I BECOME AN AUTHOR AND RESUME MY INTERRUPTED CAREER AS A LECTURER
For more than a year I had knocked at the doors of the various
magazine editors with my pictures, proposing to tell them how the
other half lived, but no one wanted to know. One of the Harpers,
indeed, took to the idea, but the editor to whom he sent me treated
me very cavalierly. Hearing that I had taken the pictures myself,
he proposed to buy them at regular photographer's rates and "find
a man who could write" to tell the story. We did not part with
mutual expressions of esteem. I gave up writing for a time then, and
tried the church doors. That which was bottled up within me was,
perhaps, getting a trifle too hot for pen and ink. In the church
one might, at all events, tell the truth unhindered. So I thought;
but there were cautious souls there, too, who held the doors against
Mulberry Street and the police reporter. It was fair, of course,
that they should know who I was, but I thought it sufficient
introduction that I was a deacon in my own church out on Long
Island. They did not, it seemed. My stock of patience, never very
large, was showing signs of giving out, and I retorted hotly that
then, if they wanted to know, I was a reporter, and perhaps Mulberry
Street had as much sanctity in it as a church that would not listen
to its wrongs. They only shut the doors a little tighter at that.
It did not mend matters that about that time I tried a little
truth-telling in my own fold and came to grief. It did not prove
to be any more popular on Long Island than in New York. I resigned
the diaconate and was thinking of hiring a hall—a theatre could be
had on Sunday—wherein to preach my lay sermon, when I came across
Dr. Schauffler, the manager of the City Mission Society, and Dr.
Josiah Strong, the author of "Our Country." They happened to be
together, and saw at once the bearing of my pictures. Remembering
my early experience with the magic lantern, I had had slides made
from my negatives, and on February 28, 1888, I told their story in
the Broadway Tabernacle. Thereafter things mended somewhat. Plymouth
Church and Dr. Parkhurst's opened their doors to me and the others
fell slowly into line.
I had my say and felt better. I found a note from Dr. Schauffler
among my papers the other day that was written on the morning after
that first speech. He was pleased with it and with the collection
of $143.50 for the mission cause. I remember it made me smile a
little grimly. The fifty cents would have come handy for lunch that
day. It just happened that I did not have any. It happened quite
often. I was, as I said, ever a bad manager. I mention it here
because of two letters that came while I have been writing this, and
which I may as well answer now. One asks me to lift the mortgage
from the writer's home. I get a good many of that kind. The
writers seem to think I have much money and might want to help them.
I should like nothing better. To go around, if one were rich, and
pay off mortgages on little homes, so that the owners when they had
got the interest together by pinching and scraping should find it
all gone and paid up without knowing how, seems to me must be the
very finest fun in all the world. But I shall never be able to do
it, for I haven't any other money than what I earn with my pen and
by lecturing, and never had. So their appeals only make me poorer
by a two-cent stamp for an answer to tell them that, and make them
no richer. The other letter asks why I and other young men who
have had to battle with the world did not go to the Young Men's
Christian Association, or to the missionaries, for help. I do not
know about the others, but I did not want anybody to help me. There
were plenty that were worse off and needed help more. The only time
I tried was when Pater Breton, the good French priest in Buffalo,
tried to get me across to France to fight for his country, and
happily did not succeed. As to battling with the world, that is
good for a young man, much better than to hang on to somebody for
support A little starvation once in a while even is not out of
the way. We eat too much anyhow, and when you have fought your way
through a tight place, you are the better for it. I am afraid that
is not always the case when you have been shoved through.
And then again, as I have just told, when I did go to the ministers
with a fair proposition, they did not exactly jump at it. No, it
was better the way it was.
The thing I had sought vainly so long came in the end by another
road than I planned. One of the editors of Scribner's Magazine
saw my pictures and heard their story in his church, and came to
talk the matter over with me. As a result of that talk I wrote an
article that appeared in the Christmas Scribner's, 1889, under the
title "How the Other Half Lives," and made an instant impression.
That was the beginning of better days.
Before I let the old depart I must set down an incident of
my reporter's experience that crowds in with a good hearty laugh,
though it was not the slum that sent me to the Church of the Holy
Communion over on Sixth Avenue. And though the door was shut in my
face, it was not by the rector, or with malice prepense. A despatch
from the Tenderloin police station had it that the wife of the
Rev. Dr. Henry Mottet was locked up there, out of her mind. We had
no means of knowing that Dr. Mottet was at that time a confirmed
bachelor. So I went over to condole with him, and incidentally
to ask what was the matter with his wife, any way. The servant who
came to the door did not know whether the doctor was in; she would
go and see. But even as she said it the wind blew the door shut
behind her. It had a snap-lock.
"Oh!" she said, "I am shut out. If the doctor isn't in the house,
I can't get in."
We rang, but no one came. There was only one way: to try the windows.
The poor girl could not be left in the street. So we went around
the rectory and found one unlatched. She gave me a leg up, and I
raised the sash and crawled in.
Halfway in the room, with one leg over the sill, I became dimly
conscious of a shape there. Tall and expectant, it stood between
the door-curtains.
"Well, sir! and who are you?" it spoke sternly.
I climbed over the sill and put the question myself: "And who are
you, sir?"
"I am Dr. Mottet, and live in this house." He had been in after
all and had come down to hear what the ringing was about. "And now
may I ask, sir—?"
"Certainly, you may. I am a reporter from Police Headquarters, come
up to tell you that your wife is locked up in the Thirtieth Street
police station."
The doctor looked fixedly at me for a full minute. Then he slowly
telescoped his tall frame into an armchair, and sank down, a look
of comic despair settling upon his face.
"O Lord!" he sighed heavily. "A strange man climbs through my
parlor window to tell me, a bachelor, that my wife is locked up in
the police station. What will happen next?"
And then we laughed together and made friends. The woman was just
an ordinary lunatic.
I was late home from the office one evening the week my Christmas
article was printed. My wife was waiting for me at the door, looking
down the street. I saw that she had something on her mind, but the
children were all right, she said; nothing was amiss. Supper over,
she drew a chair to the fire and brought out a letter.
"I read it," she nodded. It was our way. The commonest business
letter is to me a human document when she has read it. Besides, she
knows so much more than I. Her heart can find a way where my head
bucks blindly against stone walls.
The letter was from Jeanette Gilder, of the Critic, asking if
I had thought of making my article into a book. If so, she knew a
publisher. My chance had come. I was at last to have my say.
I should have thought I would have shouted and carried on. I
didn't. We sat looking into the fire together, she and I. Neither
of us spoke. Then we went up to the children. They slept sweetly
in their cribs. I saw a tear in her eye as she bent over the baby's
cradle, and caught her to me, questioning.
"Shall we lose you now?" she whispered, and hid her head on my
shoulder. I do not know what jealous thought of authors being wedded
to their work had come into her mind; or, rather, I do. I felt it,
and in my heart, while I held her close, I registered a vow which
I have kept. It was the last tear she shed for me. Our daughter
pouts at her father now and then; says I am "fierce." But She comes
with her sewing to sit where I write, and when she comes the sun
shines.
Necessarily, for a while, my new work held me very close. "How the
Other Half Lives" was written at night while the house slept, for
I had my office work to attend to in the day. Then it was my habit
to light the lamps in all the rooms of the lower story and roam
through them with my pipe, for I do most of my writing on my feet.
I began the book with the new year. In November it was published,
and on the day it came out I joined the staff of the Evening
Sun. I merely moved up one flight of stairs. Mulberry Street was
not done with me yet, nor I with it.
I had had a falling out with the manager of the Associated Press
Bureau,—the Tribune had retired from the copartnership some
years before,—and during one brief summer ran an opposition shop
of my own. I sold police news to all the papers, and they fell away
from the Bureau with such hearty unanimity that the manager came
around and offered to farm out the department to me entirely if
I would join forces. But independence was ever sweet to me, and
in this instance it proved profitable even. I made at least three
times as much money as before, but I did it at such cost of energy
and effort that I soon found it could not last, even with the
phenomenal streak of good luck I had struck. It seemed as if I had
only to reach out to turn up news. I hear people saying once in a
while that there is no such thing as luck. They are wrong. There
is; I know it. It runs in streaks, like accidents and fires.
The thing is to get in the way of it and keep there till it comes
along, then hitch on, and away you go. It is the old story of the
early bird. I got up at five o'clock, three hours before any of my
competitors, and sometimes they came down to the office to find my
news hawked about the street in extras of their own papers.
One way or another, a fight there was always on hand. That seemed
foreordained. If it was not "the opposition" it was the police.
When Mulberry Street took a rest the publisher's "reader" began it,
and the proof-reader. This last is an enemy of human kind anyhow.
Not only that he makes you say things you never dreamed of, but
his being so cocksure that he knows better every time, is a direct
challenge to a fight. The "reader" is tarred with the same stick.
He is the one who passes on the manuscript, and he has an ingrown
hatred of opinion. If a man has that, he is his enemy before he
ever sets eye on him. He passed on my manuscript with a blue pencil
that laid waste whole pages, once a whole chapter, with a stroke.
It was like sacking a conquered city. But he did not die in his
sins. I joined battle at the first sight of that blue pencil. The
publishers said their reader was a very capable man. So he was, and
a fine fellow to boot; had forgotten more than I ever knew, except
as to the other half, of which he did not know anything. I suggested
to the firm that if they did not think so, they had better let
him write a book to suit, or else print mine as I wrote it. It was
fair, and they took my view of it. So did he. The blue pencil went
out of commission.
How deadly tired I was in those days I do not think I myself knew
until I went to Boston one evening to help discuss sweating at the
Institute of Technology. I had an hour to spare, and went around
into Beacon Street to call upon a friend. I walked mechanically up
the stoop and rang the bell. My friend was not in, said the servant
who came to the door. Who should she say called? I stood and looked
at her like a fool: I had forgotten my name. I was not asleep;
I was rummaging in an agony of dread and excitement through every
corner and crevice of my brain for my own name, but I did not find
it. As slowly as I could, to gain time, I reached for my card-case
and fumbled for a card, hoping to remember. But no ray came. Until
I actually read my name on my card it was as utterly gone as if
I had never heard it. If the people of Boston got anything out of
my speech that day they did better than I. All the time I spoke
something kept saying over within me: "You are a nice fellow to
make a speech at the Institute of Technology; you don't even know
your own name."
After that I was haunted by a feeling that I would lose myself
altogether, and got into the habit of leaving private directions in
the office where I would probably be found, should question arise.
It arose at last in a Brooklyn church where I was making a speech
with my magic-lantern pictures. While I spoke a feeling kept
growing upon me that I ought to be down in the audience looking at
the pictures. It all seemed a long way off and in no way related to
me. Before I knew it, or any one had time to notice, I had gone
down and taken a front seat. I sat there for as much as five minutes
perhaps, while the man with the lantern fidgeted and the audience
wondered, I suppose, what was coming next. Then it was the pictures
that did not change which fretted me; with a cold chill I knew I
had been lost, and went back and finished the speech. No one was
any the wiser, apparently. But I was glad when, the following week,
I wrote the last page in my book. That night, my wife insists,
I deliberately turned a somersault on the parlor carpet while the
big children cheered and the baby looked on, wide-eyed, from her
high chair.
I preserve among my cherished treasures two letters of that period
from James Russell Lowell. In one of them he gives me permission to
use the verses with which I prefaced the book. They were the text
from which I preached my sermon. He writes that he is "glad they
have so much life left in them after forty years." But those verses
will never die. They tell in a few lines all I tried to tell on
three hundred pages. The other letter was written when he had read
the book. I reproduce it here.
[Illustration: Mr. Lowell's Letter.]
For myself I have never been able to satisfactorily explain the
great run "How the Other Half Lives" had. It is a curiously popular
book even to-day. Perhaps it was that I had had it in me so long
that it burst out at last with a rush that caught on. The title had
a deal to do with it. Mr. Howells asked me once where I got it. I
did not get it. It came of itself. Like Topsy, it growed. It had run
in my mind ever since I thought of the things I tried to describe.
Then there was the piece of real good luck that Booth's "In Darkest
England" was published just then. People naturally asked, "how
about New York?" That winter Ward McAllister wrote his book about
society as he had found it, and the circuit was made. Ministers
preached about the contrast." How the Other Half Lives "ran from
edition to edition. There was speedily a demand for more "copy,"
and I wrote "The Children of the Poor," following the same track.
Critics said there were more "bones" in it, but it was never popular
like the "Other Half."
By "bones" I suppose they meant facts to tie to. They were scarce
enough at that stage of the inquiry. I have in my desk a table
giving the ages at which children get their teeth that bears witness
to that. I had been struggling with the problem of child-labor in
some East Side factories, and was not making any headway. The children
had certificates, one and all, declaring them to be "fourteen," and
therefore fit to be employed. It was perfectly evident that they
were not ten in scores of cases, but the employer shrugged his
shoulders and pointed to the certificate. The father, usually a
tailor, would not listen at all, but went right on ironing. There
was no birth registry to fall back on; that end of it was neglected.
There seemed to be no way of proving the fact, yet the fact was
there and must be proven. My own children were teething at the time,
and it gave me an idea. I got Dr. Tracy to write out that table
for me, showing at what age the dog-teeth should appear, when the
molars, etc. Armed with that I went into the factories and pried
open the little workers' mouths. The girls objected: their teeth
were quite generally bad; but I saw enough to enable me to speak
positively. Even allowing for the backwardness of the slum, it
was clear that a child that had not yet grown its dog-teeth was not
"fourteen," for they should have been cut at twelve at the latest.
Three years later the Reinhardt Committee reported to the Legislature
that the net result of the Factory Law was a mass of perjury and
child-labor, and day began to dawn for the little ones, too.
Rough ways and rough work? Yes, but you must use the tools that
come to hand, and be glad for them, if you want to get things done.
Bludgeons were needed just then, and, after all, you can get a good
deal of fun out of one when it is needed. I know I did. By that
time the whole battle with the slum had evolved itself out of
the effort to clean one pig-sty, and, as for my own share in it,
to settle for one dead dog. It was raging all along the line with
demands for tenement-house reform and the destruction of the old
rookeries; for parks for the people who were penned up in the slum;
for playgrounds for their children; for decent teaching and decent
schools. There were too many dark spots in New York where we had
neither. So dense was the ignorance of the ruling powers of the
needs and real condition of the public schools, which, on parade
days, they spoke of sententiously as the "corner-stone of our
liberties," while the people cheered the sentiment, that it was
related how a Tammany Mayor had appointed to the office of school
trustee in the Third Ward a man who had been dead a whole year,
and how, when the world marvelled, it had been laughed off at the
City Hall with the comment that what did it matter: there were no
schools in the ward; it was the wholesale grocery district. I do
not know how true it was, but there was no reason why it might not
be. It was exactly on a par with the rest of it. I do not mean to
say that there were no good schools in New York. There were some as
good as anywhere; for there were high-souled teachers who redeemed
even the slough we were in from utter despair. But they were there
in spite of it and they were far from being the rule. Let us hope
for the day when that shall have been reversed as a statement of
fact. No one will hail it more gladly than I. There is an easy way
of putting it to the test; we did it once before. Broach a measure
of school reform and see what the question is that will be asked by
the teachers. If it is, "How is it going to benefit the children?"
hoist the flag; the day of deliverance is at hand. In the battle
I refer to that question was not asked once. The teachers stood
shoulder to shoulder for their rights, let the children fare as
they might.
However, that is an old grievance. We had it out over it once,
and I have no mind to rip it up again unless it is needed. My own
father was a teacher; perhaps that is one reason why I revere the
calling so that I would keep its skirts clear of politics at any
hazard. Another is that I most heartily subscribe to the statement
that the public school is the corner-stone of our liberties, and
to the sentiment that would keep the flag flying over it always.
Only I want as much respect for the flag: a clean school under an
unsoiled flag! So we shall pull through; not otherwise. The thing
requires no argument.
[Illustration: The Boys' "Playground" in an Old-time School.]
My own effort in that fight was mainly for decent schoolhouses,
for playgrounds, and for a truant school to keep the boys out of
jail. If I was not competent to argue over the curriculum with a
professor of pedagogy, I could tell, at least, if a schoolroom was
so jammed that to let me pass into the next room the children in
the front seat had to rise and stand; or if there was light enough
for them to see their slates or the blackboard. Nor did it take
the wisdom of a Solomon to decide that a dark basement room, thirty
by fifty feet, full of rats, was not a proper place for a thousand
children to call their only "playground." Play, in the kindergarten
scheme, is the "normal occupation of the child through which he first
begins to perceive moral relations." Nice kind of morals burrowed
there for him! There was, in the whole of Manhattan, but a single
outdoor playground attached to a public school, and that was an old
burial-ground in First Street that had been wrested from the dead
with immense toil. When I had fed fat my grudge upon these things,
I could still go where the public school children came, and learn,
by a little judicious pumping, how my friend, the professor, had
stored their minds. That is, if they did not come to me. Many
hundreds of them did, when under Roosevelt we needed two thousand
new policemen, and it was from some of them we learned that among
the thirteen States which formed the Union were "England, Ireland,
Wales, Belfast, and Cork"; that Abraham Lincoln was "murdered
by Ballington Booth," and that the Fire Department was in charge
of the city government when the Mayor was away. Don't I wish it
were, and that they would turn the hose on a while! What a lot of
trouble it would save us in November.
As for a truant school, the lack of one was the worst outrage of
all, for it compelled the sending of boys, who had done no worse
harm than to play hooky on a sunny spring day, to a jail with iron
bars in the windows. For the boy who did this wicked thing—let me
be plain about it and say that if he had not; if he had patiently
preferred some of the schools I knew to a day of freedom out in
the sunshine, I should have thought him a miserable little lunkhead
quite beyond hope! As for those who locked him up, almost nothing
I can think of would be bad enough for them. The whole effort of
society should be, and is getting to be more and more, thank goodness
and common sense, to keep the boy out of jail. To run to it with
him the moment the sap begins to boil up in him and he does any
one of the thousand things we have all done or wanted to do if we
dared, why, it is sinful folly. I am not saying that there are not
boys who ought to be in jail, though to my mind it is the poorest
use you can put them to; but to put truants there, to learn all
the tricks the jail has to teach, with them in the frame of mind
in which it receives them,—for boys are not fools, whatever those
who are set over them may be, and they know when they are ill-used,—I
know of nothing so wickedly wasteful. That was our way; is still
in fact, to a large extent, though the principle has been disavowed
as both foul and foolish. But in those days the defenders of the
system—Heaven save the mark!—fought for it yet, and it was give
and take right along, every day and all day.
Before this, in time to bear a strong hand in it all, there had come
into the field a new force that was destined to give both energy
and direction to our scattered efforts for reform. Up till then
we had been a band of guerillas, the incentive proceeding usually
from Dr. Felix Adler, Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, or some one of
their stamp; and the rest of us joining in to push that cart up
the hill, then taking time to breathe until another came along that
needed a lift. The social settlements, starting as neighborhood
guilds to reassert the lost brotherhood, became almost from the first
the fulcrum, as it were, whence the lever for reform was applied,
because the whole idea of that reform was to better the lot of those
whom the prosperous up-town knew vaguely only as "the poor." If
parks were wanted, if schools needed bettering, there were at the
College Settlement, the University Settlement, the Nurses' Settlement,
and at a score of other such places, young enthusiasts to collect
the facts and to urge them, with the prestige of their non-political
organization to back them. The Hull House out in Chicago set the
pace, and it was kept up bravely at this end of the line. For one,
I attached myself as a kind of volunteer "auxiliary" to the College
Settlement—that was what the girls there called me—and to any one
that would have me, and so in a few years' time slid easily into
the day when my ruder methods were quite out of date and ready to
be shelved.
How it came about that, almost before I knew it, my tongue was
enlisted in the fight as well as my pen I do not know myself. It
could not be because I had a "silver-tongue," for I read in the
local newspaper one day when I had been lecturing in the western
part of the state that "a voluble German with a voice like a
squeaky cellar-door" had been in town. It seems that I had fallen
into another newspaper row, all unsuspecting, and was in the
opposition editor's camp. But, truly, I lay no claim to eloquence.
So it must have been the facts, again. There is nothing like them.
Whatever it was, it made me smile sometimes in the middle of a
speech to think of the prophecies when I was a schoolboy that "my
tongue would be my undoing" for here it was helping right wrongs
instead. In fact, that was what it had tried to do in the old days
when the teachers were tyrannical. It entered the lists here when
Will Craig, a clerk in the Health Department, with whom I had struck
up a friendship, helped me turn my photographs into magic-lantern
slides by paying the bills, and grew from that, until now my winters
are spent on the lecture platform altogether. I always liked the
work. It tires less than the office routine, and you feel the touch
with your fellows more than when you sit and write your message.
Also, if you wish to learn about a thing, the best way is always
to go and try to teach some one else that thing. I never make a
speech on a subject I am familiar with but that I come away knowing
more about it than I did at the start, though no one else may have
said a word.
Then there is the chairman. You never can tell what sort of
surprise is in store for you. In a Massachusetts town last winter
I was hailed on the stage by one of his tribe, a gaunt, funereal
sort of man, who wanted to know what he should say about me.
"Oh," said I, in a spirit of levity, "say anything you like. Say
I am the most distinguished citizen in the country. They generally
do."
Whereupon my funereal friend marched upon the stage and calmly
announced to the audience that he did not know this man Riis, whom
he was charged with introducing, never heard of him.
"He tells me," he went on with never a wink, "that he is the most
distinguished citizen in the country. You can judge for yourselves
when you have heard him."
I thought at first it was some bad kind of joke; but no! He was
not that kind of man. I do not suppose he had smiled since he was
born. Maybe he was an undertaker. Assuredly, he ought to be. But
he had bowels after all. Instead of going off the stage and leaving
me blue with rage, he stayed to exhort the audience in a fifteen
minutes' speech to vote right, or something of that sort. The single
remark, when at last he turned his back, that it was a relief to
have him "extinguished," made us men and brothers, that audience
and me. I think of him with almost as much pleasure as I do of that
city editor chap out in Illinois who came blowing upon the platform
at the last minute and handed me a typewritten speech with the question
if that would do. I read it over. It began with the statement that
it was the general impression that all newspapermen were liars,
and went on by easy stages to point out that there were exceptions,
myself for instance. The rest was a lot of praise to which I had
no claim. I said so, and that I wished he would leave it out.
"Oh, well," he said, with a happy smile, "don't you see it gives
you your cue. Then you can turn around and say that anyway I am a
liar."
With tongue or pen, the argument shaped itself finally into the
fundamental one for the rescue of the home imperiled by the slum.
There all roads met. Good citizenship hung upon that issue. Say
what you will, a man cannot live like a pig and vote like a man.
The dullest of us saw it. The tenement had given to New York the
name of "the homeless city." But with that gone which made life
worth living, what were liberty worth? With no home to cherish, how
long before love of country would be an empty sound? Life, liberty,
pursuit of happiness? Wind! says the slum, and the slum is right
if we let it be. We cannot get rid of the tenements that shelter
two million souls in New York to-day, but we set about making them
at least as nearly fit to harbor human souls as might be. That
will take a long time yet. But a beginning was made. With reform
looming upon the heels of the Lexow disclosures came the Gilder
Tenement-House Commission in the autumn of 1894.
[ Picture of an entitled "Typical East Side Tenement Block" subtitled
"Five hundred babies in it, not one bathtub"]
Greater work was never done for New York than by that faithful body
of men. The measure of it is not to be found in what was actually
accomplished, though the volume of that was great, but in what it
made possible. Upon the foundations they laid down we may build for
all time and be the better for it. Light and air acquired a legal
claim, and where the sun shines into the slum, the slum is doomed.
The worst tenements were destroyed; parks were opened, schools
built, playgrounds made. The children's rights were won back for
them. The slum denied them even the chance to live, for it was shown
that the worst rear tenements murdered the babies at the rate of
one in five. The Commission made it clear that the legislation that
was needed was "the kind that would root out every old ramshackle
disease-breeding tenement in the city." That was the way to begin
it. As to the rest of them, it laid the foundation deeper yet, for
it made us see that life in them "conduces to the corruption of
the young." That told it all. It meant that a mortgage was put on
the civic life of the morrow, which was not to be borne. We were
forewarned.
The corruption of the young! We move with rapid strides in our time.
That which was a threat, scoffed at by many, has become a present
and dreadful peril in half a dozen brief years. We took a short cut
to make it that when we tried to drain the pool of police blackmail
of which the Lexow disclosures had shown us the hideous depths.
We drained it into the tenements, and for the police infamy got a
real-estate blackmail that is worse. The chairman of the Committee
of Fifteen tells us that of more than a hundred tenements, full of
growing children, which his committee has canvassed, not one had
escaped the contamination that piles up the landlord's profits.
Twelve dollars for an honest flat, thirty for the other kind and
no questions asked! I find in my scrap-book this warning, sounded
by me in the Christmas holidays, 1893, when the country was ringing
with Dr. Parkhurst's name:—
"I would not, whatever else might happen, by any hasty or ill-advised
system of wholesale raids crowd these women into the tenements and
flats of our city. That is what will surely happen, is happening
now. It is a danger infinitely greater than any flowing from their
presence where they are, and as they are. Each centre of moral
contagion by this scattering process becomes ten or twenty, planted
where they will do the most possible harm. Think of the children
brought in daily, hourly contact with this vice! Think of the
thousands of young women looking vainly for work this hard winter!
Be there ever so little money for woman's honest work, there is
always enough to buy her virtue. Have tenement houses moral resources
that can be trusted to keep her safe from this temptation?
"This is a wicked villany that must not be permitted, come whatever
else may. We hear of danger to 'our young men,' from present
conditions. What sort of young men must they be who would risk
the sacrifice of their poorer sisters for their own 'safety'? And
it is being risked wherever houses of this kind are being shut up
and the women turned into the streets, there to shift for themselves.
The jail does not keep them. Christian families will not receive
them. They cannot be killed. No door opens to them: yet they have
to go somewhere. And they go where they think they can hide from
the police and still ply the trade that gives them the only living
society is willing they shall have, though it says it is not."
And they did go there. Dr. Parkhurst was not to blame. He was
fighting Tammany that dealt the cards and took all the tricks, and
for that fight New York owes him a debt it hardly yet knows of.
Besides, though those raids hastened the process, it was already
well underway. The police extortion of itself would have finished
it in time. A blackmailer in the long run always kills the goose
that lays his golden egg. His greed gets the better of his sense.
The interview I quoted was not a plea for legalizing wrong. That
will get us no farther. It was rather a summons to our people to
cease skulking behind lying phrases and look the matter squarely
in the face. With a tenement-house law, passed this winter, which
sends the woman to jail and fines the landlord and his house $1000,
we shall be in the way shortly of doing so. Until we do that justice
first, I do not see how we can. Poverty's back is burdened enough
without our loading upon it the sins we are afraid to face.
Meanwhile we shall be getting up courage to talk plainly about it,
which is half the battle. Think of the shock it would have given
our grandmothers to hear of a meeting of women in a public hall "to
protest against protected vice." On a Sunday, too. Come to think
of it, I do not know but that wholesome, plain speech on this subject
is nearer the whole than half the battle. I rather guess it is.
ROOSEVELT COMES——MULBERRY STREET'S GOLDEN AGE
See now how things fall out. Hardly had I sent the chapter to the
printer in which I posted proofreaders as enemies of mankind when
here comes the proof of the previous one with a cordial note of
thanks from this particular enemy "for the inspiration" he found
in it. So then I was mistaken, as I have been often before, and owe
him the confession. Good land! what are we that we should think
ourselves always right, or, lest we do wrong, sit idle all our lives
waiting for light? The light comes as we work toward it. Roosevelt
was right when he said that the only one who never makes mistakes
is the one who never does anything. Preserve us from him; from the
man who eternally wants to hold the scales even and so never gets
done weighing—never hands anything over the counter. Take him away
and put red blood into his veins. And let the rest of us go ahead
and make our mistakes—as few as we can, as many as we must; only
let us go ahead.
All of which has reference to other things I have in mind, not to
the proof-reader, against whom I have no grudge to-day. As for him,
perhaps, he is just a sign that the world moves.
Move it did at last in the year (1894) that gave us the Lexow
Investigating Committee, the Citizens' Seventy, and reform. Tammany
went out, speeded on its way by Dr. Parkhurst, and an administration
came in that was pledged to all we had been longing and laboring
for. For three years we had free hands and we used them. Mayor
Strong's administration was not the millennium, but it brought New
York much nearer to it than it had ever been, and it set up some
standards toward which we may keep on striving with profit to
ourselves. The Mayor himself was not a saint. He was an honest
gentleman of sturdy purpose to do the right, and, normally, of
singular practical wisdom in choosing the men to help him do it,
but with an intermittent delusion that he was a shrewd politician.
When it came uppermost he made bargains and appointed men to office
who did their worst to undo what good the Warings, the Roosevelts,
and their kind had wrought. In the struggle that ensued Mayor Strong
was always on the side of right, but when he wanted most to help
he could not. It is the way of the world. Nevertheless, as I said,
it moved.
How far we came is history, plain to read in our streets that will
never again be as dirty as they were, though they may not be as clean
as Waring left them; in the threescore splendid new school-houses
that stand as monuments of those busy years; in the open spots
that let the sunlight into the slum where it was darkest and most
foul; in the death rate that came down from 26.32 per thousand of
the living in 1887 to 19.53 in 1897. That was the "Ten Years' War"
[Footnote: Now, "The Battle with the Slum."] I wrote about and have
here before referred to. The three years of the Strong administration
saw all the big battles in which we beat the slum. I am not going
to rehearse them, for I am trying to tell my own story, and now I am
soon done with it. I carried a gun as a volunteer in that war, and
that was all; not even in the ranks at that. I was ever an irregular,
given to sniping on my own hook. Roosevelt, indeed, wanted me to
have a seat among Mayor Strong's official advisers; but we had it
out over that when he told me of it, and the compact we made that
he should never ask that service of me he has kept. So he spared
the Mayor much embarrassment; for, as I said, I am not good in the
ranks, more is the pity: and me he saved for such use as I could be
of, which was well. For shortly it all centred in Mulberry Street,
where he was.
We were not strangers. It could not have been long after I wrote
"How the Other Half Lives" that he came to the Evening Sun office
one day looking for me. I was out, and he left his card, merely
writing on the back of it that he had read my book and had "come
to help." That was all, and it tells the whole story of the man. I
loved him from the day I first saw him; nor ever in all the years
that have passed has he failed of the promise made then. No one
ever helped as he did. For two years we were brothers in Mulberry
Street. When he left I had seen its golden age. I knew too well
the evil day that was coming back to have any heart in it after
that.
Not that we were carried heavenward "on flowery beds of ease" while it
lasted. There is very little ease where Theodore Roosevelt leads,
as we all of us found out. The lawbreaker found it out who predicted
scornfully that he would "knuckle down to politics the way they all
did," and lived to respect him, though he swore at him, as the one
of them all who was stronger than pull. The peace-loving citizen
who hastened to Police Headquarters with anxious entreaties to
"use discretion" in the enforcement of unpopular laws found it out
and went away with a new and breathless notion welling up in him
of an official's sworn duty. That was it; that was what made the
age golden, that for the first time a moral purpose came into the
street. In the light of it everything was transformed.
[Illustration: President Theodore Roosevelt of the Police Board.]
Not all at once. It took us weary months to understand that the
shouting about the "enforcement of the dead Excise Law" was lying
treachery or rank ignorance, one as bad as the other. The Excise Law
was not dead. It was never so much alive as under Tammany, but it
was enforced only against those saloon-keepers who needed discipline.
It was a Tammany club, used to drive them into camp with; and it
was used so vigorously that no less than eight thousand arrests
were made under it in the year before Roosevelt made them all close
up. Pretty lively corpse, that! But we understood at last, most of
us; understood that the tap-root of the police blackmail was there,
and that it had to be pulled up if we were ever to get farther.
We understood that we were the victims of our own shamming, and we
grew to be better citizens for it. The police force became an army
of heroes—for a season. All the good in it came out; and there
is a lot of it in the worst of times. Roosevelt had the true
philosopher's stone that turns dross to gold, in his own sturdy
faith in his fellow-man. Men became good because he thought them
so.
By which I am not to be understood as meaning that he just voted
them good—the police, for instance—and sat by waiting to see the
wings grow. No, but he helped them sprout. It is long since I have
enjoyed anything so much as I did those patrol trips of ours on
the "last tour" between midnight and sunrise, which earned for him
the name of Haroun al Roosevelt. I had at last found one who was
willing to get up when other people slept—including, too often,
the police—and see what the town looked like then. He was more than
willing. I laid out the route, covering ten or a dozen patrol-posts,
and we met at 2 A.M. on the steps of the Union League Club, objects
of suspicion on the part of two or three attendants and a watchman
who shadowed us as night-prowlers till we were out of their bailiwick.
I shall never forget that first morning when we travelled for three
hours along First and Second and Third avenues, from Forty-second
Street to Bellevue, and found of ten patrolmen just one doing his
work faithfully. Two or three were chatting on saloon corners and
guyed the President of the Board when he asked them if that was
what they were there for. One was sitting asleep on a butter-tub
in the middle of the sidewalk, snoring so that you could hear him
across the street, and was inclined to be "sassy" when aroused
and told to go about his duty. Mr. Roosevelt was a most energetic
roundsman and a fair one to boot. It was that quality which speedily
won him the affection of the force. He hunted high and low before
he gave up his man, giving him every chance. We had been over one
man's beat three times, searching every nook and cranny of it, and
were reluctantly compelled to own that he was not there, when the
"boss" of an all-night restaurant on Third Avenue came out with
a club as we passed and gave the regulation signal raps on the
sidewalk. There was some trouble in his place. Three times he
repeated the signal calling for the patrolman on the beat before
he turned to Roosevelt, who stood by, with the angry exclamation:—
"Where in thunder does that copper sleep? He orter'd tole me when
he giv' up the barber-shop, so's a fellow could find him."
[Illustration: "One was sitting asleep on a butter-tub."]
We didn't find him then, but he found the President of the Board
later on when summoned to Police Headquarters to explain why he had
changed his sleeping quarters. The whole force woke up as a result
of that night's work, and it kept awake those two years, for, as
it learned by experience, Mr. Roosevelt's spectacles might come
gleaming around the corner at any hour. He had not been gone a year
before the Chief found it necessary to transfer half the force in
an up-town precinct to keep it awake. The firemen complained that
fires at night gained too much headway while the police slept.
There was no Roosevelt to wake them up.
Looking after his patrolmen was not the only errand that took him
abroad at night. As Police President, Mr. Roosevelt was a member
of the Health Board, and sometimes it was the tenements we went
inspecting when the tenants slept. He was after facts, and learned
speedily to get them as he could. When, as Governor, he wanted
to know just how the Factory Law was being executed, he came down
from Albany and spent a whole day with me personally investigating
tenements in which sweating was carried on. I had not found
a Governor before, or a Police President either, who would do it;
but so he learned exactly what he wanted to know, and what he ought
to do, and did it.
I never saw Theodore Roosevelt to better advantage than when he
confronted the labor men at their meeting-place, Clarendon Hall.
The police were all the time having trouble with strikers and
their "pickets." Roosevelt saw that it was because neither party
understood fully the position of the other and, with his usual
directness, sent word to the labor organizations that he would
like to talk it over with them. At his request I went with him to
the meeting. It developed almost immediately that the labor men
had taken a wrong measure of the man. They met him as a politician
playing for points, and hinted at trouble unless their demands were
met. Mr. Roosevelt broke them off short:
"Gentlemen!" he said, with that snap of the jaws that always made
people listen, "I asked to meet you, hoping that we might come to
understand one another. Remember, please, before we go farther,
that the worst injury any one of you can do to the cause of labor
is to counsel violence. It will also be worse for himself. Understand
distinctly that order will be kept. The police will keep it. Now
we can proceed."
I was never so proud and pleased as when they applauded him to the
echo. He reddened with pleasure, for he saw that the best in them
had come out on top, as he expected it would.
It was of this incident that a handle was first made by Mr. Roosevelt's
enemies in and out of the Police Board—and he had many—to attack
him. It happened that there was a music hall in the building in
which the labor men met. The yellow newspapers circulated the lie
that he went there on purpose to see the show, and the ridiculous
story was repeated until the liars nearly persuaded themselves that
it was so. They would not have been able to understand the kind
of man they had to do with, had they tried. Accordingly they fell
into their own trap. It is a tradition of Mulberry Street that
the notorious Seeley dinner raid was planned by his enemies in the
department of which he was the head, in the belief that they would
catch Mr. Roosevelt there. The diners were supposed to be his
"set."
Some time after that I was in his office one day when a police
official of superior rank came in and requested private audience
with him. They stepped aside and the policeman spoke in an undertone,
urging something strongly. Mr. Roosevelt listened. Suddenly I
saw him straighten up as a man recoils from something unclean and
dismiss the other with a sharp: "No, sir! I don't fight that way."
The policeman went out crestfallen. Roosevelt took two or three
turns about the floor, struggling evidently with strong disgust.
He told me afterward that the man had come to him with what he said
was certain knowledge that his enemy could that night be found in
a known evil house up-town, which it was his alleged habit to visit.
His proposition was to raid it then and so "get square." To the
policeman it must have seemed like throwing a good chance away.
But it was not Roosevelt's way; he struck no blow below the belt.
In the Governor's chair afterward he gave the politicians whom he
fought, and who fought him, the same terms. They tried their best
to upset him, for they had nothing to expect from him. But they
knew and owned that he fought fair. Their backs were secure. He
never tricked them to gain an advantage. A promise given by him
was always kept to the letter.
Failing to trap him only added to the malignity of his enemies.
Roosevelt was warned that he was "shadowed" night and day, but he
laughed their scheming to scorn. It is an article of faith with
him that an honest man has nothing to fear from plotters, and he
walked unharmed among their snares. The whole country remembers the
yearlong fight in the Police Board and Mayor Strong's vain attempt
to remove the obstructionist who, under an ill-conceived law,
was able to hold up the scheme of reform. Most of the time I was
compelled to stand idly by, unable to help. Once I eased my feelings
by telling Commissioner Parker in his own office what I thought
of him. I went in and shut the door, and then told it all to him.
Nor did I mince matters; I might not get so good a chance again.
Mr. Parker sat quite still, poking the fire. When I ceased at last,
angry and exasperated, he looked up and said calmly:—
"Well, Mr. Riis, what you tell me has at least the merit of
frankness."
You see how it was. I should never have been able to help in the Board.
Out of it, my chance came at last when it was deemed necessary to
give the adversary "a character." Mr. Roosevelt had been speaking
to the Methodist ministers, and as usual had carried all before
him. The community was getting up a temper that would shortly put
an end to the deadlock in the Police Board and set the wheels of
reform moving again. Then one day we heard that Commissioner Parker
had been invited by the Christian Endeavorers of an up-town church
to address them on "Christian Citizenship." That was not consecrated
common sense. I went to the convention of Endeavorers the next
week and told them so. I asked them to send a despatch to Governor
Black then and there endorsing Roosevelt and Mayor Strong, and
urging him to end the deadlock that made public scandal by removing
Commissioner Parker; and they did. I regret to say that I felt
compelled to take a like course with the Methodist ministers, for
so I grieved a most good-natured gentleman, Colonel Grant, who was
Mr. Parker's ally in the Board. Grant was what was described as "a
great Methodist." But I feel sure that Brother Simmons would have
approved of me. I was following the course he laid down. The one
loyal friend Mr. Roosevelt had in the Board was Avery D. Andrews,
a strong, sensible, and clean young man, who stood by his chief to
the last, and left with him a good mark on the force.
The yellow newspapers fomented most industriously the trouble in
the Board, never failing to take the wrong side of any question.
One of them set about doling out free soup that winter, when work
was slack, as a means, of course, of advertising its own "charity."
Of all forms of indiscriminate almsgiving, that is the most offensive
and most worthless, and they knew it, or they would not have sent
me a wheedling invitation to come and inspect their "relief work,"
offering to have a carriage take me around. I sent word back that
I should certainly look into the soup, but that I should go on foot
to it. Roosevelt and I made the inspection together. We questioned
the tramps in line, and learned from their own lips that they had
come from out of town to take it easy in a city where a man did
not have to work to live. We followed the pails that were carried
away from the "relief station" by children, their contents sometimes
to figure afterwards as "free lunch" in the saloon where they had
been exchanged for beer; and, knowing the facts, we denounced the
thing as a nuisance. The paper printed testimonials from Commissioners
Parker and Grant, who certified from Mulberry Street, which they
had not left, that the soup was a noble Christian charity, and so
thought it evened things up, I suppose. I noticed, however, that
the soup ran out soon after, and I hope we have seen the last of
it. We can afford to leave that to Philadelphia, where common sense
appears to be drowned in it.
I had it out with them at last all together. When I have told of
it let the whole wretched thing depart and be gone for good. It was
after Roosevelt had gone away. That he was not there was no bar to
almost daily attacks on him, under which I chafed, sitting at the
meetings as a reporter. I knew right well they were intended to
provoke me to an explosion that might have given grounds for annoying
me, and I kept my temper until one day, when, the subject of dives
being mentioned, Commissioner Parker drawled, with the reporter
from the soup journal whispering in his ear:—
"Was not—er-r—that the place where—er—r—Mr. Roosevelt went to
see a show with his friend?"
He was careful not to look in my direction, but the reporter did,
and I leaped at the challenge. I waited until the Board had formally
adjourned, then halted it as Mr. Parker was trying to escape. I
do not now remember what I said. It would not make calm reading, I
suspect. It was the truth, anyhow, and came pretty near being the
whole truth. Mr. Parker fled, putting his head back through the
half-closed door to explain that he "only knew what that reporter
told" him. In the security of his room it must have occurred to
him, however, that he had another string to his bow; for at the
next session Commissioner Grant moved my expulsion because I had
"disturbed the Board meeting." But President Moss reminded him
curtly that I had done nothing of the kind, and that ended it.
One of the early and sensational results of reform in Mulberry
Street was the retirement of Superintendent Byrnes. There was not
one of us all who had known him long who did not regret it, though
I, for one, had to own the necessity of it; for Byrnes stood for
the old days that were bad. But, chained as he was in the meanness
and smallness of it all, he was yet cast in a different mould.
Compared with his successor, he was a giant every way. Byrnes was
a "big policeman." We shall not soon have another like him, and
that may be both good and bad. He was unscrupulous, he was for
Byrnes—he was a policeman, in short, with all the failings of
the trade. But he made the detective service great. He chased the
thieves to Europe, or gave them license to live in New York on
condition that they did not rob there. He was a Czar, with all an
autocrat's irresponsible powers, and he exercised them as he saw
fit. If they were not his, he took them anyhow; police service
looks to results first. There was that in Byrnes which made me
stand up for him in spite of it all. Twice I held Dr. Parkhurst
from his throat, but in the end I had to admit that the Doctor
was right. I believed that, untrammelled, Byrnes might have been
a mighty engine for good, and it was with sorrow I saw him go. He
left no one behind him fit to wear his shoes.
[Illustration: Chief of Police Thomas Byrnes]
Byrnes was a born policeman. Those who hated him said he was also
a born tyrant. He did ride a high horse when the fit was on him and
he thought it served his purpose. So we came into collision in the
early days when he was captain in Mercer Street. They had a prisoner
over there with a story which I had cause to believe my rivals had
obtained. I went to Byrnes and was thundered out of the station-house.
There he was boss and it suited him to let me see it. We had not met
before. But we met again that night. I went to the Superintendent
of Police, who was a Republican, and, applying all the pressure
of the Tribune, which I served, got from him an order on Captain
Byrnes to let me interview his prisoner. Old Mr. Walling tore his
hair; said the thing had never been done before, and it had not.
But I got the order and got the interview, though Byrnes, black
with rage, commanded a policeman to stand on either side of the
prisoner while I talked to him. He himself stood by, glaring at
me. It was not a good way to get an interview, and, in fact, the
man had nothing to tell. But I had my way and I made the most of
it. After that Captain Byrnes and I got along. We got to think a
lot of each other after a while.
Perhaps he was a tyrant because he was set over crooks, and
crooks are cowards in the presence of authority. His famous "third
degree" was chiefly what he no doubt considered a little wholesome
"slugging." He would beat a thief into telling him what he wanted
to know. Thieves have no rights a policeman thinks himself bound
to respect. But when he had to do with men with minds he had other
resources. He tortured his prisoner into confession in the Unger
murder case by locking him up out of reach of a human voice, or
sight of a human face, in the basement of Police Headquarters, and
keeping him there four days, fed by invisible hands. On the fifth
he had him brought up through a tortuous way, where the tools he
had used in murdering his partner were displayed on the walls as
if by accident. Led into the Inspector's presence by the jailer,
he was made to stand while Byrnes finished a letter. Then he turned
his piercing glance upon him with a gesture to sit. The murderer
sank trembling upon a lounge, the only piece of furniture in the
room, and sprang to his feet with a shriek the next instant: it was
the one upon which he had slaughtered his friend, all blood-bespattered
as then. He sprawled upon the floor, a gibbering, horror-stricken
wretch, and confessed his sin.
As in this instance, so in the McGloin murder case, the moral
certainty of guilt was absolute, but the legal evidence was lacking.
McGloin was a young ruffian who had murdered a saloon-keeper at a
midnight raid on his place. He was the fellow who the night before
he was hanged invited the Chief of Detectives to "come over to the
wake; they'll have a devil of a time." For six months Byrnes had
tried everything to bring the crime home to him, but in vain. At
last he sent out and had McGloin and his two "pals" arrested, but
so that none of them knew of the plight of the others. McGloin
was taken to Mulberry Street, and orders were given to bring the
others in at a certain hour fifteen or twenty minutes apart. Byrnes
put McGloin at the window in his office while he questioned him.
Nothing could be got out of him. As he sat there a door was banged
below. Looking out he saw one of his friends led across the yard in
charge of policemen. Byrnes, watching him narrowly, saw his cheek
blanch; but still his nerve held. Fifteen minutes passed; another
door banged. The murderer, looking out, saw his other pal led in
a prisoner. He looked at Byrnes. The Chief nodded:—
"Squealed, both."
It was a lie, and it cost the man his life. "The jig is up then,"
he said, and told the story that brought him to the gallows.
I could not let Byrnes go without a word, for he filled a large
space in my life. It is the reporter, I suppose, who sticks out
there. The boys called him a great faker, but they were hardly
just to him in that. I should rather call him a great actor, and
without being that no man can be a great detective. He made life
in a mean street picturesque while he was there, and for that
something is due him. He was the very opposite of Roosevelt—quite
without moral purpose or the comprehension of it, yet with a streak
of kindness in him that sometimes put preaching to shame. Mulberry
Street swears by him to-day, even as it does, under its breath,
by Roosevelt. Decide from that for yourself whether his presence
there was for the good or the bad.
In writing "How the Other Half Lives" I had been at great pains
not to overstate my case. I knew that it would be questioned, and
was anxious that no flaws should be picked in it, for, if there
were, harm might easily come of it instead of good. I saw now that
in that I had been wise. The Gilder Tenement-House Commission more
than confirmed all that I had said about the tenements and the
schools. The Reinhardt Committee was even more emphatic on the topic
of child labor. I was asked to serve on the Seventy's sub-committee
on Small Parks. In the spring of 1896, the Council of Confederated
Good Government Clubs appointed me its general agent, and I held
the position for a year, giving all my spare time to the planning
and carrying out of such work as it seemed to me ought to make
a record for a reform administration. We wanted it to last. That
was a great year. They wanted a positive programme, and my notions
of good government were nothing if not positive. They began and ended
with the people's life. We tore down unfit tenements, forced the
opening of parks and playgrounds, the establishment of a truant school
and the remodelling of the whole school system, the demolition of
the overcrowded old Tombs and the erection on its site of a decent
new prison. We overhauled the civil courts and made them over new
in the charter of the Greater New York. We lighted dark halls;
closed the "cruller" bakeries in tenement-house cellars that had
caused the loss of no end of lives, for the crullers were boiled
in fat in the early morning hours while the tenants slept, and when
the fat was spilled in the fire their peril was awful. We fought
the cable-car managers at home and the opponents of a truant school
at Albany. We backed up Roosevelt in his fight in the Police Board,
and—well, I shall never get time to tell it all. But it was a
great year. That it did not keep the Good Government clubs alive
was no fault of my programme. It was mine, I guess. I failed to
inspire them with the faith that was in me. I had been going it
alone so long that I did not know how to use the new tool that had
come to hand. There is nothing like an organization if you know
how to use it. I did not. Perhaps, also, politics had something to
do with it. They were in for playing the game. I never understood
it.
But if I did not make the most of it, I had a good time that year.
There were first the two small parks to be laid out over on the
East Side, where the Gilder Commission had pointed to the smothering
crowds. I had myself made a member of the Citizens' Committee that
was appointed to locate them. It did not take us any nine years or
six, or three. We did the business in three weeks, and having chosen
the right spots, we went to the Legislature with a bill authorizing
the city to seize the property at once, ahead of condemnation, and
it was passed. We were afraid that Tammany might come back, and
the event proved that we were wise. You bring up the people slowly
to a reform programme, particularly when it costs money. They will
pay for corruption with a growl, but seem to think that virtue
ought always to be had for nothing. It makes the politicians' game
easy. They steal the money for improvements, and predict that reform
will raise the tax-rate. When the prophecy comes true, they take
the people back in their sheltering embrace with an "I told you
so!" and the people nestle there repentant. There was a housing
conference at which that part of the work was parcelled out: the
building of model tenements to the capitalists who formed the City
and Suburban Homes Company; the erection of model lodging-houses
to D. O. Mills, the banker philanthropist, who was anxious to help
that way. I chose for the Good Government clubs the demolition
of the old tenements. It was my chance. I hated them. A law had
been made the year before empowering the Health Board to seize and
destroy tenement-house property that was a threat to the city's
health, but it had remained a dead letter. The authorities hesitated
to attack property rights, vested rights. Charles G. Wilson, the
President of the Board, was a splendid executive, but he was a
holdover Tammany appointee, and needed backing.
Now that Theodore Roosevelt sat in the Health Board, fresh from his
war on the police lodging-rooms of which I told, they hesitated no
longer. I put before the Board a list of the sixteen worst rear
tenements in the city outside of the Bend, and while the landlords
held their breath in astonishment, they were seized, condemned,
and their tenants driven out. The Mott Street Barracks were among
them. In 1888 the infant death-rate among the 350 Italians they
harbored had been 325 per thousand—that is to say, one-third of
all the babies died that year. That was the kind of evidence upon
which those rear tenements were arraigned. Ninety-four of them,
all told, were seized that year, and in them there had been in four
years 956 deaths—a rate of 62.9 when the general city death-rate
was 24.63. I shall have once more, and for the last time, to refer
to "A Ten Years' War" for the full story of that campaign. As I
said, it was great.
[Illustration: The Mott Street Barracks]
Conceive, if you can, the state of mind of a man to whom a dark,
overcrowded tenement had ever been as a personal affront, now
suddenly finding himself commissioned with letters of marque and
reprisal, as it were, to seize and destroy the enemy wherever found,
not one at a time, but by blocks and battalions in the laying out
of parks. I fed fat my ancient grudge and grew good humor enough to
last me for a dozen years in those two. They were the years when,
in spite of hard work, I began to grow stout, and honestly, I think
it was tearing down tenements that did it. Directly or indirectly,
I had a hand in destroying seven whole blocks of them as I count
it up. I wish it had been seventy.
The landlords sued, but the courts sided with the Health Board.
When at last we stopped to take breath we had fairly broken the
back of the slum and made precedents of our own that would last a
while. Mr. Roosevelt was personally sued twice, I think, but that
was all the good it did them. We were having our innings that time,
and there were a lot of arrears to collect. The city paid for the
property that was taken, of course, and more than it ought to have
paid, to my way of thinking. The law gave the owner of a tenement
that was altogether unfit just the value of the brick and timbers
that were in it. It was enough, for "unfit" meant murderous, and
why should a man have a better right to kill his neighbor with a
house than with an axe in the street? But the lawyers who counseled
compromise bought Gotham Court, one of the most hopeless slums
in the Fourth Ward, for nearly $20,000. It was not worth so many
cents. The Barracks with their awful baby death-rate were found to
be mortgaged to a cemetery corporation. The Board of Health gave
them the price of opening one grave for their share, and tore down
the rear tenements. A year or two later I travelled to Europe on
an ocean steamer with the treasurer of that graveyard concern. We
were ten days on the way, and I am afraid he did not have altogether
a good time of it. The ghost of the Barracks would keep rising out
of the deep before us, sitting there in our steamer chairs, from
whichever quarter the wind blew. I suppose he took it as a victory
when the Court of Appeals decided upon a technicality that the
Barracks should not have been destroyed; but so did I, for they were
down by that time. The city could afford to pay. We were paying
for our own neglect, and it was a good lesson.
I have said more than once in these pages that I am not good
at figuring, and I am not; a child could do better. For that very
reason I am going to claim full credit for every time I do a sum
right. It may not happen again. Twice during that spell, curiously
enough, did I downright distinguish myself in that line. I shall
never be able to tell you how; I only know that I did it. Once
was when I went before the Board of Estimate and Apportionment to
oppose an increase in the appropriation for the Tombs which the
Commissioner of Correction had asked for. His plea was that there
had been a large increase in the census of the prison, and he marched
up a column of figures to prove it. To the amazement of the Board,
and really, if the truth be told, of myself, I demonstrated clearly
from his own figures that not only had there been no increase, but
that there could not be without criminally overcrowding
the wretched old prison, in which already every cell had two inmates,
and some three. The exhibit was so striking that the Commissioner
and his bookkeeper retired in confusion. It was just the power of
the facts again. I wanted to have the horrid old pile torn down,
and had been sitting up nights acquainting myself with all that
concerned it. Now it is gone, and a good riddance to it.
[Illustration: Gotham Court.]
The other computation was vastly more involved. It concerned the
schools, about which no one knew anything for certain. The annual
reports of the Department of Education were models of how to
say a thing so that no one by any chance could understand what it
was about. It was possible to prove from them that, while there
was notoriously a dearth of school accommodation, while children
knocked vainly for admission and the Superintendent clamored for
more schools, yet there were ten or twenty thousand seats to spare.
But it was not possible to get the least notion from them of what
the real need was. I tried for many months, and then set about
finding out for myself how many children who ought to be in school
were drifting about the streets. The truant officers, professionally
discreet, thought about 800. The Superintendent of Schools guessed
at 8000. The officers of the Association for the Improvement of
the Condition of the Poor, with an eye on the tenements, made it
150,000. I canvassed a couple of wards from the truant officers'
reports, and Dr. Tracy compared the showing with the statistics
of population. From the result I reasoned that there must be
about 50,000. They scorned me at the City Hall for it. It was all
guess-work they said, and so it was. We had first to have a school
census, and we got one, so that we might know where we were at. But
when we had the result of that first census before us, behold! it
showed that of 339,756 children of school age in the city, 251,235
were accounted for on the roster of public or private schools,
28,452 were employed, and 50,069 on the street or at home. So that,
if I am not smart at figuring, I may reasonably claim to be a good
guesser.
The showing that a lack of schools which threw an army of children
upon the street went hand in hand with overcrowded jails made us
get up and demand that something be done. From the school executive
came the helpless suggestion that the thing might be mended by
increasing the classes in neighborhoods where there were not enough
schools from sixty to seventy-five. Forty or forty-five pupils is
held to be the safe limit anywhere. But the time had passed for
such pottering. New York pulled itself together and spent millions
in building new schools while "the system" was overhauled; we dragged
in a truant school by threatening the city authorities with the
power of the State unless they ceased to send truants to institutions
that received child criminals. But a man convinced against his will
is of the same opinion still; we shall have to do that all over
again next. My pet scheme was to have trained oculists attached to
the public schools, partly as a means of overcoming stupidity—half
of what passes for that in the children is really the teacher's; the
little ones are near-sighted; they cannot see the blackboard—partly
also that they might have an eye on the school buildings and help
us get rid of some where they had to burn gas all day. That was
upset by the doctors, who were afraid that "private practice would
be interfered with." We had not quite got to the millennium yet. It
was so with our bill to establish a farm school to win back young
vagrants to a useful life. It was killed at Albany with the challenge
that we "had had enough of reform in New York." And so we had, as
the events showed. Tammany came back.
But not to stay. We had secured a hold during those three years
which I think they little know of. They talk at the Wigwam of the
"school vote," and mean the men friends and kin of the teachers on
whom the machine has a grip, or thinks it has; but there is another
school vote that is yet to be heard from, when the generation that
has had its right to play restored to it comes to the polls. That
was the great gain of that time. It was the thing I had in mind back
of and beyond all the rest. I was bound to kill the Bend, because
it was bad. I wanted the sunlight in there, but so that it might
shine on the children at play. That is a child's right, and it is
not to be cheated of it. And when it is cheated of it, it is not
the child but the community that is robbed of that beside which
all its wealth is but tinsel and trash. For men, not money, make
a country great, and joyless children do not make good men.
[Illustration: A Tenement House Air-shaft]
So when the Legislature, urged by the Tenement House Commission,
made it law that no public school should ever again be built in New
York without an outdoor playground, it touched the quick. Thereafter
it was easy to rescue the small parks from the landscape gardener
by laying them under the same rule. It was well we did it, too,
for he is a dangerous customer, hard to get around. Twice he has
tried to steal one of the little parks we laid out, the one that is
called Seward Park, from the children, and he "points with pride"
almost to the playground in the other, which he laid out so badly
that it was a failure from the start. However, we shall convert
him yet; everything in its season.
The Board of Education puzzled over its end of it for a while. The
law did not say how big the playground should be, and there was
no precedent. No, there was not. I found the key to that puzzle,
at least one that fitted, when I was Secretary of the Small Parks
Committee. It was my last act as agent of the Good Government clubs
to persuade Major Strong to appoint that committee. It made short
work of its task. We sent for the police to tell us where they had
trouble with the boys, and why. It was always the same story: they
had no other place to play in than the street, and there they broke
windows. So began the trouble. It ended in the police-station and
the jail. The city was building new schools by the score. We got a
list of the sites, and as we expected, they were where the trouble
was worst. Naturally so; that was where the children were. There,
then, was our field as a playground committee. Why not kill two
birds with one stone, and save money by making them one? By hitching
the school and the boys' play together we should speedily get rid
of the truant. He was just there as a protest against the school
without play.
We asked the Board of Education to make their school playgrounds
the neighborhood recreation centres. So they would not need to
worry over how big they should be, but just make them as big as
they could, whether on the roof or on the ground. They listened,
but found difficulties in "the property." Odd, isn't it, this
disposition of the world to forever make of the means the end, to
glorify the establishment! It was the same story when I asked them
to open the schools at night and let in the boys to have their
clubs there. The saloon was bidding for them, and bidding high, but
the School Board hesitated because a window might be broken or a
janitor want extra pay for cleaning up. Before a reluctant consent
was given I had to make a kind of promise that I would not appear
before the Board again to argue for throwing the doors wider still.
But it isn't going to keep me from putting in the heaviest licks I
can, in the campaign that is coming, for turning the schools over
to the people bodily, and making of them the neighborhood centre
in all things that make for good, including trades-union meetings
and political discussions. Only so shall we make of our schools
real corner-stones of our liberties. So, also, we shall through
neighborhood pride restore some of the neighborhood feeling, the
home feeling that is now lacking in our cities to our grievous
loss. Half the tenement-house population is always moving, and
to the children the word "home" has no meaning. Anything that will
help change that will be a great gain. And that old Board is gone
long since, anyhow.
The club prevailed in the end. At least one school let it in, and
though the boys did break a window-pane that winter with a ball,
they paid for it like men, and that ghost was laid. The school
playground holds aloof yet from the neighborhood except in the long
vacation. But that last is something, and the rest is coming. It
could not be coming by any better road than the vacation schools,
which are paving the way for common sense everywhere. "Everything
takes ten years." said Abram S. Hewitt, when he took his seat as
the chairman of the Small Parks Committee. Ten years before, when
he was Mayor, he had put through the law under which the Mulberry
Bend had been at last wiped out. We held our meetings at the City
Hall, where I had been spurned so often. All things come to those
who wait—and fight for them. Yes, fight! I say it advisedly.
I have come to the time of life when a man does not lay about him
with a club unless he has to. But—eternal vigilance is the price
of liberty! To be vigilant is to sit up with a club. We, as a
people, have provided in the republic a means of fighting for our
rights and getting them, and it is our business to do it. We shall
never get them in any other way. Colonel Waring was a wise man as
well as a great man. His declaration that he cleaned the streets
of New York, all prophecies to the contrary notwithstanding, by
"putting a man instead of a voter behind every broom," deserves to
be put on the monument we shall build by and by to that courageous
man, for it is the whole gospel of municipal righteousness in a
nutshell. But he never said anything better than when he advised
his fellow-citizens to fight, not to plead, for their rights. So
we grow the kind of citizenship that sets the world, or anyhow our
day, ahead. We will all hail the day when we shall be able to lay
down the club. But until it comes I do not see that we have any
choice but to keep a firm grip on it.