The Irish ecclesiastical record, Volume 1, October, 1864, by Various - IER.

The learned Professor O'Curry devotes the sixteenth and following lectures of his work on the Manuscript Materials of Irish History to the early ecclesiastical MSS. In the eighteenth lecture (page 378, and foll.) he says:—

"The fifth class of these religious remains consists of the prayers, invocations, and litanies which have come down to us: these I shall set down in chronological order, as far as my authorities will allow me, and, when authority fails, guided by my own judgment and experience in the investigation of these ancient writings".

Of the first piece of this class mentioned by O'Curry, the Prayer of Saint Aireran, or Aileran the Wise, we hope to treat in a future number of this RECORD.

"The second piece of this class", he continues, "is the Prayer or Invocation of Colgu Na Duinechda, a classical professor of Clonmacnoise, who died in the year 789".

In the Martyrology of Donegal, just published by the Irish Archæological and Celtic Society, we find the following notice of the Author of this prayer on the 20th of February, the 10th of the Kalends of March:

"Colga, Mac Ua Duinechda,[1] i.e. Lector of Cluan-mac-nois. It was he that composed the kind of prayer, called the Suꞃαb Cꞃαḃαιḋ.[2] It was to him Paul the Apostle came to converse with him, and to help him on his road, and he took his satchel of books at Moin-tire-an-áis, and it was he that pleaded for him to the school of Cluain-mac-Nois, and the prologue or preface which is before that prayer states that this Colga was a saint, was a priest, and was a scribe of the saints of Erin, etc. And there is a Saint Colga, with his pedigree, among the race of Dathi, son of Fiachra, son of Eochaidh Muidhmhedhoin, and he may perhaps be this Colga".

Through the gracious permission of their Lordships the Board of the Catholic University, who have placed at our disposal the manuscripts belonging to the late lamented Mr. O'Curry, now in possession of the University, we are enabled to give our readers this interesting and valuable document. In doing so we do not pretend to enter on a critical or philological examination of it. We shall confine ourselves to some remarks on those points which seem most interesting to ecclesiastics.

Speaking of this document, the learned Professor says: "This prayer is divided into two parts. The first consists of twenty-eight petitions or paragraphs, each paragraph beseeching the mercy and forgiveness of Jesus through the intercession of some class of the holy men of the Old and New Testament, who are referred to in the paragraph, or represented by the names of one or more of the most distinguished of them. The first part begins thus:—'I beseech the intercession with Thee, O Holy Jesus! of thy four Evangelists who wrote thy Gospel, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John'. The second part consists of seventeen petitions to the Lord Jesus, apparently offered at Mass time, beseeching Him to accept the sacrifice then made for all Christian Churches, for the sake of the Merciful Father, from whom He descended upon the Earth, for the sake of His Divinity, which the Father had overshadowed, in order that it might unite with His humanity, for the sake of the Immaculate body from which He was formed in the womb of the Virgin. The second prayer begins thus: 'O Holy Jesus! O Beautiful Friend!' etc., etc."

The prayer is found in the Leabhar Buidhe Lecain (or Yellow Book of Lecain), in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, (MS. H. 2. 16, T.C.D., col. 336).

The Yellow Book of Lecain is a volume consisting at present (notwithstanding many losses) of 500 pages of large quarto vellum; and with the exception of a few small tracts in somewhat later hands, is all finely written by Donnoch and Gilla Isa Mac Firbis, in the year 1390. It would appear to have been, in its original form, a collection of ancient historical pieces, civil and ecclesiastical, in prose and verse. O'Curry enumerates these pieces at page 191 of his work on the MS. Materials of Irish history.

Oratio Colgani sancti[3] (Ua Duinechda, ob. A.D. 789). Sapientis et Prespiteri et Scripæ omnium Sanctorum incipit qui cunque hanc orationem cantaverit veram penitentiam et indulgentiam peccatorum habebit et alias multa gratias, id est, Ateoch fuit a Isa naemh do cheithre suiscela, etc.

1. I beseech the intercession with thee, O holy Jesus, of thy Four Evangelists, who wrote thy Divine Gospel, viz., Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.

2. I beseech the intercession with thee of thy four chief Prophets, who foretold thy Incarnation, Daniel, and Jeremiah, and Isaiah, and Ezechiel.

3. I beseech the intercession with thee of the nine degrees of the Church on Earth, from the Psalm-singer to the Bishop.

4. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the elect who have taken these degrees from the commencement of the New Testament to this day, and who shall adopt them from this day to the day of judgment.

5. I beseech the intercession with thee of the nine degrees of the Heavenly Church, viz., Angels and Archangels, Virtutes, Potestates, Principatus, Dominationes, Throni, Hirophin, Sarophin.

6. I beseech the intercession with thee of the noble Patriarchs, who foretold thee through the spiritual mysteries.

7. I beseech the intercession with thee of the twelve Minor Prophets, who figured thee.

8. I beseech the intercession with thee of the Twelve Apostles, who loved, and who desired, and who adhered to, and who followed, and who chose thee before all others.

9. I beseech the intercession with thee of all thy sons of pure virginity throughout the world, both of the Old Testament and the New Testament, together with the youthful John, thine own bosom child.

10. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the repentant saints, with Peter the Apostle.

11. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the perfect virgins of the world, with the Virgin Mary, thine own Holy Mother.

12. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the repentant widows, with Mary Magdalene.

13. I beseech the intercession with thee of all righteously tempted persons, with afflicted Job, who was visited with tribulations.

14. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy martyrs of the whole world, both of the Old Testament and of the New Testament, from the beginning of the world to Eli and Enoch, who shall suffer the last martyrdom on the brink of the judgment; with Stephen, with Cornelius, with Cyprian, with Lawrence, with Georgius, with Germanus.

15. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy monks who made battle for thy sake throughout the whole world, with Eliam, and with Elisium, in the Old Testament; with John, with Paul, with Anthony, in the New Testament.

16. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of the Patriarchal Law, with Abel, with Seth, with Eli, with Enoch, with Abraham, with Isaac, with Jacob.

17. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of the written Law, with Moses, with Jesu, with Calep, with Aaron, with Eliazar, and with Jonas.

18. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of the Law of the Prophets, with Elias and with Elisium; with David, with Solomon.

19. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the chosen of the Law of the New Testament, with thine own Holy Apostles, and with all the saints to the end of the world.

20. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Jerusalem, with Jacob of the knees, thine own holy brother.

21. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Rome, with Lin, with Cleit, with Clement.

22. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Alexandria, with Mark the Evangelist.

23. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city after them, with the Apostle Peter.

24. I beseech the intercession with thee of the holy Innocents of the whole world, who suffered crucifixion and martyrdom for thee, with the two thousand one hundred and forty youths who were murdered by Herod in Bethlehem of Juda, with the boy Ciric.

25. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the hosts of the perfect, righteous elders, who preached of thee in their old age, and their perfection, and their righteousness, with Eligib in the Old Testament, and with the noble, perfect, righteous elder Simeon, at the beginning of the New Testament, who caught thee upon his wrists and upon his knees and upon his arms, rejoicing over thee, when he said: Nunc dimitte secundum tuum Domine secundum verbum tuum in pace. Quia viderunt oculi mei salutem tuam. Quod parasti antefaciem omnium populorum lumen adrevelationem gentium et gloriam plebis tuae Israel.

26. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the holy disciples, who learned all the spiritual knowledge, both of the Old Testament and the New Testament, with the seventy-two disciples.

27. I beseech the intercession with thee of all the perfect teachers, who preached the spiritual sense (ꞅιαꞃꞅ), with the seventy-two disciples themselves, and with the Apostle Paul, that thou take me this night, O Holy Trinity, under thy protection and shelter, and with ardour to defend me and to protect me from the demons with all their solicitations, and from all the creatures of the world; from the desires, from the transgressions, from the sins, from the disobediences, from the dangers of this world; from the pains of the next; from the hands of enemies and all dangers; from the fire of Hell and eternity; from disgrace before the face of God; from the pursuit of demons, that they prevail nought with us in our passage to the other world; from the dangers of this world; from every person whom God knows to be unfriendly to us throughout the ten points of the Earth. May God put away from us their fury, their power, their valour, their bravery, their cunning; may God light up meekness, and charity, gratitude, and mercy, and forgiveness in their hearts, and in their thoughts, and in their souls, and in their minds, and in their bowels.

1. O Holy Jesus

O Beautiful Friend.

O Star of the Morning.

O Full Noonday Sun.

O Resplendent.

O Noble torch of the righteous, and of the truth, and of the eternal life, and of eternity.

O Fountain ever new, everlasting.

O Heart's-love of the illustrious Patriarchs.

O Longing of the Prophets.

O Master of Apostles and Disciples.

O Bestower of the Law.

O Precursor of the New Testament.

O Judge of the Judgment Day.

O Son of the Merciful Father, without a Mother in Heaven.

O Son of the truly perfect Virgin Mary, without a father on Earth.

O true brother of the heart.

2. For the sake of thy consanguinity, hear the supplication of this poor miserable being, that thou receive the offering for all Christian Churches and for myself.

3. For the sake of the Merciful Father, from whom thou didst come unto us upon Earth.

4. For the sake of thy Divinity, which that Father modified so as to receive thy humanity.

5. For the sake of the Immaculate Body from which thou didst come (wert formed) in the womb of the Virgin.

6. For the sake of the Spirit with the seven forms, which descended upon that body in unity with thyself and with thy Father.

7. For the sake of the holy womb from which thou didst receive that body without destruction of virginity.

8. For the sake of the holy following, and the holy pedigree from which that body descended, from the body of Adam to the body of Mary.

9. For the sake of the seven things which were foretold of thee on Earth, namely, thy conception, thy birth, thy baptism, thy crucifixion, thy burial, thy resurrection, thy ascension, thy coming to the judgment.

10. For the sake of the holy tree upon which thy side was torn.

11. For the sake of the innocent blood which trickled upon us from that tree.

12. For the sake of thine own body and blood, which are offered upon all the holy altars which are in all the Christian Churches of the world.

13. For the sake of all the scriptures in which thy news is recorded.

14. For the sake of all the truth in which thy resurrection is recorded.

15. For the sake of thy charity, which is the head and the top of all the testaments, ut dicitur, caritas super exaltat omnia.

16. For the sake of thy royal kingdom, with all its rewards and glorious gifts and music.

17. For the sake of thy mercy, and thy forgiveness, and thy loving friendship, thy own bountifulness, which is more extensive than all wealth, that I may obtain the forgiveness and the annihilation of my past sins from the beginning of my life to this day, after the words of David, who said: Beati quorum remissæ sunt iniquitates et quorum tecta sunt peccata, id est: dispense, and give, and bestow thy holy grace and thy holy spirit to defend and shelter me from all my present and future sins; and to light up in me all truth, and to retain me in that truth to the end of my life, and that thou receive me at the end of my life into Heaven, in the unity of illustrious patriarchs and prophets, in the unity of Apostles and Disciples, in the unity of Angels and Archangels, in the unity which excels all unities, that is, in the unity of the bright, holy, all-powerful Trinity, Father, and Son, and Holy Spirit. For I can effect nothing unless I effect it in the language of the Apostle Paul, who said: Quis me liberavit a corpore mortis hujus peccati nisi gratia tua Domine Jesu Christe qui regnas in secula seculorum. Amen.

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The dogmatic importance of this document is very great, as showing the belief of the Church of Ireland on many points, which are now set down by Protestants as of recent introduction.

We are struck in the first part with the invocation of the saints, whose powerful intercession is asked, not with God the Father only, but with the Son of God made man, the Mediator of God and man, Christ our Lord; and the intercession with Him is asked of the saints of the Old Testament as well as of the New.

In the nine degrees of the Church on Earth, (3) we find allusion to the four minor and three greater orders, of which the names are given by the Council of Trent; and to them are added the office of bishop, which is the completion of the priesthood, and that of psalm-singer, which, as we are told by an ancient Irish canon, was given to any clerk, not by episcopal ordination, but by delegation from a priest.

The nine choirs of blessed spirits (5) are those mentioned by Saint Gregory (Hom. 34 in Evang. ante med.), and are enumerated almost in the same order: "Novem Angelorum ordines dicimus, quia videlicet esse testante sacro eloquio scimus: Angelos, Archangelos, Virtutes, Potestates, Principatus, Dominationes, Thronos, Cherubim, atque Seraphim. Esse namque Angelos et Archangelos pene omnes sacri eloquii paginae testantur. Cherubim vero atque Seraphim saepe, ut notum est, libri Prophetarum loquuntur. Quatuor quoque ordinum nomina Paulus Apostolus ad Ephesios enumerat, dicens: Supra omnem Principatum et Potestatem et Virtutem et Dominationem. Qui rursus ad Colossenses scribens, ait: Sive Throni, sive Potestates, sive Principatus, sive Dominationes. Dum ergo illis quatuor, quae ad Ephesios dixit, conjunguntur Throni, quinque sunt ordines; quibus dum Angeli et Archangeli, Cherubim atque Seraphim, conjuncta sunt, proculdubio novem esse Angelorum ordines inveniuntur". We ought, perhaps, to add that the coincidence with Saint Gregory's enumeration is not, perhaps, altogether casual, for there is reason to believe that in the eighth century there was in Ireland a very extensive acquaintance with that great pontiff's writings.

In the verses (9, 11) St. Colga clearly shows the feeling of the ancient Church of Ireland with respect to the practice of holy virginity, and in honouring the ever blessed Mother of God. "I beseech the intercession with Thee of all thy sons of pure virginity, etc. I beseech the intercession with Thee of all the perfect virgins of the world, with the Virgin Mary, Thine own holy Mother, O Son of the truly perfect Virgin Mary".

In verse (14) our saint seems to allude to the special honour in which Saint Germanus of Auxerre was held in Ireland, perhaps on account of his close connection with our holy Apostle, Saint Patrick. Saint Colga invokes him along with some of the most distinguished saints of the early Church; and as if to mark the great labours of that apostolic man, the holy men with whom he joins him are all martyrs.

The honour to be shown to the monastic state is indicated by associating (15) with all the holy monks who made battle for thy sake throughout the whole world, the great names of Elias and Eliseus under the Old Law, and of John the Baptist, Paul, the first hermit, and Anthony, the first founder of the monastic state, in the New Testament.

In the next eight verses the prayer follows a chronological order: our Saint first invokes the early patriarchs: Abel, Seth, etc., to Jacob. He then calls upon the chosen of the written Law, including Moses, Josue, etc., and the chosen of the law of the Prophets—Elias, Eliseus, David, and Solomon. He then passes to the New Testament, begging the intercession of thine own holy Apostles, and all the saints to the end of the world. Saint James, "Frater Domini", is then mentioned as first bishop of Jerusalem, which was the earliest of the Churches; then follow all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Rome. After them mention is made of Mark the Evangelist, the founder of the Church of Alexandria. And then, as if to sum up under one heading the whole Church of Christ on Earth, and to indicate its chief foundation and corner-stone after our Lord Himself, our Saint, still addressing the Son of God, exclaims "I beseech the intercession with Thee of all the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city, after them, with the Apostle Peter". Were it not for this special invocation of Saint Peter, it might seem strange that his name was omitted when invoking the holy bishops of the Church of Rome; but our Saint seems to wish to call upon him here, not in connection with any particular Church, but in his relation to the whole ecclesiastical edifice, the city of God, which is the Church.

In indicating the holy bishops who founded the ecclesiastical city in Rome, St. Colga follows the order of the Canon of the ancient Roman Liturgy: Linus, Cletus, Clement, showing by this the close connection of our ancient Church with the other churches of Europe, and especially with the Church of Rome. Whether this be really the chronological order, is (as all are aware) a vexata questio among ecclesiastical historians. Nearly all the monuments and authorities bearing on this point set down Saint Linus as the immediate successor of the Prince of the Apostles; and, although Saint Augustine (Epistola ad Generosum) and Saint Optatus of Milevi (Lib. 2, adv. Parmenianum, cap. 3) give Saint Clement as next in order to Saint Linus, still the weight of testimony is in favour of the order followed by our Saint. Eusebius (Hist. Eccles. lib. 3, cap. 16), says: "Per id tempus Clemens Romanam adhuc gubernabat Ecclesiam, qui post Paulum et Petrum Episcopalis illius dignitatis gradum obtinuit: Linus primus erat, secundus Anacletus". From the concurrent testimony of almost all the ancient writers, Saint Irenaeus, Eusebius, Saint Epiphanius, Saint Optatus, Saint Augustine, etc., Anacletus and Cletus were one and the same person. A confirmation of this ancient tradition, regarding the immediate successors of Saint Peter, has been found within the last three years in the excavations made by our indefatigable fellow-countryman, Father Mullooly, O.P., under the actual church of Saint Clement in Rome, of which he is prior. In one of the frescoes which adorned the old church over which the present basilica is raised, we find a picture of Saint Clement enthroned by Saint Peter. The apostle has one foot on the step of the throne upon which he is placing his disciple, while Saint Linus and Saint Cletus stand by, as if assisting at the installation of one who was their successor, as well as Saint Peter's. These paintings were executed in the ninth century, during the pontificate of Pope Nicholas I., of whom mention is made in another part of them. In this representation of the enthronement by Saint Peter of Saint Clement, although not his immediate successor, we seem to have a confirmation of Tertullian's assertion: That Saint Clement was consecrated bishop by the Prince of the Apostles. "Edant ergo", he says, speaking of the heretics of his day, "edant ergo origines Ecclesiarium suarum evolvant ordinem Episcoporum ita per successionis ab initio decurrentem, ut primus ille Episcopus aliquem et Apostolis, vel Apostolicis viris, qui tamen cum Apostolis perseveraverit, habuerit auctorem et antecessorem. Hoc enim modo Ecclesiae Apostolicae census suos deferunt, sicut Smyrnaeorum Ecclesia Polycarpum ab Joanne conlocatum refert, sicut Romanorum Clementem a Petro ordinatum itidem, perinde utique et ceterae exhibent, quos ab Apostolis in Episcopatu constitutos Apostolici seminis traduces habeant" (Lib. de Praescript. cap. 32). Linus, Cletus, and Clement were, therefore, the founders of the ecclesiastical city of Rome after Peter, and as such are invoked by our Saint; while Peter is the representative, the first of all the holy bishops who founded the Church throughout the world; the chief of that episcopacy, of which Saint Cyprian says: "Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur".

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We are indebted to the learned priest of the Roman Oratory, Father Theiner, for some valuable papers connected with the See of Ardagh in the sixteenth century, published in his recent work, "Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum historiam illustrantia" (typis Vaticanis, 1864), the more important on account of the general darkness which shrouds our Ecclesiastical history of that period, and of the inextricable confusion in which the succession of bishops in the See of Ardagh seemed hitherto involved.

During the first years of the century, this see was governed by Dr. William O'Farrell, who, together with the mitre, retained the hereditary chieftaincy of his family, and was styled by his contemporaries Bishop of Ardagh and Dynast of Annaly. The brief of his appointment to the episcopal see is dated the 4th of August, 1479 (ap. Theiner, pag. 486), and Ardagh is described as having been rendered vacant by the demise of John, his immediate predecessor. The new bishop is said to be descended from the ancient chieftains of that district, and he is styled Abbot of the Cistercian Monastery of St. Mary's of Lera, better known by its more modern name of Granard; he is, moreover, described as remarkable for his learning, piety, and every virtue which should adorn the episcopal character.

Dr. William O'Farrell governed the see of Ardagh for thirty-seven years, and died in 1516. The historian Ware, anxious to find room for two supposed bishops, viz.—Thomas O'Congalan, and Owen, who should have presided over this see between 1500 and 1510, asserted that Dr. O'Farrell resigned his see many years before his death. However, these two bishops never held the see of Ardagh; they were Bishops of Achonry, and the Latin name of that diocese, Achadensis, probably gave occasion to the error of the learned writer.

In Father Theiner's collection there is another document of the year 1517, which illustrates this point. It is entitled "Processus Consistorialis", that is, a consistorial inquiry for the appointment of a successor to Dr. O'Farrell. This consistorial record presents to us a series of very important monuments. It opens with a letter of King Henry VIII., addressed to the great Pope Leo X., and dated Greenwich, 26th July, 1517. We give the whole original text of this letter, as it forms such a contrast with the subsequent iniquitous career of that unfortunate monarch:

"Sanctissimo Clementissimoque Dño. nostro Papae.

"Beatissime Pater, post humillimam commendationem et devotissima pedum beatorum oscula. Expositum nobis fuit Cathedralem Ecclesiam Ardakadensem perexigui census ac proventus in dominio nostro Hiberniae per obitum Reverendissimi in Christo patris, Dñi. Wilhelmi ejus novissimi Episcopi, impraesentia vacare suoque pastore esse destitutam, et cogitantibus tum nobis ei providere propositus fuit venerabilis vir Magister Rogerius O'Moleyn, Cathedralis Ecclesiae Cluamensis canonicus, vir modestus, circumspectione, probitate et doctrina non mediocriter probatus, quem et nos idoneum existimavimus cui dictae Ecclesiae Ardakadensis cura committatur eique praeficiatur. Quocirca Vestrae Sanctitati eum commendamus ut eundem Magistrum Rogerium praedictae Ecclesiae praeficere ac Episcopum et Pastorem constituere dignetur, quod et honori atque utilitati ejusdem Ecclesiae futurum putamus et nobis erit admodum gratum: et felicissime valeat Vestra Beatitudo. Quam Deus Altissimus longaevam conservat", etc.

In the next place the Cardinal to whose care had been entrusted the inquiry as to the merits of Dr. O'Malone, presents a petition to the Holy Father, in which he states that the Vice-Chancellor of the Roman Church, to whom the task should belong, being impeded by sickness, it had become his duty to propose the candidate for the vacant see: a diligent investigation being made, Roderick O'Malone, canon of Clonmacnoise, recommended by the English king, was found to be a person well suited for that important post, and as he was actually present in the city of Rome, his Eminence prays the Holy Father to sanction without delay his appointment to the See of Ardagh.

The evidence of three Irish witnesses in regard of the vacant see is also produced. From their depositions we cull the following particulars:

1. That the Diocese of Ardagh formed part of the Ecclesiastical Province of Armagh, and was vacant for about a year, by the death of William, its last Bishop.

2. That the town of Ardagh was situated in a hilly country, surrounded by woods and forests. In this town there were no more than four houses, all built of wood, and its inhabitants were very few, in consequence of the continual quarrels between the late bishop and his neighbours; for Dr. O'Farrell had wished to insist upon his rights as chief dynast of Annaly; but some of his clansmen refused to recognize his claims, and having assembled their forces, assailed and reduced to absolute ruin the mere remnant of the former city of Ardagh.

3. The cathedral shared in the ruin of the metropolitical city. Its walls alone were now standing. There was only one altar, and it was canopied by the azure vault of Heaven. Moreover, there was only one priest in the district, and the Holy Sacrifice was rarely offered up. There was neither sacristy, nor belfry, nor bell; in fact, there were scarcely vestments and altar ornaments sufficient for one Mass, and these were ordinarily kept in a common box in the body of the church.

4. The Deanery is valued at ten ducats, equal to £2 10s. The archdeacon's revenue was eight ducats. There were also twelve Canons and a few minor Prebendaries of little or no income. The extent of the diocese is said to be about twenty miles, and, it is added that there were some few rural benefices in the patronage of the bishop.

5. As regards the bishop elect, Dr. Roderick O'Malone, he is described as "honestis parentibus natus aetatis annorum fere XL., sanus mente et corpore, ac bonae conversationis et famae, in jure canonico bene instructus et litteratus, ac in sacerdotii ordine constitutus et ad ipsius Ecclesiae regimen et gubernationem aptus et idoneus" (p. 521.). The Holy See readily approved of the appointment of such a worthy successor of St. Mel, and in the hope that through the prudence and zeal of such a bishop, the ancient Diocese of Ardagh would soon regain its former splendour, Dr. O'Malone was proclaimed in consistory of 4th December, 1517. He was moreover permitted to retain his former canonry and benefice in Clonmacnoise, on account of the poverty of the see of Ardagh; for, though it was rated in the books of the Apostolic Datary with the tax of 33-1/3 ducats, its whole annual revenue was now reduced to the sum of ten ducats.

Such are the principal points of this important consistorial record, as far as it relates to the Diocese of Ardagh. There are, however, some incidental statements introduced into it which may not be uninteresting to the reader:

"The island of Hibernia", it says, "was called Ierne (Iuverna) in the time of Pliny, and at a later period received from the barbarians the name Ireland (i.e. Western Land). The inhabitants of the coasts which look towards England, are somewhat modernized in the usages of life; the remainder of the island retains its primitive simplicity, and uses wooden or straw houses. The great majority of the population roams through the open country following their flocks; they travel barefoot, and are fond of plunder. The chief produce of the island is corn; its horses are of a superior merit, being swifter than those of England, and at the same time having a softer and more agreeable pace. They were formerly known as Asturcons, having come from the Asturias in Spain. Amongst the chief saints of Ireland are numbered Sts. Malachy, Cathaldus, and Patrick, by whom the inhabitants were first led to the fold of Christ. It gave birth to William Ocham, who was famed for his skill in Dialectics, and flourished under Pope John XXII.; as also to Richard Fitz Ralph, Archbishop of Armagh and Cardinal, who about 1353 was conspicuous for his learning and writings".

This statement in regard of Dr. Fitz Ralph decides the controversy which was raised by Ware, as to the fact of this archbishop having been decorated with the Roman purple. Raffaelle da Volterra expressly attested it: but Ware deemed the silence of Ciacconius and other historians conclusive against his claim. However, the Roman Consistory itself now confirms the statement of Volterra, and hence we may further deduce another important conclusion, that, viz., in general the silence of Ciacconius and other such historians is of little weight in regard of our Irish prelates, especially when their elevation to the purple has positive testimony in its favour, such, for instance, as is more than once met with in the writings of Lopez and others.

Dr. Roderick O'Malone continued to govern the see of Ardagh till the year 1540, under which year his death is recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters. His successor was Dr. Patrick Mac Beathy Mac Mahon, of the Order of St. Francis, whose appointment is registered in the Consistorial Acts on 14th November, 1541, the see being described as vacant per obitum Roderici.

During the first years of Dr. Mac Mahon's episcopate, the temporalities of the see were possessed by Richard O'Ferral, who, being temporal dynast of the district, wished also to enjoy the episcopate, and had his usurpation readily confirmed by the crown. The writ for his consecration bears date the 22nd of April, 1542, when already the canonically appointed bishop had for six months dispensed the bread of life to the faithful of Ardagh. It was only in 1553, on the demise of the schismatical nominee, that the Catholic bishop was allowed his full rights and privileges, and received possession of the temporalities of the see.

Dr. Mac Mahon died in 1576, and had for his successor another member of the Franciscan Order, Richard Mac Brady, who was proclaimed bishop of Ardagh in the Consistory of 16th January, 1576-7. He, however, held the see for little more than three years, and was then transferred to the diocese of Kilmore. His successor as bishop of Ardagh was the renowned Edmund Mac Gauran, who, being translated to the Primatial See on the 1st July, 1587, closed his career by adding his name to the long list of the martyrs of Ireland.

It is now time to draw a few practical conclusions from the historical facts which we have thus faintly sketched.

1. In the first place, the assailants of the Catholic cause contend that Henry VIII., when assuming to himself the appointment of bishops to the Irish sees, and rejecting as nugatory the sanction of Rome, merely continued the long-practised usage of England, and asserted the time-honoured privileges of his crown. Now we have seen the submissive letter with which Henry himself petitions Pope Leo to confirm Dr. O'Malone in the see of Ardagh; and hence it results that the course subsequently pursued by the English monarch was confessedly an usurpation of the rights of the Vicar of Christ and a trampling on the traditions of the kingdom.

2. We have also seen how the schismatical bishop, D. Richard O'Ferral, can have no claim to be ranked amongst the successors of St. Mel. The canonically appointed bishop was already engaged for six months in dispensing the food of life to his flock, when the schismatical nominee was intruded into the see of Ardagh. During Elizabeth's reign another Protestant bishop was similarly nominated to this see. His name was Lisach O'Ferral, and as we learn from Harris, his letters patent bear date the 4th November, 1583. This date alone suffices for his condemnation. The Catholic bishop was long before divinely chosen to rule that spiritual fold; and a rival bishop appointed by royal authority must be regarded not as a true shepherd, but as a plunderer whose mission it is to scatter the flock of Christ.

3. We have also seen how the so-called Reformation was ushered into the diocese of Ardagh. The altar was despoiled, the cathedral was in ruins, and the general destruction which dismantled the material house of God, seemed to forebode the spiritual desolation which should soon prevail. It is now cheering to contemplate the happy change that reigns in that favoured diocese. Once more the altars are clothed with gladness; a noble cathedral, which is an ornament not to the diocese alone, but to the whole island, honours the memory of St. Mel; and we may confidently hope that under the wise guidance of its holy bishop and clergy, this material restoration is the harbinger and token of the spiritual progress of its faithful people, and of the rapid strides made by the whole country in regaining its former proud position as Island of Saints.

P. F. M.

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Postquam saeculo XVI., laboribus praesertim et studiis Antonii Bosi iterum sacra suburbana patuere Coemeteria, quae a saeculo VIII. exeunte Summorum Pontificum cura penitus interclusa remanserant ne barbari Romanum solum devastantes ibi aliquam inferrent profanationem, in iis conquiri coeperunt Martyrum corpora quae adhuc ibidem permanebant in loculis abscondita. Tutissimum dignoscendi sacra haec pignora signum a majorum traditione receptum erant phialae vitreae vel figulinae cruore tinctae, aut crustas saltem sanguineas occludentes, quae vel intra vel extra loculos sepultorum affixae manebant. Attamen aliquibus visum fuit viris eruditis alias praeter sanguinem admittere notas, quibus ipsi Martyres distingui autumabant. Verum ut in re tanti momenti inoffenso procederetur pede, placuit Clementi IX. Summo Pontifici singularem deligere Congregationem, quae ex Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus, aliisque doctissimis viris constaret, eique hac super re gravissimum commisit examen. Haec Congregatio quae postea a Sacris Reliquiis et indulgentiis nomen habuit, argumentis omnibus perpensis, die 10 aprilis anni 1668 decretum hoc tulit: "Cum in Sacra Congregatione Indulgentiis, Sacrisque Reliquiis praeposita de notis disceptaretur, ex quibus verae Sanctorum Martyrum Reliquiae a falsis et dubiis dignosci possint; eadem Sacra Congregatio, re diligenter examinata, censuit, Palmam et Vas illorum sanguine tinctum pro signis certissimis habenda esse: aliorum vero signorum examen in aliud tempus rejecit". Decretum hujusmodi duorum fere saeculorum decursu fideliter servatum est, quamvis praeterito vertente saeculo nonnulli selecti scriptores de Phialae sanguineae signo diversimode dubitaverint; quibus praecipue gravissima Benedicti XIV. auctoritas obstitit, quum in Literis Apostolicis ad Capitulum Metropolitanae Ecclesiae Bononiensis de S. Proco Martyre ex Coemeterio Thrasonis cum vase sanguinis effosso edoceret: "Ipsi debetur cultus et titulus Sancti, quia procul dubio nulli unquam venit in mentem quantumvis acuto ingenio is fuerit, et cupidus quaerendi, ut aiunt, nodum in scirpo, nulli, inquam, venit in mentem dubitatio, quod Corpus in Catacumbis Romanis inventum cum vasculo sanguinis aut pleno, aut tincto, non sit Corpus alicujus qui mortem pro Christo sustinuerit". At nostris hisce diebus alii supervenere viri eruditione aeque pollentes, et in sacrae Archeologiae studiis valde periti, qui vel scriptis, vel etiam voluminibus editis adversus Phialam sanguineam utpote indubium Martyrii signum decertarunt. Sanctissimus autem Dominus Noster PIUS PAPA IX., de Decreti illius robore et auctoritate haud haesitans, quum videret tamen eruditorum difficultates in ephemeridibus tum catholicis, tum heterodoxis divulgari, ad praecavendum quodlibet inter fideles scandalum sapientissime censuit, ut hujusmodi difficultates in quadam peculiari Sacrorum Rituum Congregatione severo subjicerentur examini. Peculiaris vero Congregatio haec nonnullis ex ejusdem Sacrorum Rituum Congregationis Cardinalibus, Praelatis Officialibus, ac selectis ecclesiasticis viris pietate, doctrina, prudentia, rerumque usu eximie praeditis constituta prae oculis habens universam argumentorum seriem, nec non fidelem ejusdem Secretarii relationem, quum omnia accuratissima ponderaverit disquisitione die 27 Novembris vertentis anni duobus his propositis dubiis:

I. An Phialae vitreae, aut figulinae sanguine tinctae quae ad loculos sepultorum in Sacris Coemeteriis vel intus vel extra ipsos reperiuntur, censeri debeant Martyrii signum?

II. An ideo sit standum vel recedendum a Decreto Sacrae Congregationis Indulgentiarum, et Reliquiarum, diei 10 Aprilis 1668?

Respondit ad primum: "AFFIRMATIVE";

Respondit ad secundum: "PROVISUM IN PRIMO".

Ideoque declaravit confirmandum esse decretum anni 1668.

Facta autem de praemissis Sanctissimo Domino Nostro PIO PAPAE IX. a subscripto Secretario accurata omnium expositione, Sanctitas Sua sententiam Sacrae Congregationis ratam habuit et confirmavit, atque praesens decretum expediri praecepit.

Die 10 Decembris 1863.

C. Episcopus Portuen. et S. Rufinae CARD. PATRIZI,
S. R. C. Praef.

D. Bartolini S. R. C. Secretarius.

This Decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites contains the decision of a most important and interesting question. The decision itself is prefaced by an historical summary by help of which even those who hear of the question for the first time, are placed in a position to understand without trouble its nature and bearing. It is unnecessary to say anything concerning the early phases of the controversy about the value of the phial of blood, as a sign of martyrdom. Nor, after the decision just delivered, is it necessary to dwell upon the difficulties that have been urged in our own day against the ancient practice. In face of the clear and explicit declaration of the Sacred Congregation, such difficulties lose in Catholic eyes all the value which once might have been claimed for them. Nevertheless, it will not be without advantage to make some observations on the objections which have furnished the matter for the rigorous examination alluded to in the Decree.

Three of these objections are deserving of special attention.

1. Many of the sepulchres marked by the presence of the phial of blood bear, likewise, the names of consuls who flourished after the reign of Constantine. Now, the reign of Constantine put an end to the persecutions and brought peace to the Church. How, then, can the phials of blood be a sign of martyrdom, when they appear upon graves opened to receive those who died when the period of martyrdom had passed?

This difficulty, so serious at first sight, becomes much less serious when we consider that we must except from the number of these inscriptions, all such as belong to the reign of Julian the Apostate, in whose days there was certainly no lack of martyrs. This deduction made, the number of inscriptions, hitherto found, marked with the names of consuls posterior to Constantine, and in connection with the phial of blood, amounts to the comparatively insignificant number of about thirty. To account for this number of martyrs after Constantine, it is not necessary, on the one hand, to suppose a general persecution; and on the other, we have ample testimony to the existence of partial persecutions and outbreaks against the Christians, more than sufficient to have caused the death of a much greater number. In the first place, some of the Christian emperors were Arians, and as such little careful to protect the Catholics against the fury of the Pagans or of the heretics. Saint Felix II., Eusebius the Priest, and many others received the crown of martyrdom from this cause. In the next place, the orthodox emperors generally did not reside at Rome, which they governed by prefects, who were for the most part Pagans. Besides, the Roman nobility long continued, not only Pagan, but violently attached to Pagan superstitions. Among the people, too, there were many Pagans whose rage at the decay of their own religion, was provoked still more by the sight of the progress made by Christianity.

The state of Rome during this period will best be understood by the two following facts. In the year 369, the Prefect of Rome having rebuilt the portico of the Dei Consenti under the Capitol, whilst Valentinian I. was Emperor, and Saint Damasus was Pope, was bold enough to place on its front an inscription still to be read: "Deorum Consentium Sacrosancta Simulachra". The famous Altar of Victory, in the Capitol, was kept in its place of honour as late as the reign of Theodosius, notwithstanding the efforts of the preceding emperors to remove it. Nor could even that great emperor effect its removal without exciting tumults on the part of the Pagan senators. In such a state of society, lasting more or less for a century and a half, is it hard to find a place for the martyrdom of many and many a Christian?

2. The second difficulty is as follows: Many of the graves marked by the phial of blood are also marked by the presence of that special form of the monogram of Christ which belongs to the period of Constantine; they cannot, therefore, be the graves of martyrs.

What has been already said in reply to the first difficulty applies equally to the second. But is it certain that the use of the monogram in question does not go farther back than the time of Constantine? There is good reason to believe that it is by no means certain. In many portions of the catacombs which, undoubtedly, were excavated before the fourth century, tablets have been found most distinctly marked with this form of monogram. Besides, the same form is sometimes found close by other forms which are beyond doubt of most remote antiquity, and this, too, in corridors which, for the most part, appear to have been excavated before the time of Constantine. Examples of this collocation are to be seen in the cemetery of Cyriaca, in that of Maximus, or Saint Felicitas, in the Via Salaria Nuova, in the cemetery of Saint Hypolytus, in the cemetery of Saint Agnes. It is the well-considered opinion of almost all antiquarians, that the use of the monogram alluded to in the difficulty was by no means infrequent at the close of the third and the commencement of the fourth century—that is to say, at the period of the persecution of Dioclesian.

3. The third difficulty denies the supposition that the slight red coating found on the side of the phials, has been deposited there from blood. Some have been bold enough to say that it is due to the Eucharistic species of wine which the vessels once contained, and which gradually dried up; others say that it has been caused by the decomposition of the glass, or that water trickling through the reddish earth has left behind it a coloured sediment upon the vessel's sides. But it results from careful chemical analysis, frequently repeated, that the red coating is due to the presence of the colouring matter of the blood, and not to any of the causes above recited. The opinion which ascribes it to the Eucharistic species is, above all others, singularly destitute of proof from history or monuments.

Since the publication of the Decree we have given above, an important discovery has been made in the Basilica Ambrosiana of Milan, which goes far to justify the accuracy of the decision of the Sacred Congregation. In the year 386 Saint Ambrose discovered at Milan the relics of the two illustrious Milanese martyrs, Saints Gervasius and Protasius. He caused them to be translated to the Basilica, and buried them beneath the altar, on the right or Gospel side. "This spot", said he, in his discourse on the occasion, "I had destined for myself, for it is meet that the bishop should repose where he was wont to offer the Divine Sacrifice. But to these sacred victims I give up the right portion". Saint Ambrose died in 397, and was buried on the left or Epistle side of the same altar, beneath which he had placed the bodies of the holy martyrs.

In the ninth century Anglebert II., Bishop of Milan, placed in one and the same urn the remains of the three saints, and built over them a new altar, which was so richly ornamented with gold and precious stones that it has ever since been styled the Pallio d'Oro. This altar has remained intact down to our days. On the evening of the 15th January, 1864, the authorities of the Basilica, in course of excavations directed by the provost and a special commission, made search for the primitive sepulchre in which Saint Ambrose had laid the two martyrs. They found it formed of slabs of rare marbles, and within it a little earth mixed with small fragments of bones, together with a fragment of an ampolla or glass phial. Of this ampolla, the illustrious Cavalier De Rossi, in his Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana (anno ii., No. 3, p. 21), thus writes: "It now remains for me to speak of a fact lately established by chemical science—a fact of the greatest importance, and worthy of the attentive consideration of all students of Christian archæology. In Biraghi's first account (of the discoveries in the Basilica Ambrosiana) we read that the bottom of a glass ampolla was found in the sepulchre to the right, that is, in the sepulchre of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius. The same gentleman has since written to me to say that a chemical analysis of the deposit found in the fragment of phial has resulted in the discovery of the presence of blood. Now, this is certainly the most notable instance we have of a phial containing blood being placed at the sepulchre of martyrs known as such to history, and what especially distinguishes this ampolla beyond every other are the solemn words of the great Doctor Saint Ambrose, which have especial reference to it. He had discovered the tomb of Saints Gervasius and Protasius, and describing his discovery in a letter to his sister Marcellina, he says that within the urn he found 'plurimum sanguinis'. In the same epistle he adds: 'Sanguine tumulus madet, apparent cruoris triumphales notae, inviolatae reliquiae loco suo et ordine repertae avulsum humeris caput' (Ep. xxii. ad Marcellin.). It was of the blood of the same martyrs that Gaudentius, of Brescia, uttered the well-known words: 'Tenemus sanguinem gypso collectum, qui testis est passionis' (Serm. in ded. SS. XL. Mart.). But neither Ambrose nor any one else had informed us that besides the blood copiously sprinkled in the sepulchre, and in which the chalk or cement was soaked, there was also some collected in a glass ampolla. The late discovery certifies to this fact, and shows that phials filled or stained with blood were placed in the sepulchres of martyrs, and that these phials were alluded to in the celebrated words of Ambrose and his contemporaries, who speak of blood found in tombs, and bearing witness to martyrdom. This important fact comes most opportunely to strengthen the principle followed by the Church; and lately confirmed by a new decree of the Congregation of Rites, namely, that the bloodstained ampolla was placed in the sepulchres of martyrs to the end that it might bear witness to their glorious death for the faith of Christ".

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There are two Universities recognized by law in this country. One of these, the University of Dublin, or Trinity College, although it has shown of late years a more liberal spirit towards Catholics than formerly, must always remain essentially Protestant in character, until the way is open for Catholics to be appointed on its governing body—a change, of which there does not appear to be the slightest probability.

As a matter of fact, its governing body, consisting of the provost and senior fellows, are all members of the Church as by law established, and, with two exceptions, are Protestant clergymen. The other fellows, and the scholars on the foundation, are likewise Protestants; and this in a city where, of a population of 254,000, only 58,000 are Protestants (of all denominations), and in a country in which only 11.8 per cent. of the inhabitants are members of the Established Church.

It is true that within the last few years some scholarships of small value have been opened for Catholics and Dissenters. Masters of Arts, even such of them as are not Protestants, have votes in the election of members to represent the University in Parliament; but these scholarships are not on the foundation, the holders of them do not belong to the corporation, and no Catholic has any share in the government of the University, nor (with one trifling exception) in its teaching. Trinity College was founded for the purpose (as stated in its original charter) of destroying Catholicity and promoting the ascendancy of the Established Church in Ireland. It has religiously endeavoured to discharge that trust; and, although some of its members have been and are men of liberal and enlarged views, still it continues to the present day the work given it to do by its foundress, Queen Elizabeth. At this moment there is a Protestant bishop in Ireland who was a Catholic till he entered Trinity College; the same can be said of the archdeacon of another diocese, and his two brothers; the female members of the families of these dignitaries still remain good Catholics; and on the list of the fellows, professors, and scholars of the University itself, are the names of several who were baptized in the Catholic faith, and declared themselves Protestants when wishing to become members of the University of Dublin! What wonder, then, that Catholics should be unwilling to leave the chief education of the country in the hands of the Protestant University of Dublin, more especially since it has been observed that a very large proportion of the Catholics who have studied there, cease during their University course to be communicants in the Church to which they still belong by name? What wonder that Catholics should consider it a hardship to be forced, if they wish to get University education near home, to seek it in an institution from whose dignities and management they are excluded, in which an antagonistic creed is always put forward ostentatiously in a position of superiority, while the faith of their fathers, if it be not contemned and scoffed at, is systematically treated with silent indifference, or with supercilious patronage? What wonder that Catholics being declared by Act of Parliament "freemen" in every way equal to their Protestant fellow-countrymen, should be unwilling to continue begging as a favour at the gates of such an institution for the academical honours and distinction to which they are entitled as a right? It is absurd that in the metropolis of a free country, containing inhabitants of various religions, a handful of clergymen of one denomination should pretend to a monopoly of University education; should hold in their hands the keys of knowledge, doling it out as they please, and obliging even those whose faith they denounce as idolatry and superstition, to send their sons to their schools. Would such a system be allowed in any other country? Would a few Catholic priests be allowed, even for one hour, to monopolize the University education of Protestant England?

We need not be surprised, then, that the number of Catholics entering Trinity College has steadily diminished during the last thirty years, and that they now form only six per cent. of the total number of entrances. In the official return contained in the last report of the Census Commissioners, we find that on the 17th May, 1861, of one hundred and forty-seven students resident in Trinity College, only five were Catholics.

In order to remedy, in some measure, this evil, the late Sir Robert Peel founded the Queen's Colleges. But the remedy was ineffectual. These colleges incurred the reprobation of the authorities of the Catholic Church, and, consequently, by far the greater part of Catholics object to these institutions on conscientious grounds, and many of them on political and social grounds also.

According to the last census, there were in Ireland in 1861, ninety-eight classical schools under the management of societies or boards, and two hundred and three private classical schools. The total number of pupils in these schools was 10,346, of whom 5,118, or about one-half, were Catholics. There were also 1,242 Catholics returned as receiving collegiate education on the 17th of May of that year. We have thus a total of 6,360 Catholic youths receiving a superior education in Ireland. Few, if any, of the Catholic institutions to which these pupils belong look with favour on the existing universities. On the other hand, none of these youths ought to be excluded from University education on account of conscientious objections: and yet by far the greater number are practically excluded at present, at least they are excluded from participation in the highest University dignities, and from the management of those seats of learning and centres of intellectual progress, one of which is essentially Protestant, the other is condemned by their Church. Is this justice? is it equality? is it intellectual freedom?

The unfairness of the present system will appear more clearly, if we consider the question of professional education. In the profession of the Law, out of 758 barristers in Ireland in 1861, 216 were returned as Catholics; 674 out of 1,882 attorneys; of 2,358 physicians and surgeons, 761 were Catholics; and 210 out of 419 apothecaries, many of whom hold a medical license. Of 1,065 members of other liberal professions, not ecclesiastics, the Census Commissioners state that 358 belonged to the Catholic religion; and of 267 professors in colleges, and tutors, 141 held the same faith. To these we must add 83 law students, 40 of whom are Catholics; and 329 Catholic medical students out of a total of 954. We have thus 2,729 Catholics out of a total of 7,758 persons engaged in the liberal professions, or aspiring to them.

Let us now see the disabilities under which this large number, more than one-third of the whole, labour, when on conscientious grounds they object, as is generally the case, to existing University arrangements.

With respect to the profession of the Law and to Attorneys, the following arrangement is at present in force by Act of Parliament, or by the resolution of the Benchers.

All graduates of Trinity College or of the Queen's University can be called to the Bar at the end of three years from the date of their registration as law students; while non-graduates are inadmissible to such call until the expiration of five years from such date.

Graduates are obliged to attend only two courses of lectures, either at the King's Inns or at Trinity College, or (in the case of students of the Queen's University) at any one of the Provincial Colleges; while non-graduates are required to attend four courses, viz.:—two courses at the King's Inns, and two additional courses at Trinity College. Moreover, graduates are required to attend twelve terms' commons, viz.: six in the King's Inns and six in any Inn in London; while non-graduates are required to attend seventeen, terms' commons, viz.: nine in the King's Inns and eight in England. Finally, the fees payable by graduates are less than those imposed upon non-graduates.

With regard to the apprentices of solicitors and attorneys, all matriculated students of Trinity College and of the Queen's Colleges are exempt from the preliminary examination imposed upon all other apprentices who have not been so matriculated. They may further be admitted to the practice of their profession two years earlier than non-matriculated apprentices, and are exempt from one of the courses of lectures appointed by the Benchers for such apprentices.

From this it appears that Catholics, and indeed all who object to the Protestant University and to the Queen's Colleges, are delayed in their course to a profession one or two years longer than the graduates of the favoured institutions, and are obliged to attend additional lectures and to pay extra fees, irrespectively of their proficiency in literature and science, or in law. Nearly one thousand Catholics (930) must submit to these inconveniencies, or must, on the one hand, choose between a University founded to maintain the ascendancy of the Established Church in Ireland, and, on the other hand, institutions condemned by their Church.

With respect to the Medical Profession, every one knows the high value set by practitioners, and by the public, on the title and degree of "Doctor of Medicine". Now, no one can obtain that high distinction in Ireland unless by becoming a member of one of the two Universities recognized by law; and the 329 Catholic medical students must either give up all chance of that honour and professional advantage, or trample under foot their self-respect, if, contrary to their religious principles, they enter one of the institutions which their faith condemns.

As to professors in colleges, and tutors, besides the injustice to the persons themselves, there is no one but must see the injury inflicted on the education of the nation, when more than one-half of the teachers in its superior schools and colleges are obliged to forego the advantages of University education (we ought in their case rather to say, the necessary training for their important office, which can be had only in an University), or to secure it with the fear which nearly all Catholics feel of forfeiting more sacred advantages, of endangering more important interests. And although some persons may deem these fears excessive, still, has any one the right to tamper with these religious opinions? Is it fair or reasonable to place such trammels on men in the pursuit of the highest education? In fine, is it just to oblige parents to choose for their sons either half-educated tutors, or else men whose views may have become unsettled on matters most important, most sacred to their eyes in their children's education—men who have been trained in an institution which Catholics, as a body, reject and repudiate?

The Census Commissioners, in the report referred to, remark: "The high proportion of members of the Established Church receiving intermediate instruction (as compared to Catholics) is due in a great measure to the numerous endowments in connection with that Church, and to the relation existing between many of these endowments and the University of Dublin". Might they not have added, that this disproportion is also due to the fact, that little or no inducements are held out to Catholics to pursue University studies, or rather, that no University career is left open to the large number of Catholics who, on conscientious grounds, object to the Protestant University and to the Queen's Colleges? The following sentences in the Report seem fully to bear us out in this remark: "The very small proportion of Roman Catholic students receiving University instruction requires, perhaps, more explanation, because they are taken from the class of those undergoing intermediate instruction, which has an absolute majority over the Protestants of the same class. If, however, we deduct from the number of Roman Catholics pursuing classical studies those who pass to the College of Maynooth, All Hallows, and several Continental seminaries, to follow up their studies preparatory for the priesthood, the disproportion will appear less, when we take into account that nearly all the candidates for the ministry of the Established Church graduate in the University of Dublin, to which they contribute a very large proportion of its students". It might be asked: Why ought the Catholic students here referred to, be deprived of the advantages of University education, if they wished for them, as they are enjoyed by ecclesiastical students in Belgium, Prussia, and Austria?

The Report then continues: "Taking an average for ten years of the numbers graduating in the University of Dublin and Queen's University, we obtain a representation of the number receiving University instruction yearly in Ireland not very far removed from the truth. That average is 335, or 0.006 per cent. of the entire population. This being so, we regret to say that, as compared with other European countries, Ireland occupies a lower place than several—namely, than Prussia, Austria, or Belgium; the first mentioned of those countries having had, in 1852, 0.028 per cent.; the second, in 1853-4, 0.026; and the last, in 1850, 0.017 per cent. of her population engaged in University studies; so that whatever advantage any one section of the Irish people may seem to have over any other in this respect, much yet remains to be done by all before the entire population of Ireland can take a prominent rank among civilized countries in the cultivation of liberal studies"—Report of Census Commissioners, page 60.

The "much which remains to be done" is, we submit, to take off the restrictions on University education which still remain, and to allow Catholics who conscientiously object to the Protestant University and to the Queen's Colleges, to gain University honours and distinctions without violating their religious principles. At present they are excluded, practically, from University education on account of their religious opinions. Let these disabilities be removed, either by placing on an equality with the other Universities the Catholic University, which is founded on the principles they admit, as the others are based on principles antagonistic to them; or else establish one central University of Ireland, an institution which will be, not a teaching, but an examining and graduating body, before which all who desire degrees or other academical honours may equally present themselves, and where every man, no matter under what system he has studied, will find his religious convictions respected, and will be asked not where or how he has learned, but what he knows—a University, which, with some necessary modifications, will be for Irish Catholics, and indeed for all Ireland, what the London University is for the Dissenters of England.

If precedents for either of these plans be asked for, they will be found, for the first, in the Catholic University of Laval, Quebec, chartered by her present Majesty; and for the other, in Belgium, and in the University of Sydney.

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(From M. Bouix's "Revue des Sciences Ecclesiastiques".)

1. Should the altar-charts be placed on the altar except at the time of Mass?

2. Should the preacher wear his beretta while preaching?

3. Should the little bell be rung at the moment when Benediction is given with the Blessed Sacrament?

4. Should the thurifer incense the Blessed Sacrament whilst Benediction is being given?

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1. It is usual in certain churches not only to leave the altar-charts permanently on the altar, but also to place them on it as an ornament during vespers and other functions, and even to furnish with them altars at which Mass is not said. Now, it is quite certain that whatever specially belongs to the Mass should not be on the altar except during the Holy Sacrifice. The Rubric of the Missal prescribes that the altar-charts should be prepared before Mass, and does not suppose that they remain permanently on the altar. Except at Mass time, and even during the celebration of the divine office, the altar ought to remain covered. In the Caeremoniale Episcop., l. 2, c. 1, n. 13, we read that the acolytes should uncover the altar before the incensation at the Magnificat. "Interim duo acolyti procedunt ad altare, elevantes hinc inde anteriorem partem superioris tobalae, seu veli super altare positi, illamque conduplicant usque ad medium". Nothing is more opposed to the spirit of liturgical rules than objects for which there is no use. Altar-charts are not a decoration, but are made to serve a purpose; therefore they should be displayed when they are wanted. Care should also be taken that they be legible, and not, as sometimes happens, rather pictures than anything else.

2. The Rubric of the Caeremon. Episcop. is clear on this point: "Mox surgit, et capite coöperto incipit sermonem."—(l. 1, c. 22, n. 3). According to the Rubric of the Missal, the preacher uncovers his head as often as he pronounces the holy names of Jesus and Mary, or of the saint whose feast is being celebrated. In order not to do this too often, he should avoid a too frequent mention of their names. "Si SS. nominum Jesu uel Mariæ fiat mentio", says Lohner (Instr. Pract., t. 1., p. 50), "caput discoöperire debet (concionator); si tamen saepe sint repetenda, utatur potius nomine Christi, Redemptoris, Dominæ nostrae, Cœli Reginæ, aut similibus".

We may remark, however, that this regulation of the Rubric is an exception to the general rule. The general rule is, that ecclesiastics in church or choir are never covered except when seated, unless those who, paramentis induti, move from place to place without passing before the clergy. A priest who goes from the sacristy to the choir, or to any other part of the church, if he do not wear at least the stole, should not wear his beretta. Much less should he wear the beretta if he be not in choir habit.

3. No author speaks of this usage. There appears, therefore, no reason why it should be introduced. We would not venture to say that it ought to be suppressed. However, it appears more becoming to reserve for Mass the use of the small bell, and to ring during Benediction the large bells of the church, as is the custom in Rome.

4. During Benediction the thurifer may incense the Blessed Sacrament on his knees, as at High Mass; but it is better to omit such incensation. The first of these assertions rests upon various decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Rites; the second upon authority, especially that of Gardellini.

1st Decree.—"Cum non una sit auctorum sententia, nec eadem Ecclesiae praxis quoad incensationem SS. Sacramenti dum populo cum ipso impertitur benedictio, R. P. Fr. Paschalis a Platea Branculi sacerdos ordinis minorum ... S. R. C. sequentia dubia enodanda proposuit, nimirum: 1. Num utraque auctorum sententia, videlicet eorum qui affirmant et eorum qui denegant talem thurificationem adhibendam tuto teneri possit? 2.... 3. Quatenus respondeatur in sensu denegantium, an usus, sive consuetudo incensandi, ubi viget, sit de medio tollendus? Respons. Servetur Rituale Romanum"—(Dec. 11 Sept., 1847, No. 5105, q. 1, d. 3).

2nd Decree.—"Utrum conveniens sit, quod cæremoniarius vel thuriferarius incenset SS. Eucharistiæ Sacramentum cum populo benedictio impertitur, uti fit in elevatione SS. Sacramenti in Missa solemni? Respons. Non praescribi" (Decret. 11 Sept., 1847, No. 5111, q. 9).

The Rubric of the Ritual referred to in the first decree does not speak of this incensation. In the second the usage appears to be tolerated, but is not prescribed.

Gardellini, § xxxi., No. 23, thus speaks:

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Venerabilis Frater Salutem et Apostolicam Benedictionem. Tuas libenter accepimus Litteras die 7 proxime elapsi mensis Octobris datas, ut Nos certiores faceres de Conventu in ista Monacensi civitate proximo mense Septembri a nonnullis Germaniae Theologis, doctisque catholicis viris habito de variis argumentis, quae ad theologicas praesertim ac philosophicas tradendas disciplinas pertinent. Ex Litteris Tibi Nostro jussu scriptis a Venerabili Fratre Mattheo Archiepiscopo Neocaesariensi, Nostro et Apostolicae hujus sedis apud istam Regiam Aulam Nuntio, vel facile noscere potuisti, Venerabilis Frater, quibus Nos sensibus affecti fuerimus, ubi primum de hoc proposito Conventu nuntium accepimus, et postquam agnovimus quomodo commemorati Theologi et viri ad hujusmodi Conventum invitati et congregati fuere. Nihil certe dubitare volebamus de laudabili fine, quo hujus Conventus auctores fautoresque permoti fuere, ut scilicet omnes Catholici viri doctrina praestantes, collatis consiliis conjunctisque viribus, germanam catholicae Ecclesiae scientiam promoverent, eamque a nefariis ac perniciosissimis tot adversariorum opinionibus conatibusque vindicarent ac defenderent. Sed in hac sublimi Principis Apostolorum Cathedra licet immerentes collocati asperrimis hisce temporibus, quibus sacrorum Antistitum auctoritas, si unquam alias, ad unitatem et integritatem catholicae doctrinae custodiendam, vel maxime est necessaria, et ab omnibus sarta tecta servari debet, non potuimus non vehementer mirari videntes memorati Conventus invitationem privato nomine factam et promulgatam, quin ullo modo intercederet impulsus, auctoritas et missio ecelesiasticae potestatis, ad quam proprio ac nativo jure unice pertinet advigilare ac dirigere theologicarum praesertim rerum doctrinam. Quae sane res, ut optime noscis, omnino nova ac prorsus inusitata in Ecclesia est. Atque iccirco voluimus, Te, Venerabilis Frater, noscere hanc Nostram fuisse sententiam, ut cum a Te, tum ab aliis Venerabilibus Fratribus Sacrorum in Germania antistitibus probe judicari posset de scopo per Conventus programma enuntiato, si nempe talis esset, ut veram Ecclesiae utilitatem afferret. Eodem autem tempore certi eramus, Te, Venerabilis Frater, pro pastorali Tua sollicitudine ac zelo omnia consilia et studia esse adhibiturum, ne in eodem Conventu tum catholicae fidei ac doctrinae integritas, tum obedientia, quam omnes cujusque classis et conditionis catholici homines Ecclesiae auctoritati ac magisterio praestare omnino debent, vel minimum detrimentum caperent. Ac dissimulare non possumus, non levibus Nos angustiis affectos fuisse, quandoquidem verebamur, ne hujusmodi Conventu sine ecclesiastica auctoritate congregato exemplum praeberetur sensim usurpandi aliquid ex jure ecclesiastici regiminis et authentici magisterii, quod divina institutione proprium est Romano Pontifici, et Episcopis in unione et consensione cum ipso S. Petri Successore, atque ita, ecclesiastico ordine perturbato aliquando unitas et obedientia fidei apud aliquos labefactaretur. Atque etiam timebamus, ne in ipso Conventu quaedam enunciarentur ac tenerentur opiniones et placita, quae in vulgus praesertim emissa et catholicae doctrinae puritatem et debitam subjectionem in periculum ac discrimen vocarent. Summo enim animi Nostri dolore recordabamur, Venerabilis Frater, hanc Apostolicam Sedem pro gravissimi sui muneris officio debuisse ultimis hisce temporibus censura notare ac prohibere nonnullorum Germaniae Scriptorum opera, qui cum nescirent decedere ab aliquo principio, seu methodo falsae scientiae, aut hodiernae fallacis philosophiae, praeter voluntatem, uti confidimus, inducti fuere ad proferendas ac docendas doctrinas dissentientes a vero nonnullorum sanctissimae fidei nostrae dogmatum sensu et interpretatione, quique errores ab Ecclesia jam damnatos e tenebris excitarunt, et propriam divinae revelationis et fidei indolem et naturam in alienum omnino sensum explicaverunt. Noscebamus etiam, Venerabilis Frater, nonnullos ex catholicis, qui severioribus disciplinis excolendis operam navant, humani ingenii viribus nimium fidentes, errorum periculis haud fuisse absterritos, ne in asserenda fallaci et minime sincera scientiae libertate abriperentur ultra limites, quos praetergredi non sinit obedientia debita erga magisterium Ecclesiae ad totius revelatae veritatis integritatem servandam divinitus institutum. Ex quo evenit, ut hujusmodi catholici misere decepti et iis saepe consentiant, qui contra hujus Apostolicae Sedis ac Nostrarum Congregationum decreta declamant ac blaterant, ea liberum scientiae progressum impedire, et periculo se exponunt sacra illa frangendi obedientiae vincula, quibus ex Dei voluntate eidem Apostolicae huic obstringuntur Sedi, quae a Deo ipso veritatis magistra et vindex fuit constituta. Neque ignorabamus, in Germania etiam falsam invaluisse opinionem adversus veterem scholam, et adversus doctrinam summorum illorum Doctorum, quos propter admirabilem eorum sapientiam et vitae sanctitatem universalis veneratur Ecclesia. Qua falsa opinione ipsius Ecclesiae auctoritas in discrimen vocatur, quandoquidem ipsa Ecclesia non solum per tot continentia saecula permisit, ut ex eorumdem Doctorum methodo, et ex principiis communi omnium catholicarum scholarum consensu sancitis theologica excoleretur scientia, verum etiam saepissime summis laudibus theologicam eorum doctrinam extulit, illamque veluti fortissimum fidei propugnaculum et formidanda contra suos inimicos arma vehementer commendavit. Haec sane omnia pro gravissimi supremi Nostri Apostolici ministerii munere, ac pro singulari illo amore, quo omnes Germaniae catholicos carissimam Dominici gregis partem prosequimur, Nostrum sollicitabant et angebant animum tot aliis pressum angustiis, ubi, accepto memorati Conventus nuntio, res supra expositas Tibi significandas curavimus. Postquam vero per brevissimum nuntium ad Nos relatum fuit, Te Venerabilis Frater, hujusce Conventus auctorum precibus annuentem tribuisse veniam celebrandi eumdem Conventum, ac sacrum solemni ritu peregisse, et consultationes in eodem Conventu juxta catholicae Ecclesiae doctrinam habitas fuisse, et postquam ipsius Conventus viri per eumdem nuntium Apostolicam Nostram imploraverunt Benedictionem, nulla interposita mora, piis illorum votis obsecundavimus, Summa vero anxietate Tuas expectabamus Litteras, ut a Te, Venerabilis Frater, accuratissime noscere possemus ea omnia, quae ad eumdem Conventum quovis modo possent pertinere. Nunc autem cum a Te acceperimus, quae scire vel maxime cupiebamus, ea spe nitimur fore, ut hujusmodi negotium, quemadmodum asseris, Deo auxiliante, in majorem catholicae in Germania Ecclesiae utilitatem cedat. Equidem cum omnes ejusdem Conventus viri, veluti scribis, asseruerint, scientiarum progressum, et felicem exitum in devitandis ac refutandis miserrimae nostrae aetatis erroribus omnino pendere ab intima erga veritates revelatas adhaesione, quas catholica docet Ecclesia, ipsi noverunt ac professi sunt illam veritatem, quam veri catholici scientiis excolendis et evolvendis dediti semper tenuere ac tradiderunt. Atque hac veritate innixi potuerunt ipsi sapientes ac veri catholici viri scientias easdem tuto excolere, explanare, easque utiles certasque reddere. Quod quidem obtineri non potest, si humanae rationis lumen finibus circumscriptum eas quoque veritates investigando, quas propriis viribus et facultatibus assequi potest, non veneretur maxime, ut par est, infallibile et increatum Divini intellectus lumen, quod in christiana revelatione undique mirifice elucet. Quamvis enim naturales illae disciplinae suis propriis ratione cognitis principiis nitantur, catholici tamen earum cultores divinam revelationem veluti rectricem stellam prae oculis habeant oportet, qua praelucente sibi a syrtibus et erroribus caveant, ubi in suis investigationibus et commentationibus animadvertant, posse se illis adduci, ut saepissime accidit, ad ea proferenda, quae plus minusve adversentur infallibili rerum veritati, quae a Deo revelatae fuere. Hinc dubitare nolumus, quin ipsius Conventus viri commemoratam veritatem noscentes ac profitentes, uno eodemque tempore plane rejicere ac reprobare voluerint recentem illam ac praeposteram philosophandi rationem, quae etiamsi divinam revelationem veluti historicum factum admittat, tamen ineffabiles veritates ab ipsa divina revelatione propositas humanae rationis investigationibus supponit, perinde ac si illae veritates rationi subjectae essent vel ratio suis viribus et principiis posset consequi intelligentiam et scientiam omnium supernarum sanctissimae fidei nostrae veritatum et mysteriorum, quae ita supra humanam rationem sunt, ut haec nunquam effici possit idonea ad illa suis viribus et ex naturalibus suis principiis intelligenda aut demonstranda. Ejusdem vero Conventus viros debitis prosequimur laudibus, proptereaquod rejicientes, uti existimamus, falsam inter philosophum et philosophiam distinctionem, de qua in aliis Nostris Litteris ad Te scriptis loquuti sumus, noverunt et asseruerunt, omnes catholicos in doctis suis commentationibus debere ex conscientia dogmaticis infallibilis catholicae Ecclesiae obedire decretis. Dum vero debitas illis deferimus laudes, quod professi sint veritatem, quae ex catholicae fidei obligatione necessario oritur, persuadere Nobis volumus, noluisse obligationem, qua catholici Magistri ac Scriptores omnino adstringuntur, coarctare in iis tantum, quae ab infallibili Ecclesiae judicio veluti fidei dogmata ab omnibus credenda proponuntur. Atque etiam Nobis persuademus, ipsos noluisse declarare, perfectam illam erga revelatas veritates adhaesionem, quam agnoverunt necessariam omnino esse ad verum scientiarum progressum assequendum et ad errores confutandos, obtineri posse, si dumtaxat Dogmatibus ab Ecclesia expresse definitis fides et obsequium adhibeatur. Namque etiamsi ageretur de illa subjectione, quae fidei divinae actu est praestanda, limitanda tamen non esset ad ea, quae expressis, oecumenicorum Conciliorum aut Romanorum Pontificum, hujusque Apostolicae Sedis decretis definita sunt, sed ad ea quoque extendenda quae ordinario totius Ecclesiae per orbem dispersae magisterio tanquam divinitus revelata traduntur, ideoque universali et constanti consensu a catholicis Theologis ad fidem pertinere retinentur. Sed cum agatur de illa subjectione, qua ex conscientia ii omnes catholici obstringuntur, qui in contemplatrices scientias incumbunt, ut novas suis scriptis Ecclesiae afferant utilitates, iccirco ejusdem Conventus viri recognoscere debent, sapientibus catholicis haud satis esse, ut praefata Ecclesiae dogmata recipiant ac venerentur, verum etiam opus esse, ut se subjiciant tum decisionibus, quae ad doctrinam pertinentes a Pontificiis Congregationibus proferuntur, tum iis doctrinae capitibus, quae communi et constanti Catholicorum consensu retinentur, ut theologicae veritates et conclusiones ita certae, ut opiniones eisdem doctrinae capitibus adversae quamquam haereticae dici nequeant, tamen aliam theologicam merentur censuram. Itaque haud existimamus viros, qui commemorato Monacensi interfuere Conventui, ullo modo potuisse aut voluisse obstare doctrinae nuper expositae quae ex verae theologiae principiis in Ecclesia retinetur, quin immo ea fiducia sustentamur fore, ut ipsi in severioribus excolendis disciplinis velint ad enunciatae doctrinae normam se diligenter conformare. Quae nostra fiducia praesertim nititur iis Litteris, quas per Te, Venerabilis Frater, Nobis miserunt. Si quidem eisdem Litteris cum summa animi Nostri consolatione ipsi profitentur, sibi in cogendo Conventu mentem nunquam fuisse vel minimam sibi arrogare auctoritatem, quae ad Ecclesiam omnino pertinet, ac simul testantur, noluisse, eumdem dimittere Conventum, quin primum declararent summam observantiam, obedientiam, ac filialem pietatem, qua Nos et hanc Petri cathedram catholicae unitatis centrum prosequuntur. Cum igitur hisce sensibus supremam Nostram et Apostolicae hujus sedis potestatem auctoritatemque ipsi recognoscant, ac simul intelligant, gravissimum officium Nobis ab ipso Christo Domino commissum regendi ac moderandi universam suam Ecclesiam, ac pascendi omnem suum gregem salutaris doctrinae pascuis, et continenter advigilandi, ne sanctissima fides ejusque doctrina ullum unquam detrimentum patiatur, dubitare non possumus, quin ipsi severioribus disciplinis excolendis, tradendis sanaeque doctrinae tuendae operam navantes uno eodemque tempore agnoscant se debere et religiose exsequi regulas ab ecclesia semper servatas, et obedire omnibus decretis, quae circa doctrinam a Suprema Nostra Pontificia auctoritate eduntur. Haec autem omnia Tibi communicamus, ac summopere optamus, ut ea iis omnibus significes viris, qui in memorato Conventu fuere, dum, si opportunum esse censuerimus, haud omittemus alia Tibi et Venerabilibus Fratribus Germaniae Sacrorum Antistitibus hac super re significare, postquam Tuam et eorumdem Antistitum sententiam intellexerimus de hujusmodi Conventuum opportunitate. Demum pastoralem Tuam sollicitudinem ac vigilantiam iterum vehementer excitamus, ut una cum aliis Venerabilibus Fratribus Sacrorum in Germania Antistitibus, curas omnes cogitationesque in tuendam et propagandam sanam doctrinam assidue conferas. Neque omittas omnibus inculcare, ut profanes omnes novitates diligenter devitent, neque ab illis se decipi unquam patiantur, qui falsam scientiae libertatem, ejusque non solum verum profectum, sed etiam errores tamquam progressus impudenter jactant. Atque pari studio et contentione ne desinas omnes hortari, ut maxima cura et industria in veram christianam et catholicam sapientiam incumbant, atque, uti par est, in summo pretio habeant veros solidosque scientiae progressus, qui, sanctissima ac divina fide duce et magistra, in catholicis scholis habiti fuerunt, utque theologicas praesertim disciplines excolant secundum principia et constantes doctrines, quibus unanimiter innixi sapientissimi Doctores immortalem sibi nominis laudem, et maximam Ecclesiae et scientiae utilitatem ac splendorem pepererunt. Hoc sane mode catholici viri in scientiis excolendis poterunt, Deo auxiliante, magis in dies quantum homini fas est, noscere, evolvere et explanare veritatum thesaurum, quas in naturae et gratiae operibus Deus posuit, ut homo postquam illas rationis et fidei lumine noverit, suamque vitam ad eas sedulo conformaverit, possit in aeternae gloriae claritate summam veritatem, Deum scilicet, sine ullo velamine intueri, Eoque felicissime in aeternum perfrui et gaudere. Hanc autem occasionem libentissimo animo amplectimur, ut denuo testemur et confirmemus praecipuam Nostram in Te caritatem. Cujus quoque pignus esse volumus Apostolicam Benedictionem quam effuse cordis affectu Tibi ipsi, Venerabilis frater, et gregi tuae curae commisso peramanter impertimus.

Datum Romae apud Sanctum-Petrum die 21 decembris anno 1863, Pontificatus Nostri anno decimoctavo.

PIUS PP. IX.

I. Various decrees of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences declare that more Plenary Indulgences than one may be gained by the same person on the same day, provided that the conditions prescribed by the Apostolical Indults be complied with. A decree of 29th February, 1864, supplies further important information on this subject. It lays down that the Indulgences alluded to above are not only the current Indulgences of Feasts, but also the Indulgences which any of the faithful may gain, once a week, or once a month, on a day fixed by himself. When the visitation of a church or a chapel is among the conditions prescribed in order to gain a Plenary Indulgence, the number of visits paid to the church must be the same as that of the indulgences to be gained.

The decree runs as follows:

F. Antonius Maria Card. Panebianco Praefectus.

A. Colombo Secretarius.

II. In order to gain the indulgence of the privileged altar, it is required to say a Requiem Mass with black vestments as often as the Rubrics permit. Sometimes this cannot be done; for example, during Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, or when the Mass is to be said in a church where the station is held, or where some Feast is being celebrated. No account of such days having been taken in the General Decrees, the doubt was raised whether in such cases the indulgence of the privileged altar could be gained without saying a Requiem Mass. The following General Decree of the Sacred Congregation of Indulgences, dated April 11, 1864, settles the point:

F. Antonius Maria Card. Panebianco Praefectus.

A. Colombo Secretarius.

The following letter will be read with interest by those who desire to be accurately acquainted with the present legislation of the Church in regard to secret societies. The bulls of Clement XII., Benedict XIV., Pius VII., and Leo XII., against freemasons, carbonari, and other similar associations, are well known. However, controversies have arisen as to the persons who incur the censures enacted in those bulls. Some have asserted that members of a secret society contract no censure unless the object or tendency of the society be both to undermine the authority of civil government, and to destroy religion, and that at the same time the members of the society be bound by oath to secrecy.

The decision of the Holy Office, confirmed by his present Holiness, puts an end to all doubts on the question, and it is now decided that all members of secret societies that are directed either against the state, or against religion, whether bound by oath or not, incur the penalties enacted against freemasons, etc., in the Papal constitutions:

DIE XI. AUGUSTI IN FESTO SANCTAE ATTRACTAE, VIRGINIS, DUPLEX.

IN SECUNDO NOCTURNO.

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There are two positions that command the whole field of Irish Church history. The first is the original connection of the Irish Church with the See of Rome; the second is that her hierarchy has remained ever faithful to Rome, especially in the time of the Reformation. Deny either of these, and the whole aspect of our ecclesiastical history is immediately changed. The supernatural virtues that spring from Catholicism nowhere had a fresher bloom than in Ireland. Faith, and hope, and charity, and love for the evangelical counsels were in a special degree the ornaments of the nation which, Saint Patrick tells us in his Confessions, "had been bestowed upon him by the charity of Christ". The schools of Ireland, her art, her literature, her laws, her social customs, all felt the influence of the intense religious feeling that existed throughout the land. The Irish monastic superiors, says a lively French writer, aimed at making their monks saints, and were surprised to find them become poets likewise. Now this rich superabundance of spiritual blessing, as it was the fruit of union with Rome, so also ought it be traced back to Rome as its source under God. And the more marvellous its richness, the more striking the necessity of being able to show that it has come to us through Saint Peter. Besides, all these graces were, if we may use a theological expression, gratiae gratis datae, as well as gratum facientes. They were given to the Irish Church not only to make her the glad mother of saints, but also, and in a singular manner, for the benefit of others. It is, we think, impossible not to recognize in the history of the Irish Church, both ancient and modern, this missionary character. Her cloisters had the gift of sanctity; but did not the odour of this very sanctity draw to her shores crowds of foreign ecclesiastics—Egyptian, Roman, Italian, French, British, and Saxon? Her schools had the gift of wisdom; but did not this wisdom cry out to the men beyond the seas to come and buy of it without price? Where was the bishop's throne encircled by a more dense crown of Priests and Levites than in Ireland? and was it not that many of them might be spared for those places abroad where the little ones were asking for bread, and there was none to break it to them? The flower of her youth thronged her monasteries; she took them to her bosom as children, that she might make them fathers; and among the monks of the West what fathers were more fruitful of good? And in our own day let England, and Scotland, and Australia, and America, and Africa, and India, tell what part Providence has assigned to the Irish Catholics in that wonderful growth of Catholicism which refreshes the heart in these days of indifference and infidelity. To Ireland may well be applied the words used by Saint Gregory Nazianzen, of the Constantinople of the fourth century, when he calls it "the bond of union between the east and west, to which the most distant extremes from all sides come together, and to which they look up as to a common centre and emporium of the faith". This being the case, it becomes a cardinal point to show the unbroken connection between Rome and Ireland through all the chequered course of our history. If she be not sent, how shall she preach?

This central truth is the subject of Dr. Moran's two books, although under a different aspect in each. He could not have rendered better service to our Church than by establishing so clearly and firmly as he has done, that Saint Patrick had his mission from Rome, and that the Irish Church was never merged in the so-called Church of the Reformation. Under any circumstances, such a work would be entitled to our gratitude. But the exceptional circumstances of the times were such as to make its appearance a real necessity. Dr. Todd, of Trinity College, in his Memoir of Saint Patrick, added his honoured name to the list of those who deny that Saint Patrick's mission to our island had any connection with, or sanction from, the Roman Pontiff, Celestine. In his preface to the same work he lays down the theory that the new Irish Church, which was long in opposition to the church of the English Pale, at last combined with it in embracing the reformed creed. In face of such assertions, coming from such a source, and which, as we have seen, strike at the very heart of our ecclesiastical glory, we had need of a work conceived in good temper, executed with scholarly precision, and giving proof as well of extensive acquaintance with our ancient records, as of critical skill in their interpretation. These qualities we find in Dr. Moran's works. In addressing himself to his task, he starts from the principle, that as being a question of facts, it must be discussed on its intrinsic merits, and decided by the mere authority of historical records and critical arguments. To this principle he carefully adheres to the close.

The work which we have placed first on our list contains three essays. The first treats of the origin of the Irish Church and of the labours of Saints Palladius and Patrick; the second, of the Blessed Eucharist; the third, of the Blessed Virgin. The first essay is divided into three parts. Part I. treats of Saint Palladius and Saint Patrick, and is divided into four chapters respectively headed: Mission of Saint Palladius; general sketch of Saint Patrick's history; Saint Patrick's connection with Saint Germanus; Saint Patrick's mission from Rome. In Part II. various modern theories respecting Saint Patrick are reviewed and refuted. Chapter i. refutes Dr. Ledwich's theory that Saint Patrick never existed; chapter ii. refutes the statements of Sir William Betham, that Saint Patrick lived long before A.D. 432, and of Usher, that Ireland possessed a hierarchy long before Saint Patrick's time; chapter iii. examines Dean Murray's theory, that Saint Patrick had no mission from Rome; chapter iv. refutes the opinion of Dr. Lanigan, that Saint Patrick died A.D. 465, and then Dr. Petrie's conjecture, that our ancient writers have so blended together the acts of two Saint Patricks, that it is no longer possible to say which belongs to the Apostle Patrick; chapters v. vi. vii. deal with Dr. Todd's theory reduced to three heads:—1. that Saint Palladius was not a Roman deacon; 2. that Saint Patrick did not commence his apostolate until A.D. 440; 3. that Saint Patrick received no mission from Rome. Part III. sets before us the sentiments of the early Irish Church regarding Rome. Three classes of witnesses are called, in as many chapters, to testify that the ancient Irish acknowledged with filial reverence the divinely given authority of the Holy See. First come the ancient writers, next the canons which regulated the discipline of the Church, then the Irish saints who gave evidence of their sentiments by their pilgrimages to Rome, and by their appeals to the supreme power of Saint Peter's chair.

The second essay treats of the teaching of the ancient Irish Church regarding the Blessed Eucharist. That Christ is really present and offered on our altars for the living and the dead, was held by our Christian fathers as tenaciously as by their Catholic children of to-day. The documents which illustrate this point are arranged by Dr. Moran under the following heads:—1. Liturgical treatises; 2. Penitentials and other records; 3. the words and practice of the early saints; 4. the ancient writers cited by Protestants as favourable to the reformed doctrine. The examination of these witnesses occupies four chapters.

In the third essay Dr. Moran brings conclusive testimony to show that devotion to the Blessed Virgin was part of the primitive teaching. He alludes to the beautiful prayer of Saint Colgu which we have been enabled, at page 4, to present in full to our readers.

The work is closed by various appendices, each dealing with some one monument of sacred antiquity. In these appendices the reader will find, together with a valuable mine of precious information, the following documents, either whole or in part:—an old Irish tract on the various liturgies referred by Spelman to about A.D. 680, the Penitentials of Saint Cummian, Saint Finnian, Saint David, Saint Gildas, and Saint Columbanus; the canons of Adamnan, the Synodus Sapientium, the Bobbio Missal, the Profession of Faith by Saint Mochta, of Louth, of the fifth century, the sixth canon of Saint Patrick, the Irish synod of A.D. 807, and various hymns from the Bangor Antiphonarium.

The second of Dr. Moran's books noticed above is the introduction to a larger work which we hope soon to see published, the History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation. This introduction is intended to prepare the reader for that history by describing the first attempts to root out the ancient religion of Ireland, the unworthy arts by which the Catholic Church was assailed, and the evil effects of the Reformation. It also gives a sketch of the persecutions in Ireland under Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The whole is divided into four chapters. Chapter i. treats of the first efforts of the English government to introduce the Reformation into Ireland; chapter ii. of the appointment of Hugh Curwin to the see of Dublin, and his apostacy; chapter iii. of the vacancy of the see after the apostacy of Curwin, and how the diocese was administered until the end of the sixteenth century; chapter iv. of the persecution of the Irish Catholics during the reign of Elizabeth. In the appendix Dr. Moran shows from the Consistorial Acts and other genuine sources, that the succession of our Irish Catholic bishops has remained unbroken. The immense value of such an appendix will best be recognized when we recall to mind the confident statements to the contrary continually put forward by Protestant writers. The late Protestant Dean of Ardagh asserts that the bishops, with the exception of two, and all the priests embraced the Reformation. The Hon. and Rev. A. Percival, in An Apology for the Doctrine of Apostolical Succession, states that "at the accession of Queen Elizabeth, of all the Irish bishops, only two were deprived, and two others resigned on account of their adherence to the supremacy of the See of Rome. The rest continued in their sees; and from them the bishops and clergy of the Irish Church derive their orders.... This has never been disputed". Dr. Mant, the Protestant bishop of Down and Connor, attempts to prove statistically that the Irish hierarchy adopted the Reformation. On this, his chosen ground of statistics, he is met by Dr. Moran, who shows that he omits three sees occupied by Catholic bishops, viz.: Mayo, Ross, and Kilmacduagh; that he falsely supposes Armagh to have been vacant after Dr. Dowdal's death in 1558, until Adam Loftus' consecration in 1561, whereas Dr. Donatus Fleming had been appointed in February, 1560, and was then in actual possession of the see; that seven other sees, whose occupants were not known to Dr. Mant, were, nevertheless, held by canonically appointed prelates, viz.: Kilmore, Dromore, Raphoc, Derry, Kilfenoragh, Killala, Achonry; that the eleven sees vacated by death retained beyond a doubt the Catholic succession. Dr. Mant's opinions as to the other sees are carefully examined, and the result of the whole investigation is to establish triumphantly against Dr. Todd and Dr. Mant, that, "so far from the old clergy of Ireland having merged into the reformation of Elizabeth, the succession of the Catholic hierarchy remained unbroken".

In this work Dr. Gargan reviews and refutes some of the opinions advanced by Dr. Todd in his Memoir of Saint Patrick. He selects six of these opinions as specially deserving of animadversion. 1^o. That Diocesan jurisdiction did not exist in Ireland before the twelfth century; and under this head he examines the inferences drawn by Dr. Todd from the testimonies of Saint Anselm, Saint Bernard, the enactment of the English Synod of Cealcythe, and the authority of Bycus. 2^o. That the Irish Church underwent decline during the sixth and seventh centuries. For this opinion Dr. Todd adduces as abundant evidence, 1. a prophecy put into the mouth of Saint Brigid by Aumchad, or Animosus, in his life of that saint; 2. the testimony of the Abbess Hildegardis, in her Life of Saint Disibod, or Disen, Abbot of Disemberg; 3. the Life of the Gildas, in which startling charges are brought against the Irish Church. Dr. Gargan shows in detail how far these testimonies are from being abundant evidences on which to ground so serious a charge. 3^o. That Saint Patrick and other early saints of Ireland were not free from superstition. As proof of this, Dr. Todd cites the Confession of Saint Patrick, his Lorica, and his toleration of pagan superstitions. The second order of saints, according to Dr. Todd, "were unable to divest themselves of the old superstitions of their race". These proofs are severally overthrown by Dr. Gargan. 4^o. That Saint Patrick was illiterate and ignorant, and that the story of his education under Saint Germanus is false. Saint Patrick's Confession is the principal argument adduced to prove the first assertion, and the absence of all allusion to Saint Germanus in the Confession and in the Hymn of Secundinus is the reason for the second. 5^o. That Saint Patrick had no commission from Pope Celestine. Under the head of Dr. Todd's negative arguments, Dr. Gargan examines the silence observed about the mission from Rome:—1. in the Confessions, and the Epistle to Coroticus; 2. in the Hymn of Saint Sechnall, or Secundinus; 3. in the Hymn of Saint Fiacc; 4. in the Life of Saint Patrick in the Book of Armagh. Under the heading, "Dr. Todd's Chronological Difficulties against the Roman Mission of Saint Patrick", the author refutes the arguments drawn from various sources to show that Saint Patrick did not commence his apostolic life in Ireland before A.D. 440, wherefore, Pope Celestine having died A.D. 432, the mission from Rome cannot be admitted. Finally, 6. the incompleteness of the memoir is brought as a charge against its author. "With all that Dr. Todd has written concerning our apostle, we are left strangely at a loss to know whether the form of Christianity which he introduced into our island in the fifth century was in harmony or at variance with Catholicity as then prevailing in the east and west, and as still prevailing in all churches in connection with the chair of Peter" (page 107). This is a grave charge indeed, and we agree with the learned professor in believing that it seriously interferes with the claims which Dr. Todd's work has to be considered a guide in the questions that every now and then are agitated concerning the Irish Church. In the face of this well-grounded charge of incompleteness, how can the Press say that "no one will be qualified to do justice to that vexed and intricate question, who has not made himself master of the facts connected with the early institution of that Church, of which Dr. Todd has shown himself the truthful and laborious expositor"?

This book contains eight chapters. The two first treat of general principles, and the remaining chapters discuss how far residence is obligatory upon cardinals, bishops, canons, parish priests, curates, and those holding simple benefices. Each chapter is ordinarily divided into two parts; the first treats of the ancient discipline, the second of modern discipline, such as the Council of Trent and the Apostolical Constitutions have made it. Dr. Henry has consulted good authorities: Thomassinus for the ancient law; the Decrees of the Sacred Congregations and the Roman Canonists have furnished him with principles to solve the various cases to which modern discipline has given rise. We omit to notice the obligations of cardinals, bishops, and canons in the matter. As to parish priests, the author has carefully made a collection of the decisions regarding their obligation to reside in their parishes. We shall be satisfied with citing such as bear upon really doubtful cases.

"Dr. Henry's book" (says the editor of the Analecta, from which work we have drawn our notice of the work), "is valuable on account of its exactness and clearness. He has neither omitted nor treated superficially any important question, especially in the chapters concerning the residence of bishops and parish priests".

We must be satisfied with the bare announcement of this work in our present number. We hope to speak of Father Theiner's volume at greater length on another occasion. In the paper on the See of Ardagh in the Sixteenth Century, our readers have one proof of the great value of this publication.

There are at this moment two editions of Petavius in the press in France—M. Vives, at Paris, and M. Guérin, at Bar-le-duc, being both engaged in the same work. The first volume contains, in addition to the Prolegomena, the first seven books of the treatise, De Deo Deique proprietatibus. The edition will be complete in eight volumes, at the cost of 8fr. 50c. per volume. It is a reproduction of the edition by Zaccaria, Venice, 1757. The short notes by the editor, the type, and the paper, are very satisfactory.

The first part of this work, De Irregularitatibus in genere, treats of the following six points in as many chapters: 1^o. Importance of the subject; 2^o. on the idea of irregularity and incapacity; 3^o. on the word irregularity, and its division into different species; 4^o. of the efficient cause of irregularity; 5^o. of its effects, with regard to Holy Orders and to Benefices; 6^o. on dispensations from irregularities. The second part, entitled De irregularitatibus ex delicto, deals with irregularities arising—1^o. from any defect occurring in baptism; 2^o. from heresy, schism, and apostacy; 3^o. from the violation of excommunications, suspensions, and interdicts; 4^o. from the exercise of any of the sacred orders without having received that order. Here ends the first part. "This work", says the learned Bouix, "appears to us to be solid, methodical, and sufficiently complete. We have not as yet examined it with sufficient attention to be able to pronounce judgment on the perfect doctrinal exactness of its details; but we here thought it our duty to bring it under the notice of the clergy, and especially of professors in colleges".