The Possessed, by Fyodor Dostoevsky.
[The Macmillan Company, New York.]
Shatov was an incorrigible idealist,
with a keen satirical ability to destroy
his own ideals. He had made a god out
of Verhovensky, the leading figure in
Dostoevsky’s The Possessed. Verhovensky
was, he imagined, a god of selfish
courage and supreme unconcern, the sort
of man whom everybody followed involuntarily.
Shatov knew that his hero had
irreparably injured three women, one of
them half-witted and defenseless. That
did not bother the idealist at all; it was
“in character.” But when Verhovensky
lied about it to avoid condemnation,
Shatov hit him a savage blow on the
cheek and brooded for weeks over the
disappointment. The disappointment
was deepened by the fact that Verhovensky
did not kill him for the blow.
There is something characteristically
Russian about that. It goes far to explain
Russian pessimism, and give the
key to this very book. Your Russian
wants above all things to be logical. He
will fasten upon an idea and enshrine it
in his holy of holies. He will relentlessly
follow the dictates of his idea though it
lead him to insanity. There is greatness
in his attitude, also absurdity. Witness
Tolstoy. And when he recognizes his
own absurdity he becomes gloomy and
savage; there is no escape from the
vanity of the world, the spirit, and
himself.
I can imagine the mood of Dostoevsky
when this book germinated in his mind.
He saw this trait in the people about
him, he felt it in himself. The intellectuals,
each with his little theory, were
steadily working towards—nothing at
all. The government with its elaborate
systems for economic improvement and
individual repression, the revolutionary
with his scheming insincerity and chaotic
program, were equally futile. The
women with their pathetic loves, the frivolous
with their mad pursuit of amusement,
the great and the small, the sycophant
and the rebel, were all bitter failures.
Suddenly it occurred to him—they
are all mad in an insane world, each
in his way, one no more than another. I
will vent my disgust with these vermin
in a book; I will show what they really
are. Like the madman who carefully
traces out his meaningless labyrinth, I
will with the most painstaking psychology
unravel their minds, and in so doing
I will find my release and my fiendish
joy. The only thing lacking in this
madhouse is complete self-consciousness.
That I will furnish.—And so Dostoevsky
logically and nobly followed his idea
to its insane conclusion.
The fascinating result cannot be described
in a paragraph. It is done, of
course, with consummate ability. Beginning
the book is like walking into a village
of unknown people. They are real
enough outwardly; you don’t know their
nature or direction. Little by little you
learn about them, and begin to take
sides. Long habit makes you pick favorites.
This man will be noble and successful;
perhaps he is the hero. Suddenly
you begin to suspect that something
is wrong. All things are not working
together for one end, as in well-regulated
novels. Your favorites become
jumbled up with the others. The author
doesn’t give you a chance, because he
never shows you a cross-section of a
mind. He merely tells what the people
do and say. You must draw your own
conclusions as in ordinary life. When
you get used to this, you see an occasional
subtlety, a flash of sardonic laughter.
Some of the people are not quite
right in their minds. And at length the
truth dawns; the sane people are even
crazier than the others! This impression
comes by sheer force of magic; how the
author creates it is inexplicable. But
once you have it, the fascination of following
an idea obsesses you. And at the
end it is impossible to find any meaning
or direction in the world.
Of course, no such obsession can find a
firm footing in the American temperament.
After a while it seems Russian
and incredible. If you can’t answer
Dostoevsky logically, you will abandon
logic. But he has stirred you up, and
certain important conclusions rise to the
surface.
One is that it would be impossible to
be such a pessimist unless one looked for
a good deal in the world, and looked for
it rather sharply. Idealism and courage
began this course of thought. Isn’t a
big share of our optimism shallow?
Shouldn’t we go a little deeper into
things before being so sure they are
right? Another is that no living individual
is worth very much, after all. Our
only salvation is in creating a nobler
race. And for that any sacrifice of present
individuals is supremely worth while.
It is as if some inspired member of a
negro tribe in central Africa had suddenly
awakened to the fact that his voodoo-worshipping
friends were not acting
rationally. From their status the burden
of his chant might be horrible for its
devilish revelations. But in our eyes he
would be a seer and a prophet. Why
should he have considered the feelings of
the miserable savages? There is something
more important than that!
George Soule.
Social Forces in England and America, by H. G. Wells.
[Harper and Brothers, New York.]
Like many philosophers, Mr. Wells is
concerned mainly with the need of a new
human race. All profound reformers
want that. The method of achieving
this desirable result is, however, the rock
of turning. It probably isn’t necessary
to say that our present reformer is not
one of those blind apostles of effortless
immediacy. Such transmution was respectable
when Botany Bay was a popular
seaside resort for radical poets and
philosophers. They of today realize
something of the immensity of the developmental
process. Their hopes are
often so remote that they seem almost
despair, but still time is trusted with a reliance
on science for the urge toward human
perfectibility. Of such the leader is
H. G. Wells.
Clearly the conviction that civilization
needs a new race is well founded. All
ideals, all ideas, civilization, culture are
and have always been the products of a
pitiful minority. The tendency at present
is toward making the desire of the
majority supreme. The majority do not
cleave toward ideals—not even toward
establishing their own glory. Rousseau
imagined that millions loved righteousness;
Jefferson made such beliefs the
basis of the country’s documents of incorporation.
The idealists were manifestly
mistaken. Men have never been
drawn toward the ideals they have professed.
Truth, justice, equality have
never been valued when sex, property, or
power were opposed. The virtues came
in the early days from “Thus saith the
Lord,” and they come today, if they
come at all, from “Thus saith a Strong
Man.”
Mr. Wells guesses that there are fifty
thousand reading and thinking persons
in England—keepers of the citadel.
The fifty thousand are practically England.
Perhaps his estimate is too low.
John Brisben Walker says that in the
United States the number of persons
able to think independently about political
and social matters has increased from
a few score to about two hundred and
fifty thousand within thirty years. The
fact is, albeit, that the world has been
fashioned always by this very small
minority. Furthermore the present creation
is not one in which there is reason
for great pride.
The essay on the Great State is especially
fine in this connection. Wells’s
idea of the Normal Social Life and of
the constant divergence of a minority
is altogether clarifying for the watcher
from any vantage, but it is in his discussion
of the labor unrest that the reader
in Colorado discovers the prophecies he
most needs. For illustration this:
The worker in a former generation took himself
for granted; it is a new phase when the
toilers begin to ask, not one man here and
there, but in masses, in battalions, in trades:
“Why, then, are we toilers, and for what is
it that we toil?”
The ruling minority in Colorado has
been confronted with this question during
the coal strike. So far no response
has been given save the impromptu
utterances of a hideous rage and fright
at the thought of awakening workers.
Wells answers his own questions. He
replies as Colorado will sometime if Colorado
is to persist. It is in this tone:
The supply of good-tempered, cheap labor—upon
which the fabric of our contemporary ease
and comfort is erected—is giving out. The
spread of information and the means of presentation
in every class and the increase of luxury
and self-indulgence in the prosperous classes
are the chief cause of that. In the place of
the old convenient labor comes a new sort of
labor, reluctant, resentful, critical, and suspicious.
The replacement has already gone so
far that I am certain that attempts to baffle
and coerce the workers back to their old conditions
must inevitably lead to a series of increasingly
destructive outbreaks, to stresses
and disorder culminating in revolution. It is
useless to dream of going on now for much
longer upon the old lines; our civilization, if
it is not to enter upon a phase of conflict and
decay, must begin to adapt itself to the new
conditions, of which the first and foremost is
that the wage earning laboring class, consenting
to a distinctive treatment and accepting
life at a disadvantage, is going to disappear.
That is the truth which men hate
most to hear. It is the doctrine which
“Mother” Jones preaches and for
which she has been imprisoned regardless
of laws and constitutions.
But this reasonableness of Wells appeals
as little to the left wing of the
socialists as it does to conservatives.
The I. W. W.’s have no patience with
the detailed delays suggested and Wells
is as irritated with the losses in civilization
to which a violent revolution is
likely to lead. He sets forth his feeling
in a discussion of the American population,
a curious phrase, necessary on account
of his distaste for the word people.
In speaking of the possibility of a national
revolutionary movement as an
arrest for the aristocratic tendency now
so pronounced he says:
The area of the country is too great and
the means of communication between the workers
in different parts inadequate for a concerted
rising or even for effective political
action in mass. In the worst event—and it
is only in the worst event that a great insurrectionary
movement becomes probable—the
newspapers, magazines, telephones, and telegraphs,
all the apparatus of discussion and
popular appeal, the railways, arsenals, guns,
flying machines, and all the materials of warfare,
will be in the hands of the property
owners, and the average of betrayal among
the leaders of a class, not racially homogeneous,
embittered, suspicious, united only by their
discomforts and not by any constructive intentions,
will necessarily be high.
It is true almost. There are always
enough of the Gracchi family present to
supply the minimum number of weapons
essential. To the truth of this the revolutionary
movement in Mexico is a witness
and Colorado itself could tell tales.
Social Forces, a too collegiate title,
sums up satisfactorily Wells’s important
opinions. The book isn’t really a whole:
some of the essays are journalistic and
some are old. It lacks nearly everywhere
the fierceness of The Passionate
Friends. In this book Wells is in his
dinner coat, comfortable and well fed.
He is respectable—horrible admission—but
he is still prophetic.
In a sense, too, Social Forces is a warehouse.
There one may find stored the
rough materials which on occasion are
hammered into the poignancies of Marriage
or Tono-Bungay. As a vista into
a masterhand’s workshop the book has
its intense psychological interest, but
most of all it is text for salvation of the
world.
William L. Chenery.
Vandover and the Brute, by Frank Norris.
[Doubleday, Page and Company, New York.]
“I told them the truth. They liked it or
they didn’t like it. What had that to do with
me? I told them the truth; I knew it for the
truth then, and I know it for the truth now.”—Frank
Norris.
It would seem inevitable that had
Frank Norris lived he would have rewritten
Vandover and the Brute. In the
book, as it was rescued from the packing
box that had been through the San
Francisco fire and sent to the publisher,
there is much that would have been discarded
by the later Norris. Perhaps he
would have thrown it all away and written
a new story with the same theme.
He was a big man and he had the courage
of bigness. He could throw fairly
good work into the waste-paper basket.
The decay of man in modern society,
the slow growth in him of the brute
that goes upon all fours—what a big,
terrible theme! What a book the later
Norris would have made of it!
In the introduction by Charles G.
Norris quotation is made from the Frank
Norris essay, The True Reward of the
Novelist, in which this sentence stands
out: “To make money is not the province
of the novelist.” Also it is suggested
that the book was written under
the influence of Zola, and there is more
than a hint of Zola’s formula that everything
in life is material for literature in
the way the job is done.
As it stands, Vandover wants cutting—cutting
and something else. With
that said and understood, we are glad
that the book has been rescued and that
it can stand upon our book shelves.
American letters cannot know and understand
too much of the spirit of Frank
Norris, and just at this time when there
is much talk of the new note and some
little sincere effort toward a return to
truth and honesty in the craft of writing,
it is good to have this visit from the
boy Norris. He was a brave lad, an
American writing man who lived,
worked, and died without once putting
his foot upon the pasteboard road that
leads to easy money. “The easy
money is not for us,” he said and had
the manhood to write and live with that
warning in his mind. He had craft-love.
With a few more writers working
in his spirit we should hear less of
the new note. Norris was the new note.
He was of the undying brotherhood.
When Frank Norris wrote Vandover
he was not the great artist he became,
but he was the great man; and that’s
why this book of his is worth publishing
and reading. The greater writer would
have possessed a faculty the boy who
wrote this book had not acquired—the
faculty of selection. He would have
been less intent upon telling truly unimportant
details and by elimination
would have gained dramatic strength.
Read Vandover therefore not as an
example of the work of Norris the artist
but as the work of a true man. It will
inspire you. Its very rawness will show
you the artist in the making. It will
make you understand why Frank Norris
with Mark Twain will perhaps,
among all American writers, reach the
goal of immortality.
They Who Knock at Our Gates, by Mary Antin.
[Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston.]
Shaking the Declaration of Independence
in the face of all those opposed to
immigration in any form Mary Antin
makes an impassioned appeal for practically
unrestricted immigration. Her
motive is no doubt praiseworthy, her enthusiasm
and eloquence are admirable.
She contrasts the nature of our present-day
immigrants with those who landed in
the Mayflower. The self-satisfied middle
class attitude peeps through the question:
“Is immigration good for us?”
And of course it is good. The immigrants
do more than three-quarters of
our bituminous coal mining. They
make seven-tenths of our steel. They
do four-fifths of our woolen, nine-tenths
of our cotton-mill work, nearly all our
clothing, nearly all our sugar, eighty-five
per cent of all labor in the stock-yards.
You cannot but come to the
same conclusions as Mary Antin: “Open
wide our gates and set him on his way
to happiness.”
On his way to happiness? One thinks
of Lawrence, Massachusetts, where immigrants
are not exactly happy; or Paterson,
New Jersey; or an incident of
this kind from Marysville, California,
related by Inez Haynes Gillmore in
Harper’s Weekly for April 4: “An
English lad, the possessor of a beautiful
tenor voice, song leader of the hop pickers,
was walking along carrying a bucket
of water. A deputy sheriff shot him
down.” One thinks of the Michigan
copper mines. Alexander Irvine told us
something about peonage in the South
in his “Magyar.” The New York
East Side with its 364,367[2] dark rooms
and its “lung block with nearly four
thousand people, some four hundred of
whom are babies. In the past nine years
alone this block has reported two hundred
and sixty-five cases of tuberculosis.”[3]
In Pittsburgh alone, according
to The Literary Digest of January 16,
1909, five hundred laborers are killed
and an unknown number injured every
year in the steel industry. According
to Dr. Peter Roberts about eighty per
cent of those suffering from rickets in
Chicago are Italians, Greeks, and Syrians.
This disease is almost unknown in
the southern countries. The following
is taken from an article by Henry A.
Atkinson in Harper’s Weekly:
The policy of the companies has been to
exclude the more intelligent, capable English-speaking
laborers by importing large numbers
from southern Europe: Greeks, Slavonians,
Bulgarians, Magyars, Montenegrins, Albanians,
Turks as well as representatives from all of the
Balkan states. The Labor Bureau charges the
large corporations of the state with hiring these
men—“because they can be handled and
abused with impunity.”... Louis Tikas is
dead. His body riddled with fifty-one shots
from rapid fire guns, lay uncared for twenty-four
hours at Ludlow where he had been for
seven months the respected chief of his Greek
countrymen. He was shot while attempting to
lead the women and children to a place of
safety. At least six women and fifteen little
children died with him.
“Open wide our gates and set him on
his way to happiness” says Mary Antin.
Sixty thousand illiterate women were
admitted in 1911 to this country. The
president of The Woman’s National Industrial
League says in this connection
to the House Committee: “Syndicates
exist in New York and Boston for the
purpose of supplying fresh young girls
from immigrants arriving in this country
for houses of ill fame. Immigrants
arriving in New York furnish twenty
thousand victims annually.” Mr. Jacob
Riis said very recently: “Scarce a
Greek comes here, man or boy, who is
not under contract. A hundred dollars
a year is the price, so it is said by those
who know, though the padrone’s cunning
has put the legal proof beyond their
reach.”
But these are statistics, and Mary
Antin is horrified by statistics except
when she can prove that “the average
immigrant family of the new period is
represented by an ascending curve. The
descending curves are furnished by degenerate
families of what was once prime
American stock.” The “happiness”
that those who knock at our gates run
into once they land in our mines, factories,
sweatshops, department stores, etc.,
might be traced further. The real question
is this: Is immigration good for
the immigrant? In view of the above
facts there is but one answer so far as
the illiterate and physically weak are
concerned. Twisting of facts out of a
desire to reach certain conclusions will
only harm the immigrant and the inhabitants
of this country.
Mary Antin would have been Mary
Antin in Russia, Turkey, or Aphganistan.
The weak and the illiterate are
the ones who keep this question in the
foreground. Probably the only exception
is the Russian Jew. He has no
country of his own and the New York
East Side is a comparative improvement
over the Czar’s empire.
William Saphier.
Notes of a Son and Brother, by Henry James.
[Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York.]
Whatever the deprecators of Henry
James’s later manner may have to say
about the difficulties of his involved style
there are some situations, some plots,
for which it is most happily suited. Was
so haunting a ghost story ever written
as that truly horrible one which involved
two children—the name of which has
unfortunately escaped me, for I should
like to recommend it for nocturnal perusal.
And in The Golden Bowl the gradual
way you are led to perceive the
wrong relationship between two of the
characters, which, had it been offered
bluntly, with no five degrees of approach
and insinuation, would have lost half its
mystery of guilt. As he himself says,
in the Notes of a Son and Brother, “I
like ambiguities, and detest great
glares.”
Unfortunately, the style that is fitting
to a slow unfolding of a psychological
situation does not lend itself well
to biography. The direct way is the
only possible way there, if the reader is
to keep an unflagging interest, and the
direct way is simply not possible for
Henry James. And one asks nothing
more than to be told simply of the
student days at Switzerland and Germany,
and the life afterward at Newport,
just as the Civil War was beginning
or best of all throughout the
story of a united family—the four
boys, little sister, father, mother, and aunt,
quite unlike, I imagine, any other family
in the world. The quality of the genius of
the brothers seems to have sprung from
the association with a father as unlike as
possible to the American father of today.
He did not influence them, we are told,
by any power of verbal persuasion to
his own ideas. It was quite simply himself,
his personality and character, the
way he lived life, that took hold upon
his sons’ imagination. Of course that
is the only way anyone ever is influenced,
but I think most parents do try
the verbal persuasion as well. Henry
James says of his father:
I am not sure, indeed, that the kind of personal
history most appealing to my father
would not have been some kind that should
fairly proceed by mistakes, mistakes more
human, more associational, less angular, less
hard for others, that is less exemplary for them
(since righteousness, as mostly understood, was
in our parents’ view, I think, the cruellest thing
in the world) than straight and smug and declared
felicities. The qualification here, I
allow, would be his scant measure of the difference,
after all, for the life of the soul, between
the marked achievement and the marked
shortcoming. He had a manner of his own of
appreciating failure or of not, at least, piously
rejoicing in displayed moral, intellectual, or even
material economies, which, had it not been that
his humanity, his generosity, and, for the most
part, his gaiety were always, at the worst, consistent,
might sometimes have left us with our
small saving, our little exhibitions and complacencies,
rather on our hands.
Speaking of the “detached” feeling
they had after returning from Europe
to settle in Newport, he says:
I remember well how, when we were all young
together, we had, under pressure of the American
ideal in that matter, then so rigid, felt it
tasteless and even humiliating that the head
of our little family was not in business....
Such had never been the case with the father
of any boy of our acquaintance; the business
in which the boy’s father gloriously was stood
forth inveterately as the very first note of our
comrade’s impressiveness. We had no note of
that sort to produce, and I perfectly recover
the effect of my own repeated appeal to our
parent for some presentable account of him
that would prove us respectable. Business
alone was respectable—if one meant by it,
that is, the calling of a lawyer, a doctor, or a
minister (we never spoke of clergymen) as
well; I think if we had had the Pope among
us we should have supposed the Pope in business,
just as I remember my friend Simpson’s
telling me crushingly, at one of our New York
schools, on my hanging back with the fatal
truth about our credentials, that the author of
his being was in the business of stevedore.
That struck me as a great card to play—the
word was fine and mysterious; so that “What
shall we tell them you are, don’t you see?”
could but become on our lips at home a more
constant appeal.
Very interesting are the occasional
letters telling of Emerson and Carlyle.
Especially so to me are the side lights
on Carlyle, as chiming in somehow with
the series of impressions I seem gradually
to have accumulated about him as
time goes on. Perhaps it really isn’t
fair, as a large amount of those impressions
I feel sure I owe to Froude, but I
can’t help wondering what our times,
with modern surgery and therapeutics,
would have accomplished with Carlyle’s
indigestion, and what resultant difference
there would assuredly have been
in his philosophy. To quote from a letter
of the elder Henry James:
I took our friend M—— to see him [Carlyle],
and he came away greatly distressed and
désillusionné, Carlyle having taken the utmost
pains to deny and descry and deride the idea
of his having done the least good to anybody,
and to profess, indeed, the utmost contempt
for everybody who thought he had, and poor
M—— being intent on giving him a plenary
assurance of this fact in his own case.
And again in a letter to Emerson:
Carlyle nowadays is a palpable nuisance. If
he holds to his present mouthing ways to the
end he will find no showman là-bas to match
him.... Carlyle’s intellectual pride is so
stupid that one can hardly imagine anything
able to cope with it.
An earlier letter has this delicious bit
about Hawthorne:
Hawthorne isn’t to me a prepossessing figure,
nor apparently at all an enjoying person....
But in spite of his rusticity I felt a sympathy
for him fairly amounting to anguish, and
couldn’t take my eyes off him all dinner, nor my
rapt attention.... It was heavenly to see him
persist in ignoring the spectral smiles—in eating
his dinner and doing nothing but that, and
then go home to his Concord den to fall upon
his knees and ask his heavenly Father why it
was that an owl couldn’t remain an owl and not
be forced into the diversions of a canary!
And in the postscript of the same:
What a world, what a world! But once we
get rid of Slavery the new heavens and the
new earth will swim into reality.
Which shows how much in earnest the
Abolitionists really were—it was a tenet
of faith with them. Sad and strange
and illuminating to us of a later generation,
who are now struggling for other
abolitions of slavery, and still hoping
for a new world.
I wish I could quote from the delightful
letters of William James, but they
must be read entire, with the author’s
comments, to place them correctly.
Pending a biography of the man, these
letters will be to many readers the most
interesting feature of the book. One of
the most magnificent things about the
book, however,—if I may use a large
word for a large concept—is the spirit
running through it of filial and fraternal
love, never expressed in so many
words, but apparent throughout, which
makes, as I said before, the James family
unique in the history of American
letters.
When Ghost Meets Ghost, by William De Morgan.
[Henry Holt and Company, New York.]
Whatever else I may say about De
Morgan’s new book, I absolutely refuse
to tell the number of its pages. Every
other criticism begins or ends with this
uninteresting fact, and usually adds that
it makes no difference how long it is,
since the writer’s charm pervades it all.
But it does make a difference, and it is
too trite to say we are so hurried and
nervous and given over to frivolity nowadays
that we are unable to read Dickens
and Thackeray and Scott and De
Morgan. There is a great deal more
to read, and a great deal more to do
and to think about, than ever there was
in Thackeray’s day. And if we are
going to spend our time reading countless
pages (I very nearly told how many,
after all!) we want to be sure it is more
worth while than anything else we can
be doing, or thinking, or reading.
However, one can’t say very well that
he greatly admires a stork, or would if
he had a short beak and short legs. De
Morgan’s style is his own, and he will
tell the story his own way, though we
all have a quarrel with him for leaving
the most interesting bits to a short “Pendrift”
at the end. Did Given’s lover
contemplate taking his East Indian poison
when the newspapers announced that
she was to marry an Austrian noble?
Think of cutting that episode off in a
few words, while an entire chapter is
devoted to a “shortage of mud” for
little Dave and Dolly, who were making
a dyke in the street! But then, De Morgan
doesn’t know how to stop when he
begins to talk of children. How he
loves them, and all other helpless creatures!
He can’t speak even of kittens
without a touch of tenderness:
Mrs. Lapping explained that she was using
it (the basket) to convey a kitten, born in her
establishment, to Miss Druitt at thirty-four
opposite, who had expressed anxiety to possess
it. It was this kitten’s expression of impatience
with its position that had excited Mrs.
Riley’s curiosity. “Why don’t ye carry the
little sowl across in your hands, me dyurr?”
she said, not unreasonably, for it was only a
stone’s throw. Mrs. Topping added that this
was no common kitten, but one of preternatural
activities and possessed of diabolical, tentacular
powers of entanglement. “I would
not undertake,” said she, “to get it across
the road, ma’am, only catching hold. Nor if
I got it safe across, to onhook it, without tearing.”
Mrs. Riley was obliged to admit the
wisdom of the Janus basket. She knew how
difficult it is to be even with a kitten.
It is bits like this that make Mr. De
Morgan’s story so long, and it is bits
like this that reconcile us to its length.
I believe most readers won’t care greatly
whether the two poor old sisters who
have been separated so many years ever
do meet again. There is no feeling of
climax when they do—merely relief that
the thing has finally been put across. It
was beginning to look as if it never
would happen; and though the reader
himself, as I say, doesn’t greatly care,
he can see that De Morgan does; he has
apparently been doing his best to bring
it about, but the cantankerous ones just
wouldn’t let him.
On the other hand, who can help loving
Given o’ the Towers—all sweetness,
beauty, and light? Only—isn’t she
really more of a twentieth-century heroine
than a Victorian young lady, with
her crisp decisiveness and air of being
most ably able to look out for herself?
Truly Victorian, however, are our “slow
couple”—Miss Dickenson and Mr. Pellew.
Miss Dickenson is thirty-six, and,
by all Victorian standards, quite out of
the running. De Morgan is extremely
apologetic for allowing her to have a
romance at this belated hour—her
charms faded and gone. But we are
betting quite heavily on Miss Dickenson’s
chances for happiness with the
Hon. Mr. Pellew. The two were “good
gossips,” and would always have topics
of interest in common.
The Pendrift at the end—quite the
most fascinating part of the book—tells
us of the daughter of this union
Cicely, by this time sixteen years old.
“You know,” says the girl, Cis,—who
is new and naturally knows things,
and can tell her parents,—“you know
there is never the slightest reason for
apprehension as long as there is no delusion.
Even then we have to discriminate
carefully between fixed and permanent
delusions and——”
“Shut up, Mouse!” says her father.
“What’s that striking?”...
The young lady says, “Well, I got it
all out of a book.”
One good reason for reading De Morgan
is the fact that he is older than the
majority of his readers. We read so
much, we hear so much acclaimed that
is written by children of twenty, whose
experience of life must necessarily be
got, like Cicely’s, “out of a book.” The
saying of De Maupassant surely applies
here—that the writer must sit down
before an object until he has seen it in
the way that he alone can see it. De
Morgan has had the opportunity of seeing
life, surely, and knowing what most
of it amounts to. The result is a large
tolerance and tenderness toward his fellow
men.
M. H. P.
Social Insurance: With Special Reference to American Conditions, by I. M. Rubinow.
[Henry Holt and Company, New York.]
The logic of events is rapidly forcing
nation after nation into what has hitherto
been damned with the epithet paternalism.
America, perhaps, is the last
important country in the world to face
the problems raised by the march of
events in this direction. Social insurance,
a thing accomplished and a commonplace
of government functioning in
so many countries, recently adopted in
England, is, in this country, still a novelty
outside the university class room
and the lecture halls of fanatical demagogues
who wish to upset the foundations
of our civil government and civilization—as
the elder politicians express
it when their attention is drawn to these
sinister activities of thought.
The author of this book in fact was
the first academic lecturer on the subject
to give a university course in the various
forms which social insurance has
taken. These lectures he delivered before
the New York School of Philanthropy,
and they are reprinted here in
an extended form.
After giving the philosophy of the
matter, the underlying social necessity
for insurance, the author takes up the
various forms of the activity. Accident,
disease, old age, and unemployment
must all be provided against, and
the state, the employer, and the laborer
may share the burden among them, or
the two latter may be relieved—as in
various types of non-contributory insurance.
Of course the old school economist
will ask why the latter two are not relieved,
and why the employe or private
citizen is not just encouraged to insure
with a private corporation. The
author’s answer is that, even if he
were educated to the point of desiring
to do that, he could not. A man insures
his house because the feeling of
security is worth the small premium he
pays, even if that premium is larger than
the actual risk involved would warrant—larger
by a sum equal to the cost and
profits of the business of the insurance
company. But the poor man’s chances
of loss of employment, accident, or sickness
are so much greater in proportion
to the capitalized value of his job that
he could never afford to pay the premium
necessary for a private company
to take care of him; while his old age
could not be insured without taking all
of his earnings—and even then he
might die before he reached it.
The situation then is that an admitted
necessity cannot be obtained unless the
state as a whole takes steps to attain
it for all the members of the state. How
other states have done this, how type
after type of insurance has been evolved,
and how these types may be adapted to
American practice is the burden of the
present work.
The author writes in a clear and non-technical
manner, and makes no extravagant
claims for what some people may
regard as a social panacea; but he is
confident that the full development of
the idea of social insurance will relieve
the worst aspects of poverty—the aspects
in which poverty is not only a
hardship, but a haunting spirit, sapping
the vitality of its victims until they are
rendered socially useless.
Llewellyn Jones.
Red Hanrahan, by William Butler Yeats. New edition.
[The Macmillan Company, New York.]
If you believe, with Chesterton, that
“should the snap dragon open its little
pollened mouth and sing ’twould be no
more wonderful a thing” than that a
solemn little blue egg should turn into a
big happy red-breasted bird; if you are
of “the young men that dream dreams”
or of “the old men who have visions”
the songs and the tales and the wanderings
and the mysteries of “Red” Owen
Hanrahan will thrill you with a sense of
your real nearness to “something lovelier
than Heaven.”
Such a group of tales of the people
and by the people as Mr. Yeats has
gathered together in Red Hanrahan can
be nothing if not a personal matter.
Frankly, I never saw a fairy, or a
gnome, or a hobgoblin. I have never
even had a vision worth writing a book
about; but I am young yet, and if the
gods continue to be kind.... In the
meanwhile I shall grasp the first opportunity
to read Red Hanrahan in a deep
woods, at dusk—regardless of the optician’s
orders.
H. B. S.