OF THE
LIFE OF MUNGO PARK.
Mungo Park was born on the 10th of September 1771, at Fowlshiels, a farm
occupied by his father, under the duke of Buccleugh, on the banks of the
Yarrow not far from the town of Selkirk. His father, who bore the same
name, was a respectable yeoman of Ettrick Forest. His mother, who is
still living, is the daughter of the late Mr. John Hislop, of Tennis, a
few miles higher up on the same river. The subject of this Memoir was
the seventh child, and third son of the family, which consisted of
thirteen children, eight of whom attained to years of maturity.
Prior to the time of Mungo Park's birth, the father had for many years
practised farming with assiduity and success on the estate at
Fowlshiels, where he died in 1792, after a long and exemplary life, at
the age of seventy-seven.
Among other estimable qualities which distinguished the father's
character, was a constant and unremitting attention to the education of
his children; a species of merit, which is indeed of common occurrence
among the Scottish farmers and peasantry, but which appears to have been
exemplary and remarkable in the present instance. His family being
numerous, he did not content himself with personally superintending
every part of their education; but, though far from being in affluent
circumstances, engaged a private teacher to reside in his house and
assist in their early instruction.
It is most satisfactory to add, that these paternal cares were followed
by the happiest results, and received their appropriate reward. Mr. Park
had the gratification of seeing the greater part of his children
respectably settled during his life, and of witnessing their success and
prosperity.
After having received the first rudiments of education in his father's
family, Mungo Park was in due time removed to the Grammar School at
Selkirk, where he remained a considerable number of years. He had shewn
a great love of reading from his childhood, and was indefatigable in his
application at school, where he was much distinguished and always at the
head of his class. Even at that early age, he was remarked for being
silent, studious and thoughtful: but some sparks of latent ambition
occasionally broke forth: and indications might even then be discovered
of that ardent and adventurous turn of mind, which distinguished him in
after life, and which often lies concealed under a cold and reserved
exterior.
It was the original intention of Park's father to educate him for the
Scottish church, for which he appeared to be well fitted by his studious
habits and the serious turn of his mind; but, his son having made choice
of the medical profession, he was readily induced to acquiesce. In
consequence of this determination, Mungo Park was bound apprentice at
the age of fifteen to Mr. Thomas Anderson, a respectable surgeon in
Selkirk, with whom he resided three years; continuing, at the same time,
to pursue his classical studies and to attend occasionally at the
grammar school. In the year 1789, he quitted Mr. Anderson, and removed
to the University of Edinburgh, where he pursued the course which is
common to medical students, and attended the usual Lectures during three
successive sessions.
Nothing particular is recorded of his academical life. He appears,
however, to have applied to the studies connected with the science of
medicine with his accustomed ardour and assiduity, and to have been
distinguished among his fellow-students. During his summer vacations he
paid great attention to botanical pursuits, for which he seems always to
have had a great predilection; and a tour which he made, about this time
to the Highlands, in company with his brother-in-law, Mr. James Dickson,
a distinguished Botanist, contributed greatly to his improvement in this
science.
After having completed his studies at Edinburgh, Park removed to London
in search of some medical employment. In this pursuit he was much
assisted by his relation Mr. Dickson, to whom he had before been
indebted in his botanical studies. By his means Park was now introduced
to Sir Joseph Banks; whose interest or recommendation shortly afterwards
procured for him the appointment of Assistant Surgeon to the Worcester
East Indiaman.
From this period Park was honoured with the patronage, and indeed with
the constant friendship, of Sir Joseph Banks, from which he derived many
important advantages, and which had a material influence on the
subsequent events of his life. For this highly valuable friendship he
was originally indebted to a connection which had subsisted for many
years between Sir Joseph and Mr. Dickson: and it may not therefore be
improper, to describe shortly the origin and nature of this connection;
which, besides its immediate influence on Park's fortunes, was attended
with several characteristic circumstances highly honourable to the
parties concerned, and in themselves not uninteresting.
Mr. Dickson was born of humble parents, and came early in life, from
Scotland, his native country, to London. For some time he worked as a
gardener in the grounds of a considerable nurseryman at Hammersmith,
where he was occasionally seen by Sir Joseph Banks, who took notice of
him as an intelligent young man. Quitting this situation he lived for
some years as gardener in several considerable families: after which he
established himself in London as a seedsman; and has ever since followed
that business with unremitting diligence and success. Having an ardent
passion for botany, which he had always cultivated according to the best
of his means and opportunities; he lost no time in presenting himself to
Sir Joseph Banks, who received him with great kindness, encouraged him
in his pursuits, and gave him access to his valuable library. He thus
obtained the free use of one of the most complete collections on Botany
and Natural History, which has perhaps, ever yet been formed; and which,
through the liberality of its possessor, has contributed in a greater
degree to the accommodation of scientific men, and the general
advancement of science than many public establishments. Such leisure
hours as Mr. Dickson could command from his business, he devoted to an
assiduous attendance in this library or to the perusal of scientific
books obtained from thence. In process of time he acquired great
knowledge and became eminent among the English Botanists; and is now
known in Europe among the proficients in that science as one of its most
successful cultivators, and the author of some distinguished Works. At
an advanced period of life he is still active in business, and continues
to pursue his botanical studies with unabated ardour and assiduity.
[Footnote: Mr. Dickson is a Fellow of the Linnæan Society, of which he
was one of the original founders: and also Fellow and Vice President of
the Horticultural Society. Several communications from him, appear in
different volumes of the Linnæan Transactions; but he is principally
known among Botanists by a work entitled, "Fasciculi Quatuor Plantarum,
Cryptogamicarum Britanniæ." Lond. 1785-93; in which he has described
upwards of four hundred plants not before noticed. He has the merit of
having directed the attention of the Botanists of this country to one of
the most abstruse and difficult parts of that science; to the
advancement of which he has himself, very greatly contributed.]
Such an instance of successful industry united with a taste for
intellectual pursuits, deserves to be recorded; not only on account of
its relation to the subject of this narrative, but because, it
illustrates in a very striking and pleasing manner, the advantages of
education in the lower classes of life. The attention of the Scottish
farmers and peasantry to the early instruction of their children has
been already remarked, and is strongly exemplified in the history of Mr.
Park's family. The diffusion of knowledge among the natives of that part
of the kingdom, and their general intelligence, must be admitted by
every unprejudiced observer; nor is there any country in which the
effects of education are so conspicuous in promoting industry and good
conduct, and in producing useful and respectable men of the inferior and
middle classes, admirably fitted for all the important offices of common
life. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. I.]
* * * * *
In consequence of the appointment which Mungo Park had obtained as
surgeon in the East India Company's service, by the interest of Sir
Joseph Banks, he sailed for the East Indies in the Worcester in the
month of February, 1792; and having made a voyage to Bencoolen, in the
island of Sumatra, returned to England in the following year. Nothing
material occurred during this voyage: but he availed himself of all the
opportunities which it afforded to obtain information in his favourite
scientific pursuits, and appears to have made many observations, and
collected many specimens, in Botany and Natural History. Several of
these were the subjects of a communication made by him to the Linnæan
Society, which was afterwards published in their printed Transactions.
[Footnote: In the Third Volume of the Linnæan Transactions, p. 83, is a
paper by Park, read Nov. 4,1794, containing descriptions of eight new
fishes from Sumatra; which he represents to be the fruit of his leisure
hours during his stay on that coast.]
It does not sufficiently appear, whether Mr. Park, after his return from
the East Indies, came to any final resolution with regard to his
continuing as a surgeon in the Company's service. But whatever might be
his intention in this respect, new prospects now opened upon him, and a
scene of action far more congenial to his taste and feelings, was
presented to his ambition.
Some years prior to this period, a few distinguished individuals,
induced by a very liberal spirit of curiosity, had formed themselves
into an Association for promoting discoveries in the Interior of Africa,
and were now prosecuting their researches with great activity and
success. In the course of a few years they had investigated, and placed
in a clearer point of view than had hitherto been done by geographers,
some of the leading facts relative to the Northern part of that
Continent; the characteristic differences of the principal tribes, their
commercial relations, the routes of the great caravans, the general
diffusion of the Mahomedan religion, and the consequent prevalence of
the Arabic language throughout a considerable part of that vast
continent. [Footnote: See Vol. I. of the Proceedings of African
Association. London, 1810.] With the assistance of their distinguished
Associate, Major Rennell, they were now proceeding to trace the
principal geographical outlines of Northern Africa; and were
endeavouring to ascertain the course of the great inland river Joliba or
Niger, and to obtain some authentic information concerning Tombuctoo, a
principal city of the interior and one of the great marts of African
commerce.
In the course of these enquiries, the Association, since their first
establishment in 1788, had employed several persons, well qualified for
such undertakings, upon missions into various parts of the African
Continent. Several of these were known to have perished, either as
victims of the climate, or in contests with the natives; [Footnote: The
persons who had been sent out prior to this period, were Mr. Ledyard,
Mr. Lucas, Major Houghton, and Mr. Horneman: subsequently to which,
several others have been employed; viz. Mr. Nichols, Mr. Bourcard, &c.]
and intelligence had lately been received of the death of Major
Houghton, who had been sent out to explore the course of the Niger, and
to penetrate, if possible, to Tombuctoo and Houssa. The Association
appear to have found considerable difficulty in supplying Major
Houghton's place; and had made known their readiness to give a liberal
compensation to any person, competently qualified, who might be willing
to proceed on this important and arduous mission.
The attention of Park was naturally drawn to this subject, in
consequence of his connection with Sir Joseph Banks, who had received
him with great kindness and cordiality on his return from the East
Indies, and with whom he was now in habits of frequent intercourse. Sir
Joseph Banks was one of the most active and leading members of the
African Association, and with his accustomed zeal for the promotion of
scientific discovery, was earnest in his endeavours to find out a proper
person to undertake the mission in search of the Niger. There was
nothing in Park's previous studies which had particularly led him
towards geographical pursuits; but he had a general passion for
travelling; he was in the full vigour of life; his constitution had been
in some degree inured to hot climates; he saw the opportunities which a
new country would afford of indulging his taste for Natural History: nor
was he insensible to the distinction which was likely to result from any
great discoveries in African geography. These considerations determined
him. Having fully informed himself as to what was expected by the
Association, he eagerly offered himself for the service; and after some
previous enquiry into his qualifications, the offer was readily
accepted.
Between the time of Park's return from India in 1793, and his departure
to Africa, an interval elapsed of about two years. During the whole of
this period (with the exception of a short visit to Scotland in 1794),
he appears to have resided in London or its neighbourhood; being engaged
partly in his favourite studies, or in literary or scientific society;
but principally in acquiring the knowledge and making the preparations,
which were requisite for his great undertaking.
Having received his final instructions from the African Association, he
set sail from Portsmouth on the 22d of May, 1795, on board the
Endeavour, an African trader, bound for the Gambia, where he arrived on
the 21st of the following month. It is not the intention of this
narrative to follow him through the details of this journey, a full
account of which was afterwards published by Park, and is familiar to
every reader. But it may be useful to mention the material dates and
some of the principal transactions.
Having landed on the 21st of June at Jillifree, a small town near the
mouth of the River Gambia; he proceeded shortly afterwards to Pisania, a
British factory about 200 miles up the same river, where he arrived on
the 5th of July, and was most hospitably received by Dr. Laidley, a
gentleman who had resided many years at that settlement. He remained at
Dr. Laidley's house for several months, in order to learn the Mandingo
language, which is in general use throughout that part of Africa, and
also to collect information concerning the countries he intended to
visit. During two of these months he was confined by a severe fever,
caught by imprudently exposing himself during the rainy season.
He left Pisania on the 2d of December, 1795, directing his course
easterly, with a view of proceeding to the River Joliba, or Niger. But
in consequence of a war between two sovereigns in the Interior, he was
obliged, after he had made some progress, to take a northerly direction
towards the territory of the Moors. He arrived at Jarra, the frontier
town of that country, on the 18th of February, 1796. Pursuing his
journey from thence, he was taken and detained as a prisoner, by Ali,
the chieftain or king of that territory, on the 7th of March; and after
a long captivity and a series of unexampled hardships, escaped at last
with great difficulty early in the month of July.
The period was now approaching when he was to receive some compensation
for so many sufferings. After wandering in great misery for about three
weeks through the African Wilderness, he arrived at Sego, the capital of
Bambarra, a city which is said to contain thirty thousand inhabitants.
He was gratified at the same time by the first sight of the Niger, the
great object of his journey; and ascertained the extraordinary fact,
that its course is from West to East.
After a short stay at Sego (where he did not find it safe to remain),
Park proceeded down the river to Silla, a large town distant about
seventy or eighty miles, on the banks of the Niger. He was now reduced
to the greatest distress, and being convinced by painful experience,
that the obstacles to his further progress were insurmountable, he
reluctantly abandoned his design of proceeding eastwards; and came to
the resolution of going back to Sego, and endeavouring to effect his
return to the Gambia by a different route from that by which he had
advanced into Africa.
On the 3d of August, 1796, he left Silla, and pursuing the course of the
Niger, arrived at Bammakoo, the frontier of Bambarra, about the 23d of
the same month. Here he quitted the Niger, which ceases to be navigable
at this place; and travelling for several weeks through a mountainous
and difficult country, reached Kamalia, in the territory of Manding, on
the 16th of September. He performed the latter part of this journey on
foot, having been obliged to leave his horse, now worn out with fatigue
and unable to proceed farther.
Having encountered all the horrors of the rainy season, and being worn
down by fatigue, his health had, at different times, been seriously
affected. But, soon after his arrival at Kamalia, he fell into a severe
and dangerous fit of sickness, by which he was closely confined for
upwards of a month. His life was preserved by the hospitality and
benevolence of Karfa Taura, a Negro, who received him into his house,
and whose family attended him with the kindest solicitude. The same
excellent person, at the time of Park's last Mission into Africa,
hearing that a white man was travelling through the country, whom he
imagined to be Park, took a journey of six days to meet him; and joining
the caravan at Bambakoo, was highly gratified by the sight of his
friend. [Footnote: See Journal, p. 137.]
There being still a space of five hundred miles to be traversed (the
greater part of it through a desert) before Park could reach any
friendly country on the Gambia, he had no other resource but to wait
with patience for the first caravan of slaves that might travel the same
track. No such opportunity occurred till the latter end of April, 1797;
when a coffle, or caravan, set out from Kamalia under the direction of
Karfa Taura, in whose house he had continued during his long residence
of more than seven months at that place.
The coffle began its progress westwards on the 17th of April, and on the
4th of June reached the banks of the Gambia, after a journey of great
labour and difficulty, which afforded Park the most painful
opportunities of witnessing the miseries endured by a caravan of slaves
in their transportation from the interior to the coast. On the 10th of
the same month Park arrived at Pisania, from whence he had set out
eighteen months before; and was received by Dr. Laidley (to use his own
expression) as one risen from the grave. On the 15th of June he embarked
in a slave ship bound to America, which was driven by stress of weather
to the West Indies; and got with great difficulty, and under
circumstances of considerable danger, into the Island of Antigua. He
sailed from thence on the 24th of November, and after a short, but
tempestuous passage, arrived at Falmouth on the 22d of the following
month, having been absent from England two years and seven months.
Immediately on his landing he hastened to London, anxious in the
greatest degree about his family and friends, of whom he had heard
nothing for two years. He arrived in London before day-light on the
morning of Christmas day, 1797; and it being too early an hour to go to
his brother-in-law, Mr. Dickson, he wandered for some time about the
streets in that quarter of the town where his house was. Finding one of
the entrances into the gardens of the British Museum accidentally open,
he went in and walked about there for some time. It happened that Mr.
Dickson, who had the care of those gardens, went there early that
morning upon some trifling business. What must have been his emotions on
beholding at that extraordinary time and place, the vision, as it must
at first have appeared, of his long-lost friend, the object of so many
anxious reflexions, and whom he had long numbered with the dead!
* * * * *
Park's arrival was hailed with a sort of triumph by his friends of the
African Association, and in some degree, by the public at large. The
nature and objects of his mission, his long absence, and his unexpected
return, excited a very general interest; which was afterwards kept up by
the reports which prevailed respecting the discoveries he had made. The
Association, with that liberality which characterised every part of
their proceedings, gave him full permission to publish his Travels for
his own benefit; and it was speedily announced, that a complete
narrative of the journey would be prepared by Park himself, and given to
the public. But in the mean time, in order to gratify, in a certain
degree, the curiosity which prevailed, an Abstract, of the Travels,
prepared from Park's own minutes, was drawn up by Mr. Bryan Edwards,
secretary of the African Association, and was printed and distributed
for the private use of the subscribers. [Footnote: Proceedings of
African Association. Vol. I. p. 327.] This Abstract, which was written
with perspicuity and elegance, formed the principal ground-work of the
Book of Travels which was subsequently published.
To the Abstract or Narrative, thus circulated, was annexed an important
Memoir by Major Rennell, consisting of geographical illustrations of
Park's Journey, which afterwards, by that gentleman's permission, formed
a valuable appendage to the quarto edition of the Travels.
After his return from Africa, Park remained for a considerable time
stationary in London, and was diligently employed in arranging the
materials for his intended publication. He had frequent occasion, also,
to communicate on the subject of his discoveries with the members of the
African Association, especially with Major Rennell and Mr. Edwards,
whilst they were engaged in preparing the two Memoirs before alluded to.
With Mr. Edwards, in particular, he seems to have lived on terms of
great friendship, and to have occasionally paid him visits at his
country residence near Southampton.
It was nearly about this time (the Spring of the year 1798) that
Government, having it in contemplation to procure a complete survey of
New Holland, made some application to Park, with a view of employing him
upon that service. The particulars of this transaction are not known to
Park's family, nor is it now material to enquire; since the proposal,
whatever it might be, was declined. It was afterwards repeated, and
again declined, during the following year.
In June, 1798, he visited his mother, who still resided at Fowlshiels,
and his other relations in Scotland, and remained with them the whole of
the summer and autumn. During all this time he was assiduously employed
in compiling and arranging the Account of his Travels. His materials for
this work are stated to have consisted of short notes or memoranda,
written on separate pieces of paper, forming an imperfect journal of his
proceedings. Where these were wanting, he supplied the deficiency from
his memory. [Footnote: Enquiry has been made for the notes here alluded
to, with a view to the elucidation of several points connected with this
narrative, but without success; it being stated by Mr. Dickson, that a
number of loose papers were left at his house by Park, and remained
there for some time; but being considered of no use, were mislaid or
destroyed; and that none of them are now to be found.]
His family represent him dating this period as leading the life of a
severe student, employed on his papers during the whole of the mornings,
and allowing himself little or no recreation, except a solitary evening
walk on the banks of the Yarrow. Occasionally, however, he would indulge
himself in longer excursions among the wild and romantic scenery of that
neighbourhood, to which he was fondly and almost enthusiastically
attached. [Footnote: The situation of Fowlshiels on the banks of the
Yarrow is said to be picturesque and striking. It is in the immediate
vicinity of Bow-hill, a beautiful summer-residence of the Duke of
Buccleugh; and at no great distance from the ruins of Newark Castle, and
other scenes celebrated in the Lay of the Last Minstrel]
He quitted Fowlshiels, with great regret towards the latter end of 1798,
when it was necessary for him to return to London, to prepare for his
intended publication. He carried back with him a great mass of papers,
the produce of his summer's labour; and after his return to London,
bestowed considerable pains in the correction and retrenchment of his
manuscript before it was sent to the press. It was finally published in
the Spring of the year 1799.
The applause with which this work was received, and the permanent
reputation which it has obtained, are well known. Two impressions were
rapidly sold off; several other editions have since been called for; and
it continues even at the present time to be a popular and standard book.
This distinguished success has been owing, not only to the interesting
nature of its subject, but in a certain degree also to the merits of the
work as a composition; to the clearness of the descriptions, the natural
and easy flow of the narration, and the general elegance of the style.
But the essential merit of this book, and that which has conferred a
lasting distinction on the name of its author, consists in the authentic
and important information which it contains. Considered in this point of
view, it must unquestionably be regarded as the greatest accession to
the general stock of geographical knowledge, which was ever yet made by
any single traveller. The claim of Park to this distinction will be
apparent from a short view of his principal discoveries.
Among the great variety of facts concerning the Interior of Africa not
before known, or at least not ascertained, which the labours of Park
have placed beyond all doubt, the most interesting unquestionably are,
those which relate to the existence of the great inland river, the
Niger, as a distinct and separate stream, and its course from West to
East; affording a remarkable confirmation of what had been stated
concerning this river by Herodotus and the ancient writers; but which
was afterwards controverted by the geographers of the middle ages, who
asserted (what, independently of direct evidence, seemed more probable)
that the course of the river was from East to West. This latter opinion
had accordingly been followed by the greater part of the moderns; with
the exception indeed of some of the most distinguished geographers of
later times, particularly, D'Anville and Major Rennell, who had called
in question the doctrine then prevalent, and given strong reasons for
adhering to the ancient opinion. This however at the time of Park's
journey, could be considered in no other light than as a reasonable
conjecture, till the fact was ascertained by the unexceptionable
testimony of an eye-witness. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. II.]
Another important circumstance respecting the Niger, previously unknown,
but which was fully established by Park, is the vast magnitude of that
stream; an extraordinary fact, considering its situation and inland
course, and which has led, as will hereafter be seen, to several
interesting conjectures respecting the course and the termination of
that river.
In addition to these discoveries relative to the physical state of
Africa, others were made by Park scarcely less important; in what may be
termed its moral geography; namely, the kind and amiable dispositions of
the Negro inhabitants of the Interior, as contrasted with the
intolerance and brutal ferocity of the Moors; the existence of great and
populous cities in the heart of Africa; and the higher state of
improvement and superior civilization of the inhabitants of the
interior, on a comparison with the inhabitants of the countries
adjoining to the coast.
To this it may be added, that the work in question contains many
interesting details not before known, concerning the face of the
country, its soil and productions, as well as the condition of the
inhabitants; their principal occupations, and their manners and habits
of life; and the anecdotes which are interspersed, illustrative of the
character and disposition of the Negro inhabitants at a distance from
the coast, and beyond the influence of the Slave Trade, are in the
highest degree interesting and affecting. [Footnote: See especially the
following passages in Park's Travels, p. 82, 197, 336.]
The difficulties and dangers endured by the author in traversing this
unknown continent; and the rare union of prudence, temper and
perseverance, with the greatest ardour and enterprise, which
distinguished his conduct in the most trying situations, give an
additional value to Park's narrative. In this important, but difficult,
part of his work be appears to have been peculiarly successful. His
natural and unaffected manner of describing exertions and sufferings
which almost surpass the fictions of romance, carries a feeling and
conviction of truth to the mind of every reader, and excites deeper and
more powerful emotions than have often been produced, even by works of
imagination.
It is painful, after bestowing this well-merited praise, to be under the
necessity of adverting to two circumstances unfavourable to Park's
memory, connected with the history of this publication. These are, 1st.
an opinion which has prevailed, that Park was a supporter of the cause
of Slavery, and an enemy to the Abolition of the African Slave Trade;
and 2dly. a report, equally current, that the Travels, of which he was
the professed author, were composed not by Park himself, but in a very
considerable degree, by Mr. Bryan Edwards.—Topics, thus personal and
invidious, the writer of this Memoir would naturally wish to decline;
but they are too intimately connected with the principal occurrences of
Park's life to admit of being passed over without particular enquiry and
examination. For this purpose, it will be necessary to trace, more
distinctly than has hitherto been done, the connection between Park and
Mr. Bryan Edwards; which was a principal cause of the reports above
alluded to.
Mr. Edwards was an intelligent and respectable man, of no inconsiderable
literary attainments, and known as the author of the History of the
British Colonies in the West Indies. Being possessed of property in
Jamaica, he resided there many years as a planter; during which time he
was an eloquent and leading member of the House of Assembly, or
Provincial Legislature of that island. Some time about the year 1794,
when the question of the Slave Trade had for several years engaged the
attention of the British parliament and public, he quitted the West
Indies and came to England, where he fixed his residence for the
remainder of his life. He shortly afterwards obtained a seat in the
House of Commons, where he established a character as a man of business,
and came forward on every occasion as the advocate of the planters, and
the supporter of what are called the West India interests. In all
debates upon questions connected with the Slave Trade he took an active
part; and during the whole of his parliamentary career was a leading and
systematic opponent of the Abolition.
As secretary of the African Association, Mr. Edwards had constant
intercourse and communication with Park from the time when the latter
first arrived from Africa; and must immediately have seen the advantage
to be gained for the Slave Trade by a skilful use of the influence which
this situation gave him. His first object must naturally have been, to
gain the services of Park in the direct support of the Slave Trade; or,
if this should be found impracticable, he might at least hope to secure
his neutrality, and prevent him from joining the ranks of his opponents.
It is not meant to be insinuated that Mr. Edwards exerted any influence
which was manifestly undue and improper, or that he was disposed to go
greater lengths than any other man of a warm and sanguine temper, in
support of a cause in which he was deeply embarked, and of the
importance of which he felt the strongest conviction. The sentiments and
conduct here imputed to him, arose naturally out of the situation in
which he was placed; and he probably did no more than would have been
done under similar circumstances, by any partizan of the Abolition,
equally able and zealous.
A previous knowledge of these particulars is necessary for enabling the
reader to form a judgment upon the two points connected with the
publication of Park's Travels, which were before alluded to. With
respect to the first of these questions, namely, that relative to Park's
sentiments on the subject of the Abolition, the writer of this
narrative, in consequence of information he has obtained from some of
Park's nearest relations, is enabled to state with great confidence,
that Park uniformly expressed a great abhorrence of Slavery and the
Slave Trade, whenever these subjects occurred in conversation. But the
same persons farther represent, that he considered the Abolition of the
Slave Trade as a measure of state policy; for which reason he thought
it would be improper for him, in any work he might give to the public,
to interpose his private opinion relative to a question of such
importance, and which was then under the consideration of the
Legislature.
Whatever may be thought of the correctness of this opinion, it is
necessary to observe that the rule which he thus prescribed for his own
conduct, was not strictly adhered to; or rather, that the system of
neutrality which he professed, had, in a certain degree, the effect of a
declaration of opinion. From the time of the publication of Park's
Travels, his name was constantly mentioned in the list of persons
conversant with Africa, who were not friendly to the Abolition; and his
authority was always appealed to with some triumph by the advocates of
the Slave Trade: and this, apparently, with good reason. For, although
the author avowedly abstained from giving an explicit opinion as to the
effects of that traffic, yet the general tone of his work appeared to
leave no doubt with regard to his real sentiments; and indeed the
silence of so intelligent a traveller relative to a subject which must
necessarily have engaged so much of his attention, was in itself a
sufficient proof, of a bias existing in the mind of the writer,
unfavourable to the Abolition. For to what other cause could it be
attributed, that the Slave Trade was never once mentioned in Park's book
as having the smallest share in promoting the barbarism and internal
disorders of the African Continent? Or, that in his pathetic description
of the miseries endured by the caravan of slaves which the author
accompanied from Kamalia to the Gambia (a journey of five hundred
miles), not the slightest allusion was made to the obvious and immediate
cause of these sufferings, the demand for slaves on the coast?—It must
further be recollected, that the Slave Trade, at the time when Park
wrote, had engaged universal attention, and was become the subject of
much controversy and public discussion; yet this topic, of so much
interest and importance, occurs only once in the course of these
Travels; and is then hastily dismissed with a slight and unmeaning
observation.
[Footnote: The passage here particularly alluded to, is so
extraordinary, and affords such an illustration of the influence under
which this work was composed, that it deserves to be transcribed. After
a description of the state of slavery in Africa, which the author
represents as a sort of necessary evil, deeply rooted in the habits and
manners of that country (but without in the least alluding to the great
aggravation of the evil arising from the European Slave Trade), the
author concludes his remarks as follows: "Such are the general outlines
of that system of slavery which prevails in Africa; and it is evident,
from its nature and extent, that it is a system of no modern date. It
probably had its origin in the remote ages of antiquity, before the
Mahomedans explored a passage across the Desert. How far it is
maintained and supported by the Slave Traffic which, for two hundred
years, the nations of Europe have carried on with the natives of the
coast, it is neither within my province, nor in my power, to explain. If
my sentiments should be required concerning the effect which a
discontinuance of that commerce would produce on the manners of the
natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, that in the present
unenlightened state of their minds, my opinion is, the effect would
neither be so extensive nor beneficial as many wise and worthy persons
fondly expect." (Park's Travels, p. 297.)
On reading this passage, it is impossible not to be struck both with the
opinion itself and the manner in which it is expressed. The proposition,
literally taken, is a mere truism, undeniably just, but of no
practical value or importance. For, who doubts that the probable good
effects of the Abolition may have been overrated by men of warm and
sanguine benevolence? Or, who would assert, that such exaggerations
ought to have any weight in argument, except as inducements to greater
caution and deliberation?—But, the evident intention of the passage is,
to convey a meaning beyond what "meets the ear"; to produce an
impression on the reader, independent of any proofs or principles by
which his opinion ought to be governed; and to insinuate, what it is not
thought proper to assert, that the zeal manifested in favour of the
Abolition originated solely in ignorance and enthusiasm.]
It is a remarkable circumstance, that while the supposed opinions of
Park have always been appealed to by the advocates of the Slave Trade,
his facts have as constantly been relied on by their opponents; and
that in the various discussions which have taken place upon that subject
since this work has appeared, the principal illustrations of the
arguments in favour of the Abolition, have always been derived from the
statements contained in Park's Travels. This circumstance deserves
particular attention, considering the evident bias under which the work
was composed; and affords a strong presumption of the truth and fidelity
of the narrative. [Footnote: For an enumeration of the various facts
contained in Park's Travels, which are relied on as favourable to the
cause of the Abolition, accompanied by the proper references, see A
concise statement of the question regarding the Abolition of the Slave
Trade. 3d Ed. 1804, p. 99-106. A work, containing the most complete
summary of the arguments upon this great subject, which has yet
appeared.]
The fair result of the foregoing enquiry, relative to Park's opinions
with regard to the Abolition, appears to be shortly this; that he was at
no time the friend or deliberate advocate of the Slave Trade; but that,
his respect and deference for Mr. Edwards led him, in a certain degree,
to sacrifice his own opinions and feelings upon that subject; and that
he became, perhaps almost unconsciously, the supporter of a cause of
which he disapproved. That he should have been under any temptation to
suppress or soften any important opinion, or to deviate in any respect
from that ingenuousness and good faith which naturally belonged to his
character, is a circumstance which cannot be sufficiently lamented. But
if there are any who feel disposed to pass a very severe censure upon
Park's conduct, let his situation at the time when he was preparing his
Travels for the press, be fairly considered. He was then a young man,
inexperienced in literary composition, and in a great measure dependent,
as to the prospects of his future life, upon the success of his intended
publication. His friend and adviser, Mr. Edwards, was a man of letters
and of the world, who held a distinguished place in society, and was,
besides, a leading member of the African Association, to which Park owed
every thing, and with which his fate and fortunes were still intimately
connected. It is difficult to estimate the degree of authority which a
person possessing these advantages, and of a strong and decisive
character, must necessarily have had over the mind of a young man in the
situation which has now been described. Suggestions coming from such a
quarter, must have been almost equivalent to commands; and instead of
animadverting very severely on the extent of Park's compliances, we
ought perhaps rather to be surprised, that more was not yielded to an
influence which must have been nearly unlimited.
Before we dismiss this subject, it may be proper to add, that some time
subsequent to the publication of his Travels, Park appeared to be fully
sensible that the manner in which he had treated the question of the
Slave Trade, was liable to some objections; and evidence now exists,
that upon some occasions when his authority had been appealed to as
being favourable to that system, he expressed his regret that an
improper stress had been laid upon certain passages in his Travels, and
that a meaning had been attributed to them, which it was not intended
that they should bear.
It remains to be enquired, whether there is any just foundation for the
opinion which has prevailed with regard to the degree of assistance
given by Mr. Edwards in the actual composition of Park's work; as to
which very few remarks will be necessary. The intimate connection of Mr.
Edwards with Park, the interest which he took in the success of his
publication, and the influence which he appears to have exerted with
respect to its contents, make it quite evident, that he must have seen,
and been consulted upon, every part of the work; and there can be no
question but that he, at least, revised and corrected the whole
manuscript before it was sent to the press. It was avowed by Park
himself, that as occasion offered, he had incorporated into different
parts of his work, by permission of Mr. Edwards, the whole of the
narrative prepared by the latter for the use of the Association.
[Footnote: Park's Travels. Preface, p. ix.] A person accustomed to
literary composition, and confident of his own powers, would hardly have
chosen to avail himself of this assistance; which would be attended only
with a slight saving of labour, and might probably have the unpleasant
effect of a mixture of different styles. No such disadvantage, it maybe
observed, has in fact resulted from the course pursued in the present
instance. No inequalities are apparent in Park's narrative; nor are the
passages which have been inserted from Mr. Edwards's Memoir, to be
distinguished from the rest of the work. The style is throughout
uniform, and bears all the marks of a practised pen. Generally speaking
indeed, it is more simple, and consequently more pleasing, than that of
Mr. Edwards's avowed compositions. But, notwithstanding its general
merits, it is altogether perhaps too much laboured; and in particular
passages, betrays too much of the art of a professed writer. [Footnote:
It would be easy, but invidious, to produce passages from Park's work
more or less marked with some of the characteristics of Mr. Edwards's
style, and, in particular, with that tendency to ambitious ornament,
which is so conspicuous in many parts of the History of the West
Indies.—The following extract from Park's chapter on the state of
Slavery in Africa, may be sufficient. "In a country divided into a
thousand petty states, mostly independent, and jealous of each other,
where every freeman is accustomed to arms, and fond of military
achievements; where the youth who has practised the bow and spear from
his infancy, longs for nothing so much as an opportunity to display his
valour, it is natural to imagine, that wars frequently originate from
very frivolous provocation. When one nation is more powerful than
another, a pretext is seldom wanting for commencing hostilities. Thus,
the war between Kajaaga and Kasson was occasioned by the detention of a
fugitive slave:—that between Bambarra and Kaarta by the loss of a few
cattle. Other cases of the same nature perpetually occur, in which the
folly or mad ambition of their princes and the zeal of their religious
enthusiasts give full employment for the scythe of desolation." (Park's
Travels, p. 290.)—On reading this passage, and the chapter from which
it is taken, it may deserve to be remarked, (with reference to former
observations as to the bias under which Park's work was written) that in
enumerating the causes of the wars which desolate Africa, the Slave
Trade is never once mentioned.]
From these observations, combined with the several facts before stated,
it seems clearly to follow, that Mr. Edwards had a large share in Park's
work; and, without attempting to ascertain in what degree he assisted in
the composition, it may safely be affirmed that the assistance afforded
was considerable and important. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. III.]
It would be a subject of sincere regret to the author of this
biographical sketch, if he thought that this opinion (which he does not
feel himself at liberty to suppress,) was likely to detract in any
material degree from Park's well-earned reputation. But he is satisfied
that there is no just cause for such an apprehension. It is
unquestionably most desirable, that the adventures and discoveries of
distinguished travellers should be given to the public, as far as
circumstances will permit, in the language of the parties themselves;
and there is no judicious reader, who would not decidedly prefer the
simple, but authentic, narrative of an eye-witness, to any account of
the same transactions from a different hand, however superior in
literary merit. But the custom of employing professional writers upon
similar occasions, has become so frequent, that the resorting to such
assistance in any particular instance can no longer be considered as a
just subject of animadversion; and, in forming our judgment upon books
of voyages and travels (in which this practice is most common), we must
in general rest satisfied, if we can obtain a reasonable assurance, that
the compiler has made a correct and proper use of his materials. That
this duty has been faithfully and conscientiously performed in the case
of Park's Travels, there is not the slightest reason to doubt. The
authenticity of the work is apparent, not only, as has been already
stated, from the internal evidence of many parts of the narrative, but
from the known character of Park, as well as of Mr. Edwards, his
associate; who (there is every reason to believe) was a man of honour
and veracity, and incapable of concealing or wilfully misrepresenting
any important fact or circumstance.
It must further be recollected, that the essential merit of works of
this description, consists in the authenticity and importance of the
information they contain; compared with which, the beauties of style and
composition are only of secondary and very inferior importance. The
literary character of Park forms a small part of his general reputation.
This must always rest upon grounds altogether independent of the merits
of his work as a composition; and whatever may be hereafter thought of
his claims to distinction as a writer, his fame as a geographical
discoverer, an explorer of unknown countries, and a man of courage and
capacity in the most arduous and trying situations, must ever remain
undiminished.
* * * * *
After the publication of his Travels, Park began to think of settling
himself in life. During his last residence in Scotland in the Summer and
Autumn of 1798, he had formed a matrimonial engagement with the eldest
daughter of Mr. Anderson of Selkirk, with whom he had served his
apprenticeship. He returned therefore to Scotland in the Summer of 1799,
and was married on the 2d of August in that year. This union, which
connected him still more closely with a family with which he had long
lived in friendship, contributed in a high degree to his future comfort
and happiness.
For more than two years after his marriage, he resided with his mother
and one of his brothers, who lived together and carried on the farm at
Fowlshiels. The reason of his continuing there so long a time does not
very distinctly appear, nor is any thing particular related as to the
manner in which he employed himself during this period. The profits of
his publication, and the liberal compensation which he had received from
the African Association for the services rendered to them, had placed
him, for the present, in easy circumstances: and he remained for a long
time altogether doubtful and unsettled as to his future plan of life.
During part of the year 1799 he appears to have been engaged in a
negotiation with government (which finally proved unsuccessful) relative
to some public appointment in the colony of New South Wales. At another
time he had partly determined to look out for a farm; and at last came,
somewhat reluctantly, to the determination of practising his profession,
to which he was perhaps at no time much attached, and which was now
become more irksome from disuse.
The uncertainty in the state of his affairs during this period was much
encreased by the hope, which he constantly entertained, of being sent
out on another expedition, either by the African Association or by
Government. This clearly appears from a letter which he wrote to Sir
Joseph Banks, dated 31st of July, 1800; in which, he alludes to the late
capture of Goree, which he considers as introductory to opening a
communication with the Interior of Africa; and after entering into some
details relative to that subject, he proceeds as follows: "If such are
the views of Government, I hope that my exertions in some station or
other, may be of use to my country. I have not as yet found any
situation in which I could practise to advantage as a surgeon; and
unless some of my friends interest themselves in my behalf, I must wait
patiently, until the cloud which hangs over my future prospects is
dispelled."
An opportunity for medical practice, which was thought sufficiently
promising, having offered itself at Peebles, he went to reside at that
town in the month of October, 1801, and betook himself in good earnest
to the exercise of his profession. Within no great length of time he
acquired a good share of the business of the place and its
neighbourhood: but this being very limited, his profits were at no time
considerable. He was however very fully employed; for he was greatly
distinguished by the kindness which he shewed towards the poor, and by
that disinterested attention to the lower classes, which is one of the
great virtues of the medical profession.
Under these circumstances, it cannot be thought surprising that he was
dissatisfied with his situation, and looked anxiously forward to some
other establishment. His former habits of life had indeed in a great
measure disqualified him for his present humble occupations. The
situation of a country practitioner in Scotland, attended with great
anxiety and bodily fatigue, and leading to no distinction or much
personal advantage, was little calculated to gratify a man, whose mind
was full of ambitious views, and of adventurous and romantic
undertakings. His journies to visit distant patients—his long and
solitary rides over "cold and lonely heaths" and "gloomy hills assailed
by the wintry tempest," seem to have produced in him feelings of disgust
and impatience, which he had perhaps rarely experienced in the deserts
of Africa. His strong sense of the irksomeness of this way of life broke
out from him upon many occasions; especially, when previously to his
undertaking his second African mission, one of his nearest relations
expostulated with him on the imprudence of again exposing himself to
dangers which he had so very narrowly escaped, and perhaps even to new
and still greater ones; he calmly replied, that a few inglorious winters
of country practice at Peebles was a risk as great, and would tend as
effectually to shorten life, as the journey which he was about to
undertake.
It might have been expected, that a person who had been so much
accustomed to literary and scientific society, and who had lately been
in some degree admitted into the fashionable circles of the metropolis,
in which he had become an object of much interest and attention, would
have felt great repugnance to the solitude and obscurity of a small
market town. But this does not appear to have been the case. General
society, for which indeed he was not particularly suited, was not much
to his taste; and during every period of his life, he always looked
forward to a state of complete retirement and seclusion in the country,
as the object and end of all his labours. He had great enjoyment however
in his own domestic circle, and in the society of select friends; and
his residence at Peebles was, in this respect, highly fortunate for him,
since it was the occasion of his becoming acquainted with two
distinguished residents in that neighbourhood; Colonel John Murray of
Kringaltie, a very respectable old officer, then retired from the
service, and Dr. Adam Ferguson; with both of whom he became intimate,
and passed much of his time. The latter of these, then residing at
Hallyards in Tweedsdale, is the well-known author of the Essay on Civil
Society, and History of the Roman Republic, and was formerly
Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh; where, during many years, he
was one of that distinguished literary circle, of which Hume, Smith,
Black, and Robertson, were the principal ornaments. At the venerable age
of ninety-one, he is still living, the last survivor of that illustrious
society.
The friendship of a man thus interesting and distinguished, was highly
honourable to Park, who was duly sensible of its value. Nor was this
instance singular. The papers transmitted by his family speak of other
testimonies of respect, which, subsequently to Park's return to Scotland
in 1799, he received from various distinguished individuals of his own
country; and they mention, in particular, that he was very highly
gratified by some personal attentions which he received about this time
from Mr. Dugald Stewart.
In the midst of these occupations Park's thoughts were still turned upon
Africa. Soon after the signature of the Preliminary Articles of Peace
with France, in October, 1801, he received a letter from Sir Joseph
Banks, acquainting him, "that in consequence of the Peace, the
Association would certainly revive their project of sending a mission to
Africa; in order to penetrate to, and navigate, the Niger; and he added,
that in case Government should enter into the plan, Park would certainly
be recommended as the person proper to be employed for carrying it into
execution." But the business remained for a considerable time in
suspense; nor did any specific proposal follow this communication till
the autumn of the year 1803; when he received a letter addressed to him
from the Office of the Colonial Secretary of State, desiring his
attendance without delay. On his arrival in London he had an interview
with the present Earl of Buckinghamshire, then Lord Hobart, and
Secretary of State for the Colonial department, who acquainted him with
the nature of an expedition to Africa, which was about to take place,
and in which it was proposed, that Park should bear a principal part. To
this offer he declined giving an immediate answer, requesting a short
time to deliberate and consult with his friends. He returned home for
this purpose about ten days afterwards.
On his return to Scotland he formally consulted a few of his friends;
but, in his own mind, the point was already decided. From the time of
his interview with Lord Hobart, his determination was in fact taken. His
imagination had been indulging itself for some years past upon the
visions of discoveries which he was destined to make in the Interior of
Africa; and the object of his ambition was now within his grasp. He
hastily announced to Lord Hobart his acceptance of the proposal;
employed a few days in settling his affairs and taking leave of his
friends; and left Scotland in December, 1803, with the confident
expectation of embarking in a very short time for the coast of Africa.
But many delays were yet to take place previously to his final
departure.
The principal details of the intended expedition had been fully
considered, and in a great measure arranged, in the Colonial department,
before the application was made to Park; and he had therefore flattered
himself that the business was in a state of considerable forwardness.
But on his arrival in London, he was much disappointed to find that the
sailing of the expedition had been postponed; and it was not till after
two months that his departure was finally appointed for the end of
February, 1804. But, unfortunately, when this period arrived, the
apprehension of important political changes, which eventually took place
by the resignation of Mr. Addington a short time afterwards, caused some
embarrassment in the measures and proceedings of the Administration.
After all was ready at Portsmouth for the embarkation, and part of the
troops destined for the service were actually on board, the expedition
was suddenly countermanded; and the question, whether it should finally
proceed to Africa or not, was reserved for the decision of Lord Camden,
who shortly afterwards succeeded to Lord Hobart in the Colonial
department.
In consequence of this change, Park was informed at the Colonial Office,
that the expedition could not possibly sail before September; and it was
suggested to him by some person in authority, that he might employ the
interval with great advantage in improving himself in the practice of
taking astronomical observations, and in acquiring some knowledge of the
Arabic language. He was at the same time informed, that any reasonable
expence which he might incur in acquiring this instruction would be
reimbursed to him by Government. In consequence of this intimation, he
engaged a native of Mogadore, named Sidi Omback Boubi, then residing in
London, who had served as the interpreter of Elphi Bey, (the ambassador
of the Mamelukes from Cairo) to accompany him to Scotland, for the
purpose of instructing him in Arabic. They immediately left London
together, and arrived early in March at Peebles; where Park continued to
reside together with his African instructor, till about the middle of
May. He then finally quitted his house at Peebles, and took his family
to the farm at Fowlshiels, where he quietly waited the expected summons
of the Secretary of State. During all this time he employed himself with
great diligence in acquiring a familiar use of astronomical instruments,
and in the study of the Arabic language, in which he became a tolerable
proficient.
Early in September he received a letter from the Under Secretary of
State for the Colonial department, desiring him to set off without delay
for London, and to present himself on his arrival at the Colonial
Office. He accordingly lost no time in settling his affairs; and taking
an affectionate leave of his family, wife, and children, quitted
Fowlshiels, and arrived in London towards the latter end of September,
1804.
In the course of Park's communications with the Colonial Office, Lord
Camden had intimated a desire to be furnished with a written statement
of Park's opinions, both as to the plan of the expedition, and the
particular objects towards which he conceived that his attention ought
to be chiefly directed during the intended journey. In compliance with
this request, he had, during his leisure in the country, drawn up a
Memoir upon these subjects, which he presented at the Colonial Office
within a few days after his arrival in London. As this paper formed the
ground work of the official instructions which were afterwards given to
Park, and is in other respects interesting and important, it is here
inserted at length.
Memoir delivered by Mungo Park, Esq. to Lord CAMDEN, on the 4th of
October, 1804.
"A particular account—1st. of the objects to which Mr. Park's attention
will be chiefly directed in his journey to the Interior of Africa: 2dly.
of the means necessary for accomplishing that journey; and 3dly. of the
manner in which he proposes to carry the plans of Government into
execution.
"The objects which Mr. Park would constantly keep in view are, the
extension of British Commerce, and the enlargement of our Geographical
Knowledge.
"In directing his enquiries with respect to commerce, he would propose
to himself the following subjects as worthy of particular investigation.
"1st. The route by which merchandize could be most easily transported to
the Niger. This would be accomplished by attending to the nature of the
country, whether wooded or open; having water or not, being abundant in
provisions, or otherwise, and whether capable of furnishing the
necessary beasts of burden.
"2dly. The safety or danger of that route. This, by considering the
general character of the natives, their government, &c.; the jealousies
that European merchants would be likely to excite, and the guard that
would be necessary for the protection of the caravan.
"3dly. The return of merchandize. This by making out lists of such
articles as are produced in each district, and of such as are imported
from the neighbouring kingdoms.
"4thly. The value of merchandize. This could only be done by comparing
the articles with each other; with gold as a standard, and with European
articles in exchange.
"5thly. Profits of trade. This could be ascertained by bartering one
African article for another; an European article for an African, or an
African or European article for gold.
"6thly. The extent to which such a commerce might be carried. This, by a
careful and cautious comparison of the above, connected with habits of
industry in the natives.
"Mr. Park would likewise turn his attention to the general fertility of
the country, whether any part of it might be useful to Britain for
colonization, and whether any objects of Natural History, with which the
natives are at present unacquainted, might be useful to Britain as a
commercial nation.
"Mr. Park would propose to himself the following subjects in conducting
his geographical researches.
"1st. To ascertain the correct latitude and longitude of the different
places he visits in going to the Niger.
"2dly. To ascertain, if possible, the termination of that river.
"3dly. To make as accurate a survey of the river as his situation and
circumstances will admit of.
"4thly. To give a description of the different kingdoms on or near the
hanks of the river, with an account of the manners and customs of the
inhabitants.
"Means necessary for accomplishing the journey.
30 European soldiers.
6 European carpenters.
15 or 20 Goree Negroes, most of them artificers.
50 Asses, to be purchased at St. Jago
6 Horses or mules, to be purchased at St. Jago.
"Articles of dress, &c. for the soldiers and Negros, exclusive of their
common clothing.
"Each Man,
1 Musquito veil.
1 Hat with a broad brim.
2 Flannel under vests with sleeves.
2 Pair of Mosquito trowsers.
1 Pair of long leather gaiters.
1 Additional pair of shoes.
1 Great coat for sleeping, similar to what is worn by the cavalry.
Knapsack and canteen for travelling.
"Arms and Ammunition.
6 Rifle pieces.
8 or ten blunderbusses.
"Each Man,
1 Gun and bayonet.
1 Pair of pistols, and belt.
1 Cartridge box and belt.
Ball cartridges.
Pistol ditto.
Flints.
Gunpowder.
Small shot of different sizes.
"Articles necessary for equipping the asses.
"100 Strong sacking bags.
50 Canvass saddles.
Girths, buckles, halters.
6 Saddles and bridles for horses.
"Articles necessary for building and rigging two boats on the Niger of
the following dimensions, viz.
"40 Feet keel—8 feet beam, to draw 2-1/2 feet water.
Carpenters tools, including hatchets and long saws.
Iron work and nails.
Pitch and oakum.
Cordage rigging, and sails.
2 Boat compasses.
2 Spying-glasses for day or night.
2 Small union flags.
6 Dark lanterns.
2 Tons of Carolina rice.
Cooking utensils.
Medicines and instruments.
"List of Merchandize for purchasing provisions and making the necessary
presents to the Kings of Woolli, Bondou, Kajaaga, Fooladoo, Bambarra,
and the Kings of the Interior.
"Best blue India bafts, 150 yards
White ditto, 50 yards
Scarlet cloth, 200 yards
Blue ditto, 30 yards
Green ditto, 20 yards
Yellow ditto, 10 yards
Scarlet Salisbury flannel, red night caps, &c.
Amber, £150
Coral, £50
Mock coral, £50
White garnets, £50
Red garnets
Red beads
Black points, £50
Piccadoes
Gold beads
Small black beads, £50
White ditto
Yellow ditto
5 Double-barrelled guns.
5 Pairs of ditto pistols.
5 Swords with belts.
Small mirrors.
Knives.
Scissors.
Spectacles,
Dollars.
"A brief account of the manner in which Mr. Park proposes to carry the
plans of Government into execution.
"Mr. Park would touch at St. Jago, in order to purchase the asses and
mules, and a sufficient quantity of corn to maintain them during the
voyage to Goree and up the Gambia. At Goree he proposes receiving on
board the soldiers and Negroes formerly mentioned, and would then
proceed to Fattatenda, five hundred miles up the Gambia; where, having
first obtained permission from the King of Woolli, he would disembark
with the troops, asses, &c. After having allowed time for refreshment,
and the necessary arrangements being made, he would then proceed on his
journey to the Niger. The route he intends pursuing would lead him
through the kingdoms of Bondou, Kajaaga, Fooladoo, and Bambarra.
"In conducting an expedition of this nature through such an extent of
country, Mr. Park is sensible that difficulties will unavoidably occur;
but he will be careful to use conciliatory measures on every occasion.
He will state to the native princes the good understanding that has
always subsisted between them and the English, and will invariably
declare that his present journey is undertaken solely for the extension
of commerce and promotion of their mutual interests.
"On his arrival at the Niger his attention will be first directed to
gain the friendship of the King of Bambarra. For this purpose he will
send one of the Bambarra Dooties forward to Sego with a small present.
This man will inform Mansong of our arrival in his kingdom, and that it
is our intention to come down to Sego with presents to him, as soon as
he has given us permission, and we have provided the necessary means of
conveying ourselves thither.
"In the mean time we must use every possible exertion to construct the
two boats before mentioned with the utmost possible despatch. When the
boats are completed, and every thing is ready for embarking, Mr. Park
would dispose of the beasts of burthen; giving some away in presents,
and with the others purchasing provisions. If the King of Bambarra's
answer is favourable, he would proceed immediately to Sego, and having
delivered the presents, solicit Mansong's protection as far as Jinnie.
Here Mr. Park's personal knowledge of the course of the Niger ends.
"Proceeding farther, Mr. Park proposes to survey the lake Dibbie,
coasting along its southern shore. He would then proceed down the river
by Jimbala and Kabra (the port of Tombuctoo), through the kingdoms of
Houssa, Nyffe, and Kashna, &c. to the kingdom of Wangara, being a
direct distance of about one thousand four hundred miles from the place
of embarkation.
"If the river should unfortunately end here, Mr. Park would feel his
situation extremely critical; he would however be guided by his distance
from the coast, by the character of the surrounding nations, and by the
existing circumstances of his situation.
"To return by the Niger to the westward he apprehends would be
impossible; to proceed to the northward equally so; and to travel
through Abyssinia extremely dangerous. The only remaining route that
holds out any hopes of success, is that towards the Bight of Guinea.
If the river should take a southerly direction, Mr. Park would consider
it as his duty to follow it to its termination; and if it should happily
prove to be the river Congo, would there embark with the troops and
Negroes on board a slave vessel, and return to England from St. Helena,
or by way of the West Indies.
"The following considerations have induced Mr. Park to think that the
Congo will be found to be the termination of the Niger.
"1st. The total ignorance of all the inhabitants of North Africa
respecting the termination of that river. If the Niger ended any where
in North Africa, it is difficult to conceive how the inhabitants should
be so totally ignorant of it; and why they should so generally describe
it as running to the Nile, to the end of the world, and in fact to a
country with which they are unacquainted.
"2dly. In Mr. Horneman's Journal the Niger is described as flowing
eastwards into Bornou, where it takes the name of Zad. The breadth of
the Zad was given him for one mile, and he was told that it flowed
towards the Egyptian Nile, through the land of the Heathens.
[Footnote: Proceedings of African Association. Vol. II. p. 201.] The
course here given is directly towards the Congo. Zad is the name of
the Congo at its mouth, and it is the name of the Congo for at least six
hundred and fifty miles inland.
"3dly. The river of Dar Kulla mentioned by Mr. Browne [Footnote:
Browne's Travels. 2d edit. 4to. p. 354.] is generally supposed to be the
Niger; or at least to have a communication with that river. Now this is
exactly the course the Niger ought to take in order to join the Congo.
"4thly. The quantity of water discharged into the Atlantic by the Congo
cannot be accounted for on any other known principle, but that it is the
termination of the Niger. If the Congo derived its waters entirely from
the south side of the mountains which are supposed to form the Belt of
Africa, one would naturally suppose that when the rains were confined to
the north side of the mountains, the Congo, like the other rivers of
Africa, would be greatly diminished in size; and that its waters would
become pure. On the contrary, the waters of the Congo are at all
seasons thick and muddy. The breadth of the river when at its lowest
is one mile, its depth is fifty fathoms, and its velocity six miles
per hour.
"5thly. The annual flood of the Congo commences before any rains have
fallen south of the equator, and agree correctly with the floods of the
Niger, calculating the water to have flowed from Bambarra at the rate of
three miles per hour.
"Mr. Park is of opinion, that when your Lordship shall have duly weighed
the above reasons, you will be induced to conclude that his hopes of
returning by the Congo are not altogether fanciful; and that his
expedition, though attended with extreme danger, promises to be
productive of the utmost advantage to Great Britain.
"Considered in a commercial point of view, it is second only to the
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope; and in a geographical point of view,
it is certainly the greatest discovery that remains to be made in this
world.
"(Signed) MUNGO PARK."
The circumstance most deserving of attention in this Memoir, is the
opinion expressed respecting the course and termination of the Niger; a
geographical question of great difficulty and importance. In a treatise
written by Major Rennell expressly on the discoveries of Park, that
distinguished geographer, on comparing the various accounts of the
progress of the Niger beyond Houssa, had given a distinct opinion that
its waters had no communication either with the river Nile or the Sea;
but were spread out into a great lake in Wangara and Ghana, and were
evaporated by the heat of the sun. [Footnote: Proceedings of African
Association, vol. i. p. 533.] Park's attention had of course been much
directed to the same subject; and he had omitted no opportunity of
collecting information which might throw light on this obscure and
difficult question. During his residence in Scotland he had become
acquainted with a Mr. George Maxwell, formerly an African trader, who
had a great knowledge of the whole western coast of Africa, especially
south of the equator, and had published a chart of the river Congo.
Before Mr. Maxwell had heard any particulars of the Niger, many
circumstances had induced him to conjecture that the source of the Congo
lay considerably inland, and very far to the north. The publication of
Park's Travels confirmed him in his opinion, and led him to conclude
that the Congo and the Niger were one and the same stream. Mr. Maxwell's
reasonings appear to have produced a great impression upon Park, who
adopted his sentiments relative to the termination of the Niger in their
utmost extent, and persevered in that opinion to the end of his life.
The sources of great rivers have often been the object of popular and
even of scientific curiosity; but it is peculiar to the Niger to be
interesting on account of its termination. Those who recollect the
emotions which Park describes himself to have experienced during his
former journey, on the first view of that mighty river, [Footnote:
"While we were riding together, and I was anxiously looking around for
the river, one of the Negroes called out, Geo affilli (see the water);
and looking forwards, I saw with infinite pleasure, the great object of
my mission, the long sought for, majestic Niger, glittering to the
morning sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing slowly
to the eastward. I hastened to the brink and having drank of the
water, lifted up my fervent thanks in prayer to the great Ruler of all
things for having thus far crowned my endeavours with success." Park's
Travels, p. 194.] will be enabled to form some idea of the enthusiasm on
this subject which he intimates at the close of the foregoing Memoir,
and which was now become his ruling passion. Nor can we be surprised
that the question, respecting the termination of the Niger, associated
as it was, with so many personal feelings, had such entire possession of
Park's mind; since the subject itself, considered as a matter of
geographical enquiry, is one of the most interesting that can easily be
conceived. The idea of a great river, rising in the western mountains of
Africa and flowing towards the centre of that vast continent; whose
course in that direction is ascertained for a considerable distance,
beyond which information is silent, and speculation is left at large to
indulge in the wildest conjectures—has something of the unbounded and
mysterious, which powerfully attracts curiosity and takes a strong
hold of the imagination. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. IV.]
* * * * *
A short time after Park had delivered his Memoir at the Colonial Office,
he had an audience of Lord Camden, who expressed his general approbation
of its contents and acquainted him with the plan of the expedition, so
far as it was then determined upon. The amount of the compensation which
he was to receive for this service, was likewise agreed upon and settled
about the same time, with a commendable liberality on the part of
Government, and entirely to Park's satisfaction; and it was also very
properly stipulated that, in the event either of his dying before the
completion of the service, or of his not being heard of within a given
period after his setting out on the journey, a certain sum should be
paid by Government as a provision for his wife and family.
But before all the details of the plan were finally determined upon,
Park was desired by Lord Camden, to consult Major Rennell, and obtain
his opinion both with regard to the scheme and objects of the
expedition, and Park's own sentiments relative to the Niger, as stated
in his Memoir. For this purpose he went to Brighthelmston, where Major
Rennell then was, and remained with him several days; during which time,
the subjects proposed by Lord Camden were repeatedly discussed between
them. With respect to the supposition relative to the termination of the
Niger, Major Rennell was unconvinced by Park's reasonings, and declared
his adherence to the opinion he had formerly expressed with regard to
the course of that river. As to the plan of the intended expedition, he
was so much struck with the difficulties and dangers likely to attend
its execution, that he earnestly dissuaded Park from engaging in so
hazardous an enterprize. His arguments, urged with all the warmth and
sincerity of friendship, appear to have made a great impression upon
Park; and he took leave of Major Rennell with an apparent determination
to relinquish the undertaking. But this conviction was little more than
momentary, and ceased almost as soon as the influence and authority from
which it proceeded were withdrawn. On Park's return to London, his
enthusiasm revived; and all doubts and difficulties were at an end.
The doubts expressed by Major Rennell were of course, communicated by
Park to the Secretary of State; but, as he accompanied the communication
with his own answers and remarks, the objections were not deemed of
sufficient weight to produce any material change in the intended
arrangements.
It must be observed however with regard to the opinions both of Major
Rennell and other intelligent persons among Park's friends, who
disapproved of the expedition, that their objections appear for the most
part to have been too general and indiscriminate; proceeding perhaps too
much upon vague and indefinite ideas of the dangers which experience had
shewn to be incidental to such a journey, and being therefore equally
conclusive against any new attempt to explore the interior of Africa.
To these objections it may be sufficient to oppose the authority of Sir
Joseph Banks, who was of course much consulted by Park, and also by the
Secretary of State; and whose opinion on this subject appears to have
been equally temperate and judicious. Without in the least extenuating
the dangers of the intended expedition, which he regarded as one of the
most hazardous ever undertaken, he still thought that the dangers were
not greater than might reasonably be encountered for the sake of very
important objects; justly observing that it was only from similar risks
of human life that great geographical discoveries were in general to be
expected. The correctness of his opinion was sufficiently shewn by the
event; since it will hereafter appear that the failure of the
undertaking was owing rather to accidental circumstances than to any
defect in the original plan of the expedition itself.
After due consideration, it was at length finally determined that the
expedition should consist of Park himself, his brother in law Mr.
Alexander Anderson, who was to be next to Park in authority, and Mr.
George Scott, who was to act as a draftsman; together with a few boat
builders and artificers. They were not to be accompanied by any troops
from England; but were to be joined at Goree by a certain number of
soldiers of the African corps stationed in that garrison, who might be
disposed to volunteer for the service.
Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott, the associates of Park in this expedition,
were intelligent and excellent young men; the former a surgeon of
several years' experience, the latter an artist of very promising
talents. They were both of them friends and fellow countrymen of Park
(being natives of the county of Selkirk), and inspired by him with a
great ardour for the undertaking in which they were about to engage.
The expedition being thus limited as to its nature and objects, and
nothing more being necessary than to procure a proper assortment of
stores and commercial articles, and provide the means of conveying the
party with their small cargo to the coast of Africa; it was to be
expected that the mission might be sent out immediately, or with very
little delay. This indeed was an object of great importance, considering
the advanced time of the year; it being obvious that if the expedition
should be detained for any considerable time, it might have the effect
of postponing the journey into the interior to the period of the rainy
season, and thus perhaps, of rendering the whole plan abortive. Fully
aware of this danger, Park was anxious and earnest in his endeavours to
obtain the necessary orders from the several public departments. But,
partly from unforeseen circumstances, and partly from official forms and
the pressure of business deemed of greater importance, he was destined
to experience a long succession of delays; which, though certainly
unintentional, and perhaps in some degree unavoidable, were ultimately
productive of very unfortunate results. Nor was it till after waiting
two months, (a period of great uneasiness and mortification) that he
received his official instructions: after which nearly another month
elapsed before he could set sail from England.
The instructions given to Park were communicated to him in a Letter
addressed to him by the Secretary of State, in the following terms.
Downing-street, 2d January, 1805.
Sir,
"It being judged expedient that a small expedition should be sent into
the interior of Africa, with a view to discover and ascertain whether
any, and what commercial intercourse can be opened therein for the
mutual benefit of the natives and of His Majesty's subjects, I am
commanded by the King to acquaint you, that on account of the knowledge
you have acquired of the nations of Africa, and from the indefatigable
exertions and perseverance you displayed in your travels among them, His
Majesty has selected you for conducting this undertaking.
"For better enabling you to execute this service His Majesty has granted
you the brevet commission of a captain in Africa, and has also granted a
similar commission of lieutenant to Mr. Alexander Anderson, whom you
have recommended as a proper person to accompany you. Mr. Scott has also
been selected to attend you as draftsman. You are hereby empowered to
enlist with you for this expedition any number you think proper of the
garrison at Goree, not exceeding forty-five, which the commandant of
that Island will be ordered to place under your command, giving them
such bounties or encouragement, as may be necessary to induce them
cheerfully to join with you on the expedition.
"And you are hereby authorised to engage by purchase or otherwise, such
a number of black artificers at Goree as you shall judge necessary for
the objects you have in view.
"You are to be conveyed to Goree in a transport convoyed by His
Majesty's sloop Eugenie, which will be directed to proceed with you in
the first instance to St. Jago, in order that you may there purchase
fifty asses for carrying your baggage.
"When you shall have prepared whatever may be necessary for securing the
objects of the expedition at Goree, you are to proceed up the river
Gambia; and thence crossing over to the Senegal to march by such route
as you shall find most eligible, to the banks of the Niger.
"The great object of your journey will be to pursue the course of this
river to the utmost possible distance to which it can be traced; to
establish communication and intercourse with the different nations on
the banks; to obtain all the local knowledge in your power respecting
them; and to ascertain the various points stated in the Memoir which you
delivered to me on the 4th of October last.
"And you will be then at liberty to pursue your route homewards by any
line you shall think most secure, either by taking a new direction
through the Interior towards the Atlantic, or by marching upon Cairo by
taking the route leading to Tripoli.
"You are hereby empowered to draw for any sum that you may be in want
of, not exceeding £5000. upon the Lords of His Majesty's Treasury, or
upon such mercantile banking-house in London as you may fix upon.
"I am, &c.
"CAMDEN.
"To Mungo Park, Esq.
&c. &c. &c."
The preparations for the expedition being now entirely completed, Park,
together with Mr. Anderson and Mr. Scott, proceeded to Portsmouth, where
they were joined by four or five artificers, from the dock-yards
appointed for the service; and after waiting some time for a wind, they
at last set sail in the Crescent transport, on the 30th of January,
1805, and arrived at Port Praya Bay in the Cape Verd Islands about the
8th of March. The transactions of Park from the time of his embarkation
in England to his departure from Kayee on the Gambia for the Interior of
Africa (a period of about seven weeks) will be best described by the
following letters, and extracts selected from his correspondence.
To Mr. Dickson
Port Praya Bay, St. Jago, March 13, 1805.
"We have had a very tedious passage to this place, having been pestered
with contrary winds, strong gales, and French privateers. We have all of
us kept our health remarkably well, considering the very great change of
climate. Mr. Anderson has the rheumatism in his knee, but is getting
better. Mr. Scott is off this morning for the Interior of the Island, to
take sketches; and as soon as I have finished this letter I am going on
shore to finish my purchase of asses. I bought all the corn, &c. last
night, and twenty-four asses, and I shall purchase thirty-two more to
day; so you see we shall not be detained here. We shall have taken in
all the water today, and the first division of the asses will come on
board to-morrow. We expect to sail for Goree on Saturday or Sunday.
"I have been so much employed that I have had no time as yet to look
after plants; indeed this seems a very unfavourable season of the year
for natural history, the whole country being quite dry and withered. I
have collected some observations on the present state of the Cape Verd
Islands, which I will send home by the sloop of war.
"If Sir Joseph enquires after me, tell him that I am going on as well as
I could wish; and if I have as little trouble at Goree as I am likely to
have here, I hope to be able to date a letter from the Niger by the 4th
of June."
To Mrs. Park.
Goree, 4th April, 1805.
"I have just now learnt that an American ship sails from this place for
England in a few days; and I readily embrace the opportunity of sending
a letter to my dearest wife. We have all of us kept our health very well
ever since our departure from England. Alexander had a touch of the
rheumatism at St. Jago, but is now quite recovered; he danced several
country dances at the ball last night. George Scott is also in good
health and spirits. I wrote to you from St. Jago, which letter I hope
you received. We left that place on the 21st of March, and arrived here
with the asses on the 28th. Almost every soldier in the Garrison,
volunteered to go with me; and with the Governor's assistance I have
chosen a guard of the best men in the place. So lightly do the people
here think of the danger attending the undertaking, that I have been
under the necessity of refusing several military and naval officers who
volunteered to accompany me. We shall sail for Gambia on Friday or
Saturday. I am happy to learn that Karfa, my old friend, is at present
at Jonkakonda; and I am in hopes we shall be able to hire him to go with
us.
"We have as yet been extremely fortunate, and have got our business both
at St. Jago and this place finished with great success: and I have
hopes, almost to certainty, that Providence will so dispose the tempers
and passions of the inhabitants of this quarter of the world, that we
shall be enabled to slide through much more smoothly than you expect.
"I need not tell you how often I think about you; your own feelings will
enable you to judge of that. The hopes of spending the remainder of my
life with my wife and children will make every thing seem easy; and you
may be sure I will not rashly risk my life, when I know that your
happiness, and the welfare of my young ones depend so much upon it. I
hope my Mother does not torment herself with unnecessary fears about me.
I sometimes fancy how you and she will be meeting misfortune half way,
and placing me in many distressing situations. I have as yet experienced
nothing but success, and I hope that six months more will end the whole
as I wish."
"P.S. We have taken a ride this morning about twelve miles into the
country. Alexander is much pleased with it; the heat is moderate, and
the country healthy at present."
To Edward Cooke, Esq. Under Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department.
Jillifree, River Gambia,
April 9th, 1805.
"Sir,
"It is with great pleasure that I embrace this opportunity of sending
you a general account of our proceedings since leaving England.
"We had a very tedious passage to the Cape Verd Islands, being detained
by storms and contrary winds in the Bay of Biscay, so that we did not
reach St. Jago till the 8th of March. I immediately set about purchasing
the asses, corn, hay, &c. and succeeded so well that on the 18th I had
embarked forty-four asses with plenty of corn and hay. The master of the
transport declared that he could not receive any more consistently with
the safety of the vessel. We sailed for Goree on the 21st. While we were
getting under way, six English ships of the line, one of them a three
decker, came into the Bay. They did not hail us; one of them had an
Admiral's blue flag at the mizen.
"We made the coast of Africa on the 25th, and anchored in Goree roads on
the morning of the 28th. I immediately went on shore, and having
delivered the dispatches to Major Lloyd, consulted with him respecting
the proper encouragement to be offered to the troops. We agreed that
nothing would be so great an inducement as double pay during the
journey, and a discharge on their return. A Garrison order to this
effect was accordingly made out; and in the course of a few days almost
every soldier in the Garrison had volunteered his services. Lieutenant
Martyn of the Royal Artillery Corps having likewise volunteered, I
thought it would be of consequence to have an officer who was acquainted
with the men, and who could assist me in choosing such as were best able
to stand fatigue. I therefore accepted his services on the conditions
mentioned in Lord Camden's letter. Captain Shortland, of the Squirrel
Frigate, has allowed two of his best seamen to go with me as volunteers
in order to assist in rigging and navigating our Nigritian Men of War.
I have given them the same encouragement as the soldiers, and have had
the four carpenters whom I brought from England attested, in order to
put the whole under the same discipline and regulations.
"On the morning of the 6th of April we embarked the soldiers, in number
thirty-five men. They jumped into the boats in the highest spirits, and
bade adieu to Goree with repeated huzzas. I believe that every man in
the Garrison would have embarked with great cheerfulness; but no
inducement could prevail on a single Negro to accompany me. I must
therefore trust to the Gambia for interpreters, and I expect to be able
to hire or purchase three or four in going up the river. I will send a
particular account of all money matters by the return of the Transport."
MUNGO PARK.
To Sir Joseph Banks.
Kayee, River Gambia,
April 26th, 1805.
"My Dear Friend,
"I know that you will be pleased to hear that I am in good health, and
going forwards with as much success as I could reasonably expect. In my
letter to Lord Camden, I have given a short statement of my transactions
since I left England, which I have requested his Lordship to shew to
you. By that you will see that I have had but little time to attend to
objects of natural history; but lest you should think that I have
neglected this pursuit entirely, I have sent a few specimens in a trunk,
which I hope will come safe; the most remarkable are,
"1st. The Fang jani, or self-burning tree of Gambia. This grows
plentifully on the banks of the Gambia betwixt Yanimaroo and Kayee, and
no where else. It is certainly burnt by some internal process, of which
I am ignorant. Few of the natives have seen it actually burning; but
every person who has sailed up the Gambia will allow that these bushes
are burnt in places where no human being could set them on fire, and
where the grass around them was not burnt. I have sent you a burnt
stump, two tops, and a fruit.
"2d. The Kino, (so called by the natives), a branch and fruit of the
original gum kino tree and a paper of the real gum; none of this gum is
at present exported from Gambia, though it might be collected in some
quantity.
"3d. The Tribo, a root with which the natives dye their leather of a
yellow colour. It is not in flower at this season. [Footnote: See
Appendix, No. V.]
"The wars which at present prevail in Bondou and Kasson, have prevented
the merchants from bringing down the Shea butter; otherwise I would
have sent you a pot of it. I have sent you as a specimen of African
manufactures, a Mandingo cloth dyed from the leaves of the indigo,
half a dozen small pots, and some Lefa's or calabash covers. I regret
that I have not been able to procure any Bondou Frankincense.—Give my
compliments to Major Rennell, and tell him that I hope to be able to
correct my former errors. The course of the Gambia is certainly not so
long as is laid down in the charts. The watch goes so correctly that I
will measure Africa by feet and inches.
"In case any unfavourable reports should be raised respecting the
termination of our journey, I request that you will endeavour as much as
you can to prevent them from finding their way into the newspapers, or
by any other manner reaching the ears of my dear wife and mother."
To Mrs. Park.
Kayee, River Gambia, April 26, 1805.
"I have been busy these three days in making preparations for our
journey, and I feel rather uneasy when I think that I can receive no
letters from you till I return to England; but you may depend on this,
that I will avail myself of every opportunity of writing to you, though
from the very nature of the undertaking these opportunities will be but
few. We set off for the Interior tomorrow morning; and I assure you,
that whatever the issue of the present journey may be, every thing looks
favourable. We have been successful thus far, beyond my highest
expectations.
"The natives instead of being frightened at us, look on us as their best
friends, and the kings have not only granted us protection, but sent
people to go before us. The soldiers are in the highest spirits; and as
many of them (like me) have left a wife and family in England, they are
happy to embrace this opportunity of returning. They never think about
difficulties; and I am confident, if there was occasion for it, that
they would defeat any number of Negroes that might come against us; but
of this we have not the most distant expectation. The King of Kataba
(the most powerful King in Gambia) visited us on board the Crescent on
the 20th and 21st; he has furnished us with a messenger to conduct us
safely to the King of Woolli.
"I expect to have an opportunity of writing to you from Konkodoo or
Bammakoo, by some of the slave traders; but as they travel very slowly,
I may probably have returned to the coast before any of my letters have
reached Goree; at any rate, you need not be surprised if you should not
hear from me for some months; nay, so uncertain is the communication
between Africa and England, that perhaps the next news you may hear, may
be my arrival in the latter, which I still think will be in the month of
December. If we have to go round by the West Indies, it will take us two
months more; but as Government has given me an unlimited credit, if a
vessel is coming direct, I shall of course take a passage in her. I have
enjoyed excellent health, and have great hopes to bring this expedition
to a happy conclusion. In five weeks from the date of this letter the
worst part of the journey will be over. Kiss all my dear children for
me, and let them know that their father loves them."
In a letter to Mr. Dickson dated Kayee, April 26th, 1805, the day before
his embarkation, Park writes as follows;
"Every thing, at present, looks as favourable as I could wish, and if
all things go well, this day six weeks I expect to drink all your
healths in the water of the Niger. The soldiers are in good health and
spirits. They are the most dashing men I ever saw; and if they
preserve their health, we may keep ourselves perfectly secure from any
hostile attempt on the part of the natives. I have little doubt but that
I shall be able with presents and fair words to pass through the country
to the Niger; and if once we are fairly afloat, the day is won.—Give
my kind regards to Sir Joseph and Mr. Greville; and if they should think
that I have paid too little attention to natural objects, you may
mention that I had forty men and forty-two asses to look after, besides
the constant trouble of packing and weighing bundles, palavering with
the Negroes, and laying plans for our future success. I never was so
busy in my life."
On reading this correspondence it is impossible not to be struck with
the satisfaction expressed by Park, and the confidence with which he
appears to have looked forward to a favourable termination of his
journey. Yet in reality nothing could be much less promising than his
actual situation and prospects at the time of writing these letters.
The detachment of the Royal African Corps, which was to escort the
expedition, consisted of a Lieutenant and thirty-five privates. It was
not to be expected that troops of a very superior quality could be
furnished from a regiment which had been serving for any considerable
time at a tropical station, such as Goree. But there is too much reason
to believe that the men selected on the present occasion,
notwithstanding the favourable opinion of them expressed by Park, and
although they were the best that the Garrison could supply, were below
the ordinary standard even of troops of this description; and that they
were extremely deficient both in constitutional strength and vigour, and
in those habits of sobriety, steadiness and good discipline which such a
service peculiarly required.
But besides the indifferent quality of the troops, there was another and
more serious cause of alarm, from the unfavourable period at which,
owing to a series of unforeseen delays, Park found himself obliged to
enter on this expedition. This he was about to do, not actually during
the rainy season; but with a great probability of being overtaken by it
in the course of his journey; and with a positive certainty of
encountering in the mean time, not only the great tropical heats, but
also the tornadoes, or hurricanes, which always precede and follow the
rainy season. These hurricanes, of which no idea can be formed from the
experience of our temperate climates, occur more frequently, and with
greater violence as the rainy period approaches; and are attended with
considerable inconvenience, and occasionally with danger, to caravans
travelling at that season.
Whatever might be the opinion of Park as to the quality of his troops,
of which he appears to have formed a very erroneous estimate, he must at
least have been fully aware of the disadvantage arising from the near
approach of the great tropical rains. But his situation was critical;
and he had only a choice of difficulties. He might either attempt (what
he might perhaps consider as being just possible) to reach the Niger
before the rainy season should be completely set in; or he might
postpone his journey till the return of the proper season for
travelling, which would be in November or December following. The event
has shewn that he would have acted more wisely in deferring the
expedition. But the motives which might lead him to a contrary
determination, were obvious and powerful; and will be found, on the
whole, sufficient for the justification of his conduct. He must
naturally have considered that the postponement of the expedition for
seven months, besides being in the greatest degree irksome both to
himself and the companions of his journey, would occasion a great
additional expense, and disappoint the expectations of Government; and
he might perhaps entertain doubts, since the case was not provided for
by his official instructions, whether he should altogether escape
censure, if he should postpone his journey for so long a period, under
any circumstances much short of a positive and undoubted necessity.
In this difficult situation, he adopted that alternative which was most
congenial to his character and feelings; and having once formed this
resolution, he adhered to it with tranquillity and firmness; dismissing
from his own mind all doubts and apprehensions, or at least effectually
concealing them, from the companions of his journey, and from his
friends and correspondents in England.
* * * * *
For the particulars of this second expedition, the reader must be
referred to the Journal now published, which commences from this period.
But in order to give a general view of the extent of Park's labours, it
may be useful on this, as on the former occasion, to note the more
important dates, and some of the principal circumstances of the journey.
The persons composing the expedition, being assembled at Kayee, a small
town on the Gambia a little below Pisania, Park engaged a Mandingo
priest, named Isaaco, who was also a travelling merchant and much
accustomed to long inland journies, to serve as the guide to his
caravan. On the 27th of April 1805, he took his departure from Kayee,
and arrived in two days at Pisania, from whence he had set out for the
interior of Africa nearly ten years before. Some of the practical
difficulties of the march were apparent during this short journey: and
he found it necessary to stop at Pisania six days (a delay which must
have been highly inconvenient), to purchase additional beasts of burden,
and make other arrangements for the expedition.
He quitted Kayee on the 4th of May, and arrived on the 11th at Madina,
the capital of the kingdom of Woolli. The effects of the season had
already become apparent; two of the soldiers having fallen ill of the
dysentery on the 8th. On the 15th he arrived on the banks of the Gambia;
and about this time lost one of his soldiers, by an epilepsy.
On the 26th, the caravan experienced a singular accident (almost
unintelligible to an European) from the attack of a large swarm of bees;
in consequence of which, besides that many of the people were most
severely stung, seven of their beasts of burden perished or were lost;
and owing to an accidental fire which was kindled in the confusion, the
whole baggage was near being burnt. For half an hour it seemed as if the
bees had put an end to the expedition. [Footnote: A similar accident
from an attack of bees, though much less serious than the present, was
witnessed by Park in his journey with the caravan of slaves from Kamalia
to the Gambia, and is described in his Travels, p. 331.]
On the 28th of May, Park arrived at Badoo, where he mentions having had
an opportunity of sending two letters to England by way of the Gambia.
These letters were addressed to Sir Joseph Banks and Mrs. Park; and are
as follows.
To Sir Joseph Banks.
Badoo, near Tambacunda, May 28th, 1805.
"A Slatee is going from this place in a few hours for the Gambia, and I
have hired him to stop his asses till I write a few lines. We have had
as prosperous an expedition thus far, as I could have expected; a short
abridgement of our journey will serve to shew where we are.
[Here follow the names of the places where the caravan rested each
night; the particulars of which are fully detailed in the Journal.]
"We are going this evening to Tambacunda. You must not imagine, my dear
friend, from this hasty sketch that I have neglected astronomical
observations; I have observed the latitude every two or three days, and
have observed three eclipses of Jupiter's Satellites, which settle the
longitude, by the help of the watch, to the nearest mile. I saw plenty
of Shea trees yesterday for the first time since my return to Africa,
the fruit being not yet ripe. The course of the Gambia is laid down on
my chart too much to the south; I have ascertained nearly its whole
course. I find that my former journeys on foot were underrated; some of
them surprise myself, when I trace the same road on horseback.
Sibikillin is 36' East of where it is laid down on the chart. I propose
sending an abridged account of my day's transactions from Baniserile, to
Lord Camden; but I request that nothing may be published till I return
to England. A short time will decide the matter.
"I expect to reach the Niger on the 27th of June. You must excuse this
hasty scrawl, as it is only meant to let you know that I am still alive
and going forward in my journey. Please to let Mrs. Dickson know that I
am well."
To Mrs. Park,
Badoo, 29th May, 1805.
"I am happy to inform you that we are half through our journey without
the smallest accident or unpleasant circumstance. We all of us keep our
health, and are on the most friendly terms with the natives. I have seen
many of my old acquaintances, and am every where well received. By the
27th of June we expect to have finished all our travels by land; and
when we have once got afloat on the river, we shall conclude that we are
embarking for England. I have never had the smallest sickness; and
Alexander is quite free from all his stomach complaints.
"The bearer of this to the Gambia is waiting with his asses for a few
minutes only; you will therefore inform all friends that we are well and
going on prosperously. I see no reason to think that our stay in the
Interior will be longer than I first mentioned.
"We carry our own victuals with us, and live very well; in fact we have
only had a pleasant journey, and yet this is what we thought would be
the worst part of it.
"I will indulge the hope that my wife, children, and all friends are
well. I am in great hopes of finishing this journey with credit in a few
months; and then with what joy shall I turn my face towards home! The
Slatee is impatient for the letter; and I have only time to subscribe
myself, &c."
Notwithstanding these letters, it is evident from Park's Journal that
his situation was now very critical. The tornadoes had begun to be
frequent; and a few days afterwards it became quite apparent that the
rainy season was seriously setting in, before the journey to the Niger
was more than half completed. The effect produced on the health of the
soldiers by a violent rain on the 10th of June, was almost
instantaneous; twelve of them at once were dangerously ill, and from
this time the great mortality commenced, which was ultimately fatal to
the expedition.
At Shrondo, in the kingdom of Dentila, where the caravan shortly
afterwards arrived, there are considerable gold mines; and the journal
contains a minute and interesting description both of the manner of
collecting the metal, and of the country in which it is found.
After quitting Shrondo, Park mentions that on the 12th of June, in
consequence of a very sudden tornado, they were forced to carry their
bundles into the huts of the natives, being the first time that the
caravan had entered a town since leaving the Gambia. Considering the
climate and season, this slight circumstance is alone a sufficient
proof of the hardships which must have been sustained by Europeans
during such a journey.
At Dindikoo beyond Shrondo, Park was much struck with the beauty and
magnificence of that mountainous tract of country, as well as with the
degree in which it was cultivated and the comparatively happy condition
of the inhabitants. Proceeding a little farther, he quitted the track he
had hitherto followed, by which he had formerly returned from Kamalia to
the Gambia; and directed his course towards the north-east, with a view
probably of avoiding the Jallonka Wilderness. But the difficulties of
travelling were now become extreme; partly from the nature of the
country, but principally from the increasing prevalence of the disease
produced by the continued rains.
On the 4th of July he was near losing Isaaco, his guide; who in crossing
a river was twice attacked by a crocodile, and saved himself by
extraordinary presence of mind, though not without some very severe
wounds. This accident detained the caravan several days, and added to
the numerous delays which had so unfortunately impeded the expedition.
Several of the soldiers had died during the course of the journey; and
on the 6th of July the whole number of persons composing the caravan
(except one) were either actually sick, or in a state of great debility.
Yet he still had considerable difficulties to encounter, in traversing a
country, where he was obliged to be constantly on the watch against the
depredations of the inhabitants, and occasionally, the attacks of wild
beasts. Under such circumstances it is not wonderful that the few
soldiers, not disabled by sickness, fell back; and it was with great
difficulty that any of them could be prevailed on to continue their
march. After a series of dangers and sufferings, such as have been
experienced by few travellers, he at length reached the Niger (at
Bambakoo, where the river begins to be navigable) on the 19th of August
1805.
This was more than seven weeks beyond the time, upon which he had
calculated when he quitted the Gambia; and the effects of this
protracted march, which had carried him far into the rainy season, were
unfortunately but too apparent. Of the Europeans who composed the
expedition, consisting of about forty at the time of quitting the
Gambia, there were now only eleven survivors. Of these the principal
persons, besides Park, namely Mr. Anderson, Mr. Scott, and Lieutenant
Martyn, were all more or less affected by the disease; the two former
very seriously, and Mr. Scott, in particular, to so great a degree that
he had been obliged to remain behind, and died shortly afterwards
without reaching the Niger.
It was fortunate that Park's health had hitherto been very slightly
affected, since the whole burden of the expedition evidently rested upon
him. He not only directed all the great movements of the caravan, but
superintended its minutest details, and was foremost on all occasions
requiring physical strength and great personal exertions. In these
arduous services both of body and mind, Mr. Anderson and his other
associates, who might have been expected to share in his labours, were
incapable of rendering him any useful assistance; and by their continued
ill health, contributed in no small degree to the anxiety and
embarrassments attending the expedition.
Being thus arrived at the Niger, he embarked upon that river on the 21st
of August, and the following day reached Marraboo; from whence he
shortly afterwards dispatched Isaaco to Sego, the capital of Bambarra,
to negociate with Mansong the sovereign, for a free passage through his
dominions and for such other facilities as might enable him to prosecute
his journey into the interior. He remained at Marraboo, waiting Isaaco's
return; and in the mean time was seized with the dysentery, which had
been fatal to so many of his followers; but saved himself by a bold and
vigorous course of medicine, which, aided by the great strength of his
constitution, restored him to health very speedily.
After much negociation and many difficulties with Mansong's ministers,
he was at first permitted to go to Samee in the neighbourhood of Sego,
and afterwards to Sansanding; in order to build a vessel and make
preparations for his voyage down the Niger. In this negociation, which
is fully detailed in the Journal, Park appears to much advantage. His
speech to Mansong's messengers, explaining the purpose and objects of
his expedition into Africa, is distinguished by great propriety and good
sense; and affords a very favourable specimen of his talents for such
transactions. [Footnote: Journal, p. 151.]
It may be recollected that when Park arrived at Sego during his former
journey, Mansong sent him a present of five thousand cowries, but
refused to admit him into his presence, and gave directions that he
should immediately depart from that city. [Footnote: Park's Travels, p.
199.] This conduct in a sovereign apparently tolerant and liberal, was
very reasonably attributed by Park to an apprehension on the part of
Mansong, that he should be unable to protect him against the inveterate
malice of his Moorish subjects. There is every reason to think that
Mansong, on the present occasion, was actuated by similar feelings;
since he neither saw Park, nor expressed any desire to see him; and his
whole conduct, both during the negociation and afterwards, indicated
great coldness and reserve. It appears also that many rumours
unfavourable to the mission were industriously circulated; and that
great jealousies, stimulated both by religious bigotry and the
apprehension of commercial rivalship, were excited against Park among
the Moorish inhabitants of Sego and Sansanding.
The anxiety and suspense produced in Park's mind by these rumours, were
in some degree removed by the arrival of Bookari, the singing man or
bard of Mansong, with six canoes, being commissioned to attend him to
the neighbourhood of Sego. Under this escort, he embarked at Marraboo on
the 13th of September; and notwithstanding the unsatisfactory state of
his affairs, his mind was sufficiently at ease to receive great delight
from this short voyage down the Niger. "Nothing," he says, "can be more
beautiful than the views of this immense river; sometimes as smooth as a
mirror; at other times ruffled by a gentle breeze; but at all times
wafting us along at the rate of six or seven miles an hour." [Footnote:
Journal, p. 148] After the indifference shewn towards him by Mansong, he
thought it not prudent to visit Sego; but went on to Sansanding, a place
a little eastwards of Sego on the banks of the Niger, containing about
ten thousand inhabitants. Here Park remained the greater part of two
months, and traded to a considerable extent; and as this was the first
African town distant from the coast, at which he had an opportunity of
residing, he had the means of obtaining much information; which if it
could be communicated to the public, would probably form an important
addition to our knowledge of the internal state of Africa.
Fortunately the information thus acquired has not been entirely lost to
the world; a few particulars, the fruit of his active and intelligent
curiosity, still remain. The view which Park has given of the trade and
population of Sansanding, must be considered as the most original and
valuable part of his Journal. The information which he has collected
concerning prices, is new in its kind, and in several points of view,
highly curious and important. But there are other circumstances, which
must strike every intelligent reader as being more peculiarly
interesting and instructive; the existence of regular markets; the
division of labour, appearing from the establishment of distinct
branches of trade; the variety of articles exposed to sale; and the
great extent of commercial transactions. These facts imply that industry
is protected, and property in a certain degree secure; and fully confirm
Park's former statements with regard to the comparative civilization and
improvement of the interior of Africa.
One of Park's principal objects at Sansanding was to provide a proper
vessel for his farther navigation down the Niger; and it was with great
difficulty that he procured two indifferent and decayed canoes; from
which by the labour of his own hands, with some assistance from one of
the surviving soldiers, he constructed a flat-bottomed vessel, to which
he gave the magnificent title of His Majesty's schooner the Joliba.
Previously to this time, Park had received intelligence of the death of
Mr. Scott, whom he had been obliged to leave at Koomikoomi, on his march
towards the Niger; and now whilst he was employed in building his
vessel, he had to lament the loss of his friend Mr. Anderson, who died
on the 28th of October, after a lingering illness of four months. He
speaks of this severe blow in his Journal very shortly, but in a strain
of natural eloquence, flowing evidently from the heart, "No event," he
says, "during the journey, ever threw the smallest gloom over his mind
till he laid Mr. Anderson in the grave; he then felt himself as if left
a second time lonely and friendless amidst the wilds of Africa."
[Footnote: Journal, p. 163.]
Fancy can hardly picture a situation more perilous than that of Park at
this time, nor an enterprise more utterly hopeless than that which he
was now to undertake. Of the Europeans who had accompanied him from the
Gambia, Lieutenant Martyn and three soldiers (one of them in a state of
mental derangement) were all who now survived. He was about to embark on
a vast and unknown river, which might possibly terminate in some great
lake or inland sea, at an immense distance from the coast; but which he
hoped and believed would conduct him to the shores of the Atlantic,
after a course of considerably more than three thousand miles, through
the midst of savage nations, and probably also after a long succession
of rapids, lakes, and cataracts. This voyage, one of the most formidable
ever attempted, was to be undertaken in a crazy and ill appointed
vessel, manned by a few Negroes and four Europeans!
On the 16th of November the schooner being completed, and every
preparation made for the voyage, Park put the finishing hand to his
Journal; and in the course of the succeeding days previous to the
embarkation, which appears to have taken place on the 19th, he wrote
letters to his father-in-law, Mr. Anderson, Sir Joseph Banks, Lord
Camden, and Mrs. Park. Those addressed to the three latter, being the
most interesting, are here inserted at length, and cannot be read
without considerable interest. They all of them bear strong traces of
that deliberate courage without effort or ostentation, which
distinguished his whole conduct; and his letter to Lord Camden breathes
a generous spirit of self-devotion, highly expressive of the character
and feelings of the writer.
To Sir Joseph Banks.
Sansanding, November 16, 1805.
"MY DEAR FRIEND,
"I should be wanting in gratitude, if I did not avail myself of every
opportunity of informing you how I have succeeded in this enterprise. I
have sent an account of each day's proceeding to Lord Camden, and have
requested his Lordship to send it to you for your perusal.
"With respect to my future views, it is my intention to keep the middle
of the river, and make the best use I can of winds and currents till I
reach the termination of this mysterious stream. I have hired a guide to
go with me to Kashna; he is a native of Kasson, but one of the
greatest travellers in this part of Africa, having visited Miniana,
Kong, Baedoo, Gotto, and Cape Corse Castle to the South, and
Tombuctoo, Houssa, Nyffe, Kashna, and Bornou towards the East. He says
that the Niger, after it passes Kashna, runs directly to the right hand,
or the South; he never heard of any person who had seen its termination;
and is certain that it does not end any where in the vicinity of Kashna
or Bornou, having resided some time in both these kingdoms.
"He says our voyage to Kashna will occupy two months; that we touch on
the Moors no where but at Tombuctoo; the north bank of the river in all
other places being inhabited by a race of people resembling the Moors in
colour, called Surka, Mahinga, and Tuarick, according to the different
kingdoms they inhabit. I have as yet had only two conversations with my
guide, and they were chiefly occupied in adjusting money matters; but I
have no doubt that I shall find him a very useful fellow traveller.
"I have purchased some fresh Shea nuts, which I intend taking with me
to the West Indies, as we shall probably have to go there on our way
home. I expect that we shall reach the sea in three months from this;
and if we are lucky enough to find a vessel, we shall lose no time on
the coast. But at all events you will probably hear from me; as I mean
to write from Kashna by my guide, and endeavour to hire some of the
merchants to carry a letter to the north from that place. With best
wishes for your health and prosperity I am, &c."
"P. S. Have the goodness to remember me most kindly to my friend Major
Rennell."
To the Earl Camden, One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of
State, &c. &c. &c.
On board of H. M. Schooner Joliba,
at anchor off Sansanding,
November 17, 1805.
"MY LORD,
"I have herewith sent you an account of each day's proceedings since we
left Kayee. Many of the incidents related are in themselves extremely
trifling; but are intended to recall to my recollection (if it pleases
God to restore me again to my dear native land) other particulars
illustrative of the manners and customs of the natives, which would have
swelled this bulky communication to a most unreasonable size.
"Your Lordship will recollect that I always spoke of the rainy season
with horror, as being extremely fatal to Europeans; and our journey from
the Gambia to the Niger will furnish a melancholy proof of it.
"We had no contest whatever with the natives, nor was any one of us
killed by wild animals or any other accidents; and yet I am sorry to say
that of forty-four Europeans who left the Gambia in perfect health, five
only are at present alive, viz. three soldiers (one deranged in his
mind) Lieutenant Martyn, and myself.
"From this account I am afraid that your Lordship will be apt to
consider matters as in a very hopeless state; but I assure you I am far
from desponding. With the assistance of one of the soldiers I have
changed a large canoe into a tolerably good schooner, on board of which
I this day hoisted the British flag, and shall set sail to the east with
the fixed resolution to discover the termination of the Niger or perish
in the attempt. I have heard nothing that I can depend on respecting the
remote course of this mighty stream; but I am more and more inclined to
think that it can end no where but in the sea.
"My dear friend Mr. Anderson and likewise Mr. Scott are both dead; but
though all the Europeans who are with me should die, and though I were
myself half dead, I would still persevere; and if I could not succeed in
the object of my journey, I would at last die on the Niger.
"If I succeed in the object of my journey, I expect to be in England in
the month of May or June by way of the West Indies.
"I request that your Lordship will have the goodness to permit my friend
Sir Joseph Banks to peruse the abridged account of my proceedings, and
that it may be preserved, in case I should lose my papers.
"I have the honour to be, &c."
To Mrs. Park.
Sansanding, 19th November, 1805.
"It grieves me to the heart to write any thing that may give you
uneasiness; but such is the will of him who doeth all things well!
Your brother Alexander, my dear friend, is no more! He died of the fever
at Sansanding, on the morning of the 28th of October; for particulars I
must refer you to your father.
"I am afraid that, impressed with a woman's fears and the anxieties of a
wife, you may be led to consider my situation as a great deal worse than
it really is. It is true, my dear friends, Mr. Anderson and George
Scott, have both bid adieu to the things of this world; and the greater
part of the soldiers have died on the march during the rainy season; but
you may believe me, I am in good health. The rains are completely over,
and the healthy season has commenced, so that there is no danger of
sickness; and I have still a sufficient force to protect me from any
insult in sailing down the river, to the sea.
"We have already embarked all our things, and shall sail the moment I
have finished this letter. I do not intend to stop or land any where,
till we reach the coast: which I suppose will be some time in the end of
January. We shall then embark in the first vessel for England. If we
have to go round by the West Indies, the voyage will occupy three months
longer; so that we expect to be in England on the first of May. The
reason of our delay since we left the coast was the rainy season, which
came on us during the journey; and almost all the soldiers became
affected with the fever.
"I think it not unlikely but I shall be in England before you receive
this—You may be sure that I feel happy at turning my face towards home.
We this morning have done with all intercourse with the natives; and the
sails are now hoisting for our departure for the coast."
* * * * *
Here all authentic information concerning Park unfortunately terminates.
His letters and Journal were brought by Isaaco to the Gambia, and
transmitted from thence to England. For some time nothing farther was
heard of the expedition; but in the course of the year 1806 unfavourable
accounts were brought by the native traders from the interior of Africa
to the British settlements on the coast; and it was currently reported,
but upon no distinct authority, that Park and his companions were
killed. These rumours increasing, and no intelligence of Park being
received, Lieutenant Colonel Maxwell, then Governor of Senegal (at
present Governor of Sierra Leone), obtained permission from Government
to send a proper person to ascertain the truth of the reports; and he
was fortunate enough to engage Isaaco, Park's guide, to go upon this
mission.
Isaaco left Senegal in January 1810, and was absent about twenty months.
He returned on the 1st of September 1811, with a full confirmation of
the reports concerning Park's death. As the result of his enquiries into
this subject, he delivered to the Governor a Journal of his whole
proceedings kept by himself in the Arabic language, including another
Journal which he had received from Amadi Fatouma, the guide who had
accompanied Park from Sansanding down the Niger. A translation of this
singular document was made at Senegal by the directions of Colonel
Maxwell, and transmitted by him to the Secretary of State for the
Colonial Department.
On the subject of this Journal, so far as it immediately relates to
Park's death, very few remarks will be necessary. Being originally
written by a native African, and translated by some person who probably
had but a moderate knowledge of the Arabian dialect in which it is
composed, it is far from being always clear or even intelligible; and in
the state in which it now appears, it is open to much observation.
Neither indeed can it be considered in itself as a document of a very
authentic or satisfactory description. But the account which it gives of
Park's death appears on the whole to be probable and consistent; and is
so far corroborated by other circumstances as to leave no reasonable
doubt with regard to the fact. [Footnote: The genuine travelling Journal
of a native African Merchant may in some respects be considered as
interesting, simply from the circumstance of its singularity. But it
must be acknowledged that for the mere purpose of gratifying curiosity
very few specimens of Isaaco would have been sufficient. The sole reason
for publishing such a document at full length, is the circumstance of
its containing the only direct evidence of Park's death. In every other
point of view it is wholly destitute of interest, and cannot even be
read through, without a strong effort; being inconceivably tedious, and
having all the dry minuteness of a log book, without its valuable
precision. There is great confusion as to places and times; and it is
possible only in a very few cases, to identify the former by reference
to the names of places given by Park. Incidents the most trifling are
related exactly in the same tone and manner as those of the greatest
importance. The account of Park's death is given with more details, and
the story is not ill told. But some of the facts are very questionable;
and the circumstance of Park and Lieutenant Martyn leaping hand in hand
with the soldiers into the river, is much too theatrical to be
literally true.—What is most incredible, is the description of the
place where the event happened, which is stated to be an opening in a
rock "in the form of a door," forming the only passage for the water; a
fact so strange, that (if it were worth while to conjecture) one might
suspect an error in the translation.]
It is true that the proof of Park's death according to this Journal,
depends entirely upon the statement of Amadi Fatouma; but the nature of
the case admits of no other direct evidence; and some regard must be had
to the opinion of Isaaco, considered by Colonel Maxwell as a person
entitled to a certain degree of credit, who, after full investigation,
was satisfied as to the truth of Amadi's account. It may be observed
also, as a circumstance which gives additional weight to Isaaco's
judgment, that being well acquainted with the anxiety of his employers
respecting Park's safety, he must naturally have been desirous of
discovering reasons for believing that he was still in existence; and
was therefore unlikely to admit the fact of his death upon any ground,
short of his own positive conviction.
But the principal and decisive circumstance in this case, is the length
of time which has elapsed without any intelligence being heard of Park,
since his departure from Sansanding in November 1805. This can only be
accounted for, by supposing either that he is actually dead or detained
in Africa as a captive; and when we consider the nature of the
enterprise in which he was engaged, his personal character, and the
resistance he was likely to make in case of any hostile attack, we must
acknowledge that of the two suppositions, the former is by far the most
probable.
To this it may be added, that since the time of the original reports
respecting Park's death in 1806, no circumstance has occurred to bring
that fact into doubt; if we except a few transient rumours relative to
white men stated to be in remote parts of the interior of Africa,
which have led some persons to suppose that Park may be still in
existence. Several surmises of this kind (for they are entitled to no
higher appellation) have from time to time been circulated, and have
found their way into newspapers and public journals; although the
slightest enquiry would have shewn that they were entitled to no credit
or attention. They would commonly be found to originate from loose and
indistinct communications received from some of the settlements on the
African coast, to which very slight and insignificant circumstances
might originally have given occasion. A Moor or an Asiatic, the colour
of whose skin differs by a few shades from that of the native Africans,
would be described by them as a stranger or white man. The hearsay
accounts of the appearance of such a person in the interior of Africa
would afford ample materials for credulity and exaggeration; and might
easily give rise to reports and assertions the most unfounded and
extravagant.
Upon the whole there seems to be no reasonable ground of doubt with
regard to the fact either of Park's death or of its having happened in
the manner described in Isaaco's Journal. The first of these may be
considered as morally certain, the latter as highly probable. But the
exact time when this event took place and the circumstances attending
it, are left in great obscurity; partly from a general want of
distinctness and precision in the narrative; but principally because the
particulars related, depend altogether upon the unsupported testimony of
a slave, (represented as the only survivor of those who were with Park
at the time of his death,) from whom the information was obtained at an
interval of three months after the transaction. It is obvious that no
reliance can be placed on a narrative resting upon such authority; and
we must be content to remain in ignorance of the precise circumstances
of Park's melancholy fate. But that he was attacked by the natives on
his voyage from Sansanding eastwards, that he was overpowered by
numbers, and that he perished on his passage down the Niger, cannot
reasonably be doubted.
* * * * *
The leading parts of Mungo Park's character must have been anticipated
by the reader in the principal events and transactions of his life. Of
his enterprising spirit, his indefatigable vigilance and activity, his
calm fortitude and unshaken perseverance, he has left permanent
memorials in the narrative of his former travels and in the Journal and
Correspondence now published. In these respects few travellers have
equalled, none certainly ever surpassed him. Nor were the qualities of
his understanding less valuable or conspicuous. He was distinguished by
a correctness of judgment, seldom found united with an ardent and
adventurous turn of mind, and generally deemed incompatible with it. His
talents certainly were not brilliant, but solid and useful, such as were
peculiarly suited to a traveller and geographical discoverer. Hence, in
his accounts of new and unknown countries, he is consistent and
rational; he is betrayed into no exaggeration, nor does he exhibit any
traces of credulity or enthusiasm. His attention was directed
exclusively to facts; and except in his opinion relative to the
termination of the Niger (which he supported by very plausible
arguments) he rarely indulged in conjecture, much less in hypothesis or
speculation.
Among the characteristic qualities of Park which were so apparent in his
former travels, none certainly were more valuable or contributed more to
his success than his admirable prudence, calmness and temper; but it has
been doubted whether these merits were equally conspicuous during his
second expedition. The parts of his conduct which have given occasion to
this remark, are, his setting out from the Gambia almost at the eve of
the rainy season, and his voyage down the Niger under circumstances so
apparently desperate. On the motives by which he may have been
influenced as to the former of these measures, something has been said
in the course of the foregoing narrative. [Footnote: See p. lxvi.] With
regard to his determination in the latter instance, justice must allow
that his situation was one of extreme difficulty, and admitted probably
of no alternative. In both cases our knowledge of the facts is much too
imperfect to enable us to form a correct opinion as to the propriety of
his conduct, much less to justify us in condemning him unheard.
In all the relations of private life, he appears to have been highly
exemplary; and his conduct as a son, a husband, and a father merited
every praise. To the more gentle and amiable parts of his character the
most certain of all testimonies may be found in the warm attachment of
his friends, and in the fond and affectionate recollections of every
branch of his family.
There are some moral defects very difficult to be avoided by those
persons, who from a situation comparatively obscure, rise to sudden
distinction and celebrity. From these failings Park was happily exempt.
He was a stranger to all vanity and affectation; and notwithstanding his
great popularity and success, appears to have lost no portion of the
genuine simplicity of his character and manners. This simplicity
originated perhaps in a considerable degree from a certain coldness and
reserve, which, as was before remarked, rendered him very indifferent,
and perhaps somewhat averse, to mixed or general society. It was
probably owing to the same cause that his conversation, for a man who
had seen so much, had nothing remarkable, and was rarely striking or
animated. Hence, although his appearance was interesting and
prepossessing, he was apt to disappoint the expectations of strangers;
and those persons who estimated his general talents from his powers of
conversation, formed an erroneous and inadequate opinion of his merits.
In his person he was tall, being about six feet high, and perfectly well
proportioned. His countenance and whole appearance were highly
interesting; and his frame active and robust, fitted for great exertions
and the endurance of great hardships. His constitution had suffered
considerably from the effects of his first journey into Africa, but
seems afterwards to have been restored to its original vigour, of which
his last expedition afforded the most ample proofs.
Park's family consisted of three sons and one daughter, all of whom,
together with Mrs. Park their mother, are now living. He also left a
mother, four brothers (of whom one is lately dead), and three sisters.
* * * * *
In the death of Mungo Park we have to lament not only the loss of the
most distinguished traveller of modern times, but the failure of an
expedition, honourable to Great Britain and highly interesting to
humanity and science. For a time this unfortunate event has had the
effect of damping the ardour of geographical enquiry, and of
discouraging all ideas of farther endeavours to explore the interior of
Africa. But we may hope that the publication of Park's Journal will
revive the attention of enlightened men to this subject; and that the
prospect of future discoveries in that quarter of the globe will not be
hastily abandoned.
It has been seen that Park's failure was entirely owing to the improper
season at which his journey was undertaken, and that this circumstance
was occasioned by a series of unforeseen delays arising from a great
variety of causes. A slight difference in some of those accidents which
retarded his progress to the Niger, might obviously have had a most
material influence on the ultimate success of the expedition. Thus, for
example, if he could have sailed for Africa immediately after receiving
his official instructions, if his passage had been quicker, if fewer
causes of delay had occurred on the coast and afterwards during the
journey, and finally, if the rainy season, which is subject to some
slight variations, had commenced a little later;—he might perhaps have
been able to reach the banks of the Niger in good order, and with a loss
comparatively small; and in that case might have proceeded on his
journey eastwards at the conclusion of the rainy season with some
prospect of success. But the safe arrival of Park's expedition at the
Niger, which was only just possible in the actual circumstances of the
case, would have been morally certain provided he had sailed from
England (as he ought to have done) before the month of October, and had
been ready to take his departure from the Gambia towards the interior at
the end of November; from which time there is always an uninterrupted
continuance of fine and healthy weather during a period of five months.
Hence we may safely conclude that, supposing all reasonable precautions
to be taken, an expedition similar to that of Park, may penetrate to the
Niger and along the banks of that river as far as the eastern frontier
of Bambarra, in good order and with very little loss; and this most
important fact is justly considered by Park himself as being fully
established by his own disastrous expedition. [Footnote: Journal, p.
140.]
In what degree it is practicable to penetrate beyond Bambarra yet
remains to be ascertained; since it cannot be said that this question is
determined, or even materially affected, by what took place in Park's
expedition. No general inference upon this subject can be fairly deduced
from an extreme case, such as Park's evidently was; nor does it follow,
because a small party consisting of four Europeans and a few Negroes,
was attacked and overpowered, that an expedition well appointed and
properly organized, would experience a similar fate. It may be observed
also that, ill provided as Park was with the means of defence, he was
able to proceed in safety beyond Tombuctoo, where the Moors are most
numerous, and would in a short time have reached a country beyond the
Moorish territory, where the danger would probably have been much
diminished. [Footnote: See letter to Sir Joseph Banks (ante p. lxxviii)
in which Park says "that, according to the information of the guide,
they should touch on the Moors no where but at Tombuctoo."] Neither is
it altogether certain that his death was not one of those accidents,
to which such enterprises are peculiarly liable, but from which no
general conclusion can be drawn. [Footnote: Such, for example, as
Captain Cooke's death, which certainly affords no argument against
voyages of discovery. It may be observed that the statement in the note
annexed to Amadi Fatouma's Journal (see p. 213) gives some countenance
to the supposition mentioned in the text. From this note it appears that
certain presents which Amadi had delivered from Park to one of the
chiefs of Haoussa for the use of the king, were with-held from the
latter in consequence of the chief's being informed that Park would not
return; and that the king's resentment, occasioned by his receiving no
presents, was the cause of Park's death.—It may be proper on this
occasion to apprize the reader that the notes to Isaaco's Journal
(except in one instance, p. 181) are all of them printed from the
manuscript of the translation, and appear to be parts of the original
document transmitted from Africa. They seem to have been inserted by the
translator; and in several cases, apparently, were added from
information which he received from Isaaco.]
It will appear, upon a due consideration of these circumstances, that
reasonable and sufficient inducements still exist for attempting farther
discoveries in Africa; and that nothing really unfavourable to such
undertakings can with propriety be inferred from Park's late failure;
but on the contrary, that the events of that mission furnish additional
grounds of encouragement and new prospects of success. The proper mode
also of conducting such discoveries in future, may now be considered as
ascertained. Before Park's late Journey, the important question whether
an expedition of this kind should be accompanied by a military escort,
was involved in some difficulty. Apprehensions might then be entertained
lest the appearance of an armed force passing through the country might
alarm the jealousy of the natives, and produce hostile combinations, by
which any small body of European troops would sooner or later be
overpowered. It might also have been doubted, and with great appearance
of reason, whether it would be practicable on such a march to obtain
proper supplies of provisions. The history of Park's expedition appears
to furnish a clear and satisfactory solution of both these difficulties;
and experience having shewn that large tracts of the African continent
may be traversed in safety by the aid even of a small and ill organized
force under circumstances the most unfavourable, the question as to the
expediency of a military escort may now be said to be determined.
The sufferings of Park during his former journey, and the melancholy
fate of Major Houghton, Mr. Horneman, and other travellers distinguished
by their enterprise and ability, demonstrate the utter hopelessness of
such undertakings, when attempted by solitary and unprotected
individuals. Even if the two schemes of discovery were equally
practicable, the military plan (supposing always that the force employed
is strictly limited to the purposes of security and protection) would on
several accounts be entitled to a decided preference; inasmuch as it
affords more ample means of observation and enquiry, as it is calculated
to inspire the Africans with a greater respect for the European
character, and as it may be rendered far more efficacious for the
purposes of friendly and commercial intercourse. [Footnote: If the
practice of sending out single individuals on journies of discovery into
Africa is still to be continued, it would be better perhaps to employ
Mahometan travellers, who might accompany some of the great caravans.
The dangers, to which European adventurers are always exposed, from the
ferocity and intolerance of the Moors, would thus in a considerable
degree be avoided. There is reason to believe that individuals
sufficiently intelligent for an expedition of this kind, and whose
constitutions would also be well suited to the climate of Africa, might
be found without much difficulty among the Mahometan inhabitants of
Hindostan. If a fair judgment can be formed of this class of the British
subjects from the Travels of Abu Taleb (the genuine and highly
interesting production of a native Mahometan of the East Indies), a very
favourable opinion must be entertained of their intelligence and general
information.]
The scheme of an expedition into the interior of Africa, formed upon
these principles, has lately been proposed from high authority, which
holds out a considerable prospect of success. From the quarter in which
the suggestion has originated, a reasonable hope may be entertained that
this plan, of which the following is a short outline, will ultimately be
carried into effect. [Footnote: The particulars of the projected
expedition here alluded to, which are given in the text, are extracted
from a very interesting communication lately made to the African
Institution by Major General Gordon, Quarter Master General of the
British Forces.]
In the Royal African corps now serving at Sierra Leone there are three
companies of black men, enlisted from the slaves obtained from the
numerous slave trading vessels which have at different times been
condemned as prize upon that coast. Among these there are several
natives of Tombuctoo, Haoussa, Bornou and other countries even more
distant; some of them having been brought from parts of Africa so remote
as to have been two, three and four moons upon their journey to the
coast. Most of them have acquired sufficient knowledge of the English
language to express themselves so as to be understood, although they
retain their native languages, which they still speak with fluency.
These men, having been trained and disciplined with great care, are
become excellent soldiers, and are spoken of by the Governor of Sierra
Leone in the highest terms of approbation for their obedience,
steadiness and general good conduct. They are of course inured to the
climate, are accustomed to hardships and fatigues, and capable of the
greatest exertions. They are at the same time courageous and high
spirited, feeling a pride and elevation from the advantages which they
enjoy, and the comparative rank to which they have attained; and they
are warmly attached to the British Government.
It is proposed that a proper and well selected detachment of these
troops should form the basis of the intended expedition; and that,
besides the person having the immediate command, one or two other
leading persons should be appointed, each properly qualified to assist
in the direction and management of the principal concerns, and (in case
of emergency) to undertake the sole charge of the expedition. The number
of the troops employed would of course be regulated by a due regard to
the probable means of subsistence; but it is proposed that they should
be sufficiently numerous to enable the leaders, in cases where it might
be expedient, to separate with small detachments, taking distinct lines
of march as local circumstances and other occasions might require.
[Footnote: The writer is well aware that, in some of the opinions which
he has expressed with regard to the black troops of Sierra Leone, he can
hardly expect the concurrence of several excellent individuals, among
the best friends of the African cause, who are known to be averse to the
employment of Negroes in the military service; and he is ready to admit
that the practice which has prevailed of enlisting captured Africans is
liable to some abuse. Let such abuses be anxiously guarded against by
all the means which legislative wisdom can devise; let every charge of
misconduct in this respect be rigorously investigated; and if it should
appear to be well founded, let it be pursued with the utmost strictness
and severity. But let not occasional abuses be urged as valid arguments
against the practice itself, if it should be ascertained to be, on the
whole, beneficial to the Africans. It has been stated by enlightened and
benevolent persons, who have witnessed the state of slavery in the West
Indies (and the assertion has every appearance of probability) that the
embodying and employment of black troops has had the happiest effect in
elevating and improving the Negro character, and in giving a greater
degree of importance to that oppressed race. In the instance of Sierra
Leone, to which these observations more immediately relate, compare the
situation of a captured Negro, when rescued from the horrors of a slave
vessel with that of the same man a short time afterwards, when serving
as a British soldier! The ordinary condition of human life has nothing
similar to this change; it is a transition from the most abject misery
to ease, comfort, and comparative dignity.—Add to this, the extreme
difficulty (which every unprejudiced enquirer must admit) attending the
management and disposal of great numbers of these captured Negroes in a
small colony like Sierra Leone; and the utter impossibility, considering
their savage ignorance and total want of habits of industry, of
providing all of them, or even any tolerable number, with agricultural
establishments.]
The principal objects of this expedition would be similar in all
respects to those of Park's last journey—to ascertain the course and
termination of the Niger, to acquire a geographical knowledge of the
countries through which it flows; and to procure all possible
information relative to the condition of the inhabitants, their
commercial relations and their general state of improvement. With a view
to the attainment of these objects of practical and scientific enquiry,
the leader of the expedition would be enjoined in the most strict and
positive terms by his official instructions, to avoid all acts of
aggression towards the natives, and (except in cases of absolute
self-defence) to abstain from every species of violence. He would be
farther directed to use his utmost endeavours to establish a friendly
intercourse and communication with the inhabitants; and for this purpose
to employ the most intelligent of the black troops, in all cases in
which it might be practicable, as interpreters of the expedition and
messengers of peace and conciliation.
By the plan which has thus shortly been described, every disadvantage
which attended Park's mission, would be avoided, and all its defects
supplied; and there seems to be every reasonable assurance that an
expedition, formed and conducted upon such principles (with a due
attention to the proper season for travelling), would be attended with
ultimate success.
It would be difficult to anticipate the full extent of those beneficial
consequences which may ultimately be expected from the successful result
of such an expedition. We may perhaps be justified in expecting that the
intercourse, thus formed with the interior of Africa, will eventually
open new communications of trade, and possibly create new markets; that
a certain portion of that vast commerce, which is now carried on with
Tombuctoo from Morocco and the shores of the Mediterranean, may be
diverted to the western coast; and that great quantities of European
goods, now conveyed through other channels, may be transported into the
centre of Africa through the new route of the Niger.
But without speculating too confidently upon commercial revolutions of
the nature here alluded to, which are for the most part very slow and
gradual, and seldom effected without much difficulty; we may safely
conclude that any rational and well concerted expedition to the interior
of Africa must be of great efficacy in promoting and extending the
legitimate and beneficial commerce with different parts of that vast
continent, which has been rapidly advancing since the Abolition of the
slave trade. [Footnote: See Appendix, No. VI.] We may also reasonably
expect that such enterprises, judiciously conducted, will have important
effects upon the civilization and general improvement of Africa, by
exciting industry and diffusing useful knowledge among the natives; and
that some portion of these advantages may, in due time, be extended to
those remote and sequestered countries, which are at present excluded
from all intercourse with Europe, and abandoned to hopeless ignorance
and barbarism. Let us hope that the honour of passing those barriers,
which have hitherto separated Africa from the civilized world, is
reserved for the courage and perseverance of that nation, by whose
enlightened and disinterested exertions so much has been effected in
modern times, for the advancement of geographical knowledge. The voyages
of discovery which have been undertaken by the command of His present
Majesty, unstained by the guilt of conquest, and directed exclusively
towards objects of humanity and science, have conferred a lasting
distinction on the British name and character. The attempt to explore
the interior of Africa, dictated by the same generous views, is in no
respect less interesting, nor does it promise less important results,
even than those great undertakings; and it will be peculiarly worthy of
an age and nation, rendered for ever memorable in the annals of mankind
by the Abolition of the African slave trade.
* * * * *
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
APPENDIX. No. I.
Page viii.
There is no part of Europe, in which education has been a subject of
more general attention or produced more important effects than in
Scotland. During little more than a century, a system of public
instruction established in that country, has not only had the most
beneficial influence upon industry and private morals, but has been the
principal cause of one of the most remarkable changes of national
character that has ever yet taken place during so short a period. At a
time when the public attention in this country is so laudably directed
towards providing means of instruction for the poor, a few remarks on
the effects of a system of general education in Scotland may not be
thought unseasonable. The following facts and observations relative to
this important subject are principally extracted from the interesting
Life of Burns, the poet, written by the late amiable and excellent
Doctor Currie.
The system of education in Scotland, though closely connected with its
ecclesiastical establishment, owes its first legal existence to a
statute passed in the year 1646 by the Parliament of that Kingdom for
establishing schools in every parish, at the expense of the landholders,
for the express purpose of teaching the poor. On the Restoration in 1660
this excellent statute was repealed; and nothing further was done or
attempted for the instruction of the people during the reigns of Charles
and James, which were chiefly occupied in religious persecution. But in
the year 1696, some years after the Revolution, the statute of 1646 was
re-enacted nearly in the same terms, and continues to be the law of
Scotland at the present time. Connected with this legislative provision
are many acts passed by the General Assemblies of the church of
Scotland, which are binding as to matters of ecclesiastical
jurisdiction; and the whole together forms a code of regulations, which
is eminently distinguished for the reasonableness and practical good
sense of its particular provisions, and which experience has shewn to be
perfectly effectual for the important purpose intended. So much
convinced indeed are the lower classes in Scotland of the benefits
attending this system, that, where the parishes are large, they often
form subscriptions and establish private schools of their own, in
addition to the parochial seminaries.
In the year 1698, about the time when this system was established,
Fletcher of Saltoun, in one of his Discourses concerning the affairs of
Scotland, describes the lower classes of that kingdom as being in a
state of the most abject poverty and savage ignorance; and subsisting
partly by mere beggary, but chiefly by violence and rapine, "without any
regard or subjection either to the laws of the land or to those of God
and nature." Some of the instances given by this writer of the disorder
and violence of that period may remind us of the effects produced by a
similar state of things during our own times, upon the Irish peasantry
in the disturbed parts of that unhappy country. "In years of plenty,"
says Fletcher, "many thousands of them meet together in the mountains,
where they feast and riot for many days, and at country weddings,
markets, burials, and other public occasions, they are to be seen,
both men and women, perpetually drunk, cursing, blaspheming, and
fighting together." [Footnote: Political Works of Andrew Fletcher, 8vo:
London 1737, p. 144.] Such was the state of Scotland at the time when
the present system of education was established.
It is justly stated by Dr. Currie that, at the present day, there is
perhaps no country in Europe, in which, in proportion to its population,
so small a number of crimes fall under the chastisement of the criminal
law, as in Scotland; and he adds, upon undoubted authority, that on an
average of thirty years preceding the year, 1797, the executions in that
division of the Island did not amount to six annually, and that more
felons have been convicted and sentenced to transportation at one
quarter sessions for the town of Manchester only, than the average
number of persons sentenced to a similar punishment during a whole year
by all the Judges of Scotland. [Footnote: Works of Robert Burns,
Liverpool 1800. vol. 1. p. 353, 8vo.]
But the influence of education in Scotland has not been merely negative
or confined to the diminution of criminal offences; it has produced in a
very eminent degree those habits of industry and frugality, upon which
all civilization and improvement ultimately depend. In no age or country
have these excellent qualities, the cardinal virtues of the lower orders
of society, been more prevalent than among the peasantry and common
people of Scotland during modern times: in none have the instances been
more frequent of individuals who, by a course of meritorious exertions,
have raised themselves from an inferior condition of life to ease and
competence, and sometimes to riches and distinction.
It is impossible to conceive any situation more happy and respectable
than that of the parent of a well educated family (such as was the
father of the subject of this memoir, and such as there are now many
others among the farmers and peasantry of Scotland) enjoying the just
reward of his paternal cares in the prosperity and success of his
children; each of whom he sees engaged in some beneficial pursuit, each
bettering his condition in life, and each advanced somewhat in the scale
of society above the situation in which he was born. It is this visible
progress and continual improvement in the circumstances and
condition of families, so frequent in the class here particularly
alluded to, which produces the greatest portion of happiness of which
any community is capable; which stimulates to intelligent activity, and
useful, persevering exertions; and which keeps alive and invigorates
that orderly, quiet ambition, which is the foundation of all private and
public prosperity, and the great civilizing principle of individuals and
nations.
It is true that there are several other circumstances, besides the
system of public education in Scotland, which have assisted in producing
that extraordinary change of national character which has given occasion
to the present remarks. But of the various causes which have contributed
to this change, education is by far the most important, and that,
without which indeed all the rest would have been comparatively of no
avail. It is to early instruction, most unquestionably, that we must
attribute that general intelligence, and those habits of thoughtfulness,
deliberation, and foresight, which usually distinguish the common people
of Scotland, where-ever they may be found, and whatever may be their
employments and situations; which ensure their success in life under
favourable circumstances; and in adverse fortune serve as a protection
against absolute indigence, and secure to them a certain station above
the lowest condition of life.
The truth of this remark will be apparent from a few practical
instances, drawn from the experience of common life, of that general
superiority which is here attributed to the lower classes of the Scotch,
as the effect of their superior industry and intelligence—1. Every one
has remarked the great number of professional gardeners from that
country, many of whom have been common labourers, and who if they had
been no better educated than most English labourers, must always have
remained in that situation. Of this numerous class Mr. Dickson, Park's
brother-in law, is a remarkable and most distinguished example.—2.
Scotland supplies a considerable number of stewards, confidential
clerks, book-keepers, &c. from a class of society, which in most other
countries furnishes only domestic servants. The British Colonies, and
especially the West Indies, are chiefly provided with clerks, overseers
of plantations, &c. from this source.—3. The prodigious number of
non-commissioned officers in the army, who are natives of Scotland,
having been raised from the ranks in consequence of their knowledge of
reading and writing, and general good conduct, is also very
remarkable.—The recollection of most readers will probably supply them
with other examples; but there are two instances, somewhat out of the
course of ordinary experience, which deserve to be particularly
mentioned.
In the year 1803, Mr. Matthew Martin, a gentleman distinguished for his
active benevolence, having been for some time engaged, under the
sanction of Government, in a laborious enquiry concerning the "State of
Mendicity in the Metropolis," was desired to make a Report upon that
subject for the information of Government. From the statement which Mr.
Martin prepared on that occasion and laid before the Secretary of State,
it appeared that the number of Scotch beggars in London was remarkably
small, especially in proportion to the Irish beggars, with whom it was
most natural to compare them. Of 2000 beggars, whose cases were
investigated by Mr. Martin, the following is a summary.
Belonging to parishes home 570
distant parishes 336
Irish 679
Scotch 65
Foreign 30
The second of the two cases is of a still more uncommon nature.—In the
course of the expedition against Egypt in 1807, the advanced guard of
Major General Fraser's army having taken possession of Rosetta and
occupied a position at El Hamed a few miles from that town, was
surprised by a strong corps of Turkish troops, and after an obstinate
conflict and the loss of many lives, compelled to surrender. According
to the Turkish custom, the prisoners taken were sold as slaves, and
dispersed over the whole country; some of them being sent as far as
Upper Egypt. Great exertions were naturally made by the British
government to redeem those unfortunate persons from captivity; and this
was happily effected as to all the prisoners, except a few who could not
be traced, by the assistance of Signor Petrucci, the Swedish consul at
Alexandria.
From the authentic documents relating to this transaction, it appears
that the ransoms paid for the redemption of the captives differed very
considerably; the prices varying from between twenty and thirty pounds
to more than one hundred pounds sterling for each man. But it is
observable, on comparing the different rates, that the highest ransoms
were paid for those, who must be considered, from their names, to have
been natives of Scotland; and who, it may be presumed, were more
valuable than the rest from being more orderly and intelligent. It
could not have been easily anticipated that a soldier, brought up in a
Scotch parish school, was likely, when enslaved by the Turks and a
captive in Egypt, to derive much advantage from his education. Yet it
is probable from this circumstance that the intelligence and habits of
good conduct, which he acquired from early instruction, might recommend
him to his master, and as domestic slavery admits of many mitigations,
might procure him kinder and better treatment.
APPENDIX. No. II.
Page xix.
Major Rennell, in his Geographical Illustrations of Park's travels, has
done ample justice to the knowledge and judgment, so eminently displayed
by D'Anville in the investigation of several important points relative
to the geography of North Africa, which have been elucidated by this
writer from very imperfect materials with extraordinary sagacity and
success. In the 26th volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of
Inscriptions, there are two very important Dissertations by this
distinguished Geographer; the first, On the sources of the Nile; and the
second, Concerning the rivers of the interior of Africa, with reference
to the opinions of the ancient and modern writers who have treated on
that subject. The latter is the most immediately connected with the
particular questions alluded to in the text; and it is remarkable that
the principal opinions, or rather conjectures, of D'Anville (of which
the opinion relating to the course of the Niger is the most important),
although deduced from very uncertain and discordant sources of
information, have been confirmed in a great degree by the discoveries of
modern travellers, especially by those of Park. It appears that
D'Anville was well acquainted with the existence of Tombuctoo, and had
even ascertained the situation of that city, as well as the general
course of the Niger with a considerable degree of precision. He had also
formed a plan for sending a person, properly qualified, on an expedition
from the French settlement of St. Joseph on the river Senegal, to
Tombuctoo; but owing to some circumstance which he does not explain, the
scheme did not take effect. As the Dissertation here alluded to may not
be in the hands of every reader, the passage relating to this subject
may be worth transcribing.—After mentioning Ghana as the principal
Mahometan city of Nigritia, spoken of by Edrisi, he says that many of
the Fatimites, who escaped from the power of the Califs, took refuge in
the interior of Africa, where they formed various states. He then
proceeds as follows:
"Tombut ou Tombouctou, est actuellement entre les villes de la Nigritie,
celle dont on parle davantage. On ne doit point être surpris qu'Edrisi
n'en fasse pas mention. Outre qu'elle se peut juger hors des limites de
ce qui lui a été connu, Léon d'Afrique nous apprend que la fondation de
Tombut par un prince de Barbarie, appellé Mensa-Suléiman, est de l'an
610 de l'Hégire, qui repond à l'an 1213 de l'ère Chrétienne, ce qui est
postérieur à la géographie d'Edrisi, composée vers le milieu du douzième
siècle. La situation de cette ville n'est pas précisément sur le Niger;
mais elle y a son port, nommé Cabra, à quelques milles de distance.
Comme aucune des nations commerçantes de l'Europe n'a pénétré aussi
avant dans les terres, en cette partie d'Afrique, que la nation
Françoise, par ses établissemens sur le Sénéga, elle est plus à portée
qu'une autre d'acquérir quelque connoissance de cet intérieur. J'ai
appris, d'une personne qui avoit commandé plusieurs années au fort
Saint-Joseph en Galam, lequel se peut estimer distant en droite ligne de
l'entrée du Sénéga d'environ cent trent lieues françoises; que les
Bambaras, qui du fond du pays amènent des esclaves noirs, comptent
quarante huit journées depuis Tombut jusqu'au fort Saint-Joseph, et que
la mesure commune de la journée s'évalue à environ cinq lieues, d'où il
résulte autour de deux cens quarante lieues. Le moyen d'en savoir
davantage seroit, que quelque personne habituée au climat, comme il y en
a dans le haut du Sénéga, accompagnée d'interprètes, et qu'une
instruction préalable auroit mise au fait d'une partie des choses dont
il seroit à propos de s'informer, fît le voyage de Tombut. Un évènement
a empêché l'exécution d'un projet, auquel j'avois très-volontiers pris
part dans cette vûe."
Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, Tom. xxvi. p. 72.
The above passage was written by D'Anville about the year 1754; and it
is not a little extraordinary that during the sixty years that have
since elapsed, a period so much distinguished for geographical
discovery, Tombuctoo should never have been visited by any European
traveller: and that one of the greatest marts of African commerce, which
is annually resorted to by caravans from various parts of that
continent, should remain at this time entirely unknown to the civilized
world.
In speaking of Tombuctoo as being still entirely unknown, the writer is
aware that a particular description of that city has been given in an
Account of the Empire of Morocco published in the year 1809 by Mr.
James Grey Jackson, who resided in that part of Africa during many
years. But Mr. Jackson derived his whole knowledge of Tombuctoo from the
accounts of native traders; upon whose unsupported testimony very little
reliance can be placed; especially as to matters of detail, or such
facts as require to be stated with any degree of exactness. Considering
that Mr. Jackson's information was obtained from this source, the very
minuteness and apparent precision of his account, are circumstances
highly unfavourable to its authenticity.
With reference to the internal geography of Africa, the writer may take
this opportunity of observing, that next to the African Association, to
whom we are indebted for almost all the authentic information which we
possess upon this subject, [Footnote: The valuable discoveries of the
late Mr. Browne (whose death must be lamented as a public loss) form an
exception to this general remark; but perhaps the only exception.]
considerable praise is due to the Sierra Leone Company; under whose
auspices, during the time they were in possession of that colony,
several important journies into the interior were judiciously undertaken
and successfully executed. Among these may be mentioned an expedition in
1794 by Mr. Watt and Mr. Winterbottom (being a land journey of near five
hundred miles, in going and returning by different routes) to Laby and
Teembo, both of them considerable towns, and the latter the capital of
the Foulah country. Tombuctoo appeared, from the enquiries made by the
travellers, to be well known at both those places; and the communication
with that city from Laby, though it was spoken of as a journey of four
moons, was represented to be open, and they were furnished with many
particulars of the route. Shortly afterwards, in consequence perhaps of
this information, a project was formed at Sierra Leone of sending out a
mission to Tombuctoo; but Mr. Watt, who was to have undertaken the
journey, died; and the invasion of the colony by the French in September
1794, together with the destruction which followed, seems to have put a
stop to expeditions of this nature.
The editor has been favoured by Mr. Macaulay, late Secretary of the
Sierra Leone Company and formerly Governor of the Colony, with a sight
of the Journals of the expedition to Teembo as well as of some other
missions from Sierra Leone of inferior importance. They do great credit
to the writers (especially the Journal to Teembo) and contain many
valuable and interesting particulars; several of which have been given
to the public in the Reports of the Sierra Leone Company, and in Dr.
Winterbottom's judicious account of the native Africans in the
neighbourhood of that colony. But there is still room for a compilation
or selection from these Journals, which, if well executed, would be an
instructive and interesting publication.
APPENDIX. No. III.
Page xxix.
Soon after Mr. Edwards's death several letters passed between Park and
Sir William Young, now Governor of Tobago, upon a subject immediately
connected with the question, considered in the memoir, relative to the
assistance afforded by Mr. Edwards in preparing Park's travels for the
press. Copies of these letters having been transmitted to the editor by
Park's family, he thinks it right on the present occasion to lay them
before the public; remarking at the same time that, after due
consideration of their contents, he continues to be of the opinion which
he has expressed in the text.
The occasion of this correspondence appears to have been as follows. Mr.
Edwards was engaged, at the time of his death, in preparing for the
press an enlarged and corrected edition of his History of the West
Indies; but as he did not live to complete it, his friend Sir William
Young superintended the publication of the work, and added a short
preface; in which, speaking of Mr. Edwards's literary merits, he
mentioned "the judicious compilation and elegant recital of the travels
of Mungo Park". This produced a letter of expostulation from Park to Sir
William Young, of which either no copy was kept, or it has been since
lost or mislaid; but the nature of its contents will be seen from the
sequel of the correspondence.
Sir William Young to Mr. Park.
59 Harley-street, November 9th, 1803.
"The day before yesterday I received your letter dated so far back as
August 25th. It appears to have been put into the London post, addressed
to my clerk's lodgings, only last week, and reached me in the country
November the 7th. I am thus particular as to dates, as I could not bear
the imputation of having so long neglected the due acknowledgment of a
letter from one whom I so highly esteem and respect. In regard to the
question you state, I understood from the late Mr. Edwards, that he
assisted in the general arrangement of the materials you supplied, as
Dr. Hawkesworth did, in the case of a voyage by the great navigator
Captain Cooke; and that the previous Account or Summary of your Travels
delivered into the African Association was written by him; to which your
fuller Account of your Travels in detail was subsequent. The word
"author," I believe, does not occur in the passage you refer to; and if
the words "compilation and recital" seem to bear any application beyond
the prospectus before adverted to, or in any way to trench on your just
pretensions as a writer, I truly lament the inaccuracy, and will take
the most immediate means of rectifying the error, which circumstances
may place within my reach; either by present correction or on a new
edition of the work. My situation as Secretary of the African
Association furnishes me with documents from which I have learned so
highly to appreciate your character and to entertain so grateful a sense
of your public services, that it would be painful in me, in the smallest
degree to have stated any thing that might be so construed as to affect
your just literary pretensions; although it is difficult to add to the
just and high reputation you held independently, from the fortitude,
discretion, and resource so eminently shewn in your distinguished and
successful enterprise."
Mr. Park to Sir William Young.
Fowlshiels, 14th May, 1804.
"I perceive by your letter, that you meant the words 'compilation' and
'recital,' to refer entirely to the Abridgment of my Travels, which was
written for the perusal of the gentlemen of the African Association, by
Mr. Edwards, their Secretary.
"A printed copy of this Abridgment was delivered to each of the
gentlemen at their annual meeting, but I believe it was never publicly
sold. The greater number of readers are therefore but slightly
acquainted with it; and to such, the words above-mentioned will naturally
convey a very different meaning. Having thus explained myself to you, I
hope you will see the propriety of correcting the passage
above-mentioned as soon as possible. I must therefore request you will
permit me to insert your letter in any of the periodical publications,
or favour me with a correction of the passage, as you may think proper."
Extract from a letter of Sir William Young to Mr. Park
May 25, 1804.
"The letter which I wrote on the subject of the publication of your
travels in Africa, is perfectly at your service to make any use of,
which you may think proper. No measure can be more satisfactory and
agreeable to myself, than that which may most fully render justice to
your high and well earned reputation in every point of view."
APPENDIX. No. IV.
The question regarding the termination of the Niger is one of the most
doubtful and obscure in modern geography, and in the present defective
state of our information with regard to the interior of Africa, seems
hardly to admit of a clear and satisfactory solution. Of the difficulties
with which the subject is attended, some judgment may be formed from the
various and even opposite opinions which have been maintained relative to
the course of the Niger, since Park's discoveries have ascertained that
it flows from west to east. As the enquiry is somewhat curious, a summary
view of these different opinions, and of the principal arguments by which
they are supported, may not be uninteresting to the readers of Park's
life. To investigate the question with the accuracy and minuteness which
it deserves, would not only very far exceed the limits of a note, but
would require much more information upon this subject than the editor
possesses, united with some previous habits of geographical disquisition.
I. According to the oldest of these opinions, and that which is supported
by the greatest authorities (being the opinion not only of some of the
principal Geographers of antiquity, but of D'Anville and Rennell among
the moderns), it is supposed, that the Niger has an inland termination
somewhere in the eastern part of Africa, probably in Wangara or Ghana:
and that it is partly discharged into inland lakes, which have no
communication with the sea, and partly spread over a wide extent of level
country, and lost in sands or evaporated by the heat of the sun.
[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 535.]
The principal ground of this supposition is, the opinion of some of the
best informed writers of antiquity on the geography of Africa, and a sort
of general persuasion prevalent among the ancients to the same effect;
circumstances, it must be acknowledged, of considerable weight in
determining this question: since there is good reason to believe, that
the knowledge of the ancients concerning the interior of Africa was much
more extensive and accurate than that of the moderns. It is justly
observed by Dr. Robertson, that the geographical discoveries of the
ancients were made chiefly by land, those of the moderns by sea; the
progress of conquest having led to the former, that of commerce to the
latter. (Hist. Of America, vol. ii. p. 3l6, 8vo.) Besides which, there
are several distinct and peculiar causes which have essentially
contributed to our present ignorance respecting the interior of Africa;
namely, the great prevalence of the slave trade, which has confined the
attention of European adventurers exclusively to the coast; the small
temptation which the continent of Africa held out, during the continuance
of that trade, to internal commerce; and the almost impenetrable barrier
raised up against Europeans in modern times, by the savage intolerance of
the Moors.
The ancient opinion, respecting the termination of the Niger which has
just been alluded to, receives a certain degree of confirmation from the
best and most authentic accounts concerning that part of Africa, in which
the Niger is supposed to disappear. This is represented by various
concurrent testimonies to be a great tract of alluvial country, having
several permanent lakes, and being annually overflowed for three months
during the rainy season.
Against the hypothesis of an inland termination of the Niger, several
objections have been urged, which are well deserving of attention. They
are principally founded on a consideration of the vast magnitude which
the Niger must have attained after a course of more than 1600
geographical miles, and the difficulty of conceiving so prodigious a
stream to be discharged into lakes, and evaporated even by an African
sun. To account for such a phenomenon, a great inland sea, bearing some
resemblance to the Caspian or the Aral, appears to be necessary. But,
besides that the existence of so vast a body of water without any outlet
into the ocean, is in itself an improbable circumstance, and not to be
lightly admitted; such a sea, if it really existed, could hardly have
remained a secret to the ancients, and entirely unknown at the present
day.
It may just be observed, that D'Anville, following Ptolemy and other
writers whom he considers as the best informed on the internal geography
of Africa, is satisfied that there are two considerable rivers,
the Niger and the Gir; both of which are said to terminate in the
same quarter of Africa, and precisely in the same manner. The Gir,
totally unknown at the present day, is familiarly mentioned by Claudian,
who, however, it may be recollected, was a native of Africa:—
'Gir, ditissimus amnis
'Aethiopum, simili mentitus gurgite Nilum.'
Carm. 21. v. 252.
In some MSS. it is notissimus amnis; but the other reading is more
probable.
'Domitorque ferarum
'Girrhaeus, qui vasta colit sub rupibus antra,
'Qui ramos ebeni, qui dentes vellit eburnos.'
Carm. 47. v. 20.
II. The second opinion respecting the Niger is, that it terminates in the
Nile. In other words, this hypothesis identifies the Niger with the great
western branch of the Nile, called the White River, which
D'Anville traces from a source very far SS.W. to its junction with the
Nile near Sennaar. He likewise accurately distinguishes this stream from
the eastern branch, which is much shorter and of inferior magnitude, and
which takes its rise in the mountains of Abyssinia. This opinion is
maintained by Mr. Horneman, Mr. Grey Jackson, and several other modern
travellers; and it is slightly sanctioned by Strabo and Pliny, who speak
of the sources of the Nile as being reported by some to be in the farther
parts of Mauritania. But it may be affirmed with great confidence, that
of all the hypotheses respecting the termination of the Niger, that which
supposes it to be a branch of the Nile, is the most unfounded, and the
least consistent with acknowledged facts. It is indeed rather a loose
popular conjecture, than an opinion deduced from probable reasoning;
since nothing appears to be alleged in its support, except the mere
circumstance of the course of the river being in a direction towards the
Nile; and a few vague notions of some of the African natives with regard
to this subject, which are unworthy of the smallest attention.
Mr. Jackson, indeed, in his Travels (p. 310), states it to be a fact
universally known among the rich African traders, that the Niger and the
Nile are one and the same river, by means of which there is a practicable
communication between Tombuctoo and Grand Cairo. Between these two cities
caravans are continually passing, and a large trade is carried on; but
Mr. Jackson observes, that the expense of land-carriage by means of
camels is more moderate than that by water, and that the journey also is
more agreeable! He gives an account of the voyage to Cairo down the
Niger, having actually been performed in the year 1780 by a party of
seventeen negroes, the particulars of which expedition, he says that he
received from 'a very intelligent man who has an establishment at
Tombuctoo.' These negroes proceeded down the Niger from Jinnie, on a
commercial speculation, and reached Cairo after a voyage of fourteen
months. They returned by the caravan, and arrived at Jinnie, after an
absence of more than three years. Some of the facts which they reported
are not a little extraordinary:—viz. that in several places they
found the Nile so shallow, in consequence of channels cut for irrigating
the lands, that they could not proceed in their boat, and were obliged to
transport it some distance over-land; that they saw between Tombuctoo and
Cairo twelve hundred cities and towns, adorned with mosques and
towers, &c. It is needless to comment upon such hearsay
statements, received from an African traveller or merchant more than
twenty years after the transaction is said to have happened; nor would
any allusion have been made to them in this place, if Mr. Jackson's book
had not been much commended by distinguished critics, and quoted as an
authority respecting the interior of Africa by several geographical
writers.
[Footnote: Edinburgh Review, vol. xiv. p. 306.]
The principal, and apparently decisive, objection against this supposed
junction of the Niger and the Nile, is grounded upon a comparison of the
great difference of level between the beds of the two rivers. From
the authentic information we possess by means of Mr. Browne, respecting
the countries west of the Nile, it is now clear, that if this junction
takes place at all, it must be in the upper part of the Nile, before that
river has quitted the higher regions of Africa, from whence it has still
1000 geographical miles to run before it reaches the sea, passing in its
way through several cataracts. But it is utterly incredible that the
Niger, which, in order to reach this part of the Nile, must have run at
the least 2300 miles, should not in so long a course have descended to a
level considerably lower than that which is here described. This
objection is urged with great force by Major Rennell, who justly
considers it as being entirely decisive of the question; but he has added
several other arguments, which those who take an interest in this
question, will do well to consult.
[Footnote: Proceedings of the African Association, vol. i. p. 537; and
vol. ii. p. 268, 280.]
III. The supposition, mentioned in the text (p. lxviii), that the Niger
terminates in the River Congo, or, as it is sometimes called, the Zaire,
is entirely a recent conjecture, adopted by Park in consequence of the
information and suggestions of Mr. Maxwell, an experienced African
trader, who appears from his letters to have been a man of observation
and intelligence. The principal arguments in support of the opinion are
shortly and clearly given in the memoir addressed by Park to Lord Camden;
but the subject will receive additional elucidation from Mr. Maxwell's
own statement, and especially from his striking description of the river
Congo, the vast magnitude of which is little known, and has not
sufficiently attracted the attention of geographical writers. The
following passage is extracted from a letter, dated Prior's Lynn, near
Longtown, July 20, 1804, addressed by Mr. Maxwell to William Keir, of
Milnholm, Esq., a friend of Park, to whom the letter was communicated by
Mr. Maxwell's desire.
"Before ever the Niger came to be the topic of conversation, it struck
me, that the Congo drew its source far to the northward, from the floods
commencing long before any rains take place south of the equator; since
it begins to swell perceptibly about the latter end of October, and no
heavy rains set in before December: and about the end of January the
river must be supposed at its highest. At no time, however, can the rains
to the southward of the Line be compared with those in the Bight of
Guinea, where ships are obliged to have a house erected over them during
these months.
"But, whether the Congo be the outlet of the Niger or not, it certainly
offers the best opening for exploring the interior of Africa of any
scheme that has ever yet been attempted; and the ease and safety with
which it might be conducted, needs no comment. However, if the Niger
has a sensible outlet, I have no doubt of its proving the Congo,
knowing all the rivers between Cape Palmas and Cape Lopes to be
inadequate to the purpose; nor need the immense course of such a river
surprise us, when we know that the river St. Lawrence, contemptible in
size when compared with the Congo, encompasses the whole of North
America, issuing through a chain of lakes. But instead of seven or eight
lakes, the Congo may be supposed to pass through seventeen or eighteen;
which will solve any difficulty as to the floods of the Niger not
immediately affecting the Congo. I believe that our information of the
Niger losing itself in the Desert rests wholly upon the authority of the
Romans, a people whose pursuits never led them to trace the course of
rivers with a view to traffic or civilization. If we may credit the
accounts of travellers in crossing the deserts, we find that, where-ever
they get water for refreshment, there are invariably verdure and palm
trees; and these spots in the desert of Lybia were termed by the ancients
Oases, or Islands. Now, if such small springs could produce such
permanent effects, we may reasonably suppose, that the immense stream of
the Niger increased to three times the size from where Mr. Park left it,
would long before this have made the desert as green as any water meadow
and found its way gradually to the ocean, or inundated the whole
country."
"I can with much truth say this of the river Congo, that by comparing it
with other rivers, according to the best writers, it must rank as the
third or fourth in magnitude. Considering the force of the current it
produces in the sea, carrying out floating islands sixty or seventy
leagues from the coast, the Amazon or Plata only can cope with it. Many
traders, whom I met with at Embomma, (a settlement on the banks of the
Congo distant thirty leagues from its mouth,) had come one month's
journey down the river, which, reckoned at twenty miles each day (and
they count them by the moon, Gonda), would make six hundred miles;
and they spoke of it as equally large where they came from, and that it
went by the name of Enzaddi, as it does among all the natives upon
the coast. Should the shallow water, as laid down opposite Saenda,
detract from the assumed size of the Congo, let it be remembered, that
the river there is spread out ten miles in width, the middle channel of
which has never been accurately sounded. It has long been my opinion that
Leyland's or Molyneux Island at Embomma (either of which might be
rendered as impregnable as Gibraltar at a very small expense) would be a
choice station for establishing an extensive commerce with the interior
of Africa. Indeed, if the idea of the Congo being the outlet of the Niger
prove so upon trial, we may consider it as an opening designed by
providence for exploring those vast regions, and civilizing the rude
inhabitants."
[Footnote: A chart of the Congo by Mr. Maxwell was published many years
since by Laurie and Whittle, Fleet street.]
Besides this account given by Mr. Maxwell, there are other testimonies to
the magnitude of the Congo, shewing it to be a river of the first class,
and larger probably than the Nile. In a journal (which the editor has
seen) of an intelligent and respectable naval officer, Captain Scobell,
who visited the coast of Africa in the year 1813, in H.M. sloop of war
the Thais, the Congo is described as "an immense river from which issues
a continued stream at the rate of four or five knots in the dry, and six
or seven in the rainy season." In a subsequent passage he says, "In
crossing this stream, I met several floating islands, or broken masses
from the banks of that noble river, which, with the trees still erect,
and the whole wafting to the motion of the sea, rushed far into the
ocean, and formed a novel prospect even to persons accustomed to the
phenomena of the waters." He adds, that there are soundings to the
distance of from thirty or forty miles from the coast, arising probably
from the vast quantity of alluvial matter brought down by the force of
the stream.
Other accounts state, that the waters of the Congo may be distinguished
at sea more than thirty leagues from the coast, and that the water is
fresh at the distance of thirty miles.
[Footnote: Lopez, Merulla, and Dapper, referred to in Phillips's Voyages,
vol. iii. p. 236.]
These, perhaps, are exaggerations; but they may be received, in
confirmation of the preceding testimonies, as sufficient proofs of a
general opinion among navigators with regard to the size and force of
this prodigious river. It is mentioned by Major Rennell in his very
interesting account of the Ganges, that the sea in the bay of Bengal
ceases to be affected by the waters of that river, and recovers its
transparency, only at the distance of about twenty leagues from the
coast. (Phil. Transactions, vol. lxxi.) But the Ganges being obstructed
by its Delta, and passing through eight channels into the sea, is
probably much less rapid and impetuous than the Congo.
To this it must be added, that all the accounts concur in representing,
that the stream of the Congo is of a more uniform height, and subject to
much less variation from the dry and rainy seasons, than any tropical
river which is known; and that on a comparison with such rivers, it may
be considered to be in a perpetual state of flood. The average
rising of the Ganges in the rainy season is stated by Major Rennell to be
31 feet, being about the same with that of the Nile; whereas, the
difference between the highest point of the Congo about February, and the
lowest in September, is only about nine feet; and the river, at the
latter period, has all the appearance to a stranger of being in full
flood.
[Footnote: MS. Letter of Mr. Maxwell to Mr. Park, Oct. 12, 1804.]
It is this remarkable peculiarity, which distinguishes the Congo from
other great rivers of a similar description, and which leads to important
conclusions with regard to its origin and course.
In support, then, of the hypothesis which identifies the Congo with the
Niger, the following arguments, deduced from the preceding facts and
observations, may be alleged:—1. The great magnitude of the Congo. 2.
The probability that this river is derived from very remote sources,
perhaps considerably north of the equator. 3. The fact, that there exists
a great river north of the equator, (the Niger,) of which the termination
is unknown, and which may, perhaps, form the principal branch of the
Congo. These, in truth, are the only grounds upon which the present
supposition can be fairly said to rest. Arguments founded upon
etymological conjectures, supposed resemblances of names, or affinity of
languages, &c. &c., are, for the most part, too arbitrary and fanciful,
and liable to too much uncertainty to be entitled to any place in
disquisitions of this nature. The same remark is applicable to the
narratives and descriptions given by native travellers and merchants,
and, in general, to all African evidence whatever, except when
supported by collateral proof from other less exceptionable sources.
Such being the evidence in favour of the hypothesis respecting the Congo,
the objections against this theory must be admitted to be weighty and
formidable. The principal of these are, 1. That it supposes the course of
the Niger to lie through the vast chain of the Kong Mountains
(anciently Montes Lunæ), the great central belt of Africa. Of the
existence of these mountains there appears to be no doubt; and from their
situation in the midst of a great continent, they may reasonably be
supposed to be of vast size and extent; in which case it is difficult to
understand, how the Niger could penetrate this barrier, and force a
passage southwards. 2. The course of the Niger, estimated from its source
in the mountains of Senegal (supposing it to be the same river with the
Congo, and to flow by Wangara and Cashna through the centre of Africa
into the Atlantic), would be considerably more than 4000 miles. But the
course of the Amazon, the greatest river in the old or new world with
which we are acquainted, is only about 3500 miles; and, although the
existence of a river considerably greater than any yet known, may be
within the limits of physical possibility; yet, so improbable a
supposition ought not to be adopted upon slight or conjectural reasoning,
or upon any thing much short of distinct and positive proof. To give such
a vast extension to the Congo upon the grounds stated by Mr. Maxwell,
might justly be considered as one of those exaggerations, to which,
according to a remark of D'Anville, geographical writers upon Africa have
always been remarkably prone, 'en abusant, pour ainsi dire, du vaste
carrière que l'intérieur de l'Afrique y laissoit prendre.' (Mém. de
l'Academie des Inscriptions, Tom. xxvi p. 61.)
[Footnote: The following scale (taken from Major Rennell's Memoir of a
Map of Hindostan, p. 337,) shewing the proportional length of some
of the most considerable rivers already known, may be useful to the
reader on the present occasion.
EUROPE.
Thames 1
Rhine 5-1/4
Danube 7
Wolga 9-1/2
ASIA.
Indus 6-3/4
Euphrates 8-1/2
Ganges 9-1/2
Burrampooter 9-1/2
Ava 9-1/2
Jennisca 10
ASIA CONTINUED.
Oby 10-1/2
Amoor 11
Lena 11-1/2
Hoanho (China) 13-1/2
Kian Keu 15-1/2
AFRICA.
Nile l2-1/2
AMERICA.
Mississipi 8
Amazon 15-3/4
It must be observed, however, that the magnitude of a river
depends much less upon the length of its course than upon the number of
auxiliary streams which fall into it. It is this latter circumstance,
which occasions the vast size of the Ganges, compared, for example, with
the Nile; although the course of the latter is so much longer. Rivers not
fed by auxiliary streams, may even become smaller in consequence
of the length of their course. The editor is indebted for these
observations to Major Rennell.]
Before the editor finally dismisses the subject of the Congo, he may be
allowed to express a hope that this distinguished river, which hitherto
has been only known as one of the greatest marts of the Slave Trade, may
at length be rendered conducive to objects of civilization and science;
and that some use will now be made of this great inlet into Africa, for
the purpose of exploring a part of that continent which as yet is
entirely unknown; or, at least, of obtaining more complete and authentic
information relative to the Congo itself, which must unquestionably be
considered as a very curious and interesting subject of enquiry. Such an
enterprise, according to the opinion of Mr. Maxwell, would not be
attended with much difficulty. In a letter to Mr. Park, dated Oct. 12,
1804, alluding to the subject of the Congo, he speaks of an intention
which he had formed some time prior to Park's discoveries, of exploring
that river. His scheme was to carry out with him from England six
supernumerary boats, well adapted for rowing and sailing; each being of
such a size as to be easily carried by thirty people, and transported
across several cataracts, with which the course of the river is known to
be impeded. On his arrival at the coast, he meant to hire about thirty or
forty black rowers, and to sail up the Congo with proper arms,
provisions, and merchandize, in the month of May (the dry season south of
the equator) calculating upon an absence from the coast of about ten
weeks. Mr. Maxwell considered this scheme as perfectly practicable, and
likely to be attended with no very great expense; but he was prevented
from executing his intention by the war of 1793, which made it
inconvenient and unsafe for him to encumber the deck of his vessel with
supernumerary boats.
IV. The fourth and last opinion respecting the termination of the Niger,
is that of a German geographer, M. Reichard, which was published in the
'Ephemerides Géographiques,' at Weimar, in August, 1808, and is referred
to in a respectable French work, entitled, 'Précis de la Géographie
Universelle, par M. Malte-brun.' The fourth volume of this work, which
appeared at Paris in the year 1813, (p. 635) represents M. Reichard's
hypothesis to be, that the Niger, after reaching Wangara, takes a
direction towards the south, and being joined by other rivers from that
part of Africa, makes a great turn from thence towards the south-west,
and pursues its course till it approaches the north eastern extremity of
the gulph of Guinea, when it divides and discharges itself by different
channels into the Atlantic; after having formed a great Delta, of which
the Rio del Rey constitutes the eastern, and the Rio Formoso, or Benin
River, the western branch.
Without entering into the details of M. Reichard's reasoning in support
of this hypothesis, which is often somewhat hazardous and uncertain, it
may be sufficient for the present purpose to observe, that his principal
argument is founded on a consideration of the peculiar character
belonging to the tract of country situated between the two rivers, which
consists of a vast tract of low, level land, projecting considerably into
the sea, and intersected by an infinity of small branches from the
principal rivers. In these and other respects, it appears to bear a
considerable resemblance, according to the best descriptions of that
coast which we possess, to the Deltas at the mouths of the Nile, the
Ganges, and such other great rivers, as by depositing large quantities of
alluvial matter previous to their discharge into the sea, form gradual
additions to the coast. For it may be proper in this place to remark,
that the formation of Deltas, even by rivers of the first magnitude, is
by no means universal; some of the greatest that are known being without
them. Of this the Amazon, Plata, and Oronoko are mentioned by Major
Rennell as distinguished instances; to which may now be added, the Congo.
The difference appears to be owing to the depth of the sea at the mouth
of the rivers, and perhaps to other circumstances, which are not quite
understood.
[Footnote: See Reunell's Geogr. System of Herodotus, 4to. p. 483.]
Both of the two rivers, enclosing the great alluvial tract which has been
described (the Rio del Rey and the Formoso), are stated to be of
considerable size, being each of them seven or eight miles broad at the
mouth; and the supposed Delta, estimated by the line of coast, is much
larger than that of the Ganges: consequently, the two streams, if united,
must form a river of prodigious magnitude. But neither of the rivers has
ever yet been explored; nor has the interior of the country, to any
distance from the coast, been accurately described by any European
traveller. Hence, the question whether the two rivers are ever really
united, and whether the tract in question is a complete Delta or not,
still remains to be ascertained. With regard also to the course, or even
the existence, of the great river to which this Delta is said to belong,
and which M. Reichard supposes to come from the northeast of Africa,
there is no tradition nor any vestige among travellers or geographical
writers; the whole is purely conjectural. But the supposition, so far at
least as relates to the alluvial origin of the tract in question and the
junction of the two rivers, has great appearance of probability.
On comparing Mr. Maxwell's hypothesis respecting the Niger with that of
M. Reichard, which we are now considering, the latter may be said to have
gained something in point of probability, by diminishing the distance
which the Niger has to flow in order to reach the Atlantic. But the
length of its course, even when thus reduced, is still a considerable
difficulty, and a great incumbrance on the hypothesis. The objection
arising from the Niger's being conceived to penetrate the Kong Mountains,
seems to be nearly of equal weight in both cases, on the supposition that
this vast chain of mountains is of the extent generally imagined; which
there appears to be no reason to doubt.
It may be mentioned as an objection to both of these hypotheses, that no
traces whatever of the Mahometan doctrines or institutions are now to be
found on either of the coasts where the Niger is supposed to terminate.
In no part of the world has the spirit of enterprise and proselytism,
which properly belongs to the Mahometan character, been more strikingly
displayed than in the extensive regions of North Africa. Its effects are
every where conspicuous, not only in the religious belief of the greater
part of the inhabitants; but even where Mahometism is not actually
established, in their manners, and customs, and in the predominance of
the Arabic language, which is almost every where grafted upon the native
African dialects. These circumstances, however, are peculiar to North
Africa; nothing of a similar kind having been remarked on the coast of
Guinea, and still less on that of Congo and Angola. Mr. Maxwell also
states in a letter to Mr. Park, that he had made enquiries of a great
number of negroes who had come down the Congo from great distances; but
that he could never hear of any Mahometan priests having visited the
countries on the banks of that river. Supposing the Niger really to flow
through the centre of Africa, and to discharge itself any where into the
Atlantic, it is reasonable to believe that some of the Mahometan
colonists must long since have established themselves on the banks of
that river, and penetrated to the shores of the ocean.
APPENDIX. No. V.
The botanical specimens, mentioned in Park's letter, arrived safe in
England, and were received by Sir Joseph Banks, by whose kind information
the editor is enabled to add the following particulars concerning them.
1. Fang Jani, or self-burning tree. The specimens received under
this name, were branches of a species of Pandanus, which, for want
of the parts of fructification, could not be ascertained. The shoots and
bases of the leaves were black and withered, resembling in appearance
leaves and branches that had been subjected to the action of fire. The
leaves, however, above their bases, were green, although dry. On a closer
examination, those parts which appeared like charcoal, were found to
differ entirely from that substance, as they would not give a black
colour to paper when rubbed upon it. Besides, it was wholly incredible
that the young shoots and bases of the leaves should break out into a
blaze, while the tops of the leaves, far less succulent than the young
shoots, remained quite free from fire, not being even singed in the
smallest degree.
On a more careful examination, the black colour appeared to be occasioned
by a disease in the plant, of the nature of the mildew or rust of corn,
arising from a parasitic fungus, probably of the nature of the
Puccinia of Europe; the species of which could not be ascertained
on account of the advanced state of growth of the specimen. This
explanation accords very ill with the declarations of the negroes, who
affirm, that they have often seen fires in the woods, occasioned by the
spontaneous burning of these shrubs; but it is mentioned in Mr. Park's
letter, 'that few of the natives had seen it actually burning.'
2. Kino. The origin of this drug, long ago admitted into the
Pharmacopoeias of Europe, was unknown, till Mr. Park sent a specimen of
the plant from which the negroes collect it, which proves to be a species
of Pterocarpus not yet described by any botanical writer.
3. Tribo. As no part of the plant was sent except the root,
nothing can be said concerning its species. It appeared to be a
moderately good dye, but had no marked superiority over those already
known, sufficient to induce Sir Joseph Banks to cause experiments to be
made with it. Indeed, the quantity was not sufficient for any
experiments, except on a very confined scale.
APPENDIX. No. VI.
The following particulars, tending to shew the increase which has taken
place in the commerce between Great Britain and Africa since the
Abolition of the Slave Trade, have been communicated to the editor by an
intelligent friend, who has great knowledge and experience in the African
trade, and upon whose accuracy and means of information he has the most
perfect reliance.
It appeared from Custom-house returns, officially laid before Parliament,
that the average annual value of all imports from Africa into Great
Britain for twenty years prior to 1787, fell short of £72,000; and even
this small sum included the imports, not only from the whole Western
coast of Africa between Cape Negro in latitude 16 deg South and the
straits of Gibraltar, but also from some parts bordering on the
Mediterranean. The average annual value of these imports, during the last
five years of that period, viz. 1783, 4, 5, 6 and 7, appears, from the
same official returns, to have been about £90,500. If from this amount be
deducted the value of the articles appearing to have been imported from
Morocco and other adjoining countries, there will be left somewhat less
than £70,000 for the value of all our imports from the Western Coast of
Africa; that is, from the country lying between Cape Blanco, latitude 21
deg north, and Cape Negro, latitude 16 deg south, being an extent of 4500
miles of coast. The average annual exports from Great Britain to the
Western coast of Africa during the same period (exclusive of the exports
connected with the Slave Trade) may be estimated at a sum not materially
exceeding £50,000.
The compiler of the present statement possesses no documents or means of
information, which enable him to shew what was the extent of the commerce
of Great Britain with Africa (unconnected with the Slave Trade) during
the period from 1788 to 1807, the year in which the Slave Trade was
abolished; but there is good reason to believe that it had not materially
increased within that time.
It might be impracticable at present, from the loss of the Custom-house
books, to obtain any authentic account of exports and imports during the
last seven years. But this defect of official information is in some
degree supplied by an authentic statement, made out on a particular
occasion by a Committee of the African Company, from accounts with which
they were furnished from the Custom-house, through the intervention of
Government. The object of the Company in obtaining these accounts was to
procure authentic data relative to some public measure which was in
agitation, connected with the African trade. The following statement was
extracted from the books of the Company.
Imports from Africa into Great Britain.
1808. £374,306
1809. 383,926
1810. 535,577
[Sidenote: exclusive of gold dust, which is not subject to any
custom-house entry]
Exports from Great Britain to Africa.
1808. £820,194
1809. 976,872
1810. 693,911
The great difference between the value of the exports and imports in this
case was accounted for by an experienced officer of the African Company
by supposing that a large proportion (from one third to a half) of the
goods exported, was captured by the enemy. If this be the true
explanation, the account must have been balanced by the exports of gold
dust, and the bills of exchange drawn from the British settlements on the
African coast. Another supposition (and perhaps a more probable one) is
that a considerable part of the exports found their way into the hands of
the contraband slave traders, and was employed in carrying on their
illegal speculations.
But, even if we consider the imports alone, the increase in the commerce
of Africa during the before mentioned period is altogether astonishing;
so much so, as almost to induce a suspicion that there is some fallacy in
the statement, although there does not appear to be any specific ground
for questioning its correctness. For if to the amount of the imports as
above stated, we add the value of the gold dust imported, we shall find
that this additional commerce nearly fills up the chasm occasioned by the
Abolition of the slave trade, extensively as that trade was carried on by
this country.
But considering this statement only as a general proof of a great
increase of the African trade, (without attempting to assign the
proportion of increase) let us take another view of the same subject.
The Gold Coast is about 250 miles in extent, little more than a twentieth
part of the whole coast extending from Cape Blanco to Cape Negro.
Previously to the Abolition of the slave trade, the imports into Great
Britain from this space of coast used to consist of
about 20 tons of ivory valued at —- £7500
and about 1000 ounces of gold dust —- 4000
—- £11500
Since the Abolition of the slave trade the imports from this tract of
coast have greatly increased; and it may be stated upon the undoubted
authority of intelligent persons, perfectly acquainted with the facts,
that the importations have amounted, during the last five or six years,
to the annual value of from £120,000. to £180,000. The annual import of
gold alone is stated to be about 30,000 ounces.
Thus it appears that the importation from the Gold Coast alone, (a space
of 250 miles) into Great Britain since the Abolition of the slave trade,
has been double the amount of the importation from the whole slave coast
of Africa (an extent of 4500 miles) prior to that event.
A farther example may be taken from the colony of Sierra Leone, where a
custom house was first established in May 1812; from whence accounts have
been furnished of the imports and exports into and from that colony
during the two years ending in May 1814.—The amount of the imports
during that period, on which duties were actually paid, was £105,080.
15_s_. 3_d_. being the alleged prime cost of the goods, even
without the cost of packages. In order to obtain the invoice price of the
goods, one third at least must be added to the prime cost for necessary
charges. The amount will then be about £140,000., or, on an average,
£70,000. annually.
The exports from Sierra Leone during the same period have amounted to
£91,539. 17_s_. 6_d_. being on an average £45,000. annually.
The remainder of imports may be accounted for by the bills of exchange
drawn upon this country for the expenses of the civil establishment and
commissariat. Hence it appears that from the single river of Sierra Leone
the imports into Great Britain were nearly, and the exports to the same
river fully, equal to the imports and exports (exclusive of the slave
trade) of the whole extent of the Western Coast of Africa prior to the
Abolition.
The facts here stated relative to the extent of our innocent and
legitimate commerce with the western coast of Africa, must be considered
as highly interesting and important; both as shewing how extremely small
that commerce was prior to the Abolition of the slave trade, and how much
it has increased during the very few years which have since elapsed. This
increase has certainly been much more considerable than there was any
good reason for expecting, under the actual circumstances of the case.
If we were told of a country, whose staple article of export trade
consisted of its own inhabitants, its men, women and children, who were
procured (as must necessarily happen in the case of large and continued
exports) by treachery and violence—where the whole population was either
living in continual apprehension of captivity and eternal banishment from
their native soil, or employed contriving the means of inflicting those
evils upon others—we should at once conclude that the very insecurity of
person and property, which such a state of society implied, would of
itself extinguish all the motives to regular industry, and limit the
culture of the soil very nearly to what was required for supplying the
immediate wants of nature.
Such in fact were the circumstances of Africa prior to the year 1808; at
which time the slave trade carried on by Great Britain, and the United
States of North America having been abolished by those respective
governments, and the slave trade of France and Holland being virtually
abolished by the war, a considerable mitigation of the prevailing evils
took place. A farther improvement was effected about three years
afterwards, by means of the article in the treaty of amity with Portugal,
which bound Portuguese subjects to confine their trading in slaves to
places in Africa actually under the possession of that Government. By
this arrangement the whole coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to the
eastern extremity of the Gold Coast (with the exception of the Portuguese
settlement of Bissao) were in a considerable degree liberated from the
operation of the slave trade.
The Spaniards indeed claimed a right of trading within those limits; but
it was a right which, in its exercise, did not prove so prejudicial as
might have been expected. The slave trade carried on under the Spanish
flag, has been found in most instances not to be a bona fide
Spanish trade, but a British or American slave trade in disguise; and
latterly the Portuguese, being excluded by treaty from the whole to the
windward coast except Bissao, have begun to avail themselves of the same
disguise. Many slave vessels under these circumstances, bearing the
Spanish flag, have been captured by the British cruizers: and the
condemnations which have taken place, have tended greatly to abridge the
extent of this trade. Still however the course of improvement in this
part of Africa, has been extremely retarded by the right which Portugal
has hitherto retained of carrying on the slave trade from Bissao, and by
the trade carried on either by real Spanish ships or by counterfeit
Spaniards so well disguised as to escape detection.
Besides the trade thus carried on, cargoes of slaves have frequently been
smuggled by English and American traders, availing themselves of the
facilities which the creeks and rivers of Africa afford for such
transactions, and taking their chance of escaping the cruizers on the
coast. A contraband trade of this kind appears to have been carried on to
some extent; by means of which various cargoes of slaves have been
transported to the Brazils and the Island of Cuba.
These facts are mentioned for the purpose of shewing that considerable
obstacles to improvement, arising from the partial continuance of the
slave trade, are still experienced, even in that part of Africa which has
enjoyed the greatest privileges and exemptions. Under such circumstances
it would be most unreasonable to look for that progress in the arts of
agriculture and peace-commerce which we should have been entitled to
expect, in case the suppression of the slave trade had been complete and
universal.
But even under much more favourable circumstances than we have reason at
present to expect, it would by no means follow that the mere removal of
that great obstacle to regular industry and commerce, would in any very
short space of time produce considerable or extensive improvements. The
ignorance, the profligacy, the improvidence and the various other moral
evils, which necessarily accompany the slave trade, will, it is to be
feared, long survive the extinction of that traffic which produced and
fostered them. The whole history of mankind shews that the progress of
civilization is always extremely slow during its earliest stages; and
that the first steps in the career of improvement are constantly the most
painful and difficult. Hence, we may be justified in drawing the most
favourable conclusions from the comparatively great increase which has
already taken place in the commerce of Africa during a very short period,
in consequence of a partial removal of those evils, which previously had
almost excluded the very possibility of improvement.
The following African Words occurring frequently in the course
of the ensuing Journal, it is thought proper to prefix an explanation of
them.
* * * * *
Bentang, a sort of stage erected in every town, answering the
purpose of a town hall.
Slatees, free black merchants, often traders in slaves.
Caffle, a caravan of slaves or of people travelling with any kind
of merchandize.
Dooty, the chief magistrate of a town or province.
Palaver, A court of justice, or public meeting; some times a parly
or negociation.
Bar, nominal money; a single bar is equal in value to about two
shillings sterling.
Kowries, small shells which pass for money in the Interior of
Africa.
Barraloolo, a fowling—piece.
Arrangoes, a large kind of bead.
Baft, blue cloth of East Indian manufacture, much used in the
African Trade.
Pagne, a kind of cloth, also much used in the same trade.
[Illustration: Map]
[Illustration: Map]
JOURNAL &c.