York, in Pennsylvania, December 3d, 1777.
Dear Sir,
With great pleasure to ourselves we discharge our duty,
by enclosing to you your commission for representing these
United States at the Court of France. We are by no
means willing to admit a thought of your declining this important
service, and therefore we send duplicates of the
commission, and the late resolves, in order that you may
take one set with you, and send the other by another
vessel.
These are important papers, and therefore we wish
they may be put into the hands of a particular and careful
person, with directions to deliver them himself into the
hands of the Commissioners. Mr Hancock, before he
left this place, said that he intended to send a gentleman
to France on some particular business. Cannot we prevail
to get this gentleman to undertake the delivery of our
packet to the Commissioners, they paying the expense of
travel to Paris, and back again to his place of business?
It is unnecessary to mention the propriety of directing
these despatches to be bagged with weight proper for sinking
them, on any immediate prospect of their otherwise
falling into the enemy's hands.
We sincerely wish you a quick and pleasant voyage,
being truly your affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
Braintree, December 23d, 1777.
Sir,
Having been absent on a journey, I had not the honor
of receiving your letters until yesterday, when one, of the
28th of November, enclosing a resolution of Congress of
the same day, and another of the 3d of December, enclosing
a commission for Dr Franklin, Dr Lee, and myself, to
represent the United States at the Court of France, were
delivered to me in Boston.
As I am deeply penetrated with a sense of the high
honor, which has been done me in this appointment, I cannot
but wish I were better qualified for the important trust,
but as Congress are perfectly acquainted with all my deficiencies,
I conclude it is their determination to make the
necessary allowances; in the humble hope of which, I
shall submit my own judgment to theirs, and devote all the
faculties I have, and all that I can acquire, to their service.
You will be pleased to accept of my sincere thanks, for
the polite manner in which you have communicated to me
the commands of Congress, and believe me to be, with
the most perfect respect and esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, December 24th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Having been absent from this State, I had not the
honor of your favor of December 3d, until the 22d, when
it was delivered to me with its enclosures, viz. a letter
from the President to the Navy Board at Boston, and a
private letter of December 8th, from Mr Lovell. At the
same time, I received a packet directed to Benjamin
Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, Commissioners of
the United States of America, in France, under seal. I
also received a packet unsealed, containing
1. Copy of a letter dated the 2d of December, from the
Committee of Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners.
2. A duplicate of a commission of the 27th of November,
to the Commissioners.
3. A duplicate of a resolve of December 3d; duplicates
of resolves of November 20th and 21st, and duplicates of
resolves of November 10th and 22d.
4. Two letters unsealed, to Silas Deane, Paris.
5. Two printed handbills, one containing messages, &c.
between the Generals Bourgoyne and Gates; the other, a
copy of a letter, &c. from Mr Strickland. The packet
under seal, I shall do myself the honor to forward by the
first conveyance, and the other shall be conveyed, God
willing, with my own hand.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, May 21st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I have never yet paid my respects to you since my arrival
in Europe, for which seeming neglect of duty, the
total novelty of the scenes about me, and the incessant
avocations of business, and ceremony, and pleasure, (for
this last, I find in Europe, makes an essential part of both
the other two,) must plead my excuse.
The situation of the general affairs of Europe is still
critical and of dubious tendency. It is still uncertain
whether there will be war between the Turks and the
Russians, between the Emperor and the King of Prussia,
and indeed between England and France, in the opinion
of many people. My own conjecture, however, is that a
war will commence, and that soon.
Before this reaches you, you will be informed that a
strong squadron of thirteen capital ships and several frigates
has sailed from Toulon, and that another squadron is
ordered to sail from Spithead. Whatever I may have
heard of the destination of the first, I am not at liberty
to mention it. We have no intelligence that the latter
has sailed.
Chatham the great is no more, but there is so much of
his wild spirit in his last speech yet left in the nation, that
I have no doubt but the administration will put all to the
hazard.
We are happy to hear by the frigate, La Sensible,
which has returned to Brest, that the treaty arrived safe
at Casco Bay. We hope to have the earliest intelligence
of the ratification of it. The Commissioners from England,
of the 22d of April, will meet, as we suppose, with
nothing but ridicule. The King of Prussia is yet upon
the reserve concerning America, or rather forgetting his
promise, has determined not to acknowledge our independence
at present. His reason is obvious; he wants the
aid of those very German princes, who are most subservient
to Great Britain, who have furnished her with troops
to carry on the war against us, and, therefore, he does not
choose to offend them by an alliance with us at present.
Spain is on the reserve too, but there is not the least doubt
entertained here of her intention to support America. In
Holland there is more friendship for us than I was aware
of before I came here; at least, they will take no part
against us.
Our affairs in this kingdom I find in a state of confusion
and darkness, that surprises me. Prodigious sums of
money have been expended, and large sums are yet due;
but there are no books of account, nor any documents from
whence I have been able to learn what the United States
have received as an equivalent.
There is one subject which lies heavily on my mind,
and that is the expense of the Commissioners. You have
three Commissioners at this Court, each of whom lives at
an expense of at least three thousand pounds sterling a
year, I fear at a greater expense; few men in the world
are capable of living at a less expense than I am. But I
find the other gentlemen have expended from three to four
thousand a year each, and one of them from five to six.
And by all the inquiries I have been able to make, I cannot
find any article of expense which can be retrenched.[36]
The truth is, in my humble opinion, our system is
wrong in many particulars.
1. In having three Commissioners at this Court; one
in the character of Envoy is enough. At present, each of
the three is considered in the character of a public Minister
Plenipotentiary, which lays him under an absolute necessity
of living up to this character, whereas, one alone
would be obliged to incur no greater expense, and would
be quite sufficient for all the business of a public Minister.
2. In leaving the salaries of these Ministers at an uncertainty,
you will never be able to obtain a satisfactory
account of the public monies while this system continues;
it is a temptation to live at too great an expense, and gentlemen
will feel an aversion to demanding a vigorous account.
3. In blending the business of a public Minister with
that of a commercial agent. The business of various departments
is by this means so blended, and the public
and private expenses so confounded with each other, that
I am sure no satisfaction can ever be given to the public
of the disposition of their interests, and I am very confident,
that jealousies and suspicions will hereafter arise
against the characters of gentlemen, who may, perhaps,
have acted with perfect integrity and the fairest intentions
for the public good.
My idea is this; separate the offices of public Ministers
from those of commercial agents;[37] recall, or send to some
other Court, all the public Ministers but one at this Court;
determine with precision the sum that shall be allowed to
the remaining one for his expenses, for his salary, and
for his time, risk, trouble, &c.; and when this is done, see
that he receives no more than his allowance. The inconveniences
arising from the multiplicity of Ministers and the
complication of business are infinite.
Remember me with the most tender affection to my
worthy colleagues, and to all others to whom you know
they are due.
I am your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, May 24th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I find that the American affairs on this side of the
Atlantic are in a state of disorder, very much resembling
that which is so much to be regretted on the other, and
arising, as I suppose, from the same general causes, the
novelty of the scenes, the inexperience of the actors, and
the rapidity with which great events have succeeded each
other. Our resources are very inadequate to the demands
made upon us, which are perhaps unnecessarily increased
by several irregularities of proceeding.
We have in some places two or three persons, who
claim the character of American agents, agent for commercial
affairs, and continental agent, for they are called by all
these different appellations. In one quarter, one gentleman
claims the character from the appointment of Mr
William Lee, another claims it from the appointment of the
Commissioners at Passy, and a third from the appointment
of the Commercial Committee of Congress. This introduces
a triple expense, and much confusion and delay.
These evils have been accidental, I believe, and unavoidable,
but they are evils still, and ought to be removed.
One person at Bordeaux, another at Nantes, and a
third perhaps at Havre de Grace, or Dunkirk, would be
amply sufficient for all public purposes, and to these persons
all orders from Congress, or the Commercial Committee,
or the Commissioners at Paris, ought to be addressed.
To the same persons all public ships of war,
and all other ships belonging to the United States, and
their prizes, ought to be addressed; and all orders for the
supplies of provisions, clothing, repairs of vessels, &c. as
well as all orders for shipping of merchandises, or warlike
stores for the United States, ought to go through their
hands. We have such abuses and irregularities every day
occurring, as are very alarming. Agents of various sorts
are drawing bills upon us, and the commanders of vessels
of war are drawing upon us for expenses and supplies,
which we never ordered, so that our resources will soon
fail, if a speedy stop is not put to this career.
And we find it so difficult to obtain accounts from agents
of the expenditure of monies, and of the goods and merchandises
shipped by them, that we can never know the
true state of our finances, or when and in what degree we
have executed the orders of Congress for sending them
arms, clothes, medicines, or other things.
In order to correct some of the abuses, and to bring our
affairs into a little better order, I have constantly given my
voice against paying for things we never ordered, against
paying persons who have never been authorised, and
against throwing our affairs into a multiplicity of hands in
the same place. But the consequence has been so many
refusals of demands and requests, that I expect much discontent
will arise from it, and many clamors. Whether the
appointment by Congress of one or more consuls for this
kingdom would remedy these inconveniences, I must submit
to their wisdom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS
Passy, July 9th, 1778.
My Dear Friend,
I had yesterday the honor of receiving the despatches
from Congress, which were sent by the Saratoga from Baltimore,
arrived at Nantes, convoyed in by the Boston,
Captain Tucker, (who was returning from a short cruise,
and who has sent in four prizes,) and those by the Spy,
from New London, arrived at Brest, and the inexpressible
pleasure of your private letters by the same vessels. You
acquaint me, that you had written to me eight or nine
times, which has given me some anxiety, as these letters
are the first I have received from you or from any member
of Congress, since my arrival in France.
The ratification of the treaty gives universal joy to this
Court and nation, who seem to be sincerely and deeply
rejoiced at this connexion between the two countries.
There is no declaration of war as yet at London or
Versailles, but the ships of the two nations are often fighting
at sea, and there is not the smallest doubt but war will
be declared, unless Britain should miraculously have wisdom
given her to make a treaty with the Congress like
that which France has made. Spain has not made a
treaty, but be not deceived nor intimidated, all is safe in
that quarter.
The unforeseen dispute in Bavaria has made the Empress
Queen and King of Prussia cautious of quarrelling
with Great Britain, because her connexion with a
number of the German Princes, whose aid each of those
potentates is soliciting, makes her friendship, or at least her
neutrality in the German war, of importance to each.
But this will do no hurt to America.
You have drawn so many bills of exchange upon us,
and sent us so many frigates, every one of which costs us
a large sum of money, so many merchandises and munitions
of war have been sent, whether arrived or not, and we expect
so many more drafts upon us, that I assure you I am
very uneasy concerning our finances here. We are laboring
to hire money, and have some prospect of success, but
I am afraid not for such sums as will be wanted.
Let me entreat you to omit no opportunity of writing
me; send me all the newspapers, journals, &c. and believe
me your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, July 26th, 1778.
My Dear Friend,
Your favors of May 16th and 25th, by Captain Barnes
reached me yesterday. These, with those by Niles from
Connecticut, and those by the Saratoga from Baltimore,
are all that I have received from you, or from anybody at
Congress; which gives me pain, because your other letters
must have miscarried, and I hold your letters in so high
esteem, that I cannot be willing to lose one.
The robbery of Folger's packet, by all that I can learn,
must have been committed by a traitor, who made his
escape to England. But Dr Franklin and Mr Lee, who
were acquainted with this transaction, will, I suppose, develope
the mystery as far as they are able. One of these
gentlemen has some other suspicions, but I believe the fugitive
to England was the only thief.
Mr Deane, whom you mention, is no doubt with you
before now, but if the Count d'Estaing has not been able
to strike a decisive blow before the arrival of Byron, I
should fear that some misfortune has befallen him since the
junction of Byron and Howe. We are, however, anxious
to know the naval manœuvres in America, as well as those
of the armies. Mr Deane complains of ill treatment, and
claims great merit for his services. I shall not add to the
ill treatment, nor depreciate the merit, but it will never do
for Congress to dread the resentment of their servants.
I have heard a great deal in this country concerning his
conduct; great panegyrics and harsh censures. But I believe
he has neither the extravagant merit that some persons
ascribe to him, nor the gross faults to answer for,
which some others impute or suspect. I believe he was a
diligent servant of the public, and rendered it useful service.
His living was expensive, but whether he made the
vast profit to himself that some persons suspect, I know
not, or whether any profit at all. One thing I know, that
my family will feel that I shall not imitate him in this faculty,
if it really was his; for which reason I wish Congress
would determine, what allowance we shall have for our
time, that I might know whether my family can live upon
it or not.
Extravagant claims to merit are always to be suspected.
General Gates was the ablest negotiator you ever had in
Europe,[38] and next to him, General Washington's attack
upon the enemy at Germantown. I do not know, indeed,
whether this last affair had not more influence upon the
European mind than that of Saratoga. Although the attempt
was unsuccessful, the military gentlemen in Europe
considered it as the most decisive proof that America
would finally succeed.
And you may depend upon it, although your agents in
Europe were to plead with the tongues of men and angels,
although they had the talents and the experience of Mazarin,
or the integrity of d'Asset, your army in America will
have more success than they.
I foresee there will be diversities of sentiment concerning
this gentleman, (Deane,) and perhaps warm debates.
Perhaps there will be as much as there has been about a
General in the northern department. All that I request is,
that I may not be drawn into the dispute. Europe has
not charms enough for me to wish to stay here to the exclusion
of abler negotiators, much less at the expense of
heat and divisions in Congress. How well united you
were in the choice of me I never was informed, and how
soon attempts may be made to displace me I know not.
But one thing I beg of my friends, and one only, that if
any attempt of that kind should be made, they would give
me up, rather than continue my residence at the expense
of debates in Congress, and by the favor of small majorities.
If I were capable of speculating in English funds, or of
conducting private trade, I might find opportunities here to
make a private profit, and might have inducements from
private considerations to continue here; but this will never
be my case, and I am very well persuaded that Congress
will never grant me so much for my services here, as I
could earn by my profession in Boston, to which I will return
with submission to old ocean, old Boreas, and British men
of war, the moment I am released from this station. I wish
however that Congress would determine what allowance
they will grant, that honest men may not be made or suspected
otherwise. As to the public, I am fully persuaded
that its interests are not at all concerned in my residence
here, as there is a great plenty of persons quite as well
qualified.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, July 27th, 1778.
Sir,
I thank you for your kind congratulations on the favorable
appearances in our American concerns, and for so
politely particularizing one of the most inconsiderable of
them, my safe arrival in France, which was after a very
inconvenient passage of fortyfive days.
Your letter to Mr Izard I had the pleasure to send to
him immediately in Paris, where he resides, the Court of
Tuscany being so connected with that of Vienna, as to
discourage hitherto his departure for Italy. He did me
the honor of a visit yesterday, when we had much conversation
upon American affairs.
Your other letter to your daughter-in-law, I have forwarded
by a safe opportunity. You may depend upon
my conveying your letters to any of your friends by the
best opportunities, and with despatch. The more of your
commands you send me, the more pleasure you will give
me.
War is not declared, that is, no manifesto has been published,
but each nation is daily manufacturing materials for
the other's manifesto, by open hostilities. In short, Sir,
the two nations have been at war ever since the recall of
the Ambassadors. The King of France has given orders
to all his ships to attack the English, and has given vast
encouragement to privateers.
The King of Great Britain and his council have determined
to send instructions to their Commissioners in
America to offer us independency, provided we will make
peace with them, separate from France. This appears to
me to be the last effort to seduce, deceive, and divide.
They know that every man of honor in America must
receive this proposition with indignation. But they think
they can get the men of no honor to join them by such a
proposal, and they think the men of honor are not a majority.
What has America done to give occasion to that
King and council to think so unworthily of her.
The proposition is in other words this; "America, you
have fought me until I despair of beating you, you have
made an alliance with the first power of Europe, which
is a great honor to your country and a great stability to
your cause, so great that it has excited my highest resentment,
and has determined me to go to war with
France. Do you break your faith with that power and
forfeit her confidence, as well as that of all the rest of
mankind forever, and join me to beat her, or stand by
neuter and see me do it, and for all this I will acknowledge
your independency, because I think in that case you
cannot maintain it, but will be an easy prey to me afterwards,
who am determined to break my faith with you, as
I wish you to do yours with France."
My dear countrymen, I hope you will not be allured
upon the rocks, by the syren song of peace. They are
now playing a sure game. They have run all hazards,
but now they hazard nothing.
I know your application is incessant and your moments
precious, and, therefore, that I ask a great favor in requesting
your correspondence, but the interests of the public,
as well as private friendship, induce me to do it.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, July 28th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
The Sovereign of Britain and his Council have determined
to instruct their Commissioners to offer you independence,
provided you will disconnect yourselves from
France.
The question arises, how came the King and Council
by authority to offer this? It is certain that they have it
not.
In the next place, is the treaty of alliance between us
and France now binding upon us? I think there is not
room to doubt it; for declarations and manifestos do not
make the state of war, they are only publications of the
reasons of war. Yet the message of the King of Great
Britain to both houses of Parliament, and their answers to
that message were as full a declaration of war as ever was
made, and accordingly hostilities have been frequent ever
since. This proposal, then, is a modest invitation to a gross
act of infidelity and breach of faith. It is an observation
that I have often heard you make, that "France is the natural
ally of the United States." This observation is, in my
opinion, both just and important. The reasons are plain.
As long as Great Britain shall have Canada, Nova Scotia,
and the Floridas, or any of them, so long will Great Britain
be the enemy of the United States, let her disguise it as
much as she will.
It is not much to the honor of human nature, but the fact
is certain, that neighboring nations are never friends in reality.
In the times of the most perfect peace between them,
their hearts and their passions are hostile, and this will certainly
be the case forever between the thirteen United
States and the English colonies. France and England, as
neighbors and rivals, never have been and never will be
friends. The hatred and jealousy between the nations
are eternal and irradicable. As we, therefore, on the one
hand, have the surest ground to expect the jealousy and
hatred of Great Britain, so on the other we have the
strongest reasons to depend upon the friendship and alliance
of France, and no one reason in the world to expect
her enmity or her jealousy, as she has given up every pretension
to any spot of ground on the Continent. The
United States, therefore, will be for ages the natural bulwark
of France against the hostile designs of England
against her, and France is the natural defence of the
United States against the rapacious spirit of Great Britain
against them. France is a nation so vastly eminent, having
been for so many centuries what they call the dominant
power of Europe, being incomparably the most powerful
at land, that united in a close alliance with our States, and
enjoying the benefit of our trade, there is not the smallest
reason to doubt, but both will be a sufficient curb upon the
naval power of Great Britain.
This connexion, therefore, will forever secure a respect
for our States in Spain, Portugal, and Holland too, who will
always choose to be upon friendly terms with powers, who
have numerous cruisers at sea, and indeed in all the rest, of
Europe. I presume, therefore, that sound policy as well
as good faith will induce us never to renounce our alliance
with France, even although it should continue us for
some time in war. The French are as sensible of the
benefits of this alliance to them as we are, and they are
determined as much as we to cultivate it.
In order to continue the war, or at least that we may do
any good in the common cause, the credit of our currency
must be supported. But how? Taxes, my dear Sir,
taxes. Pray let our countrymen consider and be wise;
every farthing they pay in taxes is a farthing's worth of
wealth and good policy. If it were possible to hire money
in Europe to discharge the bills, it would be a dreadful
drain to the country to pay the interest of it. But I fear it
will not be. The house of Austria has sent orders to Amsterdam
to hire a very great sum, England is borrowing
great sums, and France is borrowing largely. Amidst such
demands for money, and by powers who offer better terms,
I fear we shall not be able to succeed.
Pray write me as often as you can, and believe me your
friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, August 4th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
Your kind favor of July the 1st was brought here
yesterday from Bordeaux, where Captain Ayres has arrived,
but was not delivered to me till this day. This is
the second only received from you. I have infinite satisfaction
in learning from all parts of America the prosperous
train of our affairs, and the unanimity and spirit of the
people. Every vessel brings us fresh accessions of ardor
to the French, and of depression to the English, in the
war that is now begun in earnest.
The resolutions of Congress upon the Conciliatory Bills,
the address to the people, the ratification of the treaty,
the answer to the Commissioners, the President's letter,
the message of G. Livingston, and the letter of Mr
Drayton, are read here with an avidity that would surprise
you. It is not one of the least misfortunes of Great
Britain, that she has to contend with so much eloquence;
that there are such painters to exhibit her atrocious actions
to the world, and transmit them to posterity. Every publication
of this kind seems to excite the ardor of the
French nation, and of their fleets and armies, as much as
if they were Americans.
While American orators are thus employed in perpetuating
the remembrance of the injustice and cruelty of
Great Britain towards us, the French fleet has been giving
such a check to her naval pride, as she has not experienced
before for many ages. The vessel, which is to
carry this, will carry information of a general engagement
between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which terminated in a
disgraceful flight of the English fleet. We hope soon to
hear of d'Estaing's success, which would demonstrate to
the universe, that Britain is no longer mistress of the
ocean. But the events of war are always uncertain, and
a misfortune may have happened to the French fleet in
America. But even if this should be the case, which I do
not believe, still Britain is not mistress of the sea, and
every day will bring fresh proofs that she is not. The
springs of her naval power are dried away.
I have hitherto had the happiness to find that my pulse
beat in exact unison with those of my countrymen. I
have ventured with some freedom to give my opinion, as
to what Congress would do with the Conciliatory Bills, with
the Commissioners, with the treaty, &c. &c. and every
packet brings us proceedings of Congress, according in
substance, but executed in a manner infinitely exceeding
my abilities. Nothing has given me more joy, than the
universal disdain that is expressed both in public and private
letters, at the idea of departing from the treaty and
violating the public faith. This faith is our American
glory, and it is our bulwark. It is the only foundation
on which our union can rest securely, it is the only support
of our credit both in finance and commerce; it is our sole
security for the assistance of foreign powers. If the British
Court with their arts could shake it, or the confidence
in it, we should be undone forever. They would triumph
over us, after all our toil and danger. They would subjugate
us more entirely than they ever intended. The idea
of infidelity cannot be treated with too much resentment
or too much horror. The man who can think of it with
patience is a traitor in his heart, and ought be execrated
as one, who adds the deepest hypocrisy to the blackest
treason.
Is there a sensible hypocrite in America, who can start
a jealousy, that religion may be in danger? From whence
can this danger arise? Not from France, she claims no
inch of ground upon your continent. She claims no legislative
authority over you, no negative upon your laws, no
right of appointing you bishops, nor of sending you missionaries.
Besides, the spirit of crusading for religion is
not in France. The rage for making proselytes, which
has existed in former centuries, is no more. There is a
spirit more liberal here in this respect, than I expected to
find. Where has been the danger to the religion of the
Protestant cantons of Switzerland, from an alliance with
France, which has subsisted with entire harmony for one
hundred and fifty years, or thereabouts? But this subject
is fitter for ridicule than serious argument, as nothing can
be clearer than that in this enlightened tolerant age, at this
vast distance, without a claim or color of authority, with
an express acknowledgment and warranty of sovereignty,
this, I had almost said tolerant nation, can never endanger
our religion.
The longer I live in Europe, and the more I consider
our affairs, the more important our alliance with France
appears to me. It is a rock upon which we may safely
build. Narrow and illiberal prejudices, peculiar to John
Bull, with which I might perhaps have been in some degree
infected when I was John Bull, have now no influence
over me. I never was, however, much of John Bull. I
was John Yankee, and such I shall live and die. Is Great
Britain to be annihilated? No such thing. A revolution in
her government may possibly take place. But whether in
favor of despotism or republicanism, is the question. The
scarcity of virtue, and even the semblance of it, seems an
invincible obstacle to the latter. But the annihilation of a
nation never takes place. It depends wholly on herself to
determine whether she shall sink down into the rank of
the middling powers of Europe, or whether she shall maintain
the second place in the scale. If she continues this
war, the first will be her fate, if she stops short in her mad
career and makes peace, she may still be in the second
predicament. America will grow with astonishing rapidity,
and England, France, and every other nation in
Europe will be the better for her prosperity. Peace,
which is her dear delight, will be her wealth and her glory,
for I cannot see the seed of a war with any part of the
world in future, but with Great Britain, and such States as
may be weak enough, if any such there should be, to become
her allies. That such a peace may be speedily concluded,
and that you and I may return to our farms to enjoy
the fruits of it, spending our old age in recounting to
our children the toils and dangers we have encountered for
their benefit, is the wish of your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, August 5th, 1778.
My Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 20th of June, by Captain Ayres, from
Boston, had a quick passage. He sailed on the 4th of
July, and your letters were brought to Passy from Bordeaux,
where she arrived the 3d of August.
I thank you, Sir, for the kind expressions of your obliging
anxiety for me. The uncertainty in which you remain
so long, concerning the fate of the Boston, must have been
occasioned by the capture of many vessels by which the
news was sent, together with many bundles of English
newspapers and pamphlets. The prompt ratification of
the treaties, as well as the dignity with which you have
received the letters from the British Commissioners, has
given great satisfaction here. The two articles, the Count
de Vergennes agreed, when we presented your instructions
to him on that head, should be given up.
The confederation is an important object, and nothing
is more wished for in Europe than its completion, and the
finishing of the separate governments. The eagerness to
complete the American code, and the strains of panegyric
in which they speak and write of those parts of it, which
have been published in Europe, are very remarkable, and
seem to indicate a general revolution in the sentiments of
mankind upon the subject of government. Our currency
cannot engage our attention too much. And the more
we think of it, the more we shall be convinced, that taxation,
deep and broad taxation, is the only sure and lasting
remedy. Loans in Europe will be very difficult to obtain.
The powers at war, or at the eve of war, have such vast
demands, and offer terms so much better than ours, that
nothing but sheer benevolence to our cause can induce any
person to lend us. Besides a large foreign debt would
be a greater evil, for what I know, than a paper currency.
Moreover, your large drafts upon the Commissioners here,
from various quarters, are like to consume more money
than we can borrow. We shall do however all we can.
I have hitherto had the good fortune to preserve a good
understanding with the gentleman you mention, and shall
endeavor to continue it. I have long known him to be
employed very ably and usefully for our country, and his
merits and services, his integrity and abilities, will induce
me to cultivate his friendship, as far as I can, consistently
with the public service. I wish I could converse with you
freely upon this subject, but it would lead me into too long
a detail. It has given me much grief, since my arrival
here, to find so little harmony among many respectable
characters; so many mutual jealousies, and so much distrust
of one another. As soon as I perceived it, I determined
neither to quarrel with any man here, because he
had quarrelled with another, or because another had quarrelled
with him; nor to make any man my bosom friend,
because he was the bosom friend of any other; but to attend
solely to the public service, and give my voice upon all
occasions, as I should think that justice and policy required,
whether it agreed with the opinion of one man or another.
I cannot be more particular. If I were to take every man's
word, I should think there was not one disinterested American
here, because it is very certain, that there is nobody
here, that everybody speaks well of. There is no doubt to
be made, that private interest has some influence here
upon some minds, and that our mercantile affairs and competitions
have occasioned some altercation. But there is,
I think, rather more of mutual reproaches of interested
views and designs, rather more of animosity among the
Americans here, than I remember to have seen anywhere
else. I will have nothing to do with any of these things.
I will have nothing to do with designs and endeavors to
run down characters, to paint in odious colors indifferent
actions, to excite or propagate suspicions without evidence,
or to foment or entertain prejudices of any kind, if I can
possibly avoid it. I am really ashamed to write to you in
this enigmatical manner, which is not natural to me; but
I know not how to write clearer at present. I sometimes
differ in sentiment from each of my colleagues, and sometimes
agree with each; yet I do not trim, or at least I think
I do not. It has been and shall be my endeavor to heal
and reconcile, to the utmost of my power, Yet I fear, that
some gentlemen are gone over to America, heated with
altercation and inflamed with prejudice. Others still remain
here, it is to be feared, in the same temper of mind,
and probably many letters are gone over loaded. These
things will probably make you uncomfortable, as they have
and will make us. I really wish, however, that you would
remove the cause of this, and appoint consuls to do the
mercantile business. If you do not, however, I am determined
to go on, giving my voice clearly and without equivocation,
and at the same time without wrangling or ill will.
We expect on Sunday, the 9th, the English accounts of
the sea fight between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which happened
on the 27th ult. in which the former obtained the
laurels, whatever representation the latter may make of it.
There are so many facts, attested by so many respectable
witnesses, that there is no room to doubt, but that the Britons
lost the day; a terrible loss indeed to a nation, who
have the empire of the sea to maintain, in order almost to
preserve their existence. It is not being equal to France
at sea; they must support a clear and decided superiority,
not only to France, but to France and Spain in conjunction,
not to mention our States, in order to preserve their
rank among the powers of Europe. My tenderest respects
to all good men.
I am, dear Sir, affectionately yours,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, August 27th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the last gazettes, by which
Congress will see the dearth of news in Europe at present.
We expect an abundance of it at once soon, as we have
nothing from America since the 4th of July.
The French fleet went out again from Brest the 17th, but
we have not yet heard that the English fleet is out. While
the two fleets were in the harbor, the British East India
fleet, and another small West India fleet, got in; a misfortune
of no small moment, as the British finances will receive
by means of it a fresh supply of money for the
present, and their fleet a considerable reinforcement of
seamen.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, September 7th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress all the newspapers
I have by me, enough to show that we have nothing
very important here at present. The French and British
fleets are again at sea, and we hourly expect intelligence
of a second battle; but our expectations from America are
still more interesting and anxious, having nothing from
them since the 3d of July, except what is contained in the
English gazettes.
Events have probably already passed in America, although
not known in Europe, which will determine the
great question, whether we shall have a long war or a
short one. The eyes of all Europe are fixed upon Spain,
whose armaments by sea and land are vastly expensive
and extremely formidable, but whose designs are a profound,
impenetrable secret; time, however, will discover
them. In the meantime, we have the satisfaction to be
sure, that they are not inimical to America. For this, we
have the word of a King, signified by his Ministers, a
King, who they say never breaks his word, but, on the
contrary, has given many striking proofs of his sacred regard
to it.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, September 11th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest
gazettes. We have no other intelligence, than is contained
in them.
Since the 11th of July, the date of Lord Howe's announcing
the arrival of the Count d'Estaing off Sandy
Hook, we have not a syllable from America, by the way of
England. In France, we have nothing from America
since July 3d. This long interval leaves a vast scope for
imagination to play, and, accordingly, there is no end to
the speculations prompted by the hopes and fears of the
nations of Europe. We are weary of conjectures, and
must patiently wait for time to end them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, September 15th, 1778.
Sir,
As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously
critical, and as I hold myself accountable to Congress
for every part of my conduct, even to the smallest
article of my expenses, I must beg the favor of you to
consider what rent we ought to pay you for this house and
furniture, both for the time past and to come. Every part
of your conduct towards me, and towards our Americans
in general, and in all our affairs, has been polite and obliging,
as far as I have had an opportunity of observing, and I
have no doubt it will continue so; yet it is not reasonable,
that the United States should be under so great an obligation
to a private gentleman, as that two of their representatives
should occupy, for so long a time, so elegant a seat, with
so much furniture and so fine accommodations without any
compensation; and in order to avoid the danger of the
disapprobation of our constituents on the one hand, for living
here at too great or at too uncertain an expense, and on
the other, the censure of the world for not making sufficient
compensation to a gentleman, who has done so much
for our convenience, it seems to me necessary that we
should come to an eclaircissement upon this head.
As you have an account against the Commissioners, or
against the United States, for several other matters, I should
also be obliged to you, if you would send it in as soon as
possible, as every day renders it more and more necessary
for us to look into our affairs with the utmost precision.
I am, Sir, with much esteem and respect, your most
obedient, humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, September 18th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write to me on the 15th inst, making inquiry as to the
rent of my house, in which you live, for the past and the
future. When I consecrated my house to Dr Franklin,
and his associates, who might live with him, I made it fully
understood that I should expect no compensation, because
I perceived that you had need of all your means to send to
the succor of your country, or to relieve the distresses of
your countrymen escaping from the chains of their enemies.
I pray you, Sir, to permit this arrangement to
remain, which I made when the fate of your country was
doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendor, such
sacrifices on my part will be superfluous, or unworthy of
her, but, at present, they may be useful, and I am most
happy in offering them to you.
There is no occasion for strangers to be informed of my
proceeding in this respect. It is so much the worse for
those, who would not do the same if they had the opportunity,
and so much the better for me, to have immortalized
my house by receiving into it Dr Franklin and his associates.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with the most perfect
respect, &c.
Passy, September 20th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, which
contain all the news of Europe. The news from America
by the way of London, which are contained in the Courier
de l'Europe of the 15th instant, have raised our expectations
and increased our anxiety. We are not without apprehensions,
that the Count d'Estaing may fall in with the
combined fleets of Howe and Byron.
The English are beginning to elevate their heads a little,
and to renew their old insolent language, both in coffee
houses and in daily papers. The refugees from America,
unable to bear the thought of being excluded forever from
that country, and still less that of soliciting for pardon from
their injured countrymen, and returning to see established
principles, which they detest, and forms of government,
against which they have ever combated, are said to be
indefatigable in instilling hopes into the King and Ministers,
that by persevering another campaign, and sending twenty
thousand more men to America, the people will be worn
out, and glad to petition for dependence upon them.
They flatter themselves and others with hopes, that
Spain will remain neuter, and that by intriguing in France,
they can get the French Ministry changed, and then that
they shall have little trouble from this quarter. Nothing
can be more whimsical, more groundless or ridiculous, than
all this. Yet it is said to amuse and please the credulous
multitude in that devoted island. Those, who pretend to
know the bosoms of the persons highest in power in that
kingdom, say, that they delight themselves with the thought,
that if it is not in their power to reduce America once more
to their yoke, yet they are able to harass, to distress, and
to render miserable those whom they cannot subdue. That
they have some little compunction at the thought, that they
shall be ranked in history with the Philips and Alvas, the
Alberts and Gislers of this world; but this, instead of producing
repentance and reformation as it ought, engenders
nothing but rage, envy, and revenge. This revenge, however,
is impotent. Their marine and their finances are in
so bad a condition, that it is with infinite difficulty they can
cope with France alone, even at sea; and it seems to be
the intention of Providence, that they shall be permitted to
go on with their cruelties, just long enough to wean the
affection of every American heart, and make room for connexions
between us and other nations, who have not the
ties of language, of acquaintance, and of custom to bind us.
I am, with the most perfect respect, Sir, your most obedient,
humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, September 25th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received with much pleasure your favor of yesterday's
date. No apology was necessary for the delay of
so few days to answer a letter, the contents of which did
not, from any public consideration, require haste. My
most fervent wishes mingle themselves with yours, that the
happy time may soon arrive when we may enjoy the blessings
of peace, uninterrupted by disputes with any power
whatever. But alas! my apprehensions are very strong,
that we are yet at a distance from so great a felicity.
You will readily acknowledge the impropriety of my entering
into the question concerning the duty of the Commissioners
here, to have made the communications of the
treaty, which you mention. But of this you may be assured,
that I shall at all times hold myself obliged to you for
the communication of your sentiments upon any public
affair. I am therefore sorry, that in your letter you have
confined yourself to that part of the treaty, upon which I
particularly requested your sentiments. And I now take
the liberty to request your sentiments upon every part of
the treaty, which you conceive liable to doubtful construction,
or capable of producing discontent or dispute, for I
have the honor to be fully of your opinion, that it is of very
great importance to be upon our guard, and avoid every
cause of controversy with France as much as possible.
She is, and will be, in spite of the obstacles of language,
of customs, religion, and government, our natural ally
against Great Britain as long as she shall continue our
enemy, and that will be at least as long as she shall hold a
foot of ground in America, however she may disguise it,
and whatever peace or truce she may make.
Your sentiments of the fishery, as a source of wealth, of
commerce and naval power, are perfectly just, and therefore
this object will and ought to be attended to with precision,
and cherished with care. Nevertheless, agriculture
is the most essential interest of America, and even of the
Massachusetts Bay, and it is very possible to injure both,
by diverting too much of the thoughts and labor of the
people from the cultivation of the earth to adventures
upon the sea. And this, in the opinion of some persons,
has been a fault in the Massachusetts Bay. Experience has
taught us in the course of this war, that the fishery was not
so essential to our welfare as it was once thought. Necessity
has taught us to dig in the ground instead of fishing in
the sea for our bread, and we have found that the resource
did not fail us.
The fishery was a source of luxury and vanity, that did
us much injury; yet this was the fault of the management,
not of the fishery. One part of our fish went to the West
India Islands for rum, and molasses to be distilled into rum,
which injured our health and our morals; the other part
went to Spain and Portugal for gold and silver, almost the
whole of which went to London, sometimes for valuable
articles of clothing, but too often for lace and ribands. If,
therefore, the cessation of the fishery for twenty years to
come was to introduce the culture of flax and wool, which
it certainly would do as far as would be necessary for the
purposes of decency and comfort, if a loss of wealth should
be the consequence of it, the acquisition of morals and of
wisdom would perhaps make us gainers in the end.
These are vain speculations I know. The taste for rum
and ribands will continue, and there are no means for the
New England people to obtain them so convenient as the
fishery, and therefore the first opportunity will be eagerly
embraced to revive it. As a nursery of seamen, and a
source of naval power, it has been, and is an object of serious
importance, and perhaps indispensably necessary to the
accomplishment and the preservation of our independence.
I shall therefore always think it my duty to defend and
secure our rights to it with all industry and zeal, and shall
ever be obliged to you for your advice and co-operation.
Pardon the length of this letter, and believe me, with
much esteem, your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, October 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the pleasure of yours of the 28th, and agree with
you in sentiment, that if the money, which has heretofore
been squandered upon articles of luxury, could for the
future be applied to discharge our national debt, it would
be a great felicity. But is it certain that it will? Will not
the national debt itself be the means, at least a temptation
to continue, if not increase the luxury? It is with great
pleasure that I see you mention sumptuary laws. But is
there room to hope that our Legislatures will pass such
laws? Or that the people have, or can be persuaded to
acquire those qualities, that are necessary to execute such
laws? I wish your answer may be in the affirmative, and
that it may be found true in fact and experience. But much
prudence and delicacy will be necessary, I think, to bring
all our countrymen to this just way of thinking upon this
head. There is such a charm to the human heart in elegance,
it is so flattering to our self-love to be distinguished
from the world in general by extraordinary degrees of
splendor, in dress, in furniture, equipage, buildings, &c.
and our countrymen, by their connexion with Europe, are
so much infected with the habit of this taste and these passions,
that I fear it will be a work of time and difficulty, if
not quite impracticable, to introduce an alteration; to
which the late condition of our trade and currency, besides
the great inequality of fortune, and the late enterprises
introduced by privateers, are dangerous enemies.
You ask my opinion, whether the reasons in your last
letter are well founded. It is observable, that the French
Court were not content with the treaty proposed by Congress,
which contained all, in my opinion, which is contained
in the article as it now stands in the treaty of the
6th of February. What motive they had for inserting the
words, "indefinite and exclusive," is left to conjecture.[39]
The suspicion, that they meant more than the treaty proposed
by Congress expressed, arises from a fact, which
you remember, viz. that the French at the time of the last
peace claimed more. I wish to know if there is any letter
or memorial extant, in which such a claim is contained, or
whether it was only a verbal claim made by their Ambassadors.
Whether any of the magazines of that time
mention and discuss any such claim. If the fact is incontestible,
that they made such a claim, it is possible that it
may be revived under the words "indefinite and exclusive."
But I hope it will not, and I hope it was not intended
when these words were inserted. Yet I confess I
cannot think of any other reason for inserting them. The
word indefinite is not amiss, for it is a right of catching
fish and drying them on land, which is a right indefinite
enough. But the word exclusive is more mysterious. It
cannot mean that Americans and all other nations shall be
"excluded" from the same right of fishing and drying on
land, between the same limits of Bonavista and Riche. It
would be much easier to suppose, that the following
words, "in that part only, and in no other besides that,"
gave rise to the word "exclusive;" that is, that right
of fishing and drying within those limits, for which we
have excluded ourselves from all others. I will undertake
to show better reasons, or at least as good, for this
sense of the word exclusive, as the most subtle interpreter
of treaties can offer for the other, although I think them
both untenable.
My opinion further is this, that as contemporaneous exposition
is allowed by all writers on the law of nations to
be the best interpreter of treaties, as well as of all other
writings, and as neither the treaty of Utrecht, or the treaty
of Paris in 1763, ever received such an interpretation as
you are apprehensive may hereafter be contended for, and
as the uninterrupted practice has been against such a construction,
so I think that the treaty of Paris of the 6th of
February, 1778, is not justly liable to such a construction,
and that it cannot be attempted with any prospect of success.
I agree with you, however, that as we are young
States, and not practised in the art of negotiation, it becomes
us to look into all these things with as much caution
and exactness as possible, and furnish ourselves with the
best historical light, and every other honest means of securing
our rights. For which reason I requested your sentiments
upon this subject in writing, and continue to desire
in the same way your observations on other parts of the
treaty. Reduced to writing, such things remain in letters
and letter books, as well as more distinctly in the memory,
and the same men or other men may recur to them at
future opportunities, whereas transient conversations, especially
among men who have many things to do and to
think of, slip away and are forgotten. I shall make use of
all the prudence I can, that these letters may not come to
the knowledge of improper persons, or be used to the disadvantage
of our country, or to you or me in our present
capacity.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, October 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, by which
Congress will perceive, that we have no intelligence from
America since the departure of the Count d'Estaing from
Sandy Hook; our anxiety is very great, but we hope that a
few hours will relieve it. In the midst of a war in Germany,
and between France and England, there was scarcely ever
a greater dearth of news in a profound peace.
Captain Mc Neil, the bearer of this, makes the most
conversation, having taken and destroyed, I think, thirteen
vessels in the course of his last cruise, six of which have
safely arrived in France, the others, not destroyed, he sent
to America. His cruise will prove a great disappointment
to the enemy, having deprived them of a great quantity of
naval stores, upon which they depended.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.
Sir,
While we officially communicate to you the enclosed
resolve, the foundation of which you cannot remain a stranger
to, we must entreat you to be assiduous in sending to
those Commissioners who have left France, and gone to
the Courts for which, they were respectively appointed, all
the American intelligence, which you have greater opportunity
than they of receiving from hence, particularly to
Mr Izard and Mr William Lee. We do not often send
more than one set of gazettes by one opportunity; and we
hear of several vessels which have miscarried.
Congress must and will speedily determine upon the general
arrangement of their foreign affairs. This is become,
so far as regards you, peculiarly necessary, upon a new
commission being sent to Dr Franklin. In the meantime
we hope you will exercise your whole extensive abilities
on the subject of our finances. The Doctor will communicate
to you our situation in that regard.
To the gazettes, and to conversation with the Marquis de
Lafayette, we must refer you for what relates to our enemies,
and close with our most cordial wishes for your
happiness.
Your affectionate friends,
R. H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL.
Passy, December 3d, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest newspapers.
As they contain the speech at the opening of
Parliament, and some of the debates in both Houses, upon
the addresses in answer to it, they are of very great importance.
I learn by some newspapers and private letters,
that an opinion has been prevalent in America, that the
enemy intended to withdraw from the United States; and
considering the cruel devastations of the war, and the unfortunate
situation of our finances, nothing would give me
so much joy, as to see reasons to concur in that opinion,
and to furnish Congress with intelligence in support of it.
But I am sorry to say the reverse is too apparent. We may
call it obstinacy or blindness, if we will, but such is the state
of parties in England, so deep would be the disgrace, and
perhaps so great the personal danger to those who have
commenced and prosecuted this war, that they cannot but
persevere in it at every hazard, and nothing is clearer in
my mind, than that they never will quit the United States
until they are either driven or starved out of them. I
hope, therefore, Congress will excuse me for suggesting,
that there is but one course for us to take, which is to
concert every measure, and exert every nerve, for the
total destruction of the British power within the United
States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, December 5th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
It is necessary that you should be minutely informed of
the minutest and most secret springs of action here, if it
is possible. Yet the danger is so great of our letters being
taken, and getting into English newspapers, that it is very
discouraging to a free correspondence. I will, however,
take all the precaution in my power to have the letters
sunk, but if all these fail, and my letters become public,
the world must take them as they find them, and I hope
they will do more good upon the whole than harm.
This Court and nation appear to me, to be well convinced
of the utility to their interests of the American alliance.
But notwithstanding this, they appear to me to have
too much diffidence of us, too much diffidence of the
people of America, and too much reserve towards the
Commissioners here. I am not satisfied in the cause of
this. Whether they think, that the obstacles of language,
religion, laws, customs and manners, are obstacles in the
way of a perfect friendship, which cannot be removed,
and therefore that they shall lose our connexion as soon as
Britain comes to her senses; or whether they are embarrassed
by the conduct of Spain, and are acting in this reserved
manner, and with an appearance of irresolution in
hopes of her coming in; or whether they have any prejudices
against the personal characters of the Commissioners,
and are loth to be unreserved with them, for fear they
shall communicate either indiscreetly or by design anything
to the English, or to anybody here, who might convey
it to England; or whether all these motives together
have a share in it, I know not. Thus much is certain,
that ever since I have been here, I have never seen any
disposition in any Minister of State to talk with any of the
Commissioners, either upon intelligence from Spain or England,
upon the designs or negotiations of either, or any
other Court in Europe, or upon the conduct of the war
by sea or land, or upon their own plans or designs of
policy or war. If this reserve was ever thrown off to any
one, I should think, that putting it on to others had some
personal motive. But it is exactly equal and alike to all
three.
Each Commissioner here, before I came, had his own
set of friends, admirers, and dependents, both among the
French and Americans. Two households united in some
degree against one, very unjustly, I fear, and very impolitically.
But this set the friends of the two to injuring the
third in conversation, and they cannot forbear to do it, to
this day. This dissension, I suspect, has made the Ministry
cautious, lest in the course of altercations, improper use
should be made of free communications. For my own
part, however odd you may think it in me to say it, I have
no friends, much less dependents, here, and am determined
to have none, for I am convinced, that competitions among
these have done the evil; but I am determined, if I am
continued here, to have free communication with the Ministry
upon these subjects and to search them to the bottom.
The Ministry are candid men and sensible, and I am sure,
that some eclaircissements would do good.
However, I am reckoning without my host, for by the
bruits, which Mr Deane's letters have scattered, I may expect,
that the first vessel will bring my recall or removal to
some other Court. But wherever I am, my heart will
ever be anxious for the good of our country, and warm
with friendship for her friends, among whom you will ever
be reckoned in the foremost rank, by your most obedient,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, December 6th, 1778.
Sir,
I have had the honor to enclose to Congress the speech
at the opening of the British Parliament by several opportunities,
but as it opens the intention of the enemy, and
warns us to be prepared for all the evils, which are in their
power to inflict, and not in our power to prevent, I enclose
it again in another form.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, December 6th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
From the long series of arduous services in which we
have acted together, I have had experience enough of your
accurate judgment, in cases of difficulty, to wish very often
that I could have the benefit of it here. To me it appears,
that there will be no more cordial friendship, nor for many
years to come any long peace between Great Britain and
America, and therefore the French alliance is and will be
an important barrier to us, and ought to be cultivated with
perfect faith and much tenderness. But still it is a delicate
and dangerous connexion. There is danger to the
simplicity of our manners, and to the principles of our constitution,
and there may be danger that too much will be demanded
of us. There is danger, that the people and their
representatives may have too much timidity in their conduct
towards this power, and that your ministers here may
have too much diffidence of themselves, and too much
complaisance for the Court. There is danger, that French
councils, and emissaries, and correspondents may have too
much influence in our deliberations.
I hope that this Court will not interfere, by attaching
themselves to persons, parties, or measures in America.
It would be ill policy, but no Court is always directed by
sound policy, and we cannot be too much upon our guard.
Some Americans will naturally endeavor to avail themselves
of the aid of the French influence, to raise their reputation,
to extend their influence, to strengthen their
parties, and in short to promote the purposes of private
ambition and interest. But these things must be guarded
against.
I wish for a letter from you as often as you can, and that
you would believe me your friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, December 8th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress one other copy
of the speech at the opening of Parliament, together with
the debates in consequence of it.
The hints in those debates, especially those given out
by Lord Suffolk, are confirmed by the general strain of
intelligence from London. Letters from persons, who are
supposed to know, announce the determination of the cabinet
to be, that Clinton and Byron, with their fleet and army,
shall ravage the coast, and bombard and pillage the towns,
that their army in Canada shall be reinforced, and that
parties of regulars, with such tories and Indians as they can
persuade to join them, shall ravage, burn, and massacre on
the frontiers of Massachusetts Bay, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Virginia and the Carolinas.
Their magnificent menaces we know it is not in their
power to execute entirely, yet we may depend they will
do as much as they can. They will neither acknowledge
our independence, nor withdraw their fleets and armies,
nor shall we get rid of them, but by destroying them, or
making them prisoners, until the nation is so exhausted,
and their credit so sunk, that the Minister can raise no
more money.
It has been usual to consider this as a ministerial war,
but I have ever thought, they would some time or other
discover it to be a national war; the few men of the
nation, who think seriously of the business, see clearly in
the long train of consequences of American independence
the loss of their West India Islands, a great part of their
East India trade, the total loss of Canada, Nova Scotia,
the Floridas, all the American fisheries, a diminution of
their naval power, as well as national bankruptcy, and a
revolution in their government in favor of arbitrary power.
And the nation in general has a confused dread of all
these things upon its spirits.
The inference they draw from all this is to go on with
the war, and make it more cruel, which is the way in the
opinion of impartial persons to make all their gloomy visions
realities, whereas the only way to prevent them is
to make peace now, before a total alteration takes place
on both sides. However, all we can do is to be prepared
for the worst they can do.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, May 25th, 1778.
Sir,
Your favors of May 9th and 16th from Brest, we duly
received. We congratulate you on your success, and safe
arrival at Brest, as well as on the honor you have acquired
by your conduct and bravery in taking one of the King's
ships.
As we have some expectation of obtaining an exchange
of prisoners from England, we would advise you to keep
those you have made securely confined, though in a manner
most consistent with humanity, till we have an answer
from thence. For if we can get an equal number of our
own seamen to man the Drake, she will be an additional
strength to you in a future expedition. Whereas sending
her with the prisoners to America, will not only weaken
you by the hands you must spare to navigate her, and to
keep the prisoners in subjection, but will also hazard their
being retaken. We should have been happy to have been
early informed of the particulars of your cruise, and of the
prizes you have made, of which we have no authentic
advice to this hour.
Your bill of exchange in favor of M. Bussolle for twentyfour
thousand livres, which you inform us you mean to
distribute among the brave officers and men to whom you
owe your late success has been presented to us by M.
Chaumont. We are sorry to inform you, that we have
been under the disagreeable necessity of refusing payment,
and that for several reasons; first, because your application
should have been made to M. Schweighauser, who is
the person regularly authorised to act as Continental Agent
at Brest, and we are determined that all American concerns,
within our department, shall go through his hands,
as long as he shall continue in the character of American
Agent, or at least until we shall find it necessary to order
otherwise. Secondly, because the bill is drawn for an expense,
which we have no right or authority to defray. We
have no authority to make presents of the public money to
officers or men, however gallant and deserving, for the
purpose of providing their families with clothing, or for any
other purpose, nor to advance them money upon the credit
of their share of prizes, nor have we authority to advance
them any part of their pay or bounties; all these things
belong to Congress alone, and must be done by the proper
Boards in America. Our authority extends no further than
to order the necessary repairs to be made to your ship, to
order her to be furnished with necessary victuals, which
we are ready to order M. Schweighauser to do as soon as
we shall be informed by you what repairs and victuals are
wanted, with an estimate of the amount of the expenses.
There is one thing further, which we should venture to
do for the benefit of your men. Upon a representation
from you of the quantity of slops necessary for them, we
should order M. Schweighauser to furnish your ship with
them; not more however than one suit of clothes for each
man, that you may take them on board of your ship, and
deliver them out to the men as they shall be wanted,
charging each man upon the ship's books with what he
shall receive, that it may be deducted out of his pay.
Lieutenant Simpson has stated to us your having put
him under arrest for disobeying orders. As a court martial
must, by order of Congress, consist of three captains,
three lieutenants, and three captains of marines, and these
cannot be had here, it is our desire that he may have a
passage procured for him by the first opportunity to America,
allowing him whatever may be necessary for his defence.
As the consequences of an arrest in foreign countries
are thus extremely troublesome, they should be well
considered before they are made. If you are in possession
of any resolution of Congress, giving the whole of ships
of war when made prizes to the captors, we should be
obliged to you for a copy of it. We should also be obliged
to you for a particular account in whose hands the prizes
made by you are, and in what forwardness is the sale of
them. We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, June 3d, 1778.
Sir,
We have received sundry letters from Lieutenant Simpson,
and sundry certificates from officers and others, concerning
his behavior in general, and particularly upon that
occasion in which he is charged with disobedience of
orders. Without giving or forming any decided opinion
concerning his guilt or innocence of the crime laid to his
charge, we may venture to say, that the certificates we
have received are very favorable to his character, and at
least afford reason to hope, that he did not mean to disobey
his orders. Be this however as it may, we are constrained
to say, that his confinement on board of any other
ship than the Ranger, and much more his confinement in
a prison on shore, appears to us to carry in it a degree of
severity, which cannot be justified by reason or law. We
therefore desire you would release Mr Simpson from his
imprisonment, and permit him to go at large upon his
parole to go to Nantes, there to take his passage to America
by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take his
trial by a court martial.
We request you to transmit to us as soon as possible,
an account of what is due to Lieutenant Simpson, according
to the ship's books, for wages.
An application has been made to us in behalf of Mr Andrew
Fallen, one of the prisoners lately made by you, and
his case represented with such circumstances as have induced
us to request you to let Mr Fallen go where he
will, after taking his parole in writing, that he will not communicate
any intelligence, which may be prejudicial to the
United States, that he will not take arms against them during
the war, and that he will surrender himself prisoner of
war, whenever called upon by Congress, or their Ministers
at Paris. We are, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, June 3d, 1778.
Sir,
We have received several letters from you, and several
certificates from officers and others, respecting your behavior
in general, as well as particularly relative to the charge
of disobedience of orders, for which you have been confined.
It would be improper for us to give any opinion
concerning this charge, which is to be determined only by
a court martial. But we have requested Captain Jones to
set you at liberty upon your parole to go to Nantes, there
to take your passage to America by the first favorable
opportunity, in order to take your trial by a court martial.[40]
We are, Sir, your humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
ARTHUR LEE,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, February 1st, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had yesterday the honor of your favor of the 28th of
October, enclosing a resolution of Congress, of the 22d of
the same month, to which I shall give all the attention in
my power.[41] I have much satisfaction in the reflection,
that I have hitherto endeavored with much sincerity to
conform to the spirit of it. What you recommend to me,
viz. to communicate to the Ministers of other Courts such
intelligence as I may receive, will not in future be so much
in my power; but as far as I can, while I stay in Europe,
I shall endeavor to comply. Indeed, it is a long time that
we have had no intelligence to communicate. Three
vessels we know have been taken, each of which had
many letters, and two of them public despatches; one
that sailed from Philadelphia the 4th of November, another
that sailed from the same port the 24th, and another that
sailed from Boston on the 20th. These letters and despatches
were all sunk, and we fear that others are lost.
It would be agreeable to me, indeed, if I were able to
throw any light on the subject of finances. As to a loan
in Europe, all has been done that was in our power to this
end, but without the desired effect. Taxation and economy
comprehend all the resources that I can think of.
We expect the honor of a visit from the Marquis de
Lafayette this morning, whom we shall receive with gratitude
for his gallant and glorious exertions in one of the
best causes in which a hero ever fought.
Be pleased to accept my thanks for your kind wishes
for my happiness, and believe me to be your affectionate
friend,
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, February 14th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
The Marquis de Lafayette did me the honor of a visit
yesterday, and delivered me your favor of the 25th of
October. I am not sorry, as things have been ordered,
that mine of May 24th did not reach you till the 24th of
October, because, as the new arrangement[42] was previously
made, it cannot be said that I had any hand in accomplishing
it. Yet I am glad the letter has arrived, because
it will show that the new system is quite agreeable to me,
that is, the appointment of a single Minister here. Believe
me, Sir, it was become very necessary.
How Congress will dispose of me, I do not know. If it
is intended that I shall return, this will be very agreeable to
me; and I think that this is the most probable opinion, because
Mr Deane's "Address" was on the 5th of December.
Congress soon after resolved to enter on foreign affairs
and go through them. The Alliance sailed on the 14th of
January, and there is no resolution arrived here respecting
me. I think, therefore, that it is my duty to return, and
that is my present determination; but whether I shall go
to Amsterdam, and from thence to St Eustatia, or to
Spain, and thence home, or in a French man-of-war to
Martinique, or an American frigate to America, I have not
decided. Some hint that I am to go to Holland, others to
Spain. This last implies the removal of Mr Lee, which
would give me much pain on many accounts. I think
him a faithful man and able. Yet what the determination
will be upon the complaint of Mr Deane, I cannot
say. This is a subject which I cannot write or talk
about; I would not feel such another sensation to be made
a prince. I confess I expected the most dismal consequences
from it, because I thought it would render business
and confidence between us three totally impracticable;
that it would destroy all confidence between this Court
and us, and that it would startle Spain; that it would
alienate many in Holland from us, and that it would encourage
the Ministry in England and disconcert opposition
so much, that they would even make another vigorous
campaign, besides all the evils it would produce among
you. But the arrival of Dr Franklin's commission has
relieved me from many of these fears. This Court have
confidence in him alone. But I think they were cautious,
even of him, when he had two colleagues, to whom he was
obliged to communicate everything, one of whom was
upon as bad terms with him as with Mr Deane. I have
had a kind of a task here, as Mr Lovell expresses himself;
determined to be the partizan of neither, yet to be
the friend of both, as far as the service would admit. I
am fixed in these two opinions, that leaving the Doctor
here alone is right, and that Mr Lee is a very honest and
faithful man.
You say that France should be our polar star in case war
should take place. I was, I confess, surprised at this expression.
Was not war sufficiently declared in the King of
England's speech, and in the answers of both Houses, and in
the recall of his Ambassador? Has it not been sufficiently
declared by actual hostilities in most parts of the world? I
suspect there will never be any other declaration of war.
Yet, there is in fact as complete a war as ever existed,
and it will continue, for you may depend upon it, the King
of France is immovably fixed in your support, and so are
his Ministers. Every suspicion of a wavering disposition
in this Court concerning the support of American independence
is groundless, is ridiculous, is impossible. You
may remember, that several years ago, several gentlemen
were obliged to reason, to show that American independence
was the interest of France. Since my arrival in
this Kingdom, I never yet found one man, nor heard of
more than one, who doubted it. If the voice of popularity
is anything, I assure you that this voice was never so
unanimous in America in favor of our independence as it
is here. It is so much so, that if the Court were to depart
from its present system in this respect, it is my clear opinion
it would make this nation very unhappy, and the Court
too; but I again repeat, that the Court is as fixed as the
nation. And this union of sentiment arises out of such
principles in nature, as, without a miracle, cannot alter.
Common sense in America supported independence;
common sense in France supports the alliance, and will
support it to the last. Nay, the common sense of Europe
supports the common sense of France.
By the way, my regards to Mr Paine, and tell him,
that I do not agree with him in his ideas about natural enemies.
It is because England is the natural enemy of
France, that America in her present situation is her natural
friend; at least, this is one cause, although there are
many others. Some of them are more glorious, for human
nature.
France scarcely ever made a war before, that was popular
in Europe. There is not a State, that I can hear of,
but applauds her, and wishes her success. And in point of
finance and naval strength, and in skill and bravery of officers,
she seems to be superior to England. You may be
surprised to hear me say naval strength, yet if you consider
the wretched state of the British Navy, as to masts, yards,
rigging, and men, you will not wonder, although their
number of ships may be superior. I therefore think, that
all is safe. We may have further trouble, and trials of our
faith and patience. But trouble is to you and me familiar,
and I begin to think it necessary for my health.
There is one thing in my letter to you exaggerated; the
expenses of the Commissioners. I had been here but a
short time, and wrote according to the best guess I could
make, from what I had heard; but I now think I put it
much too high, yet I cannot say exactly.[43]
February 20th. There is not the least appearance of
the embarkation of troops for America, nor any intelligence
of transports taken up. The national discontent is
great, and tumults have arisen in Edinburgh and London.
According to present appearances, they will have
occasion for so many of their troops to keep their populace
in order, as to be able to spare few for America. Their
proclamations are all alike from Burgoyne's to those of the
Commissioners. The weaker they are, the more they puff.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, February 16th, 1779.
Sir,
Last evening I had the honor of your letter of the 13th
of this month, in answer to mine of the 11th.[44]
I thank your Excellency for the politeness with which
you have agreed to my proposition, of a conference upon
the subject of Mr Deane's "Address to the People of the
United States."
At the time when my letter of the 11th was written and
sent to your Excellency, there were three Commissioners
here, representatives of Congress, between whom it appeared
to me Mr Deane's Address had a tendency to
destroy all confidence, as well as between your Excellency
and them, for which reason I thought it my duty to endeavor,
by a conference with your Excellency, to lessen those
evils as far as should be in my power.
But within a few hours after my letter of the 11th was
sent, the Aid-de-Camp of the Marquis de Lafayette arrived,
with despatches from Congress to Dr Franklin,
and from their Committee of Foreign Affairs to me, informing
me of the new arrangement by which Dr Franklin
is constituted Minister Plenipotentiary here, and I am restored
to the character of a private citizen; by which,
so wholly changed are the scene and the characters here,
that I now think I have no right to do what, if I had continued
in the character of a Commissioner, I should have
thought it my indispensable duty to do.
This masterly measure of Congress, which has my most
hearty approbation, and of the necessity of which I was
fully convinced before I had been two months in Europe,
has taken away the possibilities of those dissensions, which
I so much apprehended. I shall not, therefore, give your
Excellency any further trouble, than to take an opportunity
of paying my respects in order to take leave, and to assure
you, that I shall leave this kingdom with the most entire
confidence in his Majesty's benevolence to the United
States, and inviolable adherence to the treaties between
the two powers, with a similar confidence in the good disposition
of his Majesty's Ministers of State and of this nation
towards us, and with a heart impressed with gratitude
for the many civilities which I have received, in the short
space I have resided here, at Brest, in the city, and in the
country, and particularly from your Excellency.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, February 21st, 1779.
My dear Marquis,
The conversation with which you honored me last evening,
has induced me to give you the trouble of this letter
upon the same subject.
It is certain that a loan of money is very much needed
to redeem the redundancy of our paper bills, and without
it, it is impossible to foresee what will be the consequence to
their credit, and therefore every service, that may be rendered
in order to obtain it from this kingdom, from Spain,
or Holland, will be a most acceptable service.
But without some other exertions, even a loan perhaps
would be but a temporary relief; with them a smaller loan
might suffice. You know perfectly well, that the enemy
in America are at present very weak, and in great distress
in every part. They are weak in Canada, weak in Halifax,
weak in Rhode Island, weak in New York, weak in
the Floridas, and weak in every one of the West India
Islands. A strong armament of ships of the line, with five
thousand troops, directed against Halifax, Rhode Island,
or New York, must infallibly succeed. So it must against
the Floridas, so it must against Canada, or any one of the
West India Islands.
You are very sensible, that in this state of weakness, the
British possessions in America depend upon each other for
reciprocal support. The troops and ships derive such
supplies of provisions from Canada and Nova Scotia, that
if these places or either of them were lost, it would be difficult,
if not impossible, for the other to subsist. The West
India Islands derive such supplies from the Floridas, that
if they were lost the others could hardly subsist. Their
fleets and armies in Canada, Halifax, Rhode Island, New
York, and the Floridas, receive supplies of rum, sugar, molasses,
&c. from the West India Islands, without which
they could scarcely subsist. Every part of their possessions
in America, both on the continent and in the islands,
receives constant supplies from Europe, from England,
Scotland, and Ireland, without which they must fall. You
perceive, therefore, that their dominions in America at
present form such a chain, that the links mutually support
each other in such a manner, that if one or two were taken
away, the whole, or at least the greater part, must fall.
In this state of things then, the obvious policy is to send a
strong squadron of ships of the line to co-operate with the
Count d'Estaing and the American army, in some expedition
directed against New York, Rhode Island, Halifax or
perhaps all of them in course. Five or six thousand troops
would be quite enough. Above all, it is indispensably necessary
to keep a clear naval superiority, both on the coast
of the continent, and in the West Islands. This together
with French and American privateers would make such
havoc among the enemy's transports, passing from one of
their possessions to another, as must ruin their affairs. The
French have a great advantage in carrying on this kind of
war in America, at present. The British ships are badly
manned and in bad repair. They cannot send them into
the American seas, without the utmost terror for their own
coasts. And when they are in America, they have not
such advantages for supplies of provisions, naval stores,
&c. as the French.
The devastation, which was made among their ships of
the line, frigates, transports, and traders, in the American
seas the last summer, shows how much might be done, if a
stronger force were sent there. As long as the enemy have
possession of New York and Rhode Island, so long it will
be necessary for us to keep up large armies, to watch their
motions, and defend the country against them, which will
oblige us to emit more paper, and still further to increase
the depreciation. Now as long as they maintain the dominion
of those seas, their troops will be protected by the
cannon of their ships, and we could not dislodge them with
an army, however large, at least we could not keep possession
of those places. But if their force was captivated in
those seas, as it might easily be by a sea force, co-operating
with the land forces, we might reduce our army and innumerable
other articles of expense. We need not emit any
more paper, and that already out would depreciate no further.
I should be happy to have further conversation with
you, Sir, upon these subjects, or to explain anything by
letter, which may be in my power.
With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect, I
have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, February 21st, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you have done me the
honor to write me on the 16th of this month. Although
you are to be henceforth without a public character in
France, be persuaded that the esteem and consideration,
which you have justly acquired, are by no means diminished,
and I flatter myself, Sir, that you will not deprive
me of the pleasure of assuring you of it by word of mouth,
and being at the same time the interpreter of the favorable
sentiments with which the King honors you. They are
the consequence of the particular satisfaction, which his
Majesty has received from the wise conduct you have held
during the whole time of your commission, as well as the
zeal you have constantly displayed, both for the cause
of your country, and for the support of the alliance which
attaches it to his Majesty.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 27th, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which your Excellency did
me the honor to write me on the 21st of this month.
This testimony from your Excellency of those indulgent
sentiments, with which his Majesty is pleased to honor my
sincere intentions, cannot fail to be preserved by me and
my posterity as a most precious monument; and what is
of infinitely more importance, it cannot fail to give great
satisfaction to my country, to find that a servant of theirs,
who has been honored with no small share of their confidence
in the most dangerous of times, and most critical
circumstances, has been so happy as not to forfeit the
confidence of their illustrious ally.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, February 27th, 1779.
Sir,
By the new arrangement, which was brought by the
Marquis de Lafayette, I find myself restored to the character
of a private citizen.
The appointment of a single Minister at the Court of
Versailles was not unexpected to me, because I had not
been two months in Europe before I was convinced of the
policy, and indeed of the necessity, of such a measure.
But I ever entertained hopes, that when the news of such
an alteration should arrive, the path of my own duty would
have been made plain to me by the directions of Congress,
either to return home or go elsewhere. But as no information
that we have received from Congress has expressed
their intentions concerning me, I am obliged to collect
them by implication, according to the best of my understanding,
and as the election of the new Minister
Plenipotentiary was on the fourteenth of September, and the Alliance
sailed from Boston the fourteenth of January, and in
this space of four months no notice appears to have been
taken of me, I think the only inference that can be made
is, that Congress have no further service for me on this
side the water, and that all my duties are on the other. I
have accordingly given notice to his Excellency, M. de
Sartine, and to his Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary
here, of my intentions to return, which I shall do by the
first frigate that sails for any part of the United States,
unless I should receive counter orders in the meantime.
In a matter of so much uncertainty, I hope I shall not incur
the disapprobation of Congress, even if I should not judge
aright of their intentions, which it is my desire as well as
my duty to observe, as far as I can know them.
By the papers enclosed with this, Congress will perceive
the discontented and tumultuous state of the three kingdoms
of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which is so great
and so rapidly increasing, that the United States will have
little to fear from reinforcements of their enemies the ensuing
campaign. All their forces will be necessary to keep
in order their own riotous populace, and to replace those
which are daily consuming in the West Indies. There is,
however, no prospect of their evacuating either New York
or Rhode Island. The possession of those places is so
indispensable for the preservation of their West India and
other trade, as well as of their other dominions in America,
that nothing but the last necessity will induce them to
give them up.
The greatest source of danger and unhappiness to the
States then probably will be a depreciating currency.
The prospect of a loan in Europe, after every measure
that has been or could be taken, I think it my duty to say
frankly to Congress, is very unpromising. The causes of
this are very obvious, and cannot be removed; the state of
our country itself, and the course of exchange, would be
sufficient to discourage such a loan, if there were no other
obstruction, but there are many others. There are more
borrowers in Europe than lenders, and the British loan itself
will not be made this year at a less interest than seven
and a half per cent.
I see no hope of relief, but from economy and taxation,
and those I flatter myself will be found sufficient, if the
people are once convinced of the necessity of them.
When a people are contending not only for the greatest
object, that any people ever had in view, but for security
from the greatest evil that any nation ever had to dread,
(for there is at this hour no medium between unlimited
subjugation to Parliament and entire sovereignty) they
must be destitute of sense as well as of virtue, if they are
not willing to pay sufficient sums annually to defray the
necessary expense of their defence in future, supported as
they are by so powerful an ally, and by the prospect of
others, against a kingdom already exhausted, without any
ally at all, or a possibility of obtaining one. As this is the
first time I have had the honor to address myself to Congress,
since we received the news of your Excellency's
appointment to the chair, you will please to accept of my
congratulations on that event.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Passy, March 1st, 1779.
Sir,
My last letter to Congress was on the twentyseventh of
last month; since which an account of the new loan is
received from London, and as this may, perhaps, afford to
Congress the clearest proof of the weakness of their enemies,
it is of importance, that it should be transmitted to
them. Some accounts say, that the loan is to be seven
millions, others eight. The conditions of the loan are, in
general, the established interest of three per cent, an annuity
for three and three quarters per cent for twentynine
years, and seven lottery tickets for every thousand pounds.
In one account the advantages are thus stated.
| 100 3 per cent, | £61 00 00 |
| £3 15s. annuity for twentynine years, at twelve years' purchase, | 45 00 00 |
| Two fifths of a year's interest and annuity, gained by both beginning from the 5th of January, |
| although the money is paid monthly, and not ended until December, | 2 14 00 |
| £3 premium of seven lottery tickets for each £1000, gives for each hundred, | 2 2 00 |
| | ________ |
| For each £100 paid, there is received | £110 16 00 |
This statement for the first year is pretty accurate.
Another account makes it ten and one quarter per cent
for the first year. The subsequent years, however it
will not be so much. Yet for all the subsequent years,
during the term of the annuity, it will be six and three
quarters per cent. Upon the whole, it is generally looked
upon as good as seven and a half per cent. In a country
where the highest interest, that is tolerated by the standing
laws, is five per cent, this is a terrible symptom.
While this system has any credit among the money
lenders in Holland, Switzerland, Geneva, &c. Congress
will perceive, that there is little hope of procuring a private
loan for the United States from any of those places.
Whether any may be procured from any State, or Prince,
time must discover.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
St Germain, April 9th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
I beg leave to apply to you, in an instance where I am
much concerned. The case I shall lay before you, and
recommend to your care. There is an officer in Paris,
whom I wish to send over to America on board the Alliance,
and who I know would be of service in the American
army. For that reason, besides his recommendations,
I have a great regard for him. I wish the gentleman may
find a passage in the frigate. Dr Franklin cannot officially
send an officer, but I beg you would take him along with
you, as I take upon myself the charge of presenting him
to Congress. All the marks of kindness I ever met with
from them, and the knowledge which the strictest friendship
has given me of General Washington's sentiments, make
me as certain as possible, that my officer will meet with
the best reception in Philadelphia and in the army, who
know I am acquainted with what may be convenient to
them.
It is with a great concern, that I hear of discontents between
Captain Landais and his officers, and I flatter myself,
that you will again establish harmony and concord
among them. I will take the opportunity of this frigate to
write over to my friends in America.
The articles alluded to in your letter from Passy, I have
been very busy about, but I did not meet with great success
till now, and what is done is not equal to what I could
wish. It is true, our circumstances are rather narrow at
this moment, and I believe, that the Ministers are willing
to do what they think possible, or advantageous, but we do
not always agree in opinion. I hope, however, America
will have more and more occasions of knowing the true
attachment of this nation for her.
With great impatience I wait for your answer, that I
may send the officer to Nantes. I hope you will not refuse
your patronage on this occasion, and I may answer
Congress will have no objection to take a gentleman whom
I send them. You will, my dear Sir, in settling his passage,
much oblige your humble servant,
LAFAYETTE.
L'Orient, June 9th, 1779
Dear Sir,
Your favors of June the 2d and 5th are now before me;
that of the 29th of March I have answered, if I ever received
it, for I have answered every one I have received
from you, but not having my papers at hand cannot be
particular. I thank you for the manuscript and the pamphlet.
I am happy to hear from you, and from all others, so
agreeable a character of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and
M. Marbois, the last of whom I have had the pleasure to
see.
I wish it was in my power to do more for Mr Ford, and
to take him with me, but the frigate will be so crowded, I
fear it will be impossible.
The declarations of the northern powers against the
right of England to stop their merchant vessels, and arming
to support their rights, are important events. The
displacing of Mr Paine is a disagreeable and alarming
one.
It is with no small astonishment, that I learn by your
letter of the 5th, that by advices from America since your
last to me, your enemies are determined to impeach your
attachment to our country and her cause. Your request
that I would give my opinion on that subject, from the
knowledge I have had of your conduct, while we acted in
commission together, can meet with no objection from me.
But I hope I need not inform you, that my opinion upon
this point is no secret at Versailles, Paris, Nantes, or elsewhere.
Enclosed is a copy of a letter I did myself the
honor to write to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes
some time ago, which, for anything I know, is communicated
to all the Court, but the answer shows that it was
received. I had my reasons then for keeping it to myself,
which exist now no more. I would transcribe the whole
correspondence if it was in my power, but I have not
time, and it is sufficient to say, that it was conducted by
his Excellency with the most obliging politeness. It is my
duty now to furnish you with a copy, lest any accident
may befal me, which is by no means improbable. I
thought then, and am confirmed in that opinion more and
more, that it was my duty to communicate my sentiments
at Court, upon that very extraordinary occasion, and from
regard to my own reputation, I am very glad you have
given me an opportunity of furnishing you with evidence,
that I did this part of my duty so far forth. The letter
was written, sent to Versailles, and received by his Excellency
before the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette, his
Aid-de-Camp, or Dr Winship; that is, before the news
reached Passy of the new arrangement.[45] But lest that
letter should not be sufficient, I shall enclose another certificate,
not without a heartfelt grief, that malice should
have been so daring and so barbarous, as to make either
such a letter or such a certificate from me either necessary
or even pardonable.[46] Your hint, that I must correct some
things that are amiss, extorts from me an involuntary sigh.
I shall be in a situation critical and difficult without example,
my own character at stake from various quarters, and
without anything to support me but truth and innocence,
and you need not be informed, that these are not always
sufficient. I have little expectation of doing good; God
grant I may do no harm. I shall not designedly. But I
suppose Congress intend to examine me as a witness, and
I must tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the
truth, as far as I know it. If the task should end here, I
should not be much embarrassed, but if they should proceed
to demand of me opinions and judgments of men and
things, as there is reason to expect they will, although I
hope they will not, what will be the consequences? Upon
the whole, truth must be my shield, and if the shafts of
interested malice can pierce through this, they shall pierce
me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, August 3d, 1779.
Sir,
On the 27th of February, I had the honor of writing to
Congress, informing them of my intention of returning
home, in consequence of the commission which superseded
mine. On the first of March, I had again the honor
of writing some information concerning the unprecedented
interest, which the British Government are obliged to give
for the loan of money for the service of the present year.
On the 8th of March, I took my leave of the American
Minister, and left Paris for Nantes, in expectation of there
meeting the Alliance, and sailing in her for America in a
few weeks. Upon my arrival at Nantes, I learned the
Alliance was yet at Brest, and so embarrassed with nearly
forty prisoners, who were supposed to have been concerned
in a conspiracy to carry her to England, and with other
difficulties, that it was uncertain when she would be ready.
The agent at Nantes at this time receiving a letter from
his Excellency, Dr Franklin, desiring him to consult me
about the direction of the Alliance, I thought it would expedite
the public service for me to make a journey to
Brest, about two hundred miles, which I undertook accordingly,
and arrived at that port without loss of time.
There, after an attendance of some weeks, and much negotiation
with the Commandant, Intendant, and Agent, all
things were prepared for the frigate to sail for Nantes, with
about one hundred British prisoners, to be exchanged for
a like number of American prisoners, arrived there from
England in a cartel. I returned to Nantes, and the Alliance
in a few days arrived in the river, the prisoners were
exchanged, about sixty enlisted in the Alliance, and the
rest in the Poor Richard, Captain Jones.
After accommodating all the difficulties with the British
prisoners, the American prisoners, the officers and crew of
the Alliance, and supplying all their necessary wants, Captain
Landais, having orders to sail for America, and everything
ready to proceed to sea in a few days, received unexpected
orders to proceed to L'Orient, and wait there for
further orders. I had the honor of a letter at the same
time from his Excellency, enclosing one from the Minister
of Marine, by which I learned, that the King had been
graciously pleased to grant me a passage on board the
frigate, which was to carry His Majesty's new Minister
Plenipotentiary to the United States, that the frigate was
at L'Orient, and that the Minister would be there in a few
days. I went in the Alliance from Nantes to L'Orient,
where after some time the frigate, the Sensible, arrived,
but his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, did not
arrive until the 10th of June. On the 14th of June, and
not before, I had the pleasure to be under sail, and on the
3d of August, arrived in Nantasket Roads.
I have entered into this detail of disappointments to justify
myself for not returning sooner, and to shew that it was not
my fault, that I was not at home in eight weeks from the
first authentic information, that I had nothing further to do
in France. There is nothing remaining for me to do but
to settle my accounts with Congress; but as part of my
accounts are in conjunction with my late colleagues, with
whom I lived in the same house during my residence in
Paris, I am not able to judge whether Congress will
choose to receive my accounts, or to wait until the other
Commissioners shall exhibit theirs, and have the whole
together, under one view, so as to do equal justice to all.
I am ready, however, to render all the account in my power,
either jointly or separately, whenever Congress shall
order it, and I shall wait their directions accordingly.
It is not in my power, having been so long from Paris,
to give Congress any news of importance, except that the
Brest fleet, under the Count d'Orvilliers, was at sea the
beginning of June, that Admiral Arbuthnot was at Plymouth
the 31st of May, and that there was a universal persuasion,
arising from letters from Paris and London, that Spain
had decided against the English. The Chevalier de la Luzerne
will be able to give Congress satisfactory information
upon this head.
I ought not to conclude this letter, without expressing
my obligations to Captain Chavagne, and the other officers
of the Sensible, for their civilities in the course of my passage
home, and the pleasure I have had in the conversation
of his Excellency, the new Minister Plenipotentiary from
our august ally, and the Secretary to the embassy, Monsieur
Marbois.
The Chevalier de la Luzerne is a Knight of the Order
of St John of Jerusalem, of an ancient and noble family,
connected by blood with many characters of principal
name in the kingdom, a grandson of the celebrated Chancellor
de la Moignon, a nephew of Monsieur Malesherbes,
perhaps still more famous as first President of the Court of
Aids and as a Minister of State, a brother to the Count de
la Luzerne, and of the Bishop of Sangres, one of the three
Dukes and Peers who had the honor to assist in the consecration
of the King, a near relation of the Marcéhal de
Broglie and the Count his brother, and of many other
important personages in that country. Nor is his personal
character less respectable than his connexions, as he is
possessed of much useful information of all kinds, and particularly
of the political system of Europe, obtained in his
late embassy in Bavaria; and of the justest sentiments of
the mutual interests of his country and ours, and of the
utility to both of that alliance, which so happily unites them,
and at the same time divested of all personal and party
attachments and aversions. Congress and their constituents,
I flatter myself, will have much satisfaction in his negotiations,
as well as in those of the Secretary to the
embassy, who was recently Secretary to the embassy
in Bavaria, and who is a counsellor of the Parliament of
Metz, a gentleman whose abilities, application, and disposition
cannot fail to make him useful in the momentous
office he sustains.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, August 4th, 1779.
Sir,
At the close of the service on which Congress have
done me the honor to send me, it may not be amiss to
submit a few remarks to their consideration on the general
state of affairs in Europe, as far as they relate to the interests
of the United States. As the time approaches,
when our relations with the most considerable States in
Europe will multiply and assume a greater stability, they
deserve the attention of Americans in general, but especially
of those composing their supreme council.
France deserves the first place among those powers,
with which our connexions will be the most intimate, and
it is with pleasure I am able to assure Congress, that from
the observations I have made during my residence in that
Kingdom, I have the strongest reasons to believe, that
their august ally, his Ministers, and nation, are possessed
of the fullest persuasion of the justice of our cause, of the
great importance of our independence to their interests,
and the firmest resolution to preserve the faith of treaties
inviolate, and to cultivate our friendship with sincerity and
zeal. This is of the more consequence to us, as this
power enjoys in Europe at this hour an influence, which it
has not before experienced for many years.
Men are so sensible of a constant tendency in others to
excesses, that a signal superiority of power never appears,
without exciting jealousies and efforts to reduce it. Thus,
when Spain, under Charles the Fifth and his successor,
made herself dangerous, a great part of Europe united
against her, assisted in severing the United Provinces from
her, and by degrees greatly diminished her power. Thus,
when France, under Lewis the Fourteenth, indulged the
spirit of conquest too far, a great part of mankind united
their forces against her, with such success as to involve her
in a train of misfortunes, out of which she never emerged
before the present reign. The English, in their turn, by
means of their commerce and extensive settlements abroad,
arose to a degree of opulence and naval power, which excited
more extravagant passions in her own breast, and
more tyrannical exertions of her influence, than appeared
in either of the other cases. The consequence has been
similar, but more remarkable. Europe seems to be more
universally and sincerely united in the desire of reducing
her, than they ever were in any former instance. This is
the true cause why the French Court never made war with
so universal a popularity among their own subjects, so general
an approbation of other Courts, and such unanimous
wishes among all nations for her success, as at this time.
The personal character of the King, his declared patronage
of morals and economy, and the great strokes of wisdom,
which have marked the commencement of his reign,
the active spring which has been given to commerce by
the division of the British empire, and our new connexions
with his subjects; all these causes, together with the
two treaties of peace, which have been lately signed under
his auspices and his mediation, have given to this power
a reputation, which the last reign had lost.
The first of these treaties has determined those controversies,
which had for a long time divided Russia and the
Porte, and the parties have been equally satisfied with the
conditions of their reconciliation, a circumstance the more
honorable for the French Ministry, and the Chevalier de
St Priest, their Ambassador at Constantinople, as it is uncommon.
The ancient confidence of the Porte in the
Court of Versailles has revived, and the coolness, or
rather enmity, which divided France and Russia for near
twenty years, gives place to a friendship, which is at this
time in all its fervor, and will probably be durable, as
these powers have no interest to annoy each other, but, on
the contrary, are able to assist each other in a manner the
most essential.
The peace of Germany, signed at Teschin, the 13th of
last May, has not equally satisfied the belligerent powers,
who were on the one part the Emperor, and on the other,
the King of Prussia and the Elector of Saxony his ally.
From the multitudes of writings, which have appeared
before and during this war, in which the causes, the motives,
and the rights of it are discussed, it appears, that in
1768, at the extinction of one of the branches of the
House of Bavaria, which has been separated from its
trunk for near five centuries, the House of Austria thought
itself able, and priests and lawyers among their own subjects
were complaisant enough to tell her, that she had a
right to put herself in possession of the best part of the
patrimony of the extinguished line.
The King of Prussia, to whose interest this augmentation
of power would have been dangerous, has crowned an
illustrious reign, by displaying all the resources of military
genius and profound policy in opposition to it. While he
contended in the field, France negotiated, and the work,
begun by his arms, was completed by the cabinet of Versailles.
The Palatine House of Bavaria, the Duke of Deux
Ponts, and particularly the Elector of Saxony, have obtained
all they could reasonably demand, and the empire
has preserved its balance of power in spite of its head.
The King of Prussia had covered himself with glory, to
which he put the finishing stroke, by not demanding any
compensation for the expenses of the war. All parties
have been satisfied except the Emperor, who has disordered
his finances, ruined his Kingdom of Bohemia with
immense fines, has not obtained any advantage over his
adversary, and consequently has destroyed among his
own troops the opinion they had of their superiority, and,
in fine, has sustained a loss the most sensible for a young
Prince just beginning to reign, the reputation of justice
and moderation. It is the influence, the address, and
ability of the French Minister, joined to the firmness of
Russia, which have completed this work; and Lewis the
Sixteenth has restored in Germany to the nation over
which he reigns, that reputation which his grandfather had
lost.
The merit of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who was Ambassador
in Bavaria during the transaction of this business,
and that of M. Marbois, the Secretary to that embassy,
in accomplishing an affair of such importance, which was
rendered peculiarly delicate by the late family connexion
between the Courts of Vienna and Versailles, was probably
a motive for sending them now to America, a mission
of no less importance and no less delicacy.
It is not probable, however, that they could have succeeded
so soon, if England could have afforded subsidies
to the Emperor. The Revolution in America, in which
the French King has taken an earlier and a greater part
than any other Sovereign in Europe, has operated so as to
conciliate to him a consideration that is universal. The
new Minister will give to Congress information the most
precise in this respect, and touching the part which Spain
is taking at this time, for which reason I shall refrain from
entering into it, and content myself with observing, that all
these considerations ought to induce us to cherish the alliance
of France; and that every good citizen of the United
States ought to endeavor to destroy the remains of those
prejudices, which our ancient rulers have endeavored to
inspire us with; that we have nothing to fear and much
to hope from France, while we conduct ourselves with
good sense and firmness, and that we cannot take too much
pains to multiply the commercial relations, and strengthen
the political connexions between the two nations; provided
always, that we preserve prudence and resolution
enough to receive implicitly no advice whatever, but to
judge always for ourselves, and to guard ourselves against
those principles in government, and those manners, which
are so opposite to our own Constitution and to our own
characters, as a young people, called by Providence to the
most honorable and important of all duties, that of forming
establishments for a great nation and a new world.
In the opinion of some, the power with which we shall
one day have a relation the most immediate, next to that
of France, is Great Britain. But it ought to be considered,
that this power loses every day her consideration,
and runs towards her ruin. Her riches, in which her
power consisted, she has lost with us, and never can
regain. With us she has lost her Mediterranean trade,
her African trade, her German and Holland trade, her
ally, Portugal, her ally, Russia, and her natural ally, the
House of Austria; at least, as being unable to protect
these as she once did, she can obtain no succor from
them. In short, one branch of commerce has been lopped
off after another, and one political interest sacrificed
after another, She resembles the melancholy spectacle of
a great wide spreading tree, that has been girded at the
root. Her endeavors to regain these advantages, will continually
keep alive in her breast the most malevolent passions
towards us. Her envy, her jealousy, and resentment,
will never leave us, while we are what we must unavoidably
be, her rivals in the fisheries, in various other
branches of commerce, and even in naval power. If
peace should unhappily be made, leaving Canada, Nova
Scotia, or the Floridas, or any of them, in her hands, jealousies
and controversies will be perpetually arising. The
degree, therefore, of intercourse with this nation, which
will ever again take place, may justly be considered as
problematical, or rather the probability is, that it will
never be so great as some persons imagine; moreover, I
think that every citizen in the present circumstances, who
respects his country, and the engagements she has taken,
ought to abstain from the foresight of a return of friendship
between us and the English, and act as if it never was
to be.
But it is lawful to consider, that which will probably be
formed between the Hollanders and us. The similitude
of manners, of religion, and in some respects of constitution,
the analogy between the means by which the two
republics arrived at independency, but above all the attractions
of commercial interest, will infallibly draw them together.
This connexion will not probably show itself,
before a peace or a near prospect of peace. Too many
motives of fear or interest place the Hollanders in a dependance
on England, to suffer her to connect herself openly
with us at present. Nevertheless, if the King of Prussia,
could be induced to take us by the hand, his great influence
in the United Provinces might contribute greatly to
conciliate their friendship for us. Loans of money, and
the operations of commercial agents or societies, will be
the first threads of our connexions with this power. From
the essays and inquiries of your Commissioners at Paris,
it appears, that some money may be borrowed there, and
from the success of several enterprises by the way of St
Eustatia, it seems that the trade between the two countries
is likely to increase, and possibly Congress may think
it expedient to send a Minister there. If they should, it
will be proper to give him a discretionary power to produce
his commission or not, as he shall find it likely to
succeed, to give him full powers and clear instructions
concerning the borrowing of money; and the man himself
above all should have consummate prudence, and a caution
and discretion, that will be proof against every trial.
If Congress could find any means of paying the interest
annually in Europe, commercial and pecuniary connexions
would strengthen themselves from day to day, and if the
fall of the credit of England should terminate in bankruptcy,
the Seven United Provinces, having nothing to dissemble,
would be zealous for a part of those rich benefits, which
our commerce offers to the maritime powers, and by an
early treaty with us secure those advantages, from which
they have already discovered strong symptoms of a fear of
being excluded by delays. It is scarcely necessary to observe
to Congress, that Holland has lost her influence in
Europe to such a degree, that there is little other regard
for her remaining but that of a prodigal heir for a rich
usurer, who lends him money at a high interest. The
State which is poor and in debt has no political stability.
Their army is very small, and their navy is less. The
immense riches of individuals may possibly be in some
future time the great misfortune of the nation, because the
means of defence are not proportioned to the temptation
which is held out for some necessitous, avaricious, and formidable
neighbor to invade her.
The active commerce of Spain is very inconsiderable;
of her passive commerce, we shall not fail to have a part;
the vicinity of this power, her forces, her resources, ought
to make us attentive to her conduct, but if we may judge
of the future by the past, I should hope we had nothing to
fear from it. The genius and interest of the nation incline
it to repose. She cannot determine upon war but in the
last extremity, and even then she sighs for peace. She is
not possessed of the spirit of conquest, and we have reason
to congratulate ourselves, that we have her for the nearest
and principal neighbor. Her conduct towards us at this
time will perhaps appear equivocal and indecisive, her determinations
appear to be solely the fruit of the negotiations
of the Court of Versailles. But it ought to be considered,
she has not had motives so pressing as those of
France to take in hand our defence. Whether she has an
eye upon the Floridas, or what other terms she may expect
from Congress, they are no doubt better informed than I
am. To their wisdom it must be submitted to give her
satisfaction, if her terms are moderate, and her offers in
proportion. This conduct may conciliate her affection and
shorten delays, a point of great importance, as the present
moment appears to be decisive.
Portugal, under the administration of the Marquis de
Pombal, broke some of the shackles by which she was
held to England. But the treaty, by which a permanent
friendship is established between the Crowns of Spain and
Portugal, was made in 1777, an event that the English
deplore as the greatest evil, next to the irrecoverable loss
of the colonies, arising from this war, because they will
now no longer be able to play off Portugal against Spain,
in order to draw away her attention as well as her forces,
as in former times. But as Portugal has not known how
to deliver herself entirely from the influence of England,
we shall have little to hope from her; on the other hand,
such is her internal weakness, that we have absolutely nothing
to fear. We shall necessarily have commerce with her,
but whether she will ever have the courage to sacrifice
the friendship of England for the sake of it is uncertain.
It would be useless to consider that infinite number of
little sovereignties into which Germany is divided, and develope
all their political interests. This task is as much
beyond my knowledge as it would be useless to Congress.
They will have few relations friendly or hostile with this
country, excepting in two branches of commerce, that of
merchandise and that of soldiers. The latter, infamous and
detestable as it is, has been established between a nation,
once generous, humane, and brave, and certain princes, as
avaricious of money as they are prodigal of the blood of
their subjects; and such is the scarcity of cash, and the
avidity for it in Germany, and so little are the rights of
humanity understood and respected, that sellers will probably
be found as long as buyers. America will never be
found in either class. The State of Germany, with which
we may have commerce of an honorable kind, is the
House of Austria, one of the most powerful in Europe.
She possesses very few countries, however, near the sea.
Ostend is the principal city, where she might have established
a trade of some consequence, if the jealousy of the
maritime Powers had not constantly opposed it. France,
Spain, Holland, and England, have been all agreed in their
opposition, and the treaty of Utrecht, ratified more than
once by subsequent treaties, has so shackled this port, that
it will be impossible to open a direct trade to it, without
some new treaty, which possibly may not be very distant.
England may possibly make a new treaty with Austria, and
agree to privileges for this port, in order to draw away the
advantages of the American trade from France and Spain;
and in such a treaty Holland may possibly acquiesce, if not
accede to it. The port of Trieste enjoys liberty without
limits, and the Court of Vienna is anxious to make its
commerce flourish. Situated as it is at the bottom of the
Gulf of Trieste, the remotest part of the Gulf of Venice,
tedious and difficult as the navigation of those seas is, we
could make little use of it at any time, and none at all while
this war continues.
This Court would seize with eagerness the advantages,
that are presented to her by the independence of America,
but an interest more powerful restrains her, and although
she is certainly attentive to this revolution, there is reason
to believe she will be one of the last powers to acknowledge
our independence. She is so far from being rich,
that she is destitute of the means of making war without
subsidies, as is proved by the peace which has lately been
made. She has occasion for the succors of France or of
England to put in motion her numerous armies. She conceives
easily, that the loss of the resources and credit of
the English has disabled them to pay the enormous subsidies,
which, in former times, they have poured into the
Austrian coffers. She sees therefore with a secret mortification,
that she shall be hereafter more at the mercy of
France, who may choose her ally, and prefer at her pleasure
either Austria or Prussia, while neither Vienna nor
Berlin will be able, as in times past, to choose between Paris
and London, since the latter has lost her past opulence
and pecuniary resources. It is our duty to remark these
great changes in the system of mankind, which have already
happened in consequence of the American war. The
alienation of Portugal from England, the peace of Germany,
and that between Petersburg and Constantinople,
by all which events England has lost, and France gained,
such a superiority of influence and power, are owing entirely
to the blind division of that policy and wealth, which
the English might have still enjoyed, from the objects of
their true interests and honor, to the ruinous American
war.
The Court of Berlin flatters itself, that the connexions
which have heretofore so long united France and Prussia
will renew themselves sooner or later. This system is more
rational than that which subsists at this day. The king of
Prussia may then wait without anxiety the consequences of
the present revolution, because it tends to increase the
resources of his natural ally. The jealousy between the
Emperor and the King of Prussia, and that between the
Houses of Bourbon and Austria, are a natural tie between
France and Prussia. The rivalry between France and
Great Britain is another motive, too natural and too permanent
for the former to suffer the King of Prussia to be long
the ally of the latter. One of the favorite projects of Prussia,
that of rendering the port of Emden a place of flourishing
trade, interests him most powerfully in our independence.
Silesia, one of his best provinces, has already felt
the influence of it, and, sensible of the force that empires
derive from commerce, he is earnestly desirous to see it
introduced between America and his States; which gives
ground to believe, that as Austria will be one of the last so
Prussia will be one of the first to acknowledge our independence;
an opinion which is rendered more probable by
the answer, which was given by the Baron de Schulenburg
to Mr Arthur Lee, and the influence of the King of Prussia
in the United Provinces, which is greater than that of any
other Power, arising from his great military force, and the
vicinity of his dominions. His near relation to the Stadtholder
and the Prince of Brunswick, is an additional motive
to cultivate his friendship. The Electorate of Saxony, with
a fruitful soil, contains a numerous and industrious people,
and most of the commerce between the east and the west
of Europe passes through it. The fairs of Leipsic have
drawn considerable advantages for these four years from our
trade. This Power will see with pleasure the moment,
which shall put the last hand to our independence. The
rest of Germany, excepting Hamburgh and Bremen, have
no means of opening a direct commerce with us; with the
latter we have no connexion at present; in the former all
the commerce of Lower Germany is transacted; here we
shall soon have occasion to establish an agent or consul.
Poland, depopulated by the war and a vicious government,
reduced by a shameful treaty to two thirds of her
ancient dominion, destitute of industry and manufactures,
even of the first necessity, has no occasion for the productions
of America. Dantzic sees her ancient prosperity
diminish every day. There is, therefore, little probability
of commerce, and less of any political connexion between
that nation and us.
Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, comprehended under
the denomination of the northern powers, have been
thought by some to be interested in our return to the domination
of Great Britain. Whether they consider themselves
in this light or not, their late declarations against the
right of England to interrupt their navigation, and their
arming for the protection of their commerce on the ocean,
and even in the English channel, are unequivocal proofs of
their opinion concerning the right in our contest, and of
their intentions not to interfere against us. It is very true,
that the articles of commerce which they produce, are in
many respects the same with those of America. Yet if
we consider that we shall have occasion to purchase from
them large quantities of hemp and sailcloth, and that our
productions of timber, pitch, tar, and turpentine, are less profitable
with us without bounties, than some other branches
of labor, it is not probable that we shall lower the price of
these articles in Europe so much as some conjecture, and
consequently our increased demand upon those countries
for several articles will be more than a compensation to
them for the small loss they may sustain, by a trifling reduction
in the price of those articles. It is not probable
that the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen
have viewed with indifference the present revolution, if
they have been apprehensive of being hurt by it in some
respects, which however I think must have been a mistaken
apprehension; yet the motive of humbling the pride of the
English, who have endeavored to exercise their domination,
even over the northern seas, and to render the Danish
and Swedish flag dependent on theirs, has prevailed over
all others, and they are considered in Europe as having
given their testimony against the English in this war.
Italy, a country which declines every day from its ancient
prosperity, offers few objects to our speculations.
The privileges of the port of Leghorn, nevertheless, may
render it useful to our ships, when our independence shall
be acknowledged by Great Britain, if, as we once flattered
ourselves, the Court of Vienna might receive an American
Minister. We were equally in error respecting the Court
of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, where an Austrian prince
reigns, who receives all his directions from Vienna, in such
a manner that he will probably never receive any person
in a public character, until the chief of his house has set
him the example. The King of the two Sicilies is in the
same dependence on the Court of Madrid, and we may
depend upon it, he will conform himself to all it shall suggest
to him. This prince has already ordered the ports of
his dominions to be open to American vessels, public and
private, and has ordered his Ambassador at Paris to apply
to your Commissioners for a description of the American
flag, that our vessels might be known, and receive no molestation
upon their appearance in his harbors.
The Court of Rome, attached to ancient customs, would
be one of the last to acknowledge our independence, if we
were to solicit for it. But Congress will probably never
send a Minister to his Holiness, who can do them no service,
upon condition of receiving a Catholic Legate or Nuncio
in return, or in other words, an ecclesiastical tyrant,
which it is to be hoped the United States will be too wise
ever to admit into their territories.
The States of the King of Sardinia are poor, and their
commerce is very small. The little port of Villa Franca
will probably see few American vessels, nor will there be
any close relations, either commercial or political, between
this prince and us.
The republic of Genoa is scarcely known at this day in
Europe, but by those powers who borrow money. It is
possible that some small sums might be obtained there, if
Congress would fall upon means of insuring a punctual
payment of interest in Europe.
Venice, heretofore so powerful, is reduced to a very inconsiderable
commerce, and is in an entire state of decay.
Switzerland is another lender of money, but neither her
position nor her commerce can occasion any near relation
with us.
Whether there is anything in these remarks worth the
trouble of reading, I shall submit to the wisdom of Congress,
and subscribe myself, with the highest consideration, your
most obedient and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, August 13th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Since I have had opportunity to converse a little in this
country, and to read a few gazettes, I find that questions
have been agitated here in the newspapers, and in private
circles, as well as in Congress, concerning his Excellency,
the Count de Vergennes, and Mr Arthur Lee, which seem
to make it necessary that I should send the enclosed copies.[47]
You can judge better than I whether it will be of any public
utility to lay them before Congress. My first letter, and
his Excellency's answer, I can see no objection to laying
before Congress; but as the rest[48] contain little else besides
mutual compliments, perhaps it will be as well to conceal
them. I submit the whole, however, to your discretion,
and am, with much esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, September 10th, 1779.
Sir,
Looking over the printed journals of the 15th of last
April, I find in the report of the Committee appointed to
take into consideration the foreign affairs of the United
States, and also the conduct of the late and present Commissioners
of these States, the two following articles.
1. "That it appears to them, that Dr Franklin is Plenipotentiary
for these States at the Court of France; Dr
Arthur Lee, Commissioner for the Court of Spain; Mr
William Lee, Commissioner for the Courts of Vienna and
Berlin; Mr Ralph Izard, Commissioner for the Court of
Tuscany; that Mr John Adams was appointed one of the
Commissioners at the Court of France, in the place of Mr
Deane, who had been appointed a joint Commissioner
with Dr Franklin and Dr Arthur Lee, but that the said
commission of Mr Adams is superseded by the Plenipotentiary
commission to Dr Franklin.
2. "That in the course of their examination and inquiry,
they find many complaints against the said Commissioners,
and the political and commercial agency of Mr
Deane, which complaints, with the evidence in support
thereof, are herewith delivered, and to which the Committee
beg leave to refer."
The word "said" in the second article, refers to the
Commissioners mentioned in the first, and as my name is
among them, I learn from hence, that there were some
complaints against me, and that the evidence in support of
them was delivered to Congress by the Committee.
I therefore pray, that I may be favored with copies of
those complaints, evidences, and the names of my accusers,
and the witnesses against me, that I may take such
measures as may be in my power to justify myself to
Congress.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Boston, September 23d, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of your letter of the 7th of
this month. I thank you, Sir, for your obliging congratulations
on my return to my family and country.
The reason why my letters of the 27th of February,
and the 1st of March, arrived so late was, that they were
delivered at the time of their dates to gentlemen then
bound to the seaports, who expected to sail directly for
America, but were disappointed of passages, until the
vessels sailed under the convoy of the Sensible.
I have not my letter book here, but I do not remember
that they contained anything of much consequence, so that
I suppose the inconvenience of their late arrival was not
much.
You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments
to the members of Congress, and believe me, with
great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 17th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
What shall I say to your favors of the 27th and 28th of
September, which came by the last post? The unanimity
of my election surprises me, as much as the delicacy, importance,
and danger of the trust distress me. The
appointment of Mr Dana to be Secretary pleases me
more than my own to be Minister, Commissioner, Negotiator,
call it what you will. I have communicated to him
your letters in confidence, and all other material intelligence
I had, and hope he will not decline, but you know
the peculiarities of his situation, and if he should refuse, I
hope you will not force your name out of nomination
again. I did not suppose that such characters would be
willing to go as Secretaries, because I did not know your
plan, otherwise I should not have mentioned Mr Jennings
to Mr Gerry for one to Dr Franklin. Your mastery of
the language, and your indefatigability, would make you
infinitely useful in any of these departments.
I rejoice that you produced my letter to the Count de
Vergennes and his answer before the choice, because it
contained a testimony in favor of Mr Lee, which was his
due.[49] I am very much affected at his recall, because I
know his merit, and, therefore, I am glad I was not placed
in his stead, for suspicions would have arisen, and reflections
would have been cast upon me, as having favored his
removal in order to make room, which I certainly did not.
I am infinitely obliged to you for those letters, and for that
received the post before last, but I really tremble for your
health. Let me entreat you, for the sake of our country,
to take care of it. If I was to apply myself as you do,
I should soon go to study politics in another sphere. Yet
I am so selfish as to beg the continuance of your favors to
me, and I pledge myself to you, I will not be in debt any
more than may be made by the intrinsic difference in the
value of the letters, which will be unavoidable.
I thank you for the extract from Mr Izard's letter. I
am not a little surprised at its contents. It was written, I
see, to his friend, and I suppose intended in confidence.
I am fully persuaded he did not intend, that the whole
should have been laid before Congress.[50] I utterly deny
that I ever used to him any such language, as the indecent
paragraph that closes what he says about me. Indeed, that
is manifestly his own inference, and in his own words, from
what he says he had heard me say, and he draws the same
from what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane had said upon the
same subject. I further deny that I ever threatened him
with the displeasure of Congress, for writing his opinion
concerning these articles to Congress, or for suggesting
them to the Commissioners. But to enter into all the
conversations that have passed between Mr Izard and me
respecting those articles, and many other points in order to
give a full and fair representation of those conversations,
would fill a small volume. Yet there never was any angry
or rude conversation between him and me, that I can
recollect. I lived with him on good terms, visited him
and he me, dined with his family, and his family with me,
and I ever told him, and repeated it often, that I should be
always obliged to him for his advice, opinions, and sentiments
upon any American subject, and that I should always
give it its due weight, although I did not think myself
bound to follow it any further than it seemed to me to be just.
As Congress have declined giving me the charges against
me by their authority, and have, upon the whole, acquitted
me with so much splendor, it would look like a littleness
of soul in me to make myself anxious, or give them any
further trouble about it. And as I have in general so good
an opinion of Mr Izard's attachment to his country, and of
his honor, I shall not think myself bound to take any further
notice of this fruit of his inexperience in public life,
this peevish ebullition of the rashness of his temper. I
have written a few other observations to Mr Gerry on the
same subject. You and he will compare these with them
for your private satisfaction, but be sure that they are not
exposed where they will do harm to the public, to Mr
Izard, or me, unnecessarily.
If I should go abroad, cannot you lend me twenty or
thirty complete sets of the journals? They are much
wanted in Europe. A set of them is a genteel present,
and perhaps would do me and the public more service
than you are aware of. If Congress, or some Committee
would order it, I should be very glad.
I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 19th, 1779.
Sir,
I had in Paris an opportunity of procuring information
concerning the British whale fishery on the coast of Brazil,
which it is proper to communicate to Congress, that if any
advantage can be made of it the opportunity may not be
lost.
The last year and the year before the English carried
on this fishery to very great advantage, off the river Plate
in South America, in the latitude of 35° south, and from
thence to 40°, just on the edge of soundings, off and on, as
the sailors express it, and about longitude 65° from London.
They had about seventeen vessels in this fishery, which all
sailed from London in the months of September and October.
All the officers and men Americans from Nantucket
and Cape Cod, two or three from Rhode Island, and one
from Long Island. Four or five of these vessels went to
Greenland, to which place they sail yearly, the last of
February or the beginning of March.
The year before last, there was published in the English
newspapers, a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to
Dennis de Bredt, in Coleman Street, informing him, that a
convoy should be appointed to the Brazil fleet. But this I
had certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to
deceive American privateers, and no convoy actually went
or was appointed, either last year or the year before, although
the imposture was repeated both times, and will no
doubt be renewed this.
For the capture or destruction of a fishery so wholly defenceless,
not one of the vessels having any arms, a single
frigate, or indeed a privateer of four and twenty guns, would
be sufficient. The beginning of December would be the
best time to proceed from Boston or Philadelphia, because
the frigate would then find the whaling vessels nearly loaded.
The cargoes of bone and oil are very valuable, and at least
four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be
taken out of the hands of the English, and might be gained
into the American service. Most of the officers and men
wish well to this country, and would gladly be in its service,
if they could be delivered from that they are engaged in.
Whenever the English men of war or privateers, have
taken an American vessel, they have given to all the whalemen
found among the crew, by order of government, their
choice, either to go on board a man of war and fight against
their country, or into the whale fishery. Such numbers
have chosen the latter, as have made up the crews of
seventeen vessels.
I thought it my duty to communicate this, that if so profitable
a branch of commerce, and so valuable a nursery of
seamen, can be taken from the English, it may be done.
I prevailed with my colleagues last year to represent these
facts to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, but it appears that
his Majesty's service would not admit of any enterprise
from France in consequence of it. Since my return I
have represented them to the Council of this State, but
whether anything can be done by them, after the disaster at
Penobscot, I doubt. If Congress should not deem it consistent
with the public service to send a frigate upon this
service, nothing will be lost but the trouble of this letter.
I have the honor to congratulate your Excellency on
your advancement to the chair, and to subscribe myself
with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 20th, 1779.
Sir,
M. Schweighauser of Nantes, who is a native of Switzerland,
observing me as I was one day at his house looking
with some attention upon a stamp of the heroic deed of William
Tell, asked me to take a few of them to America, as a
present from him, which I agreed to do with pleasure. He
accordingly sent on board the frigate a box containing, as
he told me, one stamp for each State, neatly framed and
glazed, which he desired me to present to Congress, as a
small token of his respect. The box has never been opened,
but I hope the pictures are safe, and with permission
of Congress I will deliver it to the Navy Board in Boston,
to be by them transmitted to the delegates from the several
States, or to their order.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 21st, 1779.
Sir,
So many advantages might be derived to the United
States in the conduct of the war, in furnishing the army
and navy, in augmenting the value, or at least in preventing
the further depreciation of their currency, in lowering
the prices of goods, in supplying the wants of the people,
and in preventing murmurs and discontents, that I have
ever thought it of very great importance, in some way or
other, to procure convoys to their trade, to and from the
West India Islands, and Europe.
France and Spain have such advantages of England in
carrying on the war in the American seas, and would receive
such assistance from our commerce, privateers, and
growing navy, that I have ever thought it a main principle
of their policy to maintain a constant and decided superiority
of naval power in the West Indies, and upon the
coasts of this continent. I would, therefore, with due deference
to the superior wisdom of Congress, beg leave to
submit to their consideration, whether it would not be expedient
for them, either by a direct representation from
themselves to the French and Spanish Courts, or by instructions
to their Plenipotentiary Ministers, to convince
those Courts, that their true interest lies in adopting this
plan. It is certainly their interest, reasoning upon French
and Spanish principles simply, to conduct this war in such
a manner as has a tendency in the shortest time, and with
the least expense, to diminish the power of their enemies,
and increase their own. Now I would submit it to Congress
whether it may not be easily demonstrated, that these
ends may be obtained the most easily in this way. A representation
from Congress, either directly or by instructions
to their Ministers, showing what assistance in provisions,
artists, materials, vessels of war, privateers, land
armies, or in any other way, France and Spain might depend
upon receiving from these States, either for money or
as the exertions of an ally, would have great weight.
Much has been already said to the French Ministry
upon these subjects, and not wholly without effect; yet
much more may be said to greater advantage, and perhaps
to better purpose, for they are extremely well disposed to
do what can be made to appear to them for the advantage
of the common cause.
I have the honor to enclose some papers on this subject.
One is a letter from the Commissioners to his Excellency
the Count de Vergennes, which he received the beginning
of January last,[51] the other is a letter from me to the Marquis
de Lafayette[52] in February, with his answer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, October 25th, 1779.
My Dear Sir,
Your favor of the 4th of this month gave me great
pleasure, but I am afraid that you and some others of my
friends felt more for me in the awkward situation you
mention than I did for myself, though I cannot say that I
was wholly insensible. I could compare it to nothing, but
Shakspeare's idea of Ariel, wedged in the middle of a
rifted oak, for I was sufficiently sensible, that it was owing
to an unhappy division in Congress, and pains enough
were taken to inform me, that one side were for sending
me to Spain, and the other to Holland, so that I was flattered
to find that neither side had any decisive objection
against trusting me, and that the apparent question was
only where.
That I was sent without the least solicitation of
mine, directly or indirectly, is certainly true; and I had
such formidable ideas of the sea and of British men of
war, such diffidence in my own qualifications to do service
in that way, and such uncertainty of the reception I
should meet, that I had little inclination to adventure.
That I went against my interest is most undoubtedly so,
for I never yet served the public without losing by it. I
was not, however, as you suppose, kept unemployed. I
had business enough to do, as I could easily convince you.
There is a great field of business there, and I could easily
show you that I did my share of it. There is so much to
do, and so much difficulty to do it well, that I am rejoiced
to find a gentleman of such abilities, principles, and activity
as Colonel Laurens undoubtedly is, without a compliment,
appointed to assist in it.[53] I most sincerely hope for
his friendship, and an entire harmony with him, for which
reason I should be very happy in his company in the passage,
or in an interview with him as soon as possible in
Europe. He will be in a delicate situation, but not so
much so as I was; and plain sense, honest intentions, and
common civility will, I think, be sufficient to secure him,
and do much good.
Your kind compliments on my safe return and most
honorable re-election are very obliging. I have received
no commission, nor instructions, nor any particular information
of the plan; but from the advice and information
from you and several other of my friends at Philadelphia
and here, I shall make no hesitation to say, that, notwithstanding
the delicacy and danger of this commission, I
suppose I shall accept it without delay and trust events
to Heaven, as I have been long used to do.
The convulsions at Philadelphia are very affecting and
alarming, but not entirely unexpected to me. The state of
parties, and the nature of their government, have a long
time given me disagreeable apprehensions. But I hope
they will find some remedy. Methods will be found to
feed the army, but I know of none to clothe it without
convoys to trade, which Congress, I think, will do well to
undertake, and persuade France and Spain to undertake
as soon as possible. Your packets for your friends in Europe
will give me pleasure, and shall be forwarded with
care and despatch.
With great truth and regard, I am, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Braintree, November 4th, 1779.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor of receiving your letter of the
20th of October, enclosed with two commissions, appointing
me Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, to
negotiate peace and commerce with Great Britain, together
with instructions for my government in the execution
of these commissions, copies of instructions to the
Ministers Plenipotentiary at Versailles and Madrid, and
two acts of Congress of the 4th and 15th of October.
Peace is an object of such vast importance, the interests
to be adjusted in the negotiations to obtain it are so complicated
and so delicate, and the difficulty of giving even
general satisfaction is so great, that I feel myself more distressed
at the prospect of executing the trust, than at the
thought of leaving my country, and again encountering the
dangers of the seas and of enemies. Yet, when I reflect
on the general voice in my favor, and the high honor that
is done me by this appointment, I feel the warmest sentiments
of gratitude to Congress, and shall make no hesitation
to accept it, and devote myself without reserve or loss
of time to the discharge of it. My success, however,
may depend, in a very great degree, on the intelligence
and advices that I may receive from time to time from
Congress, and on the punctuality with which several articles
in my instructions may be kept secret. It shall be
my most earnest endeavor to transmit to Congress the
most constant and exact information in my power of whatever
may occur, and to conceal those instructions, which
depend in any measure on my judgment. And I hope I
need not suggest to Congress the necessity of communicating
to me, as early as possible, their commands from
time to time, and of keeping all the discretionary articles
an impenetrable secret, a suggestion, however, that the
constitution of that sovereignty, which I have the honor to
represent, might excuse.
As the frigate has been some time waiting, I shall embark
in eight or ten days at furthest. Your Excellency
will please to present my most dutiful respects to Congress,
and accept my thanks for the polite and obliging
manner in which you have communicated their commands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF PEACE WITH GREAT
BRITAIN.[54]
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full
power to negotiate a treaty of peace with Great Britain, in
doing which you will conform to the following information
and instructions.
1. The United States are sincerely desirous of peace,
and wish by every means, consistent with their dignity and
safety, to spare the further effusion of blood. They have,
therefore, by your commission and these instructions,
labored to remove the obstacles to that event, before the
enemy have evidenced their disposition for it. But as the
great object of the present defensive war, on the part of
the allies, is to establish the independence of the United
States, and as any treaty whereby this end cannot be obtained
must be only ostensible and illusory, you are, therefore,
to make it a preliminary article to any negotiation,
that Great Britain shall agree to treat with the United
States, as sovereign, free, and independent.
2. You shall take especial care also, that the independence
of the said States be effectually assured and confirmed
by the treaty or treaties of peace, according to the
form and effect of the treaty of alliance with His Most
Christian Majesty. And you shall not agree to such treaty
or treaties, unless the same be thereby so assured and confirmed.
3. The boundaries of these States are as follows, viz.
These States are bounded north, by a line to be drawn
from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia along the highlands,
which divide those rivers which empty themselves
into the river St Lawrence, from those which fall into the
Atlantic ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut
river; thence down along the middle of that river to
the fortyfifth degree of north latitude; thence due west in
the latitude fortyfive degrees north from the equator to the
northwesternmost side of the river St Lawrence or Cadaraqui;
thence straight to the south end of Nepissing; and
thence straight to the source of the river Mississippi; west,
by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi
from its source to where the said line shall intersect
the thirtyfirst degree of north latitude; south, by a line to
be drawn due east, from the termination of the line last
mentioned in the latitude of thirtyone degrees north from
the equator to the middle of the river Appalachicola, or
Catahouchi; thence along the middle thereof to its junction
with the Flint river; thence straight to the head of
St Mary's river; and thence down along the middle of
St Mary's river to the Atlantic ocean; and east, by a line
to be drawn along the middle of St John's river from its
source to its mouth in the Bay of Fundy, comprehending
all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores
of the United States, and lying between lines to be drawn
due east from the points where the aforesaid boundaries
between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida
on the other part, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy
and the Atlantic ocean. You are, therefore, strongly to
contend that the whole of the said countries and islands
lying within the boundaries aforesaid, and every citadel,
fort, post, place, harbor, and road to them belonging, be
absolutely evacuated by the land and sea forces of his
Britannic Majesty, and yielded to the powers of the States
to which they respectively belong, in such situation as
they may be at the termination of the war. But, notwithstanding
the clear right of these States, and the importance
of the object, yet they are so much influenced by
the dictates of religion and humanity, and so desirous of
complying with the earnest request of their allies, that if
the line to be drawn from the mouth of the lake Nepissing
to the head of the Mississippi cannot be obtained without
continuing the war for that purpose, you are hereby empowered
to agree to some other line between that point
and the river Mississippi; provided the same shall in no
part thereof be to the southward of latitude fortyfive degrees
north. And in like manner, if the eastern boundary
above described cannot be obtained, you are hereby
empowered to agree, that the same shall be afterwards
adjusted, by commissioners to be duly appointed for that
purpose, according to such line as shall be by them settled
and agreed on, as the boundary between that part of the
State of Massachusetts Bay, formerly called the province
of Maine, and the colony of Nova Scotia, agreeably to
their respective rights. And you may also consent, that
the enemy shall destroy such fortifications as they may
have erected.
3. Although it is of the utmost importance to the peace
and commerce of the United States that Canada and Nova
Scotia should be ceded, and more particularly that their
equal common right to the fisheries should be guarantied
to them, yet a desire of terminating the war has induced
us not to make the acquisition of these objects an ultimatum
on the present occasion.
5. You are empowered to agree to a cessation of hostilities
during the negotiation, provided our ally shall consent
to the same, and provided it shall be stipulated that
all the forces of the enemy shall be immediately withdrawn
from the United States.
6. In all other matters not abovementioned, you are to
govern yourself by the alliance between His Most Christian
Majesty and these States, by the advice of our allies, by
your knowledge of our interests, and by your own discretion,
in which we repose the fullest confidence.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR A TREATY OF COMMERCE WITH
GREAT BRITAIN.
Sir,
You will herewith receive a commission, giving you full
power to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Great Britain,
in doing which, you will consider yourself bound by
the following information and instructions.
1. You will govern yourself principally by the treaty of
commerce with His Most Christian Majesty, and as, on
the one hand, you shall grant no privilege to Great Britain
not granted by that treaty to France, so, on the other, you
shall not consent to any peculiar restrictions or limitations
whatever in favor of Great Britain.
2. In order that you may be the better able to act with
propriety on this occasion, it is necessary for you to know,
that we have determined, 1st, that the common right of
fishing shall in no case be given up; 2dly, that it is essential
to the welfare of all these United States that the inhabitants
thereof, at the expiration of the war, should continue
to enjoy the free and undisturbed exercise of their common
right to fish on the Banks of Newfoundland, and the
other fishing banks and seas of North America, preserving
inviolate the treaties between France and the said States;
3dly, that application shall be made to His Most Christian
Majesty to agree to some article or articles for the better
securing to these States a share in the said fisheries; 4thly,
that if, after a treaty of peace with Great Britain, she shall
molest the citizens or inhabitants of any of the United
States, in taking fish on the banks and places hereinafter
described, such molestation, being in our opinion a direct
violation and breach of the peace, shall be a common cause
of the said States, and the force of the union be exerted to
obtain redress for the parties injured; and 5thly, that our
faith be pledged to the several States, that, without their
unanimous consent, no treaty of commerce shall be entered
into, nor any trade or commerce carried on with Great
Britain, without the explicit stipulation hereinafter mentioned.
You are therefore not to consent to any treaty of
commerce with Great Britain without an explicit stipulation
on her part, not to molest or disturb the inhabitants of
the United States of America in taking fish on the Banks
of Newfoundland and other fisheries in the American seas
anywhere, excepting within the distance of three leagues
of the shores of the territories remaining to Great Britain
at the close of the war, if a nearer distance cannot be obtained
by negotiation. And in the negotiation you are to
exert your most strenuous endeavors to obtain a nearer
distance to the gulf of St Lawrence, and particularly along
the shores of Nova Scotia, as to which latter we are desirous
that even the shores may be occasionally used for the
purpose of carrying on the fisheries by the inhabitants of
these States.
In all matters you are to govern yourself by your own
discretion, as shall be most for the interest of these States,
taking care that the said treaty be founded on principles of
equality and reciprocity, so as to conduce to the mutual
advantage of both nations, but not to the exclusion of
others.
Braintree, November 7th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress a copy of the
letter book of the Commissioners at the Court of Versailles,
during the time I had the honor to be one of them. As
the letter book was kept by me, and almost wholly in my
hand writing, the Minister Plenipotentiary consented, that I
should bring it home with me, leaving him a copy, which
was done.
As there may be many things in it which Congress may
have occasion to know, I have prevailed with Mr Thaxter
to copy it. I shall submit to the consideration of Congress,
whether he ought to have any allowance for this service,
and how much. As Mr Thaxter will accompany me to
Europe, in the character of my private Secretary, if Congress
think proper to allow him anything for these copies,
I can pay him in Europe if it is thought proper.
I chose to mention Mr Thaxter's going with me to Congress,
because jealousies have arisen heretofore concerning
private Secretaries. Mr Thaxter is known to Congress,
and I think I can safely confide in his fidelity, diligence,
and discretion, and from the experience I have had in Europe
I am fully convinced, that it is my duty to take with
me some one of this character.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Ferrol, December 8th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that, Congress
having judged it proper to appoint me to a new mission
in Europe, I embarked on the 13th of November, at
the instance of the Chevalier de la Luzerne and M. Gerard,
on board the same frigate, that carried me to America.
Soon after we got to sea, a formidable leak in the ship discovered
itself, so as to oblige us to keep two pumps constantly
going by night and day, which induced the captain
to think it necessary to put into this place, where we have
just now cast anchor. Whether I shall go to Paris by land
or wait for the frigate is uncertain; I believe the former,
as the latter might detain me four or five weeks. I have
despatches for your Excellency from Congress, which I
shall carry with me, and newspapers. These latter contain
little remarkable save the evacuation of Rhode Island
by the enemy, and the Count d'Estaing's progress in Georgia,
in co-operation with General Lincoln, which was in a
fair course of success.
I hope the Confederacy, which sailed from Philadelphia
three or four weeks before us, with M. Gerard and Mr
Jay, who is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary for Spain,
has happily arrived, and made it unnecessary for me to enlarge
upon the general state of affairs in America, which
were upon the whole in a favorable train. I hope to have
the honor of saluting you at Passy in a few weeks, and am,
with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Ferrol, December 11th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 13th
of November I embarked on board the French frigate,
la Sensible, and on the 14th came on board Mr Francis
Dana, the Secretary to my commission, when we fell
down to King's Roads, and on the 15th we sailed for
France.
A leak was soon discovered in the ship, which obliged
us to ply the pumps; as it seemed a steady leak, it gave
little alarm at first, but continuing to increase to such a
degree as to make two pumps constantly necessary night
and day, obliging the passengers to take their turns in
common with the ship's people, the captain judged it
necessary to make the first port he could find. Accordingly,
on the 7th of December, we happily discovered
Cape Finisterre, and on the 8th arrived in the magnificent
Spanish port of Ferrol, where we found a squadron of
French ships of the line, the officers of which think we
were very happy in making this port, as the frigate, since
she has been in this harbor, is found to make seven or
eight feet of water an hour.
The advice of all the gentlemen here is to make the
best of my way to Paris by land, as it is the opinion of
many, that the frigate will be condemned, but if not, she
certainly will not be ready to sail again from this port in
less than four or five weeks.
This is unfortunate to me, because, by all the information
I can obtain, travelling in this kingdom is attended
with many difficulties and delays, as well as a very great
expense, there being no regular posts as in France, and
no possibility of passing over the mountainous part of this
country in carriages.
I find there has been no engagement in the European
seas between the English and the combined fleets of
France and Spain, as was reported in America. There
has been an epidemic sickness on board the French fleet,
which caused it to return rather sooner than was intended.
There are twentyfive Spanish ships of the line in Brest
harbor with the French. It is reported that M. du Chaffault
is appointed commander in chief of the French fleet,
and that the Count d'Orvilliers has retired.
Captain Jones has done another brilliant action, by
taking a fortyfour gun ship, after an obstinate engagement,
which he carried into the Texel, but I cannot learn the
particulars with much certainty or exactness.
I have been treated with the utmost attention and politeness
since my arrival in this place, both by the Spanish
and French officers, particularly by the Spanish Lieutenant
General of Marine, Don Joseph St Vincent, who is
commander in chief of the marine, by M. de Sade, the
French Chef d'Escadré, and by the French consul and
vice consul, who have all obligingly offered me every assistance
in their power.
I shall endeavor to inform Congress of every step of my
progress, as I may find opportunity. I have heard nothing
as yet, which makes it probable to me, that I shall
have anything to do openly and directly, in pursuance of
my commission very speedily. There is a confused rumor
here of a mediation of Russia and Holland, but I am
persuaded without foundation. It seems to be much more
certain, that the English continue in their old ill humor and
insolent language, notwithstanding their impotence grows
every day more apparent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Corunna, December 16th, 1779.
Sir,
By the opportunity of a small vessel accidentally in this
harbor, bound to Newburyport, I have the honor to inform
Congress that I have been detained by violent rains, and
several accidents, in Ferrol until yesterday, when I set out
with my family for this place, and arrived last evening
without any accident. I awaited immediately on the Governor
of the province, and on the Governor of the town,
and received many civilities from both, and particularly
from his Excellency the Governor of the province of Galicia,
an assurance that he was not only disposed personally
to render me every hospitality and assistance in his power,
but that he had received express orders from his Court,
to treat all Americans who should arrive here like their
best friends. These personages were very inquisitive
about American affairs, particularly the progress of our
arms, and the operations of the Count d'Estaing, and more
particularly still about the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary
to the Court of Madrid. They requested his
name, character, nativity, age, whether he was a member
of Congress, and whether he had been President, with
many other particulars.
To all these questions I made the best answers in my
power, and with regard to his Excellency, the Minister
Plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, I gave them the
most exact information, and such a respectable character
as the high offices he has sustained, and his own personal
merit require. It is the prevailing opinion here, that the
Court of Madrid is well disposed to enter into a treaty
with the United States, and that the Minister from Congress
will be immediately received, American independence
acknowledged, and a treaty concluded. The frigate
la Sensible is found to be in so bad a condition, that
I am advised by everybody to go to France by land. The
season, the roads, the accommodations for travelling are so
unfavorable, that it is not expected I can get to Paris in
less than thirty days. But if I were to wait for the frigate,
it would probably be much longer. I am determined,
therefore, to make the best of my way by land. And it is
possible that this journey may prove of some service to
the public, although it will be tedious and expensive to me,
at least, I hope the public will sustain no loss by it.
There are six battalions of Irish troops in Spain, in
three regiments, several of whose officers have visited me
to assure me of their regard to the United States. I have
been this afternoon to the Tower de Fer to see the Island
of Cezarga, which was rendered famous in the course of
the last summer by being appointed the rendezvous of the
French and Spanish fleets. The French fleet arrived at
this Island on the 9th of June last, but were not joined by
the Spanish fleet from Ferrol, till some time in July, nor
by the fleet from Cadiz till much later, so that the combined
fleets were not able to sail for the English Channel,
until the 30th of July. To prevent a similar inconvenience
another campaign, there are about twentyfive Spanish
ships of the line now in Brest, which are to winter
there, and to be ready to sail with the French fleets the
approaching summer, at the first opening of the season.
God grant them success and triumph, although no man
wishes for peace more sincerely than I, or would take
more pleasure, or think himself more highly honored in
being instrumental in bringing it about, yet, I confess, I see
no prospect or hope of it, at least before the end of
another summer. America will be amused with rumors of
peace, and Europe too, but the English are not yet in a
temper for it.
The Court of Russia has lately changed its Ambassador
at the Court of London, and sometime in the month
of October, M. Simolin, the new Minister Plenipotentiary
from the Court of Petersburg to the Court of London,
passed through France in his way to England, and resided
three weeks in Paris. From this circumstance, a report
has been spread in Europe, that the Court of Russia is
about to undertake the office of mediator between the
belligerent powers. But from conversation with several
persons of distinction since my arrival in Spain, particularly
with the Count de Sade, the Chef d'Escadré, commanding
the French men of war now in Ferrol, I am
persuaded, that if Russia has any thoughts of a mediation,
the independence of the United States will be insisted
upon by her as a preliminary, and Great Britain will feel
much more reluctance to agree to this, than to the cession
of Gibraltar, which it is said Spain absolutely insists upon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Corunna, December 18th, 1779.
Mr Adams presents his compliments to the Governor of
Corunna, and informs him, according to his desire expressed
last evening, that the names of the persons for whom
he requests a passport from his Excellency, the Governor
of this Province, are as follows.
John Adams, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States of America.
Francis Dana, Secretary to Mr Adams's commission, a
member of Congress, and a member of the Council of
Massachusetts Bay.
John Thaxter, private Secretary to Mr Adams.
John Quincy Adams, a son of Mr Adams, about twelve
years of age.
Charles Adams, another son of Mr Adams, nearly ten
years of age.
Jeremiah Allen of Boston, in Massachusetts, a private
gentleman accidentally in company; he is a merchant
travelling with the view of establishing a private commerce
in Spain, as well as France.
Samuel Cooper Johonnot, ten or eleven years of age, a
grandson of a particular friend of Mr Adams in Boston,
going to Paris for an education in the University there.
Joseph Stevens, a servant of Mr Adams.
John William Christian Frieke, a servant of Mr Dana.
Andrew Desmia, a servant of Mr Allen.
Mr Adams requests a passport for all these persons to
go to Madrid, and from thence to Bilboa, and from thence
to Bayonne, in their way to Paris; with liberty at the same
time to go directly to Bayonne by the nearest road, without
going to Madrid, or to Bilboa; as it is uncertain
whether Mr Adams will have the time to gratify his inclination
with the sight of those cities.
Versailles, December 31st, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write to me on the 6th of October last.
I was well persuaded, that M. de Chavagne[55] would endeavor
to procure for you everything in his power to render
your passage agreeable. This was conformable to the
instructions I had given him respecting the intentions of
the King.
I learn with pleasure, that, being again charged with an
important mission by Congress, you will be able to profit
by the frigate Sensible a second time in your voyage to
France.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE SARTINE.
Bilboa, January 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that last night, and
not before, I arrived at this place.
At Ferrol and Corunna I was advised by all the friends
of America, to undertake a journey by land. The consul
of France and M. Lagoanere, a gentleman who has acted
for some time as the American agent at Corunna, obligingly
offered me all the assistance in their power, and accordingly
used their utmost diligence to procure me the necessary
mules and carriages, for the transportation of the small number
of persons in company with me, and the small quantity
of baggage we found it indispensably necessary to take with
us, having left more than two thirds of what we had with
us to take the chance of a passage by sea to France.
From the 8th of December, when we arrived at Ferrol, to
the 26th of the same month, when we set off from Corunna,
we were detained by the violent rains, and the impossibility
of getting accommodations for travelling. All
our beds and provisions we were obliged to carry with us.
We travelled through the ancient kingdoms of Galicia,
Leon, Old Castile, and Biscay, and although we made the
best of our way without loss of time, we found it impossible
to go more than eight leagues a day, and sometimes not
more than four. The roads and inns are inconvenient to
a degree that I should blush to describe, and the pain we
suffered in a cold season of the year for want of fire, in a
country where there are no chimnies, gave us all such violent
colds, that I was under great apprehensions of our
being seized with fevers.
As we were so near Madrid, within about forty leagues,
I balanced some time in my own mind, whether to go to
that fine city, but considering that this would lengthen our
journey near a hundred leagues, the severe season of the
year, and above all the political situation that I might be in,
my country not being yet acknowledged as a sovereign
State by any formal act of that Court, it being known, that
another gentleman had a commission for that Court, and he
being expected soon to arrive, I thought it upon the whole
the least hazardous to the public interest to avoid that route.
It may be of some use to my countrymen to transmit a
few observations upon the country I have passed through,
because it appears to me that a commerce extremely advantageous
to both countries may be opened between us and
Spain, as soon as our independence shall be acknowledged
by that power, at least as soon as we shall obtain the great
object of all our wishes, peace.
The province of Galicia is one of the largest in Spain,
and said to be one of the best peopled. Corunna is in
effect the principal city, although St Jago, in respect to its
patron Saint, or more probably to the Archbishop who
resides there, is in name the capital. This province, one
of those whereof the ancient Crown of Castile was formed,
is washed by the ocean for more than seventy leagues from
Ribadeo, on the frontiers of Asturias, to the mouth of the
river Minks, which separates it from Portugal. This coast,
which is divided by Cape Finisterre, is provided on both
sides of the Cape with ports equally safe and convenient,
which nature seems to have prepared around this Cape,
an object oftentimes so necessary to be made by navigators,
both at their departure from Europe, and at their return,
as so many asylums both from the apprehensions and
the consequences of storms. The most known of these
ports are Ribadeo, Ferrol, Corunna, and Camarinas, to
the eastward of Cape Finisterre; Corubios, Muros, Pontevidia,
and Vigo to the westward; all proper to receive vessels
of the first rate, especially Ferrol and Vigo; the first,
the most considerable department of the marine of Spain,
is embellished with everything that art and the treasures,
profusely spent upon it for thirty years past, could add to
its happy situation. Vigo, represented to be one of the
most beautiful ports in the world, is another department of
the marine, more extensive and proper, for such an establishment
than Ferrol itself. Besides these ports, there are
a multitude of harbors and bays round Cape Finisterre,
which afford a safe and convenient shelter to merchant
vessels. With all these advantages for foreign commerce,
this province has very little but what is passive. It receives
from abroad some objects of daily consumption,
some of luxury, some of convenience, and some even of
the first necessity. At present it offers little for exportation
to foreign countries. The Sardiné of its coast, the
famous fish which it furnishes to all Spain, the cattle which
it fattens for the provision of Madrid, and a few coarse linens
which are its only manufacture, and are well esteemed, are
the objects of its active commerce, and form its balance
with the other provinces. The wine and the grain, the
chief productions of its lands, seldom suffice for its consumption,
and never go beyond it.
The liberty of commerce with the Windward Islands,
granted by the Court within a few years, and the particular
establishment of —— opened the ports of that part of the new
world to this province; and although without manufactures
herself, or any of those productions proper for America,
she renders to foreign hands the product of those which
she receives from them and carries thither. In this circulation
of so many treasures, she enriches herself with parts
that she detaches from the whole.
The civil government of this province is formed by a
superior tribunal called the Audience, to which an appeal
lies from all the subaltern jurisdictions, public and private.
This Court hears and determines, as sovereign and without
appeal, all civil affairs of a less value than a thousand ducats,
or three thousand livres. Appeals in those which
exceed that value are carried to the Chancery of Valladolid,
or to the Council of Castile. Although justice is
gratis on the part of the judges, who are paid by the government,
it is said to be not less costly, tedious, and vexatious.
It may not be useless to observe that the Criminal
Chambers, whose decrees extend to the punishment of
death, and are executed without any application to the
King or any other authority, is composed only of three
judges, and these three are the youngest of the whole tribunal,
and this order is generally followed in Spain in the
composition of the criminal tribunals, although no one pretends
to conjecture the motive of so singular a reverse of
the rational order of things. The administration of the
royal police belongs also to the Audience, and forms the
third chamber into which this tribunal is divided.
All the military authority, and the government of the
troops in this department, are in the hands of the Captain
General of the province. There is not any one under him
who has even the title of commandant. But in case of his
death or absence, he is succeeded by the general officer,
the most ancient in the province. To this title of Captain
General is added, commonly, that of President of the Audience,
a prerogative which, by uniting in his hands the
civil authority to all that of his place, gives a power the
most absolute and unlimited.
The inspection general, and all the economy of the
affairs of the King in the province, belong to the Intendant.
The different branches of the public revenue are all administered
by officers appointed by the King, as in the rest
of the kingdom, and there are no Farmers-General as in
France. Their product is about twentysix millions of
reals, or six millions five hundred thousand livres, the expense
of collection being deducted. The expenses of the
administration, including the maintenance of three regiments
of infantry scattered about in different places, do not
exceed two millions five hundred thousand livres. The
surplus goes into the dry docks, arsenals, and fund of fortifications,
to the support of which this sum is far from
being sufficient. Such is in general the government, military,
political, and civil of this province, and nearly pf all
the others, except Biscay, Guipuscoa, and Alaba.
There is not in this province any particular jurisdiction
of commerce, but there is a tribunal, under the name of
the Judge Considerator of Commerce, which takes cognizance
of all their causes, civil and criminal, except the
case of contraband. At this day, the Judge Considerator
of Strangers is the governor of the province himself, and
the appeals from his judgment are carried directly to the
Council of War, which is said to be a precious privilege,
by the form and brevity of procedure compared with the
expensive and insupportable delays of the ordinary jurisdiction.
I cannot but think that if some measures could be taken
to convince the Court, that it is their interest to take off
the vast duties with which commerce is overloaded in this
port, fifteen per cent being to be paid upon all commodities
exported and upon all imported, and if the rigid prohibitions
of tobacco could be relaxed or repealed, several
of the productions of America would find a good market
here, and a commerce be opened that would put a new
face upon this province, and be profitable to America too.
The conveniency of such a number of excellent ports
would be a vast advantage, which Bilboa cannot have, as
her harbor is neither safe nor convenient, besides its being
so much further down the stormy, turbulent Gulf of Biscay;
yet Biscay, which is commonly used to comprehend Biscay
proper, the principal city of which is Bilboa, although
Orduna is the capital; Guipuscoa, the capital of which is
St Sebastian, and Alaba, the capital of which is Vittoria,
three free provinces, whose laws the Kings of Spain have
hitherto been sworn to observe inviolate, have attracted
almost the whole of the American trade, because the King
has no custom house or officers here, and there are no
duties to be paid.
It may seem surprising to hear of free provinces in
Spain, but such is the fact, that the high and independent
spirit of the people, so essentially different from the other
provinces, that a traveller perceives it even in their countenances,
their dress, their air, and their ordinary manner
of speech, has induced the Spanish nation and her kings
to respect the ancient liberties of these people so far, that
each monarch at his accession to the throne takes an oath
to observe the laws of Biscay. The government here is
therefore diametrically opposite to that of Galicia, and the
other provinces. The King of Spain has never assumed
any higher title than Lord of Biscay. He has no troops
of any sort in the lordship, nor is there any standing array,
instead of which every man is obliged to serve in the militia.
The King has no custom house officers, nor other
revenue officers, nor any other officers whatsoever in the
lordship except a corregidor, and lately a commissary of
marine. This last is considered as an encroachment and
a grievance, and the authority of the corregidor is very
small, as there lies an appeal from his judgment to another
tribunal, that of the two deputy generals, who are biennially
elected by the people. Few of the grandees of Spain
have any considerable estates here. The Duke of Medina
Coeli, and the Duke of Berwick, have some lands here of
no great value. The lands, generally, belong to the inhabitants
and possessors, who hold them of no lord but the
King of Spain, who is Lord of Biscay.
There is a Board of Trade here, which is annually instituted
by the merchants of the place, partly by lot and
partly by election, which decides all controversies arising
in trade, and all the affairs of strangers. They have never
admitted any foreign consul to reside here, although it has
been solicited by Holland, England, and France.
It is not at all surprising, that a constitution in its nature
so favorable to commerce, should have succeeded.
In travelling through the provinces of Leon and Castile,
and observing the numerous flocks of sheep, with the most
beautiful fleeces of wool in the world, I could not but wish
that some communication might be opened, by which the
United States of America might be furnished with this
necessary article from this country. There are few of our
articles of exportation but might be sent to the Spanish
market to advantage, rice, pitch, tar, turpentine, tobacco,
wheat, flour, ship timber, masts, yards, bowsprits, and salt
fish might be supplied to Spain, and at an advantage, and
in return, she might furnish us wine, oil, fruits, some silks,
some linens, perhaps, and with any quantity of wool, which
is now exported to foreign countries for manufacture, and
might as well be sent to us, but above all with silver and
gold.
It must be the work of time and a free intercourse between
the two nations, and a future negotiation to ripen
these hints into a plan that may be beneficial to both.
The system of revenue, which it is dangerous and difficult
to alter in Spain, as well as in all other countries of Europe,
will be the principal objection. I have collected
together with some difficulty a few gazettes, which I have
the honor to transmit to Congress, from which all the news
may be collected that I have been able to learn. Congress
will easily perceive the eagerness with which the belligerent
powers are bent on war, without manifesting the
least disposition for peace, and most of all, Great Britain,
whose ostentatious display of trifling successes, and whose
weak exultation shows, that nothing can divert her from
her furious course. But she is exhausting and sinking her
forces every day, without gaining any lasting or solid advantage,
and she has reason to fear, from the combined
fleets of France and Spain, under such enterprising, experienced,
and approved officers, as d'Estaing and du Chaffault,
the entire ruin of her commerce and navy in the
course of a campaign or two more.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 12, 1780.
Sir,
Having obtained permission from your Excellency yesterday,
when I did myself the honor to wait on you at
Versailles, to write on the subject of my mission, I have
now the honor to acquaint you, that on the 29th day of
September last the Congress of the United States of
America did me the honor to elect me their Plenipotentiary
to negotiate a peace with Great Britain, and also to
negotiate a treaty of commerce with that kingdom, and Mr
Francis Dana, member of Congress, and of the Council of
Massachusetts Bay, Secretary to both commissions.
As I was not at Congress when this transaction took
place, I am not able to inform your Excellency very particularly
of the rise and progress of it. But from conversation
with gentlemen at Boston, who were members of
Congress, and from private letters, I learned in general,
that it was not the result of any sudden deliberation, or the
fruit of any particular event of the war, prosperous or
adverse, but a measure that has been more than a year
under consideration, and finally agreed to on this principle,
that as it was uncertain at what time the belligerent powers
might be disposed to treat of peace, which could not be
concluded without a Minister from the United States, it
would save a great deal of time for this power to have a
Minister in Europe fully authorised to treat, and in concert
with Ministers from the other powers at war, conclude
a peace with great Britain, and a treaty of commerce consistent
with that already made with His Most Christian
Majesty, and such others as might be made with other
powers. I am persuaded it is the intention of my constituents
and of all America, and I am sure it is my own determination,
to take no steps of consequence in pursuance of
my commissions, without consulting his Majesty's Ministers.
And as various conjectures have been, and may be made
concerning the nature of my appointment and powers, and
as it may be expected by some, that I should take some
measures for announcing these to the public, or at least to
the Court of London, I beg the favor of your Excellency's
opinion and advice upon these questions.
1. Whether, in the present state of things, it is prudent
in me to acquaint the British Ministry that I am arrived
here, and that I shall be ready to treat, whenever the belligerent
powers shall be inclined to treat?
2. Whether it is prudent in me to publish in any manner,
more than the journals of Congress may have already
done, the nature of my mission?
3. Or whether to remain on the reserve, as I have
hitherto done since my arrival in Europe?
If any propositions should be made to me directly or
indirectly from the British Ministry, I shall not fail to communicate
them without loss of time to your Excellency,
and I beg the favor of your Excellency, as I am the only
person in Europe who has authority to treat of peace, that
if any propositions on the part of Great Britain should be
made to his Majesty's Ministers, that they may be communicated
to me, at least as far as they may relate to the
interest of the United States.
Although I am not confined by commissions, nor instructions,
nor by any intimations from Congress to reside
in any one place in Europe more than another, yet my
own inclinations as well as those of the public would be
most gratified, and the public service most promoted, by
my residing here. I must, therefore, request his Majesty's
protection and permission to reside in this kingdom for
some time, with or without assuming any public character,
as your Excellency may think most advisable.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 13th, 1780.
Sir,
It was not until my arrival at Passy, that I had the honor
of your Excellency's letter of the 31st of December last.
When his Majesty's intentions of granting me a passage
to America were communicated to me, I had little expectation
of returning in the same frigate; but the Congress
having honored me with a fresh mission to Europe, their
Excellencies, the late and present Ministers from his Majesty
to the United States, concurred in a proposal to Congress,
and a requisition to the commander of the frigate, to
afford me a passage in her voyage home, which Captain
Chavagne agreed to with particular marks of politeness to
me and Mr Dana, and the others who accompanied me.
I have again to express to your Excellency the obligations
I am under to the captain, and all the officers of the
Sensible, for their goodness to me and mine. But it is
more particularly my duty to express again my thanks to
his Majesty, for this fresh favor, to M. Gerard and the
Chevalier de la Luzerne, who procured it for me, and to
your Excellency, for your approbation of it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, February 15th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write me on the 12th of this month. I think before I
reply to the different points on which you consult me, that
it is proper to wait for the arrival of M. Gerard, because
he is probably the bearer of your instructions, and will certainly
be able to make me better acquainted with the nature
and extent of your commission. But in the mean
time, I am of opinion, that it will be prudent to conceal
your eventual character, and above all to take the necessary
precautions, that the object of your commission may
remain unknown to the Court of London. Besides, Sir,
you may be assured, that his Majesty sees you with pleasure
in his dominions, that you will constantly enjoy his
protection, and the prerogatives of the law of nations.
For my own part, Sir, I shall be eager to give you proofs
of my confidence, as well as of the sentiments with which
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
Paris, February 15th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that on the 9th of
this month, and not before, I had the good fortune to arrive
in this city, from Ferrol (where I arrived on the 8th of December)
with Mr Dana, Mr Thaxter, and the rest of the
company in tolerable health, after a journey of near five
hundred leagues, in the dead of winter, through bad roads,
and worse accommodations of every kind. We lost no
time more than was indispensably necessary to restore our
health, which was several times affected, and in great danger;
yet we were more than twice as long in making the
journey by land, as we had been in crossing the Atlantic
ocean.
The next morning after our arrival at Paris, Mr Dana
and myself went out to Passy, and spent the day with his
Excellency Dr Franklin, who did us the honor the next
day to accompany us to Versailles, where we had the honor
to wait on their Excellencies the Count de Vergennes,
M. de Sartine, and the Count Maurepas, with each of
whom we had the honor of a short conference, upon the
state of public affairs. It is sufficient for me to say in general,
that I never heard the French Ministry so frank, so
explicit, so decided, as each of these gentlemen was in
the course of this conversation, in his declarations to persue
the war with vigor, and to afford effectual aid to the
United States. I learned with great satisfaction, that they
are sending, under convoy, clothing and arms for fifteen
thousand men to America, that seventeen ships of the line
were already gone to the West Indies, under M. de Guichen,
and that five or six more at least are to follow, in addition
to ten or twelve they have already there. I asked permission
of the Count de Vergennes to write to him on the
subject of my mission, which he cheerfully and politely
agreed to. I have accordingly written to his Excellency,
and shall forward copies of my letter and his answer, as
soon as it may be safe to do it.
The English are to borrow twelve millions this year, and
it is said, that the loan is filled up. They have thrown a
sop to Ireland, but have not appeased her rage. They
give out exactly such threats as they did last year, and
every other year, of terrible preparations. But Congress
knows perfectly well how these measures have been accomplished.
They will not be more fully executed the next
year than the last, and if France and Spain should throw
more of their force, especially by sea, into America the
next year, America will have no essential injury to fear.
I have learned since my arrival at Paris, with the highest
pleasure, the arrival of M. Gerard, Mr Jay, and Mr
Carmichael, at Cadiz, for whose safety we had been under
great apprehensions. I have now very solid hopes, that a
treaty will soon be concluded with Spain, hopes which
everything that I saw and heard seemed to favor.
The Alliance frigate, now under the command of Captain
Jones, with Captain Cunningham on board, is arrived
at Corunna, where she is to be careened, after which she
is to return to L'Orient, and from thence to go to America,
as I am informed by Dr Franklin.
Mr Auther Lee, and Mr Izard, are still in Paris, under
many difficulties in procuring a passage home. Mr William
Lee is at Brussels. Mr Izard has been to Holland,
to obtain a passage from thence, but unfortunately missed
his opportunity and returned disappointed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 17th, 1780.
Sir,
It is necessary, that I should inform Congress in what
manner I have been able to procure money to defray my
expenses in my long journey, through the greatest part of
Spain and France to this city.
On my arrival at Ferrol, I was offered the loan of
money by the French consul, M. de Tournelle, who, at
the same time told me, there was a gentleman at Corunna,
M. Michael Lagoanere, who had heretofore acted as an
American agent at that place, and who would be very
happy to supply me. On my arrival at Corunna, M. Lagoanere
did me the honor of a visit, and offered me every
assistance in cash, otherwise telling me at the same time,
he had some money in his hands, which he supposed belonged
to the United States, being part of the proceeds of
some prizes heretofore made by Captain Cunningham.
That this money, however, had been attached in his hands
by some Spanish merchant, who had commenced a lawsuit
against Captain Cunningham. I accordingly received
three thousand dollars for myself and Mr Dana, and a
letter of credit on the house of Cabarous at Bayonne, for
as much more as I should have occasion for. On our
arrival at Bayonne, Mr Dana and I received of that house
fifty louis d'ors, and a bill of exchange on another house of
the same name and family at Bordeaux for the like sums,
our expenses having exceeded all our computations at
Corunna, as our journey was necessarily much longer than
we expected, on account of the uncommon bad weather
and bad roads. This bill was paid upon sight. So that,
upon the whole, we have received the amount of seventeen
thousand four hundred livres, all on account of M.
Lagoanere of Corunna. Of this sum, Mr Dana has received
the amount of four thousand nine hundred and
seventyone livres and fifteen sols, and I have received
twelve thousand four hundred and twentyeight livres and
five sols, for which sums we desire to be respectively
charged in the treasury books of Congress.
As this money is expended, if M. Lagoanere should
draw upon us for it, all the authority we have to draw
upon his Excellency the Minister here will not enable us
to pay it, and if M. Lagoanere should be so happy as to
avoid the attachment and leave us to account with Congress
for this money, the small sum we are empowered to
receive from his Excellency will go a very little way in
discharging our expenses. We must therefore pray, that
Congress would forward us authority to draw upon his
Excellency for the amount of our salaries annually, which,
without all doubt, will be paid.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 18th, 1780.
My Dear General,
You know extremely well the skill of our enemies in
forging false news, and their artifice in circulating it, not
only through the various parts of Europe, but in the United
States of America, to keep up the spirits of their
friends and depress those of their adversaries. It is their
annual custom in the winter to send abroad large cargoes
of these lies, and they meet with a success in making them
believed, that is really astonishing.
Since my arrival here, I find they have been this winter
at their old game again, and have circulated reports here,
in Holland, and other parts of Europe, that they have
made new contracts with other petty Princes in Germany,
by which, together with those made before, they will be
able to draw seven thousand fresh troops from that country
to serve in America. That by appeasing the troubles
in Ireland, they shall be able to avail themselves even of
the military associations in that kingdom, by depending
upon them for the defence of the country, and to draw near
ten thousand men from thence for the service in America.
That they have concluded a treaty with the Court of Petersburg,
by which Russia is to furnish them with twelve
ships of the line and twenty thousand men, which they say
is of the more importance, on account of the intimate connexion
between Russia and Denmark, as the latter will be
likely by this means to be drawn into the war, with their
numerous fleet of fortyfive ships of the line. The greatest
part of these tales are false. I know very well what is said
of Russia is so contrary to all that I have seen and heard
of the good understanding between Versailles and Russia,
that I have no doubt of its falsehood. But as I am very
lately arrived, and, consequently, have not opportunity to
examine these reports to the bottom, I beg the favor of
you to inform me, with all the exactness possible, how
much truth there is in them, if any at all.
You are very sensible that it is of the utmost importance,
that Congress should have the exactest information
of these things, and that you and I cannot render a more
useful service to our country at present, than by collecting
such intelligence with precision, and transmitting it without
delay. Knowing the pleasure you take in serving the
United States in every way in your power, I thought I
could beg this favor of you with propriety, and that you
would believe me always your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 18th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
Whether it is, that the art of political lying is better understood
in England than in any other country, or whether
it is more practised there than elsewhere, or whether it
is accidental that they have more success in making
their fictions gain credit in the world, I know not. But it
is certain, that every winter since the commencement of
the present war with America, and indeed for some years
before, they sent out large quantities of this manufacture
over all Europe, and throughout all America, and what is
astonishing is, that they should still find numbers in every
country ready to take them off their hands.
Since my arrival in this city, I find they have been this
winter at their old trade, and have spread reports here and
in Holland, and in various other parts of Europe, and no
doubt they have found means to propagate them in America
too, tending to keep up the spirits of their friends, and
to sink those of their opponents. Such as, that they have
made new contracts with several German Princes, by
which they are to obtain seven thousand men to serve in
America; that they have so skilfully appeased the troubles
in Ireland, that they shall ever be able to take advantage
of the military associations there, by depending upon them
for the defence of the kingdom, while they draw from
thence ten thousand regular troops for the service in
America; that they have even concluded a treaty with
Russia, by which the Empress is to furnish them with
twelve ships of the line and twenty thousand men, as some
say, and twenty ship of the line and twelve thousand men
as others relate. This they say is of the greater moment,
because of an intimate connexion, I know not of what
nature it is, between Russia and Denmark, by which the
latter will be likely to be drawn into the war against the
House of Bourbon and America; and Denmark, they say,
has fortyfive ships of the line.
I know very well that the greatest part of these reports
is false; and particularly what is said of Russia is so contrary
to all those reports, which I have heard for these
twelve months past of the harmony between Versailles and
Petersburg, that I give no credit to it at all, but I find
that all these reports make impressions on some minds,
and among the rest some Americans.
I therefore beg the favor of you to inform me of the
exact truth in all these matters, that I may take the earliest
opportunity of transmitting the intelligence to Congress,
where it is of importance it should be known.
I was much mortified when I was at Versailles the other
day, that I could not have the honor of paying my respects
to you, but I was so connected with other gentlemen, who
were obliged to return to dinner, that I could not; but I
shall take the first opportunity I can get to wait on you,
and assure you that I am, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 19th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
As I came but this morning from Versailles, it was not
in my power sooner to answer the letter you have honored
me with, and this duty I now perform with the more pleasure,
as it is of some importance to the interests of America.
Since the first day, when I had the happiness of
making myself and of being considered in the world as
an American, I have always observed, that among the
many ways of attacking our liberties, and among the most
ungenerous ones, misrepresentations have ever been the
first weapons on which the British nation has the most
depended.
I am glad it is in my power generally to assure you, that
the many reports propagated by them and alluded to in
your letter are not founded upon truth. New contracts
with petty princes in Germany have not, I believe, taken
place, and if any such merchandise were sent to America,
it would at most consist of a few recruits. The troubles
in Ireland, if there is the least common sense among the
first patriots of that country, are not I hope at an end, and
it seems they now begin to raise our expectations. The
Russian troops, so much talked of in their gazettes, I take
to be mere recruits for those thirty thousand Russians, that
Mr Rivington had three years ago ordered to embark for
America.
Those intelligences, my dear Sir, must be counteracted
by letters to our friends in America. But as the respect,
which we owe to the free citizens of the United States,
makes it a point of duty never to deceive them, and as the
most candid frankness must ever distinguish our side of the
question from the course of tyranny and falsehood, I intend
paying tomorrow morning a visit to the Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and from him get such minute intelligence
as shall answer your purpose.
With the most sincere regard, I have the honor to
be, &c.
LAFAYETTE.
P. S. On my return from Versailles, my dear Sir,
where I will settle the affairs of arms that I have undertaken,
I will impart to you a project privately relating to
me, that is not inconsistent with my sentiments for our
country, America.
L.
Paris, February 19th, 1780.
Sir,
Enclosed are copies of former letters to Congress, and I
shall continue to transmit copies, until I learn that some
have arrived, for which reason I must request the favor
that his Excellency the President, or some committee,
may be desired to acknowledge the receipt of letters, so
that I may know as soon as may be, what letters have
arrived, and which have been less fortunate.
The art of making and spreading false news to answer
political purposes is not peculiar to Great Britain, but yet
she seems to possess this art, and the talent of giving to
her fictions the colors of probability beyond other nations;
at least, she seems to have more success in making her
impostures believed than any other. It is her annual practice
in the winter to fabricate and export large quantities of
this merchandise to all parts of Europe and America, and
she finds more customers to take them off her hands than
she ought, considering how illicit the traffic is.
This winter her emissaries have been more assiduous
than ever in propagating reports, that they have entered
into new engagements with several other petty principalities
in Germany, by which they shall hire seven thousand
men, for the service of the next campaign in America.
That by compromising with Ireland, they shall be able to
take advantage even of the military associations in that
kingdom, and draw from them a large number of regular
troops for the service in America, depending on the volunteer
militia, or associators for the defence of the country;
that they have made a treaty with Russia, whereby that
power has engaged to furnish them with twelve ships of the
line and twenty thousand troops, as some say, and twenty
ships of the line and twelve thousand troops, according to
others. This alliance they say too is of the more
consequence, on account of some connexion between Russia and
Denmark, who, it is insinuated, will follow Russia into the
war, and Denmark they add has fortyfive ships of the
line, not manned it is true, but England they say can man
them.
These tales one would think are so extravagant and
absurd, that they would not find a believer in the world.
Yet there are persons, who believe them in all nations of
Europe, particularly in Holland, and there is no doubt the
same song will be sung in America, and many will listen to
it. There is nothing further from the truth; they will find
the utmost difficulty to draw from Germany troops enough
to repair the breaches in the German troops made in America
the last year; the same with regard to Ireland. And
as to what is said of Russia, there is not even a color of
truth in it, but on the contrary, the same good understanding
continues between Versailles and Petersburg, which
subsisted last winter, spring, and summer. As to Denmark,
I have no reason to think that she is disposed to
assist Great Britain, but on the contrary that she has armed
to defend herself at sea against Great Britain; but if it
were otherwise, to what purpose would her ships of the
line be unmanned, when Great Britain cannot man the
ships of the line she already has.
France seems determined to pursue the naval war with
vigor and decision in the American seas. M. de Guichen
sailed the beginning of January with seventeen or eighteen
ships of the line. Seven more are now preparing at Brest
with all possible expedition, supposed to be for America.
Those, if they all happily join the twelve ships left there by
the Count d'Estaing, will make a fleet of six and thirty ships
of the line. And the Court seems determined to maintain
the superiority in the American seas. This will give scope
to our privateers to weaken and distress the enemies of
their country, while they are enriching themselves.
There is no news of Admiral Rodney; from whence I
conclude he is gone to the West Indies.
The English have derived such a flush of spirits from
their late successes, which are mostly however of the negative
kind, that they talk in a style very different from that
of peace. There are two reflections, which the English
cannot bear, one is that of losing the domination of the
colonies as indispensable to the support of their naval superiority
over France and Spain, or either of them, in possession
of a powerful fleet at the peace. Their maxim is
to make themselves terrible at sea to all nations, and they
are convinced that if they make a peace leaving America
independent, and France and Spain powerful at sea, they
shall never again be terrible to any maritime power. These
reasons convince me, that Great Britain will hazard all
rather than make peace at present. Thompson's "Britannia,"
which expresses the feelings as well as the sentiments
of every Briton, is so much to the present purpose, that I
hope I shall be pardoned for referring to it, even in a letter
to Congress.
I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 19th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which your Excellency did
me the honor to write me on the 15th of this month, and
lest I should not have explained sufficiently in my letter
of the 12th the nature and extent of my commissions, I
have now the honor to enclose attested copies of both, as
well as of that to Mr Dana.
With regard to my instructions, I presume your Excellency
will not judge it proper, that I should communicate
them any further than to assure you, as I do in the fullest
manner, that they contain nothing inconsistent with the
letter or spirit of the treaty between his Majesty and the
United States, or the most perfect friendship between
France and America, but, on the contrary, the clearest
orders to cultivate both. I have hitherto conducted according
to your advice, having never communicated to any
person since my arrival in Europe the nature of my
mission, excepting to your Excellency and Dr Franklin, to
whom it was indeed communicated by a resolution of Congress,
and to him in confidence. I shall continue to conceal,
as far as may depend upon me, my actual character,
but I ought to observe to your Excellency, that my appointment
was as notorious in America as that of Mr Jay,
or Dr Franklin, before my departure. So it is probably
already known to the Court of London, although they have
not regular evidence of it. I mention this, lest some persons
might charge me with publishing what I certainly did
not publish.
I thank your Excellency for the assurances of his Majesty's
protection and of your confidence, which it shall be
my study and endeavor at all times to deserve.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, February 20th, 1780.
Sir,
You have been afraid to trouble the Count de Vergennes,
and you have done me the honor of addressing
yourself to me, in order to know what you are to think of
several rumors, which the English have endeavored to
spread. I am infinitely flattered by the mark of confidence,
which you have been pleased to give me, but I have
thought myself obliged to lay the letter before the Minister.
He has directed me to assure you, that on every occasion
he will be very happy that you should address yourself
directly to him, and that you will always find him ready to
satisfy your inquiries.
He has remarked, as well as yourself, the address
which our enemies use to circulate false reports, and to
make Europe believe that the Americans are making advances
to them, in order to treat of an arrangement with
them. The Count de Vergennes is likewise persuaded of
the contrary, as he is assured that no new treaty has been
negotiated with the Princes of Germany, and that no levies
are making there, but for the sake of filling up the old
ones. He does not think that the news of the treaty with
Russia, nor that which relates to the Court of Denmark,
are better founded. He told me that I might do myself
the honor to write you, that all those rumors are false, and
that you run no risk in presenting them as such to the
persons, on whom you think they have made some impression,
both in Europe and America.
I am extremely anxious to have the honor to see you,
and congratulate you on your happy return. As I but
seldom go to Paris, I wish your business may permit you
to do me the honor to call at my house and accept of a
family dinner.
I have the honor to be, &c.
GENET.
Paris, February 20th, 1780.
Sir,
Since my arrival in Europe, I have had the mortification
to see in the public papers a series of little successes,
which our enemies have had in the prosecution of the war.
The first was a very exaggerated account in the English
Court Gazette, of their successes against the Spaniards in
South America. The next was the history of the repulse
of General Lincoln and the Count d'Estaing at Savannah,
and the raising of the siege at that post. These were soon
followed by the capture of the Spanish fleet of transport
ships by Rodney's squadron, and the advantage gained by
that Admiral over the Spanish ships of war, after a most
gallant resistance, however, off Gibraltar.
These small triumphs, although chiefly of the defensive
and negative kind, and a poor compensation for the blood
and the millions they are annually wasting, are, however,
sufficient to cheer the spirits of the British populace, and
to banish from the minds of the Ministry all thoughts of
peace upon reasonable terms; for the English in the
present war act upon a maxim diametrically opposite to
that of the Romans, and never think of peace upon any
event fortunate to them, but are anxious for it under every
great adversity.
A report of my appointment having also been carried to
England by the cartels from Boston, and being spread in
Europe by various other ways, by passengers in the Committee,
by French passengers in the Sensible, of whom there
were a great number who had heard of it in all companies
in America, and by many private letters, and the English
ministerial writers having made use of this as evidence of
a drooping spirit in America in order to favor their loan of
money, I thought it my best policy to communicate my appointment
and powers to the French Court, and ask their
advice, as our good allies, how to proceed in the present
emergency. I accordingly wrote to his Excellency, the
Count de Vergennes, the letter of the 12th of February, a
copy of which is enclosed; and received his answer of the
15th, a copy of which is enclosed; to which I replied in a
letter of the 19th, a copy of which is also enclosed. When
I shall receive his Excellency's answer, I shall do myself
the honor to enclose that.
If there is anything in these letters of mine, which is not
conformable to the views and sentiments of Congress, I
wish to be instructed in it, or if Congress should not concur
with his Excellency the Count, I shall obey their
orders with the utmost punctuality and alacrity. I have
ever understood, that Congress were first advised to the
measure of appointing a Minister to negotiate peace, by the
French Minister then at Philadelphia, in the name of the
Count de Vergennes. However this may have been, it
cannot be improper to have some one in Europe empowered
to think and treat of peace, which some time or other
must come.
Since my last, which was of yesterday's date, I have had
opportunity to make more particular inquiries concerning
the pretended treaty with Russia, and am informed, that
the English Ministry did, not long since, make a formal application
by their Ambassador to the Empress of Russia
for a body of troops and a number of ships; but that the
application was opposed with great spirit and ability in the
Russian Council, particularly by the Minister for foreign
affairs, and rejected in council with great unanimity, and
that the harmony between Versailles and Petersburg remains
as perfect as when I left France.
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 22d, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I most sincerely congratulate you on your happy arrival
in Europe, which must be the more agreeable to you,
for the terrible voyages you have had. Every good
American in Europe, I believe, suffered a great anxiety
from the length of time that passed between the day when
it was known, that the Confederacy sailed, and the time
when the news arrived of your being in Cadiz. I, too,
have had my hairbreadth escapes, and, after my arrival, a
very tedious journey in the worst season of the year by
land. Happy, however, shall we be, if all our hazards and
fatigues should contribute to lay the foundation of a free
and prosperous people.
I hope no accident or disagreeable circumstance has
happened to your family, to whom I shall be obliged to
you to present my respects. From what I saw and heard
in Spain, from the strong assurances I received of the good
will of the Court and nation, and from the great attention
and respect, that were paid me by officers of government
of the highest rank in the provinces through which I
passed, I am persuaded you will meet with the most distinguished
reception, and I hope will soon have the honor
and satisfaction of concluding a treaty with Spain. You
will have the advantage of more frequent and speedy intelligence
from home, than we can have here, at least you
will have it in your power. There are vessels oftener arriving
from America at Bilboa and Cadiz, I think, than in
France. Many of these vessels come from Boston and
Newburyport, perhaps the most of them. So that by directing
your correspondents to send their letters that way,
you will have them much sooner than we can commonly
obtain them; and by transmitting yours to Messrs Gardoqui
& Co. at Bilboa, and Mr Montgomery, or some other,
at Cadiz, your despatches will go more speedily, and more
safely than ours, for we find it almost impossible to get a
letter across the Bay of Biscay from France in a merchant
vessel, there are so many privateers in the route; the danger
of whom is avoided chiefly by vessels from Bilboa
keeping near the coast, and running into harbor in case
of danger, and wholly by those from Cadiz. You will excuse
my mentioning to you this channel of intelligence,
which might not possibly have occurred to you, and my
wishing to make some advantage of it to myself, by asking
the favor of your correspondence, and that you will impart
to me the advices you may receive through it.
We have nothing new here at present, but what you
have had before. Pray what think you of peace? It seems
to be the will of Heaven, that the English should have
success enough to lead them on to final destruction. They
are quite intoxicated with their late advantages, although a
poor compensation for what they cost.
My respects to Mr Carmichael, and believe me to be,
with respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 23d, 1780.
Sir,
Having been informed this morning by the Marquis de
Lafayette, of another opportunity for America, I have the
honor to enclose to Congress triplicates of former letters,
and copies of some other letters, which I have written and
received lately. I have also packed up all the newspapers
and pamphlets I can obtain. The Mercure de France is a
weekly publication of very ancient origin, and is become
lately very interesting to America, because those political
intelligences and speculations, which were formerly published
in another pamphlet, under the title of Affaires de l'Angleterre
et de l'Amérique are now published in this, the
other having been dropped. The Courrier de l'Europe
has the most extensive circulation of any gazette, although
supposed to be rather too much under the influence of the
British Ministry sometimes; the Gazette de France is published
by authority here, and has a great reputation for integrity;
in the Gazette de la Hague the English find means
to publish many false reports. These papers and pamphlets,
together with one or two English papers, for which
I shall subscribe as soon as possible, I shall do myself the
honor to transmit to Congress constantly as they come out.
From these, Congress will be able to collect from time to
time all the public news of Europe.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 23d, 1780.
Dear Sir,
You will see by the public papers, that your Committee
of Correspondence is making greater progress in the world,
and doing greater things in the political world, than the
electrical rod ever did in the physical; Ireland and England
have adopted it, but mean plagiaries as they are, they do
not acknowledge who was the inventor of it. Mr Lee and
Mr Izard will go with this letter in the Alliance, and probably
go to Boston. They will be able to inform you of
everything of a public nature much better than I can do,
as I have scarcely had opportunity to look about me as yet.
They will give you few hopes of peace, at least very
speedily.
The associations of counties and committees of correspondence
in England, are very ominous to our old acquaintances
the refugees, as they attack unmerited pensions
in the first place. But they must do greater things than
distressing these gentry; they must necessarily produce
great commotions in the nation. The speeches at these
meetings go great lengths, some of them openly justifying
and applauding the Americans, and others even applauding
France and Spain for stepping in to our assistance. The
Court here seems determined more than ever to pursue
the war with vigor, especially by sea, and above all in the
American seas. They have already sent seventeen ships
of the line under M. de Guichen, to reinforce M. de la
Motte Piquet, and seven others are preparing at Brest.
They are sending out clothing and arms for fifteen thousand
men for our army, and seem confident, that the next
campaign will be better than the last. I hope the spirit of
privateering among us will increase, because I think this
is the way in which we can do the most service to the
common cause. I hope you will be so good as to inform
me of what passes, particularly what progress the Convention
makes in the constitution.[56] I assure you it is more
comfortable making constitutions in the dead of winter at
Cambridge or Boston, than sailing in a leaky ship, or
climbing on foot, or upon mules, over the mountains of
Galicia, and the Pyrenees.
Believe me your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 23d, 1780.
Dear Sir,
The French Court seems to be now every day more
and more convinced of the good policy, and indeed the
necessity of prosecuting the war with vigor in the American
seas. They have been, and are making great preparations
accordingly, and are determined to maintain a clear superiority.
M. de la Motte Piquet has with him the Hannibal, the
Magnifique, the Diadème, the Dauphin Royal, the Artisane,
the Réfléchi, and the Vengeur, and if M. de Grace
has joined him from the Chesapeake Bay, the Robuste,
the Fendant, and the Sphinx; in all ten ships of the line.
M. de Guichen has gone to join him with the Couronne,
eighty guns, the Triumphant, eighty; the Palmier, the
Victoire, the Destin, the Conquérant, the Citoyen, the Intrépide,
the Hercule, and the Souverain, all of seventyfour;
the Jason, the Actionnaire, the Caton, the Julien, the
Solitaire, the St Michael, and the Triton, all of sixtyfour;
the frigates, the Medea, Courageuse, Gentille, and the
Charmante, all of thirtytwo. He had above a hundred
sail of vessels under his convoy, and the regiment of Touraine
and Enghien, of more than thirteen hundred men
each, and the second battalions of Royal Corntois, and of
Walsh, of seven hundred men each, making in the whole
more than four thousand troops. Besides these, there are
seven more preparing at Brest to sail.
M. Gerard, Mr Jay, and Mr Carmichael are arrived at
Cadiz in a French frigate, the Confederacy having been
dismasted, and driven to Martinique. The Alliance carries
this with Mr Lee and Mr Izard, who will no doubt be
treated with all respect at Boston.
Notwithstanding the commotions in England and Ireland,
the success of Provost at Savannah, and of Rodney off
Gibraltar, and even the silly story of Omoa, in South
America, is enough to embolden the Ministry to go on with
a debt of two hundred millions, already contracted, to borrow
twelve or fourteen millions a year, in the beginning of
a war with France and Spain, each having a greater navy
than they ever had, each discovering a greater fighting
spirit than they ever did before, and obliging the English
to purchase every advantage at a dear rate. The premiums
and bounties, that they are obliged to give to raise
men, both for the service by sea and land, and the interest
of money they borrow, are greater than were ever given in
any former wars, even in the last year of the last war.
This cannot always last, nor indeed long. Yet I do not
expect to see peace very soon.
Pray write me as often as possible, and send the newspapers
to me.
Your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, February 24th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you have done me the
honor to write me the 19th of this month. Your full powers,
of which you have been pleased to send me a copy, are
perfectly conformable to what M. Gerard has written to
me about them, and they leave us nothing to wish for, as
to the form or matter. I think there will be no inconveniency
in informing the public of the principal object of
your mission, I mean the future pacification. It will be
announced in the Gazette of France, when it will mention
your presentation to the King and royal family, and
you will be at liberty to give your eventual character a
greater publicity, by having it published in the Dutch papers.
I could only wish, that you would be so kind as to
communicate the article to me before you transmit it.
With regard to the full powers, which authorise you to negotiate
a treaty of commerce with the Court of London, I
think it will be prudent not to communicate them to any
body whatever, and to take every necessary precaution,
that the British Ministry may not have a premature knowledge
of them. You will no doubt easily feel the motives,
which induce me to advise you to take this precaution, and
it would be needless to explain them.
With regard to your instructions, Sir, I am satisfied that
they have for their certain and invariable basis, the treaties
subsisting between the King and the United States. M.
Gerard has assured the King of it, in the most positive manner,
and his Majesty does more justice to the uprightness
of Congress, and to the stability of the sentiments which
they have hitherto manifested, than to have ever entertained,
or to entertain, the least doubt on this subject. This
way of thinking will convince you, Sir, that we have no
need of seeing your instructions, to appreciate properly the
principles and dispositions of Congress towards Great Britain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
Paris, February 25th, 1780.
Sir,
I had last evening the honor of your Excellency's letter
of yesterday's date, and shall conform myself to your advice.
I shall esteem myself highly honored by a presentation
to the King and royal family, and shall wait your Excellency's
directions concerning the time of it, and shall not think
myself at liberty to make any publication of my powers to
treat of peace, until it shall have been announced in the
Gazette. After which, I shall transmit to your Excellency
any paragraph, which may be thought proper to publish in
the gazettes of Holland, and take your advice upon it, before
it is sent. My other powers shall be concealed, according
to your advice, and I shall have the honor to pay
my respects to your Excellency very soon at Versailles.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 25th, 1780.
Sir,
Since my letter of the 20th, I have received another letter
from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, dated
the 24th of February, which I answered this day. Copies
of both letters are enclosed.
I have also the honor to enclose a gazette, and an application
from Mr Comyn, of Marseilles, to be a consul for
the ports of Provence and Languedoc. I know nothing
of this gentleman but what he says of himself.
By the enclosed gazette, as well as by many others,
Congress will see of what wonderful efficacy in pulling
down tyranny a committee of correspondence is likely to
be. Ireland has done great things by means of it, England
is attempting great things with it, after the example of the
Americans, who invented it, and first taught its use.
Yet all does not seem to produce the proper gratitude on
the minds of the English towards their benefactors. However,
the glory of the invention is as certainly ours, as that
of electrical rods, Hadley's quadrant, or inoculation for
the smallpox.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 27th, 1780.
Sir,
There are so many gentlemen of rank going out to
America, that there can be no doubt Congress will be
fully informed of the state of public affairs.
Mr Lee, Mr Izard, the Marquis de Lafayette, Mr
Wharton, and many others, are going by different vessels.
Besides these, Monsieur de l'Etombe, who is appointed
Consul General of France for the northern district of
America, as M. Holker for the middle, (I have not yet
learned who for the southern,) will go soon.
There is an armament preparing with the greatest expedition
at Brest, which is to be commanded by M. de
Ternay, and to consist of eight or ten ships of the line and
frigates, six of the line and several frigates, as it is said,
(perhaps it is not yet certain nor determined exactly how
many of either,) with several thousand men; all numbers
are mentioned from six to ten thousand men, under the
General officers de Rochambeau and Jaucourt. Whether
this force is destined to the continent or the West Indies,
time will discover; at present, it ought not to be known.
On the other hand, I see by a paragraph in a London paper
of the 16th of this month, that the Thunderer, Torbay,
Ramilies, Royal Oak, Triumph, and Egmont, are ordered
for the West Indies, under Captain Walsingham; the
Southampton, St Albans, and Winchelsea, which were
talked of to go with him, are found unfit for service, and in
so bad a condition as to be ordered to be paid off. Thus
the French are likely to be drawn into the American
seas in sufficient force, where they have great advantages
in carrying on the war. It is much to be wished,
that the Spaniards could be drawn into the same field
of battle, for Gibraltar must be taken in America if ever.
There are some persons, however, who think that the
English will avenge the French, the Spaniards, and above
all the Americans, upon one another, and it is certain that
parties in England are working up to a crisis. The petitions
of the counties, their numerous committees of correspondence,
their hints of associations, have most certainly
alarmed the King and his Ministers to so great a degree, that
for some time their conduct was equivocal, giving hopes at
times to the people, that the Crown would favor the desired
reformation in the expenditure of money. But upon
the news of Rodney's successes they grew bolder, and
determined to exert all the authority of the Crown to suppress
the meetings of the people. Accordingly the cry of
faction, sedition, and rebellion, was set up in Parliament by
the majority, and the King was advised to dismiss those
lieutenants of counties, who had favored the meetings of
the people, advice which he has certainly taken. This is
a decisive measure. It will either discourage and suppress
those meetings, petitions, correspondence, and associations
altogether, or it will give them greater force.
By a debate in the House of Commons on the 14th of
this month, one would think that the nation was nearly on
the brink of a civil war. Yet, I confess, I cannot think
that there are any characters at present in whom the
nation have sufficient confidence, to venture themselves
any lengths under their guidance, and I believe that this
spirited conduct of the King will defeat the measures of
the counties, unless, indeed, in the course of the next
campaign, his arms, especially by sea, should meet with
any signal defeat, which would perhaps reanimate the
people. But supposing the people go on and succeed so
far as to effect a change in the Ministry, the question is,
whether this would be an advantage to us or our allies?
I am myself very far from being convinced that it would.
There are none of the principal leaders of the people,
who avow any fixed principle, that we can depend upon.
None that avow a design of acknowledging our independence,
or even of making peace.
By letters, which I have received from Brussels and
Holland, since my arrival, I am told that the late desperate
step of the English in seizing the Dutch ships has made a
great change in the minds of the people there, and the
government too in our favor; even the Prince declares
he has been deceived by the English, and that he will
promote unlimited convoys; that an American Minister
is much wished for, who, although he might not yet be
publicly received, would be able to do as much good as
if he was; that money might be borrowed there by such
a Minister directly sent by Congress, applying directly to
solid Dutch houses. I hope every hour to hear of Mr
Laurens' arrival.
I have subscribed for the English papers, but have not
yet received any, which I am sorry for, because I can
get none to enclose. As fast as they come to me I will
send them. I have the honor to enclose another Mercure
de France.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 28th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
This will be delivered to you by the Marquis, your
friend. Your grandson is well and very contented. He
has seen the world, to be sure, such a part of it, that
none of the rest can ever be superlatively disagreeable
to him hereafter.[57]
Instead of wishing and hoping for peace, my dear
countrymen must qualify themselves for war, and learn the
value of liberty by the dearness of its purchase. The
foundations of lasting prosperity are laid in great military
talents and virtues. Every sigh for peace, until it can be
obtained with honor, is unmanly. If our enemies can be
obstinate and desperate in a wicked and disgraceful cause,
surely we can be determined and persevering in the most
just, the most honorable, and the most glorious cause, that
was ever undertaken by men.
I am, with great affection, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, February 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I have this moment received a letter from M. Genet,
who is one of the first Secretaries in the office of Foreign
Affairs, and who has the care of publishing all things relative
to America, and has already translated the constitutions
of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia,
and South Carolina, requesting me to assist him in
procuring those of Georgia, North Carolina, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, Massachusetts Bay, and New Hampshire.
There is so great a curiosity through all Europe to see
our new constitutions, and those already published in the
languages of Europe have done us so much honor, that
I thought I should be excusable in making a direct request
to Congress for their assistance in procuring those,
which M. Genet still desires.
Those of Rhode Island and Connecticut, being according
to their ancient charters, M. Genet has already; those of
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, whenever they shall
be formed and established, will be easily obtained. But
those of North Carolina and Georgia, I could not obtain
when I was at Boston, and these are therefore the ones
which M. Genet wants at present, and which I have ventured
to beg the aid of Congress to procure.
I have the honor to enclose the gazette of the day,
in which Congress will see the news from England and
Holland.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The news of the day is, that Rodney has gone with his
whole fleet to the West Indies, that Du Chaffault is to command
the French fleet in America, and the Count d'Estaing
in the channel; that a large force is to go to America,
either to the Islands or to the Continent, both of ships
and troops in two divisions; that the last letters from Holland
breathe a spirit somewhat warlike, and indeed the
English have treated them with so much indignity and contempt
as well as injustice, that one would think it was not
always to be borne.
It is not agreeable to my principles, nor to my feelings,
to injure the character even of an enemy at war; but it is
often possible to draw important inferences from the true
known character of a commander of the forces of an enemy.
It is therefore my duty to mention, that Rodney is
reported to be a man of dissipation and prodigality, a great
spendthrift, and virulent against us; that he has often declared,
that if he had a command in America, his mode to
humiliate and subdue us should be, to burn every town and
every house, that he could come at upon the seacoast.
That such a plan of military execution will be sooner or
later adopted by the Court of London, I have not the least
doubt, from their known principles, tempers, characters,
and past conduct, provided it should ever be in their power
to attempt it in the whole or in part. And if this is the
disposition and system of their Admiral Rodney, the appointment
of him raises a presumption, that they have given
him express orders to this purpose at this time. An uncommon
coincidence of favorable circumstances has thrown
the whole Caracas fleet into his hands, and given a victory,
although pretty dearly paid for, over a much inferior
fleet of Spanish men of war. If he is therefore a man of
such levity as is represented, and so malicious against us,
and has such malignant orders from his Court, and goes
to America flushed and giddy with success, we may expect
he will do mischief if he can, and we ought to be upon our
guard.
My business is peace, but I think of nothing but war.
While our enemies think of nothing else, we ought not to
think more of peace than to be ready to treat of it, as soon
as it shall be put into the hearts of our foes to be willing
for it. Americans must be soldiers, they must war by sea
and land, they have no other security.
I have the honor to enclose the gazette of the day, and
to be with much respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 4th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the Mercure de France of
this day, which contains among other interesting intelligence
Admiral Rodney's narration, after his good fortune
on the 8th of January last in meeting the Spanish Caracas
fleet, which sailed from St Sebastian the 1st of January,
under convoy of seven armed vessels belonging to the Caracas
company. The Guipuscoa, of sixtyfour guns, and
five hundred and fifty men; the San Carlos, of thirtytwo
guns, and two hundred men; the San Raphael, of thirty
guns, and one hundred and fiftyfive men; the Santa Theresa,
of twentyeight guns, and one hundred and fifty men;
the Corbetta San Firmin, of sixteen guns, and sixty men;
these armed vessels were all taken, and the Guipuscoa was
christened Prince William, in honor of his royal highness,
in whose presence she was taken and given to one of the
English captains, as a better ship than his former one, the
Bienfaisant.
The merchant vessels under this convoy are the Nostra
Senora de l'Ores, the San Francisco, the Conception, the
San Nicholas, the Jeronimo, the Divina Providentia, the
San Gibilan, the San Pactora, the San Lauren, the Bellona,
and the Esperanza, all loaded with flour and corn.
The Cervidada de Merica, loaded with provisions for the
navy, the Amisted, the San Michael, loaded with anchors
and cables, and the Bilboa, loaded with tobacco. Those
with provisions for the navy, and that with tobacco, were
sent to England under convoy of the America and the
Pearl, and those with corn and flour were carried into
Gibraltar.
This fleet seems to have been met at sea by the Admiral
by perfect accident, of which the English do not appear
to have had the least hope, nor the Spaniards the smallest
fear. It must therefore be allowed to be one instance of
the good fortune of the English Ministry and their Admiral,
or rather as it is reported, of the King and his Admiral.
Their good fortune, however, did not end here, for eight
days afterwards, on the 16th of January, they fell in with
Don Juan de Langura, with eleven vessels of the line, who
being so much inferior, could not hope for a victory. He
fought the English, however, upon the retreat with so much
bravery, skill, and success, that they were able to take
only three of his ships. The Phœnix, of eighty guns, and
the Princessa, and Diligent, of seventyfour, were taken, and
the San Domingo blown up. The S. Genero, the S. Justo,
and the Monarcha, having separated before the battle, and
the S. Juliano, the S. Eugenio, the S. Augustine, and S.
Lorenzo, having since arrived in Cadiz, although in a bad
condition.
Thus the English have been permitted, against probabilities
and appearances, to throw succor into Gibraltar,
and perhaps Mahon, to give a little fresh confidence to the
Ministry, and make a few bonfires for the populace, but
have added very little to their riches or their power. In
the meantime, Rodney must have been retarded by these
lucky accidents, in his course to the West Indies, and given
opportunity to the Count de Guichen to arrive before him
in the West Indies, and prevent the reconquest of the Grenadas,
and perhaps do more, but of this Congress will be
informed sooner than I.
These successes have not suppressed the independent
spirit of Ireland, which is going on in a regular train, deliberating
upon bills for the independence of the judges, the
habeas corpus, the restriction, of subsidies, and discipline of
their troops, and they seem determined to throw off all the
authority of the British Parliament; nor that of the Committees
of Correspondence and petitioners in the counties of
England, which threaten associations, and, as the Ministry
themselves say, sedition, faction, tumults, and rebellion;
nor provided a fleet for the British channel for the ensuing
summer, nor assuaged the serious resentment of Holland,
for the piracies committed in violation of the faith of treaties,
as well as the laws of nature and nations, upon their
commerce. As it is most interesting to us to know the
forces to be employed in America, by which word I comprehend
the West India Islands, as well as the coasts of the
Continent, all these being connected together in such a
manner as to make but one whole, I beg leave to lay before
Congress in one view, the French force that is intended
to be in that service.
There are actually at Cape François, the Touant of
eightyfour guns, the Robuste, and the Fendant, of seventyfour,
the Sphinx of sixtyfour, and the Amphion of fifty, in
all five. At Martinique, the Admirable, the Magnifique,
the Dauphin Royal, and the Diadème, of seventyfour;
the Réfléchi, the Vengeur, the Artisane, of sixtyfour, and
the Fiers of fifty. In all eight, making in the whole thirteen
ships of the line, reckoning as such two fiftys. If
the Count de Guichen should happily arrive, he has seventeen,
which will amount to the number of thirty, besides
frigates. Six others are preparing at Brest with all possible
expedition, under the command of M. de Ternay.
The Duc de Burgone of eighty guns, the Neptune of seventyfour,
M. Destouches; the Magnanime of seventyfour,
M. de Vaudreuil; the Eveille of sixtyfour, M. de Trobuiand;
the Jason of sixtyfour, M. de Marigny. With this
fleet the troops are to be embarked, and there are many
conjectures, that it is intended for North America. The
Languedoc, the Cæsar, the Provence, and the Fantasque,
of the fleet of the Count d'Estaing, are careened and refitted,
and the Royal Louis of one hundred and ten guns,
the Northumberland, and the Astrea are to be launched
immediately.
In the course of my peregrinations, at Brest, L'Orient,
and Ferrol, I have had an opportunity to see most of these
ships, and to be on board many of them, and one would
think there was force enough to protect us, and quiet our
fears, but the battle is not always to the strong, and we
must wait patiently for time to decide events.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 4th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
This will be delivered to you by Mr Izard, who goes
out in the Alliance with Mr Lee, Mr Wharton, Mr Brown,
and others. He will wait on you of course, and will be
able to give you good information concerning the intentions
of the English, and their military preparations by sea and
land, and those of the French and Spaniards, at the same
time. He will also give his opinion very freely concerning
American and other characters here, as well as measures.
In many things his opinions may be just, but in some
and those not a few, I am sure they are wrong. The
great principle, in which I have differed from him, is this,
in the mode of treating with this Court. He has been
always of opinion, that it was good policy and necessary to
hold a high language to this Court; to represent to them
the danger of our being subdued, if they did not do this
and the other thing for us, in order to obtain money and
other aids from them. He is confident they would not
have dared to refuse anything.
Although no man in America, or in the world, was earlier
convinced than I was, that it was the interest of France
and Spain to support the independence of America, and
that they would support it, and that no man is more sensible
than I am of the necessity they are under to support
us, yet I am not, nor ever was, of opinion, that we could
with truth or with good policy assume the style of menace,
and threaten them with returning again to Great Britain,
and joining against France and Spain, even telling them
that we should be subdued, because I never believed this
myself, and the Court here would not have believed it
from us. The Court have many difficulties to manage, as
well as we, and it is delicate and hazardous to push things
in this country. Things are not to be negotiated here as
they are with the people of America, even with the tories
in America, or as with the people of England. There is
a frankness, however, that ought to be used with the Ministry,
and a candor with which the truth may be and has
been communicated, but there is a harshness, that would
not fail to ruin, in my opinion, the fairest negotiation in this
country.
We are anxious to hear from you, having nothing since
the beginning of December, and very little since we left
you.
Your friend and servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 8th, 1780.
Sir,
Yesterday I went to Court, in company with the American
Minister Plenipotentiary, and had the honor to be presented
to the King, by the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, after which, I had the honor to go round with all
the foreign Ambassadors, and make a visit to the Queen,
the King's brothers, sister, aunts, and daughters, which are
all the branches of the royal family, and to be presented
to each of them in turn, and after them to the Count de
Maurepas.
After these ceremonies were over, we were all invited to
dine with the Count de Vergennes.
As ceremonies of this kind are so much attended to in
this and all other countries of Europe, and have often
such important effects, it is proper that Congress should
have information of them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 8th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress the gazettes of
France, of the Hague, and Amsterdam, of the 1st, 3d,
and 4th of this month. They contain all the news, which
makes the subject of conversation at this time, except that
M. du Chaffault is to command in the West Indies, and the
Count d'Estaing in the Channel, which, although it is not
announced by the Court, seems to be very generally believed
in the world.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 10th, 1780.
Sir,
Enclosed are the Courrier de l'Europe, of the 3d, and
the Gazette de France of this day. The House of Lords
and the House of Commons are voting thanks to Admiral
Rodney for his good fortune, for they all seem to confess,
that his brilliant successes were not owing to more skill,
valor, or vigilance than others have shown, but merely to
his good luck, which, by a report that spreads and gains
credit today, did not end with his advantage over Langara,
and his safe departure from Gibraltar. It is said that two
French ships of the line and several frigates with transports,
bound to the Isle of France, in the East Indies, have
been doomed to fall in his way, and be taken.
Whether this is true or not, he has done enough it
seems to be in a fair way of paying his creditors some part
of their demands for money, which he has gambled away,
and which they had despaired of ever receiving. This
run of good luck, however, could never have happened to
the gambler, if the game had been played otherwise by
the opposite party; if France and Spain, instead of keeping
immense fleets in Europe with nothing to do, or employed
in blocking up Gibraltar, which is a trifle, if taken
in comparison of other objects in view, had but employed
but a fourth part of them in the American seas, where
they had, and still have, the enemies in their power, Rodney's
creditors had still been in despair, together with the
British government and nation.
I would not desire a better proof, that the English are in
the power of their enemies in the American world, than
the list of the prizes printed in the Courrier de l'Europe,
as condemned by N. Cushing, Judge of Admiralty for the
middle district of Massachusetts Bay. I am very glad to
see this method taken of publishing to the world the success
of our privateers, because it will in time show our
allies where our strength lies, and the weakness of our
enemies.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 12th, 1780.
Sir,
It is an observation made some years ago by a great
writer of this nation, de Mably, that the project of being
sole master of the sea, and of commanding all the commerce,
is not less chimerical nor less ruinous, than that of
universal monarchy on land, and it is to be wished, for the
happiness of Europe, that the English may be convinced
of this truth, before they shall learn it by their own experience.
France has already repeated several times,
that it was necessary to establish an equilibrium, a balance
of power at sea, and she has not yet convinced anybody,
because she is the dominant power, and because they suspect
her to desire the abasement of the English, only that
she may domineer the more surely on the Continent. But
if England abuses her power, and would exercise a kind of
tyranny over commerce, presently all the States that have
vessels and sailors, astonished that they had not before believed
France, will join themselves to her in avenging her
injuries.
The present conjuncture of affairs resembles so exactly
the case here put, that it seems to be a literal fulfilment of
a prophecy.
A domination upon the sea is so much the more dangerous
to other maritime powers and commercial nations, as it
is more difficult to form alliances and combine forces at sea
than at land. For which reason it is essential, that the sovereign
of every commercial State should make his nation's
flag respected in all the seas, and by all the nations of the
world. The English have ever acted upon this principle,
in supporting the honor of their own flag, but of late
years have grown less and less attentive to it, as it respects
the honor of other flags. Not content with making their
flag respectable, they have grown more and more ambitious
of making it terrible. Unwilling to do as they
would be done by, and to treat other commercial nations
as they have insisted upon being treated by them, they
have grown continually more and more haughty, turbulent,
and insolent upon the seas, and are now never satisfied
until they have made all other nations see, that
they despise them upon that element. It is said by the
Baron de Bielfield, that piracies and robberies at sea are
so odious, so atrocious, and so destructive to the interest
of all the European nations, that everything is permitted
to repress them. Providence has not granted to any people
an exclusive empire upon the seas. To aim at setting
up a master there, to prescribe laws to other free nations,
is an outrage to all Europe.
I have quoted these authorities, because they contain
the true principle, upon which as I have ever conceived,
the English began this war, and upon which they will
assuredly continue it, as long as they can get men and
money, which will be as long as they have success. They
contain also the true principles of France, Spain, and Holland,
and all the powers of Europe. The outrages committed
upon the Dutch commerce, and the insults offered
to their flag, ought to be, and are, alarming to all the maritime
powers. The late successes of the English will
have no tendency to allay the fears of these powers; on
the contrary they will increase the alarm, by showing the
precarious situation they will all be in if England should
finally succeed, which some of them may perhaps apprehend
from the late brilliant fortune of Admiral Rodney.
One cannot but be struck with the rapid series of fortunate
incidents for the English, which have been published
here in about the course of three months, that I have been
in Europe. The little affair of Omoa began it, the repulse
at Savannah succeeded, with all its consequences, the
Curraçoa fleet was next, Langara's fleet soon followed;
Gibraltar was relieved; Don Gaston's squadron was dispersed
by a storm; and Admiral Rodney had opportunity
to get safe out of Gibraltar. The French East India fleet
brings up the rear. There is hardly in history such a
series of events, that no human wisdom could provide
against or foresee. Yet after all, the advantages gained
are by no means decisive, although no doubt it will raise
the ambition of the English, and in some degree damp the
ardor of their enemies.
It must not have this effect however upon America.
Let the maritime powers fare as they will, we must be free,
and I trust in God we shall be so, whatever be their fate.
The events of war are uncertain at sea, more than even
by land; but America has resources for the final defence
of her liberty, which Britain will never be able to exhaust,
though she should exhaust France and Spain, and it may
not impossibly be our hard fate, but it will be our unfading
glory finally to turn the scale of the war, to humble
the pride, which is so terrible to the commercial nations of
Europe, and to produce a balance of power on the seas.
To this end Americans must be soldiers and seamen.
It is proper, however, to keep constantly in sight, the
power against which we have to contend; the English have
in all the ports of England, in a condition for actual service,
or at least given out and reported to be so, twenty ships
of the line. In the course of the spring and the month of
June, eight others which are now repairing, and three new
ones in the course of the year. The whole squadron for
the Channel will be thirtyone. The squadron of Arbuthnot,
at New York, consists of five. That of Jarvis at the
Western Islands is two, including the Dublin, which was
detached from Admiral Rodney, and is now in bad condition
at Lisbon. One only at Jamaica, for the Lion is
too far ruined to be counted. The fleet at the other
islands, joined by the Hector, detached from Rodney, the
Triumph and the Intrepid, lately sailed from England, are
nineteen, seven of which at least are in too bad a condition
for actual service. That of India, including two which
serve for convoys, consists of ten, two of which however
are returning to be repaired or condemned; the Lenox is
a guard ship in Ireland.
Rodney entered Gibraltar with four Spanish ships of the
line, the Phœnix of eighty guns, the Monarca, the Princessa,
and the Diligente of seventy, besides the Guipuscoa,
now the Prince William, of sixtyfive, which he took with
the convoy on the 8th of January. He entered, also, with
the Shrewsbury of seventyfour, which joined him from
Lisbon. His squadron must therefore have consisted of
twentyfour ships of the line. If he left the Panther and
another at Gibraltar, he must have gone out with twentytwo.
Whether he has gone with the whole fleet to the West
Indies, or whether with part of it, and what part, is yet
undetermined by the public.
France and Spain, however, have a vast superiority still
remaining, which, if it should be ably managed, will easily
humble the English; but if it should be unwisely managed,
or continue to be as unfortunate as it has been from the
moment of the Count d'Estaing's sailing from Toulon, it
will even in this case last long enough to consume and
exhaust their enemies.
I have the honor to enclose the Mercure de France,
of the 11th of March, the Hague Gazette of the 6th,
and 8th, the Amsterdam Gazette of the 7th, and the
Leyden of the 7th.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 12th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of three excellent
letters, one of the 1st, the others of the 5th and 8th of
March. I thank you for the copy of your letter to the
pensioner, and for your dialogue between York and Chatham.
It is undoubtedly the duty of every commercial nation,
to make their flag respected in all the seas, and by all the
nations, not by insulting and injuring all others, like Great
Britain, but by doing justice to all others, and by insisting
upon justice from them. But how is Holland to obtain
justice from the English, who take a manifest pleasure and
pride in showing her and all Europe, that they despise
her? Holland seems to be as corrupted and unprincipled
as Great Britain, but there is one great difference between
them. Great Britain has a terrible naval force, Holland
has next to none. Great Britain has courage and confidence
in her power, Holland has none. I do not mean that
the Dutch are destitute of personal courage, but national
courage is a very different thing.
The curious doctrine of a constitutional impossibility of
acknowledging our independence is well exposed in your
dialogue. I suppose the idea was taken from Lord Chatham's
dying speech, when he conjured up the ghost of the
Princess Sophia of Hanover, to whose posterity, being Protestants,
the act of settlement had consecrated the succession
of the crown and its authority over all parts of the
dominions. This was a masterly stroke of oratory, to be
sure, and shows, that my Lord Chatham in his last moments
had not lost the knowledge of the prejudices in the
character of the English nation, nor the arts of popularity.
But a more manifest address to the passions and prejudices
of the populace, without the least attention to the justice
or policy of the principle, never fell from a popular orator,
ancient or modern. Could my Lord Chatham contend,
that the heirs of the Princess Sophia of Hanover, provided
they should be Protestants, had the throne and its prerogatives
entailed upon them, to everlasting ages, over all parts
of the British dominions, let them do what they would?
Govern without Parliament, by laws without law, dismiss
judges without fault, suspend laws, in short do everything
that the Stewarts did, and ten times more, yet so long as
they were Protestants, could there be no resistance to their
will, and no forfeiture of their right to govern? I said this
was a figure of rhetoric, employed by his Lordship ad captandum
vulgus. I believe so still, but I believe he meant it
also ad captandum regem, and that he thought, by throwing
out this idea, that he was not for acknowledging our independence,
the King, who at that time was distressed for a
Minister able in conducting a war, would call him into the
Ministry. I ever lamented this black spot in a very bright
character. I do not remember anything in his Lordship's
conduct, which seemed to me so suspicious to have proceeded
from a perverted heart as this flight. Allowance,
however, ought to be made; perhaps he was misunderstood,
and would have explained himself fairly if he had lived.
I have not seen the pamphlet entitled Facts, nor that by
Lloyd, nor the Examen. I should be glad to see all of
them. I find a difficulty in getting pamphlets from England,
but I shall have a channel to obtain them by and by.
I went to Mr Grant's as soon as I received yours of the
8th. Mr Grant the father was out, and no other in the
house knew anything of your letter, or maps, or other
things. I will speak to the father the first opportunity.
Mr Lee is gone to L'Orient.
What think you of luck? Had any gambler ever so
much as Rodney. One of our tories in Boston, or half
way whigs, told me once, God loves that little island of Old
England, and the people that live upon it. I suppose he
would say now, God loves Rodney. I do not draw the
same conclusion from the successes, that the island or the
hero have had. Who can be persuaded to believe,
that he loves so degenerate and profligate a race? I
think it more probable, that heaven has permitted this
series of good fortune to attend the wicked, that the
righteous Americans may reflect in time, and place their
confidence in their own patience, fortitude, perseverance,
political wisdom, and military talents, under the protection
and blessing of his providence.
There are those who believe, that if France and Spain had
not interposed, America would have been crushed. There
are in other parts of Europe, I am told, a greater number
who believe, that if it had not been for the interposition of
France and Spain, American independence would have
been acknowledged by Great Britain a year or two ago.
I believe neither the one nor the other. I know the deep
roots of American independence on one side of the water,
and I know the deep roots of the aversion to it on the
other. If it was rational to suppose, that the English
should succeed in their design, and endeavor to destroy the
fleets and naval power of France and Spain, which they
are determined to do if they can, what would be the consequence?
There are long lists of French and Spanish
ships of the line yet to be destroyed, which would cost
the English several campaigns and a long roll of millions,
and after this they may send sixty thousand men to America,
if they can get them, and what then? Why, the glory
of baffling, exhausting, beating, and taking them, will finally
be that of the American yeomanry, whose numbers
have increased every year since this war began, as I learnt
with certainty in my late visit home, and will increase every
year, in spite of all the art, malice, skill, valor, and activity
of the English and all their allies. I hope, however, that
the capricious goddess will bestow some of her favors upon
France and Spain, and a very few of them would do the
work. If Rodney's fortune should convince Spain, that
she is attacking the bull by the horns, and France and
Spain, that the true system for conducting this war, is by
keeping just force enough in the Channel to protect their
coasts and their trade, and by sending all the rest of their
ships into the American seas, it will be the best fortune for
the allies they ever had.
I long to learn Mr Jay's success at Madrid, and Mr
Laurens' arrival in Holland, where I will go to see him
some time in the summer or autumn.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 14th, 1780.
Sir,
By a letter from London of the 3d of this month, received
since my former of this day's date, I learn that the
friends of the Ministry were in hopes every hour to hear
that Clinton, who embarked seven thousand effective men,
(though they are said to be ten) in the latter end of December,
is in possession of Charleston. The detachment consisted
of the light infantry and grenadiers of the seventh,
twentythird, thirtythird, fortysecond, sixtythird, and sixtyfourth
British regiments, a legion of horse, yagers, four battalions
of Hessian grenadiers; the New York volunteers,
Ferguson's corps; one Hessian regiment, and a detachment
of the seventyfirst British regiment. Many are of opinion
that a part of this army was intended for the Windward
Islands, and that they embarked and sailed the 26th of
December, and was much hurt by a storm after sailing.
Two thousand, under Lord Cornwallis, were said to be
intended for the Chesapeake, to burn two or three men
of war in James river, and to serve as a division to the
other five, going against Charleston.
The friends of the Administration are not in spirits about
the picture of affairs in America and the West Indies.
They fear the French will have a superiority there, from
whence some late accounts are arrived of vast sickness and
disorder on board the English ships. The naval war will,
to appearance, be removed for the next summer to that
quarter. Rodney was to sail with four ships only to the
West Indies; and Walsingham will not take more than that
number as a convoy to about one hundred West Indiamen,
which were to sail about the 20th of this month, and more
ships of war would probably conduct this fleet off the land,
and it was probable in the New York and Quebec trade
about fifty vessels more would sail about the same time.
That there was no talk of any troops or ships going to New
York or Quebec. That there was a rumor that Wallace
would have a small squadron, and carry four or five thousand
men out, but this was not believed. That the Ministry
had been hard pressed in several parliamentary questions
lately; that their party was losing ground daily; that the
county petitions for reformation were a heavy weight upon
them; that it was likely there would be serious disturbances,
if reforms do not take place; that the committees
for each county have already appointed three deputies to
meet and act for the whole, which is the beginning of a
Congress, and will probably be soon called by that name;
that it was hard to determine whether these movements at
home, or the proceedings in Ireland, chagrin the Ministry
most; that the sovereignty of England over Ireland will
not be of many month's duration; that the armed associations
in the latter amount to sixtyfour thousand men, who
seem determined to free themselves from every restriction
that has been laid on them; that their Parliament is about
putting an end to all appeals to England; to render the
judges independent of the crown, they at present holding
their offices durante bene placito, and not quamdiu se
bene gesserunt, as in England; to have a habeas corpus
act; to repeal Poyning's law, which enacts that all bills
shall originate in the council and not in the commons; to
confine the new supplies to the appointment of new duties
only; to give bounties on their own manufactures, and to
have a mutiny bill, which last goes immediately to the
grand point of jurisdiction.
That, however, notwithstanding all the present appearances
against Great Britain, and the certainty of America's
succeeding to her wish, there are not among even those, who
are called patriots in Parliament, many who possess directly
a wish for American independence; that Lords Camden,
Effingham, Coventry, and the Bishop of St Asaph are
clearly and distinctly for it; Sir G. Saville, and but a few
others in the House of Commons; that the rest of the
patriots are for sovereignty; America to give up the French
alliance, make up a federal alliance with England, by
which no doubt they mean an alliance offensive and defensive,
&c.
It is surely unnecessary for me to make any observations
upon the absurdity of these provisos, so injurious to the
honor of our country, and so destructive of her most essential
rights and interests. By a letter of the 7th, a vessel
with two hundred Hessians or Yagers on board has arrived
at St Ives, in Cornwall. She sailed with the expedition
from New York, the 26th of December, and a few days
after received much damage in a storm, which it is thought
separated and dispersed the fleet. This gives us great
spirits and sanguine hopes for Charleston. I have the
honor to enclose several newspapers, and, with much respect,
to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March, 14th, 1780.
Sir,
I have taken some pains to inform myself what number
of regular troops the enemy have in the three kingdoms,
because we may form some judgment from this, whether
they will be able to send any, and what reinforcements to
North America or the West Indies. I am assured, that
they have not more than four thousand regular troops in
Ireland, and these chiefly horse. It is not to be expected
then, I think, that they can spare any of these. There is
too much danger even of popular commotions in England,
Scotland, and Ireland, to spare many of these, if they were
perfectly safe, or thought themselves so from French and
Spanish invasions. I have, however, written to obtain
more exact and authentic information, which I will not fail
to transmit as early as possible.
I have received an account at length, both by the Gazette
Extraordinary, and by letter from London, that Admiral
Digby is returned with the fleet and Spanish prizes
from Gibraltar, and brought in with him the Protée, a
French sixtyfour gun ship, and three small store ships, part
of a fleet bound from L'Orient to the East Indies. The
sixtyfour gun ship had about sixtythree thousand pounds in
cash on board. This fleet was unlucky enough to fall in
with Digby on the 23d of February. Rodney sailed from
Gibraltar on the 14th, and parted with Digby on the 18th,
taking only four ships of the line with him to the West Indies.
A like number will probably go under Walsingham
about the 20th or 25th of this month, with the fleet to the
West Indies. It is said in letters from London, that by
every appearance, there are no more troops going to North
America, and that it looks as if the Ministry mean not to
continue the American war, but to let it dwindle and die
away. If this should be the case, it is to be hoped that the
Americans and their allies will not let it dwindle, but put it
to death at a blow.
The Marquis de Lafayette, and his brother the Viscount
de Noailles, a young noble officer, who is worthy of his
family, and of the relation he bears to the Marquis, who I
hope will be the bearer of this letter, will be able to say
more upon this head. At present the King and his General
are the only persons, who ought to know the secret.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 16th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have received, since my arrival here, your favor of the
16th of November, 1779. I shall take proper notice of
your remarks upon the 13th and 19th articles of the treaty.
They are both of them of importance, and, as to the last,
I wish for an instruction upon it, because there is no
doubt to be made, that whenever a serious negotiation
shall be commenced, great pains will be taken for the banished,
although little attention is paid to them now. I
learned yesterday, that they have received no payment of
their pensions these eighteen months. The delay is colored
with a pretence of waiting for some funds for Quebec,
which have been stopped by the interruption of that trade.
They are still bitter, as I am told, and are firmly persuaded,
that America cannot hold out six months longer.
You assure me, that I shall not be without the orders and
credit, which I mentioned in a letter of mine. I thank you
for this assurance, which is conceived in such strong terms,
that one would think you did not expect any opposition to
it; at least, an effectual opposition. I wish there may not
be, but I am not without conjectures, I will not call them
suspicions, upon this head. Denying them, however,
would be virtually recalling me and Mr Dana, and in a
manner the most humiliating and disgraceful. Indeed, I
do not know how we should get away from our creditors.
You know what sort of minds cannot bear a brother near
the throne; and so fair, so just, so economical a method,
would not escape minds of so much penetration, as a refusal
to lend money without orders. I am not sure, however,
that the measure would be hazarded in the present
circumstances, by persons by whom I have been treated
politely enough since my return.
I should be glad to know what the Board of Treasury
have done with my accounts; whether they have passed
upon them; or whether there are any objections to them,
and what they are. I do not know but I was indiscreet in
sending all my original vouchers, because, if any of them
should be lost, I might be puzzled to explain some things.
However, I know by a letter from Mr Gerry, that they
were received, and I presume they will be preserved.
I wish to know your private opinion, whether Congress
will continue Mr Dana and me here, at so much expense,
with so little prospect of having anything to do for a long
time; an uncertain time, however; or, whether they will
revoke our powers, and recall us; or what they will do
with us. A situation so idle and inactive is not agreeable
to my genius; yet I can submit to it as well as any man,
if it be thought necessary for the public good. I will do
all the service I can, by transmitting intelligence, and in
every other way.
You must have observed, that in all my public letters,
and, indeed, in a great measure in my private ones, I have
cautiously avoided giving accounts of the state of our
affairs in France. I had many reasons for this caution.
In general, I was sure it would do no good, and I doubted
the propriety of stating facts, and remarking upon characters,
without giving notice of it to the persons concerned,
and transmitting the evidence. There is no end of conceiving
jealousies; but, I am sure, that officers of government,
especially foreign Ministers, ought not to attack and
accuse one another upon jealousies, nor without full proof;
nor then, without notifying the party to answer for himself.
Thus much let me say, however, that the present plan
of having a distinct Minister in Spain, another in Holland,
and another to treat with Great Britain, and having Secretaries
independent of Ministers, is a good one. I pray
you to stand by it with the utmost firmness, if it should be
attacked or undermined. If you revoke the powers of a
separate Minister to treat with the King of Great Britain,
you ought to revoke the former powers of treating with all
the Courts of Europe, which were given to the Commissioners
at Passy; for, under these, authority will be
claimed of treating with the English, if my powers are
revoked. The powers of treating with all other Courts
ought to be separated from the mission.
Your friend, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 18th, 1780.
Sir,
We have this moment the news of the arrival of the
convoy from St Domingo, with sixty sail of merchant
vessels, which is a great event for this country.
It is also reported, that ten sail of Spanish ships of the
line, with ten battalions of land forces have sailed, and their
destination is supposed to be North America.
The armament preparing at Brest, is thus described in
one of the public papers. The Count du Chaffault de
Besné, Lieutenant General of the naval forces in France,
has taken leave of the King, being presented to his Majesty
by M. de Sartine. The report runs, that orders
have been sent on the 29th of February, for the officers
who are at Paris to join their regiments upon the coasts
by the 15th of March, and that eight regiments are to embark
under the Count de Rochambeau. These regiments
are that of Anhalt, whereof the Marquis de Bergen is
Colonel in second; Auvergne, Colonel Commandant, the
Viscount de Lavel; Bourbonnois, Colonel Commandant,
the Marquis de Laval, and in second, the Viscount de Rochambeau;
Neustrie, Colonel Commandant, the Count de
Guibert, and in second, the Viscount le Veneur; Romergne,
Colonel Commandant, the Viscount de Custine,
and in second, the Marquis du Ludec; Royal Corse,
Colonel Commandant, the Marquis du Luc, and in second,
the Count of Pontevez; Royal Deux Ponts, Colonel
Commandant, the Count aux Ponts; Saintongé, Colonel
Commandant, the Viscount de Beranger, and in second,
the Marquis de Themines. It is asserted, that there will
be added a detachment of artillery, and that the Baron de
Viomenil, the Count de Chastellux, and the Count de
Witgenstein will embark with these troops, and that the
Duc de Lazun will have the command of a body of
twelve hundred volunteers, and be joined to the armament
under the Count de Rochambeau. All these troops, as it
is believed, will embark at Brest, and go out under the
convoy of the Count du Chaffault de Besné.
They add, that he will have more than thirtyseven ships
of the line under his command, destined for an expedition,
whereof the genuine object is yet unknown. Many other
regiments have also orders to march down nearer to those
upon the seacoast, and there are many vessels taken upon
freight for the service of the King, in the different ports of
the kingdom. The freight at Havre is thirty livres a ton,
on condition that the owner furnish his vessel for twelve
months. They say the Prince de Condé will go and
command upon the coast of Brittany with the Count de
Vaux.
By a letter I just now received from Holland, I am told
that the grand business is done between the northern
powers on a footing very convenient for Holland, as it
must compel the English to cease interrupting the trade of
the neutral powers. This would be more beneficial to
France and Spain than to Holland, by facilitating the acquisition
of ship timber, hemp, and all other things for the
supply of their arsenals of the marine. A principal branch
of the British policy has ever been, to prevent the growth
of the navies of their enemies, by intercepting their supplies.
What gives further countenance to this letter, and the
reports to the same purpose, which have been sometime
circulated, is an article in the Mercure de France, enclosed.
They talk of an alliance between Sweden, Denmark,
Russia, Prussia, and the United Province, for maintaining
the honor of the flags of these powers. Congress
will see also another paragraph from London, which favors
this idea. That the Baron de Nolker, Envoy Extraordinary
from Sweden, had declared that if the convoy of his
nation was not released forthwith, with an indemnification
for expenses and losses, he had orders to quit the Court of
London in twenty four hours.
Some other paragraphs seem to show the Dutch in
earnest about equipping a respectable naval force of fiftytwo
vessels.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 19th, 1780.
Sir,
Enclosed is a paper of the 10th of March, which was
accidentally omitted to be enclosed in the season of it.
There are two articles of intelligence, which ought not
to escape our observation, because they have relation to
the armament equipping at Brest, although I do not suppose
them of much consequence. The first is of a small
squadron of frigates, which is said to have sailed from
Portsmouth on the 28th of February, in consequence of
orders sent from the Admiralty on the 22d, under the command
of Captain Marshall, who is on board the Emerald,
of thirtytwo guns. The others are the Hussar of thirtytwo,
the Surprise of twentyeight, the Squirrel, and Heart
of Oak of twenty; the sloops, the Beaver's prize of fourteen,
the Wolf, and the Wasp of eight, with the cutters,
the Nimble and the Griffin. It is thought, that this little
squadron is gone to make a cruise on the coast of France,
to hinder the transports assembled in different ports from
going out, or even to destroy them, if that shall be found to
be possible. There is not, however, much to be dreaded
from this squadron so near the neighborhood of Brest.
The other paragraph discovers the marks of more ingenuity
and less truth. It is taken from the English papers,
that Captain Jarvis, in the Foudroyant of eighty guns,
who has been out upon a cruise, with a small division in
the mouth of the Channel, has returned to Plymouth and
gone to Court, to be himself the bearer to Government of
despatches of great importance, from the Court of France
to Congress, found on board a sloop, which on her passage
to Philadelphia fell into his hands. It is asserted, that
these despatches contain an ample detail of the operations
concerted between the Court of Versailles and Dr Franklin,
among which the most probable is, the project of attacking
Halifax, which is to be made by a body of troops
from New England, and by a detachment of French troops
very considerable by sea and land.
This moment a letter from London of the 10th of
March informs me, that a packet boat is arrived from Jamaica,
which sailed the 29th of January, with accounts,
that Fort Omoa is again in possession of Spain. That an
English man-of-war has taken a Spanish ship-of-war, bound
to South America with stores. She was pierced for sixtyfour,
but earned only fiftytwo guns. The Jamaica fleet
sailed on the 24th of January, convoyed slightly, with
two fiftys and two frigates, about forty merchantmen in
all. Nothing yet from America, but it is generally believed,
that a storm has separated and dispersed Clinton's
fleet, intended for the Southern expedition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 20th, 1780
Sir,
I have at length received a parcel of English papers,
which I have the honor to enclose with this to Congress.
They are the General Advertiser, and the Morning Post,
both of which I shall for the future be able to transmit
regularly every week. Congress will see that these papers
are of opposite parties, one being manifestly devoted to
the Court and the Ministry, and the majority, the other to
the opposition, the committees, the associations, and petitions;
between both I hope Congress will be informed of
the true facts.
There is the appearance of a piquancy and keenness in
the temper of the opposite parties, by their writings and
paragraphs in these papers, that looks like the commencement
of a serious quarrel.
By the violence of the manner in which such characters
as Keppel, Howe, Burgoyne, Richmond, Shelburne,
Rockingham, &c. are treated, it should seem, that the
Ministry were exasperated to a greater degree of rancor
than ever, and that they were thoroughly alarmed and determined
to throw the last die. Time and the events of
war will decide what will be the consequences of these
heated passions.
By a conversation this morning with the Viscount de
Noailles, I am led to fear, that the fleet from Brest will not
be able to put to sea before the 10th of April. This will
be about the time the Marquis de Lafayette will arrive in
America. He sailed from Rochelle the 13th of this
month.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 21st, 1780.
Sir,
In the letter, which you did me the honor to write me
on the 24th of February, your Excellency proposed, that
the principal object of my mission should be inserted in
the Gazette of France, when it should make mention of
my presentation to the King and all the royal family.
In the answer to this letter, which I had the honor to
write on the 25th of February, I informed your Excellency,
that I should not think myself at liberty to make
any publication of my powers to treat of peace, until they
should have been announced in the Gazette. It was on
the 7th of March, that I had the honor to be presented to
the King and Royal Family, but no notice has been taken
of it in the Gazette of France. Whether the omission is
accidental, or whether it is owing to any alteration in your
Excellency's sentiments, I am not able to determine.
Your Excellency will excuse the trouble I give you on
this occasion, as it arises wholly from a desire to be able at
all times, to render an account to my sovereign of the
motives and reasons of my own conduct.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 21st, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have just received your favor from Brussels of the
17th of this month, and I thank you for this instance of
your attention to me.
Considering the state of Ireland, and the spirit that
seems to be rising in England, which has already attained
such a height, as to baffle the Minister, and the East India
Company, and to carry many votes in the House of Commons,
almost to a balance with him, and even some against
him, I should not be at all surprised, if terms, such as you
mention, should be offered to America; nor should I be
surprised if another rumor, which was propagated at the
Palais Royal this day, should prove true, that a great
change is made or to be made in the Ministry, and that the
Lords Shelburne and Rockingham, Burke, &c. are in.
Yet I have no proper accounts of either.
Whatever may be my powers or instructions, or whether
I have any or not, I am very much obliged to you for
your sentiments on such a proposition as a truce for
America, supposing it should be made. Your arguments
are of great weight, and will undoubtedly be attended to
by every one, whoever he may be, who shall be called to
give an opinion upon such a great question. You will not
expect me at present to give, if it is proper for me even
to form, any decided opinion upon it. Yet thus much I
may venture to say, that having had so long an experience
of the policy of our enemies, I am persuaded, from the
whole of it, if they propose a truce, it will not be with an
expectation or desire, that America should accept it, but
merely to try one experiment more to deceive, divide, and
seduce, in order to govern.
You observe, that the heads of some well intentioned,
though visionary Americans, run much upon a truce. I
have seen and heard enough to be long since convinced,
that the Americans in Europe are by no means an adequate
representation of those on the other side of the
water. They neither feel, nor reason like them in general.
I should, therefore, upon all occasions hear their arguments
with attention, weigh them with care, but be sure never to
follow them, when I knew them to differ from the body of
their countrymen at home.
You say the Dutch are disturbed. Do you wonder at
it? They have been kicked by the English, as no reasonable
man would kick a dog. They have been whipped by
them, as no sober postillion would whip a hackney coach
horse. Can they submit to all this, upon any principle,
which would not oblige them to submit, if the English
were to bombard Amsterdam, or cut away their dikes?
I wish I knew the name of the principal confident and
director of the Prince, whom you mention.
I am very anxious to hear of the arrival of Mr Laurens,
but suspect you will learn it first. Mr Dana returns his
respects to you.
I thank you, Sir, for your offers of service; nothing can
oblige me more than to communicate to me any intelligence
of the designs of our enemies, in politics or war,
and their real and pretended forces by sea and land. Pray
what is the foundation of the story of a quintuple alliance
between Holland, Sweden, Russia, Prussia, and Denmark?
I am, Sir, with great esteem, your humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 23d, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose the English papers of the
11th, 13th, and 14th of March, the Courrier de l'Europe,
and the Hague, Leyden, and Amsterdam Gazettes. We
are in hourly expectation of great news from Holland, Ireland,
England, Spain, and above all from America, and the
West Indies. I have not had a letter from America since
I left it, except one from my family of the 10th of December,
and, indeed, although several vessels have arrived, I
can hear of no letters or news.
By the English papers Congress will perceive the violent
fermentation in England, which has arisen to such a
height as to produce a Congress in fact, and it will soon be
so in name. The proceedings in the House of Commons
on the 14th, which were terminated by a resolution of the
committee of the whole house, to abolish the Board of
Trade and Plantations, carried against the Ministry after a
very long and warm debate, by a majority of eight voices,
is not only the most extraordinary vote, which has passed
in the present reign, but it tends to very extensive consequences.
I believe it is very true, that this Board has been the
true cause of the quarrel of Great Britain against the
Colonies, and therefore may be considered as an object of
national resentment, but a resentment of this kind alone
would not probably have produced this effect.
Whether it is the near approach of an election, that has
intimidated the members of the House of Commons, or
whether committees, petitions, associations, and Congress
have alarmed them, or whether the nation is convinced,
that America is indeed lost forever, and consequently the
Board of Trade would be useless, I do not know. Be
this as it may, the English nation, and even the Irish and
Scotch nations, and all parts of the world will draw this
inference from it, that even in the opinion of the House of
Commons America is lost. The free and virtuous citizens
of America, and even the slavish and vicious, if there are
any still remaining of this character, under the denomination
of tories, must be convinced by this vote, passed in
the hey-day of their joy for the successes of Admiral Rodney's
fleet, that the House of Commons despaired of ever
regaining America. The nations subject to the House of
Bourbon cannot fail to put the same interpretation upon
this transaction.
Holland and all the northern powers, with the Empress
of Russia at their head, who are all greatly irritated against
England for their late violences against the innocent commerce
of neutral powers, will draw the same consequences.
The politicians of Great Britain are too enlightened in the
history of nations, and the rise and progress of causes and
effects in the political world, not to see, that all these
bodies of people will, in consequence of this vote, consider
the Colonies given up as lost by the House of Commons,
and they are too well instructed, not to know the
important consequences that follow, from having such
points as those thus settled among the nations. I cannot,
therefore, but consider this vote, and the other respecting
the Secretary of State for the American Department, which
arose almost to a balance, as a decided declaration of the
sense of the nation. The first consequence of it probably
will be one further attempt, by offering some specious
terms, which they know we cannot in justice, in honor, in
conscience, accept, to deceive, seduce, and divide America,
throw all into confusion there, and by this means gaining
an opportunity to govern. There is nothing more
astonishing than the inconsistencies of the patriots in England.
Those, who are most violent against the Ministry,
are not for making peace with France and Spain, but they
would wish to allure America into a separate peace, and
persuade her to join them against the House of Bourbon.
One would think it impossible, that one man of sense in
the world could seriously believe, that we could thus basely
violate our truth, thus unreasonably quarrel with our best
friends, thus madly attach ourselves to our belligerent
enemies. But thus it is.
Sir George Saville threw out in the House, that he
wished to carry home to his constituents the news of an
accommodation with America, and Mr David Hartley has
given notice of his intentions to make a motion relative to
us. But I confess I have no expectations. Mr Hartley's
motions and speeches have never made any great fortune
in the House, nor been much attended to; from whence I
conclude, if the present great leaders, even of opposition
in the House, were seriously disposed to do anything towards
a pacification, which we could attend to, they
would not suffer Mr Hartley to have the honor of making
the motion.
The heads of many people run upon a truce with America,
and Mr Hartley's motion may tend this way; but
a truce with America cannot be made without a peace
with France and Spain, and would America accept of such
a truce? Give Great Britain time to encroach and fortify
upon all our frontiers? To send enemies into the States,
and sow the seeds of discord? To rise out of her present
exhausted condition? Suffer France and Spain to relax?
Wait for alterations by the death of Princes, or the changes
in the characters of Princes, or Ministers in Europe? I
ask these questions, that Congress may give me instructions,
if necessary. At present I do not believe my powers
are sufficient to agree to a truce, if it was proposed;
nor do I believe it would be for our interests or safety to
agree to it, if I had. I do not mean, however, to give
any decided opinion upon such a great question, in this
hasty letter; I am open to conviction, and shall obey the
instructions of Congress, with the most perfect respect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 24th, 1780.
Sir,
Mr Burke's bill not being as yet public, we are not yet
informed of the items of it. But as it already appears,
that it strikes at the Department of Secretary of State for
America, and at the Board of Trade, there seems to be
little reason to doubt that it goes further, and strikes at the
American Board of Commissioners, at all the American
Judges of Admiralty, Governors of Provinces, Secretaries,
and Custom House Officers of all denominations. At
least, if this should not be found to be a part of the bill,
there are stronger reasons, if possible, for abolishing
this whole system of iniquity, together with all the pensions
granted to the refugees from America, than even for taking
away the Board of Trade. And from several late paragraphs
in the papers, and from Mr Fox's severe observations
in the House of Commons upon Governor Hutchinson,
calling him in substance the "firebrand that lighted
up all the fire between the two countries," it seems pretty
clear, that it is in contemplation to take away all these
salaries and pensions.
If such a measure should take place, exiled as these
persons are from the country, which gave them birth, but
which they have most ungratefully endeavored to enslave,
they will become melancholy monuments of divine vengeance
against such unnatural and impious behavior. Nevertheless,
as these persons are numerous, and have some
friends in England as well as in America, where they had
once much property, there is a probability, I think, that
whenever or wherever negotiations for peace may be commenced,
they and their estates now almost universally confiscated,
will not be forgotten. But much pains and art
will be employed to stipulate for them in the treaty, both a
restoration of their property, and a right to return as citizens
of the States to which they formerly belonged. It is
very possible, however, that before the treaty shall be made,
or even negotiations commenced, these gentlemen will become
so unpopular and odious, that the people of England
would be pleased with their sufferings and punishment.
But it is most probable, that the Court will not abandon
them very easily.
I should, therefore, be very happy to have the explicit
instructions of Congress upon this head, whether I am to
agree, in any case whatsoever, to an article which shall
admit of their return, or the restoration of their forfeited
estates. There are sentiments of humanity and forgiveness
which plead on one side, there are reasons of state
and political motives, among which the danger of admitting
such mischievous persons as citizens, is not the least considerable,
which argue on the other.
I shall obey the instructions of Congress with the utmost
pleasure, or if, for any reasons they choose to leave it at
discretion, if I ever should have the opportunity, I shall
determine it without listening to any passions of my own
of compassion or resentment, according to my best judgment
of the public good. There is another point of very
great importance, which I am persuaded will be aimed at
by the English Ministers, I am sure it will by the people of
England, whenever times of peace shall be talked of. For
facilitating the return of commerce, they will wish to have
it stipulated by the treaty, that the subjects of Great Britain
shall have the rights of citizens in America, and the
citizens of the United States the rights of subjects in the
British dominions. Some of the consequences of such an
agreement to them and to us are obvious and very important,
but they are so numerous, that it is difficult to
determine whether so great a question should be left to my
determination. If, however, contrary to my inclinations, it
should fall to my lot to decide it without instructions, it shall
be decided according to my conscience, and the best lights
I have.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 24th, 1780.
Sir,
It has been observed in former letters, that there is
scarcely an example of such a series of fortunate incidents
as that which happened to Rodney's fleet, and it may be
proper to dilate a little upon some of these incidents, to
show that the enthusiastic applause, which is given him by
the Court, the Lords, the Commons, and the city of London,
is no otherwise merited than by the boldness of his
enterprise; unless simple good fortune is merit.
It must be allowed, that it was a desperate plan in the
Minister to order him out on the design to succor Gibraltar,
and it was a desperate resolution in him to undertake
it; because he had to expect to meet with the whole
Spanish squadron at Cadiz, and that it would follow him,
which was in fact the case.
Don Gaston sailed from Brest the 13th of January in
search of Admiral Rodney, with twenty Spanish ships of the
line, with four French ships of the line, the Glorieux, the
Burgundy, the Zodiac, and the Scipio, with the frigate, the
Nereis, under the Chef d'Escadre, the Chevalier de Bausset.
If the four and twenty ships of the line had joined Don
Langara's squadron, there is scarce a possibility of doubt,
after the brave defence made by him, with such inferior
force, that Rodney's fleet would have been totally ruined,
and consequently Gibraltar reduced to extremities. But
this was not to happen. The next day after Don Gaston
sailed from Brest, he met with a terrible storm, which
separated his fleet. Two of his Spanish ships arrived at
Cadiz the 31st of January, the Serious and the Atlant,
each of seventy guns. The third of February there arrived
twelve others. The Rayo, commanded by Don Gaston,
and the St Louis, both of eighty guns, the Velasco,
the St Francis de Paule, the S. Isabella, the S. Joachim,
the St Peter, the St Damase, the Arrogant, and the
Warrior, all of seventy, the Mink of fiftysix, and the frigates,
the Assumption and the Emerald, with the French
division under the Chevalier de Bousset, excepting the
Scipio, commanded by the Baron de Durfort, which did
not arrive until the 17th of February, after having cruised
ten or twelve days off St Vincent, which had been appointed
as the place of rendezvous and reunion, in case of
separation. The Guardian Angel, of seventy guns, which
was also separated from the squadron, did not arrive till
several days after Don Gaston at Cadiz, having suffered
very much, as well as all the other vessels, in their masts
and rigging, by the bad weather, and especially by the violent
gale of wind, which they met with on the 1st of February,
near the Cape of St Vincent. Of the five remaining
Spanish vessels, four went into Ferrol, the St Vincent
Ferries, of eighty guns, commanded by Don d'Acre, Lieutenant
General; the St Charles, of eighty; the Vengeur,
of seventy, and the Septentrion, of sixty; the fifth, named
the St Joseph, of seventy, by Don Orsorno, Chef d'Escadre,
returned to Brest dismasted. This separation and
dispersion of the fleet and of its principal officers exposed
Langara, and made Rodney's fortune; and the necessity
these vessels were in of reparation, gave liberty to the English
fleet to put to sea from Gibraltar and regain the
Atlantic Ocean, on the 13th of February, to the number
of twentytwo ships of the line, including those of Rodney,
Digby, and Ross, and four of the vessels taken from the
Spaniards, and three frigates, with twelve merchant ships
under their convoy, leaving at Gibraltar, the Edgar, of
seventyfour, the Panther, of sixty, which has been there a
long time, and the Guipuscoa, of sixtyfour guns, taken
from the Spaniards on the 8th of January, with twentyfour
merchant vessels under her convoy.
There has been much conversation for several days, concerning
a Spanish armament preparing at Cadiz, and letters
from Carthagena say, that the regiment of infantry, called
the Flankers' regiment, which has been in garrison in that
city, has been completed by orders from the Court of Naples,
and on the 1st of March, the first battalion marched
for Cadiz, and on the 4th of March, the second battalion.
It is said that this regiment is to embark with several
others, which from different garrisons have arrived at the
same place for America, in all parts of which, according to
appearances, the English will have enough to do to maintain
their ground this ensuing campaign.
In Ireland, on the 22d of February, an assembly of the
gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the city of Dublin,
resolved unanimously, that the advantages obtained in commerce
are neither complete nor solidly established; that
the sense of the nation is, that the Irish Parliament alone,
in concert with the sovereign, can give to the laws already
obtained of the Prince their obligatory force; that what
has been done ought not to be considered as anything
more than a great beginning; and that the general hope
was, that the end of the session would be as advantageous
to the political constitution of the country, as the
commencement of it had been favorable to commerce; that
the fathers of the country are particularly requested and
instructed to obtain a declaratory act, which may preserve
forever the free and independent state of Ireland, and by
introducing some necessary modifications of Poyning's
law, to prevent in future all controversy between the
King and the Parliament of Ireland, concerning fundamental
laws.
These instructions were given by the sheriffs to the
representatives of Dublin, who answered that they were
convinced, that no foreign legislative power whatsoever
had any right, or ought to arrogate to itself any authority
over their nation, and without injuring the legal and known
authority, which his Majesty has a right to exercise over
this kingdom in a manner conformable to the laws, they
would neglect nothing to obtain an act, which should take
away every unjust restriction, and which should tend to assure
the constitutional independence of the kingdom. This
is said to be the general sense of the whole kingdom, so that
it may truly be said, that the British empire is crumbling
to pieces like a rope of sand, insomuch, that if the war
should continue, I shall not be at all surprised if even
Scotland should become discontented with the Union,
and the disputes between the Ministry and the East
India Company should terminate in the independence of
Asia; nay, it would be no miracle if the West India Islands
should request the protection of France and Spain,
or the United States. I will take the first opportunity to
write upon the subject of Lord North's loan, which, together
with the other ways and means, amounts to the
amazing sum of £20,674,000 sterling.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 26th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 2d day of March the news of the royal consent
to the bill, which the British Parliament has passed for
granting to Ireland a free commerce with the American
Colonies, the West Indies, and the Coast of Africa, was
celebrated in Dublin by public rejoicings; the guns of the
Lark were discharged, the garrison made a feu de joie,
the castle and other public buildings were illuminated,
as well as some private houses. The government were
probably encouraged to these demonstrations of joy, by
the motion, which was made the day before, that is, the 1st
of March, by Mr Dennis Doly in the House of Commons,
for an address of thanks to the King, to which both parties
unanimously consented, not excepting the principal patriots,
such as Mr Ogle, Mr Hussy Burgh, and Mr Grattan.
The address contains an assurance of their attachment
to the royal person and government of the King; a profession
of gratitude for his Majesty's uninterrupted attention
to the interest of Ireland, and for the happy alteration,
which the wisdom of his councils, and the liberal sentiments
of the British Parliament have effected in the situation
of their affairs. They express a double satisfaction
for the benefits, which have been granted them, because
they appear to them to be an efficacious remedy for the
poverty of that country, and because they furnish an unquestionable
proof of that fraternal affection, which they
think they have a right to expect from Great Britain, and
which they will constantly endeavor to cultivate and augment
to the most perfect degree of mutual confidence.
They profess the sincerest pleasure in finding that the ties,
which have ever united the two kingdoms, have been
bound faster than ever, by the conduct of their fellow subjects,
and they assure his Majesty, that on their part, they
will never fail to make the greatest efforts for the maintenance
of that close connexion between the two kingdoms,
which they firmly believe to be inseparable from their happiness
and prosperity.
The next day the House of Peers, even at the motion
of the Duke of Leinster, followed the example of the
House of Commons. Their address is in substance the
same, with this addition, that the benefits received afford a
remedy proportioned to their distress, and that they will
discountenance with all their power all attempts, that deluded
men might make to excite ill founded apprehensions
in the people, and to turn their attention to the commerce,
which has been granted them in a manner so extensive.
To these additions, however, there was an opposition,
and finally a protest, signed by Lord Carrisford, the Earls
of Charlemont and Arran, and the Viscounts Powerscourt
and Mountmorris, and by the proxies of the Earl Moira,
and the Lords Eyre and Irnham.
The Duke of Leinster, however, has brought upon his
reputation by this motion suspicions all over Europe, that
he has been gained by the King, which a little time and
his future conduct will either dissipate or confirm.
The next day Parliament adjourned to the 11th of
April. Congress will be able to put a just interpretation
upon these addresses, by the account I gave in my last, of
the instructions of the city of Dublin to their representatives,
and their answer, as well as by those of the county
of Dublin, which remain to be communicated. On the
7th of March, there was held at Kilmainham, an assembly
of the freeholders of the county of Dublin, when the following
instructions to their representatives were agreed on.
"We, your constituents, desiring to acknowledge as we
ought, the advantages our commerce will derive from the
particular attention, which his Majesty has given it, from
the integrity of our Parliament, the firmness of our countrymen,
and the justice, which the English nation begins to
render us, we declare to you, that what follows is the principal
cause of our joy upon this occasion. It appears to
us, that the desire of monopolising commerce was the only
motive, which could make England imagine that she had a
right to usurp a legitimate authority over this kingdom, and
from the moment when she renounced this monopoly, she
has taken away the principal obstacle, which opposed our
liberty, and consequently the British nation will not continue
to itself an arbitrary power, from which she can derive
nothing but reducing this kingdom to slavery. We
desire to know, moreover, whether the united efforts of the
Parliament and people of Ireland ought to confine themselves,
so as to leave this island in a state of dependence
and submission to laws, to which the nation has never consented,
to laws dictated by a Parliament, in which she has
no representatives? Let it not be said, that this power attributed
to the English Parliament is chimerical. We may
see the proofs of it even in the repeal of several of the acts
and in this, that several persons declare, however falsely,
that this power is founded upon law. Having an equal
right to political liberty and to commerce, but deprived of
both; and nevertheless content to be restored to the enjoyment
of a free commerce alone; will it not appear, that we
absolutely give up the former? This idea would be absurd.
It is then our duty to declare to the universe, that we are
of right a free nation, not to be subjected to any laws, but
such as are made by the King and Parliament of Ireland.
"Desirous of nothing so much as to live always in good
intelligence with the British nation, on account of the union
of the two Crowns, our instructions are, that you shall make
the greatest efforts to obtain an act, which shall establish
forever the independence of the legislative power of Ireland.
We wish, moreover, that you would endeavor to
qualify Poyning's law, by taking away from the privy
council the legislative power. In accomplishing these important
objects, you will acquire honor to yourselves, and
give satisfaction to the nation.
"It is not to be doubted, that you will also fall upon
some plan of economy, by making savings, which are become
necessary to increase the revenue of the Crown, and
improve the commerce of the nation."
It seems now very plain, that the Irish nation aspires to
an independence of Great Britain the most unlimited,
and acknowledges no other connexion with her but that
of affection and a subjection to the same King. The
troops already raised by associations amount to between
sixty and seventy thousand men, which are to be forthwith
augmented by ten thousand more, who are to be formed of
countrymen; each officer is to furnish four, who will be
clothed and paid out of the funds, that each regiment will
establish for this purpose. The principal objects of these
armed associations are said to be, a free and unlimited
commerce to all parts of the world, except only the East
Indies. The repeal of Poyning's law, passed under
Henry the Seventh, and another under George the First,
which restrains the legislative authority of the Irish Parliament,
with an express clause, that the Parliament of Ireland
ought, and shall be forever and wholly exempt from
all kind of control and dependence of the British Parliament,
in all cases whatsoever. That students shall no
longer be obliged to go to the Temple in London, and
other seminaries in England to study law. But, in future,
they shall study in the University of Dublin, under proper
professors, and shall be admitted to the bar in Ireland by
the Lord Chancellor and the other judges, after a proper
examination; the judges to be natives, except the
Chancellor; the bishops also to be natives.
In the meantime, the slightest circumstances may blow
up the flames of war between the two kingdoms, which
would have been done some weeks ago, if the regular
officers of the King's troops had not given way to the Dublin
volunteers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I think it my duty to lay before Congress what may
occur in Holland, relative to the present war, at least until
the arrival of Mr Laurens, whose presence is much desired
there. Many appearances make it probable, that the
grasping and vindictive temper of the English will compel
the Republic into the war. If they do take a part, it is very
certain it will be against England. As plunder and revenge
are the present ruling passions of the English, it is
probable, that a war with Holland is rather wished for than
otherwise, because the Ministry and their principal supporters
seem to have no idea, that it is possible to make
things worse, and all the plunder they can get will be so
much clear gain. The Dutch are so much alarmed and
aroused, that it is very certain the Prince finds it necessary
to give out, that he has been deceived by the English, that
he has changed his sentiments, and that he will promote
with all his influence unlimited convoys. It is certain, that
they are fitting their men-of-war with a great deal of activity,
and it is confidently affirmed, that they have made a
treaty with Russia and Sweden, who are to make a common
cause. The States of the Province of Friesland have
come to a resolution, that it was certain Byland was not
the aggressor, but that Fielding had not hesitated to make
use of force to visit the Dutch ships under convoy, to stop
those that were loaded with hemp, and to insult the flag of
the Republic. That this proceeding shows, that the complaisance
hitherto shown to England, in depriving the ships
loaded with masts and ship timber of the protection of the
State, in leaving them to sail alone and without convoy, has
had no effects, and consequently the States judge, that a
similar condescension ought no longer to take place, but,
on the contrary, all merchandise whatsoever, which the
treaties do not expressly declare to be contraband, ought,
without the least difficulty, to be admitted under convoy,
and enjoy the protection of the State, and to this effect,
His Most Serene Highness ought to be requested to give
orders to the commanders of the men of war, and of the
squadron of the Republic, to protect, as heretofore, all
merchandise.
This resolution was taken the 29th day of February,
and laid before the States-General, who, after debating
upon it, determined to require the deputies of the other
Provinces to obtain, as soon as possible, the decision of
their Provinces upon the same subject. These two Provinces,
Holland and Friesland, have already decided for
unlimited convoys.
Sir Joseph Yorke, on the 21st of March instant, laid
before their High Mightinesses another Memorial, insisting
on the aid which he had demanded before, upon condition,
in case of refusal, that his master would, after three
months consider all treaties between the two countries as
null, and in which he contends, that the protection afforded
to Captain Jones, whom he calls a pirate, in the Texel
and in Amsterdam, was a violation of the treaties.
In order more clearly to comprehend the dispute between
Great Britain and the States-General, it may not be
amiss to observe, that by the marine treaty between the
two powers, concluded at the Hague in 1667, all the subjects
and inhabitants of the United Provinces may, with all
safety and freedom, sail and traffic in all the kingdoms,
countries, and estates, which are, or shall be in peace,
amity, or neutrality with the States-General, without any
hinderance or molestation from the ships of war, gallies,
frigates, barques, or other vessels belonging to the King of
Great Britain, or any of his subjects, upon occasion or account
of any war, which may hereafter happen between
the King of Great Britain and the above said kingdoms,
countries, and estates, or any of them, which are, or shall
be, in peace, amity, or neutrality with the States-General;
and this freedom of navigation and commerce shall extend
to all sorts of merchandise, excepting contraband goods.
That this term of contraband goods, is to be understood to
comprehend all sorts of fire arms, their appurtenances, and
all other utensils of war called in French, "servans à
l'usage de la guerre," and that under this head of contraband
goods, these following shall not be comprehended;
corn, wheat, or other grain, pulse, oils, wine, salt, or generally
anything that belongs to the nourishment or sustenance
of life, but they shall remain free, as likewise all
other merchandise and commodities not comprehended in
the foregoing article, and the transportation of them shall
be permitted even into places at enmity with Great Britain,
except such places are besieged, blocked up, or invested.
Masts, yards, ship timber, and hemp, the articles
now in dispute, are not contraband by this treaty, or by
the law of nations. Yet Great Britain, in the hours of her
insolence and madness, which are not yet at an end, makes
no scruple to seize, condemn, and confiscate them. She
pretends, that as the Dutch refuse to her the aid she demands
by treaty, she has a right to seize upon masts,
timber, and hemp, which are not prohibited by treaty.
Not to enter into the inquiry, whether the present case is
such, as by the treaties obliges the Dutch to furnish her
aid, but admitting for argument's sake it is so, yet the
consequences will not follow. It would only follow, that
Great Britain was absolved from the obligation of the
treaty, not by any means that she is discharged from the
obligations of the law of nations.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Versailles, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor
to write on the 21st instant. I remember very well to
have said to you, that your presentation should be inserted
in the Gazette of France; but, from the information I have
since obtained, it seems that the presentations, whether
of Ambassadors or Ministers Plenipotentiary, are not thus
announced in our Gazette, and it would have the appearance
of affectation to insert yours. As a substitute, I will
have it mentioned, if you wish, in the Mercure de France,
and you can take measures to have the notice repeated in
the foreign gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
P. S. I enclose a draft of an article, which I propose
to send to the Mercure de France. It will not be sent till
I learn your opinion of it.
"Mr Adams, whom the Congress of the United States
has designated to assist at the conferences for a peace,
when that event shall take place, arrived here some time
ago, and has had the honor to be presented to the King
and the royal family."
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor of your Excellency's letter of this
day, in answer to mine of the 21st of this month. Until
the receipt of it, I had taken it for granted, that the
presentation of every Ambassador was regularly inserted in
the Gazette of France, and until very lately, several days
since the date of my letter to your Excellency of the
21st of this month, I had supposed, that the presentation
of Ministers Plenipotentiary was constantly inserted likewise.
The information your Excellency has given me, that the
presentation of neither Ambassadors nor Ministers Plenipotentiary
have ever been inserted, has perfectly satisfied
me, and I doubt not will equally satisfy my countrymen,
who have heretofore been under the same mistake with
myself.
I approve very much of your Excellency's proposition
of inserting my presentation in the Mercury of France,
and shall take measures to have it repeated in the foreign
gazettes.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress copies of certain
letters, which I have had the honor to write to the
Count de Vergennes, and of others, which I have received
from him.
It seems that the presentations of the American Commissioners
and Ministers Plenipotentiary have not been
inserted in the Gazette, which occasioned some uneasiness
in the minds of some of our countrymen, as they thought
it a neglect of us, and a distinction between our sovereign
and others. The enclosed letters will explain this matter,
and show, that no distinction has been made between the
representatives of the United States and those of other
powers.
I ought to confess to Congress, that the delicacy of the
Count de Vergennes about communicating my powers is
not perfectly consonant to my manner of thinking, and if I
had followed my own judgment I should have pursued a
bolder plan by communicating, immediately after my arrival,
to Lord George Germain, my full powers to treat both
of peace and commerce; but I hope Congress will approve
of my communicating first to this Court my destination
and asking their advice, and then pursuing it, because
I think no doubt can be made, that it is my duty to
conduct my negotiations at present in concert with our ally,
as I have hitherto done.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 30th, 1780.
Sir,
There is an anecdote, which causes a great speculation
at present, because it is supposed to show the tendency of
things in Ireland, and what is to be expected by Great Britain,
if the Ministry should oppose themselves to the wishes
of the Irish nation. On the 23d of February, three bodies
of volunteers, those of Dublin, commanded by Colonel
John Allen, those of the Liberties, commanded by Sir Edward
Newingham, and another body, commanded by Mr
Taylor, assembled at the Exchange, from whence they
made a long march in a circuit of four miles, accompanied
with other volunteers on horseback, to the Park, the
avenues of which were guarded by five other corps of
volunteers.
There they went through the manœuvres and firings,
with as much celerity and precision as any regular troops.
They were there reviewed by the Duke of Leinster, as
General and Commander-in-Chief, accompanied with four
Aids-de-Camps, and they all rendered to this nobleman
military honors almost equal to those which are rendered
to a King.
Returning from the review, the volunteers met in Barrack
street a detachment of the royal troops marching to
the castle. These required, that the volunteers should
turn out of the way, and endeavored to break their ranks;
but the volunteers, with their bayonets fixed and charged,
stood their ground and discovered such a resolution, that
the commanding officer of the King's troops ordered them
to halt, and desired to speak with the Duke of Leinster.
They entered into a conference. The regular troops pretended
they had a right to the pavements, as the troops of
the King. The volunteers, thought they had a right to
keep it, as free citizens, voluntarily armed for the defence
of their country, and consequently superior to mere mercenaries.
They supported these arguments by preparations
for battle, the people declared themselves in favor of
the volunteers, by collecting together a sufficient quantity
of stones, to overwhelm the troops, who at last gave way,
in order to avoid a scene of blood. The next day the
volunteers sent to the Viceroy an excuse, but couched in
terms, which justified their conduct as necessary to maintain
the liberty, independence, and dignity of the nation.
I have seen so much of the spirit of the King's troops, in
several contests between them and the citizens of Boston,
as to know very well what all this means. The volunteers
must have great confidence in their own strength, and the
King's troops equal diffidence of theirs, before an altercation
of this kind could terminate in this manner.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, March 31st, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I have received yours of the 26th, and that of the
15th of this month. I enclose a copy of the letter you
desire.
M. Garnier is gone into the country, and I have not
seen him since I arrived here. Mr Izard, however, has
seen him, and will give you a satisfactory account of what
he says.
If I were to apply to the other gentleman, you know
what would be the consequence. It would fly very soon
to, you know where, and I should have only the credit of
meddling unnecessarily with disputes, which I have kept
out of as much I could, and which it is certainly now the
public interest, and consequently my duty, to keep out of
as much I can. I had, therefore, rather be excused. The
gentleman himself would probably give you the same
answer to a letter from you directly to him, as he would
give to me, unless I should use arts with him; which would
be unworthy of you, as well as of me, and which I cannot
use with anybody.
I shall have enough to do, to steer my little bark among
the rocks and shoals. I shall have perplexities enough of
my own, which I cannot avoid, and dangers too. These
I shall meet with a steady mind, and perhaps none of them
will be greater than that, which I think my duty, of avoiding
things that do not belong to me.
Scarcely ever any Minister executed a commission for
making a peace, without ruining his own reputation, in a
free government. No Minister that ever existed, had a
more difficult and dangerous peace to make than I have.
The gentleman you mention has hitherto been very still,
but he has been well received, by all that I have learnt.
Adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The Prince of Orange, Stadtholder, is not only supposed
to have ambitious views of allying his family to that
of Great Britain, but is very much influenced by the Duke
of Brunswick, who is a field marshal, and commander in
chief of the Dutch land forces, who is also a brother of
Prince Ferdinand. The Duke is not upon the best terms
with his family, because they think he is too much attached
to the House of Austria. By this double attraction of England
on one side, and their old friends the House of Austria
on the other, it is not very surprising that His Most Serene
Highness is drawn a little aside from the line of the American
cause, which is now so closely connected, and likely to
be more so, with the House of Bourbon. Hence it is said,
that the Count de Byland is to be honorably acquitted by
the court martial, and hence the embarrassments the
Dutch are under, in their wishes to resent like men the
unparalleled injuries, that have been done them by the English.
There is, however, so much spirit in the United
Provinces, as to oblige the Prince to put on the appearance
of resentment at the insults offered to his flag, and
to oblige the British Minister to assume the tone of menace,
in order to work upon the fears of the people, whose property
is so exposed as to make them dread a war with any
nation whatever.
Congress will, however, be able to judge of what is
doing in Holland by the following proceedings. A petition
was presented to their High Mightinesses on the 25th of
February, for the equipment of fiftytwo ships of war, in
the following terms.
"Your High Mightinesses having thought proper by
your resolution of the 17th of this month, which came to
us the 22d, to require us to present to your High Mightinesses,
without influencing, however, in anything the deliberations
of the confederates, a petition for the sum of
two million six hundred and twenty thousand five hundred
and ninetyeight florins, to assist towards the one half of the
necessary expense for an extraordinary equipment of fiftytwo
vessels of war and frigates, which are to be put in a
condition of service by the first of May, as well as of
other articles more fully particularised in the report contained
in the resolution of your High Mightinesses, and in
the estimate enclosed with it, which we flatter ourselves
were made with all possible accuracy, while the funds
necessary for the half of the equipment abovementioned,
will be found in the produce of certain duties.
"We have been the more zealous not to delay giving
satisfaction to the requisition of your High Mightinesses, as
we consider the said plan, as tending to accomplish what
has been for so many years represented and advised, as
well by His Serene Highness as by us, in general petitions
addressed successively to your High Mightinesses, as well as
to the confederates, that is to say, to put the Republic in a
more respectable state of defence, by augmenting her
marine and troops, an object upon which it has been again
insisted in the petition of the current year, which employed
such reasons and such urgent motives to this purpose, that
expressions now fail us for adding anything to what has
been already said; and persuaded, moreover, as we are,
that the circumstances and facts, such of them as have
passed in a manner so remarkable, render useless and superfluous
all further reasonings, in such sort, that all these
details being already perfectly understood, as well by your
High Mightinesses as by the confederates, we think we
may depend upon this knowledge, in expectation of the
definitive resolutions of your High Mightinesses, equally
salutary and unanimous, and the effect of which will be to
prevent and ward off the new misfortunes, which may
threaten the Republic; assured, moreover, and persuaded,
that the serious intention of the confederates is to accomplish
the equipment proposed with all that depends upon
it, and that to this end, their High Mightinesses will be
pleased, not only to give their consent to the petition of
two millions six hundred and twenty thousand five hundred
and ninetyeight florins, formed by the present, but also,
what is more important, to furnish as soon as possible
their quota to the general treasury, by which means the
colleges of the Admiralty, whose duty it is to attend to the
equipments, may be possessed of the means necessary to
this operation at convenient periods; which will be thought
more indispensably necessary, on casting an eye on the
reasons more amply alleged in the report of the colleges of
the Admiralty, and expressed in the resolution of your
High Mightinesses, the 17th of February, to which we
refer."
On the twentyfirst of March, 1780, Sir Joseph Yorke,
the British Ambassador, presented a Memorial to their
High Mightinesses, of the following tenor.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The King, my Master, has always cultivated the
friendship of your High Mightinesses, and has always considered
the alliance, which has so long subsisted between
the two nations, as founded upon the wisest principles, and
as essential to their mutual prosperity. The principal objects
of this alliance, which stands upon the immovable
basis of a common interest, are the safety and prosperity of
the two States, the maintenance of the public tranquillity,
and the preservation of that just balance so often disturbed
by the ambitious policy of the House of Bourbon. When
the Court of Versailles, in direct violation of the public faith,
and of the common rights of sovereigns, had broken the
peace, by a league made with the rebel subjects of his
Majesty, avowed and declared formally by the Marquis de
Noailles; when, by immense preparations, France manifested
her designs of annihilating the maritime power of England,
the King expected that your High Mightinesses, too
enlightened not to see, that the safety of the Republic is
closely connected with that of Great Britain, would have
been zealous to come to his assistance. One of the first
cares of his Majesty was, to inform your High Mightinesses
of all the circumstances of this unjust war; and in the critical
situation in which the King found himself he did not
forget the interests of his ancient allies; but, on the contrary,
has shown the most sincere desire to favor the commerce
and the free navigation of the Republic, as much as
the safety of his people could permit. He even desisted a
long time from demanding the succors stipulated by the
treaties, fulfilling thus his own engagements, without insisting
on the accomplishment of those of your High Mightinesses.
The demand was never made, until after the united forces
of France and Spain showed themselves ready to fall upon
England, and there attempt a descent by the assistance of
a formidable fleet. Although frustrated in this enterprise,
the enemies of the King meditate still the same project;
and it is by the express order of his Majesty, that the
undersigned renews, at this time, in a manner the most
formal, the demand of the succors stipulated by different
treaties, and particularly by that of the year 1716.
"Hitherto your High Mightinesses have been silent upon
an article so essential; at the same time, you have insisted
on a forced construction of the treaty of commerce of the
year 1674, against the abuse of which Great Britain has
protested at all times. This interpretation cannot be reconciled
to the clear and precise stipulations of the secret
article of the treaty of peace of the same year. An article
of a treaty of commerce cannot annul an article so essential
of a treaty of peace, and both are expressly comprehended
in the principal treaty of alliance of 1678, by which your
High Mightinesses are obliged to furnish to his Majesty the
succors, which he now demands. You are too just and
too wise not to feel, that all the engagements between powers
ought to be mutually and reciprocally observed, and
although contracted in different periods, they oblige equally
the contracting parties. This incontestible principle applies
itself here with so much the more force, as the
treaty of 1716 renews all the anterior engagements between
the Crown of England and the Republic, and incorporates
them, as it were, together.
"Moreover, the subscriber had orders to declare to your
High Mightinesses, that he was ready to enter into conferences
with you, to regulate in an amicable manner all
which might be necessary to avoid misunderstandings, and
prevent every disagreeable occurrence, by concerting measures
equitable and advantageous for the respective subjects.
"This friendly offer was refused, in a manner as unexpected
as it was extraordinary and unusual among friendly
powers; and without taking notice of repeated representations,
both public and secret, upon the subject of convoys,
your High Mightinesses have not only granted convoys
for different kinds of naval stores, but you have moreover
expressly resolved, that a certain number of vessels of war
should be held ready to convoy in the sequel naval stores
of every species, destined for the ports of France; and
this at a time when the subjects of the Republic enjoyed
by the force of treaties, a freedom and an extent of commerce
and of navigation far beyond that, which the law
of nations allows to neutral powers. This resolution, and
the orders given to Admiral Byland, to oppose himself by
force to the visits of merchant ships, have given place to
the incident, which the friendship of the King would have
greatly desired to have prevented; but it is notorious, that
this Admiral, in consequence of his instructions, first fired
upon the sloops bearing the English flag, which were sent
to make the visit in the manner prescribed by the treaty of
1674. It was then a manifest aggression, a direct violation
of the same treaty, which your High Mightinesses
seem to look upon as the most sacred of all. His Majesty
has made beforehand repeated representations of the necessity
and justice of this visit, practised in all similar circumstances,
and fully authorised by this treaty. They
were informed in London, that there were in the Texel
a great number of vessels loaded with naval stores, and
particularly with masts and large ship timber, ready to set
sail for France immediately after, or under, a Dutch convoy.
The event has but too fully proved the truth of
these informations, since some of these vessels have been
found even under this convoy. The greatest number have
escaped, and have carried to France the most efficacious
succors, of which she stood in the greatest necessity.
"At the same time your High Mightinesses thus aided
the enemy of the King, by favoring the transportation of
these succors, you imposed a heavy penalty upon the subjects
of the Republic, to restrain them from carrying victuals
to Gibraltar, although this place was comprehended
in the general warranty of all the British possessions in
Europe, and although at that time Spain had vexed the
commerce of the Republic, in a manner the most outrageous
and unexampled.
"It is not only on these occasions, that the conduct of
your High Mightinesses towards the King, and towards the
enemy of his Majesty, forms a most striking contrast in the
eyes of all the impartial world. No one is ignorant of
that, which passed in the too well known affair of Paul
Jones. The asylum granted to this pirate was directly
contrary to the treaty of Breda, of 1667, and even to the
proclamation of your High Mightinesses of 1776. Further,
although your High Mightinesses have kept, and still
keep a silence the most absolute, with regard to the just
demands of his Majesty, you have been forward, at the
simple request of the King's enemies, to assure them of an
absolute and unconditional neutrality, without any exception
of the ancient engagements of the Republic, founded
upon the most solemn treaties. Nevertheless the King
would still persuade himself, that all which has passed ought
to be attributed less to the disposition of your High Mightinesses,
than to artifices of his enemies, who, after having
excited discord among the members of the State, seek alternately
by menaces and by promises to animate them
against their natural ally. His Majesty cannot believe,
that your High Mightinesses have taken the resolution to
abandon a system, which the Republic has pursued for
more than a century, with so much success and so much
glory.
"But if such was the resolution of your High Mightinesses,
if you were determined to forsake the alliance with
Great Britain, in refusing to fulfil the engagements of it,
there would arise from this resolution a new order of
things. The King would perceive such an alteration with
a sensible regret; but the consequences, which would follow
from it, would be necessary and unavoidable. If by
an act of your High Mightinesses, the Republic should
cease to be the ally of Great Britain, the relations between
the two nations will be totally changed, and they will no
longer have any other ties or relation than those, which
subsist between nations neutral and friendly. Every
treaty being reciprocal, if your High Mightinesses will not
fulfil your engagements, the consequence will be, that
those of his Majesty will cease to be obligatory. It is in
pursuance of these incontestible principles, that his Majesty
has ordered the subscriber to declare to your High Mightinesses,
in a manner the most friendly, but at the same
time the most serious, that, if contrary to his just expectations,
your High Mightinesses do not give him, within the
term of three weeks, to be computed from the day of presentation
of this memorial, a satisfactory answer, touching
the succors demanded eight months ago, his Majesty, considering
this conduct as a departure from the alliance on
the part of your High Mightinesses, will no longer consider
the United Provinces in any other light than that of other
neutral powers not privileged by treaties, and consequently
will, without further delay, suspend conditionally, and until
further orders, in regard to their subjects, all the particular
stipulations of the treaties between the two nations,
particularly those of the treaty of 1674, and will hold himself
simply bound by the general principles of the law of
nations, which ought to serve as rules between powers
neutral and not privileged.
JOSEPH YORKE."
On the 24th of March, the States-General made the
following answer to Sir Joseph Yorke.
"That their High Mightinesses had resolved to represent
to his Britannic Majesty by the Count de Welderen,
their Envoy Extraordinary, that having seen by the memorial
of the Ambassador, dated the 21st of March, that
his Majesty fixed a term of three weeks to have a satisfactory
answer touching the succors demanded, their High
Mightinesses wished to satisfy, as soon as possible, the
desires of his Britannic Majesty, by giving him a positive
answer; but they foresaw, that the form of government
inherent in the constitution of the Republic would not
permit them to complete their answer in the time specified,
as the memorial of the Ambassador, having become an
object of the deliberations of the representative Provinces,
it was necessary to wait the resolution of the several
States, the Assemblies of which were now sitting, or about
to sit; that their High Mightinesses assured themselves, that
his Majesty, considering these reasons, would not persist
rigorously in the time fixed, to the end, that their High
Mightinesses might have that of forming in a manner conformable
to the constitution of the Republic (in which their
High Mightinesses had not a right to make any alteration)
an answer to the memorial of the Ambassador, their High
Mightinesses promising to neglect nothing for accelerating,
as much as possible, the deliberations upon the subject,
and they pray the Ambassador to support these representations,
with his good offices, with the King, his master."
Sir Joseph Yorke, after reading this answer, replied, that
whatever might be his desire to satisfy the inclinations of
their High Mightinesses, the orders of the King, his master,
would not permit him upon this occasion; that, however,
he doubted not, that they would be equally satisfied
by the representations with which their High Mightinesses
had charged the Count de Welderen at the Court of
London.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 3d, 1780.
Sir,
The fermentation in England has already distressed the
administration and overawed some of the members of the
House of Commons, but there is room to suspect, that this
is chiefly to be attributed to the approach of an election.
The petitions are very far from being universal, and the
congress of the sub-committees is not yet numerous.
At a meeting of these from York, Surry, Middlesex,
Sussex, Gloucester, Hertford, Kent, Huntington, Dorset,
Bucks, Chester, Devon, and Essex, from the cities of
London, Westminster, Gloucester, and the towns of Newcastle
and Nottingham, holden at the St Albans tavern,
and afterwards by adjournment at the great room in King
Street, St James, on the 11th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, and
20th days of March, 1780, the Reverend Christopher
Wyvill in the chair, a memorial was agreed on, containing
reasons for a plan of association.
They affirm that there is a despotic system, and they
date the commencement of it nearly from the beginning of
the present reign, and they say that they have arrived at
the crisis, which the wisest of the political writers marked
for the downfall of British liberty, when the legislative
body shall become as corrupt as the executive, they should
have said more corrupt, because that is undoubtedly the
fact at present, as well as the case stated by Montesquieu.
They say, that by the unhappy war with America, begotten
in the first instance of this despotic system, and
nursed with a view of giving completion to it, the fatal influence
of the Crown has been armed with more ample
means for enslaving Parliament, while the nation has visibly
sunk almost into beggary. Never did any country
experience so sudden a reverse from prosperity to depression.
They state the fall of rents, the accumulation of
taxes, and the stagnation of all credit. They then run a
long course of reasoning, to show the utility, importance,
and necessity, of the several things they recommended to
the people of England, which are all comprehended in a
few propositions.
1st. They recommend perseverance in the petitions,
and an association in support of them.
2dly. A new law for taking the suffrages of the people
at elections, to prevent expense and influence.
3dly. To adopt, as part of their general associations,
the following propositions.
I. That an examination be made into all the branches
of the receipt, expenditure, and mode of keeping and
passing accounts of public money.
II. One hundred, at least, of additional members of
counties in the House of Commons.
III. That the members of the House of Commons be
annually elected.
IV. That it is recommended to all voters to support,
at the next election, such candidates as shall, by signing
the association or otherwise, satisfy them that they will support
these regulations in Parliament.
In the Middlesex committee, at the Masons' tavern,
March 24th, this circular letter and the memorial it contained
were unanimously approved, and their members in
the general Congress thanked. In the Westminster committee,
King's Arms tavern, Palace yard, March 15th,
1780, it was resolved, "that by the resolution of the general
meeting, directing this committee to prepare a plan of association
on legal and constitutional grounds, to support the
laudable reform, and such other measures as may conduce
to restore the freedom of Parliament, this committee conceive
themselves bound to enter into the consideration of
every question tending to establish the independency of Parliament
on a solid and durable basis. That the duration of
Parliament, and the state of the representatives of the people,
are questions immediately under this description; that
a sub-committee, consisting of seven persons, be appointed to
inquire into the state of the representation of the nation and
make a report." On the 20th of March, the sub-committee
reported. The report is dated the 19th. "That new Parliaments
to be holden once in every year were the ancient
usage, and declared to be the hereditary and indefeasible
right of the people of England; that the 6th of William
and Mary is the first, which attempts to appoint the time
of the continuance of Parliament to be for the term of
three years, though the same act recognises the ancient laws
and statutes of this kingdom, by which annual Parliaments
were confirmed, and declares that frequent and new Parliaments
tend very much to the happy union and good agreement
of the King and people; that by the 1st of George
the First, the Parliament then chosen for three years, (by
acquiescence of the people to the act of William and
Mary, on the faith of its declaring, that from henceforth,
no Parliament whatsoever, that shall at any time hereafter
be called, assembled, or held, shall have any continuance
for longer than three years only at the furthest,)
did pass an act to prolong its continuance to seven years;
that temporary considerations are stated in the preamble
to the act, as the principal motives for the act itself, that
the 6th of William and Mary is worded as if declaratory
of what was conceived, however falsely, to have been the
constitution of the country; but that the septennial act assumes
a power of altering the duration of Parliament at
pleasure; that these alterations in the constitution of Parliament
were made without communication with the constituent
body of the people, and have been continued without
the sanction of their approbation; that the septennial
bill was strongly opposed in Parliament, and a direct infringement
on the constitution, and a flagrant breach of
trust towards the constituent body; that it was supported
almost entirely on the principle of expediency; that the
voice of the people appeared strongly against it, in many
respectable petitions to Parliament on the occasion, and
that a constitutional protest was entered by the Peers,
stating, that frequent Parliaments were the fundamental
constitution of the kingdom; that the House of Commons
ought to be chosen by the people, and when continued for
a longer time than they were chosen for, they were then
chosen by the Parliament and not by the people; that they
conceived the bill, so far from preventing corruption,
would rather increase it, for the longer a Parliament was
to last, the more valuable to corrupt ones would be the
purchase, and that all the reasons which had been given
for long Parliaments might be given for making them perpetual,
which would be an absolute subversion of the third
estate; that various motions were afterwards made and
strongly supported for a repeal of the septennial act,
particularly a motion for annual Parliaments in 1774, which
was lost only by a majority of thirtytwo; that the city of
London and other respectable bodies continued to instruct
their representatives to prosecute this object in the most vigorous
manner, as essentially necessary to the independency
and integrity of Parliament, the rights of the people, and
the prosperity of their country; that by the 8th of Henry
Sixth, the Parliament, then elected by the commonality at
large, passed an act to disfranchise the greater part of their
constituents, by limiting the right of election of Knights of
the Shire to persons having free lands, or tenants, to the
value of forty shillings by the year, at the least, which restriction
has ever since continued; that many towns and
boroughs, formerly entitled for their repute and reputation,
to send members to Parliament, have since fallen into decay,
yet continue to have a representation equal to the
most opulent counties and cities, while other towns and
places, which have risen into consideration, and become
populous and wealthy, have no representatives in Parliament;
that the number of the inhabitants of England and
Wales is above five millions; that of these, twelve hundred
thousand are supposed capable of voting, as the constitution
stood before the restrictive act above quoted; that not
more than two hundred and fourteen thousand are at present
permitted to vote; that out of these, one hundred and
thirty thousand freeholders elect ninetytwo members for
fiftytwo counties; fortythree thousand citizens, freemen
and others, elect fiftytwo members for twentythree cities
and two universities, and fortyone thousand electors choose
three hundred and sixtynine members for one hundred and
ninetytwo towns and boroughs; that fifty of these members
are returned by three hundred and forty electors; and a
number scarcely above six thousand, being a majority of
the voters of one hundred and twentynine of the boroughs,
return two hundred and fiftyseven representatives, which is
a majority of the whole English House of Commons, and
the efficient representation of above five millions of people;
that many of these boroughs are immediately under the
influence of the Crown, as the cinque ports; many of
them are private property, affording hereditary seats, as
those under burgage, tenure, and some of them almost
without houses or inhabitants, as Galton, Newtown, and
Old Sarum; that considering the representation with
reference to property, many counties return representatives
out of all proportion to what they contribute to the
public revenue; that Cornwall pays to land tax and subsidy,
sixteen parts out of five hundred and thirty, and
sends fortyfour members to Parliament, while Middlesex
pays not less in proportion than two hundred and fiftysix,
and sends eight members; so that the inequality of the
representation of this country, with regard to property, is
still greater than when estimated according to the numbers
of its inhabitants." The Westminster committee after considering
this report, Mr Fox in the chair, came to the following
resolutions.
"1. That annual Parliaments are the undoubted right of
the people of England, and that the act which prolonged
their duration was subversive of the constitution, and a
violation on the part of the representatives, of the sacred
trust reposed in them by their constituents.
"2. That the present state of the representation of this
country is inadequate to the object, and a departure from
the first principles of the constitution.
"3. That thanks be given to the sub-committee for their
very intelligent report.
"4. That copies of it be sent to the several committees
of the counties, cities, and boroughs of the kingdom."
I have been thus particular in stating the proceedings of
these committees, because it must be an advantage for
Congress to have them all in view, and to see the whole of
the foundation that is laid. They are some of the most
important proceedings of the present reign; they are the
commencement of a new sovereignty in opposition to the
old. If there is virtue or good sense in the nation, these
machines will discover it and set it in motion, and provided
the war continues, it will prevail; but if there is neither
virtue or sense remaining, or not enough of these to produce
the desired effect, it will probably be the last national
effort made in favor of liberty, and despotism will range at
large.
If the King would make peace now, he would dissipate
all these combinations in England, Ireland, and Holland, as
well as prevent the treaty with Spain, (which I believe is in
a good way, from a letter which I lately saw from Mr
Carmichael,) from giving advantages, to Spain, and disadvantages
to England, which can never be altered. But if
he continues the war long, if he should have signal successes,
these may dispel the storms in England and Ireland;
but if he should be unsuccessful, the new sovereignty
will probably prevail against him, after involving the three
kingdoms in confusion and blood.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 4th, 1780.
Sir,
There is an anecdote from Malaga, which ought to be
mentioned to Congress, because, it cannot fail to have
serious consequences.
The Swedish frigate, the Illerim, of thirtyfour guns,
commanded by Captain Ankerloo, on the 28th of February,
at half after eight o'clock at night met an English privateer
belonging to Minorca, of twentyeight guns. The
Swedish Captain, after hailing the privateer, let her continue
her course, and went on quietly his own; about half
an hour after the privateer returning, ranged herself astern
of the frigate, and unexpectedly discharged both his broadsides,
loaded with langrage, which killed three sailors,
broke the thigh and the right leg of the Captain, wounded
the Lieutenant and some people of the crew. Ankerloo,
who in the evening had been obliged by a violent gale of
wind to draw in his guns and shut up his ports, not finding
himself prepared for battle, his officers took immediate
measures, with the utmost alertness, for repulsing the
privateer, which did in fact at last receive one broadside
from the frigate; but, upon the whole, she escaped in the
night, by the force of sails and of oars. After this perfidy
on the part of the English, Ankerloo would have entered
Marseilles for the sake of dressing his wounds, but having
met with contrary winds and bad weather for three days,
he put into Malaga, where he went ashore to the house
of the Swedish consul, where he is since dead of his
wounds.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 6th, 1780.
Sir,
It may be necessary to transmit the decree of Sir James
Mariott, against the Dutch ship la Sybellina Hillegonda,
in order fully to comprehend the proceedings, which I have
sent before. The decree is this.
"The fact in this case is, a Dutch ship loaded with naval
stores, for a port in France, under the convoy of not less
than five men-of-war, and the commander of these men-of-war,
not measuring his conduct by the line of the treaty,
resists, fires upon the boat of the English Commodore,
and forbids the execution of the treaty. The English
Commodore returns the fire. The Dutch Admiral fires
again, and strikes; so that the fact is to be adjusted, and
it is of such a nature as has never before happened in the
history of this nation. It falls unfortunately to my share,
to decide upon these facts and their consequences.
"It is, nevertheless, a consolation, that although the
judge of this court may decide, in the first instance, there
is still a superior tribunal, in the last resort. This court
ought to judge of the case of the treaty, since, in virtue
of a special commission, under the great seal of the kingdom,
the judges of the courts of admiralty are authorised
and required to take cognizance of, and proceed judicially
in all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals,
and decide upon them according to the course of
the admiralty and the law of nations.
"The claimant disdains to found his right in any other
way than upon the treaty. My idea is, that all the marine
treaties, which subsist between two friendly powers, form
but one code of laws, one great confederation, one indivisible
union. They are, if it is lawful to make use of these
sacred words, the Bible, the Book, or the Testament of the
social contract between the nations, to be maintained inviolably,
as a system, whereof we cannot break one part without
dissolving the whole.
"The Dutch subjects have, in virtue of the treaty, particular
privileges, superior to those of every other country,
but they may overleap the bounds of these privileges, and
from that time they ought to be weighed in the balance,
like other neutral nations. To be found under a convoy
is not, in itself, an infraction of the treaty, but the conduct
of this convoy is to be considered.
"The fifth article of the treaty of 1674 is reciprocal.
'If any ship, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty of
Great Britain, shall in open sea, or elsewhere, out of the
dominions of the said States, meet any ships of war of the
Lords the States, or privateers belonging to their subjects,
the said ships of the Lords the States, or of their subjects,
shall keep at a convenient distance, and only send out
their boat, with two or three men only, to go on board such
ships or vessels of the subjects of his Majesty, in order
that the passport, or sea-brief, concerning the property
thereof, according to the form hereunder annexed, may be
produced to them, by the captain or master of such ship
or vessel, belonging to the subjects of his Majesty; and
the said ships, so producing the same, shall freely pass;
and it shall not be lawful to molest, search, detain, or
force such ship from her intended voyage. And the subjects
of the Lords the States shall enjoy in all things, the
same liberty and immunity, they in like manner showing
their passport, or sea-brief, made out according to the
form prescribed at the foot of this treaty.'
"The sixth article is, 'If any ship or vessel, belonging
to the English or other subjects of Great Britain, shall be
met making into any port belonging to an enemy of the
Lords the States, or, on the other side, if any ship belonging
to the United Provinces of the Netherlands, or other
subjects of the Lords the States, shall be met in her way,
making into any port under the obedience of the enemies
of his said Majesty, such ships shall show, not only a passport,
or sea-brief, according to the form hereunder subscribed,
wherewith she is to be furnished, but also her certificate
or cocket, containing the particulars of the goods
on board, in the usual form, by the officers of the customs
of that port, from whence she came; whereby it may be
known whether she is laden with any of the goods prohibited
by the third article of this treaty.'
"Such are the terms of this treaty, which this court
will not declare to be now in force; but one of the
parties may renounce it; and it would be from that
time, so far forth, a good cause of annulling it. It could
not ever have been the intention of the contracting parties,
that the merchant ships of the subjects of the States
should become the transport vessels for the service of the
King of France, nor that the men-of-war of the States
should serve as a convoy to them. It is impossible to
form an idea more unworthy of the sovereignty of the
States. The idea of granting a convoy to all Dutch ships
destined for the port of an enemy is offensive, and still
more aggravating, when accompanied with resistance, or
orders to resist, when they go so far as to reject ipso facto
all the ordinary ways of public justice, and to set at nought
the articles, which had been established to prevent the
consequences of the intervention of neuters, as parties in a
war, by public acts; articles which stipulate a legal procedure
for discussing all the points in controversy, before the
courts of admiralty reciprocally; and in case the parties
should not be satisfied, they ought to be finally heard by
their respective sovereigns in council. Such is the tenor
of the twelfth article of the treaty of 1674.
"In the present state of the cause, this court will not
say, nevertheless, that the States have annulled the treaty;
because the orders of Admiral Byland have not appeared,
and his conduct may be disavowed by the States; but
even the granting of a convoy, and above all of a squadron,
is essentially offensive, since the Dutch subjects are
already sufficiently armed by the treaty, and by the methods
of redress prescribed, which are the same with all
maritime nations. The party complaining follows the ship
and the papers, which she has on board, into the jurisdiction
of the place and country where he is carried, as the
subject, who in the nature of things and proceedings, can
only of necessity be judged there, where the original proofs
exist; the judges specially constituted, for the decision of
prizes, both in the first instance and in the last resort, are,
by common consent, charged to hear and determine all
national differences between powers who are friends and
allies, like the Council of Amphyctions in ancient Greece.
But seamen do not well comprehend this language. They
speak roughly, like the mouths of their cannons. If this
vessel had fired upon the boat, and any one had thereby
lost his life, I think I should not have hesitated to condemn
her upon general principles. Neither Admiral Byland, nor
his instructions, are before me. I know not how to give a
sentence against him or his vessels; nevertheless, he ought
not to have fired upon the boat of Commodore Fielding;
but he was bound to send to him his boat, and to propose
an interview and an amicable conference. He might have
made him a visit, which he immediately would have returned;
and all the captains of the Dutch merchant ships
might have been ordered on board the English Commodore,
to produce their passports and cockets. The effect
of his resistance is thus the cause, that, although I do not
declare the treaty null generally, nevertheless, in retaliation
to these vessels taken in time of resistance, I ought to declare
the ship forfeited of its privilege, and foreclosed of
the treaty, by the act of M. Byland. There was certainly
never any vessel under convoy without instructions,
at least in her course, and without signals. If the claimants
had not withheld them, it would have appeared, whether
the Dutch Admiral ought, or ought not to have escorted
these ships even into the ports of France, which would
have aggravated the offence against the treaty. A convoy
of a single ship, destined for the States, destined for the
Colonies of the States, or loaded generally with innocent
commodities, is, in itself, inoffensive; because, in these
times, there are in all the seas little pirates, furnished with
all sorts of commissions, American, French, Spanish, and
English; but a squadron of a line of battle ships, and which
appears force [?] even to the treaty, which they claim
the benefit of, is a serious affair. To engage in hostilities
is not the way of protecting commerce; and those who
have solicited the States to grant such a convoy, were
rather factious Americans, or intriguing French politicians,
than solid, sensible Dutchmen, true and real friends
of their country. There is certainly among them a number
of worthy people, who can never desire to become, in
fact, a Province, under the obedience of the King of
France, or his resident Minister.
"The case of the Swedish convoy is not applicable to this
case. That convoy had not made any resistance. The
ships entered the Downs by the bad weather, and were
there taken without their convoy, which came to anchor
near them. This was represented, and the course of
justice was followed. The ship's papers were produced
directly in this court, the requisites were done, and the
causes finally discussed according to the style of the admiralty,
velo levato; no time was lost, either in contesting
the justice or demanding right; and the captains of the
ships returned contented with their vessels after they had
been paid the freight, as well as the expense; and the
naval stores, which they had on board, were purchased by
the government, by virtue of powers granted to the Council
of the Royal Marine, by act of Parliament, in conformity
to acts of Parliament in former wars.
"The question, whether the hemp and flax are contraband,
is clear. Both of them have been adjudged such on
all former occasions, when the quantity has been considerable,
and particularly, when they are not of the produce
of the country of the party which carries them. The flax
is as necessary for sails, as the hemp for cordage; and if
this court has once ordered that flax should be sold to the
Commissioners of the navy, it was because it was of little
value, and in very small quantity. I am sorry to learn,
that the Navy Board makes any difficulty upon this subject.
The iron on board was only for ballast."
I cannot go through with the whole of this decree for
want of time; but the following curious and convenient
doctrine ought not to be omitted.
"That, which in the natural or intellectual world is
called quality, is not relative. Good and evil are relative.
Everything is what it is, and acquires its denomination
from comparison, degree, manner, quality, place, time,
person, fault, &c. &c. These relations constitute the metaphysical
essence of every complex idea in the human understanding.
Hence that source, without end, of disputes,
the glory of the bar, and of the schools of philosophy.
"Grotius and Bynkershoeck agree, and who is there
that will deny, that necessity gives a right to make ourselves
masters of everything, without the seizure of which
a nation cannot defend herself? As in relation to want, if
the enemy, on one part, is in want of stores, the want to
intercept them on the other is equal. And in relation to
blockades, every port of the enemy is blocked relative to a
neutral vessel loaded with stores, which is seized, and, by
consequence, blocked, or hindered to go there. It imports
little, that whether the blockade be made across the
narrows at Dover, or off the harbor at Brest, or L'Orient.
If you are taken, you are blocked. Great Britain, by her
insular situation, blocks naturally all the ports of Spain and
France. She has a right to avail herself of this situation,
as a gift of Providence.
"In fine, it is necessary to observe, that the claimants,
founding themselves upon the privilege of the treaty, have
not a single paper on board to prove the property of the
cargo, in which respect all are defective. The sentence
then, is, that, under the circumstances of this case, the
claim of privilege is rejected, and that the Dutch master
be enjoined to produce his sailing orders, and certificates
and cockets from the Custom House of the port from
whence the ship sailed, according to the stipulations of the
sixth article of the treaty of 1674. The hemp and flax
are condemned as contraband on board of this ship, and
the owners of the iron are held to prove their property."
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 7th, 1780.
Sir,
There are several articles of intelligence today, which
are connected with the subject of my letter of yesterday.
One is from the Hague, the 2d of April. "Thursday night
last two couriers from Petersburgh arrived here, alighted
at the hotel of the Prince Gallitzen, the Envoy Extraordinary
of her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias to the
States-General. One of the couriers set off immediately
for London, to the Russian Minister who resides there.
The Prince Gallitzen having been in conference the next
day with the President of the Assembly of their High
Mightinesses, relative to the said despatches, this Minister
sent back, the next night after his arrival, the same courier.
From that time the report runs, that the object of these
despatches was to communicate to the Republic the
measures taken by Russia, with some of the northern
powers, for ensuring respectively the safety of the navigation
and commerce of their subjects, and to invite the
States-General to enter into the same arrangements."
The other is from Constantinople, the 14th of February.
"The privateers continue to vex the neutral ships in the
seas of the Grand Seignior, by visiting and stopping them
wherever they find them, and even without any discretion,
at the entry of the ports and under the guns of our fortresses.
The French frigate, the Gracieuse, which lay at anchor in
the road of Cyprus, having learned that an English privateer
had brought into the port of this island a French
prize, sent to her some boats armed to retake her, which
they could not accomplish, however, without having some
men killed on both sides. The English consul having
carried his complaints to the government of the Island, of a
violation of the laws of nations and demanded assistance, he
was so well succored, that the French were obliged to
abandon the prize, and all of their nation who were in the
island came very near being massacred by the Turks.
As the Porte has also been informed, that on the other
hand the ship Smyrna, of Rotterdam, has run a risk of
undergoing the same fate with the ship of Captain Kinder,
of Amsterdam, and perhaps to suffer treatment still harder,
and in sight of the city of Smyrna; she has not only resolved
to send new orders to all the commandants, to enjoin
them very seriously to observe a neutrality the most exact,
by fulfilling their duty, but she has also testified her sensibility
in regard to all these depredations to the Ambassadors
of the Courts of France and England, by sending to
them last Saturday a representation in writing, purporting,
that as the Porte had not failed to observe, during the war
between France and England, an exact and perfect neutrality
to facilitate their commerce upon an equal footing,
and to afford to their ships all possible safety in her seas, it
was natural that she should, and ought to expect, that the
two powers would answer her conduct with a sincere
friendship. That at the news of the first differences
arisen between the two kingdoms, there were conferences
held with their Ambassadors, in which it was agreed upon
an equal footing; that the rules of the sea should not be
violated, and that they should be, on the contrary, exactly
observed and respected. That in consequence of this
agreement, the Porte had not neglected anything to fulfil
of fortresses and castles in the empire, to protect the ships
of war and merchant-men against every attack, and not to
suffer that any hostilities should be commenced in the
ports of the Grand Seignior, and under the cannon and in
sight of his fortresses.
"But in spite of all these measures, these powers had
not taken care to observe them, which was the cause that
no nation could now navigate freely and safely; that even
to this time, the Porte had not received the least answer
on the subject of a regulation of neutrality, which had been
formed upon the footing of that which had been established
during former wars between Christian powers, and of
which communication had been made to the said Ambassadors,
with a view to put a stop to the intolerable irregularities
which had taken place in his seas, and to the end
to prevent in consequence continual complaints and representations.
That the Porte was informed foreign privateers
held his ports blocked up, and forced the ships
which entered into them or went out, without even excepting
the Turkish vessels, to submit to their unjust visits and
searches.
"That such a conduct, being contrary to the honor of
the empire, the Porte ought to determine, as soon as possible,
and communicate to the belligerent powers a good
regulation, to the end, to procure by that means repose, to
his subjects, whom Providence had confided to his care,
and to this end it was necessary, that the Ambassadors of
these two powers should be advertised to request their
Courts, in the first place, to send, as soon as possible, to
the captains and officers of ships armed for war, or privateers,
precise orders, and as some time must pass before
they can receive such orders, the Porte hopes that the
gentlemen, the Ambassadors, will be so good in the meantime,
as to order the captains and officers to suspend their
operations, and abstain from all acts of hostility.
"And as, in consequence of the ancient regulations,
every time that any vessels of war or armed ships come
into the seas of the Grand Seignior, the foreign Ministers
were held to give notice to the Porte of the object of their
expedition or voyage, of their destination, and of the time
they were to stay, it could not but be regarded as unreasonable,
and entirely contrary to the reciprocal friendship,
if these formalities should not be observed, the Porte, considering
it as one of its principal duties, to employ all possible
means to procure the tranquillity of its merchants, to
protect their possessions against all force and injustice, as
also to grant its protection to the subjects of the belligerent
powers, and those of other powers who are equally
good friends of this empire."
The Porte finishes, by giving notice to the Ambassadors,
that the Capitan Pacha was ordered to oppose himself in a
friendly manner to the enterprises of those, who should
pursue the ancient proceedings, and to protect the merchants
and the ships of all nations, who carry on commerce
in the countries of this empire, whose sovereigns live in
friendship with the Porte.
A third is a letter from Petersburg, 7th of March. "The
rencounter which the Dutch convoy, on going out of the
Texel the later end of December, under the command of
Admiral Byland, had with the English squadron under
Commodore Fielding, as well as the violent and hostile
manner in which they made prize of this convoy, have occasioned
here the greatest astonishment, and it is very much
desired to know the consequences of this measure, which
is generally considered as very offensive to the Republic of
the United Provinces, and derogatory both to the treaties
subsisting between the two nations, to the law of nations,
and to the respect which ought to take place between two
free and independent powers."
But that which is thought more extraordinary still, is,
that the Court of London should have ordered a step so
violent and insulting at a time when, having to maintain a
war so dangerous as that against France, Spain, and the
United States of America, her situation must appear not
less anxious than dangerous, which this Court itself seems
to acknowledge, by representing as she has done, that not
finding herself in a condition to oppose the dangerous designs
of the House of Bourbon, which, if you believe her,
threaten the safety of all Europe, she believed herself consequently
to have cause to demand succors here, as well
as from the Republic of the United Provinces. However
this may be, it is nevertheless notorious, that the solicitations
of England have produced no effect here, which has
given no small satisfaction to those, who consider in their
proper point of light the designs and the conduct of this
power, since the commencement of this war against the
liberty of commerce and the navigation of free and independent
powers, by means of which people in general
seem so much the more pleased with the present resolution
taken by her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, relative
to the said solicitation, as well as with the system of
neutrality, which she has adopted, because without this
wise measure there is no doubt but Great Britain would
have pushed much further the irregularity of her proceedings.
The English, who are here, exert themselves as much
as they can to justify and even to praise this proceeding of
their nation towards the said convoy, but in vain have they
attempted to induce the public to adopt this error, by advancing
boldly, that the Court of Russia approves the violence,
which they have exercised in this rencounter. No
man believes them, since in fact it is impossible that the
Empress can approve an action so diametrically opposite
to the tenor of treaties, to the law of nations, as well as to
the dignity of a sovereign and independent power, the injustice
of which is so notorious, that if it had been committed
with similar circumstances upon the Russian flag,
the Princess herself would have been the first to have
condemned it. Thus the reports, which the English propagate
here, of the approbation given to these proceedings,
imply so much the more of a manifest contradiction to the
sentiments and manner of thinking of the Empress and her
Ministers, that it is well known, that from the beginning of
the present troubles, the Court of Russia has made representations
and complaints against that of London, for the
violent and arbitrary manner of acting, which this last has
indulged herself in, against the navigation and commerce
of neutral powers, from whence it has resulted, that other
nations, in imitation of this proceeding, have embarrassed
business more and more, until there exists no safety
for any, which causes the greatest embarrassment to merchants
and the freighters of ships.
I ought to add to this letter, that the English emissaries,
who propagate false news everywhere and about everything,
having circulated a report, that the Porte was discontented
with the peace made with Russia, the Grand
Seignior thought it necessary to order the interpreter of the
Court to declare to all foreign Ministers, that the Sultan
and all his Ministers had every reason to be very well satisfied
with the accommodation with the Empress of Russia,
and that he was determined to maintain religiously all
the articles contained in that treaty. All these things tend
to show, that the state of Europe continues the same, and
that England, instead of getting an ally, is likely to have
a combination of all maritime powers to bring her to reason.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 8th, 1780.
Sir,
I have this moment the honor of your letter from Madrid
of the 29th of February, as I suppose, although the
month is not mentioned. I thank you, Sir, for commencing
a correspondence, which I have for some time wished
to begin. I wrote to Mr Jay at Madrid, on the 22d of
February, and wish to know if he has received the letter.
It is certainly proper, that those who are intrusted abroad
should maintain a correspondence and cultivate a good understanding
with each other, because, although their departments
are in some respects separate, yet in others they
are intimately connected. From all that I heard in Spain,
I expected, that you would meet with an agreeable reception
at Madrid; and I am much pleased to learn from
you, that I was not mistaken.
I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain
in making a treaty with us; but, when I reflected upon a
certain secret article, my surprise ceased. We are already
bound in a treaty to her, but she is not bound to us.
It would be ungenerous in her, however, to hold us long in
this situation. The treaty, notwithstanding all that has
been justly said of the advantages to us, is not less advantageous
to our allies. The single article, that binds us to
exclude all armed vessels of the enemies, in all future wars,
from our ports, is worth more millions to them than this
war will cost; nay, it will be a severer loss to Great Britain,
than all that she has spent in it. Whether Great
Britain has considered this or not I do not know; but she
will some time or other discover it, and feel the inconvenience
of it.
You ask for news from America. A vessel from Baltimore
is arrived at Bordeaux, but not a single letter to Dr
Franklin or me. She brings two or three Baltimore
newspapers, one as late as the 15th of February. There
has been a hard winter, deep snows, uncommon frosts,
frozen over from Connecticut to Long Island, and from
New Jersey to Staten Island. Lord Sterling went over to
Staten Island with a party on the ice, burnt a few vessels
and a guard house, took a few prisoners, and brought off
a few deserters. Some New Jersey people went over at
the same time, and plundered without mercy. Finding
the communication open with New York, which had been
supposed to be obstructed by the ice, he returned. An
article from a Fishkill paper says, that Clinton and Cornwallis
sailed the 26th of December, with seven thousand
men, for the West Indies, but that the storm, which happened
soon after their departure, was supposed to have
done him mischief. A ship, brig, and schooner were lost
in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence, all
perished. Congress had recommended to all the States
to regulate prices at twenty for one, which, by the speculations
in the papers, was not well liked. Governor Johnson
is a delegate for Maryland, General Ward for Massachusetts,
in the room of Mr Dana, (who desires me to return
you his compliments and respects.) The other delegates
as last year. This is all the news I can recollect,
having seen the papers only a few minutes in a large
company.
The general state of affairs appears very well. I see
no probability of England's obtaining an ally; on the contrary,
there are many symptoms of an approaching combination
of the maritime powers, to protect neutral ships
from searches and insults. Ireland is in the full career of
independence. England seems determined to force Holland
into a war against her, that she may have an opportunity
to plunder her.
The correspondences and associations in England distress
the Ministry very much; and, if the war continues
and they should not be very successful, it seems likely, that
they would save us the trouble of despatching them. I
wish, however, that France and Spain were more convinced
of the advantages they have in America and the
West Indies. The more ships they send into those seas, the
more they will force England to send there; and the more
she sends there, the weaker she is in Europe, and the less
she is dreaded and respected. Holland, Ireland, the opposition
in England, and the other maritime powers all feel
a confidence rising in proportion to the diminution of the
British naval force in Europe, besides the innumerable advantages
the French and Spaniards have, in supporting
the war in the American seas over the English, which they
have not in Europe; but I am apprehensive of being
tedious. My compliments to Mr Jay and his family.
I am, with much respect, your most obedient and humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 8th, 1780.
Sir,
It will not be disagreeable to Congress to see a list of
the naval losses of the English, since the commencement
of the war.
Taken by the Americans and the French.
| | Guns. | | Guns. |
| Active, | 82 | Experiment, | 50 |
| Fox, 1st, | 20 | Montreal, | 32 |
| Fox, 2d, | 20 | Alert, cutter, | 14 |
| Lively, | 20 | Ceres, | 18 |
| Hellena, schooner, | 16 | Countess of Scarborough, | 42 |
| Ardent, | 64 | Liverpool, | 28 |
| Thorn, | 16 | Unicorn | 20 |
| Drake, | 20 | Ariel, | 16 |
| Minerva, | 32 | Folstone, cutter, | 6 |
| Serapis, | 44 | Holderness, destroyed, | 4 |
Lost, or cast away.
| | Guns. | | Guns. |
| Somerset, | 64 | Mermaid, | 28 |
| Arethusa, | 32 | Glasgow, burnt, | 20 |
| Speedwell, | 14 | Vestal, | 20 |
| Acteon, | 32 | Mercury, | 20 |
| Repulse, | 32 | Quebec, blown up, | 32 |
| Viper, | 16 | Grampus, |
| Success, | 24 | Tortoise, |
| Pomona, | 18 | Leviathan. |
Burnt, sunk, or otherwise destroyed, to prevent their falling
into the Hands of their Enemies.
| | Guns. | | Guns. |
| Augusta, | 64 | Cerberus, | 28 |
| Lark, | 14 | Syren, | 28 |
| Juno, | 32 | King Fisher, | 14 |
| Flora, | 32 | Falcon, | 18 |
| Orpheus, | 32 | Essex, | 64 |
Making a total number of fortysix vessels.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 10th, 1780.
Sir,
There are several miscellaneous articles of intelligence,
which ought to be mentioned to Congress.
One from Copenhagen, of the 25th of March. "The
Count de Lucchese, Minister of the King of the Two Sicilies,
and charged at the same time with the affairs of the
Court of Madrid, has received orders to declare to ours,
that the King of Spain had it in contemplation to make
arrangements relative to merchant ships of neutral powers,
and with which we should have cause to be very well
pleased. However this may be, we have not any news
that the Danish ships detained, to the number of twenty, at
Cadiz and Malaga, have been as yet released, which is a
great damage to those who are interested in those vessels.
"There is arrived in this city a courier coming from St
Petersburg, who has also passed through Stockholm, who
after having delivered his despatches to the Envoy Extraordinary
of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, at
this Court, immediately continued his journey for Hamburg."
Another is from Madrid, the 13th of March. "It is said
that our Court will soon publish a new regulation relative to
the Dutch navigation. In the meantime, they have released
two ships of this nation, viz. the Griffin and the Zandam,
which were detained at Algeziras.
"The register ships destined for the Havana and Vera
Cruz, which are ready at Cadiz, are to sail immediately;
these ships will be convoyed by twelve ships of the line
and two frigates, as far as the Canary Islands. It is assured,
that there will be embarked on board of this fleet,
twelve thousand men, who are to be transported to America
under the command of Don Victa de Nava, Lieutenant
General. The last letters from the Havana import,
that there were in that port fourteen ships of the line, as
well as four thousand men ready to embark for an expedition,
the object of which is yet unknown. Two of our
cruisers have entered Barcelona with five very rich prizes,
among which, one had on board eighteen thousand guineas,
destined for Mahon."
Another from Paris. "Letters from Malta of the 11th
of February inform, that the King's frigate, the Syracuse,
commanded by M. Clavel, off Candia, has taken the English
cutter, the Buck, of twentyfour guns, twelve swivels,
and two hundred and three men, commanded by Captain
George Flagg, and that the bad condition to which the
engagement had reduced her, had induced him to sink
her."
Another from Francfort, of the 1st of April. "They
write from Hesse, that they continued to raise many recruits,
and that there were at Ziagenham six hundred and
eight volunteers, who were to set off in a little time with
eleven hundred and twenty men for America."
Another from Amsterdam, of the 6th of March. "We
learn from Dort, that they expected there the English vessels
destined to transport the German troops for the service
of England, which were still at Nimeguen; and they
write from the Hague, that General Faucet had arrived
there a few days since."
Another from London, of the 31st of March. "The
despatches, which the Court has last received from Sir Joseph
Yorke, excite the particular attention of the Ministry.
Although the contents of them have not yet been made
public, it is said, nevertheless, that in consequence of the
memorial, presented on the 21st to the States-General by
the British Minister, their High Mightinesses have taken
the Pre-avis, relative to the succors demanded by Great
Britain, which, although conceived in very moderate
terms, contains, nevertheless, a refusal to furnish the succors
demanded. The Republic, as it is pretended, founding
its inability to comply with this demand principally
upon the non-existence of the case of invasion of the British
States, as a case, which alone could lay them under
obligation to accede to the requisition of the King of England,
the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary of
the States-General, has been on the 29th in conference with
Lord Stormont, and communicated to him the Pre-avis
of their High Mightinesses, relative to the requisition
of his Britannic Majesty, upon the subject of which the
States-General will soon take a formal resolution. It is
reported also, that his Excellency has likewise imparted to
our Ministry the sentence of a court martial, which has
adjudged, that Count Byland was not the aggressor in the
affair of the seizure of the Dutch ships by Commodore
Fielding. However, it is asserted, that the Court of St
James has declared afresh, 'That if the States-General
refuse to furnish to England the succors demanded in
virtue of the treaties, she will give orders to search, without
distinction, all Dutch ships under convoy and without convoy,
and that all the merchandises and effects destined for
the French and Spaniards, which shall be found loaded
on board of these vessels, shall be seized and confiscated;
adding, that it is neither just nor reasonable, that the Republic
should be excused, on her part, from the observation
of the treaties, while England should be held on hers
to fulfil the conditions, and that thus, in consequence of her
former declaration, the Republic should be no more considered
but on the footing of other neutral powers.'
"They say, moreover, that the reasons alleged by their
High Mightinesses in justification of their refusal to acquiesce
in the demand of England, are of a nature to convince
our Ministry, that such an acquiescence would produce
consequences equally hurtful to the respective interests of
the two powers in the present conjuncture.
"We are assured, that each man of the crews of the
squadron of Commodore Fielding, will receive more than
nine pounds sterling, for his share of the proceeds of
the captures made of the Dutch convoy, and that there
will be two hundred pounds sterling paid to the King's
ships at Spithead, for their part of the prizes which they
have made.
"The Court has received, within a few days, a great
number of despatches from its Ministers at foreign Courts,
the contents of which have given occasion to several cabinet
councils. Those of Sir Joseph Yorke have excited
a particular attention.
"The officers of all the vessels of war destined for sea,
have received orders to repair on board as soon as possible,
and be ready to sail on the first notice. The officers of the
regiments of regular troops, and of the militia, must also
join their respective corps without delay, that they may be
ready to march by the middle of April. The forces will
encamp nearly in the same place as last year; and there
will be some detached corps ready to join the different
camps according to circumstances."
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and
esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 10th, 1780.
Sir,
The Memoire of the Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary
from the Empress of all the Russias to the States-General,
presented the third of this month, is of too much
importance to the United States of America, and their
allies, to be omitted to be sent to Congress. It is of the
following tenor.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty,
the Empress of all the Russias, has the honor to
communicate a copy of the declaration, which the Empress,
his Sovereign, has made to the powers actually at
war. Your High Mightinesses may regard this communication,
as a particular mark of the attention of the Empress
to the Republic, equally interested in the reasons which
have given birth to this declaration.
"He has, moreover, orders to declare, in the name of
her Imperial Majesty, that how much soever she may
desire, on the one hand, to maintain during the present
war the strictest neutrality, she will, nevertheless maintain,
by means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian
flag, and the safety of her commerce, and the navigation of
her subjects, and will not suffer that any injury should be
done to it by any of the belligerent powers. That to
avoid, on this occasion, all misunderstanding or false interpretation,
she has thought it her duty to specify in her
declaration the terms of a free commerce, and of that
which is called contraband; that if the definition is founded
upon notions the most simple, the most clear, and the
most determinate by the law of nature, that of the latter is
taken by her literally from the treaty of commerce of
Russia with Great Britain; that by this she proves incontestably
her good faith, and her impartiality towards both
parties; that she thinks, consequently, that she ought to
expect, that the other commercial powers will be earnest to
accede to her manner of thinking relative to the neutrality.
"In pursuance of these two views, her Majesty has
charged the subscriber to invite your High Mightinesses
to make a common cause with her; insomuch, that this
union may serve to protect commerce and navigation, observing
at the same time the most exact neutrality, and to
communicate to you the measures which she has taken in
consequence. Similar invitations have been already made
to the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, to
the end, that by the common cares of all neutral maritime
powers, a neutral system, founded on justice, and which,
by its real utility, may serve as a rule for future ages, may
be established and made legal in favor of the commercial
navigation of neutral nations. The subscriber makes no
doubt, that your High Mightinesses will take into consideration
the invitation of her Imperial Majesty, and concur in
making, without delay, a declaration to the belligerent
powers, founded upon the same principles with those of
the Empress, his sovereign, by explaining your sentiments
at the same time upon the subject of the protection of your
commerce, of your navigation, and of the nature of contraband
goods, conformably to the terms of your particular
treaties with other nations. Moreover, the subscriber has
the honor to assure your High Mightinesses, that if, for
establishing solidly a system, equally glorious and advantageous
to the prosperity of navigation in general, you will
commence a negotiation with the neutral powers abovementioned,
to the end to establish a particular convention
upon this subject, the Empress, his sovereign, will be ready
to engage in it.
"Your High Mightinesses will readily perceive the necessity
of coming to a resolution upon subjects equally important
and advantageous to humanity in general.
"The subscriber requests the favor, that your High
Mightinesses would furnish him with a speedy answer.
GALLITZEN."
Of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, made to the Courts
of Versailles, Madrid, and London, mentioned in the
foregoing Memorial.
"The Empress of all the Russias has manifested so visibly
the sentiments of justice, equity, and moderation, which
animate her, and has given, during the whole course of the
war maintained against the Ottoman Porte, such convincing
proofs of her attention to the rights of neutrality, and the
freedom of commerce in general, that, in this respect, she
may appeal to the testimony of all Europe. This conduct,
as well as the scrupulous exactness with which she has
observed the rules of neutrality during the Course of this
war, has given her room to hope, that her subjects would
peaceably enjoy the fruits of their industry, and the advantages,
which belong to all neutral nations. Experience
has, however, taught her the contrary, since neither these
considerations, nor the regard due to what the law of nations
in general prescribes, have been able to hinder the subjects
of her Majesty from being oftentimes troubled in their navigation,
or interrupted or retarded in their commerce, by
the subjects of the belligerent powers. These interruptions
having come upon business in general, and that of Russia
in particular, are of a nature to awaken the attention of all
the neutral nations, and oblige her Majesty, the Empress,
to seek to deliver herself from them by all means suitable
to her dignity and the well being of her subjects.
"But before she shall put them in execution, being filled
with a sincere desire to prevent all subsequent acts of violence,
she has thought that it was consistent with her equity
to lay open to all Europe the principles, which will govern
her, and which are indispensable to prevent all misunderstanding,
as well as all which might give occasion to it.
To this she has determined herself with so much the more
confidence, as these principles are drawn from the primitive
law of nations, and adopted by all nations, which the
belligerent powers themselves cannot enervate, at least not
without violating the laws of neutrality, and contemning the
fundamental rules which they themselves have adopted, in
divers treaties and alliances now existing.
"Article i. That all neutral vessels ought to navigate
freely from one port to another, as well as upon the coasts
of the powers now at war.
"Article ii. That the effects belonging to the subjects
of the belligerent powers shall be free in neutral ships,
excepting always contraband goods.
"Article iii. That her Imperial Majesty, in consequence
of the limits above fixed, will adhere strictly to that
which is stipulated by the tenth and eleventh articles of her
treaty of commerce with Great Britain, concerning the
manner in which she ought to conduct towards all the belligerent
powers.
"Article iv. That as to what concerns a port blocked
up, we ought not in truth to consider as such any but
those, which are found so well shut up by a fixed and sufficient
number of vessels belonging to the power which attacks
it, that one cannot attempt to enter into such port
without evident danger.
"Article v. That these principles above laid down
ought to serve as a rule in all proceedings, whenever there
is a question concerning the legality of prizes.
"From these considerations, her Imperial Majesty makes
no difficulty to declare, that wishing to insure the execution
of that, which is herein before declared, to maintain at
the same time the honor of her flag, as well as the safety
of the commerce of her States, and also to protect the
navigation of her subjects against all those whom it may
concern, she has given orders that a considerable portion
of her maritime forces shall be put to sea, with no other
intention than to insure the observation of the most exact
and the most strict neutrality, which her Majesty proposes
to keep as long as she shall not see herself absolutely
forced to depart from that system of moderation and of
perfect neutrality, which she has adopted; in such sort,
that it will not be but in the last extremity, that her fleet
will exercise her final orders to go wherever the necessity
and the circumstances may require.
"It is then by assuring the belligerent powers in the
most solemn manner, and with all that rectitude and sincerity,
which form the distinguishing character of her Imperial
Majesty, that she declares to them that she proposes
to herself no other thing, than to convince them of the sentiments
of equity with which she is animated, as well as of
the tendency of her salutary views towards the well being
of all nations in general, and particularly of those now at
war, and that consequently her Imperial Majesty will provide
her Admiralty as well as her Generals with instructions
relative to this system, extracted from the code of
nations, and which they have so often taken for rules in
their treaties."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 11th, 1780.
Sir,
The counties in England, which have agreed to petitions
upon the expenditure of public money, the influence of
the Crown, and the corruption of Parliament, are these.
| York, | December | 3d, | 1779, |
| Dorset, | " | 27th, | " |
| Middlesex, | January | 7th, | 1780, |
| Chester, | " | 13th, | " |
| Hertford, | " | 17th, | " |
| Sussex, | " | 20th, | " |
| Huntington, | " | 20th, | " |
| Surry, | " | 21st, | " |
| Cumberland, | " | 22d, | " |
| Bedford, | " | 24th, | " |
| Essex, | " | 24th, | " |
| Gloucester, | " | 25th, | " |
| Somerset, | " | 25th, | " |
| Wilts, | " | 25th, | " |
| Devon, | " | 28th, | " |
| Norfolk, | " | 29th, | " |
| Berks, | " | 31st, | " |
| Bucks, | February | 26th, | " |
| Nottingham, | " | 28th, | " |
| Kent, | March | 4th, | " |
| Northumberland, | " | 8th, | " |
| Hereford, | " | 11th, | " |
| Suffolk, | " | 14th, | " |
| Cambridge, | " | 25th, | " |
| Derby, | " | 30th, | " |
In all, twentyfive counties.
The first meeting of the delegates was March the 11th,
1780. The cities and towns, which have agreed upon
similar petitions, are London, Westminster, York, Bristol,
Cambridge, Nottingham, Newcastle, Reading, and Bridgewater.
The counties, which have not yet agreed upon petitions,
are Westmoreland, Durham, Lancaster, Salop, Stafford,
Lincoln, Leicester, Warwick, Oxford, Worcester, Cornwall,
and Rutland. Hants agreed on a petition, but appointed
no committee, and Northampton agreed to instruct
their members on the points of the petition.
This account takes no notice of the twelve Welsh counties;
these, however, are small.
The counties, which have already petitioned, it seems,
therefore, are a vast majority of the kingdom in numbers
as well as property and understanding; and the meeting of
their committees may be reasonably considered as a more
equitable and adequate representation of the people of
England, than the House of Commons.
Amidst all the addresses, instructions, petitions, associations,
and resolutions, I never found one that dared to expose
the true cause of their miseries, and to propose a
remedy, until the association of the county of York appeared,
which was agreed to by the committee of sixtyone,
to be recommended to the general meeting of the county
of York, held the 28th of March, 1780.
They declare their unanimous assent,
1st. To the economical reform requested by the petitions
of the people.
2dly. To the proposition for obtaining a more equal
representation of the people in Parliament, by the addition of
at least one hundred Knights, to be chosen in a due proportion
by the several counties of Great Britain.
3dly. To the proposition for the members of the House
of Commons to be elected, to serve in Parliament for a
term not exceeding three years.
But the most important resolution of all was also unanimous,
"That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the
prosecution of an offensive war in America is most evidently
a measure, which, by employing our great and
enormously expensive military operations against the inhabitants
of that country, prevents this from exerting its
united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of
France and Spain, and has no other effect upon America,
than to continue, and thereby to increase the enmity, which
has so long and so fatally subsisted between the arms of
both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing
conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the
ruin of the British Empire."
This meeting, which is said to have been the largest
ever known, and perfectly unanimous, gave power to the
committee of association to call the county together when
they should judge proper.
After all, even this committee does not appear to see
the true interest of the country, the necessity of peace.
Peace alone can save them. They are for leaving America,
which is a great thing; but it does not appear but that
they are still for continuing the war with our allies.
An article of the 4th of April says, that commotions are
reported to have arisen in the County of York, many of
the inhabitants of which have peremptorily refused to pay
the taxes.
Congress will observe by the paragraphs in the Morning
Post of April the 1st, that they seem to be in England
totally ignorant of the designs of the Empress of Russia,
and of the other neutral powers.
The paper of April the 3d contains Major General
Campbell's and Lieutenant Colonel Dickson's account of
the surrender of the port of Baton Rouge, &c. with about
five hundred regular troops prisoners of war, to Don Bernado
de Galvez, the 21st of September.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 14th, 1780.
Sir,
Everything which tends to show the probability of a general
association of the maritime powers, against the violences
at sea, which the English have practised, and
which other nations, after their example, have begun, and
which tends to prove the justice, the wisdom, and the humanity
of such an association, is worthy of observation.
For my own part, I think, that the abolition of the whole
doctrine of contraband would be for the peace and happiness
of mankind; and I doubt not, as human reason advances,
and men come to be more sensible of the benefits
of peace, and less enthusiastic for the savage glories of
war, all neutral nations will be allowed, by universal consent,
to carry what goods they please in their own ships,
provided they are not bound to places actually invested by
an enemy.
Constantinople, March the 3d. "The Porte having
received the disagreeable news, that three xebecs from
Malta had seized upon a large Turkish ship with a rich
cargo of coffee, rice, hemp, and other productions, this
advice has accelerated the departure of two men-of-war
and four gallies, which will go before the fleet of the Grand
Admiral, to cruise in the Archipelago, and protect the navigation
of the European nations against the vexations of
the French and English."
Copenhagen, March the 28th. "Captain Zagel, the
courier of her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, is
returned to Petersburgh, accompanied by Captain Socolousky,
Secretary of the Russian Consul in the Sound.
They are very busy here in equipping the vessels of war,
the Wagrie, of sixtyfour guns, the Infodstretten, of sixtyfour,
and the frigate Combord, of thirtyfour."
London, April the 4th. "There are lately arrived here
interesting despatches to government from Sir Joseph
Yorke, which contain some further explanations of the dispositions
of the Republic, in consequence of the last Memorial
presented to their High Mightinesses by that Minister,
and the resolution to protect the commerce of their
subjects. However this may be, there are actually in
the ports of this kingdom fifty Dutch vessels seized by our
ships of war, because they were found loaded with naval
stores for our enemies; and, already the most of their
cargoes have been adjudged good prizes. These articles
being considered as contraband, and their transportation to
an enemy contrary to treaties subsisting between the Republic
and England."
Hague, April the 9th. "We learn, that the States of the
Province of Overyssell have sent to the Assembly of their
High Mightinesses their instructions, relative to the two Memorials
presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, the 28th of July, and
the 26th of November, of the last year, the first purporting
a demand of succors stipulated by the treaty of 1678, and
the second demanding an immediate and categorical answer.
The contents of the instructions are, 'That their Noble
Mightinesses, after having maturely reflected upon all which
concerns the matter in question, especially upon the treaties
existing between the kingdom and the Republics, as well
as the obligations, which the two nations had mutually laid
themselves under, and also in particular, upon the present
situation in which this republic now stands in several points
respecting her own preservation, the maintenance of her
rights and possessions, and respecting the powers actually
at war, judge, that the two Memorials presented by Sir
Joseph Yorke may and ought to be answered in the following
manner. That all the principles alleged, and the
circumstances at this time existing, oblige their High
Mightinesses more than ever to watch carefully their own
preservation and defence, to use every effort to ward off
all further dangerous consequences, and to this end, to
request his Majesty not to take it in ill part, if in the critical
situation of affairs, in which the least diminution of
their forces might be dangerous, their High Mightinesses
think themselves lawfully authorised to refuse the succors
demanded by his Majesty, although these succors, considering
certain engagements, the pretended application of
which it would be useless at this time to search into, may
be judged indispensable by his Majesty, in the firm
confidence, that, in the circumstances in which their High
Mightinesses find themselves, his Majesty, not disapproving,
of their conduct, will desist, not only from demanding their
assistance, but on the contrary, as a proof of the affection
of which his Majesty had so often given them assurances,
will permit them invariably to pursue that neutrality, which
from the beginning of the present troubles they have
adopted.'
"It is asserted, that on the Memorial presented by the
Prince Gallitzen, Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of
Russia, their High Mightinesses have provisionally concluded,
'That having taken the said Memorial into consideration,
the deputies of the respective Provinces have sent
copies of it, as well as of the papers annexed to it, to be
communicated to their Assemblies, praying them to procure,
as soon as possible, the resolutions of the States,
their constituents.'
"In the meantime, since the said Memorial has been
made public, it is given out, that the convention between
the Courts of Petersburgh, Stockholm, and Copenhagen,
will in a little time be confirmed, and that
Denmark will procure, on certain conditions, five or six
thousand seamen for this Republic.
"We learn that the answer of his Britannic Majesty to
the representations which the Count de Walderen, Minister
of the States-General at the Court of London, has
been charged by their High Mightinesses to make to the
British Government, relative to a prolongation of the term
of three weeks, prescribed in the last Memorial of Sir Joseph
Yorke, for giving him a definitive answer, &c. arrived
the 31st of last month, and is found to be in the negative,
the King insisting on an answer by the time fixed, which
will expire next Tuesday.
"They give out, that the cities of Dantzic, Lubec, Bremen,
Hamburgh, &c. will adopt, as well as most of the
northern powers, the party of neutrality, and that, if England
persists in the practice of visiting, stopping, and
searching neutral vessels, Denmark is resolved to exclude
English vessels from the Sound."
To judge of things the most impartially, no man can
doubt, that proceedings so violent, and so contrary to the
natural rights of nations, will make the neutral powers feel
how much it imports them to set bounds to the intolerable
excesses, to which their vessels, sailing under the faith
of treaties, are daily exposed by the ships of one party in
the present war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 15th, 1780.
Sir,
There is an article from Hamburgh which deserves attention;
it is this.
"The neutrality of the powers of the north is decided.
They have profited of the divisions, which have arisen
between England and North America, by selling to the
former, timber, cordage, hemp, and tar, which she formerly
drew from her Colonies. The occasions, which the
enemies of Great Britain have also had for these articles,
have established a competition, which has procured great
advantages to the commerce of the north. They have
everywhere taken measures to protect it."
In vain has England sought assistance from that quarter;
her conduct has irrevocably deprived her of it.
Leghorn, 22d of March. "We learn from Naples, that
the King has purchased of the Order of Malta two vessels,
to increase the marine of that kingdom. His Majesty is
attentively engaged in the care of forming officers for this
department. The young gentry, whom he has sent to
serve on board of the squadrons of the belligerent powers,
have all of them distinguished themselves; and those who
remain at Naples, under the direction of the Chevalier
Aston, have discovered equal zeal, intelligence, and good
will, for the service of the marine."
Madrid, 25th of March. "Our squadrons, they write
from Cadiz the 16th of this month, will put to sea without
delay. Transport ships are taken up on freight with great
activity, and all the troops are arrived. The following is
an exact state of the armament.
"The complete regiments of the King, Guadalajara,
Arragon, Soria, and the second regiment of Catalonia; in
all ten battalions, making six thousand and six hundred
men.
"The squadron of D. Solano; the St Louis, of eighty
guns, the St Augustine, the Orient, the Gaillard, the Arrogant,
all of seventy guns, and the Rule of sixty guns.
"The squadron of D. Tomaseo; the St Nicholas, of
eighty guns, the Eugene, the Damase, the St Janizer, the
St Francis, the Assisse, and the Warrior, all of seventy
guns.
"The first squadron takes in provisions for five months,
and the second for four months and a half. They fill up
the regiments, which are destined for the expedition, with
soldiers from the regiment of Hibernia.
"The beautiful wools of Segovia have not been always
employed within the kingdom, because the love of labor
has not been predominant; but since the establishment
of the royal patriotic society, industry has recovered its
activity. D. Laurent Ortiz de Paz has established spinneries
of wool in that city, and in St Ildephonso, and
other places. His Majesty has assigned rewards for men
and women, who shall distinguish themselves in this kind
of labor. This measure cannot fail to establish the royal
manufacture of fine cloth, which the Marquis of Enseñada
had already erected at Segovia, and which had fallen into
decay with the favor of that Minister."
There are in some of the papers hints of a plan of pacification,
which is said to come from the Rockingham party.
The substance of it is as follows.
"Let us open our eyes! The hope of subjecting America
is a chimera. Nothing but clemency can ever open a
way for a reconciliation with its inhabitants. To show that
we wish it sincerely let us give up Nova Scotia, that dry,
uninhabitable, and languishing colony, which produces
nothing. Let us also permit the Canadians to institute a
form of government, which may be agreeable to themselves,
and let the independence of North America become the
object of our support. Sooner or later it will be unavoidable,
that America should separate herself from us, and I
should be very glad that a permanent system of alliance
should take place between them and their mother country,
before our ancient colonies shall be united to France, by
ties too strict to be relaxed. I am persuaded, that neither
Nova Scotia nor Canada will remain long under the government
of England; and it is to be feared, that in contending
for them we shall still further embroil affairs. Nova Scotia
is not worth the trouble of keeping it, and it will require
continual succors. Canada will occasion us more expense
than it will bring us in profit, and will never become flourishing
under an European government; at least unless the
whole country should be recovered. We deceive ourselves
if we imagine, that by emancipating the Americans we
shall lose our American islands. We hold these by the
strongest of all ties, which is, that of their own interest.
North America will not seek to make conquests so long as
it shall be divided into distinct States, and under a republican
form of government; and it is probable, that several
centuries will pass away before she will change the form of
her administrations. Commerce will return into England,
and into our islands, without any other motive than that
which actuates all the commercial nations of the earth. If
we were now disembarrassed of the objects of dispute,
concerning which Spain discovers so many pretensions, and
if we could content ourselves with a superiority at sea, all
that would result from it would be, that our trade to the
Levant would increase, we should become more respectable,
and we should see ourselves more in a condition to
maintain our quarrels, and protect our rich possessions,
without hazarding a bankruptcy by expenses, which we
cannot sustain. Our maritime power will always be sufficient
to protect our islands. Our naval forces will never
want anything so long as we shall have divers markets,
where our vessels may go. The northern powers of
Europe, and the northern States of America, will be competitors
to serve us, so long as we preserve the superiority
upon the sea, and while, by means of our manufacturers,
we can pay for them, or make an advantageous exchange,
with the one and the other. We have as good a right to
things, which we can purchase in divers foreign markets, as
if the things were the productions of our own establishments.
"Are France and Spain in want of warlike stores? Are
they not as well supplied with them as we are? And do
they not make Sweden rather incline to their side, by means
of their commerce with that country for these articles?
Is it probable that they can ever shut up from us the ports
of America, of Russia, of Denmark, and of Sweden, while
it is the interest of these States to furnish us? It is necessary,
then, to resolve to demand peace by the means which
offer themselves, and which are not only able to obtain it,
but may still be preserved, and in which there is no appearance
that we shall be disturbed, if, at least, at all times we
preserve our marine upon a respectable footing; and, if
we do not, we ever subject ourselves to be restrained upon
the article of the number of ships, and in the places
where we shall employ them. In that case we shall not
perceive that Gibraltar or Minorca is wanting to us. We
shall always be ready to meet our enemies in those parts
where our safety, security, and riches lie, and which nature
points out to us as our proper element. Surrounded on
all sides by the sea, there is one half of the nation whose
inhabitants understand navigation, from their infancy, and
they are disposed to become seamen because they are
almost educated with the sea. But whenever we shall
engage ourselves in the wars of the continent, we shall
never draw from them any solid advantages. Where are
the trophies so dearly purchased of King William and
Marlborough? And where is the benefit of the two last
wars? The balance of power will not remain long in our
hands, although we have engaged the annual produce of
an innumerable quantity of taxes.
"In America we have destroyed the balance, which held
our colonies in dependence. We ought not, then, to lose
the opportunity of binding the interests of the United
States with ours by some amicable convention, which will
assure us of their attachment, and deliver us from the cruel
necessity of continuing the war with our own children.
It is by this means we may preserve for a long time our
insular property, and enjoy still a superiority at sea."
Paris, April 11th 1780. "The Ambassador of Russia
has notified, within a few days past, to our Court, that
it was the intention of his sovereign that the commerce of
the subjects of her empire should not be troubled, and that
under no pretence should their vessels be stopped by those
of the belligerent powers, and that she is arming to defend
her flag, and protect it from insults. This declaration was
to be made at the same time to the Courts of Madrid and
London. It is asserted, that it is the first fruit of a treaty
of commerce, which Russia has concluded with us, and of
a confederation which she has entered into with the other
northern powers, and in which they wish to engage Holland
and Portugal. We are very inquisitive to learn how
this notification will be received by the Court of St James."
The English ministerial gazettes propagate a report,
that there was arrived in Europe a deputy of Congress to
offer peace to Great Britain. Those of the opposition
assert, that this deputy who is in fact arrived, will do nothing
but in concert with France, when it shall please England
to propose a negotiation of peace.
The following article is published in the English papers,
to excite the people against the opposition.
"If the Marquis of Rockingham should come again into
the administration, his first operation would most probably
be, to declare America independent. This would, nevertheless,
be a fatal resolution, which, instead of giving us
peace, would throw that event still farther off. A proof so
striking of our pusilanimity would raise still higher the
hopes and the pride of the House of Bourbon. France
would demand that we should restore to them Canada,
Cape Breton, and Nova Scotia, as well as the islands
which were taken from her the last war. Nothing less
would be necessary for Spain than the restitution of Gibraltar
and Jamaica. But it cannot but be supposed, that the
Marquis of Rockingham is too much attached to his head
to expose it to danger by so shameful a dismemberment
of our empire. He would then make us continue the war
with the disadvantage of not being able any longer to rein
in the Americans, who would assist everywhere their allies
by land and by sea. But every Englishman of good sense
sees to what disasters this plan of conduct would lead us.
The ambition of this Marquis and of his party is not to
triumph over rebels, and the natural enemies of England;
it is to humble his King and ruin his country."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
Paris, April 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the two letters, which your Excellency
did me the honor to write to me, on the 5th and on the
12th of this month.
I do not mean to give your Excellency the trouble of
answering these letters of mine, which contain extracts of
letters from abroad, or simply news. This would be giving
your Excellency too much trouble, and taking up too
much time. Indeed, I think it will very probably be often,
if not always unnecessary, because your Excellency's information
must be, beyond all comparison, earlier, more exact,
and more particular than mine; yet, as it is possible
that sometimes a circumstance of importance may escape
one channel of intelligence, and yet pass in another, I
thought it to be my duty sometimes to send your Excellency
an extract. In this view, I now have the honor to
send your Excellency another extract from a letter of the
6th of this month; but I pray your Excellency not to take
the trouble to answer it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
Transcriber's note:
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.
On page 39 the blank areas remain as they are in the original:
"upon the property, real or personal, within the same township or
place, since the first day of which was in the year of our
Lord 177 , and the same accounts and estimates to be transmitted
to the Commissioners without delay."
The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.