With a purely historical book like Joshua before
us, it is of importance to keep in view two ways
of regarding Old Testament history, in accordance with
one or other of which any exposition of such a book
must be framed.
According to one of these views, the historical books
of Scripture, being given by inspiration of God, have
for their main object not to tell the story or dwell on
the fortunes of the Hebrew nation, but to unfold God's
progressive revelation of Himself made to the seed of
Abraham, and to record the way in which that revelation
was received, and the effects which it produced.
The story of the Hebrew nation is but the frame in
which this Divine revelation is set. It was God's
pleasure to reveal Himself not through a formal
treatise, but in connection with the history of a nation,
through announcements and institutions and practical
dealings bearing in the first instance on them. The
historical books of the Hebrews therefore, while they
give us an excellent view of the progress of the nation,
must be studied in connection with God's main purpose,
and the supernatural interpositions by which from time
to time it was carried out.
The other view regards the historical books of the
Hebrews in much the same light as we look on those of
other nations. Whatever may have been their origin,
they are, as we find them, like other books, and our
purpose in dealing with them should be the same as
in dealing with books of similar contents. We are to
deal with them, in the first instance at least, from a
natural point of view. We are to regard them as
recording the history and development of an ancient
nation—a very remarkable nation, no doubt, but a
nation whose progress may be referred to ascertainable
causes. If we find natural causes sufficient to account
for that progress, we are not to call in supernatural.
It is an acknowledged law, at least as old as Lord
Bacon, that no more causes are to be assigned for
phenomena than are true and sufficient to account for
them. This law, and the investigations which have
taken place under it, have expunged much that used to
be regarded as supernatural from the history of other
nations; and it will only be according to analogy if the
same result is reached in connection with the history
of Israel.
In this spirit we have recently had several treatises
dealing with that history from a purely natural standpoint.
Very earnest endeavours have been made to
clear the atmosphere, to expiscate facts, to apply the
laws of history, to weigh statements in the balances of
probability, to reduce the Hebrew history to the principles
of science. The general effect of this method
has been to bring out results very different from those
previously accepted. In particular, there has been a
thorough elimination of the supernatural from Hebrew
history. Natural causes have been judged sufficient
to explain all that occurred. The introduction of the
supernatural in the narrative was due to those obvious
causes that have operated in the case of other nations
and other religions:—love of the mythical, a patriotic
desire to glorify the nation, the exaggerating tendency
of tradition, and readiness to translate symbolical
pictures into statements of literal occurrences. Hebrew
historians were not exempted from the tendencies and
weaknesses of other historians, and were ready enough
to colour and apply their narratives according to their
own views. It is when we subject the Hebrew books
to such principles as these (such writers tell us) that we
get at the real history of the nation, deprived no doubt
of much of the glory with which it has usually been
invested, but now for the first time reliable history, on
which the most scientific may depend. And as to its
moral purpose, it is just the moral purpose that runs
through the scheme of the world, to show that, amid
much conflict and confusion, the true, the good, the just,
and the merciful become victorious in the end over the
false and the evil.
The difference between the two methods, as an able
writer remarks, is substantially this, that "the one
regards the Hebrew books as an unfolding of God's
nature, and the other as an unfolding of the nature of
man."
The naturalistic method claims emphatically to be
scientific. It reduces all events to historical law, and
finds for them a natural explanation. But what if the
natural explanation is no explanation? What becomes
of the claim to be scientific if the causes assigned are
not sufficient to account for the phenomena? If
science will not tolerate unnatural causes, no more
should it tolerate unnatural effects. A truly scientific
method must show a fit proportion between cause and
effect. Our contention is that, in this respect, the
naturalistic method is a failure. In many instances its
causes are wholly inadequate to the effects. We are
compelled to fall back on the supernatural, otherwise
we are confronted with a long series of occurrences for
which no reasonable explanation can be found.
We are reminded of an incident which a popular
writer, under the nom de plume
introduced in a novel, bearing the title "We Two."
Erica, the daughter of an atheist, assists her father in
conducting a journal. She gets from him for review a
Life of David Livingstone, with instructions to leave
his religion entirely out. As she proceeds with the
work, she becomes convinced that the condition is
impossible. To describe Livingstone without his religion
would be like playing Hamlet without the part of
Hamlet. Not only does she find her task impossible,
but when she comes to an incident where Livingstone,
in most imminent danger of his life, gets entire composure
of mind from an act of devotion, she becomes
convinced that this could not have happened had there
not been an objective reality corresponding to his
belief; and she is an atheist no more. Erica now believes
in God. Se non e vero e bene trovato.
In like manner, we believe that to delineate Old
Testament history without reference to the supernatural
is as impossible as to describe Livingstone apart from
his religion. You are baffled in trying to explain
actual events. Long ago, Edward Gibbon tried to
account for the rapid progress and brilliant success of
Christianity in the early centuries by what he called
secondary causes. It was really an attempt to eliminate
the supernatural from early Christian history. But the
five causes which he specified were really not causes,
but effects,—effects of that supernatural action which
had its source in the supernatural person of Jesus
Christ. These "secondary causes" never could have
existed had not Jesus Christ already commended Himself
to all sorts of men as a Divine Saviour, sent by
God to bless the world. In like manner we maintain
that behind the causes by which our naturalistic
historians attempt to explain the remarkable history of
the Jewish people, there lay a supernatural force, but
for which the Hebrews would not have been essentially
different from the Edomites, the Ammonites, the
Moabites, or any other Semitic tribe in their neighbourhood.
It was the supernatural element underlying
Hebrew history that made it the marvellous development
it was; and that element began at the beginning,
and continued more or less actively till Jesus Christ
came in the flesh.
Let us try to make good this position. Let us select
a few of the more remarkable occurrences of early
Hebrew history, and, in the language of Gibbon, make
"a candid and reasonable inquiry" whether or not they
can be accounted for, on the ordinary principles of
human nature, without a supernatural cause.
1. It is certain that from the earliest times, and
during at least the first four centuries of their history,
the Hebrew people had an immovable conviction that
the land of Canaan was divinely destined to be theirs.
Of the singular hold which this conviction took of the
minds of the patriarchs, we have innumerable proofs.
Abraham leaves the rich plains of Chaldæa to dwell
in Canaan, and spends a hundred years in it, a
stranger and a pilgrim, without having a single acre
of his own. When he sends to Padan Aram for a
wife to Isaac he conjures his servant on no account to
listen to any proposal that Isaac should settle there;
the damsel must at all hazards come to Canaan.
When Jacob determines to part from Laban, he sets
his face resolutely towards his native land across the
Jordan, although his injured brother is there, thirsting
as he knows for his blood. When Joseph sends for
his father to go down to Egypt, Jacob must get Divine
permission at Beersheba before he can comfortably go.
Joseph, for his services to Egypt, might reasonably
have looked for a magnificent tomb in that country to
cover his remains and perpetuate his memory; but,
strange to say, he prefers to remain unburied for an
indefinite time, and leaves a solemn charge to his people
to bury him in Canaan, carrying his bones with them
when they leave Egypt. In the bitterness of their
oppression by Pharaoh it would have been much more
feasible for their champions, Moses and Aaron, to try
to obtain a relaxation of their burdens; but their
demand was a singular one—liberty to go into the
wilderness, with the hardly concealed purpose of
escaping to the land of their affections. Goshen was
a goodly land, but Canaan had a dearer name—it was
the land of their fathers, and of their brightest hopes.
The uniform tradition was, that the God whom Abraham
worshipped had promised to give the land to his
posterity, and along with the land other blessings of
mysterious but glorious import. With this promise
was connected that Messianic hope which like a golden
thread ran through all Hebrew history and literature,
brightening it more and more as the ages advanced.
It is vain to account for this extraordinary faith in
the land as theirs, and this remarkable assurance that
it would be the scene of unwonted blessing, apart from
a supernatural communication from God. To suppose
that it originated in some whim or fancy of Abraham's
or in the saga of some old bard like Thomas the Rhymer,
and continued unimpaired century after century, is to
suppose what was never realized in the history of any
people. In vain do we look among natural causes for
any that could have so impressed itself on a whole
nation, and swayed their whole being for successive
ages with irresistible force. That "God spake to
Abraham to give him the land" was the indefeasible
conviction of his descendants; nor could any consideration
less powerful have sustained their hopes, or
nerved them to the efforts and perils needful to realize it.
2. No more can the leaving of Egypt, with all that
followed, be accounted for without supernatural agency.
It is the contention of the naturalistic historian that the
Israelites were very much fewer in number than the
Scripture narrative alleges. But if so, how could an
empire, with such immense resources as the monuments
show Egypt to have had, have been unable to retain
them? Wellhausen affirms that at the time Egypt was
weakened by a pestilence. We know not his authority
for the statement; but if the Egyptians were weakened,
the Israelites (unless supernaturally protected) must
have been weakened too. Make what we may of the
contest between Moses and Pharaoh, it is beyond dispute
that Pharaoh's pride was thoroughly roused, and
that his firm determination was not to let the children
of Israel go. And if we grant that his six hundred
chariots were lost by some mishap in the Red Sea,
what were these to the immense forces at his disposal,
and what was there to hinder him from mustering a
new force, and attacking the fugitives in the wilderness
of Sinai? Pharaoh himself does not seem to have
entered the sea with his soldiers, and was therefore free
to take other steps. How, then, are we to account for
the sudden abandonment of the campaign?
3. And as to the residence in the wilderness, even if
we suppose that the Israelites were much fewer in number
than is stated, they were far too great a multitude
to be supported from the scanty resources of the desert.
The wilderness already had its inhabitants, as Moses
knew right well from his experience as a shepherd; it
had its Midianites and Amalekites and other pastoral
tribes, by whom the best of its pastures were eagerly
appropriated for the maintenance of their flocks. How,
in addition to these, were the hosts of Israel to obtain
support?
4. And how are we to explain the extraordinary route
which they took? Why did they not advance towards
Canaan by the ordinary way—the wilderness of Shur,
Beersheba, and Hebron? Why cross the Red Sea at
all, or have anything to do with Mount Sinai and its
awful cliffs, which a glance at the map will show was
entirely out of their way? And when they did take that
route, what would have been easier than for Pharaoh,
if he had chosen to follow them with a new force, to
hem them in among these tremendous mountains, and
massacre or starve them at his pleasure? If the
Israelites had no supernatural power to fall back on,
their whole course was simply madness. We may talk
of good fortune extricating men from difficulties, but
what fortune that can be conceived could have availed
a people, professing to be bound for the land of Canaan,
that, without food or drink or stores of any kind, had
wandered into the heart of a vast labyrinth, for no
reasonable purpose under the sun?
5. Nor can the career of Moses be made intelligible
without a supernatural backing. The contention is,
that the desire of the people in Egypt for deliverance
having become very strong, especially in the tribe of
Levi, they sent Aaron to find Moses, remembering his
former attempt on their behalf; and that, under the
able leadership of Moses, their deliverance was secured
by natural means. But does this explain the actual
campaign in Sinai? Who ever heard of a leader that,
after he had roused the enthusiasm of his people by a
brilliant deliverance, arrested their further progress in
order to preach to them for a twelvemonth, and give
them a system of law? Did Moses not possess that
instinct of a general that must have urged him to push
on the moment the Egyptians were drowned, and amid
the enthusiasm of his own troops and the consternation
of the Canaanites, fling his army upon the seven
nations, and seize their land by a coup de main?
Abraham before him and Joshua after him found the
value of such prompt, sudden movements. Never had a
leader a more splendid opportunity. What could have
induced Moses to throw away his chance, bury his people
among the mountains, and remain inactive for months
upon months? Is there any conceivable explanation
but that he acted by supernatural direction? The
Divine plan was entirely different from any that human
wisdom would have contrived. It is as clear as day
that, had there been no Divine power controlling the
movement, the course taken by Moses would have been
simply insane.
6. Nor could the law of Moses, first given in such
circumstances, have acquired the glory which surrounded
it ever after, had there been no manifestation
of the Divine presence at Sinai. The people were
greatly dissatisfied, especially at their delays. The
only course that would have quieted them was to push
on towards Canaan, so that their minds might be animated
by the enthusiasm of hope. Under their detentions
they greedily seized every occasion that presented
itself for growling against Moses. How little they
were in sympathy with his ideas of religion and worship
was apparent from the affair of the golden calf. The
history of the time is an almost unbroken record of
murmuring, complaining, and rebellion. Yet the law
which originated with Moses in these circumstances
became the very idol of the people, and, according to
the naturalistic historians, was the means of creating
the nation, and welding the tribes into a living unity!
We can quite easily understand how, in spite of all
their growlings, the law as given at Sinai should have
taken the firmest hold of their imagination and kindled
their utmost enthusiasm in the end, if it was accompanied
by those tokens of the Divine presence which the whole
literature of the Hebrews assumes. And if Moses
was closely identified with the Divine Being, the surpassing
glory of the occasion must have been reflected
on him. But to suppose that a discontented people
should have had their enthusiasm roused for the law
simply because this Moses commanded them to observe
it, and that they should ever after have counted it the
holiest, the most Divine law that men had ever known,
is again to postulate an effect without a cause, and to
suppose a whole people acting in disregard of the
strongest propensities of human nature.
7. Then, as to the generalship of Moses. How are
we to explain the further detention of the people in the
wilderness for nearly forty years? If this was not the
result of a supernatural Divine decree, it must have
proceeded from the inability of Moses to lead the
people to victory. No people who had struggled out
of bondage in order to enter a land flowing with milk
and honey, would of their own accord have spent forty
years in the wilderness. At Hormah, they were willing
to fight, but Moses would not lead them, and they were
beaten. Either the wandering of the forty years was
a Divine punishment, or the generalship of Moses was
at fault. He abandoned himself to inaction for an unprecedented
period. There was no shadow of benefit to
be gained by this delay; nothing could come of it (apart
from the Divine purpose) but wearing out the patience
of the people, and killing them with the sickness of
hope deferred. And if it should be said that the forty
years' wandering was a myth, and that probably the
wilderness sojourn did not exceed a year or two at
most, is it conceivable that any people in its senses
would invent such a legend?—a legend that covered
them with shame, and that was felt to be so disgraceful
that the whole region was shunned by them; insomuch
that with the exception of Elijah, we do not read of any
member of the nation ever making a pilgrimage to the
spot which otherwise must have had overwhelming
attractions.
8. At last Moses suddenly awakes to activity and
courage. And the next difficulty is to account for his
success at the eleventh hour of his life, if he had no
supernatural help. No phrase occurs more frequently
in naturalistic explanations than "it is likely." Likelihood
is the touchstone to which all extraordinary statements
are brought, although, as Lord Beaconsfield used
to tell us, "it is the unexpected that happens." Borrowing
the touchstone for the nonce, we may ask, Is it likely
that, after a sleep of eight-and-thirty years, Moses of
his own accord, without any apparent change of circumstances,
sprang suddenly to his feet, and urged the
people to attempt the invasion of the land? Is it likely
that all the inertia and fears of the people vanished in
a moment, as if at the touch of a magician's wand?
And when it came to actual fighting, is it likely that
these shepherds of the desert were able of themselves
not only to stand before a trained and successful warrior
like Sihon King of the Amorites, who had so lately
overrun the country, but to defeat him utterly and
take possession of his whole territory? Is it likely
that Sihon's neighbour, Og King of Bashan, though
warned by the fate of Sihon, and therefore sure to
make a more careful defence, shared the fate of the
other king? Or if Og was a mere myth, as Wellhausen
strangely maintains, is it likely that the Israelites got
possession of the powerful cities and well-defended
kingdom of Bashan without striking a blow? Is it
likely that, after this brilliant victory, Moses, who was
still in full vigour, detained them again for weeks to
preach old sermons, and sing them songs, and make
pathetic speeches, instead of dashing at once at the
petrified people on the other side, and acquiring the
great prize—Western Palestine? Strange mortal this
Moses must have been!—wise enough to give the people
an unexampled constitution and system of laws, and yet
blind to the most obvious laws of military science, and
the most elementary perceptions of common sense.
And now we come to Joshua, and to the book that
records his achievements.
Joshua was no prophet; he made no claim to the
prophetic character; he succeeded Moses only as
military leader. Consequently the Book of Joshua
contains little matter that would fall under the term
"revelation." But both the work of Joshua and the
book of Joshua served an important purpose in the
plan of Divine manifestation, inasmuch as they showed
God fulfilling His old promises, vindicating His faithfulness,
and laying anew a foundation for the trust of
His people. In this point of view, both the work and
the book have an importance that cannot be exaggerated.
The naturalistic historian regards the book as merely
setting forth, with sundry traditional embellishments,
the manner in which one people ousted another from
their country, much as those who were then evicted
had dispossessed the previous inhabitants. But whoever
believes that, centuries before, God made a solemn
promise to Abraham to give that land to his seed,
must see in the story of the settlement the unfolding
of a Divine purpose, and a solemn pledge of blessings
to come. "The Ancient of days," who "declares
the end from the beginning," is seen to be faithful to
His promises; and if He has been thus faithful in the
past, he may surely be trusted to be faithful in the
future.
If, then, Joshua's work was a continuation of the
work of Moses, and his book of the books of Moses,
both must be regarded from the same point of view.
You cannot explain either of them reasonably in a merely
rationalistic sense. Joshua could no more have settled
the people in Canaan by merely natural means than
Moses could have delivered them from Pharaoh and
maintained them for years in the wilderness. In the
history of both you see a Divine arm, and in the books
of both you find a chapter of Divine revelation. It is
this that gives full credibility to the miracles which they
record. What happened under Joshua formed a most
important chapter of the process of revelation by which
God made Himself known to Israel. In such circumstances,
miracles were not out of place. But if the
Book of Joshua is nothing more than the record of a
raid by one nation on another, miracles were uncalled
for, and must be given up.
Rationalists may count us wrong in believing that
the Hebrew historical books are more than Hebrew
annals—are the records of a Divine manifestation.
But they cannot hold us unreasonable or inconsistent
if, believing this, we believe in the miracles which
the books record. Miracles assume a very different
character when they are connected into a sublime
purpose in the economy of God; when they signalize
a great epoch in the history of revelation—the completion
of a great era of promise, the fulfilment of hopes
delayed for centuries. The Book of Joshua has thus
a far more dignified place in the history of revelation
than a superficial observer would suppose. And those
historians who bring it down to the level of a mere
record of an invasion, and who leave out of account
its bearing on Divine transactions so far back as the
days of Abraham, spoil it of its chief glory and value
for the Church in every age. There is nothing of more
importance, whether for the individual believer or for
the Church collectively, than a firm conviction, such
as the Book of Joshua emphatically supplies, that long
delays on God's part involve no forgetfulness of His
promises, but that whenever the destined moment comes
"no good thing will fail of all that He hath spoken."
The Book of Joshua consists mainly of two parts;
one historical, the other geographical. It was the old
belief that it was the work of a single writer, with such
slight revision at an after time as a writing might
receive without essential interference with its substance.
The author was sometimes supposed to be Joshua
himself, but more commonly one of the priests or elders
who outlived Joshua, and who might therefore fitly
record his death. It has been remarked that there are
several traces in the book of contemporary origin, like
the remark on Rahab—"She dwelleth in Israel even
unto this day" (vi. 25). It must be allowed, we think,
that there is not much in this book to suggest to the
ordinary reader either the idea of a late origin or of
the use of late materials.
But recent critics have taken a different view. Ewald
maintained that, besides the Jehovist and Elohist writers
of whose separate contributions in Genesis the evidence
seems incontrovertible, there were three other authors
of Joshua, with one or more redactors or revisers.
The view of Kuenen and Wellhausen is similar, but
with this difference, that the Book of Joshua shows so
much affinity, both in object and style, to the preceding
five books, that it must be classed with them, as setting
forth the origin of the Jewish nation, which would not
have been complete without a narrative of their settlement
in their land. The composition of Joshua is
therefore to be brought down to a late date; we owe it
to the documents, writers, and editors concerned in the
composition of the Pentateuch; and instead of following
the Jews in classing the first five books by themselves,
we ought to include Joshua along with them, and
in place of the Pentateuch speak of the Hexateuch.
Canon Driver substantially accepts this view; in his
judgment, the first part of the book rests mainly on the
JE (Jehovist-Elohist) document, with slight additions
from P (the priestly code) and D2 (the second
Deuteronomist). The second half of the book is derived
mainly from the priestly code. But Canon Driver has
the candour to say that much more difficult to
distinguish the writers in Joshua than in the earlier
books; and so little is he sure of his ground that even
such important documents as J and E have to be
designated by new letters, a and b. But, all the same,
he goes right on with his scheme, furnishing us with
tables all through, in which he shows that the Book
of Joshua consists of ninety different pieces, no two
consecutive pieces being by the same author. Most
of it he refers to three earlier writings, but some of
these were composite, and it is hard to say how many
hands were engaged in putting together this simple
story.
One is tempted to say of this complicated but confidently
maintained scheme, that it is just too complete,
too wonderfully finished, too clever by half. Allowing
most cordially the remarkable ability and ingenuity of
its authors, we can hardly be expected to concede to
them the power of taking to pieces a book of such vast
antiquity, putting it in a modern mincing machine,
dividing it among so many supposed writers, and settling
the exact parts of it written by each! Is there any
ancient writing that might not yield a similar result if
the same ingenuity were exercised upon it?
To judge of the source of writings by apparent
varieties of style, and call in a different writer for every
such variety, is to commit oneself to a very precarious
rule. There are doubtless cases where the diversity
of style is so marked that the inference is justified,
but in these the evidence is unmistakably clear. Often
the evidence against identity of authorship appears
very clear, while it is absolutely worthless. Suppose
that three thousand years hence an English book
should be found, consisting, first, of an eloquent exposition
of a parliamentary budget; secondly, a scheme
for Home Rule in Ireland; thirdly, a dissertation on
Homer; and fourthly, essays on the "Impregnable
Rock of Holy Scripture"—how convincingly might the
critics of the day demonstrate, beyond possibility of
contradiction, that the book could not be the work of the
single man who bore the name of William E. Gladstone!
In like manner, it might be made very plain that
Milton could never have written both "L'Allegro"
and "Il Penseroso," or "Paradise Lost" and the
"Defence of the English People." Cowper could not
have written "John Gilpin" and "God moves in a
mysterious way." Samuel Rutherford could not have
written his "Letters" and his "Divine Right of Church
Government." Moreover, in the course of years a writer
may change his style, even when his subject is the same.
The earlier essays of Mr. Carlyle show no traces of that
most quaint, terse, graphic style which became one of
his outstanding characteristics in later years. Perhaps
the most remarkable instance of change of style in a
great writer is that of Jeremy Bentham. In Sir James
Mackintosh's Dissertation prefixed to the Encyclopædia
Britannica (eighth edition) he says: "The style of Mr.
Bentham underwent a more remarkable revolution than
perhaps befell that of any other celebrated writer. In
his early works, it was clear, free, spirited, often and
seasonably eloquent.... He gradually ceased to use
words for conveying his thoughts to others, but merely
employed them as a short hand to preserve his meaning
for his own purpose. It is no wonder that his language
thus became obscure and repulsive. Though many of
his technical terms are in themselves exact and pithy,
yet the overflow of his vast nomenclature was enough
to darken his whole diction."
If we compare the criticism of the Book of Joshua
with that (let us say) of Genesis, the difference in the
clearness of the conclusions is very great. By far the
most striking basis of the criticism of Genesis is the
feature that was noticed first—the occurrence of different
Divine names, Elohim and Jehovah, in different
portions of the book. Now, although it is held that
the combined JE document was used in compiling
Joshua, there is no trace of this distinction of names
in that book. Nor is there much trace of other distinctions
found in Genesis. So that it is no great wonder
that Canon Driver is uncertain whether, after all, that
was the document that was used in compiling Joshua.
Then, as to the grounds on which the Deuteronomist
is supposed to have had a share in the book. Wherever
anything is said indicating that under Joshua the
Divine purposes and ordinances enjoined by God on
Moses were fulfilled, that is referred to the Deuteronomist
writer, as if it would have been unnatural for an
ordinary historian to call attention to such a circumstance.
For instance, the remark of Rahab that as
soon as the Canaanites heard what God had done to
Egypt, and to the two kings of the Amorites on the
other side of Jordan, their hearts fainted, is referred to
the Deuteronomist, as if it had rather been an idea of
his than a statement of Rahab's. It is strange that
Canon Driver should not have seen that this is the
very hinge of Rahab's speech, because it gives us the
explanation of the remarkable faith that had taken
possession of her polluted heart. The truth is, we can
hardly conceive that any part of the book should have
been written by one who did not connect Joshua with
Moses, and both of them with the patriarchs, and who
was not impressed by the vital connection of the earlier
with the later transactions, and likewise by the single
Divine purpose running through the whole history.
But we are far from thinking that there is no foundation
for any of the conclusions of the critics regarding
the Book of Joshua. What seems their great weakness
is the confidence with which they assign this part to
one writer and that part to another, and bring down
the composition of the book to a late period of the
history. That various earlier documents were made
use of by the author of the book seems very plain.
For instance, in the account of the crossing of the
Jordan, use seems to have been made of two documents,
not always agreeing in minute details, and pieced
together in a primitive fashion characteristic of a very
early period of literary composition. The record of the
delimitation of the possessions of the several tribes
must have been taken from the report of the men that
were sent to survey the country, but it is not a complete
record. There are other traces of different documents
in other parts of the book, but any diversities between
them are quite insignificant, and in no degree impair
its historical trustworthiness.
As to the hand of a reviser or revisers in the book,
we see no difficulty in allowing for such. We can
conceive an authorized reviser expanding speeches, but
thoroughly in the line of the speakers, or inserting
explanatory remarks as to places, or as to practices
that had prevailed "unto this day." But it is atrocious
to be told of revisers colouring statements and modifying
facts in the interests of religious parties, or even
in the interest of truth itself. Any alterations in the
way of revision seem to have been very limited, otherwise
we should not find in the existing text those
awkward joinings of different documents which are
not in perfect accord. Whoever the revisers were,
they seem to have judged it best to leave these things
as they found them, rather than incur the responsibility
of altering what had already been written.
It has generally been assumed by spiritual expositors
that there must be something profoundly symbolical
in a book that narrates the work of Joshua, or Jesus,
the first, so far as we know, to bear the name that is
"above every name." The subject is considered with
some fulness in Pearson's "Exposition of the Creed,"
and various points of resemblance, not all equally valid,[1]
are noted between Joshua and Jesus.
The one point of resemblance on which we seem
to be warranted to lay much stress is, that Joshua
gave the people REST. Again and again we read—"The
land rested from war" (xi. 23), "The land
had rest from war" (xiv. 15), "The Lord gave them
rest round about" (xxi. 44), "The Lord your God
hath given rest unto your brethren" (xxii. 4), "The
Lord had given rest unto Israel from all their enemies
round about" (xxiii. 1). That was Joshua's great
achievement, as the instrument of God's purpose. Yet
in Hebrews we read that this was not the real rest—it
was only a symbol of it: "If Joshua had given them
rest, then would God not afterward have spoken of
another day." The real rest was the rest arising from
faith in Jesus Christ. Many persons look on Joshua
as a somewhat dry book, full of geographical names,
as unsuggestive as they are hard and unfamiliar.
Yet on every one of the places so named faith may
see inscribed, as in letters from heaven, the sweet
word rest. Each of these places became a home for
men who had been wandering for some forty years in
a waste howling wilderness. At last they reached
a spot where they did not fear the long familiar
summons to "arise and depart." The sickly mother,
the consumptive maiden, the paralysed old man might
rest in peace, no longer terrified at the prospect of
journeys which only increased their ailments and aggravated
their sufferings.
The spiritual lesson of this book then is, that in Jesus
Christ there is rest for the pilgrim. It is no slight
or unevangelical lesson. It is the echo of His own
glorious words, "Come unto Me, all ye that labour
and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest." Whosoever
is weary—whether under the burden of care, or
the sense of guilt, or the bitterness of disappointment,
or the anguish of a broken heart, or the conviction that
all is vanity—the message of this book to him is,—"There
remaineth a rest to the people of God." Even
now, the rest of faith; and hereafter, that rest of which
the voice from heaven proclaimed—"Blessed are the
dead which die in the Lord from henceforth: yea,
saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours;
and their works do follow them."