if seeking
the black and clear water beneath—thick
moss, streaming underwood, wild flowers, and
massy trunks, mingled to beautify the first day’s
march after we crossed the Ebro:—this repaid me
amply for the toil of the preceding days.
I remained an hour behind the division, to refresh
my horses—they having been nearly knocked
up; and it was at this place I perceived the first
effects of fatigue in some of the soldiers. The
army had, for the preceding march, pressed onwards
more rapidly than before, and the weather
had become very hot; several men, therefore,
lagged behind, and I met eight or ten of them
sitting by the side of the river—some only severely
blistered on the feet from walking, but others
extremely ill. There was no depôt nearer than
Valladolid—about ninety miles distant; for the
army’s advance was so rapid and so unexpected,
that no time could be allowed for considerations
of this kind; and the soldiers, if left behind, would
have fared but miserably indeed—particularly those
who were ill there. I, without hesitation, laid an
embargo upon a sort of cart, which was drawn by
two horses, and which happened, fortunately, to be
near; in this vehicle I directed the men to place
themselves and their kits, which they had unbuckled
from their backs, and dispatched them to
continue their march. I also desired the men not
to permit the carter to return until they overtook
their division. “All is fair in war,” says the unamiable
adage: it was a hard case for the Castilian
carter, but for the poor disabled soldiers it would
have been a still harder; and I thought I could
not do better, under the circumstances, than to
oblige the peasant, who seemed well-fed and hearty,
to do “the state some service,” whether he was so
disposed or not.
Our march was now ten times more a march of
pleasure than it had been before we crossed the
Ebro, although it did not long hold that character:
there was soon something for the army to do besides
to admire the scenery, sing songs, and smoke
cigars. Each day’s march was concluded about
twelve or one o’clock, and the men encamped or
bivouacked usually on some open glade, near or in
a small wood; or perhaps in a valley by a river:
here they unbent from the toils of the morning, and
escaped the meridian heat of the sun, within their
tents, or beneath the thick foliage with which nature
so profusely stocked the country. A considerable
distance right and left of the road, where the army
encamped each day, was changed from the silence
in which it had so long dwelt, to the hum and
bustle of a populated city. The first thing done,
on arriving at the ground for encampment, was to
cook:—rations were served out; wood, water, and
fire, made ready: and while the meat was boiling—or
broiling, more frequently, upon a wooden spit—the
men would sit together in groups on the grass,
and chat. After dinner, they employed themselves
for a short time in washing both themselves and
their linen in the neighbouring streams—cleaning
their arms, clothes, &c., and then a pipe and a
cup of grog prepared the way for a sweet and
sound sleep on the turf.
A description of the manner in which I have
seen bullocks slaughtered on the march, may not
be uninteresting. We had our own butchers,—men
from the ranks; but, in general, the oxen
were slaughtered by Spaniards or Portuguese:
and, in my mind, their mode of depriving a bullock
of life is by far the most expeditious; it certainly
gives little, if any, torture to the animal.
They, having tied a noose about the horns of the
beast, drew the end of it round a tree, and secured
the head close to it; then instantly pushed a sharp-pointed
knife down between the back of the skull
and the first vertebræ of the neck: this was no
sooner done than the animal was dead: the veins of
the neck were then opened, and the blood flowed.
In the division with which I marched, the Spanish
butcher adopted a singular mode of securing
the bullock destined for slaughter; he had trained
a huge mastiff to be his assistant, and thus they
operated:—the butcher held his dog by a chain,
and having let loose one of the drove of oxen,
took the chain off the mastiff, and gave him the
word; the dog ran instantly to the bullock; seized
him by the nose in his teeth; and, without the least
noise, held him forcibly down: the butcher then
plunged the knife in, and the animal rolled lifeless.
All this was done in less than half a minute.
The first place at which I witnessed this dog at his
calling, was at Villa Diego; and no sooner were
the veins of the neck opened, than several Spanish
old women, with pans in their hands, squabbled
about catching the blood: the greatest vixen succeeded
in obtaining it; and I learnt that it was to
be used as food for her family. It is said that the
poor of Connaught eat the blood of oxen; if so,
may not the practice have been brought over by
the Spaniards, from whom the inhabitants of that
province claim extraction?
We were now in a mountainous country, and
consequently the army, which had been all united
on the march after crossing the Esla, was obliged
to separate, and move by various roads to one
point. In a day or two we found that the French
were about to give up their running, and try their
fortune by a stand. We were halted on the 20th
of June, about four or five miles from Vittoria,
and our columns closed in from various directions:
we were told by several peasants that the French,
under the command of Joseph Buonaparte and
Marshal Jourdain, were between us and Vittoria;
and when we saw the Duke of Wellington pass
along the road close to us, with several of his generals,
we suspected we should not long lie idle: we
knew his Grace was going to the front to reconnoitre.
I never saw him look better in my life;
the march had improved his health, and success
had brightened his looks in such a manner, that I
fancied he felt confident of beating the enemy in
“off hand” style at the first brush. I observed
the several Portuguese battalions pass, as fresh
for work as if they had not marched two miles; and
in several Spanish corps which crossed us to the left
under the command of Colonel Longa, I saw physical
strength, although neither equipment nor high
spirits. Our own troops looked as well as ever they
did—the sun-browned and laughing faces of Johns,
Pats, and Sawneys, gave assurance that they were
highly disposed to enjoy “a bit of diversion.”
During the 20th the men refreshed themselves
with change of linen, &c. in the best way they
could, and enjoyed the evening of that day as happily
as if they were reposing after a hunting excursion;
every shade had its group, and the country
afforded the most picturesque situations for
bivouacking. My dinner was spread upon a green
spot beneath an overhanging bank, covered with
thick foliage, which shut out the hot sun; a clear
stream rippling beneath; and here six of us enjoyed
an evening’s chat as comfortably as if we
were on the banks of one of the Cumberland
lakes. We expected to be engaged next day, and
the allusions which this expectation brought forth,
although calculated to stir up some thoughts of
home and friends, did not abate that cheerfulness
which the scene present diffused. Our mortal
enemy, old Death, was spoken of occasionally, but
it was with a smile; no more was thought about
him than about Marshal Jourdain or the ex-king
Joe.
The night closed around, and the thousands lay
down to sleep upon the turf; some by large fires,
some beneath the cover of temporary huts, and
some with nothing over them but their blankets,
and the universal coverlid—beneath which many
were to lie the following night for ever without
waking! The weather was mild and delightful—the
sky was beautiful, and many eyes were employed
in gazing on it, and picturing over its blue breast
the sweet scenes of home—the faces of those friends
then far away! That was the hour for thinking;
and I have no doubt it was so spent by thousands
of the soldiers before they sunk into sleep.
On the morning of the 21st, we commenced our
march early, and in two hours we came to an open
country, on the right of which was a ridge of hills;
about a mile distant on the left, a gradual descent
of even land to a village about two miles off; far
in the front—perhaps at three miles’ distance—were
the spires of Vittoria to be seen rising to our view
as we advanced; while about half a mile in our
front we could spy the Frenchmen’s huts, and
they themselves running to arms as if we had surprised
them:—indeed this was the case; for their
cooking utensils were on their fires when our advanced
troops trod over their ground. Columns
of French were now to be seen moving about in
the distance, and columns of our own men were
every moment emerging from cover. The Staff
was everywhere to be seen galloping to and fro—brigades
of artillery and regiments of cavalry
taking up their ground; and in about twenty minutes
a column of Spaniards, led by General Murillo,
moved out from the right of our line—Hill’s
divisions—up towards the heights, and commenced
firing upon the enemy stationed there: these hills
are called the heights of La Puebla, and here
rested the enemy’s left. The Spaniards, we could
see, made good their ground on the hills; but reinforcements
of French troops advanced against
them, and Lord Hill ordered out two regiments
of British troops to support the Spaniards, led
by the Hon. Colonel Cadogan of the 71st. Now
began the fight, and every moment increased it.
The red coats were met by increased numbers of
the blue, and the firing became incessant; the
Spaniards poured in their balls in good style on
the advancing French, who attemped to overwhelm
with numbers their small force; but Lord Hill
detached column after column to the attack: we
could only distinguish the men as a body, but
could not see the individuals; however, the colour
of the coats sufficiently marked out friend from
foe, and the reds were evidently “doing the business.”
The 71st had fired and stood the fire a
considerable time, but could not mount the hill
effectually (as I have heard from an officer then
present): at this time their commander, the Hon.
Colonel Cadogan received a ball in the groin: he
fell, and was immediately surrounded by some of
his men, and lifted up by them in order to be removed
to the rear: the 71st was then about to apply
to their old friend the bayonet—ready for the
charge: their Colonel lay in the arms of two soldiers,
the balls showering from the hills—“Stop!
stop!” said he, “don’t take me away until I see
my men charge!” It was done, and gallantly—up
hill too: the Colonel cheered as well as his
failing voice would allow, and his last moments
were blessed with the smile of victory. The hills
were very soon taken, and the enemy driven in.
The artillery now thundered from both sides;
and down to the left we could see General Graham’s
wing advancing against a distant village
there. This was the part of the army to which I
belonged; and now, for the first time since the
march began, had an opportunity of gaining my
division. The centre of the army, with which I
then stood, now advanced to cross the Zadora, a
small river—for Lord Hill had crossed it soon
after he gained the heights; firing was everywhere
along the line, before me and on both sides; the
French stood bravely and poured in their musketry;
their cannon was not a moment silent, unless
stormed and taken by our men. I saw a couple
of field pieces attacked by a regiment of Portuguese,
and they astonished me with their courage
and activity—they leaped over the guns like madmen,
although blazing in their teeth, and captured
them gallantly.
Having now seen where my station ought to be,
I determined to proceed to it, and without a moment’s
delay galloped to the left, in the rear of the
line, just as the troops crossed the river; and I
arrived at the village attacked by Sir T. Graham
(Gamarra Mayor) just as the bridge was carried.
Three pieces of artillery fortified this bridge; but
notwithstanding this, as well as a powerful force
of infantry for its defence, our troops overcame
all; but not without considerable loss. At this
place, both the Colonels of the 59th (Weare and
Fane) fell, while gallantly leading their men to
the bridge.
It was now about half-past two or three o’clock
in the afternoon, and no artillery but ours was to
be heard; retreating columns and broken crowds
were to be seen at various distances, to the extent
of about half a mile in breadth, while our men
were pursuing. Our dragoons advanced upon
their rear—the infantry after them; but from the
difficulty of the ground, the cavalry could not
finish so completely as was to be wished, what the
infantry had begun. The artillery followed up,
and cannonaded the flying in their best style;
and it was clear that victory was our own at every
point.
We marched on to Vittoria without firing a
shot; and on the left of the town I had the pleasure
of seeing the whole baggage, treasure, &c.
of the enemy, in the hands of our troops. It was
now getting late in the evening; the whole army
continued the pursuit; but too much was done
during the day to expect that the troops could
advance much beyond Vittoria; they did, however,
a couple of leagues, when they halted; and thus
the scattered French escaped farther punishment.
I was sent on duty to the town of Vittoria, and
there passed the night.
The scene which presented itself in the town
that evening may be easily imagined:—prisoners—wounded—drunken
Spaniards—stray horses and
mules running to and fro—broken carriages—dead
and dying—the inhabitants panic-struck—the
rear of our light dragoons galloping through
the town—fires in the streets—drunken plunderers
rolling about—the groan and the laugh and
the imprecation—all mingled! Such was Vittoria
after the battle. To increase the confusion, an
explosion took place, which shook every house
and spread consternation around: none could imagine
the cause. I at first supposed treachery from
the Spaniards, but a moment’s consideration removed
this suspicion. In a short time our Provost
and his assistants informed us of the nature of this
explosion. The 18th Dragoons, and many stragglers
of infantry, had remained to help themselves
to dubloons from a French military chest, which
fell into our hands near the town, and plunder
raged for two or three hours; our soldiers would
not take silver—nothing but gold would pass with
them; the former they left to the Spaniards, for it
was absolutely a “drug in the market.” About
ten o’clock it became dark, and amongst the crowd
of waggons, many, containing the treasure, might
escape; therefore a number of Spanish peasants,
muleteers, &c. procured candles, and went in
search of farther golden discoveries, in order to
open an opposition mine for themselves, as the
English showed such monopoly in their companies.
In the prosecution of this speculation, one of them
happened to thrust his candle into a powder waggon,
while his coadjutors were surrounding it,
waiting for the report upon its merits; the mine
sprung, and hurled the company into the air:
many were blown to atoms, and those who escaped
immediate death, I saw next day—they were as
black as Africans, their heads and faces swollen,
and their eyes closed up: poor creatures, they
presented a pitiable sight! very few of them recovered.
Had these men been satisfied with humble
silver, and not have run after mining speculations,
they would have done better; but such folly
is not confined to ignorant peasants—the great
metropolis of London has furnished us with examples
of far greater avarice and folly in the
pursuit of gold mines.
The only wholesale dealer in the plunder of the
French military chest who essayed his talents at
Vittoria, was a commissariat officer: he very coolly
ordered one of his muleteers to load eight or nine
mules with boxes of dubloons, and dispatched him
with a letter of consignment to Lisbon; where,
had the treasure arrived, the commissary’s fortune
would have been made. But it was otherwise ordained;
for the muleteer, in going back through
Spain, boasted at a posado that he had immense
treasure in his charge. An Alcaldi was present
drinking; and from the circumstances of the mules
being without a military escort, yet admitted to
contain specie, suspicion arose. He continued to
drink with the muleteer, and the latter, in his careless
cups, dropped the letter which the commissary
had given him to deliver to his correspondent at
Lisbon. The Alcaldi withdrew; opened the letter—and
with the help of the curate of the village,
who knew a little English, discovered that the
treasure was not sent by any authority. In consequence
of this, he seized the whole—mules,
muleteer, and all. The result was, that the
gold was sent back, and the commissary thought
it right to run away, without waiting for farther
enquiry. Thus ended his speculation: but speculation
at best is only speculation—except in this
case; for here it lost a letter, and therefore was
clearly—peculation.
The day after the battle, I, in company with
another, rode out to view the ground where the
armies had so recently contended. It was strewed
with dead and wounded, accoutrements and arms;
a great part of the latter broken. At those points
where obstinate fighting took place, the ground
was covered with bodies: a great number of
wounded, both French, English, and Portuguese,
lay along the road, groaning and craving water.
The village of Gamarra Mayor was shattered with
heavy shot, and the bridge covered with dead, as
well as its arches choked up with bodies and accoutrements.
We returned by the main road, to
where the centre of the army was engaged. Here
were the French huts, and their broken provisions,
half cooked, lying about; this was a level interspersed
with little hillocks and brushwood: we
were then surrounded with dead and wounded;
several cars were employed in collecting the latter.
A few straggling peasants could be seen at a distance,
watching an opportunity for plunder—there
was a dreadful silence over the scene. A poor
Irishwoman ran up to one of the surgeons near
us, and with tears in her eyes, asked where was the
hospital of the 82nd regiment—I think it was the
82nd—she wrung her hands, and said that the
men told her she would find her husband wounded;
and she had travelled back for the purpose. The
surgeon told her that the only hospital on the field
was in a cottage, to which he pointed; but informed
her that all the wounded would be conveyed
to Vittoria. The half-frantic woman proceeded
towards the cottage, over the bodies which lay in
her way, and had not gone more than about fifty
yards, when she fell on her face, and uttered the
most bitter cries. We hastened to her—she was
embracing the body of a sergeant, a fine tall fellow,
who lay on his face. “Oh! it’s my husband—it’s
my husband!” said she; “and he is dead and
cold.” One of the men turned the body on his
face; the sergeant had been shot in the neck, and
his ankle was shattered. The lamentations of the
woman were of the most heart-rending kind, but
not loud. She continued to sit by her lifeless husband,
gazing on his pale countenance, and moving
her head and body to and fro, in the most bitter
agony of woe:—she talked to the dead in the most
affectionate language—of her orphans—of her home—and
of their former happiness. After a considerable
time, by persuasion, we got her upon one
of the cars with the wounded, and placed the body
of her husband beside her; this we did, because
she expressed a wish to have it buried by a clergyman.
She thanked us more by looks than words,
and the melancholy load proceeded slowly to Vittoria.
In our way back to the town, my companion’s
attention was attracted by a dead Portuguese; he
raised up the body, and asked me to look through
it—I did absolutely look through it. A cannon-ball
had passed into the breast and out at the
back—and so rapid must have been its transit,
from its forming such a clear aperture—in circumference
about twelve inches—that the man must
have been close to the cannon’s mouth when he
was shot—it spoke volumes for the courage of the
troops.
The hospital at Vittoria that evening presented
a sad spectacle; not only was part of it filled with
wounded, but the streets all round it—about two
thousand men, including those of the French with
those of the Allies. Owing to the rapid, and perhaps
unexpected, advance of the army, there were
only three surgeons to attend to this vast number of
wounded, for the first two days after the battle;
and, from the same reason, no provisions were to be
had for them for a week! The Commissariat had
not provided for the exigency, and the small portion
of bread that could be purchased was sold at
three shillings per pound. From these casualties,
I often thought since, that in cases of expected
general actions, if one half of both medical and
commissariat staff were under orders to remain
on the field until relieved, instead of following
their respective divisions, it would obviate such
privations. However, there is every excuse in this
case, considering the unexpected rapidity of the
advance. No fault whatever can be laid to either
of the departments in this instance: it was wholly
owing to advancing to such distance beyond Vittoria,
as required too long a time to retrace.
In going through the hospital, I saw in one room
not less than thirty Hussars—of the 10th and 15th,
I think—all wounded by lances; and one of them
had nineteen wounds in his body:—the surgeon
had already amputated his left arm. One of the
men described the way in which so many of their
brigade became wounded. He said, that in charging
the rear of the enemy as they were retreating,
the horses had to leap up a bank, nearly breast
high, to make good the level above. At this moment,
a body of Polish Lancers, headed by a
General, dashed in upon them, the General crying
out, in broken English, “Come on! I care not for
your fine Hussar brigade.” They fought for a
considerable time, and although ultimately the
Lancers retired and left the ground to the Hussars,
yet the latter lost many killed and wounded.
“That man,” said the Hussar, “who lies there
with the loss of his arm and so dreadfully wounded,
fought a dozen Lancers, all at him at once,
and settled some of them; at last he fell, and the
Lancers were about to kill him, when the General
cried out to take him to the rear, for he was a
brave fellow. The skirmish continued, and the
General cut that man there across the nose, in
fighting singly with him—but he killed the General
after all.”
I turned and saw a young Hussar, with a gash
across his nose, and he confirmed what his comrade
said. The man who had the nineteen wounds,
I have since heard, recovered: he seemed much to
regret the fate of the General who saved his life.
I saw this brave officer’s body buried the next
day in the principal church in Vittoria.
In passing through another part of the hospital,
I perceived a Portuguese female lying on
the ground upon straw, in the midst of numbers
of wounded men. I enquired of her, was she
wounded. She pointed to her breast, and showed
me where the bullet had passed. I asked her
how she received the shot, and was horror-struck
when the dying woman informed me that it was
her marido,—her own husband,—who shot her just
as the action was commencing—she said he deliberately
put the muzzle of his gun to her breast
and fired! This may be false; I hope it is,
for the sake of humanity:—it might be that the
woman was plundering the dead; and perhaps
killing the wounded, when some of the latter
shot her. However, be the fact as it may, it was
thus she told her story. She was in great pain,
and I should think did not live much longer.
Colonels Weare and Fane, who fell so gloriously,
were buried behind this hospital:—but I
have dwelt upon this circumstance at another part
of the work.
The people of Vittoria were very far from
enthusiastic in favour of the English, although
they behaved with apparent gratitude; but this
may be accounted for by the yet uncertainty
which prevailed, as to our ultimate power of driving
the French out of Spain. Bull-fights and
balls took place, and the new constitution was read
and honoured; but there was a want of warmth
in the people, quite incompatible with true patriotism:—on
the whole, it was supposed that
Vittoria was not unfavourable to foreign tyranny.
A few days after the battle, the 6th division of
the army passed through Vittoria, on their march
to join the main body of the army. This division,
from having been often employed on detached
service, acquired the name of the “Flying Invisibles,”
by the rest of the army. They were certainly
not at the battle; but it was not their fault,
for they were left three days’ march in the rear,
to protect the transport of the stores, &c. The
men presented a motley appearance; they had
not received a supply of clothing as had been expected,
and the consequence was that scarcely any
red cloth was to be seen amongst their jackets, so
patched were they with that of every other colour.
Many had no shoes, and altogether they excited
commiseration; but the men themselves were as
hearty and as healthy as any soldiers in the army.
While I remained at Vittoria, I learned that an
attempt to storm St. Sebastian had been made by
the allied armies, and had failed: it was also
stated that the Spaniards of the fortress were the
most active in defending the breach. Little fighting,
I believe, took place in front, except at Roncesvalles
and the pass of Maya—the gates of the
French territory; and here, I believe, there was an
effectual attack made by the French against our
troops—at least so far successful, that the latter
were obliged to retire a little, after having fought
gallantly. A considerable number of men wounded
in this affair were sent back to Vittoria.
I was now ordered to the front, and after a few
days’ marches through a most delightful and tranquil
country, arrived at a village near Pamplona,
called Bastania. Here were quartered two heavy
Dragoon regiments—all the cavalry, indeed, were
near; for it was a wide open country, and consequently
fit for the operations of Dragoons. In the
centre was the fortified town of Pamplona, within a
mile of which we durst not approach. The Pyrenees
were about half a mile in front of Bastania,
and the cavalry were placed here in case the enemy
should succeed in forcing their way down to the
plain for the relief of the citadel, in which 1,200
French were shut up:—had they done so, the horse
could have acted with great effect upon them. This
was in the latter end of July; and I believe the
Duke of Wellington had closed the army in from
the right, and intended to push on with his whole
force to France. The Spaniards he had placed to
invest Pamplona.
I slept at Bastania the night I arrived: there
were not more than a dozen houses in the village,
and all filled with dragoons. Into one of those
I went, and found the ground-floor covered thickly
with straw, upon which the soldiers—about thirty
in all—were lying. They immediately made room
for me:—my servant slept with my horses in an
out-house. I was fatigued; and so, without any
other refreshment than a cup of commissariat grog,
lay down and slept happily until the trumpeter
sounded “Boots and Saddles:” this was at two
o’clock in the morning, and I had been asleep
about three hours. The men were soon out and
horsed—so was I. The baggage of the dragoons
all packed and mounted—every thing ready for
“a breeze.” The morning was dark, and for
the time of year, rather chilly: I could not see to
a great distance, but within my view passed several
troops of heavy dragoons proceeding towards
the foot of the mountains. There was scarcely
any sound but that from the motion of the horses—the
men spoke but little, and were yet half
asleep. I moved towards the main road, in order
to come up with my division, which was in front;
but I soon found that it would be unsafe to proceed,
on account of a fog which arose, completely
obscuring every thing around. In consequence of
this I dismounted; took off my saddle; put it on
the ground; and directing my servant to stake the
horses to their tethers, lay down with my head
resting on it. I can assure my readers, that a
saddle is no bad substitute for a pillow when the
ground is the bed. The spot I selected was soft,
though not dry; it was in a furrow of a ploughed
field. I was rolled in my blanket, and for an
hour never enjoyed a sounder sleep: but I did
not find the waking quite so pleasant; for it had
rained heavily during my enjoyment, and I felt myself
nearly covered by the watery bed of the furrow:
however, I shook off my blanket—saddled,
and mounted. It was daylight, but not yet sunrise:
as I proceeded towards the mountains, I
could see to my right, over the distant plain, several
bodies of horse evidently stationed to be ready
in case the enemy forced their way down—the
town of Pamplona on my left in the centre of
the plain—the tricolore flying, and occasional
guns—I suppose signals—firing. The Pyrenees
were capped in grey mist, and therefore I could
not discern any of our infantry upon them;
but I knew they were in their position there, and
had fought the two preceding days in defence
of it.
In my way I passed through the bivouac of the
Spanish army which blockaded Pamplona, and
there beheld a most sublime spectacle—it was the
celebration of their religious rites, the mass, in
the open air, close to a ruined house. It was now
sunrise, and the hour with the circumstances of
the time, gave the uncovered and kneeling soldiery
a most interesting appearance. The priest was a
bald and reverend looking man, and his sacerdotal
robes made him look like a patriarch. I
stopped in a reverie of admiration—out of which,
however, I was roused in a few minutes by the
sound of distant firing on the heights; so I left
the Spaniards to their prayers, and galloped on
towards where there was something going on,
which to me was far more interesting.
In about ten minutes more I was upon the
mountain where our division was drawn up: they
had not yet fired a shot, nor seen a Frenchman,
but expected every moment to be engaged. The
scene of action here, is to be imagined by the reader
placing himself ideally on the top of a bold
hill, or moderately sized mountain; in front, and
on each side, are similar hills or mountains—some
smaller—some greater; far in the front the higher
Pyrenees; and, behind, the wide plain, on which
stands Pamplona. Over this scene let him then
throw the most picturesque foliage—a village or
two in the distant valleys—the ground spread with
heath and furze: thus he will have the view of
where the gallant battle of the Pyrenees was gained,
after four days of terrible contest. The fight here
was very different from a fight on a plain: in this
it was a continual attempt on the part of Soult,
with all the force he could collect, to pass the
hills, for the relief of Pamplona, and as continual
a resistance on the part of the allies—hill after
hill was attacked and defended with the most heroic
energy on both sides. But our people performed
a still more glorious and prodigious task;
for not only did they defend their own position,
but attacked Soult’s, which was stronger than
their’s; and thus for the second time during the
campaign, made a wreck of the French army!
Soult was determined to pass to Pamplona if
possible; he therefore brought all his power to the
point: even his unfledged conscripts were not excused—boys
of fifteen, in white undress, unable
to use the bayonet; these he posted where they
could pull their triggers without being exposed to
a charge from our steel, while his veterans were
employed in more dangerous situations. Before the
attack, Soult in person appeared amongst them at
the front, pointed towards the invested town, and
offered every man a certain reward in cash, as soon
as they passed the few hills before them, and relieved
their blockaded countrymen. All this could
not suffice; and the best General of France, with
a powerful army, could not push over a quarter of
a mile of ground, while the British defended it!
nor although aware of the Duke of Wellington’s
intention of invasion, could they keep him from
pursuing them across their own frontiers! On
this battle depended the fate of the Peninsula—perhaps
of Europe:—the trust fell into worthy
hands, and they did their duty.
In about half an hour after I joined the division,
a hill in front and on our right, defended by Portuguese,
was attacked; the latter received the
French with a volley, and then, shouting, advanced
down the hill with the bayonet: a cheer from our
men involuntarily burst out, and the French rolled
and ran, pursued about a hundred yards. The
hill was of great importance to us, and very desirable
to the enemy: this was the first attack upon
it, and having failed, reinforcements were preparing
to accomplish its conquest:—we could see several
columns of the enemy moving down from another
mountain towards it; but this was provided for by
our chief, who reinforced the gallant Portuguese
by the 48th British regiment, and a regiment of
Spaniards. Here then was the hardest fighting
for two days—the 27th and 28th; attacks were repeatedly
made upon this point, in the most able
manner by the French, and as often defeated.
Soult and Wellington were both placed within
sight of each other, upon the tops of hills,
anxiously observing this terrible strife at various
times; and the anxiety of the former could
be seen plainly in all his attitudes. During this
time several other points were assailed, gained and
lost: it was up hill at one moment, and down the
next; and considering that those hills were so
steep at some places, that I was nearly breathless
in mounting one, besides a hot sun blazing over
us, it is to be wondered how such prodigies of
valour were accomplished. I do not know why,
but certain it is, that our men usually did more
execution when charging up a hill than down;
there seemed to be a greater energy about them in
overcoming their difficulties, and perhaps a desire
of revenge for the advantage their enemy seemed
to take of them in firing down at them as they
advanced. As an instance of this, I will mention
the following fact:—When our troops were passing
the Bidassoa, the firing from a bold height
on the French bank of the river galled them very
much; the water was up to the middle of their
bodies, and the men were obliged to hold their
muskets over their heads to keep them dry: many
fell; others, wounded, continued to cross the ford;
the hill in front was to be mounted and taken by
those troops in the water, and a strong force was
defending it. The men became outrageous as
they looked up at the muskets of their enemies
pointed at them; and frequent oaths and imprecations
plainly showed that they would seek satisfaction
when they crossed the river.—“Oh! by
J——! we’ll give it to you by and by, you French
beggars. D——your eyes, we’ll sarve you out,”
&c. &c. Such expressions as these were heard
from every man, and when arrived on the other
side of the river, scarcely a moment passed till
they were up on the heights—stabbing, butting,
and flinging over the rocks the bodies of their
enemies. The height was gained, and on the top
of it they gave three cheers, which made Fontarabia
ring. But—to the narrative.
During the 27th and 28th, the contest produced
nothing decisive, except that Soult could not gain
his point, and the whole line of hills were at one
time or other the scene of active operation—cannon,
musketry, and bayonet, were all at work.
On the 28th, the French made a desperate attack
on the 6th division, which had been sent by the
Duke of Wellington to occupy the heights on
the left, across a valley near Orican: the moment
this division appeared, the enemy advanced on it,
but was received in fine style—they got into a
cul de sac; for the fourth division on their left was
so placed on hills as to effect a most destructive
fire on their flank, while they gave them their vollies
from a ridge upon their right, as well as in
front, so that at this point the French met with
unequivocal defeat.
The third day closed in darkness, and the work
of death ceased for a time. The men were now so
familiar with the carnage around that they cared
nothing about it: many laid themselves down beside
dead comrades and enemies mingled: all slept
soundly on the mountain heath that night—not
even bestowing a thought upon whether they were
to fight next day or not; and when the bugle
sounded and the drum beat next morning, jumped
up as fresh as if they had been at a review; then,
after eating their cold beef and biscuit, and swallowing
a mouthful of rum, were ready in their
ranks to renew the scenes of the preceding days—nay,
anxious for the fight.
This was the day for glory. The Duke attacked
Soult on the right and left at once,
which proving successful, he dashed at the centre.
This was now a change from defence to attack,
and the enemy in a few hours were driven from
all their strong points, and retreated. Yet they
fought desperately: at one village alone—the first
on the main road from Pamplona to the pass of
Maia—the British were driven back four times;
but took and held it on the fifth: the road here
was covered with dead of both sides, and well
proved the valour with which both fought, in that
masterly victory which opened the barrier of
France to the allies—led the Portuguese and Spaniards
to the glory of shouting “Retribution” in
their persecutor’s country—and once more passed
the ranks of heroes over the consecrated ground
of Roncesvalles.
The whole of the road over which we pursued
the retreating and broken army, was covered with
the wreck of its baggage and artillery—hundreds
of dead mules were lying about, having been killed
with fatigue, or hurled off the precipices along
which the road sometimes passed—waggons, guns,
carriages, tumbrils, casks, medicine chests, and
dead men, were the objects that every where, like
Rosamond’s clue, marked the track of the devoted
victims:—a sickening sight, which, while engaged
in the heat of pursuit, was viewed without emotion;
but when calm reflection took her seat in
the soldier’s mind, was not to be contemplated
by him without unenviable feelings.
On this march nothing remarkable occurred in
the part of the army where I was stationed. The
siege of San Sebastian was begun by Sir Thomas
Graham, while the front of our main force occupied
the border line of France on the Bidassoa.
The two contending armies remained in sight of
each other—Soult fortifying the frontier of his
threatened country, and Wellington refreshing
his victorious troops until after the fall of San
Sebastian. All this time the Duke’s head-quarters
were at Lesacco, in the mountains, a town about
four leagues south of Passages; and these four
leagues, I may say, with a little allowance—was
up one side of a mountain and down the
other,—a wretched town; and perhaps never before
had it to boast of the domicile of so many
heroes—such glittering nobility. Here, for the
greatest part of a rainy and raw winter, the indefatigable
Commander of the Forces fixed his quarters;
and here I have seen him working with an
energy which often threatened his life. He rode
so much one week, that he was confined for several
succeeding days to his bed; and I have seen his
fifteen valuable English chargers led out by the
groom to exercise, with scarcely any flesh on their
bones—so active and vigilant was their noble
rider, and so much were his horses used. Every
day during the siege of San Sebastian, I saw
the Duke, unattended by his staff, riding by
my window, in a narrow street of Renteria, on
his way to the besieged fortress, accompanied
by an old artillery or engineer officer,—I believe
Sir R. Fletcher,6—and dressed in a plain grey
frock, white cravat, and cocked hat—evidently intent
on the matters of the siege; this was upwards
of thirty miles a day for a ride, between breakfast
and dinner; but he has often rode double that
distance, over the worst of roads and in the worst
of weather.
The siege of San Sebastian was the next important
operation of the Allied Army. This was
entrusted to Sir Thomas Graham, under the eye of
the Duke of Wellington. From being quartered
at Renteria, for three weeks previous to the capture
of that fortress, I had an opportunity of witnessing
the whole affair; and scarcely a day passed
without my visiting the works before it: but from
the commencement of the siege up to the battering
down of the walls, nothing took place to require a
particular notice, beyond the description I have
given of the siege of Flushing, in another part
of this work: generally speaking, the operations
were similarly conducted. The storming of the
town, however, was a scene in the campaign of
which I write, which ought not to be passed over
unnoticed. As I beheld, so will I describe it; and
so mighty an achievement as the capture of this
town was, I would be happy to hear described by
every individual who was engaged in it; for each
would tell what he had seen; which, although all
generally the same, would be different in particulars,
and therefore, like Mosaic work, form a picture
of the highest value. We have had several
descriptions of the storming of San Sebastian,
amongst which that given by the author of “The
Subaltern,” (a deservedly popular work) is by far
the best, and, with but few exceptions, correctly
true—at least those exceptions are at variance
with what I recollect of the affair. The author
of “The Subaltern” describes what he saw, as a
stormer of the town; I can only speak as a spectator:
both our remarks, therefore, may be taken
as separate parts of the same picture.
San Sebastian is situated at the foot of a high
rock, upon the top of which is a fortified castle;
the town surrounds this rock, and is backed by
the open sea. A river runs in front of the town,
into which the sea flows; but at low water it is
fordable; and its banks of yellow sand appear to
our right—imagining us fronting the town. On
first beholding San Sebastian, one supposes it is
situated on a little island; but on closer approach,
it is seen connected by a neck of land, which at
high water is very narrow; and on this neck, which
is an island at high water, is a fort mounting three
or four guns:—but the best way to proceed in the
description, I think, is to place my reader in the
position which I took up myself at the battering
and storming of the town.
To our right, on a high bold hill, which overtops
several others near it, and whose side, next
the town, is nearly perpendicular, was a mortar
battery:—here must the reader stand. About
half a mile in his front and a little to his left,
stands San Sebastian around its high rock and
castle—its walls watered by the Gurumea stream,
and relieved in the distance by the wide blue waters
of the Bay of Biscay. To the left of the town he
will see several picturesque hills, lessening away
into the horizon, while to his right he will behold
the Bay of Biscay washing the feet of the Pyrenees.
Immediately under him, a little to the
left, are situated the British batteries and trenches,
on a tolerably level ground, and flanked on the
other side by several hills, upon the most forward
of which stood the chief of the siege, Sir Thomas
Graham;7—these, for the most part, covered with
apple-trees. Behind all this is a beautifully picturesque
and hilly country—the Lake of Leso
may be seen, like a patch of shining glass, in the
midst of foliage and fertile fields—an occasional
farm-house shows itself in the valleys and on the
brows of the hills—while the background is formed
by the gigantic mountains of the Pyreenees. I
can only compare the position which I have now
pointed out to my readers, to the highest seat of
an amphitheatre, at the bottom of which lies the
exhibition for his eye:—the batteries,—the river,—the
town,—the encamped army,—all were below;
and over the whole I could gaze as on the
Thames from the towers of Windsor,—the yellow
verging sands of Dublin Bay from Killiny Hill,—or
Edinboro’ from the Calton.
On the night of the 26th, the fort between the
town and our lines was carried by assault, and its
defenders taken prisoners. This was done by a
detachment of infantry, assisted by a few marines
and sailors: little work was made about this affair,
and the garrison, it is supposed, were not
aware of it until daylight. On the morning of
the 27th, the signal was made to open the fire
upon the town; and I can only remember it by
having been awakened out of a sound sleep, at
three miles’ distance from San Sebastian, by the
tremendous roar of the cannon. The batteries
continued to play upon the town almost incessantly,
for nearly four days and nights,—the cannon
at the front wall, for the purpose of effecting
a breach—the mortars at the ramparts and the
houses. The French returned the fire from both
the Castle and walls with great rapidity—their
shells were thrown in every direction; but this
vigorous return was soon over; for, on the second
day of the cannonade, their guns on the walls were
silenced; so they contented themselves with throwing
a few shells and an occasional shot from the
Castle upon the troops in our trenches, whose well-directed
muskets were annoying the enemy whenever
they appeared on the walls.
Observing the balls striking the wall at one
point, first led the beholders to suppose that
no impression could possibly be made on the
massive and compact structure; for the perceptible
effect was that a little dust arose from the
spot where each shot struck; and then the ball
dropped down, leaving no appearance whatever
of an impression: but continued firing first
loosened a stone, then moved it, and ultimately
displaced it: when this was accomplished, it required
very little more to widen the breach to a
sufficient extent for storming.
During the day-time the scene was awfully
grand—but far more so at night; and from the
hill upon which I stood, it had the most terrible
aspect. Fancy yourself over the potteries of Staffordshire
in a balloon, when the face of the country
is covered with fires; this may be likened in
some degree, to the trenches and ramparts—dark
and flame alternately mixed: then the roaring of
the guns, more loud than a thousand thunders;
and the shells crossing each other, in their route
to destruction:—none could behold the scene without
awe and horror!
The breach having been completed on the 30th,
the storming party prepared to enter; and on the
31st at about ten o’clock in the morning, the forlorn
hope, at the appointed time—which was the
hour of low-water—advanced from the trenches.
I could see them plainly: one followed the other
rapidly into the stream, and boldly advanced—poor
fellows! a thousand balls were showered on
them, and they dropped as fast as they arrived at
about the middle of the river—men followed men,
into the gulph of death—yet several arrived at the
opposite bank: on they went to the breach, followed
by their comrades, and there were knocked
down by grape and bullets from the walls:
but by rapidly crowding over the heaped up
dead, a mass of men succeeded in getting on the
breach: there they were stopped by balls and
bayonets. At this moment, a mine sprung outside
the wall, and threw our advancing men into confusion,
killing several; but under the cover of the
smoke occasioned by it, many of the rear got up to
the breach. Sir Thomas Graham now ordered the
heavy artillery to aim over the heads of our men,
so as to clear the ramparts of the opposing force,
through the embrasures: this was admirably done:
I could see the balls striking above them, and
knocking stones and rubbish in upon the French,
as well as sweeping them away.—Every shot made
my heart thrill with delight; for the poor fellows,
who were struggling to get into the breach, against
such fearful odds, were dropping every instant;
but this masterly experiment made immediate way
for advance. There were several Spanish females
on the hill where I was, and the tears rolled down
their cheeks like rain, while this was going on; and
many of the men who beheld it could not refrain
from weeping. The constant exclamations from
one to another, was, “Do you think they are likely
to get in?—How long they are on the breach!—God
help them!—Brave fellows!”—Not only the
English present, but the Spanish, thus heartily
felt for the gallant soldiers who were standing
on the threshold of death awaiting destruction.
At this moment, a column of Portuguese advanced
boldly out over the sand, on the right of the town,
and exactly under the battery in which I stood: they
marched at ordinary time. As soon as they appeared,
the grape was showered in amongst them, and
strewed the yellow sands with the blue jackets;
yet the column never broke, but intrepidly marched
into the river up to the arm-pits, and gained
the wall of the town; the water all around them,
while passing, bubbling by shot as if from large
hail—so it appeared to me from the distance. The
Portuguese continued along the wall, and mounted
the breach gallantly. All this time, the breach
was receiving a most destructive flanking fire, from
the projections of the walls on both sides—they
kept up a continual shower of bullets from the embrasures;
fortunately now a mine sprung on the
ramparts by accident, and destroyed numbers of
the French: a dense black cloud of smoke arose
from it: our artillery was sweeping the ramparts,
and at this juncture the surviving men on the
breach cleared their way into the town—advancing
columns followed fast—the batteries ceased—and
the work of the British bayonet began. The
hearts of all who beheld the attack were now at
ease—the artillery men rested on their guns, and
shook hands with each other—all was quiet outside
the town, but wild uproar and destruction
within. In about half an hour after this, we could
see the French mounting the rock inside the citadel,
to shut themselves up in the castle; then we
felt convinced that the town was taken. The
French continued to fire upon their pursuers all
the way up the hill, and we could track them by
the smoke of their guns.8
I went into the town through the breach, in the
evening, and there witnessed the true horrors of
war; the soldiers were, for the most part, half drunk—all
were busy plundering and destroying: every
thing of value was ransacked—furniture thrown out
of the windows—shops rifled—packages of goods
torn open and scattered about—the streets close to
the breach, as well as the breach itself, covered with
dead and wounded:—over these bodies, of necessity,
I passed on my way. As few women were
in the town, the horrors attending the sex under
such circumstances were also few; and the attempt
at ill-treating a female on the day subsequent to
the capture of the town, was summarily punished
by Lord Beresford on the spot. It was thus: although
plunder was nearly subdued on the day
after entering San Sebastian, yet stragglers were
prowling about in spite of all efforts to prevent
further mischief: a woman was looking out of a
window on the first floor of a house, and I saw a
drunken Portuguese soldier run into the passage
directly below where the woman was. Lord
Beresford happened to be walking a little before
me in a plain blue coat and cocked hat, accompanied
by another officer: his Lordship saw the
Portuguese running into the house, and presently
we heard the screams of a female—the woman
had gone from the window. Lord Beresford instantly
followed the Portuguese, and in a few minutes
brought his senhorship down by the collar;
then with the flat of his sword gave the fellow that
sort of a drubbing which a powerful man, like his
Lordship, is capable of inflicting. Under the circumstances
I thought it well bestowed, and far
better than trying him by court martial.
I understood that when the troops got into the
town, the French retreated behind their barricades
in the streets, made with barrels of sand and
clay; from whence they fired at their pursuers,
and when driven from one, fled to the next, until
they gained the Castle-hill. It is thus the French
generally fight against our troops—they take
every advantage of screening themselves from shot,
and but on very few occasions stand up man to
man with the bayonet.
The town was dreadfully injured by shot, shell,
and the destructive fury of our troops:9 but by
no means so dilapidated as Flushing was. A great
number of the inhabitants had left San Sebastian
previous to its blockade, and the few respectable
families who remained, fled to the Castle along
with the French.
For several days after the storming, soldiers
and sailors were to be seen strutting about the
roads outside the town in masquerade—some in
silks and satins—others as pedlars selling their
plunder to the people who came from Passages to
see the wreck of San Sebastian: the roads were
like a fair; and the humour of the Portuguese and
our sailors glossed over the horrors of the time with
strange mirth. In general the sailors were habited
in old fashioned silk gowns and petticoats, put on
over their tarry jackets; while on a battered sail-cloth
hat, Jack sported a Spanish veil. The garrison
in the Castle held out a week, but at the end
of that time surrendered: the number marched
out was, I believe, 1,800.
From the fall of San Sebastian, until the invasion
of France in the month following, nothing
particular took place, and the army reposed in the
luxuriant valleys of Navarre. Here both officers
and men enjoyed themselves in quiet: they had
plenty of provision—plenty of forage for the
horses—a profusion of fruit and excellent wine—the
weather was delightful, and the country the
most picturesque on earth. However, little more
than a month passed over before the army crossed
the Bidassoa, driving the enemy from their frontier,
and our successful commander established his
head quarters at St. Jean de Luz. I had been
quartered at Tafalia from a week after the siege
until the fall of Pamplona, and that being the
only fortress to impede the operations of the
army—from its being occupied by the enemy—it
is not unlikely that its fall was the signal for the
invasion of France.
On the surrender of Pamplona, the French garrison
were permitted to march out, with closed
knapsacks. They were escorted by the Spaniards
through Tolosa to Passages for embarkation as
prisoners of war; and, unhappily for many of
them, they found the difference between Spanish
and British foes on that miserable occasion.
It was cold weather when the garrison marched
out: they were disarmed of course. The French
governor and several of the superior officers were
allowed to ride their own horses, and suffered
nothing more severe than mere insults from their
escort, the Spaniards. Far different was it with
the men: every species of brutality was practised
against them short of open massacre. The road
from Pamplona to Tolosa is one of the widest
and best in Spain, not very inferior to any in
Great Britain: it takes a course through valleys
along the sides of an immense mountain for a
considerable way, and, frequently, over patches of
fertile country—the whole abounding in foliage.
Occasional villages present themselves at a few
miles distant from each other, and now and then a
farm house or two opens upon the traveller’s view
in some wild spot.
I was on my route from Tafalia, in company
with a brother officer; and then returning to the
front. We slept one night in a village within a
mile and a half of Pamplona, as one of our halting
places; and next day in passing the town we saw
a considerable body of Spanish troops—principally
cavalry—drawn up; and, on enquiry, learnt that
they were waiting to receive the French garrison,
which were then about to march out as prisoners
of war. In a few moments the French appeared
and were placed in column to proceed thus on their
route to Tolosa. We marched with them all that
day, conversing with the governor—a gentlemanly
and pleasant officer—who expressed his fears of ill
treatment for his men, regretting that it was not
by the English that they were escorted. It came
on to snow severely about four o’clock in the afternoon,
and promised a most miserable night to the
poor prisoners, as they had a full league farther
to go before they could get under cover; and they
were far less able to bear fatigue than the Spaniards
who escorted them; for they had been
half starved in the garrison—provisions having
been exhausted:—the governor declared that
they had all been subsisting for twelve days previous
to surrender, on four ounces of horse flesh
per day to each man, and that the horses killed
for that purpose were the private property of the
officers.
We rode along with the column until dark,
when we left it to take up our quarter for the
night at a farm-house, which we saw on the left, in
a valley, at the distance of about a quarter of a
mile. Here we passed the time pleasantly, having
met with hospitable people who accommodated us
with what we wished. My friend had purchased
a brace of woodcocks in the village where we
slept on the previous night, and my servant was
busy cooking them: while we sat at the fire along
with the farmer, his wife and three children, enjoying
ourselves with a glass of good Tafalia wine,
about seven o’clock, a youth who was in the employ
of the farmer, lifted the latch, and entered,
covered with snow; his face was as white as his
clothes, and he evidently laboured under extreme
terror. His master demanded what was the matter—in
the Basque language, which we did not understand,
and which is the language of the country
people in that quarter: the boy, in the most apparently
incoherent manner, spoke for several minutes,
shuddering as he spoke. We supposed that he
had encountered a mountain ghost in full costume;
but the master explained in Spanish the cause of
his servant’s fright to be nothing etherial. He said
that the boy had been returning from a neighbouring
farmer’s house, and was crossing the main road
in the snow, when he stumbled over something,
and fell; it was quite dark; at first he thought
it was a Borachio,10 or a sack of corn that thus
tripped him, and put down his hand to it. He
felt it warm, and on closer examination found
it to be a dead body quite naked, and bleeding
warm blood from the throat and breast, with which
the boy’s hands were covered. He ran towards a
gap to get into the field which led him towards his
master’s, and in climbing up, his foot slipped by
occasion of the snow, and down he fell into the
ditch upon another dead, naked, and bleeding
body! At first I was at a loss to account for this
extraordinary affair, but the Spaniard, who was
a shrewd man, soon awakened me to the cause.
“They are French,” said he;—“French prisoners
killed by the soldiers of the escort, for
their knapsacks and clothes.” A shudder of horror
passed through the nerves of both my friend and
myself. At first we thought of proceeding on
after the column, and to remonstrate with the
Spanish Commanding-officer; but a moment’s reflection
showed us the uselessness as well as danger
of such an undertaking: we therefore contented
ourselves with condemning the dastard
villany of the action, and in plans of preventing
the like outrages for the remainder of the march.
The next morning we mounted our horses a little
after daylight, and proceeded to the main road in
order to pursue our route to Tolosa, and there the
scene which opened upon us was one of the most
heart-sinking nature: at least thirty bodies were
scattered along the road, for the distance of about
two miles; most of them stabbed in the breast,
side, and abdomen—others with their throats cut;
and some who had not died of their wounds were
gasping in death, hastened by the extreme inclemency
of the weather to which they had been
exposed the whole of the night—and all completely
naked! We stopped with one young man who could
just speak a little; I put my canteen to his lips,
and he swallowed a mouthful of brandy, which for
a moment lighted up the expiring spark of life.
The suffering victim told us that the Spanish soldiers
stabbed him in the breast when it became
quite dark. He said that happening to be on the
flank of the column, and being a little tired and
weak, he straggled out from it a moment, when one
of the Spaniards dragged him into the ditch and
plunged his steel into his body; then took off his
knapsack and clothes, leaving him naked as he was,
exposed all night to the snow and sleet. We
threw our blankets down, and lifted him upon
them—the blood gushed out afresh from his side.
We immediately commenced to carry him back to
the house we had slept in the preceding night;
but before we had gone many yards with the unhappy
soldier, he died.
We lost no time in proceeding onwards to overtake
the column, and we came up with it in about
two hours. The poor jaded prisoners looked at
us as if they thought we could protect them from
their abominable persecutors, and many of them
begged our interference, and corroborated what
the dying soldier told us. We heard the same
melancholy complaint from the French commandant
and his officers. He said he remonstrated with
the commanding-officer of the Spaniards, but was
answered that the men should keep close in the
column, and then they would not be exposed to
the danger of being murdered! My friend and
I immediately rode up to the Spanish officer in
command, and represented the horrid scene which
was acted on the preceding night; but instead of
a humane and soldier-like consideration of the report,
he cooly observed that he did not see them
doing it, and that the prisoners must be more
careful not to straggle. I asked him to investigate
the matter, and concluded by hoping that the
horrors of the night before would not be renewed
that night. My friend added, that it was a disgrace
to the name of a nation to murder their prisoners
thus. He said he could not help it, and that these
things must happen in spite of the officers. We
plainly saw that those men, who from their rank
should have been supposed to have known better,
were indirectly as much of the base assassin as the
wretches they commanded: however, I believe they
were not the regular troops of the line, but the
militia of the province. God forbid that all the
Spanish army were such as this sample! For the
sake of human nature, I hope they were not. The
Spaniards had certainly suffered much from the
French invading army; but nothing should have
operated so disgraceful a crime in them, as to
murder the helpless prisoners entrusted to their
protection. The British soldiers, with all their
faults, never stained the name of their country
with conduct like this: they have pilfered—they
have plundered—they have rioted in drunkenness
and debauchery; but they never struck a prostrate
foe: they were the most formidable enemies to the
French in Spain; but they were the first to whom
the fallen of that nation looked to for protection—and
not in vain—except in one grand instance * * *
But in this, thank Heaven! the Nation, although
bearing the blame, unjustly bears it; for it was the
act of its evil director, and wholly unsanctioned
by the hearts of its people.
We obtained a sort of promise, however, from
the Spanish officers, not again to allow such conduct
as disgraced the preceding night; and having cautioned
the French in the rear to keep close together,
we went to our quarters in a little village,
with some hopes that the murderers would not
again go to their infernal work; but we were disappointed;
for next morning the front room of the
cottage in which we passed the night, was filled
with Spanish soldiers at day-break, (for it happened
to be a sort of wine-house,) and every one
of them had a knapsack or two which they took
from the French on the preceding evening: and no
doubt for every knapsack which we counted, there
was a murdered prisoner. We were horror-struck
when we beheld them, and spoke in very decided
terms of the brutality of the soldiers; but they
only replied by recommending the English officers
to mind their own men, and let Spaniards do as they
liked!—nay, they made no secret of their atrocity,
but boasted to each other of the manner in which
they selected the prisoners who carried the largest
knapsacks, and of the celerity with which they detached
them from their comrades and slaughtered
them. These wretches held a sort of fair or
market in front of this cottage, selling the clothes
and contents of the plundered knapsacks to the
peasants of the village.
This proved to be the last day of slaughter
for the poor unhappy prisoners; for they arrived
at Tolosa that evening by four o’clock, and their
further march was only to Passages (one day’s
march) where they were to embark. My friend
and I, however, to guard against further outrage,
reported the affair to the Spanish authorities at
Tolosa, who, although promising to effectually
prevent a recurrence, excused the murderers by
saying, “that they had not received a shilling pay
for two years; and this,” said they, “is owing to
these infernal French.” There would have been
some reason in this, if the murdered had been the
men who designed and moved the Spanish invasion;
but these unhappy prisoners were as much
the victims of it as the Spaniards themselves.
I now proceeded to my quarters at Urogne,
beyond the Bidassoa, between Fontarabia and St.
Jean de Luz. From the appearance of the town,
the armies must have had severe fighting there:
the houses were all in ruins, and no inhabitants to
be seen: here I remained until the advance of the
army to its ultimate conquest at Toulouse, which
began the winter’s campaign in France.—But, as
the crossing of the Bidassoa, properly speaking,
was the end of the Last Campaign in the Peninsula,
I must with it conclude this sketch—on
which I have already, perhaps, dwelt too long.