It was Lincoln who gave us a wonderful
summary when he said: "After all the one
meaning of life is to be kind."
Love, sympathy, fellowship is the very
foundation of all civilised, happy, ideal life.
It is the very balance-wheel of life itself. It
gives that genuineness and simplicity in
voice, in look, in spirit that is so instinctively
felt by all, and to which all so universally
respond. It is like the fragrance of the
flower—the emanation of its soul.
Interesting and containing a most vital
truth is this little memoir by Christine Rossetti:
"One whom I knew intimately, and
whose memory I revere, once in my hearing
remarked that, 'unless we love people, we
cannot understand them.' This was a new
light to me." It contains indeed a profound
truth.
Love, sympathy, fellowship, is what makes
human life truly human. Cooperation, mutual
service, is its fruitage. A clear-cut realisation
of this and a resolute acting upon it
would remove much of the cloudiness and
the barrenness from many a life; and its mutual
recognition—and action based upon it—would
bring order and sweetness and mutual
gain in vast numbers of instances in
family, in business, in community life. It
would solve many of the knotty problems in
all lines of human relations and human endeavour,
whose solution heretofore has seemed
well-nigh impossible. It is the telling
oil that will start to running smoothly and
effectively many an otherwise clogged and
grating system of human machinery.
When men on both sides are long-headed
enough, are sensible enough to see its practical
element and make it the fundamental
basis of all relationships, of all negotiations,
and all following activities in the relations
between capital and labour, employer and employee,
literally a new era in the industrial
world will spring into being. Both sides will
be the gainer—the dividends flowing to each
will be even surprising.
There is really no labour problem outside
of sympathy, mutuality, good-will, cooperation,
brotherhood.
Injustice always has been and always will
be the cause of all labour troubles. But we
must not forget that it is sometimes on one
side and sometimes on the other. Misunderstanding
is not infrequently its accompaniment.
Imagination, sympathy, mutuality, cooperation,
brotherhood are the hand-maidens
of justice. No man is intelligent enough, is
big enough to be the representative or the
manager of capital, who is not intelligent
enough to realise this. No man is fit to be
the representative of, or fit to have anything
to do with the councils of labour who has
not brains, intelligence enough to realise this.
These qualities are not synonyms of or in
any way related to sentimentality or any
weak-kneed ethics. They underlie the soundest
business sense. In this day and age they
are synonyms of the word practical. There
was a time and it was not so many years
ago, when heads and executives of large enterprises
did not realise this as fully as they
realise it today. A great change has already
taken place. A new era has already begun,
and the greater the ability and the genius
the more eager is its possessor to make these
his guiding principles, and to hasten the
time when they will be universally recognised
and built upon. The same is true of the
more intelligent in the rank and file of labour,
as also of the more intelligent and those
who are bringing the best results as leaders
of labour. There is no intelligent man or
woman today who does not believe in organised
labour. There is no intelligent employer
who does not believe in it and who
does not welcome it.
The bane of organised labour in the past has
too often been the unscrupulous, the self-seeking,
or the bull-headed labour leader. Organised
labour must be constantly diligent to
purge itself of these its worst enemies. Labour
is entitled to the very highest wage, or to the
best returns in cooperative management that it
can get, and that are consistent with sound
business management, as also to the best
labour conditions that a sympathetic and wise
management can bring about. It must not,
however, be unreasonable in its demands,
neither bull-headed, nor seek to travel too fast—otherwise
it may lose more than it will gain.
It must not allow itself to act as a shield
for the ineffective worker, or the one without
a sense of mutuality, whose aim is to get all
he can get without any thought as to what
he gives in return, or even with the deliberate
purpose of giving the least that he can give
and get away with it. Where there is a good
and a full return, there should be not only the
desire but an eagerness to give a full and
honest service. Less than this is indicative
of a lack of honest and staunch manhood
or womanhood.
It is incumbent upon organised labour
also to remember that it represents but eight
per cent of the actual working people of this
nation. Whether one works with his brains,
or his hands, or both, is immaterial. Nor
does organised labour represent the great
farming interests of the country—even more
fundamentally the backbone of the nation.
The desirable citizen of any nation is he or
she who does not seek to prosper at the expense
of his fellows, who does not seek the
advancement of his group to the detriment
of all other groups—who realises that none
are independent, that all are interdependent.
He who is a teacher or a preacher of class-consciousness,
is either consciously or unconsciously—generally
consciously and intentionally—a
preacher of class-hatred. There is
no more undesirable citizen in any nation
than he. "Do you know why money is so
scarce, brothers?" the soap box orator demanded,
and a fair-sized section of the backbone
of the nation waited in leisurely patience
for the answer. A tired-looking woman had
paused for a moment on the edge of the
crowd. She spoke shortly. "It's because so
many of you men spend your time telling
each other why, 'stead of hustling to see that
it ain't!" He is a fair representative of the
class-consciousness, class-hatred type. Again
he is represented by the theorist constitutionally
and chronically too lazy to do honest
and constructive work either physically or
mentally. Again by the one who has the big-head
affliction. Or again by the one afflicted
with a species of insanity or criminality
manifesting of late under the name of Bolshevism—a
self-seeking tyranny infinitely
worse than Czarism itself.
Its representatives have proved themselves
moral perverts, determined to carry out their
theories and gain their own ends by treachery,
theft, coersion, murder, and every foul
method that will aid them in reducing order
to chaos—through the slogan of rule or ruin.
Through brigandage, coersion, murder, it gets
the funds to send its agents into those countries
whose governments are fully in the
hands of the people, and where if at any time
injustice prevails it is solely the fault of the
people in not using in an intelligent and
determined manner the possessions they already
have. Or putting it in another way,
on account of shirking the duties it is morally
incumbent upon them as citizens of free governments
to perform.
In America, whose institutions have been
built and maintained solely by the people,
our duty is plain, for orderly procedure has
been and ever must be our watch-word. Vigilance
is moreover nowhere required more
than in representative government. Whenever
the red hand of anarchy, Bolshevism, terrorism
raises itself it should be struck so instantly
and so powerfully that it has not only
no time to gain adherents, but has no time to
make its escape. It should be the Federal
prison for any American who allows himself
to become so misguided as to seek to substitute
terrorism and destruction for our orderly
and lawful methods of procedure, or quick deportation
for any foreigner who seeks our
shores to carry out these purposes, or comes
as an agent for those who would do the same.
Organised labour has never occupied so
high a position as it occupies today. That the
rank and file will for an instant have commerce
with these agencies, whatever any designing
leader here and there may seek to do,
is inconceivable. That its organisations will be
sought to be used by them is just as probable.
Its duty as to vigilance and determination is
pronounced. And unless vigilant and determined
the set-backs it may get and the losses it
may suffer are just as pronounced. The spirit
and temper of the American people is such that
it will not stand for coersion, lawlessness, or
any unfair demands. Public opinion is after
all the court of last resort. No strike or no
lockout can succeed with us that hasn't that
tremendous weapon, public opinion, behind it.
The necessity therefore of being fair in all
demands and orderly in all procedure, and in
view of this it is also well to remember that
organised labour represents but eight per cent
of the actual working people of this nation.
The gains of organised labour in the past
have been very great. It is also true that
the demands of organised labour even today
are very great. In true candor it must also
be said that not only the impulse but the sincere
desire of the great bulk of employers is
in a conciliatory way to grant all demands of
labour that are at all consistent with sound
economic management, even in many cases
to a great lessening of their own profits, as
well as to maintain working conditions as
befits their workers as valuable and honoured
members of our body politic, as they naturally
are and as they so richly deserve.
For their own welfare, however, to say
nothing of the welfare of the nation, labour
unions must purge themselves of all anarchistic
and destructive elements. Force is a two-edged
sword, and the force of this nation
when once its sense of justice and right is
outraged and its temper is aroused, will be
found to be infinitely superior to any particular
class, whether it be capital or whether
it be labour. Organised labour stands in the
way to gain much by intelligent and honest
work and orderly procedure. And to a
degree perhaps never before equalled, does it
stand in a position to lose much if through
self-deception on its own part or through unworthy
leadership, it deceives itself in believing
itself superior to the forces of law and
order.
In a nation where the people through their
chosen representatives and by established
systems of procedure determine their own
institutions, when agitators get beyond law
and reason and lose sight too completely of
the law of mutuality, there is a power backed
by a force that it is mere madness to defy.
The rights as well as the power of all the
people will be found to be infinitely superior
to those of any one particular group or class—clear-seeing
men and women in any democratic
form of government realise that the
words mutuality and self-interest bear a very
close relationship.
The greatest gains in the relations between
capital and labour during the coming few
years will undoubtedly be along the lines of
profit-sharing. Some splendid beginnings are
already in successful operation. There is the
recognition that capital is entitled initially to
a fair return; again that labour is entitled to
a good and full living wage—when both these
conditions are met then that there be an equal
division of the profits that remain, between
the capital and the skill and management
back of the capital invested on the one hand,
and labour on the other. Without the former
labour would have no employment in the particular
enterprise; without the workers the
former could not carry on. Each is essential
to the other.
Labour being not a commodity, as some
material thing merely to be bought and sold,
but the human element, is entitled to more
than a living wage. It has human aspirations,
and desires and needs. It has not only
its present but its own and its children's
future to safeguard. When it is thus made
a partner in the business it becomes more
earnest and reliable and effective in its work,
less inclined to condone the shiftless, the incompetent,
the slacker; more eager and
resolute in withstanding the ill-founded, reckless
or sinister suggestions or efforts of an ill-advised
leadership.
Capital or employer is the gainer also, because
it is insured that loyal and more intelligent
cooperation in its enterprise that is
as essential to its success as is the genius and
skill of management.
Taking a different form but proving most
valuable alike for management and capital
on the one hand, and its workers on the other,
is the case of one of our great industrial
plants, the largest of its kind in the world
and employing many thousands of workers,
where already a trifle over forty per cent. of
its stock is in the hands of the workers. Their
thrift and their good judgment have enabled
them to take advantage of attractive prices
and easy methods of payment made them by
the company's management. There are already
many other concerns where this is true
in greater or less proportion.
These are facts that certain types of labour
agitators or even leaders as well as special
pleaders for labour, find it convenient to forget,
or at least not to mention. The same is
true also of the millions that are every year
being paid out to make all working conditions
and surroundings cheerful, healthful, safe; in
various forms of insurance, in retiring pensions.
Through the initiative of this larger
type of employer, or manager of capital, many
hundreds of thousands both men and women
and in continually increasing numbers, are
being thus benefited—outside and above their
yearly wage or salary.
A new era in connection with capital and
labour has for some time been coming into
being; the era of democracy in industry has
arrived. The day of the autocratic sway on the
part of capital has passed; nor will we as a
nation take kindly to the autocratic sway of
labour. It is obtaining a continually fuller
recognition; and cooperation leading in many
lines to profit-sharing is the new era we are
now passing into.
Though there are very large numbers of men
of great wealth, employers and heads of industrial
enterprises, who have caught the spirit
of the new industrial age upon which we have
already begun to enter, and who are glad to see
labour getting its fairer share of the profits of
industry and a larger recognition as partners
in industry, there are those who, lacking both
imagination and vision, attempt to resist the
tide that, already turned, is running in volume.
They are our American Bourbons, our American
Junkers. They are, considering the ominous
undercurrents of change, unrest and discontent
that are so apparent in the entire industrial
and economic world today, our worst
breeders and feeders of Bolshevism and lawlessness.
If they had their way and their numbers
were sufficiently large, the flames of Bolshevism
and anarchy would be so fed that even
in America we would have little hope of escaping
a great conflagration. They are the ones
who are determined to see that their immense
profits are uncurtailled, whose homes must
have ten bathrooms each; while great numbers
of their workers without whom they would
have to close up the industry—hence their
essential partners in the industry though not
in name—haven't even a single bath-room and
with families as large and in many cases
larger.
They are they who must have three or four
homes each, aggregating in the millions to
build and to maintain. They are they who
cannot see why workmen should discuss such
things among themselves, or even question
them, though in many cases they are scarcely
able to make ends meet in the face of continually
advancing or even soaring prices, who
never enjoy a holiday, and are unable to lay up
for the years to come, when they will no longer
be "required" in industry. They are they
therefore who have but little if any interest or
care for even the physical well-being of their
workers, say nothing of their mental and spiritual
well-being and enjoyments—beyond the
fact that they are well enough fed and housed
for the next day's work.
They are they who when it is suggested that,
recognizing the change and the run of the tide,
they be keen-minded enough to anticipate
changing conditions and organize their business
so that their workers have some joint
share in its conditions and conduct, and some
share in its profits beyond a mere living wage,
reply—"I'll be damned if I do." It doesn't require
much of a prophetic sense now however,
to be able to tell them—they'll be damned if
they don't.
There is reason to rejoice also that for the
welfare of American institutions, the number
of this class is continually decreasing. Did
they predominate, with the unmistakable undercurrents
of unrest, born of a sense of injustice,
there would be in time, and in a shorter
time than we perhaps realize, but one outcome.
Steeped in selfishness, making themselves impervious
to all the higher leadings and impulses
of the soul—less than men—they are not
only enemies of their own better selves, but
enemies of the nation itself.
Bolshevism in Russia was born, or rather
was able to get its hold, only through the long
generations of Czarism and the almost universal
state of ignorance in which its people
were held, that preceded it. The great preponderance
and the continually growing numbers
of men with imagination, with a sense of
care, mutuality, cooperation, brotherhood, in
our various large enterprises is a force that will
save this and other nations from a similar experience.
I have great confidence in the Russian
people. Its soul is sound; and after the forces
of treachery, incompetence and terrorism have
spent themselves, and the better elements are
able to organize in sufficient force to drive the
beasts from its borders, it will arise and assert
itself. There will be builded a new Russia
that will be one of the great and commanding
nations of the world. In the meantime it
affords a most concrete and valuable lesson
to us and to all other nations—to strike on the
one hand, the forces of treachery and lawlessness
the moment they show themselves, and on
the other hand, to see that the soil is made
fertile for neither their entrance nor growth.
The strong nation is that in which under
the leadership of universal free education and
equal opportunities, a due watch is maintained
to see that the rights of all individuals
and all classes are nurtured and carefully
guarded. In such a government the nation
and its interests is and must be supreme.
Then if built upon high ethical and moral
standards where mutuality is the watch-word
and the governing principle of its life, its
motto might through right, power through
justice, it becomes a fit and effective member
of the Society of Nations.
Internationalism is higher than nationalism,
humanity is above the nation. The stronger
however the individual nation, the stronger
necessarily will be the Society of Nations.
Love, sympathy, fellowship, is not inconsistent
with the use of force to restrain malignant
evil, in the case of nations as in the case
of individuals. Where goodness is weak it is
exploited and becomes a victim of the
stronger, when, devoid of a sense of mutuality,
it is conscienceless. Strength without
conscience, goodness, ungoverned by the law
of mutuality, becomes tyranny. In seeking its
own ends it violates every law of God and
man.
For the safety therefore of the better life
of the world, for the very safety and welfare
of the Society of Nations, those nations that
combine strength with goodness, strength
with good-will, strength with an ever-growing
sense of mutuality, which is the only law of
a happy, orderly, and advancing human life,
must combine to check the power of any
people or nation still devoid of the knowledge
of this law, lest goodness, truth and all the
higher instincts and potentialities of life, even
freedom itself perish from the earth. This can
be done and must be done not through malice
or hatred, but through a sense of right and
duty.
There is no more diabolical, no more damnable
ambition on the part of individuals,
organizations or nations than to rule, to gain
domination over the minds and the lives of
others either for the sake of power and domination
or for the material gain that can be
made to flow therefrom. As a rule, however,
it is both. There is nothing more destructive
to the higher moral and ethical life of the
individual or the organization controlled by
this desire, nothing so destructive to the life
of the one or ones so dominated, and as a consequence
to the life of society itself as this
evil and prostituting desire and purpose.
Where this has become the clearly controlling
motive, malignant and deep-seated, if in
the case of a nation, then it is the duty of
those nations that combine strength with
character, strength with goodness, to combine
to check the evil wrought by such a
nation. If by persuasion and good-will, well
and good. If not, then through the exercise
of a restraining force. This is not contrary
to the law of love, for the love of the good is
the controlling motive. It is only thus that
the higher moral law which for its growth
and consummation is dependent upon individuals,
can grow and gain supremacy in the
world.
Intellectual independence and acumen, combined
with a love of truth, goodness, righteousness,
love and service for others, is the
greatest aid there can be in carrying out the
Divine plan and purpose in the world. The
sword of love therefore becomes the sword
of righteousness that cuts out the cancerous
growth that is given from to by malignant ill
will; the sword of righteousness that strikes
down slavery and oppression; the sword of
righteousness therefore that becomes the
sword of civilization.
It is a weapon that does not have to be
always used however; for when its power is
once clearly understood it is feared. Its deterrent
power becomes therefore infinitely more
effective than in its actual use. So in any new
world settlement, any nation or group that
is not up to this moral world standard, that
would seek to impose its will and its institutions
upon any other nations for the sake of
domination, or to rob them of their goods,
must be restrained through the federated
power of the other nations, not by forcing their
own beliefs or codes or institutions upon it,
but by restraining it and making ineffective
any ambitions or purposes that it may plan,
or until its people whatever its leadership
may be, are brought clearly and concretely to
see that such methods do not pay.
That Jesus to whom we ultimately go for
our moral leadership, not only sanctioned,
but used and advocated the use of righteous
force, when malignant evil in the form of self-seeking
sought domination, either intellectual
or physical, for its own selfish gain and aggrandizement,
is clearly evidenced by many of his
own sayings and his own acts.
So within the nation during this great reconstruction
period, these are times that call
for heroic men and women. In a Democracy
or in any representative form of government
an alert citizenship is its only safety. With a
vastly increased voting population, in that
many millions of women citizens are now admitted
to full citizenship, the need for intelligent
action and attention to matters of government
was never so great. Great numbers
will be herded and voted by organizations as
well as by machines. As these will comprise
the most ignorant and therefore the herdable
ones, it is especially incumbent upon the
great rank and file of intelligent women to see
that they take and maintain an active interest
in public affairs.
Politics is something that we cannot evade
except to the detriment of our country and
thereby to our own detriment. Politics is but
another word for government. And in a sense
we the individual voter are the government
and unless we make matters of government
our own concern, there are organizations and
there are groups of designing men who will
steal in and get possession for their own selfish
aggrandizement and gain. This takes
sometimes the form of power, to be traded
for other power, or concessions; but always
if you will trace far enough, eventual money
gain. Or again it takes the form of
graft and even direct loot. The losses that
are sustained through a lowered citizenship,
through inefficient service, through a general
debauchery of public institutions, through increased
taxation to make up for the amounts
that are drawn off in graft and loot are well
nigh incalculable—and for the sole reason that
you and I, average citizens, do not take the
active personal interest in our own matters of
government that we should take.
Clericalism, Tammanyism, Bolshevism, Syndicalism—and
all in the guise of interest in
the people—get their holds and their profits
in this way. It is essential that we be locally
wise and history wise. Any class or section
or organization that is less than the nation
itself must be watched and be made to keep
its own place, or it becomes a menace to the
free and larger life of the nation. Even in the
case of a great national crisis a superior
patriotism is affected and paraded in order
that it may camouflage its other and real activities.
When at times we forget ourselves and
speak of rights rather than duties in connection
with our country, it were well to recall
and to repeat the words of Franklin: "The
sun never repents of the good he does nor
does he ever demand a recompense."
Not only is constant vigilance incumbent
upon us, but realising the fact that the boys
and the girls of today are the citizens of tomorrow—the
nation's voters and law-makers—it
is incumbent upon us to see that American
free education through American free
public schools, is advanced to and maintained
at its highest possibilities, and kept free
from any agencies that will make for a divided
or anything less than a whole-hearted and intelligent
citizenship. The motto on the Shakespeare
statue at Leicester Square in London:
"There is no darkness but ignorance," might
well be reproduced in every city and every
hamlet in the nation.
Late revelations have shown how even
education can be manipulated and prostituted
for ulterior purposes. Parochial schools
whether Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, or
Oriental, have no place in American institutions—and
whether their work is carried on in
English or in a foreign language. They are
absolutely foreign to the spirit of our institutions.
They are purely for the sake of something
less than the nation itself. Blind indeed
are we if we are not history-wise. Criminal
indeed are we to allow any boys or girls to be
diverted to them and to be deprived of the
advantages of a better schooling and being
brought under the influences of agencies that
are thoroughly and wholly American.
American education must be made for
American institutions and for nothing less
than this. The nation's children should be
shielded from any power that seeks to get
possession of them in order at an early and
unaccountable age to fasten authority upon
them, and to drive a wedge between them and
all others of the nation.
The nation has a duty to every child within
its borders. To fail to recognize or to shirk
that duty, will call for a price to be paid
sometime as great as that that has been paid
by every other nation that did not see until
too late. Sectarianism in education stultifies
and robs the child and nullifies the finest national
instincts in education. It is for but one
purpose—the use and the power of the organization
that plans and that fosters it.
Our government profiting by the long
weary struggles of other countries, is founded
upon the absolute separation of church and
state. This does not mean the separation of
religion in its true sense from the state; but
keeping it free from every type of sectarian
influence and domination. It is ours to see
that no silent subtle influences are at work,
that will eventually make the same trouble
here as in other countries, or that will thrust
out the same stifling hand to undermine and
to throttle universal free public education, and
the inalienable right that every child has to it.
Our children are the wards of and accountable
to the state—they are not the property of any
organization, group or groups, less than the
state.
We need the creation of a strong Federal
Department of Education of cabinet rank,
with ample means and strong powers to be
the guiding genius of all our state and local
departments of education, with greater attention
paid to a more thorough and concrete
training in civics, in moral and ethical education,
in addition to the other well recognized
branches in public school education. It
should have such powers also as will enable
it to see that every child is in school up to a
certain age, or until all the fundamentals of a
prescribed standard of American education are
acquired.
A recent tabulation made public by a
Federal Deputy Commissioner of Naturalization
has shown that a little over one tenth, in
round numbers, 11,000,000, of our population
is composed of unnaturalized aliens. Even
this however tells but a part of the story; for
vast numbers of even those who have become
naturalized, have in no sense become Americanized.
Speaking of this class an able editorial in a
recent number of one of our leading New
York dailies has said:
"Of the millions of aliens who have gone
through the legal forms of naturalization a
very large proportion have not in any sense
been Americanized, and, though citizens, they
are still alien in habits of thought, in speech
and in their general attitude toward the community.
"There are industrial centres not far from
New York City that are wholly foreign. There
are sections of this city that—except as the
children through the schools and association
with others of their own age yield to change—are
intensely alien.
"To penetrate these barriers and open new
avenues of communication with the people
who live within them is no longer a task to
be performed by individual effort. Americanization
is a work that must be undertaken
and directed on a scale so extensive that only
through the cooperation of the States and
the Federal Government can it be successfully
carried out. It cannot longer be neglected
without serious harm to the life and
welfare of the Nation."
Some even more startling facts are given
out in figures by the Department of the Interior,
figures supplied to it by the Surgeon
General's Office of the Army. The War Department
records show that 24.9 per cent. of
the draft army examined by that department's
agents were unable to read and understand a
newspaper, or to write letters home. In one
draft in New York State in May, 1918, 16.6
per cent. were classed as illiterate. In one
draft in connection with South Carolina troops
in July, 1918, 49.5 per cent. where classed as
illiterate. In one draft in connection with
Minnesota troops in July of the same year,
14.2 per cent. were classed as illiterate. In
other words it means for example that in New
York State we have in round numbers 700,000
men between 21 and 31 years of age who are
illiterate. The same source reveals the fact
that in the nation in round numbers over 10,000,000
are either illiterate or without a
knowledge of our language. The South is the
home of most of the wholly uneducated, the
North of those of foreign speech. And in
speaking of this class a recent editorial in
another representative New York daily, after
making mention of one industrial centre but
a few miles out of New York City, in New
Jersey, where nearly 16 out of every 100 cannot
read English, has said:
"Such people may enjoy the advantages
America offers. Of its spirit and institutions
they can comprehend nothing. They are the
easy dupes of foreign agitators, unassimilable,
an element of weakness in the social body that
might easily be converted into an element of
strength. Many of them have the vote, controlled
by leaders interested only in designs
alien to America's welfare.
"The problem is national in scope * * *.
The best way to keep Bolshevism out of
America is to reduce ignorance of our speech
and everything else to a minimum. However
alert our immigration officers may be, foreign
agents of social disorder are sure to pass
through our doors, and as long as we allow
children to grow up among us who have no
means of finding out the meaning of our laws
and forms of government the seeds of discontent
will be sown in congenial soil."
Profoundly true also are the following
words from an editorial in still another New
York daily in dealing with that great army of
700,000 illiterates within the State, or rather
that portion of them who are adults of foreign
birth:
"The first thing to do is to teach them, and
make them realize that a knowledge of the
English language is a prerequisite of first
class American citizenship. * * * The
wiping out of illiteracy is a foundation stone
in building up a strong population, able and
worthy to hold its own in the world. With
the disappearance of illiteracy and of the
ignorance of the language of the country will
also disappear many of the trouble-breeding
problems which have held back immigrants in
gaining their fair share of real prosperity, the
intelligence and self-respect which are vital
ingredients in any good citizenship. Real freedom
of life and character cannot be enjoyed
by the man or woman whose whole life is
passed upon the inferior plane of ignorance
and prejudice. Teach them all how to deserve
the benefits of life in America, and they
will soon learn how to gain and protect them."
It is primarily among the ignorant and illiterate
that Bolshevism, anarchy, political
rings, and every agency that attempts through
self-seeking to sow the seeds of discontent,
treachery, and disloyalty, works to exploit
them and to herd them for political ends. No
man can have that respect for himself, or feel
that he has the respect due him from others
as an honest and diligent worker, whatever
his line of work, who is handicapped by the
lack of an ordinary education. The heart of
the American nation is sound. Through universal
free public education it must be on the
alert and be able to see through Bourbonism
and understand its methods on the one hand,
and Bolshevism on the other; and be determined
through intelligent action to see that
American soil is made uncongenial to both.
Our chief problem is to see that Democracy
is made safe for and made of real service to
the world. Our American education must
be made continually more keenly alive to the
great moral, ethical and social needs of the
time. Thereby it will be made religious without
having any sectarian slant or bias; it will
be made safe for and the hand-maid of
Democracy and not a menace to it.
Vast multitudes today are seeing as never
before that the moral and ethical foundations
of the nation's and the world's life is a matter
of primal concern to all.
We are finding more and more that the
simple fundamentals of life and conduct as
portrayed by the Christ of Nazareth not only
constitutes a great idealism, but the only
practical way of life. Compared to this and
to the need that it come more speedily and
more universally into operation in the life
of the world today, truly "sectarian peculiarities
are obsolete impertinences."
Our time needs again more the prophet and
less the priest. It needs the God-impelled life
and voice of the prophet with his face to the
future, both God-ward and man-ward, burning
with an undivided devotion to truth and
righteousness. It needs less the priest, too
often with his back to the future and too often
the pliant tool of the organisation whose
chief concern is, and ever has been, the preservation
of itself under the ostensible purpose
of the preservation of the truth once delivered,
the same that Jesus with his keen
powers of penetration saw killed the Spirit as
a high moral guide and as an inspirer to high
and unself-centred endeavour, and that he
characterised with such scathing scorn. There
are splendid exceptions; but this is the rule
now even as it was in his day.
The prophet is concerned with truth, not
a system; with righteousness, not custom;
with justice, not expediency. Is there a man
who would dare say that if Christianity—the
Christianity of the Christ—had been actually
in vogue, in practice in all the countries of
Christendom during the last fifty years, during
the last twenty-five years, that this colossal
and gruesome war would ever have come
about? No clear-thinking and honest man
would or could say that it would. We need
again the voice of the prophet, clear-seeing,
high-purposed, and unafraid. We need again
the touch of the prophet's hand to lead us
back to those simple fundamental teachings
of the Christ of Nazareth, that are life-giving
to the individual, and that are world-saving.
We speak of our Christian civilisation, and
the common man, especially in times like
these, asks what it is, where it is—and God
knows that we have been for many hundred
years wandering in the wilderness. He is
thinking that the Kingdom of God on earth
that the true teachings of Jesus predicated,
and that he laboured so hard to actualise,
needs some speeding up. There is a world-wide
yearning for spiritual peace and righteousness
on the part of the common man. He
is finding it occasionally in established religion,
but often, perhaps more often, independently
of it. He is finding it more often
through his own contact and relations with
the Man of Nazareth—for him the God-man.
There is no greater fact in our time, and there
is no greater hope for the future than is to be
found in this fact.
Jesus gave the great principles, the animating
spirit of life, not minute details of conduct.
The real Church of Christ is not an
hierarchy, an institution, it is a brotherhood—the
actual establishing of the Kingdom of
God in moral, ethical and social terms in the
world.
Among the last words penned by Dr. John
Watson—Ian Maclaren—good churchman,
splendid writer, but above all independent
thinker and splendid man, were the following:
"Was it not the chief mistake and also
the hopeless futility of Pharisaism to meddle
with the minute affairs of life, and to lay
down what a man should do at every turn?
It was not therefore an education of conscience,
but a bondage of conscience; it did
not bring men to their full stature by teaching
them to face their own problems of duty
and to settle them, it kept them in a state of
childhood, by forbidding and commanding in
every particular of daily life. Pharisaism,
therefore, whether Jewish or Gentile, ancient
or modern, which replaces the moral law by
casuistry, and the enlightened judgment of
the individual by the confessional, creates a
narrow character and mechanical morals.
Freedom is the birthright of the soul, and it
is by the discipline of life the soul finds itself.
It were a poor business to be towed across
the pathless ocean of this world to the next;
by the will of God and for our good we must
sail the ship ourselves, and steer our own
course. It is the work of the Bible to show
us the stars and instruct us how to take our
reckoning * * *.
"Jesus did not tell us what to do, for that
were impossible, as every man has his own
calling, and is set in by his own circumstances,
but Jesus has told us how to carry
ourselves in the things we have to do, and He
has put the heart in us to live becomingly,
not by pedantic rules, but by an instinct of
nobility. Jesus is the supreme teacher of the
Bible and He came not to forbid or to command,
but to place the Kingdom of God as a
living force, and perpetual inspiration within
the soul of man, and then, to leave him in
freedom and in grace to fulfil himself."[G]
We no longer admit that Christ is present
and at work only when a minister is expounding
the gospel or some theological precept or
conducting some ordained observance in the
pulpit; or that religion is only when it is
labelled as such and is within the walls of a
church. That belonged to the chapter in
Christianity that is now rapidly closing, a
chapter of good works and results—but so
pitiably below its possibilities. So pitiably
below because men had been taught and without
sufficient thought accepted the teaching
that to be a Christian was to hold certain beliefs
about the Christ that had been formulated
by early groups of men and that had
come down through the centuries.
The chapter that is now opening upon the
world is the one that puts Christ's own teachings
in the simple, frank, and direct manner
in which he gave them, to the front. It
makes life, character, conduct, human concern
and human service of greater importance than
mere matters of opinion. It makes eager and
unremitting work for the establishing of the
Kingdom of God, the kingdom of right relations
between men, here on this earth, the
essential thing. It insists that the telling test
as to whether a man is a Christian is how
much of the Christ spirit is in evidence in his
life—and in every phase of his life. Gripped
by this idea which for a long time the forward-looking
and therefore the big men in
them have been striving for, our churches in
the main are moving forward with a new, a
dauntless, and a powerful appeal.
Differences that have sometimes separated
them on account of differences of opinion,
whether in thought or interpretation,[H] are now
found to be so insignificant when compared
to the actual simple fundamentals that the
Master taught, and when compared to the
work to be done, that a great Interallied
Church Movement is now taking concrete and
strong working form, that is equipping the
church for a mighty and far-reaching Christian
work. A new and great future lies immediately
ahead. The good it is equipping itself
to accomplish is beyond calculation—a work
in which minister and layman will have equal
voice and equal share.
It will receive also great inspiration and it
will eagerly strike hands with all allied movements
that are following the same leader, but
along different roads.
Britain's apostle of brotherhood and leader
of the Brotherhood Movement there, Rev.
Tom Sykes, who has caught so clearly the
Master's own basis of Christianity—love for
and union with God, love for and union with
the brother—has recently put so much stimulating
truth into a single paragraph that I
reproduce it here:
"The emergence of the feeling of kinship
with the Unseen is the most arresting and
revealing fact of human history. * * *
The union with God is not through
the display of ritual, but the affiliation and conjunction
of life. We do not believe we are in
a universe that has screens and folds, where the
spiritual commerce of man has to be conducted
on the principle of secret diplomacy.
The universe is frank and open, and God is
straightforward and honourable. In making
the spirit and practice of brotherliness the
test of religious value, we are at one with
Him who said: 'Inasmuch as ye do it unto
one of the least—ye do it unto me.' We
touch the Father when we help His child.
Jesus taught us not to come to God asking,
art Thou this or that? but to call Him
Father and live upon it. Do not admit that
many of our Brotherhood meetings are in
'neutral' or 'secular' halls and buildings!
'Where two or three gather in My name, there
am I.' Where He is, there is hallowed
ground."
We need a stock-taking and a mobilisation
of our spiritual forces. But what, after all,
does this mean? Search as we may we are
brought back every time to this same Man of
Nazareth, the God-man—Son of Man and Son
of God. And gathering it into a few brief sentences
it is this: Jesus' great revelation was
this consciousness of God in the individual
life, and to this he witnessed in a supreme and
masterly way, because this he supremely realised
and lived. Faith in him and following
him does not mean acquiring some particular
notion of God or some particular belief about
him himself. It is the living in one's own life
of this same consciousness of God as one's
source and Father, and a living in these same
filial relations with him of love and guidance
and care that Jesus entered into and continuously
lived.
When this is done there is no problem and
no condition in the individual life that it will
not clarify, mould, and therefore take care of;
for "μὴ μεριμνᾶτε τῇ ψυχῇ ὑμῶν"—do not
worry about your life—was the Master's clear-cut
command. Are we ready for this high
type of spiritual adventure? Not only are we
assured of this great and mighty truth that
the Master revealed and going ahead of us
lived, that under this supreme guidance we
need not worry about the things of the life,
but that under this Divine guidance we need
not think even of the life itself, if for any
reason it becomes our duty or our privilege
to lay it down. Witnessing for truth and
standing for truth he again preceded us in this.
But this, this love for God or rather this
state that becomes the natural and the normal
life when we seek the Kingdom, and the Divine
rule becomes dominant and operative in mind
and heart, leads us directly back to his other
fundamental: Thou shalt love thy neighbour
as thyself. For if God is my Father and if he
cares for me in this way—and every other man
in the world is my brother and He cares for
him in exactly the same way—then by the
sanction of God his Father I haven't anything
on my brother; and by the love of God my
Father my brother hasn't anything on me. It
is but the most rudimentary commonsense
then, that we be considerate one of another,
that we be square and decent one with another.
We will do well as children of the
same Father to sit down and talk matters over;
and arise with the conclusion that the advice
of Jesus, our elder brother, is sound: "Therefore
all things whatsoever ye would that men
should do to you, do ye even so to them."
He gave it no label, but it has subsequently
become known as the Golden Rule. There is
no higher rule and no greater developer of the
highest there is in the individual human life,
and no greater adjuster and beautifier of the
problems of our common human life. And
when it becomes sufficiently strong in its action
in this, the world awaits its projection
into its international life. This is the truth
that he revealed—the twofold truth of love to
God and love for the neighbour, that shall
make men free. The truth of the Man of
Nazareth still holds and shall hold, and we
must realise this adequately before we ask
or can expect any other revelation.
We are in a time of great changes. The
discovery of new laws and therefore of new
truth necessitates changes and necessitates
advances. But whatever changes or advances
may come, the Divine reality still survives, independent
of Jesus it is true, but as the world
knows him still better, it will give to him its
supreme gratitude and praise, in that he was
the most perfect revealer of God to man, of
God in man, and the most concrete in that he
embodied and lived this truth in his own
matchless human-divine life; and stands as
the God-man to which the world is gradually
approaching. For as Goethe has said—"We
can never get beyond the spirit of Jesus."
Love it is, he taught, that brings order out
of chaos, that becomes the solvent of the riddle
of life, and however cynical, skeptical, or
practical we may think at times we may be,
a little quiet clear-cut thought will bring us
each time back to the truth that it is the
essential force that leads away from the tooth
and the claw of the jungle, that lifts life up
from and above the clod. Love is the world's
balance-wheel; and as the warming and ennobling
element of sympathy, care and consideration
radiates from it, increasing one's
sense of mutuality, which in turn leads to
fellowship, cooperation, brotherhood, a holy
and diviner conception and purpose of life is
born, that makes human life more as it
should be, as it must be—as it will be.
I love to feel that when one makes glad
the heart of any man, woman, child, or animal,
he makes glad the heart of God—and I
somehow feel that it is true.
As our household fires radiate their genial
warmth, and make more joyous and more
livable the lot of all within the household
walls, so life in its larger scope and in all
its human relations, becomes more genial and
more livable and reveals more abundantly the
deeper riches of its diviner nature, as it is
made more open and more obedient to the
higher powers of mind and spirit.
Do you know that incident in connection
with the little Scottish girl? She was trudging
along, carrying as best she could a boy
younger, but it seemed almost as big as she
herself, when one remarked to her how
heavy he must be for her to carry, when instantly
came the reply: "He's na heavy. He's
mi brither." Simple is the incident; but there
is in it a truth so fundamental that pondering
upon it, it is enough to make many a man, to
whom dogma or creed make no appeal, a
Christian—and a mighty engine for good in
the world. And more—there is in it a truth
so fundamental and so fraught with potency
and with power, that its wider recognition and
projection into all human relations would reconstruct
a world.
I saw the mountains stand
Silent, wonderful, and grand,
Looking out across the land
When the golden light was falling
On distant dome and spire;
And I heard a low voice calling,
"Come up higher, come up higher,
From the lowland and the mire,
From the mist of earth desire,
From the vain pursuit of pelf.
From the attitude of self:
Come up higher, come up higher."