COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES
TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Arthur Lee was a native of Virginia, and
born on the 20th of December, 1740. His early education was finished at
Eton College, in England, whence he proceeded to Edinburgh, with a view
of preparing himself for the medical profession. Having gone through
with the usual courses, he took the degree of doctor of medicine.
After leaving Edinburgh, he travelled in Holland and Germany, and then
returned to Virginia, where he commenced the practice of physic. Not
well satisfied with this calling, he resolved to abandon it, and apply
himself to the study of the law. He went over to London, and became a
student in the Temple, about the year 1766.
From this period till the beginning of the Revolution, Arthur Lee
held a correspondence with his brothers, and several other persons
in America, respecting the political state of things in England, and
the transactions relating to the Colonies. He was warmly attached to
the interests of his country, and was appointed by the Assembly of
Massachusetts to be Agent for that Colony, as successor to Dr Franklin,
who left England in the spring of 1775. In December, of the same year,
the Committee of Secret Correspondence requested Mr Lee to act as their
secret agent in London, and to transmit to them any information, which
he might think important. He wrote to the Committee several letters,
while acting in this agency.
When Commissioners to the Court of France were appointed, Mr Jefferson,
one of the number, declined accepting the appointment, and Arthur Lee
was put in his place, October 22d, 1776. He proceeded from London to
Paris, where he met the other Commissioners. In the spring of 1777 he
went to Spain, by the advice of his colleagues, with the design of
procuring aid from the Spanish Government for the United States, in
which he was partially successful. On his return to Paris, he made a
short tour to Vienna and Berlin for similar purposes, and maintained
for some time a correspondence of a political nature with Baron de
Schulenburg, one of the Prussian Ministers. Meantime he received from
Congress the appointment of Commissioner to Spain, but he never went
out of France while acting under this commission. It expired when Mr
Jay was made Minister Plenipotentiary to that Court.
Arthur Lee returned to the United States in September, 1780, and the
next year he was chosen a Representative to the Assembly of Virginia.
By this body he was sent a Delegate to Congress. While in that
capacity, he was made one of a commission to form treaties with the
Indians on the Northwestern frontiers, and was occupied several months
in the duties of that expedition. He died in Virginia, after a short
illness, on the 12th of December, 1792.
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, December 12th, 1775.
Sir,
By this conveyance we have the pleasure of transmitting to you
sundry printed papers, that such of them as you think proper may be
immediately published in England.
We have written on the subject of American affairs to Monsieur C. G. F.
Dumas, who resides at the Hague. We recommend to you to correspond with
him, and to send through his hands any letters to us which you cannot
send more directly. He will transmit them via St Eustatia.
Mr Story may be trusted with any despatches you think proper to send
us. You will be so kind as to aid and advise him.
It would be agreeable to Congress to know the disposition of foreign
powers towards us, and we hope this object will engage your attention.
We need not hint that great circumspection and impenetrable secrecy
are necessary. The Congress rely on your zeal and abilities to serve
them, and will readily compensate you for whatever trouble and expense
a compliance with their desire may occasion. We remit you for the present £200.
Whenever you think the importance of your despatches may require it, we
desire you to send an express boat with them from England, for which
service your agreement with the owner there shall be fulfilled by us here.
We can now only add, that we continue firm in our resolutions to defend
ourselves, notwithstanding the big threats of the ministry. We have
just taken one of their ordnance storeships, in which an abundance of
carcasses and bombs, intended for burning our towns, were found.
With great esteem, we are, Sir, your most obedient humble servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN DICKINSON,
JOHN JAY.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
London, February 13th, 1776.
The enclosed will easily explain itself. The intelligence you should
observe, and take measures accordingly. A fund for necessary expenses
should be fixed here, in such hands as can be confided in. You know
who is to be trusted. From experience I can say, (though without any
connexion or commerce with them) the New England men are fittest to
be trusted in any dangerous or important enterprise. Show this only
to R. H. L.[1]
of Virginia, and he will guess from whence it comes.
The intelligence, if it gets to hand in time, should be communicated as
soon as possible to every part of America, that she may be prepared.
TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.[2]
[Enclosed in the foregoing.]
London, February 13th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 30th of November, 1775, announcing the appointment
of a Secret Committee reached me a few days since. Miscarriages will
be manifold indeed, if you have not frequently heard from me. All my
solicitude has been about my letters reaching you; every disguise was
necessary to effect that. I am, however, much obliged to the General
for the step taken to secure me.
You will be curious to know what are the ministerial intentions, and
their force for the next campaign. The following is their army upon
paper,—Hessians, 12,000; Brunswickers, Woolfenbutlers and Waldeckers,
5000; six regiments under Lord Cornwallis, 3000; eight more to sail in
the spring, 4000; Highlanders, 2000; now in America, 8000.
The sailing and destination of this armament is thus. Those under
General Lord Cornwallis are now embarked at Cork, and wait for sailing
orders, their destination, Virginia. By the treaty just now signed,
the Germans are to be ready on the 27th of this month to march to the
seacoast and embark, but for what part of America is not exactly known;
the march by land is near six weeks, so that they cannot sail before
April. The second embarkation from Cork will be about the same time,
and it seems probable that their destination will be against Canada,
under General Burgoyne, who is soliciting that command. In the
meantime, the 29th regiment, with General Carleton’s brother, is to
sail from hence immediately to reinforce Quebec, supposing that they
can get high enough up the river, as far as the Isle of Orleans, to
make good their march by land. The regiments under Lord Cornwallis are
the 37th, 33d, 54th, 15th, 28th, 46th. Those for the spring are the
34th, 53d, 62d, 3d, 9th, 11th, 20th, 24th. Lord Howe is appointed to
the command at sea, but the commander on land is not known; certain
however it is, that there are two Lieutenant Generals, and one of
them old, that go with the Germans, so that it must be one of great
reputation and old in the service to command over them. It is therefore
conjectured Count de Lippe will be the man. He commanded the army in
Portugal during the last war. They are taking up East Indiamen for
the transport service, supposing they will be able to beat off the
cruisers. A great number of artillery and waggon horses are to be sent,
and a train of large battering cannon is preparing, which it would seem
can only be intended against Quebec, should it be taken by General Montgomery.
The English and Irish troops go with infinite reluctance, and strong
guards are obliged to be kept upon the transports to keep them from
deserting by wholesale. The Germans too, I am well informed, are almost
mutinous, but the Landgrave of Hesse is an absolute tyrant, and must be
obeyed. It is therefore conceived, that if the Congress have proposals
prepared in English and German, to distribute among them when they
land, which no precautions can prevent, multitudes will desert.
Upon the whole, the ministry, if every thing favors them, may have
about thirty thousand men in America by the latter end of June. They
will have no horse but two regiments of light dragoons, that are now
there, and Burgoyne’s, which is to go. If the Americans have horse well
trained to the woods, it will harrass such an army infinitely; and if
they act upon the defensive, entrench well, harrass them continually,
cut off their convoys, and if ever they hazard an engagement, make
their push upon one wing; it is imagined here, that no General on
earth can make the campaign decisive, and it is hardly possible this
country can stand another. They have found it impossible to recruit
in England, Ireland, or Scotland, though the leading people of the
last are to a man violently against America. They have therefore been
obliged to draft from the other regiments to complete those which are
going, so that when the whole are embarked, there will be scarce 2000
men remaining in Ireland, and as many in England, besides the foot
guards and cavalry. I am well assured, that the French Government will
wink at the exportation of arms and ammunition. A General of the first
abilities and experience would go over, if he could have any assurance
from the Congress of keeping his rank; but that being very high, he
would not submit to have any one but an American his superior, and
that only in consideration of the confidence due to an American in a
question so peculiarly American.
Let me have your opinion of all these things. The opposition gains
ground, and the nation begins to feel; but America must trust to her
own arm and Heaven for protection. The resolutions of January the 2d[3]
do you infinite honor, and will undoubtedly serve the cause. Your
conduct, I trust, will be noble, as that is great and good. I know your
attachment to the country you have adopted. Prince Ferdinand’s
recommendation of the General mentioned above is in these words. “As to
experience, intelligence and valor, I do not know whether another can
be found to equal him.” Your letter of the 30th of November, 1775, cost
19s. 6d. postage, there was so much superfluous paper; would not
a packet sent to some of the Canary Islands, and committed to proper
care, reach us safest and soonest? If there is any friend there to be
trusted, the opportunities from thence hither are frequent. Cover mine
and address it to John Horsfall, Treasurer, Middle Temple.
TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.
London, February 14th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
The enclosed list is the ministerial army upon paper. In effect it will
amount to about 15000 Germans and 18000 British; their destination I
can now give you with some certainty; 4000 Brunswickers and Waldeckers,
with 500 Hessians from Hanan, are now at Stade, a port in Hanover,
ready for immediate embarkation and destined for Canada, to be joined
by the twentyninth regiment, and 1000 drafted from the Foot Guards,
under Colonel Matthews. There is to be another embarkation in the
spring from Ireland for Canada, and the whole is to be commanded by
General Burgoyne, and Carleton I believe recalled.
The second body, being Hessians, are to march this day for Stade,
and the third on the 14th of next month; these are for Boston. Lord
Cornwallis, with six regiments, to sail immediately from Cork for
Virginia, where General Clinton is to take the command. They have
certain assurances of being joined by the Scotch in Virginia, and those
on the borders of North Carolina under the command of one M’Donald. In
the mean time, they have been directed to protect themselves under a
treaty of neutrality. Besides this land force, Lord Howe is to have a
fleet of seventytwo sail to block up the coast. For this purpose large
ships are to be stationed at the mouths of the great rivers, and the
rest are to cruise at some distance from the coast three deep, but not
in file, so as to render it more difficult to cross them. They are to
get possession of New York and Hudson’s river, so as to cut off all
south and north communications, and they have some idea of attacking
Canada too, by Montreal. Halifax is to be their naval magazine.
The Germans are commanded by two Lieutenant Generals, of whom the
eldest is named De Heister, who has some military character. This is
the favorable review of their plan. On the contrary, the whole army,
native and foreign, is averse to the service, so that it is much
apprehended, that if the provincials are dexterous in throwing among
them advantageous propositions, and faithful in performing them, the
desertion will be immense. The British troops have not one in five that
is a soldier, the rest are boys and debilitated manufacturers, just
recruited, at the reduced standard of five feet four inches. A vast
number of the best subaltern officers have quitted the service. It is
thought they will make Howe commander in chief, which must disgust the
German generals, who are much older. The expense will be immense, the
difficulty of providing magazines immense, and another campaign hardly
possible. Lord George Sackville is the minister, with absolute and
hated authority even in the Cabinet.
Great expectations too are entertained from treachery in the
provincials. Dr Church was in league with others, particularly
Flemming the printer.[4]
This I have from ministerial authority, which may be depended on.
They will also endeavor to depreciate the Congress paper, by throwing
in forged notes. A general of the first rank and abilities would go
over, if the Congress would authorise any one to promise him a proper
reception. This I had from Mr Lee, agent for Massachusetts, but it must
be secret with you, as I was not to mention it.
TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.
April 15th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
On the 7th ult. the Snow, Dickinson, Captain Meston, consigned to
Messrs Montandouine & Frere at Nantes, was brought into Bristol by her
crew, and delivered up with all her papers. From these the ministry are
apprized of all the ships, which have been sent to the different ports
of France, and cruisers are despatched into the Bay of Biscay to watch
them. John Sands, mate of the Dickinson, had made memorandums long
before he left Philadelphia of every material transaction, which shows
a premeditated plan of treachery. The proceedings of the ministry,
relative to this proof of the French interposition, have not yet
transpired, but France does not seem to be settled or spirited enough
to enter into a war, should England resent this business.
On the 5th of this month, a fleet sailed with 2000 Brunswick troops and
General Burgoyne; it is therefore understood that they are gone to
succor Quebec. Six regiments, about 4000 effective men, made up with
German recruits, are now ready for sailing orders at Cork. It is
probable that they are destined to Quebec. The first divisions of the
Hessians are not yet arrived, so that it is not likely the whole of
them will sail till the latter end of May. They are, by stipulation, to
serve altogether, and therefore, will go to Boston or Long Island. It
is supposed the provincials will possess the strong posts on Elizabeth
River, which, if in the enemy’s hands, will give them the command of
Jersey, Staten Island, &c. If the provincials always have redoubts in
the front and flanks of their army, it is the opinion of the ablest in
the profession, that they will be better than entrenchments or lines,
and will foil the regulars by breaking their line, or forcing them to
sacrifice a number of men, which they cannot afford.
People here begin to feel the matter as very serious, since the
publications of Dr Price and Lord Stair have convinced them, that
new taxes must be imposed for supporting this armament, which it is
certain will cost upwards of twelve millions. The ships sent out are
exceedingly ill manned, and there is such a disposition to desertion
among the German troops, that if proper offers are made to them, the
ministerial people are much afraid they will desert in great numbers.
They have hopes, however, that divisions will take place among the
provinces, and in the Congress, as they are satisfied that firmness
and unanimity will force their own terms.
The city of London has addressed the throne for an avowal of the
conditions on which peace is to be restored. The answer was in effect
unconditional submission. You may reckon that in July the troops will
be arrived, so as to enable General Howe to take the field. Lord Howe,
though he has accepted the command, is not yet sailed; he goes in the
Eagle, of sixtyfour guns. He is a brave man, but has a very confused
head, and is therefore very unfit for an extensive command. As there
will not be above two line of battle ships, if the Congress could
procure five line of battle ships from the French and Spaniards, they
might destroy or drive the whole British fleet from their coasts. Adieu.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.[5]
June 3d, 1776.
Gentlemen,
The desire of the Court of France to assist may be depended on; but
they are yet timid and the ministry unsettled. Turgot, lately removed,
was the most averse to a rupture with England; his removal is of
consequence. The contention for the lead now is between Count de
Vergennes and the Duke de Choiseul; both are friends to you and for
vigorous measures. The disposition in France may for these reasons
be relied on. Spain is more reserved, but surely when France moves
Spain will co-operate. The clear revenue from the farm of tobacco is
twentyfour millions of livres to France. It has been hinted to me, that
she is likely to tell Great Britain, that if England cannot furnish
it, she will send for it herself. You may judge, therefore, what an
important instrument that is in your hands. A Scotch banker, Sir
Robert Herries, proposed to the Farmers in France to supply them at
the home price here, that is, with the duty, to which they agreed. He
then applied to this government for leave to import it upon paying the
duties, which was refused.
In the last debate, Lord George Germain, who is undoubtedly minister,
affirmed that no treaty would be held with you till you had laid down
your arms. My opinion is, that independency is essential to your
dignity, essential to your present safety, and essential to your future
prosperity and peace. Some of the Congress correspond with Mr Jackson,
of the Board of Trade, and with Mr Molleson, a Scotch merchant; the
intelligence they give goes directly to the minister.
The young gentleman who will deliver this is of great worthiness, and
deserves much of his country for his fidelity and zeal. Six thousand of
the Hessian troops sailed last month, the remainder is not yet arrived
here, so that it may be September before they reach you. In the mean
time, it may be Howe’s plan to amuse you with a negotiation, which
may also furnish an opportunity of feeling some pulses among you, as
to the efficacy of money and promises. Beware of Joseph Reed[6]
of Philadelphia. One Brooke Watson, who was permitted to travel last year
from New York to Quebec, gave in a plan to the ministry for attacking
Canada, and is with the invaders.
Record of the Committee of Secret Correspondence.[7]
Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776.
Mr Thomas Story, (who had been sent by the Committee of Secret
Correspondence, December 13th, 1775, to France, Holland, and England)
reported verbally as follows. “On my leaving London, Arthur Lee
requested me to inform the Committee of Correspondence, that he had
several conferences with the French ambassador, who had communicated
the same to the French Court; that, in consequence thereof, the Duke de
Vergennes had sent a gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him, that
the French Court could not think of entering into a war with England;
but that they would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall
two hundred thousand pounds sterling worth of arms and ammunition to
St Eustatia, Martinique, or Cape François; that application was to be
made to the governors or commandants of those places, by inquiring for
Monsieur Hortalez, and that, on persons properly authorised applying,
the above articles would be delivered to them.”
The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers this day,
being the only two members of the Committee of Secret Correspondence
now in this city; and on our considering the nature and importance of
it, we agree in opinion, that it is our indispensable duty to keep it a
secret, even from Congress, for the following reasons.
First. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New York, they
would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and thereby
deprive us, not only of these succors, but of others expected by the
same route.
Secondly. As the Court of France have taken measures to negotiate this
loan and succor in the most cautious and most secret manner, should
we divulge it immediately, we may not only lose the present benefit,
but also render that Court cautious of any further connexion with such
unguarded people, and prevent their granting other loans and assistance
that we stand in need of, and have directed Mr Deane to ask of them;
for it appears from all our intelligence that they are not disposed
to enter into an immediate war with Great Britain, though disposed to
support us in our contest with them; we, therefore, think it our duty
to cultivate their favorable disposition towards us, and draw from them
all the support we can; and in the end their private aid must assist us
to establish peace, or inevitably draw them in as parties to the war.
Thirdly. We find, by fatal experience, that the Congress consists
of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more strongly
enjoined than the present embassy to France, notwithstanding which, Mr
Morris was this day asked by Mr Reese Meredith, whether Dr Franklin and
others were really going ambassadors to France; which plainly proves,
that this Committee ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required.
Fourthly. We are of opinion, that it is unnecessary to inform Congress
of this intelligence at present, because Mr Morris belongs to all the
committees that can properly be employed in receiving and importing the
expected supplies from Martinique, and will influence the necessary
measures for that purpose; indeed, we have already authorised William
Bingham to apply at Martinique and St Eustatia for what comes there,
and remit part by the armed sloop Independence, Captain Young,
promising to send others for the rest.
Mr Morris will apply to the Marine Committee to send other armed
vessels after her, and also to Cape François, (without communicating
this advice), in consequence of private intelligence lately received,
that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be procured at those places.
But should any unexampled misfortune befall the States of America, so
as to depress the spirits of Congress, it is our opinion, that, on
any event of that kind, Mr Morris (if Dr Franklin should be absent)
should communicate this important matter to Congress, otherwise keep it
until part or the whole supplies arrive, unless other events happen,
to render the communication of it more proper than it appears to be at
present.
B. FRANKLIN,
ROBERT MORRIS.
FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, October 23d, 1776.
Sir,
By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deane, a resolve of the
Honorable the Continental Congress of Delegates from the thirteen
United States of America, whereby you are appointed one of their
Commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity, and commerce
with the Court of France, and also for negotiating treaties with other
nations, agreeably to certain plans and instructions of Congress,
which we have transmitted by various conveyances to Mr Deane, another
of the Commissioners. We flatter ourselves, from the assurances of
your friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake this important
business, and that our country will greatly benefit of those abilities
and that attachment, which you have already manifested in sundry
important services, which at a proper period shall be made known to
those you would wish.
ROBERT MORRIS,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO LORD SHELBURNE.
Paris, December 23d, 1776.
My Lord,
A very few hours after my last letter to your Lordship, brought me the
desire of my country to serve her in a public character. Your Lordship,
I hope, thinks too well of me to suppose I could hesitate a moment. In
fact, almost the same minute saw me bid adieu, perhaps forever, to a
country where from choice I had fixed my fortunes, and to a people whom
I most respected and could have loved. But the first object of my life
is my country; the first wish of my heart is public liberty. I must
see, therefore, the liberties of my country established or perish in
her last struggle.
In truth, I have long despaired even of a struggle for liberty in
England; I will not insult Scotland with the idea. It is not the subtle
Weddeburne, poisoning the fountain of public security, nor the ruthless
Thurloe, deliberately butchering the liberties of his country, that
make me despair; but yet, perhaps, the people are only not virtuous,
and America may yet, with a sort of filial piety, reanimate her
expiring constitution.
Our Pater Patriae, with whom and Mr Deane I am joined in power,
is in good health and spirits. If fate will have it, that America, as she
has reared her temples and her altars to liberty, must furnish her victims
too, I know not where she can find a sacrifice more respectable.
Should the event of this measure be found fatal to England, it is
the perfidy of her Ministers which compels it, and to which the
consequences are justly imputable.
I beg your Lordship to remember me as one, who can never cease to have
the most perfect esteem for you. I have communicated to the Abbé Raynal
all the facts I could collect, in answer to his questions. He will
write to you soon.
May I beg to be remembered to our friends in the college and to those
out of it, who I hope will always do me the honor of remembering me;
Colonel Barré, Mr Dunning, Dr Priestly, Dr Price, &c.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Paris, January 3d, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving your favor, announcing to me my
appointment as one of the Commissioners from the Congress of the United
States of America.
I cannot express how greatly I am obliged to that most respectable
body, for giving me an opportunity of showing how much I prefer the
service of my country, and of her present cause, to every other pursuit
and situation in life.
I had the happiness of joining Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, the day after
the arrival of the former at this place.
We have employed every moment in preparing the way for fulfilling the
purposes of our mission. It is impossible to say yet, in what degree we
shall be able to accomplish our instructions and our wishes.
The politics of this Court are in a kind of trembling hesitation. It
is in consequence of this, that the promises, which were made to me
by the French agent in London, and which I stated to you by Mr Story
and others, have not been entirely fulfilled. The changing of the mode
of conveying what they promised was settled with Mr Deane, whom Mons.
Hortalez, or Beaumarchais, found here upon his return from London, and
with whom therefore all the arrangements were afterwards made.
I hope you will have received some of the supplies long before this
reaches you; infinitely short as they are of what was promised in
quantity, quality, and time, I trust they will be of very material
service in the operations of the next campaign. It is that, to use
the words of our arch enemy, to which we must look forward, and no
exertions in preparing for it can be too great, because the events of
it must be very decisive.
I have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
FROM THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, January 5th, 1777.
Sir,
The Congress, the better to defend their coasts, protect their trade,
and drive off the enemy, have instructed us to apply to France for
eight ships of the line, completely manned, the expense of which they
will undertake to pay. As other princes of Europe are lending or
hiring their troops to Britain against America, it is apprehended,
that France may if she thinks fit afford our Independent States the
same kind of aid, without giving England any first cause of complaint.
But if England should on that account declare war, we conceive, that
by the united force of France, Spain, and America, she will lose all
her possessions in the West Indies, much the greatest part of that
commerce, which has rendered her so opulent, and be reduced to that
state of weakness and humiliation which she has, by her perfidy, her
insolence, and her cruelty, both in the east and the west, so justly merited.
We are also instructed to solicit the Court of France for an immediate
supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large
quantity of ammunition and brass field pieces, to be sent under convoy.
The United States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery, and
ammunition, and to defray the expense of the convoy. This application
has now become the more necessary, as the private purchase made by Mr
Deane of those articles is rendered ineffectual, by an order forbidding
their exportation.
We also beg it may be particularly considered, that while the English
are masters of the American seas, and can without fear of interruption,
transport with such ease their army from one part of our extensive
coast to another, and we can only meet them by land marches, we
may possibly, unless some powerful aid is given us, or some strong
diversion be made in our favor, be so harassed and be put to such
immense distress, as that finally our people will find themselves
reduced to the necessity of ending the war by an accommodation.
The Courts of France and Spain may rely, with the fullest confidence,
that whatever stipulations are made by us, in case of granting such
aid, will be ratified and punctually fulfilled by the Congress, who
are determined to found their future character with regard to justice
and fidelity on a full and perfect performance of all their present engagements.
North America now offers to France and Spain her amity and commerce.
She is also ready to guaranty in the firmest manner to those nations
all her present possessions in the West Indies, as well as those they
shall acquire from the enemy, in a war that may be consequential of
such assistance as she requests. The interests of the three nations
are the same. The opportunity of cementing them and of securing all
the advantages of that commerce, which in time will be immense, now
presents itself. If neglected, it may never again return. And we cannot
help suggesting, that a considerable delay may be attended with fatal
consequences.[8]
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO M. GERARD.
Paris, January 14th, 1777.
We thank M. Gerard for the polite and explicit manner in which he has
communicated his Majesty’s message.
We beg to return our most grateful sense of the gracious intentions,
which his Majesty has had the goodness to signify to our States, and
to assure his Majesty that we shall ever retain the warmest gratitude
for the substantial proofs he has given us of his regard, and that we
will endeavor in due time to impress our constituents with the same sentiments.
We feel the strength of the reasons his Majesty has been pleased to
assign for the conduct he means to hold; and the magnanimity of his
motives. We beg leave to assure his Majesty, that we shall at all
times and in all things endeavor to conform ourselves to the views he
has opened for us, as nothing is further from our intentions than to
precipitate his Majesty into any measures, which his royal wisdom and
justice may disapprove. And if in anything we should contravene those
purposes, we shall always be happy and ready to amend it according to
the advice and direction of government.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
THE COMMISSIONERS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, February 1st, 1777.
Messrs Franklin, Deane, and Lee, Ministers from the Congress of the
United States, beg leave to represent to his Excellency the Count de
Vergennes, that besides the general alarming accounts of the success of
the English against their country, they have just received authentic
intelligence from England that eight thousand men, chiefly Germans,
under the command of General Burgoyne, are to be sent early in the
spring to America, and to be employed, with some ships of war, in the
invasion of Virginia and Maryland.
That if not by some means diverted from their design, it will be in
their power to destroy a great part of those States, as the houses and
estates of the principal inhabitants are situated on the navigable
waters, and so separated from each other as to be incapable of being
defended from armed vessels conveying troops, the place of whose
landing cannot be foreseen, and consequently force cannot be assembled
in all places sufficient to oppose them.
That great danger is also to be apprehended from the blacks of those
States, who, being excited and armed by the British, may greatly
strengthen the invaders, at the same time that the fear of their
insurrection will prevent the white inhabitants from leaving their
places of residence and assembling in such numbers for their own
defence against the English, as otherwise they might do.
That the greatest part of the tobacco of those States is probably
collected as usual in the warehouses of the inspectors, which are
also situated on navigable waters, and will be liable to be taken and
destroyed by the invaders; that the destruction of these two States
probably may make a great impression on the people in the rest, who,
seeing no prospect of assistance from any European power, may be more
inclined to listen to terms of accommodation.
That the supplies of arms and ammunition of war, which they have been
made to expect from France, having been by various means delayed and
retarded, are not likely to arrive before the commencement of the next
campaign, and may perhaps be despaired of, especially if those supplies
are to be carried first to the French islands.
That notwithstanding the measures taken to convince the Court of
Britain that France does not countenance the Americans, that Court,
according to our information, believes firmly the contrary; and it is
submitted to the consideration of your Excellency, whether, if the
English make a conquest of the American States, they will not take the
first opportunity of showing their resentment, by beginning themselves
the war that would otherwise be avoided; and perhaps beginning it as
they did the last, without any previous declaration.
That upon the whole, we cannot on this occasion omit expressing our
apprehensions, that if Britain is now suffered to recover the Colonies,
and annex again their great growing strength and commerce to her own,
she will become in a few years the most formidable power, by sea and
land, that Europe has yet seen, and assuredly, from the natural pride
and insolence of that people, a power to all the other States the most
pernicious and intolerable.
We would therefore with all deference submit it to the wisdom of his
Majesty and his Ministers, whether, if the independence of the United
States of America, with the consequent diminution of British power, and
the freedom of commerce with them, be an object of importance to all
Europe, and to France in particular, this is not the proper time for
effectual exertions in their favor; and for commencing that war, which
can scarcely be much longer avoided, and which will be sanctified by
this best of justifications, that a much injured and innocent people
will thereby be protected and delivered from cruel oppression, and
secured in the enjoyment of their just rights; than which, nothing can
contribute more to the glory of his Majesty and of this nation.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, February 11th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I received the enclosed despatches at this place on my way to Spain.
By the information I have from London, which I think may be depended
upon, the plan of operations is for Howe and his recruited army to
act against New England, while Carleton makes his way over the lakes
to keep the middle Colonies in awe; and Burgoyne, with an armament
from England of ten thousand, if it can be procured, invades the
South, probably Virginia and Maryland.[9]
The intelligence from England is, that ten thousand Germans are
actually engaged; while the French Minister and the Spanish
Ambassador both assure us, that it is with very great difficulty
the enemy can procure the recruits necessary to keep up the number
formerly stipulated. That the force of their different armaments will
fall greatly short of what they intend, I believe, but it seems to me
almost certain that the three attacks will be made.
That their utmost efforts will be made this campaign is infallible,
because nothing is more certain, than that the present state of
Europe forbids every expectation of their being long unemployed
nearer home. If, therefore, they do not succeed this year against
us, there is an end of their prospects of ravage and revenge. Even
at this moment, they have put every thing at hazard; England,
Ireland, and Hanover being left almost defenceless by their efforts
against us. I should submit whether it is not fit that it should be
made known to the army, that the forces to be sent this year, both
from England and Germany, are new raised, and therefore totally
undisciplined. Because the attacking such troops on their first
arrival, would be taking them in their weakest state, and they ought
not to carry with them the terror of disciplined troops, which, in
fact, they are not, and of which it would encourage their opponents
to be apprized.
The French Minister told me when I took leave, that the king of Great
Britain had endeavored in vain to get troops in Germany to supply the
place in Hanover of those whom he sent to garrison Gibraltar. All
these things concur to show, that they are pressed on every side to
make the last effort against our liberties, which I trust will be met
with proportionable exertions on our part, and under the providence of
Heaven defeated.
The losses, which the enemy’s West India trade has suffered by captures
this year, have determined the government to make provision against it
in future, by sending a number of armed cutters, which will take the
small cruisers which have hitherto been so successful against their
West Indiamen. These too are to be armed as in time of war; I therefore
submit to your consideration the propriety of marking out another line
of cruising for the small privateers, and sending such only into the
Gulf as are of force to drive off the cutters, and make prize of the
armed West Indiamen.
Whatever orders you have for me will be forwarded from the ports of
Spain, and I must beg a few blank commissions for privateers, as it
will be one part of my endeavors to excite merchants in Spain to cruise
against our enemies.
We have been so repeatedly warned of bad arms being sent from hence,
that I cannot help mentioning the necessity of having the muskets
proved wherever it can be done before they are paid for. This too
suggests the propriety of not advancing money for goods, since though
the very capital merchants in France are men of honor, and will not
impose, yet the middle and lower orders of them are often directly the reverse.
Bewick & Co. at Cadiz will not pay the proceeds of the Sally to Mr
Schweighauser, upon a pretence of not having any order so to do; but it
seems their real design is to keep the money in their hands for what
they pretend is due to them from Messrs Willing, Morris & Co. I shall
endeavor to have them compelled to do justice in this business, and you
will determine how far they are to be trusted for the future. A large
cargo of woollens, linen, cordage, and sailcloth, will be despatched
from hence in three weeks, which I hope will reach their destination in time.
I could have wished that my present destination had been specifically
ordered by you, with regard to the Court, as that would have imported
a respect and consideration for them, which might have greatly
facilitated my object, which I apprehend will meet with some obstacle
in the umbrage, that the want of such attention, and the apparent
preference given where it is perhaps less deserved, may possibly
occasion. Perhaps that may yet be remedied by some such power, if it
should seem proper to you.[10]
The Corporation here have lowered the city duty on tobacco, brought
from America into this port, in order to encourage a commerce with us,
for which I have thought it my duty to return them thanks.
Upon examination, I find your commercial connexions here greatly
deranged. It appears to have been the first plan of the Committee
to place Mons. Schweighauser as a check over Mons. Penet. The
established character and credit of the former were to control the
confidence reposed in the latter, who, the Committee say, “had not such
recommendations as they could wish.” For this purpose the consignments
were to be made to Mons. Schweighauser, out of which he was to pay
Mons. Penet for such goods as were shipped on your account, after being
inspected and approved by the former. This was certainly a wise plan
and a necessary precaution. In my humble judgment, it still continues
to be absolutely necessary; but instead of the consignments having been
made to Mr Schweighauser, they have been chiefly addressed directly to
Penet; in consequence of this, the latter has not submitted the goods
sent to the inspection of the former, and Mr Schweighauser has reason
to complain of his being neglected, after an express promise given
him of your consignments, without his being able to conceive in what
he has offended. These are facts which I think it my duty to state to
you. Mons. Montanduine and Mons. Schweighauser are certainly the first
in rank and reputation here. It is of much more consequence, that
merchants of this description should be your correspondents here, than
it is in England, because they have an influence with government which
those of an inferior order have not. Of this order is Mr Gruel, and
still lower M. Penet; but the credit and character of the former are
exceedingly well established.
The rigor of the season, the badness of the roads, and the slowness of
conveyance in Spain will protract my journey miserably, but you may
depend upon my using every diligence to reach my destination in time to
make the best advantage of the present critical situation of affairs.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Nantes, February 14th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
The enclosed book is esteemed a work of genius, and as such I have
thought it proper to be sent to you. We were acquainted with the author
in Paris, who is a man of very high character and so strongly our
friend, that I have no doubt if the want of his second volume, which is not yet
published, should render any explanation necessary, he will give it with pleasure.
Since I had the honor of writing yesterday, Mr Thomas Morris has
informed me of the agreement, which he has just concluded with the
Farmers-General for all the tobacco that shall arrive here on your
account, at seventy livres a hundred. It was probably in contemplation
of this, that they refused to sign the treaty with us, after they
had pledged their word for it. Our object was to interest government
here through them in our commerce, so much as to secure their utmost
protection of it; to insure the exports of our produce, which we
apprehended the scarcity of shipping and sailors would render
impracticable in our own bottoms, and to command a considerable advance
of ready money for a full supply of arms, ammunition, rigging, &c.
which we might convey with more certainty under their protection. To
compass these objects we were induced to offer them such tempting
terms. The price they have now agreed to give is certainly a good one,
but I fear it will not retrieve us from our difficulties, as there
is no advance stipulated, and the difficulty of exportation seems to
increase daily.
Our latest intelligence from England informs us, that a bill is now
passing for granting letters of marque against you, or rather for
repealing so much of their former act, as confined it to the navy. The
press there still continues very violent, but not equally productive;
that, together with the great preparations of France and Spain, seems
to render the continuance of peace for many months impossible. From
every thing that I can learn, their armaments against you will be
very late, if the situation of Europe will suffer them at all; but it
is best to prepare for their plan, as if it would be executed in its
fullest extent, for it is impossible to have such reliance upon the
politics of Europe, as would justify the hazarding much upon their issue.
I believe you have not yet been apprized of what it may be material
for you to know, which is, that the British government offered to
deliver the prisoners, taken on Long Island, to the East India
Company to be sent to their settlements, if the Company would send
for them to Gibraltar. This proposition is upon record in the
Company’s books, a general court having been held expressly upon it.
I have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
FROM JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, February 17th, 1777.
Sir,
My person and house, in the commercial way, are well known in
the American Colonies, not only on account of our long standing
correspondence of thirty to forty years, but also on that of the true
affection with which we have endeavored to serve them. I am lately
arrived at Madrid on some particular affairs, which have occasioned my
treating with the ministers of State, who have honored me with their
especial favors and trust, and of course this has led me into the
bottom of the principal affairs of Europe, among which I have talked
about your coming from Paris to Spain, undoubtedly with the design of
treating on the subject of the Colonies, as I judge they have already
done, and continue doing at Paris. But I have heard that in such a
small place as Madrid it would be absolutely impossible to remain
incog, either by your own or any other name, and you would of course
be spied by the gentlemen here who have a real interest therein, and
consequently you could not treat with the ministers without hurting the
Colonies in the highest degree by your own doings; and, besides, you
would set this Court at variance without success. I judge you will
improve the opportunity which offers by chance, and I think is an
excellent one, and have therefore no objections to hint it to you;
being fully assured that it will cause no displeasure here.
The Marquis of Grimaldi intends to set out soon for Biscay, and I
propose to do the same for my house at Bilboa, all which we shall so
manage as to meet one and the other at Vitoria, where we shall tarry
under some good disguise until our mutual arrival; and as this noble
minister has had to this day the entire direction of all affairs,
and is of course fully acquainted with his Majesty’s intentions, I
believe he is the most proper person with whom you may treat either
in said place, or some country house that might be picked up for the
purpose, and thereby avoid the inconveniences which must inevitably
follow by your coming to Madrid. By the aforesaid belief I have given
you a further proof of my attachment to the Colonies, and I must also
add with all truth, that the principal persons here are of the same
opinion, although the present state of affairs obliges them to make no
show thereof. In short, Sir, I hope you will approve of my proposed
method being the safest and most natural to carry on the views of both
parties, I beg you will give me an answer through the same hands, as
will deliver the present to you, not doubting that you will tarry at
Vitoria until we get there, and you will also observe that you will be
at full liberty to proceed to Madrid if you should judge proper, after
you have talked over the matter with the said nobleman.
I have the honor to subscribe myself, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
P. S. Having considered upon the properest
place for our meeting, we have settled it on that of Burgos instead of
Vitoria, which pray note accordingly, and I hope to meet you there.
[In a letter dated at Burgos, 28th February,
1777, Mr Lee replied to the above as follows. “I have the honor of
yours of the 17th, and agreeable to your request will wait for you at
this place.”]
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Bordeaux, February 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
On my arrival here, on my way to Madrid, I found a letter dated
February 2d, from a confidential correspondent, which contains the
following passages. “Ten thousand Germans are already engaged, and
ships sent to convey them; the number of British cannot exceed three
thousand, and those very indifferent; but much is expected from their
being sent early. Boston is certainly to be attacked in the spring.
Burgoyne will command. Howe will probably attack Philadelphia. The
government expect great advantage from dissensions in Pennsylvania.”
Finding that our commerce here labors under great difficulties from the
heavy duties laid on fish, oil, wax, &c., I have directed an account
of it to be transmitted to your Commissioners at Paris, together with
an estimate of the imports and exports during the last year from
the United States, that they may be better enabled to negotiate an
alleviation or removal of the duties, which were originally intended
to discourage the British commerce.
I had the honor of stating to you a year ago, that tobacco was the
most weighty political engine we could employ with the French Court.
It is absolutely necessary to the Farmers-General, and the Farmers as
absolutely necessary to government.
Mr Delap informs me that there are several more cargoes belonging to
the Congress, in the hands of merchants in Spain, the proceeds of which
cannot be obtained. I have written to Mr Morris, at Nantes, begging the
favor of him to send me a proper account of them, that I may complain
of those merchants at the Court of Spain. There is a ship at Nantes,
totally deserted by her crew, which has been lying there many months
unregarded, at an expense to the Congress of one hundred dollars per
month. I have advised Mr Schweighauser to consult with Mr. Morris about
selling her, which ought to have been done as soon as her crew quitted her.
The ship too, which was intrusted to Mr Myrkle, is lying here at a
considerable charge, and no appearance of her return.
I enclose you Captain Cleveland’s account of Mr Myrkle’s conduct, which
he wishes may be offered in his justification. I have referred him to
Dr Franklin for advice.
I have the honor of being your obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.
Vitoria, February 26th, 1777.
Dear Sirs,
I am thus far safe on my journey, which by the spur of six pistoles
more I am to finish two days sooner than was at first agreed.
Therefore, if no accident happens, I shall reach my destination the
6th of next month. In the Committee’s letter of the 23d of October to
me, it is said, “we are to negotiate with other nations agreeable to
certain plans and instructions transmitted to Mr Deane.” I have none
with me, nor do I remember to have seen any, but those which relate
expressly to France, and that plan has already been transmitted where
I am going. Nothing is more likely than my being asked what I have to
propose, particularly relative to this meridian. This question was put
to us on our first visit to —— ——.[11]
But the same answer will not serve here. I must entreat you,
therefore, to favor me with your ideas upon this particular. What
alteration would you think proper in that plan, when applied to this
country? It is best to be prepared for every favorable moment that
may offer. This must plead my pardon for urging as speedy an answer
as possible. It would grieve me to be put to the alternative of
letting a favorable opportunity pass unembraced, or of hazarding a
measure of so much moment to the public, upon my weak judgment and
very limited information.
With my best wishes for your health and success, and begging to be
remembered kindly to our friends, I have the honor to be, with the
greatest esteem, dear Sirs, your obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL,
Delivered by Arthur Lee to the Marquis de Grimaldi.
Burgos, March 5th, 1777.
Upon maturely weighing what his Excellency the Marquis de Grimaldi
had the goodness to communicate from his Majesty, Mr Lee feels
himself obliged (notwithstanding his earnest wish to coincide with
his Majesty’s views, and conciliate his amity to the United States)
to beg his attention to the following considerations.
1st. Were it the question now, whether Mr Lee being at Paris
should come to Madrid, he might do it or not without any material
consequences, but it being known, that he was deputed upon that
business, and upon his way, his return without going to Madrid will
beget an opinion, that Spain has renounced the States of America, in
refusing to receive their deputy. For the fact of his return being
notorious, and the reasons for it necessarily secret, it will make
the same impression as if no such reasons existed.
This opinion will very materially injure the credit of the States
in France and Holland, and it may have a very unfavorable effect in
America. For it must be considered, that the fact will reach America
by a thousand channels, while the reasons for it can pass through one
only, and that too from the situation of things in obscure hints.
Mr Lee therefore hopes, that his Majesty will weigh these reasons
before he determines finally upon a measure, which may be deemed
ungracious to the Congress, and highly detrimental to their interests.
2dly. Mr Lee cannot conceive on what pretence of reason, right, or law,
the English Ambassador, or his Court, can take exception to his
Majesty’s receiving a deputy from the United States, since the right
of a neutral Court so to do is clearly established by the unquestioned
practice of all times, and recognised by the best writers on the laws
of nations. Neither has the English Ambassador at Paris, or his Court,
taken any exception to it there.
3dly. That it will be so far from preventing the execution of any
gracious intentions his Majesty may have of assisting the States,
that the best and safest channel of conveying that aid is from one
from which Mr Lee’s being at Madrid will rather divert than direct
the attention of England. Next to an immediate declaration, a supply
of money to support the credit of the States, and pay for what is
necessary, is the most effectual aid. The support of this contest calls
upon the Congress for considerable funds. The means of establishing
them by the export of their produce are slow and uncertain. This
obliges them to have recourse for assistance to the powers that are
friendly to their cause; among whom they have the greatest reliance
upon his Majesty the king of Spain. This purpose will be answered by
his Majesty’s ordering his Ambassador at the Hague, to authorise Sir
George Grand of Amsterdam to pay the sum destined to this use to the
order of B. Franklin, Silas Deane, or Arthur Lee. Sir George Grand is
fixed upon as one, who has been already trusted by the Court of France
in this business, and on whose attachment they can depend.
Mr Lee must beg leave to wait his Majesty’s pleasure at Burgos, or
Vitoria, not at Bayonne, because he is persuaded, upon reflection, that
he should incur the highest displeasure of his constituents, if he were
to leave Spain without a definitive answer to the object of his mission.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Burgos, March 8th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
A person of high rank having been sent to confer with me here, I
am authorised to assure you, that supplies for the army will be sent
to you by every opportunity from Bilboa. I can say with certainty,
that a merchant there has orders for that purpose; he is now here
with me to have a list from me, and to contract for blankets, which
are manufactured in this part of the country. I am also desired to
inform you of ammunition and clothing being deposited at New Orleans
and the Havanna, with directions to lend them to such American
vessels as may call there for that purpose.
I am trying to get a sum of money put into our hands immediately,
that we may the more assuredly answer your bills, should you find it
necessary to draw, and may pay for some ships of war in Europe. It
will also be my endeavor to procure some able veteran officers from
the Irish brigades in this service.
From the best authority here I am told, that the German agreement
is for seven thousand recruits, and eight hundred Hessian Chasseurs.
They are to sail from some German port towards the end of this
month.
News is just arrived here of the death of the king of Portugal.
Considerable bodies of troops have been for some time marching from
Madrid towards the frontiers of that kingdom.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL,
Presented to the Court of Spain.
Burgos, March 8th, 1777.
The present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain
does not seem to be so fully understood, as to render a clear
representation of it unnecessary.
America has declared herself independent, and has defeated all the
efforts of Great Britain to reduce her during two campaigns. In this
resistance she has hitherto stood alone and almost unassisted. Her
infant and unprepared state has been compensated by her ardor, her
indignation, her enthusiasm.
Great Britain, however, is determined to redouble her efforts
to make this campaign decisive of the fate of America. In this
situation, America offers her commerce and her friendship, which she
has withdrawn from Great Britain, to Spain and France. This offer
ought to be deemed of double value, because it takes from their
rival and foe, what it gives to them. It is, therefore, taken
for granted, that this is an object of the first magnitude, and
worthy of the highest attention of both these Courts. It is also
taken for granted, that Spain and France do not wish Great Britain
should prevail in the contest, or regain America by conquest or
conciliation. There remains, therefore, but this single question;
whether it be more politic for the two powers to declare immediately,
or to wait the event of the next campaign?
To judge of this, it will be necessary to consider what will be the
probable event of the next campaign. As Great Britain is resolved to
put forth her utmost strength, it is probable that the event will be,
either the total reduction of America, or an accommodation founded upon
a mutual conviction of each other’s strength; and this accommodation
must be hastened by America being left destitute of any material
assistance from Europe.
It is manifest, that the neutrality of Spain and France leaves
the field open to the operations of the British force, and to the
production of one of those events, either of which must be highly
prejudicial to both nations and advantageous to their enemy. If Great
Britain should be victorious, America will become a powerful instrument
in her hands, to be wielded at her will against these countries; and
that it will not remain long unemployed, no one will doubt, who knows
that the Court of Great Britain is well informed of the countenance, at
least, given to what they call a most dangerous rebellion, and that the
head of that Court is of a temper that never forgives or forgets.
If an accommodation should produce a reunion, the same advantages will
be lost, and almost all the same consequences are to be feared. The end
of the campaign cannot, therefore, promise so favorable a moment for
the interposition of Spain and France as the present; and in all human
probability it will be then fruitless.
In truth, what moment can be wished more favorable than the present,
when Great Britain is so equally matched by what were her Colonies,
that the scales hang doubtful? Nor can it be questioned, that the
interposition of Spain or France, and much more of both, would make
that of America decidedly preponderate, and separate her from Great
Britain forever. And what object can be more important, than to deprive
her of this great and growing source of her commerce and her wealth,
her marine, and her dominion?
There is nothing of which the Court of Great Britain is more
persuaded, than that the loss of America would be the inevitable
consequence of a war in Europe; nor is there a man in the nation that
is ignorant of it; hence it is, that the king finds himself obliged,
in all his speeches, to assure his Parliament of the tranquillity
of Europe, that they may be emboldened to support his war against
America. Hence it is, that they have labored to prevent a rupture
between Spain and Portugal, and have, at length, renounced the
latter. It is therefore certain, that Great Britain would endure any
insult, short of an open and outrageous act of hostility, rather than
engage in a European war during her contest with America.
During the last war, America contributed twelve thousand seamen,
and twenty thousand troops to the assistance of Great Britain. These
are now tripled against her. The commerce of America, according to
the declaration of Mr Pitt, who conducted it, carried Great Britain
triumphantly through it. The full tide of that commerce is now turned
against her. From America, all the expeditions against the islands of
Spain and France were then supplied. Now these supplies are ready to
assist in seizing her islands.
Deprived of all those aids, which ministered to her success and
her triumphs during the last war, what could prevent her now from
experiencing the bitter reverse of her former fortune? What policy
can withhold two Sovereigns, whose prosperity is incompatible with
her power, to let slip such an opportunity of humbling her as may
never return?
If Great Britain should be again united to America by conquest or
conciliation, it would be in vain to menace her with war. America
has been felt like Hercules in his cradle. Great Britain, knit again
to such growing strength, would reign the irresistible, though hated
arbiter of Europe. This then is the moment in which Spain and France
may clip her wings and pinion her forever. One of the most respectable
bodies in England told their Sovereign some two years since, with a
kind of prophetic spirit, that his Ministers were precipitating his
dominions into a situation in which their existence would depend upon
the forbearance of their enemies. That situation is now certainly
occurred. The rest as certainly remains in the arbitration of Spain
and France.[12]
ARTHUR LEE.
ANSWER,
To the Memorial, by the Marquis de Grimaldi at Vitoria.
You have considered your own situation and not ours. The moment is not
yet come for us. The war with Portugal,—France being unprepared, and
our treasure from South America not being arrived,—makes it improper
for us to declare immediately. These reasons will probably cease within
a year, and then will be the moment.[13]
TO THE COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA,
MINISTER TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
Vitoria, March 17th, 1777.
Mr Lee wishes to state to his Excellency, the Count de Florida Blanca,
what he has understood from his Excellency, the Marquis de Grimaldi,
to be the intentions of his Majesty relative to the United States of America.
That for very powerful reasons his Majesty cannot at this moment
enter into an alliance with them, or declare in their favor; that
nevertheless, they may depend upon his Majesty’s sincere desire to see
their rights and liberties established, and of his assisting them as
far as may be consistent with his own situation; that for this purpose
the house of Gardoqui at Bilboa would send them supplies for their
army and navy from time to time; that they would find some ammunition
and clothing deposited for them at New Orleans, the communication with
which would be much secured and facilitated by their taking possession
of Pensacola; that their vessels should be received at the Havanna
upon the same terms with those of France, and that the Ambassador at
Paris should have directions immediately to furnish their Commissioners
with credit in Holland. The Marquis added, that his Majesty would do
these things out of the graciousness of his royal disposition, without
stipulating any return, and that, if upon inquiry any able veteran
officers could be spared from his Irish brigade, the States should have
them.
These most gracious intentions Mr Lee has communicated to the Congress
of the United States, in terms as guarded as possible without
mentioning names, so that the source of those aids, should the
despatches fall into the enemy’s hands, can only be conjectured from
the matter, not determined from the manner in which they are mentioned.
And for further security, the captain has the strictest orders to throw
the despatches into the sea should he be taken.
Mr Lee is sensible that these intentions are measured by the
magnanimity of a great and opulent prince, and becoming the character
of so illustrious a monarch as the king of Spain. He is satisfied they
will raise the strongest sentiments of gratitude and veneration in the
breasts of those whom they regard. At the same time he trusts, that
the Spanish nation will receive no inconsiderable retribution from the
freedom of that commerce, the monopoly of which contributed so much
to strengthen and aggrandize her rival and her foe; nor can anything
give more lasting satisfaction to the royal mind, than the reflection
of having employed those means which God has put into his hands, in
assisting an oppressed people to vindicate those rights and liberties,
which have been violated by twice six years of incessant injuries and
insulted supplications; those rights which God and nature, together
with the convention of their ancestors and the constitution of their
country, gave to the people of the States. Instead of that protection
in these rights, which was the due return for the sovereignty exercised
over them, they have seen their defenceless towns wantonly laid in
ashes, their unfortified country cruelly desolated, their property
wasted, their people slain; the ruthless savage, whose inhuman war
spares neither age nor sex, instigated against them; the hand of the
servant armed against his master by public proclamation, and the very
food which the sea that washes their coast, furnishes, forbidden them
by a law of unparalleled folly and injustice. Proinde quasi injuriam
facere id demum esset imperio uti. Nor was it enough that for these
purposes the British force was exhausted against them, but foreign
mercenaries were also bribed to complete the butchery of their people,
and the devastation of their country. And that nothing might be wanting
to make the practices equivalent to the principles of this war, the
minds of these mercenaries were poisoned with every prejudice, that
might harden their hearts and sharpen their swords against a people,
who not only never injured or offended them, but who have received with
open arms and provided habitations for their wandering countrymen.
These are injuries which the Americans can never forget. These are
oppressors whom they can never again endure. The force of intolerable
and accumulated outrages has compelled them to appeal to God and to the
sword. The king of Spain, in assisting them to maintain that appeal,
assists in vindicating the violated rights of human nature. No cause
can be more illustrious, no motives more magnanimous.[14]
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.
Vitoria, March 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing to you on the 8th from Burgos, since which
I have had another conference at this place for greater secrecy and despatch.
In addition to the supplies, which I informed you were to be furnished
through the house of Gardoqui by every opportunity, and the powder
and clothing which are at New Orleans, and will be advanced to your
order, I am assured of having credit from time to time on Holland, and
that orders will be given to receive your vessels at the Havanna, as
those of the most favored nation, the French, are received. They have
promised to examine whether there are any veteran Irish officers fit
for your service, and if there are to send them.
I have avoided stipulating any return on our part.
As to an immediate declaration in your favor, they say this is not
the moment, and for reasons, which, if I might venture to commit them
to this paper, I think you would deem satisfactory. The same reasons
render an explicit acknowledgment of your independency, and a treaty of
alliance with you, inadmissable at present; but I am desired to assure
you of their taking a sincere and zealous part in the establishment of
your liberties, which they will promote in every way consistent with
their own situation.
I cannot help thinking that the postponing of a treaty is happy for us,
since our present situation would raise demands, and perhaps enforce
concessions, of which we might sorely repent hereafter. I am sensible,
that in consequence we shall be obliged to make greater exertions,
and to search deeper for resources within ourselves; but this must in
the end be highly beneficial to a young people. It was in this manner
the Roman republic was so deeply rooted; and then magis dandis, quam
accipiendis beneficiis, amicitias parabat. The liberties and benefits
which are hardly earned will be highly prized and long preserved.
In conformity with the above arrangement, I have settled with M.
Gardoqui, who now is with me, and from whom I have received every
possible assistance, to despatch a vessel with all possible expedition,
laden with salt, sail and tent cloth, cordage, blankets, and warlike
stores, as he can immediately procure, and an assortment of such drugs
as I think will be necessary for the three prevailing camp diseases.
Those who furnish these supplies are very desirous of an expedition
being ordered against Pensacola, in order that the possession of that
place may render the communication between the Southern Colonies and
New Orleans, from which they would wish to succor you, more sure and
secret. The captain has my directions to make for Philadelphia, or
any port to the southward, and wait your orders. At Mons. Gardoqui’s
desire, I have given him a recommendation to all the American captains,
who may sail from Bilboa, whether in public or private service, to
receive such stores as he shall send them for your use.
When this is arranged, I am to return to Paris, where the business of
the credit upon Holland is to be settled, and of which you shall have
notice by the first opportunity.
In my former letters from Bordeaux and Nantes, I took the liberty of
remarking upon the deranged state of your commerce. I find here that
you have not sent any vessels to Bilboa, though as being the most
convenient, it is most frequented by private vessels. It is a free
port, has no custom-house, and therefore business is despatched with
more secrecy and expedition. Rice, indigo, tar, pitch, and turpentine,
bear a good price there, and fish in Lent. By the provincial laws of
Biscay, tobacco is prohibited, but it may be landed at the port of St
Sebastian, some fourteen leagues distant; and it sells well in Spain;
but it must be strong Virginia tobacco for this market. The house of
Gardoqui has promised to collect from other places, such things as I
have informed them will be proper for your service. As Mons.
Montandauine and Mons. Schweighauser at Nantes, and the Messrs Delaps
at Bordeaux, are the best and most respectable merchants, so the
Gardoquis are at Bilboa. Their zeal and activity in our cause were
greatly manifested in the affair of the privateer; they are besides in
the special confidence of the Court, and one of them has been employed
as interpreter in all our business.
If touching upon commercial subjects, which are somewhat out of my
province, should be of any use, that will be my excuse; if not, I hope
the expectation of its being useful will plead my pardon. I mentioned
in my last, that the Germans, intended to be sent the latter end of
this month through Holland, were to consist of seven thousand recruits
and eight hundred Hessian chasseurs; but from the best accounts I can
get, they will neither be so forward nor so numerous as was intended.
To retard them the more, I have proposed to the Commissioners at
Paris, to remonstrate with the States-General against granting them a
passage, which is to expedite their embarkation, and I have written to
Holland to have the account of the captivity of their countrymen and
the refusal to exchange them and settle a cartel, destributed among the
troops, in German, before they embark.
I have sent copies of General Washington’s letter, and such an account
as I could collect from the newspapers, of the success of your arms all
over Europe; since that, I find by the enclosed Gazette, that the Court
of Great Britain have already published their account of it. It is
lamentable to observe, to what unworthy means of flattering the vices
of princes the human mind will stoop. The Carletons, the Howes, and the
Perceys call themselves honorable men; yet, because they know nothing
pleases the king of England more than the grossest abuse of the
Americans, they let slip no opportunity of accusing and traducing
them. That these charges may not fall into the hands of future
historians uncontradicted, I could wish, since it has now become a
public accusation by General Howe, that General Washington might write
him a letter, stating the injustice of the charge, and mentioning the
instances, such as the burying Captain Leslie with the honors of war,
in which the troops under his command have manifested a disposition
directly opposite to that of which he has accused them; this would go
down to posterity as an authentic vindication. I am as jealous of the
honor of our name as desirous of the success of our arms.
I mentioned in my former letters their plan of sending out cutters of
twelve and fourteen guns, commanded by lieutenants of the navy, to
cruise on your coast, chiefly in the Gulf, and that the West India
ships were to be armed. On the other hand we are assured, by both
France and Spain, that such a disposition of their fleets and forces
will be made as ought to persuade England, that she cannot sustain
the war against you as she has planned. Your wisdom will direct you
how far to trust to these assurances, or their expected consequences,
when our stake is so precious, that the most ardent and unremitting
exertions cannot be too great; not that I suspect the sincerity of
these assurances, but the effects they are to produce; for I know the
nature of the king of England to be such, that nothing but personal
fear, which the quietism of the people is not likely to produce, will
restrain him from the most desperate attempts to injure and enslave us;
besides, the state of Europe is such as to render it morally certain,
that a war in Europe will relieve you from these extraordinary
exertions before a year has passed away. The death of the king of
Portugal is too recent for any certain judgment to be formed of its
consequences; probably however it will produce an accommodation with
Spain, but should it extinguish this spark of a war, it will leave
Spain more at liberty to aid us, and awe, if not attack Great Britain.
The situation of the enemy seems to be this. Great Britain and Ireland
exhausted, the difficulties of recruiting for the ensuing campaign,
from Germany, great and notorious, though the demand was proportioned
to the prosperous state of their affairs; from this quarter therefore
they have little more to hope; to Russia alone they may apply if the
cloud that is rising from Constantinople should blow over, without
which it is impossible they should have any aid from thence; but if
this should happen it will be our endeavor, and I hope we shall succeed
in raising the opposition of other European Powers to that measure. I
mean to propose on my return to Paris, the sounding both of the emperor
and the king of Prussia on this subject. The one wishes to promote the
port of Ostend, the other of Emden, and by these we may perhaps work
them up to our wishes.
It is upon this view of things, that I found my hopes of the next
campaign being the last struggle of any importance, which the enemy
can make against us. The distress of their finances and the difficulty
of raising the supplies are great. It is certain, that the Dutch, on
whom they so much depend, withhold their money as far as they can find
Spanish paper to vest it in. The degree of their alarm from France and
Spain may be seen from their embodying the militia; and their expensive
preparations by sea; that this alarm will not be suffered to subside I
believe. Their divisions at home are apparent from the suspension of
the habeas corpus act, which will probably realise their apprehensions
of domestic troubles.
I find that in consequence of my application to the Count d’Aranda in
Paris, he had written to his Court here concerning the detention of
the proceeds of some of your cargoes, by the merchants of Cadiz. As
soon as I can get an accurate statement of that affair from Mr Thomas
Morris, it will be put in a train of certainly obtaining justice. There
are some, I am informed, in the same situation at Lisbon, and I think
we may feel the pulse of the new government there, by applying to that
Court for justice.
I subjoin an estimate of the current prices of several American
articles at Bilboa, and have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Flour 16 pistareens per hundred
weight.—Rice from 20 to 22 do. per do.—Fish 22 to 30 do.
per quintal.—Beeswax from 212 to 215 do.—Fine common
Sugars from 49 to 54 do. per do.—Large brown Cocoa 6 bitts per
lb.—Indigo from 7 to 10 pistareens per lb.—Masts, Yards,
and Spars in great demand. Furs the same. Tobacco lower in Spain than
lately in France.
P. S. As well as I can collect from the foreign papers, they have
passed a bill in England to enable the King to commit to any prison
such persons as he suspects of favoring America, and to fix the crime
of piracy on all those who are taken at sea with your commission. In
some former resolution, you declared that retaliation should be made on
those, who were suspected of favoring the measures of the British
Government in the States; and hitherto the American privateers have
permitted the subjects of Great Britain to depart in peace. Our enemies
are determined to show how unworthy they are of such lenity, as several
individuals besides Captain Ross have done. They will compel you to
make it a war of revenge, not of redress.
It would not, I think, be difficult to negotiate a loan of money for
the States of Virginia and South Carolina, through the Havanna; if you
think this would be useful, please to give your directions in it by the
first opportunity. The present disposition to oblige us may not last
forever.
A. L.
FROM B. FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, March 21st, 1777.
Dear Sir,
We have received your favors from Vitoria and Burgos.
The Congress sitting at Baltimore despatched a packet to us the 9th
of January, containing an account of the success at Trenton, and
subsequent events to that date, as far as they had come to knowledge.
The vessel was obliged to run up a little river in Virginia to avoid
some men of war, and was detained there seventeen days, or we should
have had these advices sooner. We learn however through England, where
they have news from New York to the 4th of February, that in Lord
Cornwallis’s retreat to New Brunswick two regiments of his rear guard
were cut to pieces; that General Washington having got round him to
Newark and Elizabethtown, he had retired to Amboy in his way to New
York; that General Howe had called in the garrisons of Fort Lee and
Fort Constitution, which were now possessed by our people; that on the
New York side, Forts Washington and Independence were retaken by our
troops, and that the British forces at Rhode Island were recalled for
the defence of New York.
The Committee in their letters mention the intention of Congress to
send ministers to the Courts of Vienna, Tuscany, Holland, and Prussia.
They also send us a fresh commission, containing your name instead of
Mr Jefferson’s, with this additional clause, “and also to enter into,
and agree upon a treaty with His Most Christian Majesty, or such other
person or persons as shall be by him authorised for that purpose, for
assistance in carrying on the present war between Great Britain and
these United States.” The same clause is in a particular commission
they have sent me to treat with the Court of Spain, similar to our
common commission to the Court of France;[15]
and I am accordingly directed to go to Spain; but as I know that
choice was made merely on the supposition of my being a little
known there to the great personage for whom you have my letter, (a
circumstance of little importance) and I am really unable through
age to bear the fatigue and inconveniences of such a journey, I must
excuse myself to Congress, and join with Mr Deane in requesting
you to proceed in the business on the former footing, till you can
receive a particular commission from Congress, which will no doubt be
sent as soon as the circumstances are known.
We know of no plans or instructions to Mr Deane but those you have
with you. By the packet, indeed, we have some fresh instructions which
relate to your mission, viz. that in case France and Spain will
enter into the war, the United States will assist the former in the
conquest of the British sugar islands, and the latter in the conquest
of Portugal, promising the assistance of six frigates manned, of not
less than twentyfour guns each, and provisions equal to 2,000,000
dollars; America desiring only for her share, what Britain holds on
the continent; but you shall by the first safe opportunity have the
instructions at length. I believe we must send a courier.
If we can, we are ordered to borrow £2,000,000 on interest. Judge then,
what a piece of service you will do, if you can obtain a considerable
subsidy, or even a loan without interest.
We are also ordered to build six ships of war. It is a pleasure to
find the things ordered, which we were doing without orders.
We are also to acquaint the several Courts, with the determination of
America to maintain at all events our independence. You will see by the
date of the resolution relating to Portugal, as well as by the above,
that the Congress were stout in the midst of their difficulties. It
would be well to sound the Court of Spain on the subject of permitting
our armed ships to bring prizes into her ports, and there dispose of
them. If it can be done openly, in what manner can we be accommodated
with the use of their ports, or under what restrictions? This
government has of late been a little nice on that head; and the orders
to L’Orient have occasioned Captain Wickes some trouble.
We have good advice of our friend at Amsterdam, that in the height of
British pride on their summer success, and just before, they heard of
any check, the ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, had been ordered to send
a haughty memorial to the States, importing that notwithstanding their
promises to restrain their subjects from supplying the rebels, it was
notorious, that those supplies were openly furnished by Hollanders at
St Eustatia; and that the governor of that island had returned from
his fort the salute of a rebel ship of war with an equal number of
guns; that his Majesty justly and highly resented these proceedings,
and demanded that the States should by more severe provisions restrain
that commerce; that they should declare their disapprobation of the
insolent behavior of their governor, and punish him by an immediate
recall; otherwise his Majesty, who knows what appertains to the dignity
of his crown, would take proper measures to vindicate it; and he
required an immediate answer. The States coolly returned the memorial
with only this answer, that when the respect due to sovereigns was not
preserved in a memorial, it ought not to be expected in an answer. But
the city of Amsterdam took fire at the insolence of it, and instructed
their deputies in the States to demand satisfaction by the British
Court’s disavowal of the memorial, and the reprimand of the ambassador.
The States immediately demanded a number of men of war ships to be in
readiness. Perhaps since the bad news has come, England may be civil
enough to make up this little difference.
Mr Deane is still here. You desire our advice about your stopping at
Burgos. We are of opinion that you should comply with the request.
While we are asking aid, it is necessary to gratify the desires and in
some sort comply with the humors of those we apply to. Our business now
is to carry our point. But I have never yet changed the opinion I gave
in Congress, that a virgin State should preserve the virgin character,
and not go about suitoring for alliances, but wait with decent dignity
for the applications of others. I was overruled; perhaps for the best.
With the greatest esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG,
MINISTER TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
Paris, April 19th, 1777.
Sir,
We received the letter, which you did us the honor to write to
us of the 15th ult. and should earlier have replied particularly
thereto, but from the daily expectation we had of receiving orders
from the Congress of the United States on this important subject.
We have their commands to inform his Prussian Majesty’s Ambassador
here, that they propose to send a minister to your respected Court
with all convenient expedition, properly empowered to treat upon
affairs of importance, and that we are in the mean time instructed
and authorised by Congress to solicit the friendship of your Court,
to request that it would afford no aid to their enemies, but use its
good offices to prevent the landing of troops by other powers to be
transported to America for their destruction, and to offer the free
commerce of the United States to the subjects of Prussia.
We have taken the earliest opportunity of obeying these commands.
But considering the great importance of establishing a free commerce
between the two countries as soon as possible, and confident that every
objection may be obviated, and the wished for intercourse opened and
established on the most certain and beneficial grounds to promote
the interest of both countries, we propose that one of us shall
wait on your Excellency as soon as conveniently may be done, to
explain personally the situation of America, the nature, extent, and
importance of its commerce, and the methods by which it may be carried
on with Prussia to mutual advantage. In the proposed interview, we
are confident the difficulties mentioned by your Excellency may be
surmounted, and a very considerable part of American commerce be turned
to Prussia by measures neither dangerous nor expensive.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, April 28th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
The 24th instant, I had the pleasure to pay my last compliments to
you, enclosing twenty second bills, amounting to 81,000 livres French
money, as per duplicates herein to serve in case of need; and being
still without your favors, I have only to forward you a further sum of
106,500 livres, in sixteen bills, as per memorandum at foot hereof,
with which I beg your doing the needful as usual, and pass the same
to my credit, advising me of it in due time, by which you will oblige
him who longs for the pleasure of hearing from you, and is with very
unfeigned esteem and respect, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
A Minute of the sixteen enclosed Bills, viz.
| Livres 6000 |
drawn by P. Joyes & Sons, on Tourton & Baur. |
| 6100 | do | do |
| 6150 | do | do |
| 6200 | do | do |
| 6250 | do | do |
| 6300 | do | do |
| 6400 | do | do |
| 6600 | do | do |
| 5900 |
" by F. Vre. Gorvea, on Tassin, Father & Son. |
| 6000 | do | do |
| 6500 | do | do |
| 6800 | do | do |
| 7000 | do | do |
| 7500 | do | do |
| 8000 | do | do |
| 8800 | do | do |
| 106,500 in sixteen second bills, all at 90 days date,
with which pray procure the first accepted, acknowledging
receipt as soon as possible. |
TO JAMES GARDOQUI AT MADRID.
Paris, May 8th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
I received yours of the 24th ultimo, with its enclosures, which I have
disposed of as the enclosed receipt will show. It is taken for granted,
that they are for the purposes settled at Vitoria, and to such the
produce of them and of the rest will be applied.
I beg you will express my warmest sense of this assistance, where you
know the expression of it is due. The business in which we have engaged
in Holland will be much more expensive, than the estimate, which is
too often the case. Assistance therefore comes very apropos. As I am
obliged to make another little journey, I must beg you for the future
to correspond with Dr Franklin, and substitute his name for mine on the
paper. He will do every thing that is necessary, and correspond with
you in my place. You are not likely to be a loser by the change.
We have not had any express lately from America, but expect one
every moment. Our enemies have had several, and as they choose to be
perfectly silent as to their contents, and leave the public to reports
and conjectures, it is presumable that at least nothing favorable
has happened on their side. The Congress is certainly returned to
Philadelphia, which is an unquestionable proof of the security in
which our late advantages have placed that city. We have lost within
these two months four very valuable rice, indigo, and tobacco ships
by treachery and capture. But in return, one week’s advices of the
captures we have made, according to the estimate in London, exceeds
£200,000 sterling, in British goods. Indeed, common sense might have
forewarned them of this, because they have twenty ships at sea for one
of ours, and the number of privateers is always in proportion to the
temptation, that is, to the probability of making prizes. Without the
second sight, therefore, of their Scotch advisers, they might have
foreseen that their commerce would suffer infinitely in this foolish
and wicked war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, May 8th, 1777.
Sir,
In consequence of the letter, which, in conjunction with my brother
Commissioners, Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, I had the honor of writing to
your Excellency, I intended to depart from hence for Berlin before this
time. But an accident having happened, which inevitably prevents me
from setting out, I am under great anxiety, lest your Excellency should
impute my delay to a want of that perfect respect, which I ought to
feel for your Excellency’s Court and character.
I must, therefore, entreat you, Sir, to believe, that nothing can be
more painful to me, than the necessity which delays and will delay
me for some days longer, and that I will not intentionally lose one
moment in preparing to testify in person, with what entire respect and
consideration,
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 13th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I am happy to enclose you the proofs, that our friends are not
unmindful of their promises.[16]
I have given Dr Franklin a power of attorney to endorse any future
bills that may arrive, and to dispose of the money. When the flotilla
arrives, which may be in about two months, then will be the time to
press for the loan you desire.
I am now at liberty to pursue my purpose at the Court of Berlin,
for which I shall set out in a few days; as I shall be obliged to
make a tour, the direct road lying through the territories of all
the hostile princes, it will of necessity protract my journey. Mr
Sayre, late sheriff of London, is to accompany me as secretary, Mr
Carmichael having refused to go unless the Commissioners would give
him a commission, which we did not think ourselves authorised to do.
This has unavoidably delayed me some days.
From every information I am able to obtain, our enemies are much
pressed to make a tolerable appearance this campaign. Something
extraordinary must happen to enable the king of Great Britain to
continue the war, should this campaign fail. Whatever a man, impelled
by so inimical a disposition can do, may be expected from him. It is
certain, he has made some concessions in the fishery to this Court,
in hopes of keeping them quiet; but we need not be much afraid about
the effect of them. Our ground here is firm, and though not so ample
as our wishes, yet I trust it will be equal to our wants.
I beg the favor of having my utmost duty and respect presented to
Congress, and have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, May 20th, 1777.
Sir,
I have been informed by the letter, which you did me the honor of
writing to me the 8th instant, that in consequence of the one sent me
the 19th of last month, on the part of Messrs Franklin, Deane, and
yourself, you were on the point of coming here, but for an unforeseen
accident, that prevented you.
My answer of the 11th instant will acquaint you, Sir, that I
still apprehend difficulties which may interfere, in the present
circumstances, with the establishment of a direct commerce between
his Majesty’s subjects, and the Colonies of North America, and that I
consider our correspondence on this subject rather as preliminaries to
what may come to pass, than as negotiations from which any immediate
advantages may be expected.
This leads me to believe, Sir, that you have no reason to distress
yourself on account of this delay to your journey, and that you cannot
be reproached with want of zeal for the interests of your constituents,
when you defer for some time an affair, the success of which cannot
most probably but be slow, to manage other matters more important and pressing.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.
Vienna, May 27th, 1777.
Dear Sirs,
I reached this in three days from Munich, and in expectation of hearing
from you tomorrow, I shall not proceed till the 29th. Dresden will be
my next stage.
There is a cold tranquillity here, that bodes us no good. It is not
possible to quicken this German indifference. From what I learn, we
need be under no apprehensions from Russia.
I hope you will not forget to sound the two Courts, whether they will
join Prussia in declaring us independent. I am afraid this latter will
not be obtained, unless they are in our favor.
I am, dear Sirs, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Vienna, May 28th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
The post is in and nothing from you. I therefore shall proceed
tomorrow, and hope to reach my destination in eight days.
The chief purpose for giving money, stated in my Memorial,[17]
was to pay the interest of our loans and support our funds. I added
the paying for the ship we were obliged to build in Holland, in lieu
of those requested. To these purposes therefore they will expect the
money will be applied.
Yours, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Berlin, June 5th, 1777.
Sir,
In consequence of the letter, which I had the honor, in conjunction
with the other deputies of Congress in Paris, of writing to your
Excellency, on the 19th of April, I arrived here last night.
I take the earliest opportunity to inform you of my arrival, and to
request your Excellency to have the goodness to inform me, when I may
have the honor of an interview with you, on the subject of this letter.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Berlin, June 7th, 1777.
Sir,
I have the honor of sending to your Excellency lists of the commodities
on both sides, which will be the most suitable for the commerce which
is projected. As to the exact price of the different articles, I cannot
speak. But as European commodities are very dear in America, and our
own are cheap, while at the same time they bear a high price in Europe,
commerce on this footing cannot but be advantageous to Europeans. A
musket, for example, which costs here twentytwo French livres, can be
sold in America for at least fifty. With these fifty livres two hundred
weight of tobacco can be bought, which in Europe will bring two hundred livres.
It seems to me, that the mode of carrying on this trade with the
greatest security will be, to fit out vessels for the Island of St
Eustatia. Then a skilful captain can set sail directly for America,
and having a calculation of his voyage made for the express purpose
of showing, that he was driven from his course by the violence of the
winds, if he should meet any vessel of war on the American coast, he
can offer his excuse, and, under the pretence of being in want of
water, enter the nearest port. Thus, in going, the risk will not be
great; and in returning, it can always be known when the coast is
clear, and with a good wind at first, a vessel is soon out of danger.
It will be expedient for this trade, that the vessels engaged in it
should be the best sailers possible, since much will depend on that. At
Emden or at Hamburg, it cannot be difficult to find captains or sailors
who can speak English.
At first it will be better to send the vessels to the continental
commercial agent, since there is one in each of the principal
ports. The principal ports are Newburyport, Salem, and Boston in
Massachusetts; New London in Connecticut; Baltimore in Maryland; York,
Hampton, and Alexandria, in Virginia; Charleston, in South Carolina;
and Savannah, in Georgia. These are the principal ports, as you go
along the coast from North to South. In order to arrive at the ports
of Virginia and Maryland, it is necessary to enter Chesapeake Bay,
into which all the rivers of the two States empty. I shall write to
our agents directing them to give all possible facilities to your
commerce in these ports. I have omitted the ports of Rhode Island and
Philadelphia, because they are direct objects of the war, and they may
be in the possession of the enemy. It will therefore be better to avoid
them in the present state of affairs.
I hope your Excellency will do me the justice to believe, that if I had
known his Majesty’s pleasure before my departure, I should have acted
in conformity to it. And if my residence here as a traveller should
give the least uneasiness to your Court, I rely upon your Excellency’s
informing me of it; since nothing could be more disagreeable to me,
than to cause the slightest uneasiness where I owe the highest respect.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, June 9th, 1777.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to
me yesterday, and I imagine from its conclusion, that on account of the
difference of language, you did not perhaps take in the true sense some
of the expressions which I used in our conversation.
I lose no time, therefore, to assure you, Sir, as I did in the letter,
which I addressed to you at Paris, that your residence at Berlin will
not be at all disagreeable to the king, provided you live here as an
individual, and without assuming a public character.
As to the information you give me with respect to commerce, you will
be pleased, Sir, to add a memorandum of the places where insurance
can be effected on vessels destined for America, and the premiums of
insurance to be paid. I will then examine your propositions, and will
soon be able to inform you whether we conceive it possible to make an
experiment of the kind with success.
I have the honor of being, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Berlin, June 10th, 1777.
Sir,
By the accounts received a little before I left Paris, the premium
on insurance to America at Cadiz was twelve and a half per cent. At
Bordeaux it was forty per cent to and from America. A scheme was then
forming for the establishment of very considerable and responsible
companies of insurance at Rouen and Nantes. But I am apprehensive there
will be some difficulty about insuring any but French property.
I should, therefore, conceive your Excellency would do best to have it
tried at Amsterdam, where one would imagine that forty per cent, which
is infinitely beyond the risk, would be an irresistible temptation.
If the insurance to America were made here, the Congress might insure
back. There is, however, an obvious objection to this, arising from
their want of funds in Europe to answer the loss. This objection
would not now have existed, had not our commerce with Europe been so
much discouraged by an almost universal concurrence of its powers
in prohibiting our being supplied with arms and ammunition, things
essentially and immediately necessary to our defence and existence.
The European ports being also shut against our vessels of war, it is
impracticable to contrive convoys for our trade, and it is thus exposed
to the enemy.
These, and the thousand other delays and difficulties, to which the
present cautious system of Europe subjects us, give every possible
opportunity to Great Britain to recover that commerce, which her unwise
and unjust conduct has obliged us to withdraw from her, and offer to
the rest of Europe. An open acceptance of that offer would have settled
the question at once. I may not presume to doubt the wisdom of that
policy, which prefers the chance of gleaning our fields after they have
been spoiled and laid waste by a mercenary and enraged army, to the
certainty of reaping the full harvest of an unravaged country.
Undoubtedly there are better reasons for it than I can devise. This is,
however, most clear, that if the commerce of America were a thing not
valuable, or rather noxious to the European powers, they could not give
Great Britain a fairer opportunity of cutting it off from them forever,
by retrieving the monopoly, or of greatly diminishing its sources by
destroying our cities and laying waste our country with mercenary arms.
We are left, like Hercules in his cradle, to strangle the serpent that
annoys all Europe.
I beg your Excellency will accept my thanks for the satisfactory
explanation you were so good as to give me yesterday of what I confess
was not clear to me before.
Permit me to suggest, that as it is probable your captains will not be
able to provide themselves with marine charts of the American coast,
it would be proper to order some of the best of them from London. If
in any thing your Excellency should think I can be further useful, you
will do me the honor to command me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Berlin, June 11th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
In pursuance of the plan, which I had the honor of mentioning in former
letters, I arrived here the 4th of this month. Mr Sayre accompanies me
in the place of Mr Carmichael, who after promising refused to go.
The king being absent in the review of his troops, I have only had some
conversation with his Minister relative to their beginning a commerce
with you in their own bottoms. This I have reason to think will take
effect; but there seems to be a system of great caution here, which
will cramp whatever they attempt.
I have good reasons for assuring you, that Russia will send no troops
against us. The consequence of the Prince of Hesse’s conduct is
beginning to be a lesson to the other German princes, so that it is
not probable they will draw any more supplies from them. The country
of Hesse is depopulating so fast from the apprehension of being forced
into this service, that the women are obliged to cultivate the lands.
At present, therefore, the foreign resources of Great Britain seem to
be exhausted, nor is there any human probability of their reinstating
their army, should this campaign materially diminish it, except it be
with Catholics from Ireland. I have a plan for rendering that of little
effect, which I hope will succeed.
Upon your maintaining your ground this campaign, the question of
acknowledging your independence will become very serious next winter
among the European powers; but until the events of this summer
are decided, their conduct will remain the same, and no open act
of interference is likely to take place. Till that time too they
should not wish to receive commissioners, as it subjects them to the
complaints of the English Court.
A transaction has lately happened in England, which, notwithstanding
appearances speak otherwise, makes me believe that our enemies expect
some further and considerable assistance from Hesse. It is their paying
an old rejected claim to the Landgrave of £41,000. I know the British
Court too well to believe they would do this from any other motive,
than the expectation of future favors, and to soften the sense of shame
and loss, which, already sustained by the Landgrave, would prevent
him from furnishing them further. But whether the object is merely to
quicken him in supplying the stipulated recruits, or to get some of his
old regiments, I cannot learn. A letter, which I have read, from the
agent of that Prince at the Court of Great Britain to his Minister,
upon the very subject of this claim, grounds it only on the necessities
of England for troops to carry on this war, without mentioning that
he had stipulated anything specially on his part in return. You may,
however, depend upon my endeavors to get the most speedy and accurate
information on this subject, and to raise every obstacle that can come
from this and the imperial Court.
I expect to have finished what I can do here in ten days, when I shall
set out on my return to Paris, whence the conveyance being safer, I
shall write you more particularly.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. I see by the English papers, that a
motion by Lord Chatham for an address of the House of Lords to the
king, to begin an accommodation by a cessation of hostilities, and an
offer of a full redress of grievances, supported by Lords Shelburne
and Camden, was rejected by 100 to 28. This motion was made on the
30th of last month, and the chief objection on the ministerial part
was, that it would stop the career of their success that must soon
reduce you.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.
Berlin, June 15th, 1777.
Dear Sirs,
I had the honor of writing to you from Munich and Vienna, from the
last of which I arrived here the 4th of this month. The letters you
have received from hence will show you how the wind blows here; I have
tried all in my power to make it change, hitherto in vain. In ten days
I shall set out on my return. There cannot be a state of more perfect
quiescence than prevails in this place; what is merely commercial is
planned, but whether it will be adopted remains to be determined.
I have the honor of being, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Berlin, June 15th, 1777.
Dear Sir,
It has been with uncommon satisfaction, that I have seen you in a
situation in which I long ago hoped you would be, if we were forced to
dispute the great question, which in my own judgment I was satisfied
would happen. I never forgot your declaration, when I had last the
pleasure of being at your house in 1768, that you were ready to take
your musket upon your shoulder whenever your country called upon you. I
heard that declaration with great satisfaction. I recollect it with the
same, and have seen it verified to your immortal honor, and the eminent
advantage of the illustrious cause in which we are contending.
I have the pleasure of assuring you, that your conduct against General
Howe has been highly approved by the principal military men here and
in France. That approbation has been increased in those, to whom I
have had an opportunity of stating the great inferiority of the troops
you commanded to those of the enemy, in number and in every necessary
provision for war.
The Prussian army, which amounts to 228,000 horse and foot, are
disciplined, by force of hourly exercise and caning, to move with a
rapidity and order so as certainly to exceed any troops in Europe. When
the king reviews an army of 40,000 men, not a man or horse, though the
former in full march and the latter in full gallop, is discernibly out
of the line. The regiments here are in the field every day, where,
besides the general exercise, every man is filed off singly and passes
in review before different officers, who beat his limbs into the
position they think proper, so that the man appears to be purely a
machine in the hand of a workman.
The improvements of utility, which I have been able to note, are
these. The ramrod is thicker all the way than ours, and enlarged at
each end as ours are at one; the advantage of this is, that, to ram
down the charge they do not turn the rod, but raising it to the muzzle
plunge the lower end into the barrel, and then raising it up return it
straight, without the necessity of turning it as formerly. This saves
two very awkward motions for turning the rammer, and a great deal of
time. The mouth of the loops, that receive the rammer is very large,
so that there is much more readiness in hitting them than formerly,
which also expedites the important business of charging the musket. To
compensate the increase of weight, the musket is shortened two inches
in the barrel. When they present, instead of levelling their firelocks,
they are taught to slant them down, so that a point blank shot from
them so depressed would strike the ground at about ten yards distance.
And this depression is found necessary to counteract the elevation,
which the act of firing gives inevitably to the musket. And even when a
ball does strike the ground, it generally rises and may do execution;
but if directed too high, it is lost irretrievably.
These are alterations, which seem to me of great utility; and I wish
they may appear so to you.
It is my intention, when I have leisure, to write the history of this
civil contention. The share you have had in it will form an interesting
and important part. It will be in your power to preserve a variety of
most material papers and anecdotes for such a work. May I venture to
hope, that you will think me so far worthy of your confidence, and fit
for such a work, as to preserve them for me? Dubious parts of history
can be cleared by such documents only.
The resources of our enemy are almost annihilated in Germany; and their
last resort is to the Roman Catholics of Ireland. They have already
experienced their unwillingness to go, every man of a regiment raised
there last year having obliged them to ship him off tied and bound. And
most certainly, they will desert more than any other troops whatsoever.
They themselves rely upon the present campaign, so that if it should
not produce something very decisive in their favor; which God forbid,
we may depend upon their efforts being in the wane.
With the most ardent wishes for your success, safety, and happiness,
I am, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, June 18th, 1777.
Sir,
After having duly examined the propositions, which you have
been so kind as to address to me, respecting the establishment of
a direct commerce between his Majesty’s States and the English
Colonies of America, I am of opinion with you, Sir, that it is very
probable, that even with paying the highest premium of insurance,
the scarcity and dearness of our merchandise in America, added
to the abundance and low price of your productions, which can be
advantageously sold in Europe, would render this commerce very
profitable to the two nations. Nothing remains, therefore, but to
make the essay; but a difficulty almost insurmountable presents
itself, which is, that never having gone as far as your country, we
want vessels as well as captains, pilots, and sailors, who could
or would go to such distant seas. Besides, the vessels we have are
necessary for the interior commerce between his Majesty’s different
provinces, and for that which we carry on with France, England, and
Spain. We can only therefore try and see if there are any proprietors
of vessels in Holland or Hamburg, that in consideration of a suitable
freight, will load with and carry our merchandise; and in the second
place, if insurance can be effected.
We will endeavor to obtain information on these two points, and
if it is possible to succeed by these means, after having removed
some other difficulties of less consequence, we may be able to derive
some benefit from the information, which you have been so kind as to
furnish me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Berlin, June 20th, 1777.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s letter of the 18th
this day. Upon trial, I hope the difficulties will not be found so
great as your Excellency seems to imagine.
When I had the honor of conversing with your Excellency, I mentioned,
that the admission of our cruisers into his Majesty’s ports to supply
themselves with necessaries, careen, and sell their prizes in a secret
manner, would be attended with great advantages. It is the only method
of establishing a commerce, at present, from America hither, in the
commodities and vessels of the States; for the privateers take in a
light cargo from America, which they bring to the ports where they are
permitted; this they exchange for necessary supplies, and then make a
cruise, by the profits of which they are enabled to purchase a cargo of
such manufactures as are wanted in America, with which they return.
If I had his Majesty’s permission to signify, that our cruisers would
be received in his ports upon this footing, as they are in the south,
I can have no doubt but that this species of commerce would soon take
place; and most assuredly, the advantages of it to those ports, and
consequently to his Majesty’s kingdom, would be very considerable.
Without such permission, our cruisers will be obliged to send the
prizes they make in the northern seas to the south, or directly to
America, and will have no means of commerce or communication with his
Majesty’s dominions.
In about two days I purpose quitting Berlin on my return, before which
I hope to hear from your Excellency on this important subject.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, June 26th, 1777.
Sir,
After having testified to you, in my letter of the 18th instant,
the inclination we have to establish a direct commerce with the
Colonies of North America, provided we can succeed in surmounting the
difficulties which are in the way, it only remains for me to answer
you respecting the free admission of your privateers into our ports,
of which you wrote me in your letter of the 20th. I can assure you,
Sir, that the king is very much disposed to please your constituents;
but, on the other hand, his Majesty in the present circumstances,
as you well know, cannot embroil himself with the Court of London.
Moreover, our ports have ever hitherto received only merchant
vessels, and no ships of war nor privateers have ever entered there,
so that the officers established in our ports would be embarrassed
how to conduct themselves on such an occasion, the usages customarily
observed in this respect being totally unknown to them.
We must therefore inform ourselves, in what manner the Courts of
France and Spain act, and of the formalities they observe towards
your privateers, and how they grant free admission to the latter,
consistent with the connexions of friendship, which they at the same
time support with Great Britain. The result of this information will
decide whether, and on what conditions, the desired permission can
be granted, and it will afford me pleasure, Sir, to inform you as
soon as possible of the measures his Majesty shall think proper to
adopt.
I have the honor of being, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.
Berlin, June 28th, 1777.
Dear Sirs,
I have not yet received a line from you. It is not easy to
divine the reason for so long a silence.
There are for sale here, and deliverable in any port in France,
fourteen thousand weight of brass cannon, at six guineas the quintal,
and six thousand to be melted down at five guineas and a half. They
are six, twelve, and twentyfour pounders. The expense of freight and
insurance to Nantes or elsewhere will be added to this price.
Two days ago, while I was at dinner, my bureau was broken open,
and some papers stolen out, which were in my porte-feuille. The
English Ambassador happened to be in the hotel where I lodge, when I
discovered the robbery. Upon being informed that I was gone to the
Governor, and that the suspicion fell upon one of his servants, he
went away in great confusion, and in half an hour the porte-feuille
with all the papers were laid down at the door, and the person ran
off undiscovered. The examinations that have been taken charge his
servant with having repeatedly told the servants of the hotel,
that his master would give two thousand ducats for my papers. The
landlord, who charged his servant with it before him, deposes,
that he said he would send the servant to answer for himself, but
the servant never appeared. Prince Colberg, who was also present,
deposes, that he immediately quitted the room in the greatest
confusion. The whole is before the king. The return of the papers,
(those which he particularly wanted not having been left in the
bureau,) disappointed him of his object, while the whole odium rests upon him.
I shall leave this on Thursday next, and expect to be at Strasburg in
twelve days from thence, so that a letter will meet me there by return
of post.
I am, with the greatest esteem, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
Translation.
Berlin, June 29th, 1777.
Sire,
The singular wisdom, by which your Majesty has raised your kingdom
to so flourishing a state, the wise measures, which have carried the
prosperity of your dominions to a truly astonishing degree, do not
prevent me from being so bold, as to say to your Majesty, that there
are yet means of increasing the number and the wealth of your subjects.
Nothing is more true, than that the wealth of kings depends upon the
number of their subjects. Ancient and modern history will show, without
an exception, that commerce is the mother of population. There is
no need of citing proofs of this to the most learned king that ever
lived. Such is the fact, and the reason is plain. It is then reasonable
to say, that the king, who is desirous of increasing as much as is
possible the number of his subjects, should establish and encourage
commerce in his dominions.
Your Majesty’s dominions are admirably situated for commerce. Three
large rivers, which run through them, must furnish the greatest
facilities for it. What then is wanting? Merely an object sufficiently
distant to form sailors, and sufficiently extensive to establish and
support trade. Such an object is America; and the unexpected events,
which have made the trade of that country free, afford inducements for
it. The monopoly of this trade, which, in the opinion of that great and
wise man, Mr Pitt, supported the power of England, no longer exists,
and, without a miracle, will never exist again. The nations that shall
endeavor to obtain a part of it for themselves, by furnishing to a
young and grateful people the means of resisting their oppressors, will
be very successful. But those, who wish to await in tranquillity the
event of this war, ought not to expect to turn trade from the course,
in which custom and gratitude, before that time, will have fixed it.
The present, therefore, is the proper time for those to begin, who wish
to enjoy for the future the commerce of America.
But there are obstacles to this trade; for, in the first place, you
have no vessels of war to cause your flag to be respected. But, Sire,
you have the best regiments in the world; and Great Britain, destitute
as she is of wise counsels, is not, however, so foolish as to incur
the risk of compelling your Majesty to join your formidable forces to
those of her rival. Besides, such is the present weakness of England,
so pressed and exhausted is she by the war with America, that she is
obliged to blind herself to still harder things, which are carried on
immediately before her eyes.
Secondly. It is not practicable to have at the same time an army so
numerous as that of your Majesty, and a respectable fleet, since the
latter would require too many men, and destroy the country. This
reasoning would be sound, if population were diminished by commerce.
But the contrary is the fact. In place of diminishing, it increases it.
Thus the most commercial countries are always the most populous.
Population is always proportioned to the means of living. Commerce, by
increasing these means, increases the population. Instead therefore of
increasing the consequences of a numerous army, commerce is their most
certain remedy.
Thirdly. Sailors are wanting for the enterprise. It is the enterprise
itself that must form sailors. A handful of experienced sailors
are enough to encourage others; and the matter once put in a good
train will go on successfully by itself. If your Majesty’s ports
were open for the entrance of our armed vessels, if they could there
deliver their cargo, refit, and sell their prizes secretly, then the
instructions and the encouragement, which they would give to your
sailors, and particularly if some of them were allowed to make a
voyage in our vessels, would in a short time form sailors of your own
subjects, and would draw a number of them from other countries into
your ports, by the desire of going on a cruise to America.
But it may be said, this would be taking an active part in the affair,
and deciding for the independence of America.
Not more than it is already decided by the fact, nor more than is
authorised by the laws of nations, founded on the just interests and
the wants of a State. The fact is, that we have the sword in our hand
and that we are making war openly. Are there more convincing proofs
of actual independence? We are in the possession of the country, the
articles of commerce are the produce of our labors, and belong to us.
They are ours by right and in fact, and it belongs to us alone to
dispose of them. Is it necessary then, that other nations should wait
and suffer the most pressing want, while the English are using their
utmost exertions to ruin us, and to wrest from us our property in order
to sell it to them? Or can they not go there, buy the commodities
of which they are in want, and with which the English can no longer
furnish them, without violating the character of neutral nations?
It is not difficult to say which is most agreeable to reason, and
consequently to the rights of nations. Neutral nations, in carrying on
this trade, decide as to the fact, and not as to the right. This is
the distinction which the laws of England make; since the English are
allowed to obey the actual, or de facto power, although it should not
be so by right, or de jure. Besides, the English acknowledged the
Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, and received his Ambassadors, in
the year 1641, for this reason, that he had been called to the crown
by the unanimous consent of the people. Congress is established on
the same foundation. The assemblies of the States choose the members
of Congress, and empower them annually; and these assemblies are
chosen by the whole people. Can there be a consent more unanimous, or
more maturely given? Will your Majesty allow me here to adduce some
authorities on this subject?
Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having been crowned king of Sweden at the
commencement of the 17th century, sent James Vandyck into France, and
offered to Henry the Great the renewal of the treaties and alliances,
which had before been made between these two powers. Vandyck showed,
that the advantages which France would derive from the commerce
of Sweden would be so considerable, that the king listened to the
proposals of this Minister, and was desirous to conclude a treaty with
him. There was nothing to prevent him from doing it, except that the
action of Charles, who had usurped the crown from Sigismond, his
nephew, after the latter had been chosen king of Poland, was the more
odious, as the pretext of religion was the cause of the revolution. It
was also taken into consideration in France, that the king of Denmark,
who was no friend to Charles, might form an alliance against him with
his brother in law the king of England. But notwithstanding all this,
M. de Villeroy, in writing to Jeannin, April 8th, 1608, speaks plainly,
and says; “All these reasons and considerations would not prevent the
king from making a treaty with Charles, if he should find it for his
interest, and that of his kingdom to do so.”—Wickfort, p. 26.
The example of Henry the Great is worthy of a prince, who has no less
claim to this title.
Vatel, in examining the same question, says; “Foreign powers conform
in this case to the possession, if the advantage of their own affairs
incites them to do so. There is no rule more certain, more conformable
to the right of the people, and to the independence of nations. Since
foreigners have no right to concern themselves with the domestic
affairs of a people, they are not obliged to examine and to search into
their conduct in these same affairs, in order to determine the justice
or injustice; of it; they can, if they think proper, suppose that the
right is annexed to the possession.”
The advantages, which your Majesty’s dominions would derive from the
commerce of America, cannot but be very great. It would be a new
market, and one always increasing with the rapid increase of population
in America, for woollen and linen cloths, porcelain, and all sorts of
manufactures in iron. The returns would be in tobacco, indigo, linseed,
cotton, and peltry.
It is true, that these advantages will be very much diminished by the
ravages of the English and their mercenaries, if we are to contend
alone against their whole force, with the immense difficulty of
obtaining from Europe arms and ammunition, after a thousand evasions,
great risk, and loss of time. It is for your Majesty, in conjunction
with some other European powers, to put a stop to these ravages by a
commercial alliance with the United States.
There is no name so highly respected among us as that of your Majesty.
Hence there is no king, the declaration of whose friendship would
inspire our people with so much courage, and add so much force to our cause.
I rely on your Majesty’s goodness to pardon me for entering into this
long detail, and for suggesting thoughts so unworthy of your attention,
and so badly expressed in a language which I have but cursorily
learnt.[18]
But I prefer writing incorrectly, to communicating to any one what I
have the honor of offering to the consideration of your Majesty.
I have the honor to be, Sire, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
Berlin, July 1st, 1777.
Sire,
Having been robbed in your city of Berlin, in a most extraordinary
manner, I have thus far relied on the common police. But as it seemed
very probable, that the individual who committed this robbery cannot be
prosecuted by the common police, I am obliged to disturb your Majesty’s
quiet, and to request that an audience may be granted to me, in order
to make my complaint, and to say some things thereupon, which it is
impossible to commit to paper, or to confide to any one but your Majesty.
I am, Sire, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
THE KING OF PRUSSIA TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Potsdam, July 2d, 1777.
The King having received Mr Lee’s letter, dated Berlin, 1st July,
and his complaint of the robbery that has been committed, is pleased
to return him for answer, that his Majesty has just ordered his
Minister of State, Baron de Schulenburg, to hear what he has further
to offer on the subject; that for this purpose Mr Lee may communicate
to the said Minister without reserve every thing he may wish to
inform his Majesty of, who assures him through the present letter,
that an inviolable secrecy and profound silence shall be observed,
respecting the overtures he may think proper to make through this channel.
FREDERIC.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.
Berlin, July 6th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I informed you in my last of the 28th, of my having been robbed of
my papers and having retrieved them in a few hours. Whether they were
read I cannot ascertain, but I think they would never have returned
them had they known their contents. My journal book, which was among
them, contains all our transactions in France and Spain. You will
therefore judge whether it be proper to guard those Courts against
any complaints from England. As they have returned the evidence of
what they will allege, it may well be treated as a forgery.
I have just learnt, that the Envoy has despatched his Secretary to
London, but whether to guard against the storm, which he expects his
indiscretion will excite from hence, or to give the intelligence he
obtained, or both, I know not. I have thought it prudent to wait here
some days, to see whether the ill humor he has excited will furnish a
favorable opportunity of obtaining something, but I shall leave this
place next week, unless something from you should stop me; hitherto I
have not been favored with a single line. I see in the English papers,
that cruisers are sent to the Baltic, which I am afraid are against
Wickes. Perhaps you will think it proper to change the name of Boux’s
ship, to embarrass their complaints to the States, should they make
any. I enclose you the price of several articles we want, and which
seem to be cheaper here than in France. Adieu.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 29th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of informing the Committee of my proceedings at Berlin,
in a letter from thence dated 11th of the last month. On my first
interview with his Excellency, the Baron de Schulenburg, he informed me
that upon receiving information of my intending to come to Berlin, he
had written to signify the king’s resolution not to receive me as a
public Minister, but that he should be glad to receive any information
relative to the proposal of carrying on trade with us. I urged the
example of civil wars both in England and Holland, during which public
Ministers were received from them by neutral powers, without its being
deemed as an infringement of their neutrality, with many other similar
instances of great authority. He answered, that his Majesty had pledged
his honor to the king of Great Britain, not to interfere in this
dispute; he therefore wished I would confine myself entirely to the
subject of trade, as he could not hear any further propositions.
As I had not been expressly commissioned by Congress to the Court of
Berlin, I thought it not prudent to insist upon this point; I therefore
gave him what lights I could touching the proper articles of commerce,
the best ports in America, and the safest means of conducting the
trade. I trusted, that I should find an opening for going further
upon better acquaintance and opportunity; accordingly I ventured in
a little time to propose the opening of their ports to our cruisers,
and allowing the sale of prizes. I was assured in answer to this
proposition, that they would inquire upon what footing this was done in
France and Spain, and inform me whether the same would be admitted in
their ports.
Whilst I was at dinner one day, some person contrived to get into my
chamber, which was locked, and break open my desk, from whence he took
all my papers. I soon discovered the robbery, and alarmed the police.
The English Envoy, who happened to be on a visit in the hotel when
the alarm was given, immediately went home, and in a few minutes the
papers were all returned, apparently unopened. The Envoy went to the
king next day to excuse himself, but was not admitted. It appeared upon
examination, that his servant had frequently offered a large sum to the
servants of the house if they would steal my papers; but as I never
went out of my room, upon the most trifling occasion, without locking
them up, they were obliged to have recourse to violence. The resentment
of every one at so outrageous an act was soon lost in contempt of
the Envoy’s folly, for returning what he had incurred so much odium
in acquiring. The Minister of State told me, they could do nothing
more than to insist upon his recall, which he imagined the Envoy,
considering the unfavorable light in which this action had placed him,
would do himself.
I thought this a favorable opportunity of pressing for aid from the
King, in artillery, arms, and money, of which I was well informed he
had a considerable sum in his treasury; but I could obtain nothing but
assurances of his desire to serve us if it were in his power. Upon
taking leave, the Baron de Schulenburg delivered me a message from
his Majesty, desiring me to assure my constituents that nothing would
give him more pleasure, than to hear of their success, and that he
wished whatever good news I received might be communicated to him. I
did not omit to press his interposition relative to German and Russian
auxiliaries. In answer to this, the Minister assured me, that we had no
reason to apprehend any thing either from one or the other in future.
What I have collected from various sources upon the subject is this.
The German princes who have hired their troops, besides having rendered
themselves exceedingly odious, have suffered greatly, and are still
suffering, by the emigrations of their subjects, for fear of being
forced into this service, which is excessively unpopular and odious
through all Germany; under these circumstances, those princes are
neither much inclined nor at all able to furnish new supplies; the
troops already sent were their utmost exertions, and in all probability
will be their last.
The situation of the Empress of Russia is not more favorable; she is
under a constant alarm for the internal quiet of her kingdom, in which
there are every where the seeds of great and dangerous discontent.
A considerable force is required to preserve the acquisitions she
has made in Poland. The peace with the Porte is an armed truce,
which threatens to break out into action every moment. The first and
most sacred principle of the Mahometan religion is the union of all
Mussulmans; the dividing the Crimea from them is for this reason a
mortal wound to their religious principles, and renders the late peace
universally odious. Perpetual obstacles are therefore raised to the
execution of it; and the Turks are openly preparing to avenge their
late defeats. So circumstanced, it is certain the Empress is herself in
great need of assistance, instead of being in a condition to give it;
which, were she able, it is conceived she would never stoop to do as a
subsidiary of Great Britain in such a contest, and in such company
as the little German princes. What is further security against their
future efforts, is the deficiency of funds on the part of our enemies.
I found their credit in Germany had been at no time lower than it is
now. We have good intelligence from Holland of its falling there apace.
In England men ruminate every day more deeply on the dark and ruinous
prospect before them, and most assuredly their credit there is already
stretched to its utmost. All this may be well conceived, from the light
in which the contest has been always viewed. In England it was regarded
as unwise; in every part of Europe as unwise and unjust.
Nothing but the most brilliant and immediate success could have
prevented the consequence of these opinions. That has not happened,
and therefore they now begin to experience the bitter effects of
their folly and injustice. Every day confirms me more and more in the
opinion, that our enemies cannot continue the war another campaign with
any effect, and that the acknowledgment of your independency will be a
serious subject of deliberation among the powers of Europe the ensuing winter.
Yours, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO M. GERARD, SECRETARY TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, August 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Understanding that his Excellency Count de Vergennes was in Paris, I
took that opportunity of endeavoring to pay my respects to him, without
the parade of coming to Versailles, which, in the present state of
things, may be troublesome. But if his Excellency has any desire to
know what I transacted at Berlin, I shall receive his commands to
attend him at Versailles with pleasure. My instructions having been
to do nothing there, that might be disagreeable to this Court, I have
endeavored to follow them precisely.
I beg, Sir, you will accept personally my respects, and I have the
honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, August 8th, 1777.
Sir,
We have to acknowledge yours of March 18th from Vitoria in Spain, and
another of May 13th from Paris. The first falls particularly under the
notice of the Committee of Commerce to whom it has been referred.
You could not, at the time of writing it, have been certified of the
arrival of some interesting despatches from Congress to your colleagues
in France on the 10th of that month, which might have occasioned a very
considerable alteration in the politics of the Court of Versailles,
which would consequently influence those of the Court of Madrid.
The intelligence contained in your last is a most pleasing confirmation
of the hopes, which you had given us of pecuniary aid from Spain.
Whatever tends to establish the value of our paper currency is
most highly important to us. Congress will immediately go into a
consideration of the several hints for this purpose given by you and
Messrs Franklin and Deane. The unpleasing events in the northern
department have so far engaged the attention of all public bodies,
that it has been impossible for Congress to decide upon the subjects
mentioned to them by you, early enough for us to forward their
determinations by the present opportunity.
By our several letters despatched in the armed sloop Independence
from hence, or by duplicates and gazettes sent by Mr M’Creary from
Baltimore, you will know by way of Paris the history of our military
affairs in a regular detail. We are at this time altogether uncertain
as to Mr Howe’s destination, his fleet not having been seen since the
1st of this month. Indeed, we shall leave you for the most part to get
information of our operations from the gentlemen at Paris, to whom we
shall have the most direct opportunities of conveyance.
We wish you success on the embassy you are now engaged in; and we are
pleased that you are so agreeably connected with Mr Sayre, whose
attachment to the cause of liberty and this country has been manifested.
We are, with much regard, Sir, your friends and humble servants,
BENJAMIN HARRISON,
ROBERT MORRIS,
JAMES LOVELL.
TO THE BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, August 13th, 1777.
Sir,
Upon inquiry I find the plan for establishing assurance companies at
Rouen, Nantes, and Bordeaux is not yet carried into execution, and that
it respects French subjects only. At Cadiz they confine themselves to
forty thousand livres in one bottom.
I am satisfied, Sir, upon the maturest reflection and consultation
with my brother Commissioners, that the opening of your ports to our
cruisers is the only way of commencing a commerce with effect.
Some management, which this Court thinks necessary to use with that
of England, has thrown a temporary difficulty on the admission of our
cruisers and prizes into the ports of France. The great profit made by
privateering is an irresistible temptation to seamen, which, together
with the greater demand for our navy, will render it impossible for
merchant vessels to find hands to navigate them.
We have received no direct intelligence from America for two months.
The English Court conceal what they receive. This however is certain,
that General Howe, unable to make his way to Philadelphia through the
Jerseys, has embarked his troops for some other expedition. As far,
therefore, as we can judge, the campaign is not likely to be quite so
brilliant as was expected.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI, AT MADRID.
Paris, August 18th, 1777.
Sir,
My return from Berlin gives me an opportunity of renewing our
correspondence. By what I learn from Dr Franklin, our affairs with you
have taken a sudden turn, for which I am at a loss to account. If the
reason be not a secret of State, that may not be communicated, you will
oblige me much by letting me know it. Perhaps it may be founded on some
misapprehension, which on being made known may be removed.
I was in great hopes of succeeding in my endeavors to procure the
admission of our armed vessels into some northern ports, but the late
manœuvres of this Court I am apprehensive will prevent it. We should
by that means have relieved our southern friends from part of the
burthen, which has hitherto rested on them alone, and turned both the
observation and the complaints of Great Britain into another channel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO MR GRAND.
Translation.
August 21st, 1777.
Sir,
Your idea has been thought a just one, but as it cannot as yet operate
effectually, it is conceived best to reserve the execution of it until
such time as will produce more desirable sensations.
The news from Holland, that certain persons of distinction are sent to
America, is not confirmed from any quarter. The news from London made
no mention of it. There is no doubt but that England is desirous of
peace. The Minister himself wishes it, but I do not imagine that it
is upon the same conditions as America. Your friends are neither just
nor reasonable, if they complain of the bounds that it is necessary to
set to the enterprises of their privateers. They have been informed of
what can be granted to them, they have been entreated to conform to
our obligations. We have exerted a patience, which they had no right
to expect; but when matters are carried to excess, it is necessary to
convince them that we are not insensible of it. We cannot allow the
privateers of any nation whatever to come in and go out of our ports as
they would their own. This is a duty imposed on us by treaties. Neither
can we permit the sale of prizes. In every other respect we have shown
the greatest compliance; we have even gone further than was reasonably
to be expected.
It has been with the greatest regret, that some severity has been shown
in a few instances, although the occasions have been many. Moreover, if
I am written to on the subject, and in a suitable manner, I will give
an answer; but as to what you say respecting the disposition of your
friends, I perceive that sentiments of friendship have not made a deep
impression on them. M. de Chaumont has informed us of their intention
of selling their privateers here. Should they prefer to go away with
them, let them explain themselves. I will willingly endeavor to obtain
immediate permission for them, on positive condition that they will not
return again. With regard to Hodge, you well know what he promised; I
know not whether such tricks are allowed in America, but in France and
Europe it is a very serious fault to tell the king a falsehood, which
he did when he affirmed and gave security, that the vessel which sailed
from Dunkirk was not designed as a privateer.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 9th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I have not heard from Berlin, relative to their determination about
opening their ports to our cruisers.
The Abbé Raynal, who is just returned from a tour in England, tells me
that nothing disgusts the English nation so much with the continuance
of the war, as the seeing their ports filled with French ships, to
carry on their commerce with other nations. Their merchants are obliged
to have recourse to this expedient to screen their merchandise. I
say screen, because they cannot expect, that according to the law
of nations, it will be a protection when discovered. They have been
driven to this necessity by the number and success of your cruisers in
and about the Channel; which has raised insurance so high, that their
manufactures are in danger of being augmented thereby in their price
too much for the European markets.
I thought it would be useful to inform you of these facts, to show the
utility of continuing and encouraging cruisers in these seas, as they
may perhaps be so discouraged with the late measures in this country,
which I trust will not be of long continuance, as to confine their
course to the American seas.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, September 21st, 1777.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to you some reasons drawn up by Doctor
Franklin, for our conceiving that loans to us are more eligible on the
part of the lender, than to our enemies.
Your Excellency’s determination, relative to the admittance of our
armed vessels into your ports, has been waited for with great anxiety;
for the most favorable season for commencing such a commerce comes on
so fast, that there will be danger of its passing away unemployed,
should the determination be longer delayed.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI AT MADRID.
Paris, September 25th, 1777.
Sir,
I have now before me your favors of May 5th and 29th,
together with the last, of the 4th of this month.
By this time I expect you have been apprized, or upon applying to those
who gave you the orders you will be informed, that with regard to what
has been remitted, both in money and effects, no return is expected,
agreeably to what you know passed at Vitoria, and of which I informed
both your Minister and my constituents in the letters, which I had the
honor of reading to you at that place. It gives me great satisfaction,
that every thing is thus arranged and settled; and I am relieved from
the embarrassment of appearing to have understood so ill what passed,
or so greatly to have misrepresented it.
We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my
constituents be duly informed, that for all the aids they receive
hereafter from your quarter; they are to make returns in tobacco,
pitch, tar, &c. to your house, agreeably to your letter. I beg to know
by your next, whether the same arrangement is to take place for the
future with regard to the deposits at the Havanna and New Orleans, or
whether nothing further is to be transmitted through those channels,
that if so, the trouble of sending thither and the disappointment may
be prevented.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 6th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
From Berlin, on the 11th of June, and from this place, 29th of July,
I had the honor of informing you at large of my proceedings in Prussia.
Not having received an answer from that Court, relative to the
reception of our privateers and their prizes in Prussian ports, I have
written lately to press for one, which I hope will be favorable, as I
left so friendly a disposition there, that I was desired to communicate
his Majesty’s warmest wishes for our success. I mentioned too the
improbability of our enemy’s receiving assistance from Russia for the
next campaign, and how much their resources were exhausted in Germany.
By Captain Young I received the commands of Congress, in their
commission for me to the Court of Spain. As Dr Franklin had announced
his appointment, with an assurance of his readiness to repair to
Madrid, as soon as that Court thought proper to receive him, it seemed
unnecessary to apprize them immediately of the new appointment. During
my absence in Germany, a letter was received from Monsieur Gardoqui
at Bilboa, intimating an expectation of returns from you, for what
was transmitted to you through their house. But upon application to
his Court I am again authorised to assure you, that for the supplies
already sent no return was expected, but in future, that remittances
of American produce were expected for supplies through the house of
Gardoqui. It is impracticable to bring them to such an explanation, as
to know with certainty whether they mean this in earnest, or only as
a cover, should the transaction transpire; I am inclined to think the
latter; however, I wrote to M. Gardoqui in consequence, as follows.
“We are now to begin on a new footing, and I shall take care that my
constituents be informed, that for all the aids they receive hereafter
from your quarter, they are to make returns in tobacco, pitch, tar,
&c. to your house. I beg to know by your next, whether the same
arrangement is to take place for the future with regard to the deposits
at the Havanna and New Orleans, or whether nothing further is to be
transmitted through those channels; that if so, the trouble of sending
thither and the disappointment may be prevented. As the winter campaign
is approaching fast, in which blankets are of the greatest utility, I
wish you to send as many of them as possible.”
Upon this subject of returns, I think it my duty to state to you
some facts relative to the demands of this kind from Hortalez. The
gentleman, who uses this name,[19]
came to me about a year and a half ago in London, as an agent from
this Court, and wishing to communicate something to Congress. At
our first interview he informed me, that the Court of France wished
to send an aid to America of £200,000 sterling in specie, arms,
and ammunition, and that all they wanted was to know through which
island it was best to make the remittance, and that Congress should
be apprized of it. We settled the Cape as the place, and he urged
me by no means to omit giving the earliest intelligence of it, with
information, that it would be remitted in the name of Hortalez. At
our next meeting he desired me to request, that a small quantity
of tobacco, or some other production, might be sent to the Cape,
to give it the air of a mercantile transaction, repeating over and
over again, that it was for a cover only, and not for payment, as
the remittance was gratuitous. Of all this I informed Dr Franklin,
Chairman of the Committee, by sundry opportunities. At the same time,
I stated to Monsieur Hortalez, that if his Court would despatch eight
or ten ships of the line to our aid, it would enable us to destroy
all the British fleet, and decide the question at one stroke. I
repeated this to him in a letter after his return to Paris, to which
the answer was, that there was not spirit enough in his Court for
such an exertion, but that he was hastening the promised succors.
Upon Mr Deane’s arrival the business went into his hands, and the
aids were at length embarked in the Amphitrite, Mercure, and Seine.
The Minister has repeatedly assured us, and that in the most explicit
terms, that no return is expected for these subsidies.[20]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, October 8th, 1777.
Sir,
I should not have deferred thus long answering the two letters, which
you did me the honor to write me the 13th of August and 21st of
September last, if I could have announced anything favorable to your
wishes. But the King, notwithstanding his good inclinations towards
your nation, not judging it suitable to grant to your privateers a free
commerce with his ports, at a time when even France, notwithstanding
the considerable benefits she begins to derive from the trade with
America, has thought proper to pay a deference to the representations
of the English Ministers, I imagined, that you would have inferred
from my silence, Sir, that what I had to say would not correspond with
your views. We must wait for more favorable circumstances to begin a
commercial connexion between the two people, which his Majesty will
receive great pleasure in seeing increase, whenever it will not engage
him in measures contrary to his principles. In the mean time, Sir,
I shall always be very happy in receiving any information from you
concerning the situation of your affairs.
I am under many obligations to you, Sir, for the Memorial which you
were so kind as to send me. I find it very well written, and it will
no doubt make a proper impression in those countries, where it is an
object of speculation to put out money with foreign nations.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, October 23d, 1777.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your favor of the 8th a few days
since. I cannot express my regret at not having been able to form a
connexion between those, whom I represent, and a monarch whom I know
my countrymen respect as the first in Europe, for wisdom and valor.
Any instance of friendship and approbation from a prince so respected,
would have added lustre even to the illustrious cause in which we are contending.
On a subject of such dignity, I should have been happy to see his
Majesty give, not receive, an example from the rest of Europe. It is
not fit that the timid should lead the brave, or the weak direct the
wise. Satisfied, as I am, of his Majesty’s good disposition towards the
United States, I trust the motives which oppose a declaration of it
will not outlast a conviction, that our enemies cannot with all their
exertions wrest from us the sword, the possession of which is the most
substantial proof of independency.
In the meantime, I cannot help so far presuming upon his Majesty’s
graciousness, and your Excellency’s goodness, as to hope that you will
enable me to inform my constituents, if there is any likelihood of
our enemies drawing recruits or reinforcements from Germany, Russia,
or Denmark for the next campaign. It is to that we must now look, the
present not promising anything decisive, and the malignity of our
enemies urging them to continue injuring us, though at the hazard of
their own ruin. If your Excellency, therefore, will have the goodness
to inform me whether we have anything, and what, to fear from those
quarters, it will be remembered with the greatest gratitude. At the
same time, give me leave to hope, that his Majesty will use his
influence to prevent the success of their applications on this subject.
With respect to France having yielded to the representations of the
English Ambassador, the fact is, that she adheres to her treaties
with England, which admit not our armed vessels to stay in her ports,
except in case of necessity, where reparations are requisite and
indispensable. And as it is both the interest and inclination of
our cruisers to keep the sea as long as they are able, the acting
consistent with their treaties is sufficient for us. We meant to ask
no more of his Prussian Majesty; nor that the sale of prizes should be
openly practised, so as to give just cause of complaint.
Two packets have arrived here without their despatches, having been
obliged to throw them overboard by being closely pursued. We are,
therefore, without any late authentic intelligence; the immediate
communication of any such as reaches us your Excellency may rely upon.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, November 13th, 1777.
Sir,
Since I had the honor of answering your Excellency’s favor of the
8th of October, a commission has been received, appointing William
Lee Commissioner of Congress to the Court of Berlin, with powers to
negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of Prussia. The
great knowledge of this gentleman in commerce will enable him to throw
far more light on that object, than I was able to communicate.
I am persuaded, Sir, that with the assistance he can give, a happy
foundation at least may be laid for effectuating his Majesty’s wishes
on that subject. At the same time, he will be better able to show the
value and importance of that commerce to the subjects of his Majesty,
and to the prosperity of his kingdom.
Your Excellency will have the goodness to communicate to us his
Majesty’s pleasure relative to this Commissioner’s coming to Berlin, in
which he will entirely conform himself to the King’s sentiments.
The entire discomfiture of General Burgoyne, and the northern
expedition, as well as the untruth of what was circulated about General
Howe’s success, with the sole view of diverting the public attention
from the ill success of the Canadian armament, is now universally
acknowledged in England. We have received no despatches on the subject.
But from the place he is in, we are satisfied General Howe will meet
with a manly opposition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO MESSRS GARDOQUI AND SONS
AT BILBOA.
Paris, November 15th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I have learnt from America, that there was a difficulty on the arrival
of the supplies sent to America through your house, in knowing whether
they were for Congress, or for Mr Gerry, to whom they were consigned.
Possibly you explained that to Mr Gerry, and his absence might have
occasioned the doubt. At all events, you will have the goodness in
future to write so clearly as to prevent any mistake of that kind.
When any prize, made by any continental armed vessel in the service of
the United States, is sent into Bilboa or the adjacent port, you have
my authority to sell her to the best advantage, reserving half the
proceeds for the Congress at my disposal, as their representative in
Spain. The other half is the property of the captain and the crew.
I beg you will inform me, by return of post, what interest you give for
money put into your hands. They give here at the rate of six per cent,
on condition that it be not drawn out of their hands under one month’s
notice. If your terms are as good, I should prefer depositing what I
have with you.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, November 27th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Since writing the enclosed, I received a letter from the king of
Prussia’s minister, informing me that his Majesty cannot at present
open his ports to American armed vessels and the sale of their prizes,
as he finds it is not permitted in France. I have apprized the minister
of the late appointment by Congress to his Court, and do not think
it improbable but that the king will in a little time be prevailed
upon to wink at the above measure being executed, though he will not
openly approve of it till an arrangement is made for acknowledging
your independency. This will probably come under serious consideration
before the winter ends, if General Howe should not be successful.
The last letter I received from the Prussian Minister contains the
following paragraph.
November 6. “As to the reinforcement of troops, which Great Britain
will receive from the other powers of Europe for the approaching
campaign, I can assure you, Sir, that your nation has nothing to fear
either from Russia or Denmark, and that even Germany will furnish
only a few hundred men, whom the Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of
Hesse, and the Margrave of Anspach, in conformity with their treaties,
are obliged to send annually to recruit the troops, whom these
princes maintain in America in the pay of England. It is with sincere
satisfaction that I give you this consoling intelligence.”
Our friends in Spain had been prevailed upon to renew the order for
sending you supplies, but before anything was done, a suspension of it
was occasioned by an American privateer making prize of a French ship
coming from England with Spanish property on board. Proper measures
have been taken to explain this proceeding, so as to appease the
complaints it excited; and I have reason to hope, that we shall soon
see the former good will towards us restored, with further proofs of
its sincerity.
I have mentioned the little probability our enemies have of obtaining
troops for another campaign. Nor will their difficulties be less in
raising supplies. Their credit falls so fast in Europe, that unless the
most brilliant and effectual success of this campaign should retrieve
it by rendering the conquest of America probable, they cannot sustain
another. Stat magni nominis umbra may almost now be said of Great
Britain; and the decisive weight, a weight derived from her connexion
with America in the balance of Europe which she has long held, will
assuredly fail with the failure of this year’s expectations.
It is with pleasure I inform you that the conduct of your Generals, and
the bravery of your troops and seamen, have entirely effaced through
Europe the unfavorable impressions made at first by the scandalous
reports of our enemies. At the same time, there is a great desire to
have authentic accounts from us, which unhappily we are not able to
gratify, having received no despatches since the retreat of the British
army from the Jerseys. I have imputed it to the chances of the sea and
of war, and to the arduous attention of Congress to the arrangement
and defence of a young government, pressed on all sides by a powerful
enemy. The king of Prussia is particularly anxious on this subject, as
you will judge by the following extract from his Minister’s letter.
“The king has been surprised to learn by the letter, which you have
done me the honor to write to me, that you have received no news from
America, since the public papers are filled with different kinds of
intelligence, especially respecting the entrance of General Howe into
the Chesapeake Bay, and the check given to Burgoyne by General Arnold.
As I am persuaded the king would take pleasure in the confirmation
of this last intelligence, on account of the interest his Majesty
takes in the events which are advantageous to your cause, I shall be
greatly obliged to you if you will communicate to me the authentic
details on this subject, as soon as they come to your hands, for it is
extremely difficult to tell what degree of confidence is to be placed
in relations, the greater part of which is dressed up and published by
the spirit of party.”
I enclose you the king of Great Britain’s speech to his Parliament,
with remarks on it by one who was present. My private letters say the
Ministry are exceedingly dispirited. The following is a picture of the
public, drawn by an able hand and in a high station. “This poor country
is fallen into a state of lethargy, from which all efforts to rouse her
are ineffectual. The single loss of Minorca drove the people of England
almost to madness; now thirteen provinces dismembered from the British
empire, scarcely excite a murmur except among the few who dare to love
their country, even at this disgraceful period. The Parliamentary
campaign will soon open, but nothing is to be expected. Corruption,
like a Scotch mist, has spread over and pervades every thing.” It is
certain that France and Spain are arming with uncommon diligence and to
a great extent. The States of Holland have ordered ten men of war as a
convoy for their West India trade, and will not permit any interruption
of it by our enemies.
Yet with these circumstances to oppose it, the impracticability of
obtaining any adequate number of troops, the lowness of their credit,
the probability of an European war, the carrying on of their commerce
by the ships of their rivals, the impossibility of success, and I may
add with certainty their own conviction of it, I am clear in my opinion
that they will attempt another campaign, and that every man and every
shilling they can procure will be devoted to the desolation of our country.
The privateer, which gave so much offence by taking a French ship, La
Fortune, with Spanish property on board, is called the Civil Usage.
Since that the Portsmouth privateer from Portsmouth, Captain Hart,
has taken an English merchantman in the mouth of the Garonne. These
captures have given great offence to the two Courts; to remove which
we have promised to warn all American captains to desist from such
conduct, till the pleasure of Congress is known. The following is a
copy of the letter I have sent to the different ports of Spain for that purpose.
To all Captains or Commanders of Ships of War, armed Vessels
and Privateers from the United States of North America.
Gentlemen,
Complaint having been made of violence done by American armed vessels
to neutral nations, by seizing ships belonging to their subjects and
under their colors, and in making captures of those of the enemy,
when under the protection of neutral coasts, contrary to the usage
and custom of nations; this is therefore to warn and request you not
to commit any such violation of the law of nations, but (according
to the powers given in your commission) to confine yourselves to the
capture of the enemy’s vessels, when not within sight of a neutral
coast, and of all others whatsoever that shall be carrying soldiers,
arms, ammunition, provisions, or other contraband goods, to any of
the British armies or ships, employed against the United States.
And that in other cases you will treat all neutral ships with the
utmost kindness and friendship, for the honor, of your Country and
of yourselves.[21]
There remains nothing for me to add at present, but to assure you, that
I have neglected no opportunity of writing to you, and giving a full
account of my proceedings in Spain and Prussia.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. November 30th. I have written to Spain for
ten thousand blankets to be sent to you immediately, which
order, as I have also remitted the money, will I hope be executed.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, November 28th, 1777.
Sir,
As to the commission of Mr William Lee, the King having repeatedly
declared his sentiments respecting the actual difficulties attending
a commercial connexion with America, notwithstanding his constant
good disposition towards the Colonies, cannot possibly conjecture, as
circumstances have not changed, what proposition Mr Lee can make more
acceptable to his Majesty, nor consequently what can be the object of
his mission.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO DR BERKENHOUT.[22]
Paris, December 3d, 1777.
Sir,
My last might serve as an answer to yours. We have powers to receive,
but not to make overtures. Voilà la difference. We have as much
dignity, and I hope more reason on our side. If they, therefore, stay
for overtures from us, I promise you they will not receive them,
till their faith can move our mountains. I hoped something from this
negotiation, and therefore more willingly lent myself to it; but I now
see too well their abundant pride and folly, to think the public will
derive any advantage from it. They are determined to make us a great
people, by continuing a contest which forces us to frugality, industry,
and economy, and calls forth resources, which, without such necessity,
would never have been cultivated. I have long thought, that if they
intended us the benefits their conduct will bring us, we should owe
them statues of gold. As you love me, do not fail endeavoring to learn
to whom I am indebted for reporting the difference between Dr Franklin
and me, which you mention. It concerns me infinitely to know it. Adieu.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 8th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Since my last to you, I have seen your despatches of the 6th of
October. The answer relative to the Havanna will be obtained as soon as
possible; but I think such a connexion will in a short time take place
between the two countries, as will put that matter out of all doubt.
I received yesterday a letter from the Messrs Gardoqui at Bilboa,
containing the following passage.
“Our worthy friend, Elbridge Gerry, thinking that the goods shipped per
Captain Hodges to his address were on his account, he wrote us that he
would place the amount thereof to our credit; but as we have answered
him, that this remittance, as well as the rest that followed through
the same channel, were on account of Congress, and of consequence out
of our power, as he will have seen by the sundry letters written to him
since, we doubt not that he will of consequence conform thereto, and we
assure you, that in future all possible means will be used to prevent
mistakes of this kind.”
By a letter from Holland we are assured, that the king of Prussia
has announced to the States his having refused a passage through his
territories to German troops hired by Great Britain. The West India
fleet from Amsterdam, &c. is to be convoyed by six men of war. I cannot
be more explicit than to assure you, that the prospect of our enemies
is as gloomy here as with you, and that I am not mistaken in what I
formerly wrote you, that the confirming our independence would be
matter of serious consideration among the powers of Europe this winter.
I have remitted Mons. Gardoqui money for ten thousand blankets, which
he promises to send with all possible expedition.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, December 8th, 1777.
Sir,
The Commissioners from the Congress of the United States of North
America, beg leave to represent to your Excellency, that it is near
a year since they had the honor of putting into your hands the
propositions of Congress for a treaty of amity and commerce with this
kingdom, to which, with sundry other memorials, requesting the aid of
ships of war and offering engagements to unite the forces of the said
States with those of France and Spain, in acting against the dominions
of Great Britain, and to make no peace but in conjunction with those
Courts, if Great Britain should declare war against them; to all
which they have received no determinate answer; and apprehending
that a continuance of this state of uncertainty with regard to those
propositions, together with the reports that must soon be spread in
America of rigorous treatment met with in the ports of these kingdoms,
may give advantage to our enemy in making ill impressions on the minds
of our people, who, from the secrecy enjoined on us, cannot be informed
of the friendly and essential aids that have been so generously, but
privately afforded us; the Commissioners conceive, that, the present
circumstances considered, the completing of such a treaty at this time
must have the most happy effect, in raising the credit of the United
States abroad, and strengthening their resolution at home, as well as
discouraging and diminishing their internal enemies and confirming
their friends who might otherwise waver. And the Commissioners are
further of opinion, that the aid of ships desired might at this
juncture be employed with great advantage to America, which when
honored with a conference they can more particularly explain. They
therefore request your Excellency most earnestly to resume the
consideration of those affairs, and appoint them some speedy day of
audience thereupon.
They pray also, that their grateful acknowledgments may be presented to
the king, for the additional aid of three millions, which he has been
graciously pleased to promise them; and that his Majesty may be assured
whatever engagements they may enter into in behalf of the United
States, in pursuance of the full powers they are vested with, will
be executed with the most punctual good faith by the Congress, who,
believing their interest to be the same, and that a sure increase of
the commerce, wealth, and strength of France and Spain will be one
consequence of their success in this contest, wish for nothing so much,
after establishing their own liberty, as a firm and everlasting union
with those nations.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT D’ARANDA.
Paris, December 9th, 1777.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a copy of a Memorial
presented to his Excellency Count de Vergennes, by the Commissioners of
Congress for this Court. The knowledge I have of the great veneration
entertained by the United States for the king of Spain, and affection
for the people, enables me to assure your Excellency, that nothing will
give them greater joy than the happy conclusion of a firm and lasting
treaty of amity and commerce between the two nations.
Permit me therefore to hope, that your Excellency will co-operate
with the favorable disposition of this Court, in bringing the treaty
formerly proposed to a speedy conclusion.
I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration and respect, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, December 11th, 1777.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a detail of the
operations in the North, in addition to what I sent on the 4th. Since
that time, I have been honored with yours of the 28th of November.
I have apprized my brother, the Commissioner, of his Majesty’s
pleasure. He desires me to say, that whenever the king thinks his
coming to Berlin will be of any utility he hopes your Excellency will
inform him of it. Till that time arrives, he would not wish to give
trouble, or excite suspicions by coming, even in a private character.
We have heard reports of his Majesty’s gracious interposition, relative
to the march of troops hired against us, which I hope are well founded.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS TO LORD NORTH.
Passy, December 12th, 1777.
My Lord,
From motives of duty and an earnest desire of mitigating the calamities
of war, we proposed near a year since, to the king of Great Britain’s
Ambassador here, an exchange of prisoners in Europe. The answer we
received must have been made known to your Lordship, and the world
will judge of its decency. It would have been honorable for that noble
lord, and happy for thousands who have since suffered unnecessarily,
if he had considered that moderation is a mark of wisdom, and humanity
an ornament to the highest station. These are the sentiments at least,
which have governed the Congress and people of the United States. They
have wished that this war, into which they entered with reluctance,
might be distinguished by the humanity with which it was conducted; and
that compassion might heal the wounds that were inflicted. The records
of Congress, my lord, are filled with proofs of tender care and
attention, not only to the wants, but to the comforts and accommodation
of their prisoners.
We have wished in vain to find such instances in the acts of the
British government, for unhappily all we have seen on this subject,
is the public declaration of the governor and general, who was chosen
to commence this war, that the American officer and soldier should be
treated with equal indignity, and all devoted without distinction to
the most ignominious fate, in terms too low for us to repeat. We have
never heard of this proceeding having been censured by the government
from which he derived his authority. Neither has the invitation to the
Indian savages, at a public treaty, to drink the blood and feast upon
the bodies of those, whom you called your subjects, been ever disavowed.
It is a universal complaint, that the practices of those in authority
under you have been conformable to the principles of those public acts.
Colonel Parker, a gentleman of rank, was thrown into a common jail in
Boston, covered over with wounds, where he perished unpitied for want
of the common comforts, which his situation and humanity required.
Colonel Ethan Allen was dragged in chains from Canada to England, from
England to Ireland, and from Ireland to Carolina, and from thence
to New York, at a time when the officers taken from you in the same
expedition were treated not only with lenity but with every possible
indulgence. The barbarous treatment of Mr Lovell in Boston has no
parallel. Of the prisoners made in Fort Washington, two thirds of them
perished by the unexampled cruelty and rigors of their captivity. Even
in England, the severities which the American prisoners suffer are,
according to the testimony of every one we have seen, of the most
grievous kind. Stripes have been inflicted on some to make them commit
the deepest of all crimes, that of fighting against the liberties of
their country. And numbers are now groaning in bondage in Africa and
India, to which they are compelled by menaces of an immediate and
ignominious death, as contrary to every rule of war among civilized
nations, as to every dictate of humanity.
It is with the greatest regret we mention these cruelties. For the
honor of humanity, we hope they will not be committed again. Your
Lordship must know, that it is in the power of those we have the honor
to represent, to make ample retaliation upon the numerous prisoners
of all ranks in their possession; and we warn and beseech you not to
render it their indispensable duty. Upwards of five hundred British
seamen have been generously treated, set at liberty by our cruisers in
those seas, and sent at the public expense to their country. We trust
you will think yourselves bound to dismiss an equal number of seamen,
taken in the service of the United States.
We also desire, that a person appointed by us may have permission to
furnish the citizens of the United States, who are in your prisons,
with the necessaries they may want from time to time; and that a
general cartel may be immediately settled, by which the unfortunate on
both sides may be relieved as soon as possible from the miseries of
imprisonment.
We must beg a speedy answer, that we may transmit Without delay
the determination of your Court to our constituents.
We have the honor to be, with the highest respect, my Lord, your
Lordship’s obedient servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO LORD SHELBURNE.
Paris, December 14th, 1777.
My Lord,
I have the honor of enclosing to you a copy of a letter, transmitted
at the same time to the First Lord of the Treasury. The honor of the
nation, and the rights of humanity, are too much interested in the
object of it, not to receive your Lordship’s advocation.
The enclosed papers contain the principal transactions between the
northern armies. The burning of defenceless towns, and of every thing
before him, as General Clinton has done, will probably draw upon him
and his government the vengeance which such enormities deserve, in
spite of all the efforts of Congress to prevent any hasty retaliation.
The South Carolina Gazette mentions the arrival of an American captain,
who had been taken by Captain Jarvis, and who mentions with the highest
praise the generous and humane treatment he received from that officer.
We have had from other prisoners accounts equally to his honor, which
I am sure will give your Lordship pleasure. Captain Jarvis may be
assured, that such conduct will command from us the praise and esteem,
which are always due to a generous enemy.
The necessity, which has made us enemies for a time, and separated us
forever from the same government, has not altered the esteem I felt for
the good and wise in England. Among those, I hope your Lordship and
your friends will accept an assurance of my respect and friendship. I
condole most sincerely with the family at Combwood for the misfortune
at New York.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, your
Lordship’s humble servant and friend,
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, December 18th, 1777.
Sir,
A few days after the departure of my last of the 13th inst. in which
I requested you to give me authentic intelligence concerning the
progress of General Howe, of which the English Ambassador had received
an account, I learned by the letter you did me the honor to write
on the 4th of this month, that these advantages, far from being so
considerable as they were thought to be, are more than balanced by the
surrender of General Burgoyne, and by the liberty which the troops
under Arnold will have of acting where they shall be most wanting,
which may very much harass General Howe.
I am much pleased, Sir, with these favorable events, and as from
the situation in which affairs were when your despatches were sent,
other events of consequence are to be expected before the end of the
campaign, or even during the winter, I hope you will continue to
communicate, without delay, all the authentic advices you may receive.
The King, who always graciously receives the news you send me, and
expresses his satisfaction when it is in your favor, has seen the
passage of your brother’s letter, and I can assure you, Sir, that his
Majesty will not be the last power to acknowledge your independency;
but you must feel yourself, that it is not natural that he should be
the first, and that France, whose commercial and political interests
are more immediately, connected with yours, should set the example.
I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, Sir, your
very humble servant,
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 19th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Our joint despatches will inform you of the forwardness in which things
are here towards the desired conclusion. In three weeks we shall hear
from Spain, and all will I hope be settled. The late intelligence
from America has staggered and confounded our enemies, as much as it
has elated and decided our friends. Should they at length resolve
to continue in rage and despair what they commenced in wickedness
and folly, and venture upon a general war, by which they must be
overwhelmed, their principal efforts will be pointed against us, unless
your being in a respectable state of preparation should deter them. In
that case they will probably confine themselves to a piratical coasting
war, and preying upon our commerce. I have directed all the naval
stores that are collected at Bilboa to be shipped forthwith, the moment
the Court of Spain agrees to furnish the money. To accelerate this
material supply, I proposed to my colleagues to remit the money from
our funds here, but they did not think it advisable.
Should Congress want any person to serve them in a public character in
Europe, I am authorised to say, that Edmund Jennings, now in London,
will obey their commands. His abilities, attachment, and respectable
character are well known. It has also fallen very particularly within
my knowledge, that Mr Thomas Digges, of Maryland, has exerted himself
with great assiduity and address, in gaining intelligence and doing
other services in England.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, December 23d, 1777.
Sir,
I received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me the
11th of this month, and I give you many thanks for the detail of
operations in the north of America, which you were so kind as to add.
I will not fail to acquaint Mr William Lee, as soon as the king shall
judge that his arrival at Berlin can be of mutual utility, and I assure
you, Sir, that the information which you have had, that his Majesty
has refused a passage to the auxiliary troops of Germany destined for
America, is strictly true.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 5th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
My despatches by Captain Young, and since by Mr Deane, Jr, will have
informed you of whatever has happened worthy of your attention in the
departments of Spain and Prussia. The latter is now resigned to the
care of the Commissioner appointed to it, who will inform Congress (as
he is instructed) of the assurance from Baron de Schulenburg, Secretary
of State to the king of Prussia, that his master will not be the last
to acknowledge your independency. This may show you the favorable
disposition of that monarch, who I believe waits only for the example
of this Court. That example, I trust, will not be long delayed.
I have received a complaint from St Sebastian, of the imprisonment
of the sailors who carried in a prize made by an American privateer,
and the seizure of the prize. This passed previous to the news of
Burgoyne’s surrender, and General Washington’s having given battle
to the British army. As this news has made a strong sensation in our
favor, I am in hopes the representations I have made will not only
relieve them, but prevent any violence of this kind in future.
It would seem, that the Court of Spain will not enter into any
negotiation, till we have concluded the business here. But I shall hold
myself ready to execute that duty, in obedience to the commands of
Congress, the moment it is permitted. I expect every day to hear, that
the blankets and stockings ordered from Bilboa are shipped.
I have this moment received the letter, of which I enclose an
extract.[23]
It proves the sincerity of those professions I had the honor of
receiving from his Prussian Majesty, and as he is in great esteem
with the Empress of Russia, I think we may be satisfied that he will
use all his influence to prevent our enemies from succeeding in their
solicitations with her.
There appears no reason to alter my opinion of the obstinacy with
which our enemies are determined to pursue the war. Their ill success
has produced a disinclination in the public to persevere, which gives
them some alarm. I have secret and sure information, that in order to
overcome this reluctance, by the hope of a speedy end to the war, they
mean very soon to lay before Parliament a plan of accommodation. Under
the delusion of this hope, they expect to pass easily over the inquiry
into the state of the nation, and to have its force continued another
year under their direction.
Mr Stevenson, who will have the honor of delivering you this, was a
merchant in Bristol, whom I have long known to be zealously attached to
the cause of his country.
The British Court are greatly alarmed about Canada, for the defence of
which, they are informed eight thousand men at least are necessary.
I hardly think it will be possible for them to procure anything like
that number. The refusal of a passage by the king of Prussia will
embarrass and impede their German supplies as stipulated; and I have
good intelligence that it was done with the approbation of the Emperor,
and that he will use his influence to prevent any future supplies.
I beg the favor of having my duty and respects recommended to Congress,
and have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I have the pleasure to inform you, that our friends in Spain have
promised to supply us with three millions of livres in the course of
this year. I should be happy that immediate and precise orders were
sent from Congress for the appropriation of it; which will prevent it
from being expended in a manner, perhaps, less useful than the purposes
they may wish to fulfil.
My last advices from Bilboa assure me, that they are shipping the
blankets and stockings I ordered. The enemy are raising men in England
and Scotland with great industry; but their best stock (the 3 per cent
consols) has fallen 7 per cent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Berlin, January 16th, 1778.
Sir,
In answer to the letter, which you did me the honor to write me the
28th of December last, I begin with remarking, that before this last,
I have received two letters from you, viz. of the 4th and 11th of the
same month; but as you say that you have written twice to me since the
4th of December, this expression may leave some doubt, whether the
letter of the 4th is comprehended in these two or not; in the latter
case, one of your letters must be lost. With respect to myself, Sir,
since my letter of the 13th of December, the receipt of which you
acknowledge, I have sent you two answers, dated the 18th and 23d of
the same month, which, as I hope, have reached you. I address this, as
you desire, to the care of Mr Grand, banker, Rue Montmartre, and to be
certain in future, that none of our letters miscarry, I propose to you,
Sir, to number yours as I shall do mine, beginning with the present.
Your reflections concerning the present state of American affairs are
very just, and we can perceive that General Howe’s situation must
be very difficult and embarrassing. Time must discover how he will
extricate himself, and whether he will choose and maintain his quarters
with more prudence and good fortune than he did last year.
As the events of this war become daily more interesting, I must again
request, Sir, that you will be kind enough to communicate to me
regularly the advices you may receive. The king interests himself very
much in them, and his Majesty wishes that your generous efforts may be
crowned with success; and as I have already advised you, in my letter
of the 18th of December, he will not hesitate to acknowledge your
independence whenever France, which is more interested in the event of
this contest, shall set the example. His Majesty would not, moreover,
make the least difficulty in receiving your vessels into his ports,
were it not that he has not a fleet to resent the affronts, which might
be shown there to your ships; the port of Emden, however fine and
secure it is, has not even a fort to defend it. He will not, therefore,
expose himself to the disagreeable consequences.
As to the muskets and other arms of our manufacturing, you shall be
at liberty, Sir, to purchase or to command them; and the Bankers,
Spittgerber, contractors for the manufacture of arms, have received
orders to deliver such as you may demand. I enclose you a memorandum of
their prices, which are the same as the king pays, and I add, that the
muskets for the infantry can be delivered at a lower price, if you will
be content with the solidity of the work, without being so exact as to
their similarity, as the king requires.
I have the honor to be, &c.
BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
TO MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE.
Challiot, January 30th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
More mature consideration, and fuller lights upon the subject have
satisfied me, that I was wrong in receding from my opinion against the
admissibility of the 12th article in the proposed commercial treaty.
I should, therefore, think myself neglectful of the duty I owe the
public, if I did not endeavor yet to prevent that measure before our
signature has rendered it irrecoverable. And certainly nothing short of
totally preventing the treaty from being concluded will prevail upon me
to sign it, if that article is to stand.
What has thus confirmed me in my former sentiments is this. At the
conclusion of M. Gerard’s observations upon what we proposed, he said
they had no design to lay any duties upon their molasses, nor was it
compatible with their policy. Dr Franklin informed me yesterday, that
a substitute had been found in America for molasses, procurable from a
substance which is the growth of the country, and of infinite plenty. A
prohibition on the export of their molasses will effect every purpose,
which we are providing against by restraining the imposition of duties.
From these considerations it seems clear to me, that molasses are
not such an important object as was stated; that the demand is more
likely to diminish than increase; that there is no sound reason for
apprehending that without any restraint, duties will be imposed upon
that article; that if there were the strongest reasons for that
apprehension, the sacrifice proposed does not secure us from the evil
it is intended to prevent.
If these arguments are not utterly fallacious, we are by the article
proposed really tying both our hands with the expectation of binding
one of their fingers. The principle, too, is, and the effect of this
measure must be, the encouragement of commerce at the expense of
agriculture, which, whatever temporary advantages it may give, will be
permanently pernicious to the peace and real welfare of our country.
Nor is it an argument of little weight with me, that we are binding
our constituents forever in a point on which they have not had an
opportunity of giving their instructions, concerning which, how far it
is within the limits of our power and our discretion, I am extremely
doubtful. I would therefore propose to you, Gentlemen, that, upon
the ground of the article not having been in the plan given for our
guidance, and of doubts, which have arisen among ourselves about the
approbation it might meet with, if it should be unrejected by the Court
here, that we should propose that both the articles be left open to be
rejected or admitted by Congress, without affecting their ratification
of the rest of the treaty. This exception will, it seems to me, refer
the decision to that arbitration, which ought to determine it, and free
us from any possible imputation of having acted wrong or exceeded our powers.
I am willing, that whatever charge of levity may arise from this
resuming the negotiation may be wholly visited on me. Though, indeed,
as I think we are treating with gentlemen of sense and candor, I am
under no apprehension, that they will view in any such light an anxiety
to act with the utmost circumspection in a business of great moment and
doubtful effect.
As this is a matter that admits of no delay, I must beg, Gentlemen, an
immediate consideration of what I propose; and that you will do me the
favor of apprizing me of your determination as soon as you have made
it.[24]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 1st, 1778.
Sir,
We have maturely considered your letter of the 30th past, and though
we cannot see the mischievous consequences of the 12th article which
you apprehend, yet, conceiving that unanimity on this occasion is of
importance, we have written to M. Gerard this morning, that we concur
in desiring that article and the preceding to be omitted, agreeable to
his first proposal.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE.
MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE TO M. GERARD.
Passy, February 1st, 1778.
Sir,
Mr Lee having signified to us, that on further consideration he has
changed his sentiments relating to the 12th article, and that he cannot
join in signing the treaty if that article remains in, and as unanimity
on this occasion is of some importance, and the articles 11th and 12th
seem not perfectly consonant with the declared spirit of the treaty,
which is to leave each party free in its regulations of commerce, we
concur in requesting (if it can be done without occasioning delay) that
these two articles be omitted, agreeable to your own first proposition.
We have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE.
M. GERARD TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Translation.
Versailles, February 2d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I have acquainted his Majesty’s Ministers with the fresh demand
respecting the 11th and 12th articles of the Treaty of Commerce. The
king having approved these two articles, agreeable to your unanimous
wishes, they cannot be submitted to a new examination without
inconvenience and considerable delay.
I am, therefore, charged to send you the French copies of the two
treaties, that you may have them transcribed side by side with the
English translation, and when this is done, I trust you will give me notice.
The only remark, which I have to offer, is on the 6th article of the
Treaty of Alliance. It stands the same as when it was read, with the
addition of the Bermudas, concerning which there was a question in
our last conference. I have found another change in one of the sheets
of observations, which have been sent to me. I should wish that the
object of this addition should be treated in a conference. I have been
charged to explain to you the reasons, which prevent the Ministers from
agreeing to it, and I am ready to fulfil this object.
I have the honor to be, &c.
GERARD.
P. S. The translation of the two treaties
appears to me well made, and I have no remarks to add in regard to it.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
February 2d, 1778.
Sir,
I was honored with yours of the 16th of January some few days since,
and have delayed an answer in hopes that despatches from America would
have enabled me to give your Excellency some acceptable intelligence.
But in this I am disappointed, so that we have nothing but the
relations of the enemy to direct our judgment of the present situation
of things in and near Philadelphia. There is one thing, however, that
must strike your Excellency in General Howe’s narration, which is that
in attempting to make his forward movement, he was constantly attacked
instead of attacking, and however well he might have defended himself,
he was obliged to measure back his ground, and put his army into winter
quarters. His tranquillity, or even safety there, will depend much upon
the mildness of the winter, and the equipment of the army of the United
States for a campaign in that rigorous season. If the winter is severe,
and General Washington’s army tolerably provided, it seems to me that
General Howe’s situation will be far from being that of security.
Congress have approved of the Convention with General Burgoyne. The
enemy is driven back entirely into Canada, after blowing up the works
of Ticonderoga; and New York is pressed on all sides.
The 4th and the 11th were the letters I referred to, and I have had
the honor of receiving those your Excellency mentions.
I hope the period for executing his Majesty’s most gracious purpose
towards us is not remote, as well as that of the reduction of the
British power within the limits of due respect for other powers.
I thank your Excellency a thousand times for the facilities you have
procured us in the supplying of ourselves with arms. But I find things
must be more arranged before we can avail ourselves of your goodness.
The enemy’s preparations are more sounding than substantial. They
mark a radical weakness, and will certainly be impotent when we are
fortified with alliances.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 10th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The enclosed Memorial and letter to Count de Florida Blanca,[25]
will inform you particularly of my proceedings in Spain, with the
reasons of the cautious conduct of that Court, which I did not think
it safe to communicate before. France is now prepared, the war with
Portugal is happily concluded by her accession to the family compact,
and there remains only the hazard of the treasure at sea, which is
expected in April next. When that arrives, I have no doubt of their
acceding to the treaties signed here, and joining in the war, which it
seems probable will be declared before that time between France and England.
From the enclosed accounts you will also see what has been sent from
the house of Gardoqui, in pursuance of orders from the Spanish Court,
and what by my order, which I am to pay for out of the fund remitted me
from Spain of 170,000 livres. This fund would have been applied in time
to have had the blankets, &c. with you for the winter’s campaign, but
for the following reason. On my return from Germany in August, I found
that from various expensive purchases, not only all our funds from our
friends here had been exhausted, but we also involved in a considerable
debt, and not half of your orders fulfilled, nor any fund to answer
your draughts. It was therefore thought prudent to retain that sum,
till we were sure of an additional supply from hence. The moment this
was secured, I sent orders for the shipping of blankets and stockings,
which are certainly cheap, and I hope will be of use. Upon this
mercantile subject, I must beg leave to observe, that I have had
nothing more to do with the proceedings of that kind here, but signing
my name to contracts made by my colleagues, or rather by Mr Deane. You
will, I presume, be able to judge, by the manner in which near five
millions of livres have been expended, whether it is wise to unite the
political and commercial characters.
I am given to understand, that Spain will wish to have the possession
of Pensacola secured to her in the treaty. I shall hope to receive
the commands of Congress upon that point as soon as possible. Perhaps
Congress may think that circumstances are materially changed, since the
passing the Resolve on this subject, December 30th, 1776;[26]
and that the Mississippi is likely to be the only permanent boundary
between the two people.
I beg the favor of having my duty recommended to Congress and have the
honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I have before written to you the reason I had to conceive, that M. de
Beaumarchais’ demands of payment for the supplies furnished in the
Amphitrite, Mercury, and Flammand are unjust. The following testimonial
from Count Lauragais will corroborate what I informed you, relative to
his having himself proposed the supplies to me as a subsidy from the
Court. Mr. Wilkes knows it more accurately, but his situation prevents
him from giving it under his hand. The ministry, as you will see by
our joint letter, have often given us to understand that we are not
to pay for them, yet still M. de Beaumarchais, with the perseverance
of such adventurers, persists in his demand. He alleges some promise
or agreement made with Mr Deane. I should suppose Mr Deane would have
apprized you of it, if any such exists. But certainly Doctor Franklin
and myself are kept so much in the dark about the existence of such
agreement, as to expose us to much unnecessary plague from this M. de
Beaumarchais, who I cannot think has any right, to make the demand in
question.[27]
A copy of the following declaration has been given to Count Maurepas,
but I have not heard his sentiments upon it.[28]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Testimonial of Count Lauragais.
I was present in Mr Arthur Lee’s chamber in the temple,
London, some time in the spring of the year 1776, when Caron de Beaumarchais
made offers to Mr Lee to send supplies of money and stores through the
Islands to the Americans, to the amount of two hundred thousand louis
d’or, and he said he was authorised to make those proposals by the
French Court.—Paris, February 8th, 1778.
TO MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE.
Chaillot, February 26th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The return of our despatches by Mr Simeon Deane appears to me to be an
event, from which great public consequences may flow. I therefore feel
it the more extraordinary, that you should have taken any steps in it
without a consultation with me. And this more especially, after I have
so lately remonstrated against a similar conduct. I was silent upon
it today, when Dr Franklin mentioned that Mr Deane was gone upon this
business to Versailles without my knowledge, not because I did not feel
the impropriety of it, but because I do, and have always wished, to
avoid the indecency of a personal altercation.
In my judgment, the failure of our despatches is an event which will
warrant our desire to be immediately acknowledged by this Court, and
such acknowledgment will have a powerful effect in preventing the
success of the overtures from England, and securing the peace and
independency of America. The strong impression of the unfavorable
disposition of this Court towards us, which former proceedings
made on every mind, will reach America by a thousand channels. Our
contradiction of it being unfortunately frustrated, will possibly
commit our countrymen into measures, which a knowledge of the true
state of things would have prevented. A public acknowledgment of us
would reach America by numberless ways, and give them a decided proof
of the sincerity and determination of France. Our despatches are a
private and single channel, and may fail or arrive too late. With
respect to us, the covert proceedings of France leaves them too much at
liberty to renounce us, on any unfortunate event, and is a situation in
which I think it neither for our honor nor safety to remain. These are
sentiments which I submit to your better judgment, and beg we may have
a consultation on the subject as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 27th, 1778.
Sir,
The greater the public consequences that may flow from the return
of our despatches, the more necessary it seemed the Court should be
immediately acquainted with it, that the miscarriage might as soon
as possible be repaired. It was near nine at night when the news
arrived, and Mr Deane set out immediately. If we could have imagined it
necessary to have a consultation with you on so plain a case, it would
necessarily have occasioned a delay of that important business till the
next day. He has been at Versailles, and obtained an order for another
and larger frigate, and an express to be immediately sent off, carrying
that order, that she may be ready. We think that Mr Deane deserves your
thanks, and that neither of us deserves your censure. We are at present
both engaged in copying the treaties, which will employ us closely
till Sunday. After they are gone we shall be ready to enter into the
consultation you propose, relating to our being publicly acknowledged here.
We have the honor of being, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,
SILAS DEANE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 28th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Our joint despatches of the 28th of December, 1777, informed you, that
Spain had promised us three millions of livres, to be remitted to you
in specie, through the Havanna. This information we had through the
French Court. We have since been informed through the same channel,
that it would be paid to our Banker here in quarterly payments.
Of this I apprized you in my letter of the 15th of January, 1778.
Finding however that no payment was made, I applied lately to the
Spanish Ambassador here for an explanation. From him I learned, that
by order of his Court, he had informed the Court of France, that such
a sum should be furnished for your use; but in what manner he was
not instructed, nor had he received any further communication on the
subject. He promised to transmit my application to his Court without delay.
The balancing conduct, which these Courts have until very lately held
towards us, has involved us inevitably in continual contradictions
and disappointments. It is in this respect fortunate, that so many of
our despatches have miscarried, otherwise you would have been equally
vexed, embarrassed, and disappointed.
The chief reason that induced Spain to temporise subsists still; except
the war with Portugal, which is happily concluded by her accession
to the family compact. Our general despatches will convey to you the
bills, as they are now passing in the Parliament of Great Britain, for
appointing Commissioners to negotiate with their deluded subjects,
and declaring in what manner they will be graciously pleased to
exercise in future their right of taxing us. It would not be doing
justice to these bills to attempt any comment upon them; they speak
for themselves, and loudly too. But the ministers of England give out,
that they have despatched half a million of guineas to pave the way
to a favorable acceptance of their propositions. And I know from the
best authority here, that they have assured Count Maurepas of their
being secure of a majority in Congress. By such arts do they endeavor
to sustain their desperate cause. France has done us substantial
benefits, Great Britain substantial injuries. France offers to guaranty
our sovereignty, and universal freedom of commerce. Great Britain
condescends to accept of our submission and to monopolise our commerce.
France demands of us to be independent; Great Britain, tributary. I do
not comprehend how there can be a mind so debased, or an understanding
so perverted, as to balance between them.
The journies I have made, both north and south, in the public service,
have given me an opportunity of knowing the general disposition of
Europe upon our question. There never was one in which the harmony of
opinion was so universal; from the prince to the peasant there is but
one voice, one wish—the liberty of America and the humiliation of
Great Britain.
The troubles, which the death of the Elector of Bavaria was likely
to excite in Germany, seemed to have subsided, when, of late, the
movements of the king of Prussia threaten to excite a general war.
Great Britain, whose expiring hope sustains itself on every straw,
finds comfort in the expectation, that this will involve France, and
divert her from engaging in our war. But in my judgment, it is much
more likely to operate against her in Russia, than against us in France.
I beg the favor of having my duty laid before Congress, and have the
honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 19th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I congratulate our country on your filling so distinguished and
important an office in her service. Her prosperity will always depend
upon the wisdom of her choice.[29]
Before this can reach you, the treaties concluded here must have
arrived. I am sensible they will admit of very useful additions. But
we were bound by the plan given us for the one; and by the critical
situation of affairs, admitting of no delay, in the other. These things
being considered, I hope what defects are found will be excused.
It is altogether uncertain when it will be convenient for Spain to
accede to the alliance; and I am apprehensive that the war, which is
likely to break out in Germany, will prevent the king of Prussia from
declaring so soon, and so decidedly, as he promised. The Court of Spain
will, I apprehend, make some difficulties about settling the dividing
line between their possessions, and those of the United States. They
wish to have the cession of Pensacola. I have written for, and hope
to have the instructions of Congress on this head. If anything should
strike you on the subject, the communication of it will infinitely
oblige me. The high opinion I have of your abilities, and zeal for the
public good, will always render your advice a favor to me; and the
acquaintance I have had the honor of having with you, makes me hope I
may ask it without offence. I beg to be remembered to your son, and
have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, dear sir,
your most obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. Tomorrow we are to be presented to
the king of France, and the English ambassador quits this Court
without taking leave. War must immediately be the consequence, as
these movements have been determined on, from the treaty of amity
and commerce, which we have concluded with this Court, having been
announced in form to that of London. The consequence of this, in
relieving our country from the chief weight of the war, cannot but
follow, and therefore I congratulate you upon it most sincerely. In
my judgment, a year or two must reduce Great Britain to any terms the
allies may think proper to demand.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, March 27th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
In consequence of what you mentioned to me relative to the German
Courts, I consulted the Spanish Ambassador, whether it could be
determined with any degree of certainty, how long it would be before
the business I am pledged for with his Court would require my presence.
His answer was, that it was altogether uncertain. In this situation, it
appeared to me, that under my present engagements I could not venture
to so great a distance. My brother has, therefore, set out on his
original plan that was settled at Versailles.
Mr Grand has not yet returned me the account completed. The moment I
receive it, I will wait upon you to settle the business of the loan bills.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE.
March 31st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The reports I hear of Mr Deane’s intending soon to leave Paris, oblige
me to repeat the request I long ago and repeatedly made, that we
should settle the public accounts relating to the expenditure of the
money intrusted to us for the public. And this is the more absolutely
necessary, as what vouchers there are to enable the Commissioners to
make out this account are in Mr Deane’s possession. I therefore wish
that the earliest day may be appointed for the settlement of these
accounts; which appears to me an indispensable part of our duty to the
public and to one another.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO. TO ARTHUR LEE.
Bilboa, April 1st, 1778.
You will see by this invoice, that agreeable to what you are pleased to
communicate to us in your very esteemed favor of the 6th instant, we
have reduced our commission to 3 per cent. But, dear Sir, besides our
being allowed 5 per cent by all the American friends we have worked
for in the present troublesome times, several of whom have been, and
actually are, eye witnesses of our troubles, as those blankets must
be collected in the country round about Palencia, and the money must
be remitted in specie there long beforehand for the purpose, we are
not only obliged to pay the freight thereof and run the risks of it,
but also to make good to the persons employed in their collection,
their expense and trouble; the whole out of our commission, so that at
present we reckon that half of it will be our profit.
We are, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO.
Invoice of seventyfive Bales of Merchandise shipped on board the George,
Captain Job Knight, for Cape Ann, consigned to Elbridge Gerry, on Account of Arthur Lee.
| No. 1 to 75.——75 bales containing 1926 fine |
|
| large Palencia blankets, at 27 riales, |
52,002,00 |
| Charges. |
| To 413 vares of wrappers, at 2 riales, |
826 |
|
| To packing, lighterage, &c. |
750 |
1,576,00 |
| |
|
53,578,00 |
| Commission, 3 per cent, |
|
1,607,11 |
| |
Riales of V. |
55,185,11 |
| Placed to the debit of Arthur Lee. |
|
| Bilboa, the 28th of March, 1778. |
|
| Errors excepted. |
| J. GARDOQUI & CO. |
| April 1, 1778.%—Number of blankets sent from Bilboa |
| for Congress, since January, |
1778. |
|
| |
1586 |
|
| |
615 |
|
| |
550 |
|
| |
1695 |
|
| |
2296 |
|
| |
1926 |
|
| Total, |
8668 |
|
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I called at your house, to have the honor of your commands to the
country where you know I am sent. Not having the honor of finding you
at home, and my time pressing me, allow me the honor of taking my leave
by writing, and requesting the favor of your commissions for America.
You will truly oblige me, Sir, if you will charge me with letters for
some of your connexions or friends, especially those who are members of Congress.
My acknowledgments shall equal the considerations of regard with which
I have the honor of being, &c.
GERARD.
TO M. GERARD.
April 1st, half past one o’clock, 1778.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your favor this moment, which is the first
intimation I have received of what you mention. By six o’clock I will
send you the letters you desire. I did intend to have spoken to you
more upon what passed between the Spanish Ambassador and myself, which
gave you uneasiness. But I must repeat, that I only related to him what
I heard from Mr Deane, as coming from you, and what we in consequence
of that information have written to Congress. Be so good as to accept
of my best wishes for the happiness and success of your voyage.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as
also the packets you send by me. I shall carry them with a great deal
of pleasure, and am much flattered with your confidence. I must inform
you, Sir, that notwithstanding the public nature of my mission, I do
not avow it, and the confidence I place in you in this respect will, I
hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard, with which I have
the honor to be, &c.
GERARD.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, April 2d, 1778.
Sir,
It was with the utmost surprise, I learnt yesterday, that M. Gerard was
to set out in the evening for America, in a public character; and that
Mr Deane was to accompany him, without either you or Mr Deane having
condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day.
That a measure of such moment as M. Gerard’s mission should have been
taken without any communication with the Commissioners, is hardly
credible. That if it was communicated, you should do such violence to
the authority which constituted us, together with so great an injury
and injustice to me as to conceal it from me, and act or advise without
me, is equally astonishing. If success to the mission and unanimity
on the subject were your wish, with what propriety could you make it
a party business, and not unite all the Commissioners in advising and
approving a measure, in which you wished their friends and constituents
might be unanimous?
I do not live ten minutes distance from you. Within these few days, as
usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday I was with
you at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing of the
ships at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an
opportunity of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I
asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been
shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a former meeting
asked you whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give
intelligence of such consequential events, as our being acknowledged
here, and the treaty avowed. You told me it would be sufficient to
write by the ship at Nantes, (for it was afterwards you mentioned there
were two,) as the news being public would find its way fast enough.
Upon Mr Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having mentioned on
Tuesday, that Mr Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you
and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public
accounts might be settled, for which Mr Deane had taken possession of
all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be delivered to us
before his departure. You made me no answer. I sent my secretary again
yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that you would
settle accounts with me any day after tomorrow. Your reason for not
doing it before was, that it was not your business. Now it seemed
your business only, and Mr Deane has no concern with it. The delivery
of the public papers, which are the property of all, not of any one of
the Commissioners, though you and Mr Deane have constantly taken them
to yourselves, was too immaterial for you to answer.
During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been
totally silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to
Congress concerning the important public measure in agitation, and
about Mr Deane’s departure. Nay more, what you have said, and the
manner in which you have acted, tended to mislead me from imagining
that you knew of any such thing. Had you studied to deceive the most
distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you could not have done
it more effectually.
I trust, Sir, you will think with me, that I have a right to know your
reasons for treating me thus. If you have any thing to accuse me of,
avow it, and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act so
inconsistent with your duty to the public, and injurious to me? Is the
present state of Europe of so little moment to our constituents, as
not to require our joint consideration and information to them? Is the
character of the Court here, and the person sent to negotiate with our
constituents of no consequence for them to be apprized of? Is this
the example you in your superior wisdom think proper to set of order,
decorum, confidence, and justice?
I trust, Sir, you will not treat this letter, as you have done many
others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been
silent I have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which
you have thought proper to offer me.[30]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 2d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The conclusion of the treaties here has ended the powers of our
commission. Whatever character it may please Congress to give to their
representatives in future must be specified by new powers, and letters
of credence to the Sovereign, with whom they are to act. The first
example of this kind will be material, in determining the future rank
of the United States of America among other sovereign nations. Since
the treaty of Munster, Venice and the United Provinces have had their
rank as crowned sovereigns. I presume the United States of America
will not think a lower rank competent to their dignity, and to the
importance they must command in the balance of European power. For I am
satisfied, that in a few years that balance must be in their hands.
Whatever orders Congress are pleased to give on this subject, their
Ministers must support with firmness and inflexibility, at first, to
prevent any disagreeable disputes for the future.
By the enclosed copies of letters, I hope to give you a distinct view
of what passed in Spain and Prussia. I have never been able to learn,
to what was owing the sudden change in the favorable disposition of
the Spanish Court during my absence in Germany. Whether it arose from
the proceedings at Dunkirk, &c. which produced such rigor on the part
of France, they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron de
Schulenburg’s letter, that the conduct of France, in consequence of the
Dunkirk business, prevented Prussia from adopting what I proposed.
I have written to Messrs Gardoquis about their charging five per cent
commission, which appears to be exorbitant, because I remit them the
money before they lay it out.
My brother William Lee is gone to Germany in pursuance of the commands
of Congress. The war, that is kindling between the two Powers to whom
he is destined, makes it hardly possible to hope that he can succeed
with both. If one is disposed to form an alliance with us, the other
will probably, for that reason, refuse it. I observe it was the desire
of Congress that we should keep an account of our expenses. I have
done so as minutely as the nature of things would admit; and they have
not exceeded, including my two journies, the sum allotted by Congress.
I shall endeavor to continue within those bounds, though the being
acknowledged will necessarily augment the expense.
The Messrs Gardoquis have transmitted to me regularly the accounts of
what they shipped on the public account; copies of which I have in the
same manner sent to you. This I conceived to be the usual course of
business, and necessary for the due information of all concerned. For
this reason it was my wish, that the same might be done with regard to
the public money expended here. My colleagues have not thought proper
to concur with me. The Committee and Congress will order, if they think
it proper, what I have not only requested in vain, but to my utter
astonishment, have given very great offence in requesting.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 5th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an answer
yesterday, that endeavors would be used to send you succors through
the Havanna. The present critical situation of that Court renders them
averse to being more particular, or to have applications made to them,
but I think they will not long remain under this embarrassment.
Dr Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can, from
the papers Mr Deane thought proper to leave in Dr Franklin’s hands.
How orderly and adequate they are, you will judge yourselves from the
list, which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am obliged to
say, that this gentleman took to himself the entire management of the
business, in which I could obtain no share without a quarrel; that my
advice and assistance were always rejected, and he never would settle
accounts. Whether he has conducted it well, you will have the means of
determining by what you have received, compared with the sums expended,
which I shall make it my duty to transmit to you.
I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this Court relative
to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see
the commencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some
additional, and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall
endeavor to obtain if Congress approve of them. I also send an accurate
list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain.
With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. Being obliged to send this by post,
the articles must be deferred as being too voluminous.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 8th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Whether there were any public despatches for you by the opportunity
that carries Mr Deane, the late Commissioner, I do not know, because my
colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think it
proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tendency of which is
too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it cannot, as I
conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger reasons of utility.[31]
Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in form against
France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are reciprocally
seized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an
English privateer. Both are preparing with all possible despatch, and
both waiting for your decisive declaration with an anxiety proportioned
to their conviction of that declaration deciding the fate of the war.
As far as I can venture to judge of Courts and Ministers, those of this
country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in driving the
English entirely out of America. But from what I could observe during
the conference on the treaty, they seem to have some wishes relative to
the islands of the fishery, which are not altogether compatible with
the system laid down by Congress.
The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevitable.
It will be a war of giants and must engage all Germany. Three hundred
thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that ever made war,
are ready to dispute the question on each side. Russia is sufficiently
occupied by her own situation in regard to the Porte. The North is
therefore no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole house
of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against England. Holland,
therefore, seems the principal object of negotiation now; because, if
the enemy should be deprived of her amity, they soon must be reduced to
a carte blanche.
This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose you a Memorial,[32]
which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland to promote the
disposition we are informed they entertain at present in our favor. In
the additional articles I sent for your consideration, there are some
not very materially different, but as they are expressed in a different
manner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice to you.
The enclosed report[33]
is what I received from the Court of Spain, in answer to an application
in behalf of the people, who have involved themselves in this
unfortunate situation.
It is proper to inform you, that the department of Spain, to which
it has pleased Congress to destine me, is the most expensive of any,
because the Court pass different parts of the year at four different
places, at which every public Minister is obliged to reside, and
consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense. As
I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance that
I may not appear to be extravagant, should my expense increase on going
thither.
You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and
believing me to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL FOR HOLLAND.
When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of
America first settled in that country, they did it entirely at their
own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid in
their establishment. Had any such grants existed, they must have been
upon record. The state of England, therefore, could not justly claim
the benefit of an acquisition which it never made.
Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they had a right to
exchange and sell the produce of their labor to all nations without
control. This right they actually enjoyed unquestioned till the year
1652; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle of
justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American commerce,
which they maintained till the rigor of their domination compelled the
Americans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights, by declaring
themselves free and independent States. In consequence of this, all
nations are restored to the participation of that commerce, from which
the monopolising spirit of the English had unjustly excluded them.
No nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it
was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly
intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of
Holland was and is the carrying trade. In consequence of this, when
the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American
ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651, a quarrel
arose between the States of Holland and the then republic of England.
The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their
American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To effect
this, the Council of State projected and passed on the 1st of December,
1651, the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of American
produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch foresaw the
intention, and felt the effects of this measure. Their resentment of it
added fuel to the war, that raged from that time to the year 1654 with
so much fury.
Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had
been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace that
concluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to
obtain an abolition of the act, but all his efforts were ineffectual.
Cromwell, who was not his inferior in acuteness, maintained the
usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and
sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus in despite of all their efforts,
this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch, and
monopolised by the English.
But what neither the uncommon talents of De Witt, nor the struggles of
an obstinate and bloody war could effect, the course of human events
has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very monopoly so
intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there were no bounds to
the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not content, therefore,
with thus restraining the Americans for her own emolument in the mode
of acquiring money, she arrogated to herself the right of taking that
which was obtained under those restraints. The natural consequence of
thus urging her domination, and adding a new usurpation to the former,
was the abolition of the whole. America has, in form, renounced her
connexion with Great Britain, and is maintaining her rights by arms.
The consequence of her success will be the re-establishment of commerce
upon its ancient, free and general footing; all nations are interested
in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them, therefore,
America in a most special manner looks for support. Resentment of an
ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, their present interest,
unite in calling upon them for a spirited avowal and support of the
independence of America. They will not forget the blood, that was spilt
in endeavoring to vindicate their right when it was first invaded. They
will not forget the insolence and injustice with which Great
Britain harassed their trade during the late war, by means of that very
naval strength which she derived from her usurped monopoly. They cannot
but feel at this moment the insult and indignity from the British
Court, in presuming to forbid them that free participation of commerce
which America offers.
The extraordinary remittances, which the people of America have made to
the merchants of Great Britain, since the commencement of this dispute,
is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much more safe and
advantageous is it to trust money with a young, industrious, thriving
people, than with an old nation overwhelmed with debt, abandoned to
extravagance and immersed in luxury. By maintaining the independence of
America, a new avenue will be opened for the employment of money where
landed property, as yet untouched by mortgage or other incumbrances,
will answer for the principal, and the industry of a young and
uninvolved people would insure the regular payment of interest.
The money holder would in that case be relieved from the continual
fears and apprehensions, which every agitation of the English stocks
perpetually excites. He might count his profits without anxiety, and
plan his monied transactions with certainty.
These are the substantial objects of advantage, which America
holds up to the people of Holland; and this the moment of embracing them.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
Since I had the honor of seeing your Excellency, I have learnt that Mr
Hartley in conversing with French people, whose opinions he thinks may
have weight, insinuates to them, that engaging in a war in our favor is
very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but ingratitude
and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain. To us he says,
the French have done nothing for you, they can never be trusted, no
cordial connexion can be formed with them, therefore you had better
return back to your former connexions, which may be upon your own terms
if you will renounce France. This gentleman and the wise men who sent
him, have so high an opinion of our understandings, that they flatter
themselves these insinuations will succeed.
I have also been informed, that besides their commissioners, the
ministry have despatched two persons to America to work privately as Mr
Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them, and both the
size of their understandings and the degree of their influence. There
is nothing to apprehend from either. These are the little projects of
little spirits, and will be attended with proportional success. They
show the imbecility and distress of our enemies, and will only change
the detestation of America into utter contempt.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
I am obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr Hartley’s
insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other persons as he may
suppose he can influence in this country. I doubt that he finds easier
access to you, than he will surely find with us; and I can assure you,
that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he may wish to
inspire us with.
I conclude, being obliged to attend the Council, requesting you to
accept of the assurances of the perfect respect, with which I have the
honor, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
No declaration of war in Germany or England. All things are preparing
for it. Count d’Estaing had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last
month, contrary winds having prevented his passing the Straits. About
thirty sail of the line are assembled at Spithead, under Admiral
Keppel, but are not yet in a state for action. They are arraying their
militia, and the chief object of their attention now seems to be their
own defence. As far as I can judge, the King and his Ministers are not
now sincere in their propositions, even such as they are, of peace and
accommodation.
I have not yet obtained any light on Folger’s affairs. The enclosed
copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes will show you the train in
which I have put the inquiry. But I have reason to apprehend, that
persons are concerned, who will have address enough to frustrate it.
The blank paper substituted for the letters taken should be preserved,
and compared with the paper of all the letters received by the
same vessel. Some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr Deane and Mr
Carmichael should be examined, and their accounts transmitted here to
be compared with those of others.
Spain and the German powers are yet undecided with regard to us. I do
not think our enemies will succeed with Holland. We shall endeavor to
establish a fund for the purposes you desire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. By the banker’s accounts it appears, that
the following sums were paid from December, 1776, to March, 1778, to
the private disposition of the Commissioners.
| |
Livres. |
| To Dr Franklin, |
65,956 3 13 |
| To Silas Deane, |
113,004 12 13 |
| To Arthur Lee, |
68,846 2 16 |
In my sum is included the additional expense of my
journies to Spain and Germany.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
York, May 14th, 1778.
Sir,
Your several favors of October 6th, November 27th, and December 8th,
were delivered to us on the 2d instant, the despatches by Mr Deane
and those by Captain Young arriving on the same day. We had before
received your short letter of the 1st of June, but are yet without
that of the 29th of July, in which you had informed us “at large of
your proceedings in Prussia.” Its contents would have proved highly
agreeable to us in these months, when we were quite uninformed of the
proceedings and prospects of your colleagues at Paris. Impressed with
the sense of the value of the King of Prussia’s “warmest wishes for
our success,” we give assurances of equal wishes in Congress for that
monarch’s prosperity. We have little doubt of open testimonies of his
Majesty’s friendship in consequence of the late decision of the king of France.
Your information in regard to our connexion with the fictitious house
of Roderique Hortalez & Co. is more explicit, than any we had
before received, but we further expect that all mystery should be
removed. Surely there cannot now be occasion for any, if there ever was
for half of the past. Our commercial transactions will very speedily be
put under the direction of a Board consisting of persons not members
of Congress, it being impracticable for the same men to conduct the
deliberative and executive business of the Continent now in its great
increase. It has been next to impossible to make remittances for many
months from the staple Colonies, their coasts having been constantly
infested by numerous and strong cruisers of the enemy. We hope the
alliance of maritime powers with us will remove our embarrassments, and
give us opportunity to carry into effect our hearty wishes to maintain
the fairest commercial reputation.
There will be great impropriety in our making a different settlement
for the supplies received from Spain, from that which we make in regard
to those received from France. We are greatly obliged to the friends,
who have exerted themselves for our relief, and we wish you to signify
our gratitude upon every proper opportunity. But having promised to
make remittances to the house of Hortalez & Co. for the
prime cost, charges, interest and usual mercantile commission upon
whatever is justly due to that house, we must keep the same line
with Messrs Gardoqui. On the one hand, we would not willingly give
disgust by slighting princely generosity, nor on the other submit to
unnecessary obligations.
The unanimity with which Congress has ratified the treaties with
France, and the general glad acceptance of the alliance by the people
of these States, must shock Great Britain, who seems to have thought
no cruelty from her would destroy our former great partiality in her
favor. What plan she will adopt in consequence of her disappointment,
time only can discover. But we shall aim to be in a posture, either to
negotiate honorable peace, or continue this just war.
We stand in need of the advice and assistance of all our friends in the
matter of finance, as the quantity of our paper currency necessarily
emitted has produced a depreciation, which will be ruinous if not
speedily checked. We have encouraging accounts of the temper of the
Hollanders of late, and expect that we may find relief from that
quarter among others.
A few weeks, if not a few days, must produce fruitful subject for
another letter, when we shall, in our line of duty, renew our
assurances of being, with great regard,
Sir, your affectionate humble servants,
RICHARD H. LEE,
JAMES LOVELL,
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 23d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
In consequence of your despatches by my colleague, Mr Adams, I lost no
moment to press the renewal of the order for the supplying you with
such stores as you want, and as that country affords, from the Court
of Spain. I have the satisfaction to inform you that such orders are
given, and I am assured will be carried into execution as speedily as possible.
We mean to apply for the loan desired to the monied men of Holland, and
in my particular department, I shall endeavor to take the favorable
opportunity of the arrival of the flotilla to urge the same in Spain.
War is not begun in Germany or Great Britain; but it seems to be inevitable.
I have sent orders to all the ports in France and Spain to communicate
the account of the sailing of a fleet of thirteen ships from England
against America, to all the captains who sail for the United States or
the French islands. This I conceived would be the most certain means of
communicating the alarm, and preventing surprise.
The ministry here are also to convey a letter from us, by every
opportunity, to the same purpose.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 1st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The hurry in which the last despatches went away, prevented me from
being so particular about them as I wished. Nos. 7, 8 and 9 were
omitted, being newspapers, and too voluminous for the conveyance. M.
Monthieu’s papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon
us, and the grounds of them. You will see that they are accounts,
which Mr Deane ought to have settled. It is this sort of neglect, and
a studied confusion, that have prevented Mr Adams and myself, after a
tedious examination of the papers left with Dr Franklin, from getting
any satisfaction as to the expenditure of the public money. All that we
can find is, that millions have been expended, and almost everything
remains to be paid for. Bargains have been made of the most extravagant
kind with this Mr Monthieu and others. For example, the uniforms that
are agreed for at thirtyseven livres might have been had here for
thirtytwo livres each, and equally good, which, being five livres in
every suit too much, comes to a large sum upon thousands.
Of the 100,000 livres advanced to Mr Hodge, there appears no account. I
have been told that Cunningham’s vessel cost but three thousand pounds
sterling; for what purpose the overplus was given to Mr Hodge, how the
public came to pay for her refitting, and at length the vessel and
her prize money made over to Mr Ross and Mr Hodge, without a farthing
being brought to public account, it rests with Mr Deane or Mr Hodge
to explain. I have enclosed you all the receipts found among those
papers, the sending of which has been neglected. Of the triplicates and
duplicates an original is sent, and copies of those that are single.
You will see that my name is not to the contracts. In fact they were
concealed from me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my
knowing how these affairs were conducted; and as both my colleagues
concurred in this concealment, and in refusing my repeated requests to
make up accounts and transmit them to Congress, it was not in my power
to know with accuracy, much less to prevent, this system of profusion.
I was told that Mr Williams, to whom I knew the public money was
largely intrusted, was to furnish his accounts monthly, but they were
never shown me, and it now appears, that for the expenditure of a
million of livres he has given no account as yet, nor can we learn how
far what he has shipped is on the public, how far on private account.
We are in the same situation with regard to Mr Ross. This indulgence
to Mr Williams,[34]
and favoring M. Chaumont, a particular friend of Dr Franklin, is the
only reason I can conceive for the latter having countenanced and
concurred in all this system. You will see a specimen of the manner of
it in the enclosed copy of a letter from Dr Franklin to his nephew,
which the latter sent me as an authority for his doing what the
commercial agent conceived to be encroaching on his province. I have
done my utmost to discharge my duty to the public, in preventing
the progress of this disorder and dissipation in the conduct of its
affairs. If it should be found that my colleagues have done the same, I
shall most cordially forgive them the offence and injury so repeatedly
offered me in the manner of it. I do not wish to accuse them, but
excuse myself; and I should have felt as much happiness in preventing,
as I have regret in complaining of this abuse.[35]
The appearance of things between this country and Great Britain, and
the Emperor and the King of Prussia, has been so long hostile, without
an open rupture, that it is not easy to say when either war will begin.
The King of Prussia has found it so necessary to cultivate the aid of
Hanover, Hesse, Brunswick, &c. that he has declined receiving your
deputy, or following the example of France as he promised. It remains
therefore to try the Empress, who, independent of the present crisis,
was much less inclined to our cause. It seems to be the settled system
of northern politics, that if a war should happen, the Empress of
Russia will assist the King of Prussia, as far as the Porte will permit her.
In this country, the appointment of Marechal de Broglio commander of
the army on the sea coast, and the Duc de Chartres, son to the Duc
d’Orleans and Prince of the blood, going on board the fleet at Brest,
announce designs of some dignity and magnitude.
I am of opinion, with our colleague Mr Adams, that it would be better
for the public, that the appointment of your public ministers were
fixed, instead of being left at large, and their expenses indefinite.
From experience I find the expense of living in that character cannot
well be less than three thousand pounds sterling a year, which I
believe too is as little as is allowed to any public minister above
the rank of a consul. If left at liberty, I conceive that most persons
will exceed this sum. Neither do I perceive any adequate advantage to
be expected from having more than one person at each Court. When things
take a more settled form, there will be little need of that check,
which is the chief utility of it at present.
The mixing powers too, and vesting them in several persons at the
same time, give ground for disputes, which are disgraceful as well
as detrimental to the public. This has been much experienced in the
case of the commercial agents, and the agent of the Commissioners,
who have been clashing and contesting till the public business was
almost entirely at a stand. For the present, however, we have settled
this matter, by directing all commercial business to be put into the
hands of those appointed by the commercial agent, till the pleasure of
Congress is known.
Two more ships have been lately sent to Newfoundland, and two to the
Mediterranean, which, with thirteen detached under Admiral Byron to
reinforce Lord Howe, leave seventeen of the line and eight frigates
for Admiral Keppel, and these very ill manned. I have exceeding good
information, that their plan of operations for America is as follows.
General Howe is to evacuate Philadelphia, sending five thousand of his
troops and two ships of war to Quebec; the rest of the troops with
the fleet are to return to Halifax, where the latter being joined by
Admiral Byron will, it is presumed, maintain a superiority in those
seas over the allied fleet.
I wrote you before, that the lowest estimate given to the English
Ministry for the defence of Canada was eight thousand men, and that
their actual force there was about four thousand; the five thousand
added will, in their opinion, be sufficient, with their superiority
at sea, for its protection. I cannot learn that any but some German
recruits are to be sent out this year, and from the situation of things
they are more likely to recall a great part of their troops, than to
reinforce them.
Our friends in Spain have promised to remit me 150,000 livres more,
which I shall continue to vest in supplies that may be useful to you.
I hope, in consequence of what I formerly wrote, to have the express
order of Congress relative to the line they would choose to fix between
the territories of the United States, and those of the crown of Spain.
The privileges to be enjoyed by the subjects of the United States,
settling for the purposes of commerce, and the regulation of port
duties, remain yet to be settled in both nations. But I foresee that if
they are left unregulated, they will be the source of complaints and disagreements.
The flotilla is not yet in port, which retards the operations in
Europe. I could have wished that the great object of having a superior
naval force in America, had not been left to the uncertain issue on
which it was placed by other advice than mine. Had the Brest and Toulon
fleets, which were equally ready, been ordered to sail at the same
time, that which met immediately with favorable winds to go on, and the
other to return, one of them would probably have been upon your coast
before this time, that is, before the English fleet could possibly have
sailed to reinforce and save Lord Howe; and as having a superior force
in America was the great object, together with that of taking the Howes
by surprise, they should have made as sure of this aim as possible.
And indeed, had it been executed with address, the war would have been ended.
M. Penet has proposed to me the collecting and carrying over a number
of workmen to establish a foundery of cannon, and a manufactory of
small arms. It is to be at his expense, under the protection of
Congress. As this seems to me much more likely to answer your purposes
than our sending them, I have ventured to give him my opinion, that
it will be acceptable to Congress. We have found such a universal
disposition here to deceive us in their recommendations, that it is ten
to one, if workmen chosen by us in such a circumstance were skilful.
The disposition in Holland seems to be favorable to us, but I apprehend
it is not warm enough to produce any decided proof of it, till they see
Great Britain more enfeebled. M. Dumas has published a Memoir I sent
him on the subject, which he thinks will have some effect.
With my humble duty to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO M. DUMAS.
Chaillot, June 4th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
It gave me great pleasure to receive the key to the treasure you sent
us before in Dutch, my unacquaintance with which having prevented me
from knowing how much I was obliged to you, for the improvement made in
the little essay I had the honor of sending to you. Felix faustumque
sit. May it open the eyes of your people to their own interests,
before a universal bankruptcy in England, and a compelled frugality in
America, have deprived them of the golden opportunity of extricating
themselves from bad debtors, and connecting themselves with good ones.
So fair an opportunity of sharing in the most valuable commerce on the
globe, will never again present itself; and, indeed, they are greatly
obliged to the noble and disinterested principles of the Court of
France, which prevented this country from attempting to possess itself
of the monopoly, which Great Britain had forfeited. In truth, they were
great and wise principles, and the connexion formed upon them will be
durable. France, and the rest of Europe, can never pay too large a
tribute of praise to the wisdom of The Most Christian King, and his
Ministers, in this transaction.
You are happy in having the esteem and counsel of the Grand Facteur,
who seems to have equal good sense and good intentions. Our enemies
seem embarrassed in their operations. As far as we can learn, their
fleet has not yet sailed for America to save the Howes from the fate
that hangs over them. We have no intelligence on which we can rely.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
My last of the 1st, informed you of Admiral Byron, with thirteen sail,
being ordered against you, of which we sent notice by every way most
likely to warn the States of their danger.
We have now certain advice, that this fleet having put into Plymouth is
there stopped, their remaining fleet being found too weak to protect
them at home. I enclose you a late account of their force and the
disposal of it; and nothing seems more certain, than that the naval and
land force now employed against you will be diminished, not augmented.
However, I have now settled such means of intelligence, that you will
be apprized if any alteration should happen.
All our intelligence announces the utmost confusion in Great Britain
and Ireland; such as will infallibly find them employment at home,
independent of France and Spain. Their councils are so fluctuating in
consequence of the variety of their distress, that advices of them
cannot be given with certainty; that is, without being frequently
subject to appear premature.
The British Ministry have agreed to an exchange of prisoners with us,
by which we shall immediately release upwards of 200.
War is not commenced in Germany, but is talked of as inevitable.
The deputy of Congress for Vienna is at his destination to feel the
disposition of that Court. But I understand, that their attention is
so engaged with the approaching war, that other propositions proceed
slowly. As the King of Prussia contends against the Empress and the
House of Austria, in maintenance of the treaty of Westphalia, which is
the great bulwark of German rights, it is therefore necessary, that he
should league himself with the German Princes, among whom the King of
Great Britain, as elector of Hanover, bears so much sway, that he could
not hazard the turning his influence against him by entering into an
alliance with us. To cultivate and encourage the favorable disposition
towards us in Holland, we have sent them the treaty concluded here, and
we shall follow it by proposals for a loan, as soon as Dr Franklin (to
whom the digesting of the plan, and having the proposed bills printed,
is left) has prepared the business for execution.
Mr Williams has at length given in his accounts, from which it appears,
that upwards of forty thousand suits of the soldiers’ clothes ordered,
and twenty thousand fusils, have been sent from Nantes and Bordeaux;
and the present exhausted state of our finances will not permit us
to fulfil them further. The ships of war sent hither are an enormous
expense to us; hardly any of them less than 100,000 livres, and things
have been hitherto so managed, that their prizes produce us little or
nothing. This seems to have arisen from the variety of agents employed,
the confusion of their provinces, and the loose manner in which the
public accounts have been kept. To remedy this, we have to simplify
the business of expenditure, by directing the whole to be discharged
by the two deputy commercial agents appointed by my brother, in the
interval of his negotiation in Germany. By this we expect to avoid the
infinite impositions arising from a connexion with a multiplicity of
merchants, many of whom, supposing us to know no better, will endeavor
to deceive us. They, as merchants, know how to check the others, and
are themselves ultimately responsible to us.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, June 14th, 1778.
Sir,
It was with great pleasure I heard the explanation, which your
Excellency did me the honor to give me yesterday relative to the 12th
article of the Commercial Treaty; that it was meant to comprehend
only provisions, and not the whole of our exports to his Majesty’s
Islands, and that denrées, the word employed, signifies eatables,
not merchandise. It relieved the apprehensions I had entertained, that
the having set in that article the whole of our produce against one of
your productions would seem unequal, would therefore give uneasiness
in Congress, and prevent that unanimity in their approbation of the
treaty, which the wise and liberal principles on which it is planned
deserve; and which I most sincerely wished it might receive.
Upon referring, however, to the words of the treaty, I find they are
denrées et marchandise, so that the words appear, by I know not
what accident, to have been different from, and to mean more than you
intended. I lament extremely that nothing of this explanation passed
in our conference and correspondence with M. Gerard on this and the
preceding article. Yet I am not without hope, that Congress will
rather trust to the equity of your Court for reducing the article to
its intended equality, than gratify our enemies by an appearance of
dissension in ratifying the treaties.
Reciprocity and equality being the principles of the treaties, and
duration the object, your Excellency will, in my judgment, have an
opportunity of strengthening the confidence and ties between us,
by offering to remove words of a latitude not intended, and of an
inequality, which must be seen and create dissatisfaction.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, June 15th, 1778.
Sir,
I received with pleasure the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me yesterday. We shall not be long probably before we receive
news from your constituents, and their judgment of the act which you
signed here in conjunction with your colleagues. Should they demand
any eclaircissements, we shall not refuse to make them. You know our
principles, and I think we have given proofs of our disinterestedness.
I see with pleasure, Sir, that you are satisfied with the proofs of the
Prince de Montbaray’s zeal in procuring you the articles you requested
from him.[36]
You will always find us disposed to do everything, that
may concern the welfare of the United States of America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I find I was mistaken in saying in my last, of the 9th, that twenty
thousand fusils had been shipped from Nantes and Bordeaux; upwards of
ten thousand remain unshipped, at Nantes. Upon the strength of the
promised remittance from our friends in Spain, and near one hundred
thousand remaining in my hands, I have desired the Gardoquis to
continue shipping blankets and strong shoes from Bilboa; twenty
thousand livres worth of drugs, and salt to be shipped by Mr Cathatan
of Marseilles; a thousand suits of soldiers’ clothes from Bordeaux,
by Mr Bonfield; and six hundred fusils, of the Prussian make, from
Berlin, that you may judge on arming a corps with them whether they are
preferable to others.
My brother writes me from Vienna in a late letter, that Colonel Faucit
is using the utmost endeavors to raise German recruits; but from the
present state of things, I do not imagine he can succeed; and the
North, that is Russia and Denmark, are not likely to give our enemies
any assistance. As far as I can judge, their efforts against us, except
a sort of piratical war, are exhausted. The same ministry continues.
The House of Bourbon is certainly united against them. They have the
same imbecility of council. Their enemies increase in proportion
to the diminution of their means. The decay of their commerce, the
distress of their people, the rapacity of their public officers, and
the load of their debt and taxes, promise soon to bring upon them the
most deplorable distress, and prevent them from being any longer a
formidable enemy.
The flotilla is not yet arrived. The enclosed copies of Captain Jones’
letters, and one[37]
from the majority of his crew, make me apprehend, that the Ranger will
share the fate of the Revenge. We have done all in our power to bring
him and his officers into order, but hitherto in vain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 1st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you some extracts, by which you will see, that war is not yet
declared, though on all hands it appears to be fast approaching.
The Spanish flotilla is not yet arrived, nor their fleet from South
America. Since my last, a French frigate of twentysix guns was attacked
by an English frigate of twentyeight, off Brest, and after an obstinate
engagement the latter made off, and soon after sunk! This has given
great spirits to the French marine and nation, and is more especially
fortunate, as the English were the aggressors. Admiral Keppel is before
Brest, with twentythree sail of the line, where I believe he will not
remain long unattacked. Permission is given to French subjects to
fit out privateers; and orders are sent to all the ports to prepare
our prizes to be sold. From London, the Ministry have offered us an
exchange of prisoners, which we are taking the necessary measures
to embrace.
By some unaccountable neglect the person, to whom Dr Franklin committed
the printing of the bills resolved on for the loan, has not furnished
them, so that nothing further is yet done in that business. But I
hope you will soon have news of its further progress, and that some
event will happen to furnish us with a very favorable moment for
its execution.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Mr Lee presents his respects to his Excellency
Count d’Aranda, and begs he will have the goodness to forward the
packet, addressed to Count de Florida Blanca, which he has the honor of
enclosing him, and which is on business of the last importance, by the
first opportunity to his Court.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, July 18th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency the enclosed
resolutions of Congress,[38]
with my most earnest prayer, that they may be laid immediately before
the King. Nothing but the uncommon exigency of the present war,
attended with such peculiar circumstances with regard to the United
States, would prevail upon them to press so much upon his Majesty’s
goodness. That necessity must also plead my pardon for entreating your
Excellency to let me have as early an answer as possible. As the United
States have the highest confidence in the friendship of the King, they
promise themselves that his goodness will afford this loan as a relief
to their most urgent distresses. With regard to the interest for the
quantum of that, they refer themselves to his Majesty’s justice. Five
per cent is the legal interest with them, but I am authorised to give
six, if his Majesty should desire it.
This interest will be most punctually paid; and they will neglect
no means of liquidating the principle, if desired, sooner than the
stipulated time, which will be easily accomplished, when peace or some
other employment of the enemy’s navy than that of preying upon their
trade will permit the export of their produce to European markets.
Your Excellency will perceive, that this loan is appropriated to
sinking the paper money, which necessity obliged Congress to issue. An
infant and unprepared people, compelled to defend themselves against an
old, opulent, powerful, and well appointed nation, were driven to this
resource of issuing paper. They were to create armies and navies, to
fortify towns, erect forts, defend rivers, and establish governments,
besides the immense expense of maintaining a war, that pressed them
powerfully on all sides. For these purposes they had neither funds
established, taxes imposed, specie in their country, nor commerce to
introduce it. In this exigency paper money was their only resource,
and not having been able hitherto for the same reasons to redeem it,
the depreciation, which necessarily followed, threatens the total
destruction of their credit, and consequently their only means of
maintaining their independence.
In this distress their hope is fixed upon his Majesty, and I most
earnestly beseech your Excellency so to represent our situation to the
King, as may move his royal benevolence to furnish the relief, which
will raise an everlasting tribute of gratitude in the minds of the
people of the United States.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency’s
most obedient, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 29th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you a duplicate of the news of an engagement between the
fleets of France and England. The particulars received since make
the loss on board the French fleet very inconsiderable, and paint
the behavior of the English to have been inexpert and dastardly. The
repulsing them in the first engagement will probably lead to the
defeating them in the next, for which purpose the fleet of our allies
will go out in a few days.
The Empress and Emperor seem at length sensible of the impropriety of
their conduct, and in consequence a truce for six weeks is agreed on,
to give time for negotiation to prevent the effusion of blood.
The quadruplicate of the ratification reached us on the 3d in safety,
as all the rest have done. The answer of Congress to the Commissioners
was immediately sent to the ministers, and will, I am persuaded, give great satisfaction.
It has been forgotten, I believe, to mention both in our joint and
particular letters, that we have attended to the plan proposed by
the Committee of sending the frigates to cruise in the East Indies,
and upon considering all things it seemed to us impracticable at
present. Better order must be established in our marine, and the ships’
companies better sorted, before it will be safe to attempt enterprises
at such a distance, and which require a certain extent of ideas in the
Captain, and entire obedience in the crew.
The authority of Congress for omitting the 11th and 12th articles of
the Commercial Treaty, which was omitted in the other despatches, came
safe in the last, and will be presented immediately to the minister,
who has already agreed to have them expunged.
I enclose you our letter, and Mr Hodge’s answer, concerning the money
expended at Dunkirk, together with a particular account of what he has
received from the public banker.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 13th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
My last respects went to you under the 23d ult. and referring you to
my sequels with regard to your desires of me in money matters, I must
beg leave to inform you, that the proposal you have made for borrowing
money through the hands of a nobleman at your place is received, and
that your being served therewith would give your friends on this side a
real pleasure, but I am sorry to tell you, that it is impossible for
the present. You will please to observe and consider upon the immense
charges occasioned within these two or three years, and that all is
done merely on account of your present quarrel, as likewise that such
formidable preparations have been and will still be of infinite service
to the Americans; besides which, it is well known to yourself, and
more so to your worthy constituents, that great succors have been sent
forthwith through various channels, and that the same is continued to
this day, and will be so in future as much as possible.
In short, it is not doubted but you will represent the whole to your
constituents, looking upon all in its true light, and observing that if
affairs should be accommodated to their satisfaction and that of this
side, the means of succoring you would be facilitated.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 20th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I confirm my last compliments to you under the 13th inst, wherein I
observed how difficult it would be to borrow the two millions sterling
here, under the present circumstances, more especially while the
enormous charges and fitting out of vessels are carried on merely
to protect your colonies, which are besides assisted with effective
succors, and will be so in future as much as possible. Since my letter,
I have maturely considered upon the matter, and it has occurred to me,
that if your government means by it to take up all the paper that has
been laid out, perhaps the cession of Florida to Spain, (in case you
could reduce it,) might at the conclusion of peace produce, if not the
whole, at least a great part of the funds required.
You will no doubt consider, that I cannot penetrate the way of thinking
of our Court in this and other entangled matters, but judging like a
merchant, I think a negotiation of this kind might well take place, for
I imagine it would be proper for both, that the frontier in question
should not remain in future in the hands of enemies or suspicious
powers. There is, besides, a further negotiation which might be added
to the great benefit of your States and this Court, and that is,
your providing this kingdom with good timber for the Spanish navy at
commodious prices.
I hope, Sir, you will excuse my liberty in pointing out these hints,
to which I am led by the honest principle of friendship, and by the
wished for view that the interest of both countries may be united upon
a sincere and lasting footing; therefore I hope you will weigh the same
as you may think more convenient, observing that I suppose you will not
propose it to our Court, before you know how the honorable Congress
thinks upon both objects.
I am with unfeigned esteem, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 21st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I wrote you on the 28th ult. of my having pressed for the loan directed
by Congress. I have received an assurance through the Ambassador, that
an answer will be given to my memorial as soon as possible.
I enclose you a memorial for the consideration of Congress, as we do
not think ourselves authorised to act upon it without express orders.
Could one be sure, that justice would be done to the public, it might
be of advantage to adopt this scheme, for Congress must not trust to
the success of a loan, which, for the following reasons, I apprehend
will be found impracticable.
The war in Germany supervening on that between us and Great Britain,
and the preparations for it by France and Spain, have raised and
multiplied the demand for money, so as to give the holders of it their
choice and their price. The Empress Queen has engrossed every shilling
in the Netherlands. England has drawn large sums from the Hollanders,
who cannot easily quit their former market. France is negotiating a
loan of one hundred million livres, which will exhaust Geneva and
Switzerland. The money holders regard the lending their money at such a
distance, as Jacob did the sending Benjamin into Egypt, and it is time
only will make them endure the thought of such a separation.
These are the difficulties which the circumstances of things oppose
to our scheme of a loan, and render the aid of some other operation
necessary for sinking the superabundant paper.
The Minister’s answer relative to M. Holker was, that he had no
authority from this Court, but on this our joint letter I expect
will be more full. I have determined to write to you once a month or
oftener, as opportunity offers, and as we do not write so frequently,
I am tempted to mention things which should properly come from all
the Commissioners, as they relate to the joint commission.
From the necessity of the case we have ventured to administer the oath
of allegiance to those who desire passports of us, but I hope Congress
will authorise their Commissioners to do so where it is necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, August 27th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yesterday your favor of the 13th. If I remember rightly what
made me delay writing to you relative to the bills was my desire of
informing you, at the same time, of their being accepted; and it was
long before I could learn that myself, from the manner in which they
were drawn. I am very sorry it did you any disservice.
I am neither unmindful of, nor ungrateful for, the support we have
received from your quarter. The inevitable necessity, which compelled
an application for more, gave me great uneasiness. I was sensible the
sum desired was very considerable. But so are our wants. It is our
misfortune, not our fault, that we are obliged thus to trouble and
distress our friends. I trust they will consider it in that light.
There is nothing more precarious and immeasureable than what influences
public credit. The sum sought would have enabled Congress to call in
such a quantity of the paper emitted, as must establish the credit
and value of the rest in defiance of all the efforts of our enemies.
And I think that if our friends could lend us even as much as would
constitute a fund here, on which Congress might draw, so as to call in
at once one or two million dollars, it would greatly raise the value of
the rest. This would require about eight or ten million livres.
When it is seen that the redemption is begun, hopes and expectations
will be raised, and credit grow upon them. But emitting more, without
redeeming any, makes people think that no redemption is intended, and
consequently produces doubts and discredit.
It is long ago that I foresaw, and I had the honor of stating it at
Burgos, the necessity of providing for the support of our funds, or
rather funds themselves, by the assistance of our friends in Europe.
I will venture to say, that one million sterling, furnished in this
manner, would have been a more effectual aid than all the preparations
that have or can be made, unless they go to actual hostilities. Have
these preparations prevented twelve ships of the line from being
sent on our coasts to augment enormously that naval force, which was
already sufficient to stop our commerce and prevent us from sending
our produce to procure funds in Europe? When we argue against facts we
deceive ourselves. The fact then is, that these preparations, however
formidable, have had so little effect, that though our enemies were
hardly a match for France alone at sea, they ventured, in the face of
those preparations, to despatch a powerful fleet against us. Some how
or other they did not believe those preparations were meant against
them. Have they been deceived in the event? Has their temerity been
chastised as it deserved? Has the fleet of Spain joined that of France
to crush at one blow their divided naval power? I do not mean to
question the goodness of the reasons for this; I mean only to state the
fact. I mean to show too that it is not extraordinary, that we should
desire other aid than that which, however well intended, does not
effectually operate to the relief intended. It is our necessity, not
our choice, that speaks. To make a diversion in our favor was
benevolent, to send us clothing for troops and naval stores was
generous and friendly, but if that diversion has not hindered our
commerce from being obstructed by powerful fleets, if the utter
discredit of our money for want of funds prevents soldiers, sailors,
and others from engaging in our service, and exposes our country to
the cruel depredations and devastations of an enraged enemy, can our
friends think hardly of us, if we press them for that assistance which
only can relieve our distress?
There is a passage in your letter, which, as I suppose it was not
inadvertently inserted, I will give my opinion upon fully. It is “that
if affairs should be accommodated to your and our satisfaction, the
means of succoring us would be facilitated.” There is nothing we wish
more than such an accommodation, consistent with our engagements and
our future security. I can assure you, that no people are more averse
to war than those of the United States. Were peace once established
upon wise principles, leaving us such neighbors as the Spaniards,
whose fair and unencroaching dispositions would prevent any attempts
to disturb us, I do not see any reason to suppose we should ever be
engaged in a foreign war. A war of ambition I am sure we shall never
have. No people were ever more sensible of the value of peace, or more
disposed to enjoy themselves and let others enjoy in tranquillity the
fruits of their labor.
We are a young people, and have had fourteen civil governments to
settle during the heat and pressure of a violent war, accompanied
with every possible circumstance, that could augment the expense and
difficulty usually attending a state of warfare. It is in this moment
of distress, that our real friends will show themselves in enabling us
to prevent those calamities, which, though they cannot subdue, will
yet injure us infinitely. Our industry, were peace and commerce once
established, would soon enable us to repay them, and they would be sure
of a gratitude more lively and lasting.
Be so good as to assure our friends, that I have not omitted, nor shall
I omit the smallest circumstance of their friendship and generosity,
which has passed through me. I hope for a speedy and favorable answer
to transmit to my constituents.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 31st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
It has been hinted to me, that there will be two important subjects of
negotiation with the Spanish Court, upon which I beg to have the orders
of Congress.
1st. Providing the Spanish navy with masts at a stipulated and as
reasonable a price as possible.
2d. The cession of Florida, should it be conquered, to them.
For this they would stipulate, whenever peace is concluded, to furnish
the funds for redeeming all, or a great part of the paper.
I cannot presume to proceed at all on these propositions without
express instructions. In the meantime, whatever further lights I can
obtain shall be communicated immediately.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, September 1st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the 20th ult. last night, and will trouble
you in addition to what I wrote on the 27th. It depends on your side
to begin a treaty, of which, what you mention must be a part. I have
already signified my powers and my readiness to do my part, without
receiving any answer. My powers by commission are full, and the
ratification confirms them specially. Neither my constituents nor
myself will be found unwilling to make every reasonable return for any
aid given us. There are no neighbors we could prefer to you.
By the last accounts from America, the British army and fleet, after a
bloody battle in the Jerseys, were blocked up in New York by General
Washington and Count d’Estaing.
It is not improbable they may be forced to surrender before they are released.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you copies of the accounts, bills of lading, &c. of the
articles, which I before informed you I should direct to be shipped,
and which I pay for out of the funds intrusted to me alone. The only
error I find in them is the charge of five per cent commission, which I
shall endeavor to have rectified. It will be easy to compare the
uniforms at 32 livres, with those furnished by Mr Monthieu at 37
livres, according to Mr Deane’s contract, and which Mr Williams
reported to us ought to have been rejected; a report, which was
concealed from me, as well as the contract.
I have before informed you of my having received remittances in bills,
to the amount of 187,500 livres. As I knew it would not be necessary
to expend this sum sooner than three months, I thought it better to
get interest for it for that time, than let it lie idle. The enclosed
receipt will show you, that I have succeeded with the first bill that
was due, but I doubt if it will be practicable with the rest.
It may be proper to inform you, that I have dismissed my former
secretary, Major Thornton, because it was verified to me, that he
had received from Mr Wharton a note of hand for five hundred pounds,
payable on war taking place in such a time. This afforded so strong
a suspicion, that they who are now his accusers had seduced him into
this gambling society, and probably for the purpose of betraying my
secrets in the Spanish negotiation, that I thought it prudent to supply
his place with another, and have chosen the Rev. Hezekiah Ford, of
the State of Virginia, and chaplain to the 3d and 5th regiments of
North Carolina troops, in the service of the United States. We have
administered to him an oath of secrecy and fidelity, which from his
character I have every reason to believe he will religiously observe.
The present moment is as totally barren of news, as times of the most
perfect tranquillity.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, September 28th, 1778.
Sir,
A severe illness, which almost reduced me to the last, has prevented
my giving you punctual answers to your favors down to the 1st instant;
but embracing the first moments of my recovery, I have to say, that I
am afraid I did not explain my sentiments clearly in my last. The hints
given you were purely mine, and as a friend who wishes the best to
both, in order that you might make use of them as you thought proper,
and of course I cannot say anything about your powers and treaties,
being things out of my way, with which it would be improper for me to
meddle. I wish most heartily, that things may be accommodated happily
for both parties, so I pray consider this as such, as I should be
sorry, that hints given you without either design or authority should
be thought otherwise, or meet with results of consequence.
In this same light, and as a sincere friend, who wishes the best
intelligence between your constituents and this side, I have now
to add, that the capture of the Swedish ship, the Henrica Sofia,
Captain P. Held, loaded with Spanish property, and bound from London
to Teneriffe, by Captain Cunningham of the Revenge privateer, has
occasioned the utmost disgust on this side. I would, therefore,
recommend to you not only the immediate release of said vessel, but
likewise to give the strictest orders to said Cunningham to pay more
regard to the territories of this Kingdom, and to the Spanish flag, for
there has been such complaints about his conduct, that I hear orders
have been sent to the several ports to prevent his entry; besides
which, there are rumors, that he is not properly an American privateer,
being manned by French adventurers, who, with their commander, have
acted contrary to the law of nations.
Some of my friends, with whom I tried to raise a sum for you, desire
to know the length of time you want it, the interest you will allow,
and whether you will pay said interest in tobacco, and at what price it
will be reckoned in Bilboa, with all other particulars that may offer
to you; so I wish you to let me know, if agreeable, that I may let them
see it, observing, that I judge we may raise a part, though not the two
million of livres, which you desired of me; I would also know whether
you will want the money in France or Spain.
I am with sincere esteem, your most obedient humble servant,
JAMES GARDOQUI.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, September 28th, 1778.
Sir,
I had the honor of your Excellency’s letter of the 23d. I should not
trouble you with an answer, did it not appear to me necessary to
show, that the blame it imputes to me is by no means merited. For
that purpose your Excellency will permit me to remind you of what is
the fact, that I was not present when the conversation relative to
M. Holker, to which your Excellency refers passed between you and my
colleagues. I imagine too it arose accidentally, as the intention
of conversing on that subject was not communicated to me.
With regard to the duties, my knowledge of them arose from a
transaction of my own as Commissioner for Spain, in which my colleagues
had no concern. I have always been so sensible of the impropriety of
one Commissioner acting, or being acted with, for the whole, in what
regards their deputation here, as scrupulously to avoid setting the
example. Therefore I entirely agree with your Excellency, that such a
precedent should never be permitted.
It was not my intention to make any complaint about the duties, which
were probably imposed for wise purposes, but to offer my opinion
to your Excellency of what I conceived might be beneficial to that
union, which my connexion and myself have always been most zealous in
advising, and for the permanency of which, it is therefore natural that
I should be particularly anxious.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 30th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Since I wrote you the 9th of this month, no step has been taken
either by our enemies or allies of moment enough to advise you of; nor
has any material event happened in Europe, insomuch that times of the
profoundest peace could not possibly be more barren. This arises from
the general reluctance to war, which, though all are preparing for, no
one seems to desire. The fate of this campaign with you will determine
whether we shall have immediate offers of peace or continuance of war.
If their fleets and armies maintain their ground, or gain any advantage,
they will continue the war, and wait for something in the chapter of
accidents, which is the sole resource of the Ministers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, October 6th, 1778.
Sir,
I have not had the pleasure of any answer from you to mine of the 22d
of August. I am afraid that the total silence of your friends about
taking an open part with us, when all the impediments, which you know
were stated, are removed, will make bad impressions on the minds of my
countrymen, and transfer all their gratitude to those who have declared
in their favor. And this more especially, as one of the English
Commissioners, Governor Johnstone, had pledged his honor publicly
to prove, that Spain disapproved of, and endeavored to prevent, the
declaration of France in our favor.
If to stop the effusion of human blood, and all the shocking calamities
attending a war like this, be worthy of a pious prince; if to prevent
the chances of war from having any influence in preventing the
dismemberment of the British Empire, and the humiliation of their pride
be an object worthy of a political prince; if to drive the English
immediately from America, and receive a portion of her independent
commerce, be an advantage to the crown and people of Spain, this is
the moment for its monarch to decide and enforce those events by an
immediate declaration of our independency, and an union of force, which
must be irresistible.
The last certain accounts from America announce preparations for an
assault upon Rhode Island, on the 16th of August. It was already
invested both by sea and land, and the enemy had been obliged to burn
several of their vessels, and among the rest one of twentysix guns.
The report is, that the Island is taken, for a confirmation of which we
wait with much anxiety. The loss of it would deprive the enemy of their
port for wintering their navy, and oblige them to abandon New York.
I hope to receive good tidings from you soon, and have the honor to be,
with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, October 12th, 1778.
Sir,
Your Excellency has seen in the separate and secret act, signed the
6th of February, 1778, that I am charged with full powers to conclude
a treaty with Spain. You are also acquainted with my having been in
Spain, and having had conferences with the Marquis de Grimaldi on this subject.
All the objections, which were then alleged against an immediate
declaration, are now removed. The consistency of our cause is
unquestionable. France is ready, and has actually declared. Their
treasure is safe, and the fleet from Buenos Ayres is in their harbors,
yet we do not see the least movement on their part towards realising
the hopes they gave us; but on the contrary such ostensible measures as
they have taken must certainly give encouragement to our enemies. That
Court has not thought proper to take the least notice of the
ratification of the separate and secret article, which I announced to
them. While we are therefore bound, they remain at liberty.
All this, Sir, gives me much uneasiness. I am apprehensive, that
Congress will not think this mode of acting very satisfactory; and
that the encouragement, that it must hold out to the Court of London,
will prolong this pernicious war, and make it cost us much more blood
and treasure than is necessary to tie the hands of our common enemy,
and establish effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence,
absolute and unlimited, of the United States.
In these very critical circumstances I must have recourse to the King
and to your Excellency. Our cause is common, and it is my wish to
conduct it by your experience, your lights, and your counsel, as to
the measure I am to take, whether it be to act or to wait. This would
always be my desire; but I consider it now as my duty; for it appears
to be the mutual sentiment of your Court and of Congress, that the
eventual treaty signed at Paris, the 6th of February, is now become
actual, permanent, and indissoluble. The first article of that treaty
says, “That if war should break out between France and Great Britain,
during the continuance of the present war between the United States
and Great Britain, his Majesty and the United States will make it a
common cause, and will aid each other with their mutual good offices,
counsels, and forces, according to the exigency of things, and as
becomes good and faithful allies.”
It is upon these principles, that I think it my duty to endeavor to
place upon an equal footing the interests of France, and those of the
United States; and therefore not to commence anything without the
concurrence of your Court. Upon the same principles, I flatter myself
with obtaining the aid and assistance of your wisdom and information,
as to the moment of commencing the measures to be taken, and the means
to be employed, with the Court of Spain.
I am persuaded, and always was so, that Great Britain cannot make
head for a year against the united counsels and force of the House of
Bourbon and the United States of America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, October 17th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me the 12th
instant. I have examined its contents with that attention, which is due
to the interest I take in every thing that respects the prosperity of
the United States, and it is my opinion, that you will act prudently in
suspending the measures you wish to take at the Court of Madrid, with
the view of ascertaining its principles and resolutions with regard to America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 19th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Our affairs in Holland, both as to the treaty and loan, are in a
promising state. The King of Naples and of Sicily has declared to us in
form, by his Ambassador here, that his ports are open to all vessels
belonging to the United States. As the success of our cause gains
ground daily in the opinion of mankind, I imagine this winter will
produce us some more declared friends among the European powers.
The enemy appears to have no system about continuing the war, or ending
it on the terms which Congress has marked out to them. A little success
in privateering, since the commencement of hostilities, has given a
momentary exhilaration to their depressed spirits; and the expectation
of a speedy peace, which is artfully circulated by Ministerial agents,
keeps them from entirely sinking.
I find by a specimen, which did not reach me until the goods were
shipped, that I have been most egregiously imposed upon in the fusils
sent from Berlin. I mean to complain of it to the king of Prussia’s
Minister, as it was the king’s contractor that furnished them by his
order. The impositions, that we daily meet with, are in consequence
of an opinion prevailing among individuals, that as we are not
acknowledged they may do it with impunity.
No movements yet on the part of Spain. I have consulted Count de
Vergennes on the propriety of my taking any measures to bring that
Court to a decision; his advice is in these words. “My opinion is, that
you will act prudently to suspend the advances, which you desire to
make to that Court, with the view of ascertaining its principles and
resolutions with regard to America.”
Agreeably to this advice, I shall wait the positive orders of Congress,
unless some change of circumstances should make it evidently prudent
and necessary for me to act before they arrive.
I beg my humble duty may be recommended to Congress, and have the honor
to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Chaillot, October 21st, 1778.
Sir,
Your Excellency had the goodness to write me on the 16th of January
last, in the following words. “As to the fusils and other arms of our
manufacture, you will have liberty to purchase them, and the bankers
Splittgerber, who have charge of the fabrication of arms, will be
instructed to deliver to you whatsoever may be demanded on your part.
I subjoin a note of the prices, which are the same as the king pays,
and add, that the fusils for the infantry may be had at a little lower
price, if regard is only had to the solidity of the work, without
insisting on that exact uniformity which the king requires.”
In consequence of this, I ordered eight hundred fusils for infantry,
of the best kind, from the Messrs Splittgerber, and paid them their own
price immediately. My intention was to arm a regiment, that the whole
army might judge of the superiority of the Prussian model. The fusils
were sent by Hamburgh to Bordeaux, and were shipped from thence to
America, a case having previously been opened, and a fusil taken out
and sent to me. By this specimen, I find that the fusils, so far from
being of the sort at present used in his Prussian Majesty’s army, are
directly the reverse, and of the worst and most ordinary workmanship
that can be imagined. I do assure your Excellency, that they are
such as our militia would reject, and appear to me and others, who
are competent judges, to be old rejected muskets. The ramrod is not
a quarter of an inch in diameter, and the lock holes that receive it
narrow and of the same diameter above and below; so that the Prussian
manner of charging is impracticable with these fusils. The observation
I made a thousand times over of the fusils, which the troops at
Berlin used, enables me to assure you, that this is a most egregious
imposition in being sent as the same, and I am sure they would not sell
in Europe for six livres a piece.
My merchant at Bordeaux, the Commercial Agent of Congress, assures me
that he took the fusil, from which I form my judgment, with his own
hand out of one of the cases sent from Messrs Splittgerber, through the
house of Chapeaurouge at Hamburgh.
I therefore entreat your Excellency to oblige these men to do me
justice. I am not so much offended at the imposition, for the
money it has defrauded me of, as for the disgrace it will bring
on the manufactures of Prussia, and the disappointment of the
plan I had formed to introduce them into the United States. The
mildest reparation, which I conceive can be demanded of the Messrs
Splittgerber, is that they send immediately to Bordeaux, at their own
expense, eight hundred fusils, such as are ordered, that is, of the
present Prussian form, and the best workmanship. Those, that they have
sent, I will order to be sold in America, and the net amount of what
they bring shall be paid to them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, October 24th, 1778.
Sir,
I have received, with great sensibility, the news which you have
obtained by the way of Spain. It is a very great fatality, that the
unlucky gale of wind separated the squadrons just as Count d’Estaing
had joined the English. He then had a superiority, which he must
have lost, if the Admirals Byron and Parker have joined Lord Howe.
We are very impatient to receive some direct accounts from our Vice
Admiral. We flatter ourselves, that the favorable winds will bring
some despatches from him. I request you, in the meantime, Sir, to
communicate whatever news you may receive through other channels.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, November 4th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I wrote you on April the 14th, May the 9th, 20th and 23d, June the 1st,
9th, 15th, 17th, July 6th, 16th, 20th, 28th, 29th, August 21st and
31st, September 9th, and 30th, October 5th and 19th, none of which have
been acknowledged or answered. I usually send triplicates of my letters
and of all the papers enclosed.[39]
Whether the British cabinet have yet determined upon relinquishing the
war in America, I have not been able to learn. This is certain, that
they have ordered considerable quantities of clothing and provisions
to be made ready for that quarter, which looks as if they intended
their fleet and army should winter with you. From their situation
at present, and that of Europe, it appears improbable that they can
reinforce, or even recruit their army to any effect. Their naval force
is so exactly balanced in Europe by that of France alone, that they
can hardly venture to detach any more of their fleet against you. It
seems, therefore, that you have before you the utmost force that you
are likely to contend with.
It serves the purposes of the enemy to propagate reports of aid from
Russia, sometimes in ships, sometimes in troops. As far as there is
any certainty in political events, you may be assured they will have
neither. The plan they adopt for Parliament, which will meet the 26th,
will, I imagine, depend much on the representations of Lord Howe and
Governor Johnstone, who are both arrived in England.
Should their fleet and army winter in America, it will be a capital
object to intercept their provision fleets. For this purpose I shall
obtain and transmit to you, from time to time, intelligence of their
being collected at Cork, from which you may judge what time they may
be expected on the coast.
The whale fishery, which the enemy have established on the coast of
Brazil, and which they carry on by men from Nantucket, is likely to
become very valuable; and being totally unprotected, it might be
destroyed at one blow.
The instruments for abolishing the 11th and 12th articles are
exchanged, and that matter entirely settled.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, November 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I am informed, that it is determined in the Cabinet of London not to
recall their Commissioners this winter. Governor Johnstone has been
very graciously received; Lord Howe not. He conducts himself as one
that is discontented, and has not been at Court. It is given out, that
Johnstone declares he is possessed of impeachable matter against both the Howes.
I before mentioned, that the enemy was preparing to send out provisions
and clothing for their troops, as if it was intended they should remain
in America. It is also certain, that they have contracted for twelve
thousand tons of shipping for the beginning of next March. They talk of
sending over either ten thousand British, or twelve thousand Russians,
for the next campaign, which I am assured and believe they have
determined to risk.
To sustain this, they affirm very confidently, that a triple alliance
offensive and defensive is concluded between Russia, Prussia, and Great
Britain. This I believe is at best anticipation. That such an alliance
will be the subject of this winter’s negotiation is very probable;
perhaps too it may succeed, and that Denmark and Sweden may join. But
the good effects of it in favor of our enemy are very problematical.
It will inevitably draw forth Spain, which in our part of the question
is of much more weight than all the rest. And as to the general war,
the league that would be necessarily formed against the other, between
the United States, the Empress, France, and Spain, would be the most
powerful. I do not count upon Portugal, Naples, Tuscany, and Sardinia,
which yet, in all human probability, will join our confederacy. The
temper of Holland is such, that the junction of the United Provinces
may well be expected, if England has not the wisdom to recede from her
claims; and if she does, the Hollanders, having gained the points in
trade which they contend for, will render their neutrality perhaps more
favorable to us in matters of supply, than an actual confederation.
These are the plans, that must employ the negotiation of all Europe
during this winter, which will produce either a general pacification or
a general war. The latter is what our enemy is endeavoring to effect.
In doing this, by the same fated perversion of understanding, which has
happily prevailed in all their measures, they are laboring to secure
what they wish to subvert, the absolute independency of America. For
there never was a political event more manifest and sure, than that a
general war must involve in it the independence of the United States,
as an inevitable consequence.
The obtaining money in Europe is doubtful, though not desperate. But
this seems very probable, that if the irritation and ill humor in
Holland is continued by England’s persisting in the interruption of
their trade, they will lend us money out of revenge; and if England
retracts, the Dutch will send us such plentiful supplies, and take in
return our produce as in a great measure to compensate for the want
of funds. The dispute seems to be in such a state, that there is no
medium. I am therefore in hopes, that if the war should continue, the
distress of it will press with much more severity upon our enemies than on us.
I am informed, that a Swedish ship, the Henrica Sofia, Captain P. Held,
loaded with Spanish property, bound from London to Teneriffe, has been
taken by Captain Cunningham in the Revenge, which being considered
in Spain as a violence done to them, has given great offence. I have
assured them, that upon its being made to appear in the Admiralty Court
in America, that the property is neutral, it will be restored, with
such damages as are just. The Court of Spain is so much offended at
Captain Cunningham’s conduct before this, that they write me orders
have been sent to all their ports to prohibit his entrance. From the
beginning to the end of this business of Cunningham, it has been so
bad, that Congress only can correct it, by punishing those who are
concerned. It has cost the public more than one hundred thousand
livres, and embroiled us both with the French and Spanish Courts.
The State of Virginia having sent for arms and artillery necessary
for their defence, and some advances being absolutely necessary to
obtain the supply, I ventured to advance fifty thousand livres out of
the public funds in my hands. Had not this demand pressed so much, I
certainly should not have done this without the permission of Congress.
But as it is, and though I expect the reimbursement before the articles
I have ordered for the public will call for payment, yet I think it
my duty to communicate this transaction, and submit it to the censure
of Congress. I expect a complete cargo is by this time shipped in my
department, consisting of blankets, shoes, tentcloth, sailcloth, and
rigging for a vessel of five hundred tons. This cargo, with what went
before, should contain ten thousand blankets. I have ordered twenty
thousand more, which, with half of the freight, I am obliged to advance
for the above cargo, will more than employ all the funds in my hands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. November 18th, 1778. Every hour’s
intelligence confirms the opinion, that the enemy will not obtain any
Russian auxiliaries.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, December 4th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you on the 10th ult. and have not been favored with anything
from you since. Upon a supposition, that I should have funds sufficient
in my hands, I desired your house to collect 20,000 or 30,000 blankets,
which I intended to pay for without troubling our friends with you.
But I find the clothing, shoes and stockings, which I was obliged to
send from hence, have consumed most part of the money remitted to me,
so that I shall be unable to pay for those blankets. Yet they are an
article most essential to our army both in winter and summer. I must
therefore beg you to beseech our friends to extend their order to them,
and have them shipped as fast as they are collected by your house, on
the old plan.
In consequence of what passed when we were at Burgos and Vitoria, I
wrote that our vessels would be received at the Havanna, as those of
the most favored nation. It is desired to know whether, under this,
the produce of the States may be carried thither for sale, and prizes
sold there or in any other of his Catholic Majesty’s ports in America.
I shall be much obliged to you to get me an explanation on this head,
as we would wish to avoid giving embarrassment or offence, by extending
the liberty further than is meant. The ports being open in this manner
would be certainly beneficial to both, but I am no judge how far it
would be consistent with the policy of your commercial regulations.
Count d’Estaing’s fleet was refitted, and ready to sail from Boston the
3d of November. His officers and sailors have behaved there with the
greatest decorum, and rendered themselves exceedingly agreeable to the
inhabitants. The fray, of which our enemies make so much, was entirely
accidental, and owing to some privateersmen wanting to get biscuit
for a cruise. The readiness of our enemies to hope, from every little
incident, a dissolution of our foreign connexions, serves only to show
how much they apprehend from a continuance of them.
There is no certain intelligence of the enemy’s fleet or army.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 5th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing you on the 14th of April, May the 9th, 20th,
and 23d, June the 1st, 9th, 15th, and 17th, July the 6th, 16th, 20th,
28th, and 29th, August the 21st, and 31st, September the 9th and 30th,
October the 5th and 19th, November the 4th, 18th and 20th, with various
enclosures, among which were triplicates of Mr Williams’s accounts, and
quadruplicates of the state of the Swiss militia.
From Lord Suffolk’s speech on the address, it appears, that they have
adopted a dernier plan for conducting the war against you, which, I am
informed, is to burn and destroy every thing they approach. The example
of Colonel Butler is to be pursued on all the frontiers accessible to
the Indians, to whom small bodies of regulars are to be joined. The
fleet and armies are to lay waste the sea coast and its vicinities.
Lord Suffolk is the mouth of the king of Great Britain, and his
advisers, Lords Bute and Mansfield, and Mr Wedderburne. What he says
may therefore be depended on as their resolution.
From the enclosed piece (copies of which have been sent from Holland)
you will be able to judge of the nature and situation of the dispute
in Holland. The friends to themselves and us are for augmenting their
marine, the purchased advocates of England, and the dependants of the
Stadtholder, are for increasing their army.
To make them and other neutral nations feel the necessity of supporting
the privileges of their flags against the English, this Court has
declared its determination to make prize of all goods belonging to the
enemy, found in neutral ships, as long as the same is permitted to be
done by the British cruisers, with regard to the effects of France in
the same situation. This is such a blow to their interests as, it is
imagined, must rouse the Dutch to vigorous exertions against Great
Britain, in support of their privileges as common cruisers.
The Court of Spain has published its intention of admitting the sale of
prizes, made by the French, and the entrance of all American vessels
upon the footing of all other neutral nations.
The Empress of Russia has determined to take part with the King of
Prussia in the German war, which the House of Austria seems resolved to
support against their united forces. As Hanover, and the other German
princes, are pledged to assist Prussia, our enemy can hardly expect
any aid from thence. Though it is therefore impossible to conceive how
they can maintain the war in their very exhausted state, and without
one effectual ally, yet it is certain, that they mean to try another campaign.
I send you some charts of the Continent of America, and of the Islands,
lately published, and reckoned extremely accurate, from which perhaps
Congress may think proper to have others engraved for the use of the
navy. They consist of three volumes folio, with a quarto volume of directions.
We are in daily expectation of the final pleasure of Congress, on the
several important matters relating to our missions.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.[40]
Paris, December 17th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a true copy of a
proclamation and manifesto lately issued in America by the British
Commissioners. The plan of desolation and cruelty announced in it
has been approved in Parliament, by one of his Britannic Majesty’s
principal Secretaries of State, the Earl of Suffolk; and a majority
in both Houses of Parliament have given their sanction to the
manifesto itself by refusing to disclaim it. Upon these grounds it
may justly be considered the act of the nation.
The intentions of Great Britain, derogatory at once of all the sacred
rights of humanity, and of the honor of God, and of the established
laws of civilized nations, are thus declared in the manifesto. “The
policy as well as the benevolence of Great Britain have thus far
checked the extremes of war, when they tended to distress a people
still considered as our fellow subjects, and to desolate a country
shortly to become again a source of mutual advantage. But when that
country professes the unnatural design, not only of estranging herself
from us, but of mortgaging herself and her resources to our enemy, the
whole contest is changed, and the question is how far Great Britain
may, by every means in her power, destroy or render useless a connexion
contrived for her ruin, and for the aggrandizement of France. Under
such circumstances, the laws of self-preservation must direct the
conduct of Great Britain; and if the British Colonies are to become an
accession to France, will direct her to render that acquisition of as
little avail as possible to her enemy.”
The pretext here alleged for carrying war to all extremities, which the
laws of humanity and of nations forbid, and of desolating merely for
the purpose of desolation, is, that the country is to be monopolised
by France. That this is merely a pretext is manifest from the treaty
itself on which they ground it, in which it is declared, that the
United States are at liberty to make the same treaty with all nations.
Your Excellency knows too, how unjust this imputation is in our most
secret transactions. By one of those strange absurdities, into which
men blinded by bad passions are often betrayed, they denounce this
desolation against the people at large, who they in the same breath
assert have not ratified the treaty. Thus, if we are to credit their
own assertions, the ground of their rage is pretended, and the objects
of it innocent.
It is therefore most clear, that the threatened cruelties are not out
of policy, but out of revenge. And as nothing is more odious than this
spirit, nothing more dangerous to all that is deemed dear and sacred
among men, than an open avowal of such a principle, and an exercise
of the barbarities which it suggests, such a conduct ought to arm all
nations against a people, whose proceedings thus proclaim them to be
hostis humani generis.
It is not that they can add to the cruelties they have already
exercised; desolation and massacre have marked their steps wherever
they could approach. The sending of those captives, whom they pretend
now to be their fellow subjects, into perpetual slavery in Africa and
India; the crowding of their captives into dungeons, where thousands
perish by disease and famine; the compelling of others, by chains
and stripes, to fight against their country and their relations;
the burning of defenceless towns; and the exciting of the savages,
by presents and bribes, to massacre defenceless frontier families,
without distinction of age or sex, are extremities of cruelty already
practised, and which they cannot exceed. But the recovery of what they
called their rights, and the reduction of those who had renounced as
they alleged a just supremacy, was then avowedly the object of the war.
These cruelties were, it was pretended, incidental severities, and
necessary to the attainment of a just object. But now destruction alone
is the object. It is not profit to themselves, but injuries to others,
which they are pursuing. Desolation for the pleasure of destroying is
their only purpose. They will sacrifice to disappointed vengeance what
their injustice lost, and their power cannot regain.
There cannot be a greater violation of those laws, which bind civilized
nations together, which are the general property, and which distinguish
their wars from those of savages and barbarians, than this manifesto.
All civilized nations are called upon, as well by their own interests
as those of humanity, to vindicate its violated laws. Your Excellency
will therefore permit me to hope, that so daring and dangerous a
procedure will call forth a declaration from the king of Spain, whose
pre-eminent character among princes for piety, wisdom, and honor, will
render him a fit avenger of the common cause of mankind. It is not
America only, that is wronged by this savage proclamation, but the
feelings of humanity, the dictates of religion, the laws of God, and of
nations.
Your Excellency will also give me leave to request, that this
representation may be laid before his Majesty, and enforced with such
arguments as your Excellency’s greater knowledge, and the favor you
have had the goodness to manifest for our just cause may suggest.
I have the honor to be your Excellency’s very humble servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, December 25th, 1778.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your Excellency’s favor of the 1st. I am
extremely sorry for having troubled you with a representation, which
seems to have given offence, instead of obtaining redress. Neither the
character of a merchant, nor that of all the merchants of Europe, can
weigh against the evidence of one’s senses. I do assure your Excellency
upon my honor, that the musket, which is the specimen of those sent for
the best Prussian arms, and which have cost me five livres a piece more
than the best arms in France, is one of the worst that I ever beheld. I
have seen most of the troops in Europe, and I never saw such a musket
in a soldier’s hand. It has this remarkable in it, that it is neither
of the old nor the new model; but seems to have been a barrel spoiled
in attempting to new model it, and this put into a stock of such wood,
and of such fashion, that nothing can be imagined worse. There is no
mark upon it of its having been examined. In short, a mistake between
the new and the old model is out of the question.
But your Excellency will give me leave to observe, that if my demand
was not explicit, it is a little surprising, that the house of
Splittberger, in the correspondence that passed between them and Mr
Grand, before the order was executed, did not ask an explanation,
whether the old or the new model was meant. They knew, though we did
not, that there were different kinds of arms of the Prussian make, and
therefore that a mistake might happen. As to myself, I had seen the
troops at Berlin, and the arsenal furnished with arms of the new model.
I had conversed with sundry officers upon the preference due to arms
of the Prussian make, and never found any one who by that term did not
understand those of the new model. Not knowing, therefore, that there
was any possibility of mistake, I did not conceive I could be more
explicit. Upon the whole, instead of the best arms in Europe, which I
promised, I sent the worst, if the rest are like the specimen sent me.
I hope your Excellency will pardon me for having given you the pain
of reading one letter on this subject, and I should not have added a
second, but that there was a sort of censure thrown upon me, which
I most assuredly did not deserve. I should have thought myself
censurable, if I had concealed from your Excellency a proceeding on the
part of those gentlemen, which appeared so flagrant to me. You thought
I was alone to blame, in which I cannot in any degree whatsoever concur.
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a copy of a manifesto,
which the avowedly savage intentions of our enemies have compelled
Congress to make. The previous resolution will show your Excellency
with what reluctance Congress has adopted retaliation. As long as it
was possible to impute the barbarities committed, to the unauthorised
malignity of individuals, they entreated forbearance. But when a solemn
avowal on the part of his Britannic Majesty’s Commissioners, of their
determination to exercise the extremes of war, and to desolate for
the sole purpose of destroying, had deprived them of the apology they
had too generously made for the actions of their enemies, their duty
to the people, to humanity, to the nations, called from Congress this
resolution of retaliation.
This conduct of our enemies will, like all their other follies and
persecutions, knit more firmly our confederation. The inhuman purpose
of massacre and desolation, upon a pretext of our being mortgaged
to France, which the very treaty to which they allude expressly
contradicts, has armed every heart and hand against them. It has
confirmed the wavering, animated the timid, and exasperated the brave.
The laws of nations are the Common property of all civilized people.
Our liberties, which were the object of the war, are secure; we are
now fighting the battles of humanity and of nations, against the
avowed and bitter enemies of both.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency’s, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, December 27th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a manifesto from
Congress, in answer to that of his Britannic Majesty’s Commissioners.
You have also enclosed a copy of a former resolution of Congress on
this subject, from which it will appear how earnestly they have shunned
this shocking extremity. As long as it was possible to impute the
barbarities committed to the unauthorised intemperance of individuals,
Congress exhorted the suffering people to lenity and forbearance.
But when they became acts of authority, avowed and ordered, Congress
must not only stand justified before God and man, but would have been
culpable in the eyes of both, had they longer withheld the order for
retaliation. Permit me to hope, that your Excellency will represent
these things to his Majesty, and that they will produce an immediate
declaration, which is most likely to arrest the sanguinary progress of
our enemy, and compel them to relinquish the devastation of our country
for the defence of their own.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, January 3d, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to send to your Excellency the copy of a letter, which
I received yesterday. It is from the same person as the other, which I
had the honor of communicating to you through Mr Grand. It is fourteen
months since the writer has been proposing a rendezvous with Mr
Franklin and myself, for the purpose of arranging the conditions of an
accommodation. This gentleman, who is named Berkenhout, has since that
time been sent to America with the British Commissioners. He has been
imprisoned in Philadelphia on suspicion of the object of his mission,
and released for want of proofs. He has again, as you see, returned to
his country, and to his endeavors to seduce, by offers of emoluments
and titles of honor, which we call in our language, honors.
If your Excellency is of opinion, that it would be of any utility to
endeavor to obtain proofs of authority for what he offers, I will
answer him accordingly; if otherwise, I will not return him any answer.
This is also the opinion of my colleagues.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, January 4th, 1779.
Sir,
I did not find annexed to the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me yesterday, the one from England, which you mentioned, and
which you say is from Dr Berkenhout, who rendered himself suspected
at Philadelphia. But without seeing this letter, I think, Sir, that
after what has passed between Congress and the English Commissioners,
it would be unbecoming the dignity of your commission to grant
a rendezvous to agents, who did not bring the palm of sovereign
independence in their hands. My opinion would be, therefore, that you
should answer in plain terms to this agent, that unless he assures you
of the most entire acknowledgment of your independence, and brings
you propositions conformable to the fidelity, with which your nation
and government glory in fulfilling their engagements, that you cannot
consent to any interview with him, or with any other emissary. You and
your colleagues both perceive, that these people wish to negotiate with
you, not for the purpose of granting you suitable conditions, but to
hold up an appearance that there is little agreement between you and
us, by means of which illusion the purse of the English is drained.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, January 8th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to send to your Excellency the answer, which I should
have written to Dr Berkenhout, had I sent one. I have studied the
Court of London and its agents very much, and for a long time, and I
conceive, that it is most for our interest to treat them with pride, if
not with an appearance of contempt.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. My letters from England announce, that a
fleet of one hundred and twenty sail, with provisions for the English
Islands, is to sail from Cork in a short time, with an escort of two
sail of the line and one frigate.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 5th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
My despatches of April the 14th, May the 9th, 20th and 23d, June the
1st, 9th, 15th and 17th, July the 6th, 16th, 20th, 26th and 29th,
August the 21st and 31st, September the 9th and 30th, October the 5th
and 19th, November the 4th, 18th and 20th, and December the 5th, remain
unanswered.
Nothing material has since happened in Europe. The late proceedings in
Holland discover, that the English party have gained ground there. The
truth is, that the English borrow their money and then bribe them with
it; for it is so manifestly their interest to join against England, and
their advantages from the trade of America, being free, are clearly so
much greater than those of any other nation, that unless their rulers
were blinded by some powerful application, it is impossible but that
they should be active and earnest in promoting this revolution. The
Court of France is acting with firmness and wisdom to restrain them by
powerful motives of interest.
There does not at present seem any probability of an accommodation in
Germany. The ordinary of the expense our enemy is to incur this year stands thus.
| Exchequer bills to be paid off, |
£ 2,500,000 |
| British troops, |
3,640,000 |
| Foreign do. |
713,000 |
| Navy, |
4,589,000 |
| Militia, |
700,000 |
| |
£12,142,000 |
| To this add transport service and extraordinaries, |
|
| which cannot be less than |
5,000,000 |
| |
£17,142,000 |
|
Troops. |
| They purpose having on the British establishment |
82,744 |
| Foreigners, |
24,800 |
| Augmentation to the British by new levies, |
14,400 |
| Militia, including fencible men, |
39,701 |
| American Tories, |
6,000 |
| Irish establishment, |
14,685 |
| |
181,685 |
Though they will never be able to realise this number, or near it, yet
the expense will not therefore be diminished. With their taxes doubled,
and such an enormous increase of expense while her commerce is so
greatly abridged, it may easily be judged how long Great Britain can
continue so ruinous a contest. Nothing seems more sure, than that she
will not get even the stipulated number of recruits from Germany; much
less has she any chance of an augmentation.
Yet all the advices concur in assuring us, that the Cabinet is
determined on pushing the war in America, for which purpose they
propose sending the following regiments; 1st and 2d battalions of
Royals; 3d, 11th, 13th, 19th, 25th, 30th, 32d, 36th and 69th. The 18th,
66th and 67th from Ireland. These fourteen regiments may contain from
five to six thousand men. One of my correspondents, in whom I have much
reliance, thinks they will be sent to the West Indies, and not to the
Continent. In truth, I believe they will wait till the operations of
Count d’Estaing enable them to decide whether they can venture to send
them to New York, or must necessarily re-enforce the troops in their
islands in order to preserve them.
I send you copies of the bill of lading and the invoice of supplies
shipped from Bilboa, which I hope will arrive safe. You also have
an account of the money I have been intrusted with, and how I have
expended it. The vouchers are the merchants’ accounts, which I have
regularly transmitted as I received them.
We wrote to M. de Beaumarchais upon our receiving your letter, and
the agreement with his supposed company, that we were ready to settle
accounts with him whenever he chose. He has made no answer. If your
commercial agents do not keep an exact account of the marks of what
they receive on the public account, and count or weigh what is
delivered, you will want the means as we do, of checking the demands
made. For example, M. Monthieu brings in an account to us for so many
uniforms of blue cloth and so many pounds of rose copper; and Mr
Williams, the agent, gives a receipt for so many bales of uniforms and
so many casks of copper, without specifying the number, weight, or
quality, so that we are as little able to judge whether what we are to
pay for has been received, as if no receipt at all was produced. Nor is
the receipt of the agent on your side of the water in the least more explicit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. Circumstances are such, that it is not
prudent to say much about my particular department, but I think
Congress will have reason to be satisfied with that quarter. January 28th.
| Public Money expended. |
| 1777, |
|
Livres. |
| May 25th, |
Power of Attorney to Dr Franklin to dispose of the first remittance, |
9 |
| |
Remitted to Gardoqui at Bilboa (for supplies sent to Congress)
November 29th, 1777, 60,790; May 29th, 1778, 14,599;
September 25th, 24,654; January 3d, 1779, 19,905; |
119,848 |
| 1778, |
|
|
| Feb. 7th, |
Courier with despatches to Nantes, |
120 |
| 20th, |
A person’s expenses to and from London, to get intelligence, |
1,165 |
| March 30th, |
Remitted to the prisoners at Portsmouth by Mr Thornton, |
495 |
| |
Advanced for the State of Virginia, |
35,585 |
| June, |
Cost and expenses of 800 fusils, |
22,548 |
| " 10th, |
Lieutenant Jones of the Providence, his expenses for bringing despatches, |
347 |
| " 23d, |
Mr Thornton’s expenses to Portsmouth, &c. |
480 |
| |
My own expenses, |
2,232 |
| Sept. 25th, |
Mr Bonfield’s accounts for supplies sent, |
52,501 |
| |
Banker’s commission, |
1,037 |
| |
30,000 blankets ordered from Bilboa, |
210,000 |
| |
Charges on them, |
18,000 |
| |
|
464,567 |
| Public Money received. |
| 1777, May, |
Remittance from Spain, |
187,500 |
| 1778, Oct. |
Two do " do |
187,500 |
| |
Interest on the last for three months, |
2,000 |
| |
|
377,000 |
| |
Debit, |
87,567 |
| January 1st, 1779. |
Livres |
464,567 |
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, January 10th, 1779.
Sir,
I received with the letter, which you did me the honor to write me the
8th, a copy of your answer to Dr Berkenhout, which is noble and frank.
These are not qualities the most cherished in England, but it is good
that they should know there, that your intentions are not different
from those of your constituents, and that they in vain attempt your and
their fidelity. Agreeable to our advices from England, the gales of
wind towards the end of last month have much disordered the numerous
convoys, that were prepared for the two Americas. I am going to
acquaint M. de Sartine of the one that is about sailing from Cork.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 15th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Our enemies are in as much confusion and disorder as possible.
Admiral Keppel’s trial, which is considered as an assassination, has
revolted all men’s minds. Those of Sir Hugh Palliser and the Howes
are soon to follow. The demon of discord has lighted among them his
most destructive torch. They have made some attempts on the landed
property in Wales, which is likely to raise that principality against
them if they persist; and the king is not remarkable for the wisdom
of retracting from what he has once commenced. It is at present by no
means improbable, that they will have intestine commotions to employ
them in the course of this year, and their possessions are every where
so ill provided, that many of them must fall an easy prey to our ally.
The parting proclamation and manifesto of their Commissioners has
disgraced them much in Europe; and the counter manifesto of Congress is
generally approved.
A large West India fleet and transport, victuallers of two hundred
sail, with twentyfive sail of men of war to convoy them, were lately
dispersed by a terrible storm in the channel. A most valuable East
Indiaman was sunk to the bottom by the Russel, a 74 gun ship, which
was greatly damaged. Many of their transports were forced into the
harbors of France and captured. The loss, damage, and delay, are very
considerable, and the more distressing to them, as they are with great
reason under infinite apprehensions for the fate of their Islands. It
is supposed, that only five of the men of war are to continue with them
quite to the West Indies.
There are many doubts of their being able to raise the loan they want,
and it certainly will not be procured but on most ruinous terms. In
short, their distress begins to be proportioned to their deserts, and
is only exceeded by the folly of their councils.
There is not yet any appearance of a pacification in Germany; and the
city of Amsterdam is exerting its utmost to preserve the States-General
in their neutrality.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
DR PRICE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Newington-Green, January 18th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
Your most kind and excellent letter, together with the letter conveying
the resolution of Congress, has made the deepest impression on my mind.
I entreat you to accept yourself, and to deliver to Doctor Franklin and
Mr Adams, my best acknowledgments. Though I cannot hesitate about the
reply addressed to the honorable Commissioners, and through them to
Congress, which accompanies this letter, yet so flattering a testimony
of the regard of an assembly, which I consider as the most respectable
and important in the world, cannot but give me the highest pleasure,
and I shall always reckon it among the first honors of my life.
There is an indolence growing upon me as I grow older, which will
probably prevent me forever from undertaking any public employment.
When I am in my study and among my books, and have nothing to encumber
me, I am happy; but so weak are my spirits, that the smallest hurry and
even the consciousness of having anything to do which must be done,
will sometimes distress and overpower me. What I have written on the
subject of finances has been chiefly an amusement, which I have pursued
at my leisure, with some hope indeed, but very little expectation
of its being useful. Nothing can be more melancholy than to see so many
great European States depressed and crippled by having debts, which
have been the growth of ages, and which in the end must ruin them, but
which a small appropriation, faithfully applied, might have always kept
within the bounds of safety. This is particularly true of this country.
Here our debts must soon produce a shocking catastrophe. The new world
will, I hope, take warning, and profit by the follies, corruptions, and
miseries of the old.
My pamphlets on the principles of Government and the American war, were
extorted from me by my judgment and my feelings. They have brought upon
me a great deal of abuse; but abundant amends have been made me by the
approbation of many of the best men here and abroad, and particularly
by that vote of Congress, to which I suppose they may have contributed.
When you write to any of the members of that assembly, be so good
as to represent me as a zealous friend to liberty, who is anxiously
attentive to the great struggle in which they are engaged, and who
wishes earnestly, for the sake of the world, that British America may
preserve its liberty, set an example of moderation and magnanimity, and
establish such forms of government, as may render it an asylum for
the virtuous and oppressed in other countries.
Tell Dr Franklin that he is one of the friends in whom, while in this
country, I always delighted, and for whom I must ever retain the
greatest esteem and affection. We are now separated from one another,
never probably to meet again on this side the grave. My connexions
and state of health and spirits are such, that I must stay in this
country and wait its fate. I do this with a painful concern for the
infatuation, that has brought it into its present danger, but at the
same time, with indifference as far as my own personal interest is
concerned, and a perfect complacency in the consciousness of having
endeavored to act the part of a good citizen, and to serve the best of
all causes. Will you further mention me particularly to Mr Adams, and
inform him, that I greatly respect his character.
Some good friends of yours and mine are well, but I differ from them at
present in opinion.
Under a grateful sense of your friendship, and with regard and wishes
of all possible happiness,
I am, dear Sir, &c.
RICHARD PRICE.
JOHN ADAMS TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Passy, February 11th, 1779.
Sir,
As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, my first request is,
that you would do me the favor to read this without a translation,
after which I submit it to your Excellency to make what use of it you
shall think proper.
I have hitherto avoided in my single capacity giving your Excellency
any trouble by letter or conversation; but the present emergency
demands that I should ask the favor to explain my sentiments, either
by letter or in person. If you will permit a personal interview, I am
persuaded I can make myself understood. If you prefer a correspondence,
I will lay open my heart in writing, before your Excellency.
It is the address to the people in America under the name of Mr
Silas Deane, that has occasioned this boldness in me. It is to me
the most unexpected and unforeseen event that has happened. I hope
your Excellency will not conclude from thence, that I despair of the
Commonwealth. Far otherwise. I know that the body of the people in the
United States stand immovable against Great Britain; and I hope that
this address of Mr Deane’s (although it will occasion much trouble to
individuals) will produce no final detriment to the common cause; but
on the contrary, that it will occasion so thorough an investigation of
several things as will correct many abuses.
It is my indispensable duty upon this occasion to inform your
Excellency, without consulting either of my colleagues, that the
honorable Arthur Lee was as long ago as 1770 appointed by the House
of Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the
honor to be a member, their agent at the Court of London in case of
the death or absence of Dr Franklin. This honorable testimony was
given to Mr Lee by an assembly in which he had no natural interest,
on account of his inflexible attachment to the American cause, and of
the abilities of which he had given many proofs in its defence. From
that time to the year 1774 he held a constant correspondence with
several of those gentlemen, who stood foremost in the Massachusetts Bay
against the innovations and illegal encroachments of Great Britain.
This correspondence I had an opportunity of seeing, and I assure your
Excellency from my own knowledge, that it breathed the most inflexible
attachment, and the most ardent zeal in the cause of his country.
From September 1774 to November 1777, I had the honor to be in
Congress, and the opportunity to see his letters to Congress, to their
committees, and to several of their individual members. Through the
whole of both these periods, he communicated the most constant and
certain intelligence, which was received from any individual within
my knowledge, and since I have had the honor to be joined with him
here, I have ever found in him the same fidelity and zeal; and have
not a glimmering of suspicion, that he ever maintained an improper
correspondence in England, or held any conference or negotiation with
any body from thence, without communicating it to your Excellency and
to his colleagues. I am confident, therefore, that every insinuation
and suspicion against him of infidelity to the United States, or to
their engagements with his Majesty, is false and groundless, and will
assuredly be proved to be so.
The two honorable brothers of Mr Lee, who are members of Congress, I
have long and intimately known; and of my own knowledge I can say, that
no men have discovered more zeal in support of the sovereignty of the
United States, and in promoting from the beginning a friendship and
alliance with France, and there is nothing of which I am more firmly
persuaded, than that every insinuation that is thrown out to the
disadvantage of the two Mr Lees in Congress is groundless. It would be
too tedious to enter at present into a more particular consideration
of that address. I shall therefore conclude this letter, already too
long, by assuring your Excellency, that I am, with the most entire
consideration, your most, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, February 13th, 1779.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing
to me the 11th instant, and agreeable to your desire I have not
submitted its contents to the inspection of a translator. I am no
less concerned than yourself, Sir, at the appeal, which Mr Silas
Deane has made to the people of America. It does not belong to me
to qualify this step; your respective sovereigns must judge of the
measure, and decide the differences which have arisen between their
Commissioners. The manner in which you have been treated here,
conjointly and separately, must have convinced you, that if we had
been informed of your disputes we should have paid no regard to them,
and the personal esteem which we have endeavored to show each of the
Commissioners is a proof, that we have not adopted the prejudices
with which it seems it has been endeavored to inspire America, and
the foundation of which is unknown to us.
Although this disagreeable disunion is foreign to us, and it becomes
us by all means to refrain from taking part therein, I shall not be
the less pleased to see you, Sir, and whatever day you fix will be
agreeable to me. I only request you to acquaint me beforehand with
the time you shall choose.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.[41]
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, February 15th, 1779.
The Count de Vergennes has the honor to present his compliments to Mr
Lee, and to inform him, that if he will take the trouble of coming to
Versailles on Wednesday or Thursday next, as shall be most convenient
to him, he will be very glad to converse with him.
Note by Mr Lee.
Went next day to Count de Vergennes, showed him my books concerning
the treaties, and the French and English propositions. It was agreed,
that I should have the passages translated for him to lay before the
King and Council. He said, that Mr Deane’s charges were inapt, that
it was surprising he should bring them into his personal dispute,
that he had much wished Mr François to go as Minister to America.
Upon my saying, the cause of Mr Deane’s recall was his having sent
over so many officers, he said it was what he always disapproved
of, because he knew that multitudes of those who were applying were
neither officers nor any thing else.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to communicate to you herewith copies of resolutions
of Congress, of September the 11th and 14th, and October the 22d.
I shall endeavor strictly to comply on my part with the commands
of Congress contained in the latter, which are at the same time
perfectly agreeable to my inclinations.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I this moment had the honor of receiving yours of this date,
containing copies of the resolutions of Congress of September the
11th and 14th, and October the 22d. I shall do myself the honor of
paying my compliments to you on your appointment tomorrow about 12 o’clock.
Nothing can be more agreeable to me than your intention of
cultivating the harmony recommended in the last resolve, because I
always lamented the interruption of it as detrimental to the public,
and dishonorable to ourselves.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 18th, 1779.
Sir,
I beg you will be pleased to send me by the bearer all the public
papers in your hands belonging to this department.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, February 21st, 1779.
Sir,
Your grandson delivered to me, between 10 and 12 o’clock on the 19th,
your letter dated the 18th, in which you desire I “will send, by the
bearer all the papers belonging to this department.”
I have no papers belonging to the department of Minister
Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles. But if you mean, Sir, the
papers relating to the transactions of our late joint Commission, I
am yet to learn, and cannot conceive on what reason or authority any
one of those who were formerly in that commission can alone claim or
demand possession of all the papers evidencing their transactions, in
which, if they should appear to have been equally concerned, they are
equally responsible.
Of these papers Mr Deane, by his own account, took and secured such
as he chose. The rest, a very few excepted, you have. Many of these I
have never even seen, but have been favored with copies. Of the few
originals in my possession, there are, I know, duplicates of the most
part at Passy, because it was for that reason only that I took them.
The rest are necessary evidence to answer Mr Deane’s accusations.
If it were indeed agreed, that all the papers belonging to our late
commission should be brought together, numbered, docketed, and
deposited where the late Commissioners, and they only, might have
access to them, I would very readily contribute the few I have. But
on no other terms can I part with them, and must therefore desire you
to command me in some other service.
Still, however, I am in the judgment of Congress, and if upon our
mutual representations, should you think it worth troubling them
with, they should be of a different opinion, I shall abide by their
decision, and obey their orders.
I hope your gout is better, and have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 25th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I received the remarks of Mr Deane, dated the 12th of October, 1778,
on my letter of the 1st of June, 1778.[42]
Mr Deane endeavors to mislead Congress from the real point of my
information, which is, that from the papers he left, no satisfactory
account could be obtained of the millions that had been expended, to
that of the banker’s accounts, the fairness and validity of which, as
far as they go, I never questioned.
The banker’s account proves what I said, that millions have been
expended; but it does not prove what I wanted to be satisfied of,
that the value of this expenditure has been received by the Agents
of Congress in Europe. Neither their receipts nor the bills of
lading appeared among the papers he left at Passy. Upon a scrap of
paper Mr Deane had left notes, that such and such sums were paid in
general for such and such purposes. This was a manner of accounting
equally mercantile and satisfactory. It was not even so explicit as
the summary of the banker’s account he has subjoined to the remarks
I am answering. It never specified the quantity, and not often the
quality, of what the sums were paid for. It was not accompanied
with accounts and receipts from the persons, to whom the money was
said to have been paid; nor the receipts of our agent, to whom the
things must be supposed to have been delivered. It is manifest why
the agent, Mr Williams, did not and will not to this moment give
receipts, specifying the quantity and quality of what he received for
the public use, because such receipts would make him responsible to
the public for their contents; which now he is not.
This then is distinctly the subject of my complaint, that Mr Deane,
who assumed to himself the management of those affairs, left them
in such confusion, that neither was there any usual or satisfactory
evidence of the thing said to have been delivered, nor were there
any means left of knowing how to settle the accounts that remained
unpaid, so as to do justice to the public. There were no books of
accounts; nothing but a confused mass of motley refuse papers,
without order, reference, or effect. I do not, nor ever did say, that
Mr Deane has not these regular, responsible accounts and vouchers,
but I said, and still say, he did not leave them with us. Perhaps
they are among those he informs the public he had placed in safety;
that is, in fitter hands than those of the Commissioners appointed by Congress.
Mr Deane informs us, that there are but two sides of an account; but
he ought to know, that there also ought to be to every mercantile
account, receipts, invoices, and bills of lading. Had he ever taken
the pains to procure these and left them for our satisfaction, he
would have saved himself much discredit, and me much trouble; the
public would have been secured and satisfied.
Mr Deane lumps 244,285 livres, as had and expended in common by the
Commissioners. But this is not the fact. I had nothing to do with
what the other Commissioners received. What I took for my expenses
I gave separate and distinct receipts for. By misstating what I say
of my expenses, he would induce Congress to suppose, that I had half
of that sum. This too is not a fact, as my receipts will show. When
I said, that from my experience I judged a public minister could
not live on less than three thousand a year, I did not mean that I
had actually spent that sum; but that, as the expenses of a public
Minister must be greater than those of a Commissioner, I could
judge from my experience of the expense of the latter, what would
be necessary for the former. I had not been a public Minister, and
therefore could not speak from experience in that, or from any other
judgment.[43]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Nantes, March 7th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had not the honor of receiving yours of the 29th of October until
the 13th of February. The two pieces it enclosed from Mr Deane, I
suppose it is expected I should answer. And I shall do it probably by
the next opportunity.
I hope it will not be expected of me to continue answering the
assertions of Mr Deane. If he produces any evidence to support his
assertions, they may be worth attention, but it is an endless as well
as fruitless and unbecoming business, to be refuting all that such a
man is capable of inventing.
On the 18th of February I received from Dr Franklin a copy of the
resolution of Congress, appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary at
the Court of Versailles, accompanied with an assurance, that the
resolution of Congress recommending harmony and confidence among the
Commissioners was agreeable to him.[44]
I returned an assurance of my sentiments being the same. The next day
I received a letter from him dated also the 18th, and demanding of me
the immediate delivery of all the public papers in my possession. I
replied, that as the papers belonging to the late Commissioners were,
or ought to be, vouchers of their joint transactions, they should
be equally accessible to them all; but that Mr Deane, by his own
confession, had taken and secured to himself all that he chose, that
most of what remained were in his (Dr Franklin’s) possession, and of
the very few that were in mine most of them were duplicates, and the
remainder necessary for my defence against Mr Deane’s accusation. But,
however, I was in the judgment of Congress whether I ought to give them
up, and should obey their orders.
I think it proper to inform you, that Dr Franklin, immediately upon
the receipt of the resolution of Congress appointing him Minister
Plenipotentiary, took into his sole management what was before under
the Commissioners, without showing us any authority for so doing,
or any revocation of our joint commission. To this we submitted
without the least question, supposing it probable, that such was the
intention of Congress, and believing that any dispute about it would
destroy all possibility of harmony, and do more injury to the public
than any possible good that could be derived from the contest.
It is supposed that peace is certain in Germany, and it has been
procured chiefly by the mediation of this Court.
Our enemies have derived considerable credit from their late success
in the West Indies, and their superiority there, which gives
expectation of much greater. This has happened in a favorable moment
for effecting their loan with great facility and success. The
consequence will be their carrying on the war with new vigor; and you
must therefore prepare for another, and perhaps another campaign.
With regard to the rest of Europe, it remains as when I wrote you last.
It is probable, that the establishment of peace in Germany will
produce some movements among them. But, at present, it is not
possible to say with precision what they will be.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, March 13th, 1779.
Sir,
A severe fit of the gout, with too much business at the same time
necessary to be done, has prevented till now my answering yours of the 21st past.
I did not imagine there would be any difference of sentiment between
us concerning the propriety of returning to me the papers, which
you have at various times taken from this house. When several
persons joined in the same commission are to act upon papers, it
seems necessary that they should be lodged in one place, where all
the parties may be sure of finding them, and under the care of one
person, who should be accountable for them; and if there were not
some particular reasons to influence another choice, I should suppose
the first person named in the commission might with great propriety
take charge of them; I am sure that if you had been that person I
should have made no objection to it. Mr Adams having a room more
convenient and more private than mine, and in which he lodged, I
approved of his having the papers. He has voluntarily returned me
all he had without asking, and I thought asking was only necessary
to obtain the rest from you; for the whole business, which before
was transacted by us jointly, being now devolved on me, and as there
must be frequent occasion to look back on letters received, memorials
delivered, and accounts given in, contracts made, &c. &c. which,
if I cannot have the opportunity of doing, I must be frequently at
a loss in future transactions, I did not imagine I should have any
difficulty in obtaining them, nor had I the least idea that my asking
for them would occasion any dispute.
I suppose that the papers Mr Deane mentions to have taken and
secured were those only, that related to his separate commercial
transactions for the public, before his appointment with us in the
political commission. If he took away any of the papers we were
jointly concerned in, I conceive he was wrong in doing so, and that
his doing wrong would not justify the rest of us in following his
example. I can have no desire to deprive you of any paper, that may
be of use to you in answering Mr Deane’s accusations, having no
concern in them, nor interest in supporting them. On the contrary, if
any papers remaining in my hands can be of such use to you, you are
welcome to have authenticated copies of them (which shall on request
be made out for you) as well as of any others “evidencing our joint
transactions,” which you may desire. On the whole, it seems to me
that this matter may be reasonably settled by your keeping, if you
please, all those originals of which there are duplicates at Passy,
retaining for a time such of the rest as you desire to copy, which
copies being compared by us with the originals, may be authenticated
by our joint signatures, and returning immediately all the others
docketed and catalogued as you please, so as that you may know what
and where they are, and call for a copy of any of them you may
hereafter have occasion for, which shall always be given you. If
these propositions are agreed to, the affair may soon be settled; if
not, I must wait the orders of Congress, and in the mean time do as
well as I can with their business, which I think must often suffer by
my want of the knowledge these papers might occasionally furnish me with.
I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
ARTHUR LEE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, March 19th, 1779.
Sir,
I received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 13th,
relative to the few papers of our late joint commission remaining
in my hands; they are confounded among a multitude of other papers.
I will examine them soon, and if I find any that relate to public
accounts remaining unpaid (which I do not believe I shall find) I
will inform you of it, that copies may be taken of them.
You are pleased to say, that Mr Adams gave you the papers unasked.
Mr Adams gave you the general papers, which no way related to him in
particular, on your promise that you would have them arranged and
kept in order. Mr Adams was not a calumniated person, nor were the
papers he delivered to you necessary to justify him and prove the
wickedness of his accuser. In circumstances so totally different I
cannot imagine, Sir, that you can think we should act the same. Your
pressing so earnestly to get from me a few original papers, which
you only conjecture may be in some shape or other useful to you,
after I have informed you that they are absolutely necessary to my
vindication from an impeachment, that touches even my life and honor,
gives me great uneasiness. Whether you are concerned or not in the
accusations, it is equally necessary for me to refute them, and I am
sure, Sir, you know that originals are better evidence than copies,
however authenticated. On the contrary, copies are as adequate to
the purposes you mention as originals, and I am most ready to give
you copies sealed and authenticated of all, or any of the papers in
my hands, as you may command. I beg, Sir, that you will have the
goodness to believe, that when I give my reasons for my conduct, I do
not mean to enter into or occasion a dispute.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 22d, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you copies[45]
of a note and letter from me to the Marquis de la Fayette, to show the
terms on which it seems to me we are most likely to obtain a loan from
either France or Spain. If Congress approve of them, I should be glad
of some instructions in conformity to them; if they are not approved
of, I should wish to know it, that I may not repeat the proposal.
I cannot learn that England means to send out any considerable
augmentation of their army with you. They have lately received
despatches relative to the proceedings in Georgia, but it does not
appear yet whether they will send a reinforcement thither from Great
Britain, though I think it probable they will.
I have not had a line from you since October last. The peace is not
yet signed in Germany. The news of the taking of Pondicherry and
other French settlements in India, by the English, together with
their advantageous situation in the West Indies, has raised their
funds, their credit, and their spirits.[46]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 26th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Since I had the honor of writing you last, on the 22d of April,
nothing material has happened. An account of the signing of the peace
in Germany is expected here daily.
The reinforcements sent and sending out to the army against you,
amount to about 8000 in new Scotch levies, and British and German
recruits. It is the plan of the British ministry, as far as I can
learn, to make great exertions in this campaign, both against the
United States and the French Islands. Their war against you will in
all probability be in expeditions against different parts.
This will be delivered to you by Mr Hezekiah Ford, who has served me
faithfully for eight months as Secretary. He will give you the best
information in his power of the state of affairs here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 21st, 1779.
Gentlemen,
It is now more than six months since I was honored with a line from
you. I wrote you last on the 26th of April; since that time a solemn
treaty of peace has been concluded, by the mediation of France,
between the Porte and the Court of Petersburg. Though this may appear
to leave Russia at liberty to assist Great Britain, I do not think
you have anything in reality to apprehend from that quarter.
It is probable the German powers will soon be at peace, though it
is not yet signed at Teschin. The effect of this will be to furnish
Great Britain with a number of German troops, such as the free
companies which are levied by different leaders in all German wars,
and are dismissed when they end. These having once pursued the
military life will the more readily engage, especially when tempted
with good pay and promises of plunder. The King of Prussia and the
Elector of Saxony are from interest inclined to our cause; but
there are so many intermediate considerations, which retard an open
declaration, that it is not possible to say when that will take place.
The House of Austria is in its politics inclined to England, and
the Empress is personally so. The Emperor I think has different
sentiments, but he is not the Sovereign. The Grand Duke, though much
our friend, must follow the steps of his mother.
Spain, Portugal, and Naples are in perfect harmony. The first is
more able to reduce Great Britain to terms of peace, by a full
acknowledgment of our independency and sovereignty, than any power in
Europe. Her ministers are able, her credit great, her treasury well
supplied, her finances well administered, her commerce increasing,
her fleet amounting to fifty sail of the line, and a proportionable
number of frigates, fit for immediate service. In a word she is in a
state to begin at a moment’s warning a powerful war, and continue it
for three years without borrowing a sol. She has made a noble motion
to conclude what is stipulated in the treaty of alliance, and as I
have not received one word of answer to my letters to Congress of
the 10th of February, and 4th of April 1778, it is not easy for me
to know how to act. I wish always to receive the instructions of my
constituents, that I may pursue them to the best of my ability.
The States-General have at length resolved to grant convoys to their
merchant ships, and support their commerce against the pretensions of
England. Sweden and Denmark have determined the same; and all these
governments are augmenting their naval force, so as to support these
resolutions. I imagine this will, by degrees, let in the commerce of
America, to which these powers will give every protection they can,
short of open hostilities, and Great Britain will be obliged to wink at it.
In England the discontents in the army and navy are little short of
disaffection. The Ministers are pursued with unremitting acrimony,
and supported by the king with proportionable perseverance. The
examination of the sea and land officers before the House of Commons,
in the inquiry now making into the conduct of the Howes, with the
correspondence between the Ministers and Generals, prove very
satisfactorily, that both the Ministers and Generals exerted their
utmost in the war against us; and that it did not fail from their
fault, but from the impracticability of the attempt. General Grey’s
decided opinion is, that the war can never succeed. Captain Hammond
spoke highly of the behavior and utility of our row gallies and fire
flats. The new recruiting scheme in England is very unproductive;
they have not yet raised six thousand of the fifteen thousand they
expected. Their expense is enormous, and the produce of their taxes,
though they are increased in number, greatly deficient. Scotland
is irritated by the countenance given to the Roman Catholics, and
their highland levies have twice mutinied, so that there is little
probability of that country, however hostile, supplying any more troops.
Ireland is nearly in the state we were in six years ago. The people
are supplying themselves with arms, meeting and exercising, and
the government not venturing to interpose. They have entered into
a nonimportation agreement, and their spirit is in a train towards
independency, which nothing but the most wise and healing measures
will stop. General Clinton has thrice demanded his recall, and Lord
Cornwallis will probably command in his place.
On the contrary, there is not the smallest abatement of the hostile
intentions against us in the king and his Ministers. Nor will a
change, if the king should be forced to it, make any difference, but
that probably those intentions would be carried into execution with
more wisdom. Our alliance with France has united all parties, in the
resolution of prosecuting the war against us to the last extremity.
Almost the whole of the French commerce, having fallen a prey to
their privateers, has really enriched the nation and rendered the
war popular. Their late successes, especially in India, have given
them credit for this year and resources for the next, great and
unexpected; the peace in Germany will supply them with men. Lord
Shelburne’s plan is, and he will make a point of it should he come
in, to prevail upon Prince Ferdinand to take the command in America;
trusting that his abilities, with the confidence and graciousness of
his character among the British, as well as the German soldiery, will
overcome all difficulties.
But what they rely upon most is the derangement of our finances, the
depreciation of our paper, the divisions and discontents excited
among us by the bad ambition of some, the criminal intrigues of
others, and the unbounded avarice of many. They flatter themselves,
that what has happened in all countries and at all times will be
our fate, that public defaulters will, by the weight of their
acquisitions, obtain an ascendency which will either bring us to ruin
by the prevalence of the evil, or betray us to our former domination,
in order to keep possession with impunity of what they have acquired.
If, by these instruments, they can loosen the ties, which by knitting
the people and their leaders together have hitherto rendered them
invincible, and withdraw their confidence from those who originally
planned and have ably conducted them through this wonderful
revolution, they hope to effect what they hitherto have attempted
in vain,—to subjugate those Quos neque Tydides, nec Larissæus
Achilles, non anni domuere decem, non mille carinæ. As far as I
can learn, there is no probability of this Court’s supplying any
money. But of this you will be better informed by your Minister.
This letter I expect will go by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who
succeeds M. Gerard. M. de la Luzerne’s family is among the best and
most honorable of this country. He has been Minister to the Court of
Munich, and is a gentleman of honor and ability, insomuch that the
Court of Versailles seems to me in nothing to have shown its wisdom
more, than in sending at this important moment a Minister, whose
conduct is likely to correspond with his rank and character, and who
will not descend to anything that may either dishonor himself or disturb us.
The secretary to the embassy, M. de Marbois, is also a gentleman
respectable for his character and abilities.
The sums of public money, which I have received for my expenses (my
two journies included) from the bankers Sollier and Grand, from the
16th of December 1776, to the 20th of April 1779, amounts to 119,018
livres, 17 den. 17 sols. I observe that Mr Deane, in a summary laid
before Congress on the 12th of October 1778, lumps a sum received
by the Commissioners for their expenses, &c. from Mr Grand, only to
the 30th of April 1778, and states it at 244,285 livres, 15, 11. But
as I have no concern with what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane received, I
desire that the accounts of the bankers, and not that of Mr Deane,
may answer for me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. May 22d. The treaty of peace in Germany
was signed on the 13th. From some intelligence I have just received,
though not from authority, I am inclined to believe we shall soon be
satisfied with the conduct of Spain. Be pleased to enclose my letters,
à Monsieur le Marquis de Malsherbe, Ministre d’Etat, Paris.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 31st, 1779.
Sir,
I beg the favor of your Excellency to lay my respects before
Congress, with a repetition of my most earnest request to be recalled.
I should most willingly continue to sacrifice, as I have hitherto
done, my private interests to the public good; but I am satisfied
that the dissensions raised concerning me will be continued, by a
continuance of my commission, and will be of more injury to the
public than I can be of service; and as the public good was the sole
motive of my accepting the commission, the same reason now induces me
to desire most earnestly to resign it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT D’ARANDA.
Paris, June 7th, 1779.
Mr Lee has the honor to present his respects to his Excellency the
Ambassador of Spain, and begs him to be pleased to transmit the
letter accompanying this to his Court.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 6th, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a Memorial, which
the opportunities I have had of knowing the temper and circumstances
of Great Britain make me presume to submit to your consideration.
The earnest desire I have of rendering some service to Spain, and the
common interest that must subsist in the success of the war, should
it happen, are the motives and I hope will be the apology for what I offer.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL TO THE COURT OF SPAIN.
Paris, June 6th, 1779.
It is experience that teaches wisdom. The misfortunes of our friends
carry this good with them, that they are a warning to us.
The present war between France and England has been conducted chiefly
by the privateers of the latter. They have made a prey of almost the
whole commerce of France. This, while it really enriched England,
rendered the war popular. It has deeply wounded France in the loss of
her sailors as well as of her property.
The cause of this misfortune is manifest. France permitted her trade
to go on as in time of peace, as individuals pleased, and without
convoy. It was thought better to employ their ships of war in
cruising for the privateers, than in convoying and defending their
vessels against them. It was not considered, that privateers always
go single, that they are swift and small, that it is difficult
to find a small and single ship at sea, and that an East or West
India prize is worth fifty privateers. The consequences have been
proportioned to the plan. France has captured some little privateers
of England, the English the large and rich East and West India ships
of the French. This is a misfortune, from which I would wish to warn
and guard Spain.
The English have greater expectations of rich and numerous prizes in
a Spanish than in a French war. If they are disappointed in this,
such a war would soon become unpopular and unmaintainable. Now
the means of disappointing their expectations are, as I conceive,
these. To lay an embargo on all the merchant vessels of Spain, both
in Europe and America, at the commencement of hostilities. Not to
suffer their merchantmen or galleons, which are the great objects of
English avidity, to go out of their ports but with strong convoys. So
secured, they could not be captured but by a fleet or strong squadron
of the enemy. But fleets and large squadrons hardly ever make prizes;
nor from their nature and circumstances can they do it. Privateers,
frigates, and single ships of force, are those only which cruise
with effect against merchantmen. Defended from these, the commerce
of Spain will go safe and secure, the hopes of the enemy will be
disappointed, they will sustain all the burthen of the war without
reaping any of its expected benefits.
Such a war must soon become unpopular; and the wisest Ministers in
the best of times cannot long sustain an unpopular war in England,
much less can it be sustained in times of great and manifest
difficulty and distress, and by Ministers who have not given the most
distinguished proofs of their wisdom. There is no human event
more sure than that Spain, if she secures her commerce from the
depredations of the enemy, must soon reduce Great Britain to whatever
equitable terms she pleases. Add to this, that if while the fleet of
France keeps that of England in check in the channel and in the bay,
the fleet of Spain should completely block up the Mediterranean, so
as to intercept all communication with Gibraltar and Minorca, these
strong holds must inevitably surrender in a few months.
I may, therefore, be now permitted to repeat with more confidence
than ever, that it is in the power of Spain to clip the wings of
Great Britain, and pinion her for ever.
ARTHUR LEE.
JOHN ADAMS TO ARTHUR LEE.
L’Orient, June 10th, 1779.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor of your letter from Paris, of the 5th of this month,
in which you inform me, that by advices from America your enemies are
determined to impeach your attachment to our country and her cause,
and in which you request my opinion on that point, from the knowledge
I have had of your conduct, while we acted together in commission.
At the same time, that I lament the necessity of giving my testimony
to a point, that ought to be so well established in every part of
the world, I have great pleasure in declaring, that from my first
knowledge of your fame to this hour, I have never entertained one
moment’s suspicion of your attachment to our country and her cause,
but on the contrary through the whole course of that period, which I
think is more than ten years, I have seen frequent proofs of your
fidelity and zeal in it, oftentimes at a great expense of labor and
care at least, and at great hazard; and particularly through the
space of time I had the honor to serve with you in commission, I
never saw or heard anything which gave me the least suspicion of the
sincerity, fidelity, or zeal of your devotion to the sovereignty of
the United States, but on the contrary, constant evidence of a warm
affection for their honor, dignity, and prosperity.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 21st, 1779.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform Congress, that Spain has declared against
Great Britain, and that their respective Ambassadors are recalled. A
part of the Spanish fleet has joined that of France, which makes it
outnumber that of England, amounting to thirtythree sail of the line,
under Admiral Sir Charles Hardy, so that it is not very probable the
latter will long hold the dominion of the sea.
Two motions in the House of Commons, one for offering us peace, the
other for withdrawing all their force from America to withstand the
House of Bourbon, have been negatived since the Spanish declaration
was known to the Ministry of England. The ministerial arguments
were, that neither they nor any other Ministry could consent to the
independence of America, nor to the withdrawing their troops, without
previous offers on our part. That the number of Americans in the
King’s service was equal to General Washington’s army, with seven
thousand of our sailors volunteers in his service. Lord George
Germain said he knew, from undoubted intelligence, that Congress was
divided into parties, and that it was only the fear of the army, that
withheld a part of Congress from immediately offering terms to Great
Britain. He added, that as the prohibitory act empowered the Crown to
receive bodies, or individuals of America into the King’s protection,
and to grant pardons, this was sufficient. The majority of the House
received this with acclamations of applause.
Parliament is to be prorogued on the 24th, having voted another
million for this year’s service.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 27th, 1779.
Sir,
Your Excellency will permit me to lay before you, a statement of the
late proceedings of the English in the southern parts of the United
States of America, which, in their consequences, may be as injurious
to his Catholic Majesty’s possessions in that quarter as to those
of the States. Should the measure proposed to prevent their success
appear to your Excellency to be advisable, it cannot be executed
too soon; because every day gives the enemy new strength in their
stations, and enables them to do additional mischief by destroying
whatever they can approach.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, June 27th, 1779.
The English, having taken possession of Savannah in Georgia, are
extending themselves in that State so as to form a connexion with,
and establish an influence over, the Indian nations that border all
that country. They design also to possess themselves of Port Royal in
South Carolina, and if possible, of Charleston.
These acquisitions, if they are suffered, with their contiguous
possessions, will give them such a command upon that coast and in the
Gulf, as well as such means of exciting the savages, and seconding
their enterprises against the neighboring territories of Spain, as
may be difficult to resist if they are not prevented.
What renders it impracticable for the Americans to repel the enemy,
is their superiority at sea, which, at the same time that it supports
their posts on land, enables them to make diversions in various
quarters so as to keep up a general alarm, and prevent our force from
being united in any one point. With this view, they have very lately
invaded the State of Virginia, in the Bay of Chesapeake, to withhold
the aid which that State would send to South Carolina and Georgia.
In this situation it is in his Majesty’s power to give very effectual
assistance to the invaded States, and prevent the enemy from making
such dangerous establishments and such an augmentation of their
power. The naval force of the English in Georgia and South Carolina
will consist of a fifty gun ship, the Experiment, lately sailed, and
three frigates. In the Bay of Chesapeake, there are a sixtyfour and a
fortyfour gun ship, with some armed tenders.
A small squadron, therefore, of three or four large ships and a few
frigates, sent from the Havanna, would destroy the enemy’s ships in
Georgia, South Carolina, and Chesapeake Bay, and deliver their troops
into the hands of the Americans.
The state of the enemy’s fleets in Europe and the West Indies, will
not permit them to augment their force on the coast of America.
The squadron, actually sailed under Admiral Arbuthnot to New York,
consists of four ships of the line and one frigate, viz. the Robust
seventyfour, the Russel seventyfour, the Europe sixtyfour, the
Defiance sixtyfour, and the Guadaloupe twentyeight. As this squadron
must support the operations of their main army, and protect Halifax,
Rhode Island, and New York, it is not probable they will detach any
additional force from thence to the southward, so that their armament
there, if not withdrawn, must necessarily fall a sacrifice to the
Spanish squadron.[47]
ARTHUR LEE.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779.
Sir,
Two days ago several of your letters came to hand, the latest
being of April 6th; it is much to be regretted that this one in
particular did not earlier arrive. The copy of its contents was sent
immediately to Governor Trumbull, but alas, too late. Fairfield had
been destroyed by the fire of the enemy. We are mistaken, however, if
that enemy does not shortly find the unprofitableness of this kind
of warfare towards their main purpose. America must be dead indeed
to all proper spirit, if such doings will not render her both as
vigilant and active as in the beginning of the contest. It is matter
of much conjecture, why you have not been able, for some months back,
to give us interesting accounts from Spain. All we know is through M.
Gerard. We have sent so many sets of the journals of Congress, that
you will doubtless get one. They are chiefly directed to Dr Franklin.
You will find the parts in which you are personally interested to be
under the following dates, viz.; April 6, 15, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30;
May 3, 22, 24, 25, 27; June 8.
We shall speedily write again; in the meantime be assured that we are
with much regard,
Your humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
For the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
P. S. September 16th. It is probable, that
all the papers sent by you, up to May 21st, have come safe, either in
originals, duplicates or triplicates.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Madrid, August 6th, 1779.
Sir,
I duly received the two letters, which you were so kind as to write
to me, dated the 7th and 25th of June last, in which you detail the
critical circumstances of the affairs of England, and the system
which you think suitable for the powers at war with her, and on this
occasion you likewise mention some points relating to the present
situation of the United Provinces of America.
I can assure you, Sir, that I read with the greatest pleasure your
very wise and prudent reflections, of which I shall make a suitable use.
I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you of the perfect
respect, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 10th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Not being permitted to know whether there is any certain opportunity
of writing, I must send you by every probable way an account of the
present situation of affairs, which is extremely interesting.
After a long delay through unfavorable winds, the Spanish and French
fleets joined off Cape Finisterre the 26th of last month. On the 6th
of this, they were off Ushant, making for the English channel. A
courier that arrived yesterday left them in the same position, with
the wind contrary on the 7th. The combined fleet consists of fifty
ships of the line, with thirty odd frigates, bombs, and fire ships,
under the command of the Count d’Orvilliers. The Spanish and French
ships are mixed together, the former twenty and the latter thirty.
Don Cardova commands a separate fleet of sixteen Spanish ships of the
line, which attends the grand combined fleet as a corps de réserve.
Don Ulloa cruises off the Canaries with four of the line, and six
more block up the Bay of Gibraltar, while a Spanish army invests the
town by land.
Between thirty and forty thousand French troops are ready to embark
at Havre de Grace and at St Malo to invade England, the moment the
combined fleet appears to protect them. Besides this, large corps of
troops are assembled at Brest and Dunkirk, and transports preparing
for them, so that they may be ready to support the others, according
to the exigency of events and the place where they land.
The West India fleet, and that from the Baltic, got safe into the
English ports to the amount of three hundred sail, the first of this
month. This may enable them in a few weeks to add ten sail to their
grand fleet, which at present consists of thirtyfive sail under Sir
Charles Hardy, and is retiring up the channel. But it is to be hoped,
they will feel some decisive blow before that augmentation.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, August 14th, 1779.
Sir,
A decent time having now elapsed since the Declaration of his
Catholic Majesty against the King of Great Britain, it seems proper
to apply to the Spanish Court to know whether they are inclined to
enter into the alliance, which Congress have agreed to. At the same
time, it appears to me that to ask Count de Vergennes’ opinion of
such a step, before I take it, would be an agreeable and useful mark
of confidence in this Court. But as I think such an application
cannot with propriety be made to his Excellency, by any one but you
as minister here, I must beg you to take the trouble of consulting
Count de Vergennes, both upon the propriety and manner of my applying
upon this subject to the Court of Spain; and that you will have the
goodness to communicate to me his opinion. I would very willingly
apply myself, were I not persuaded that it would be a trespass
against the deference due to your situation, and that the observance
of this order in our proceedings will contribute to the attainment of
the public object I have in view.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 24th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of writing you on the 10th, to inform Congress of the
junction of the fleets of France and Spain, the disposition of the
troops and ships of the latter for the blockade of Gibraltar, and the
security of their commerce, with the preparations here for invading
England. Since that, adverse winds have continually kept the combined
fleet from entering the channel, and of course the embarkation for
the invasion waits its approach and protection.
I am informed and believe, that the Empress of Russia has offered her
mediation between the belligerent powers in Europe. Her partiality
for England is certain, and it is to be feared, that from a partial
mediatrix she may become a powerful ally, and draw with her perhaps
Sweden and Denmark, with whom she is upon good terms, and who may
not think it their interest to let the naval power of the House of
Bourbon acquire such an ascendency, by the destruction of that of
Great Britain, as will destroy the balance and rivalship in Europe,
so as to set up an unquestioned sovereign of the seas.
Our enemies are so much pressed and kept in check at present, that I
do not see a possibility of their sending any further force against
you for the next campaign, nor a probability of their being able to
continue that which is already at New York and Rhode Island. But as
the interposition of other powers is an event always to be kept in
view, and that interposition will not only render the issue of the
war uncertain, but place the day of peace far distant, I cannot help
signifying my most earnest hope, that the wisdom of Congress will
employ that respite in so arranging and reforming the administration
of the public finances, and strengthening the country both by sea and
land, as to be able to maintain the sovereignty and independence of
the United States, in spite of any European combination, that may be
formed against it.
The English papers tell us, that the Count d’Estaing of ten guns
and fourteen swivels, with despatches from Congress, was taken the
14th of July off Cape Finisterre, and that the despatches fell into
their hands.
The uncertainty of what will be the final resolution of Congress
regarding me upon the review of foreign affairs, and after all the
licentious means, that I perceive have been employed to injure my
character, has determined me to wait their ultimate commands at this
place. These will either save me from an ineffectual journey to
Madrid, or fortify me with full instructions and a reassurance of
that confidence, which it has been the endeavor of my enemies to
withdraw from me.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. August 26th. The combined fleet was as
far up the channel as Plymouth on the 18th, and had taken the Ardent
of sixtyfour guns. This being a proper time of the moon for the
embarkation of the troops, it is probably executing at this moment,
and our enemies will soon taste of those miseries, which they have so
wantonly visited upon us.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 10th, 1779.
Sir,
I have seen in the Journals of Congress, transmitted to me by the
Committee of Foreign Affairs, that Mr Paca, Mr W. H. Drayton, and Mr
Carmichael have been permitted to lay before you intelligence and
information concerning me,[48]
and that at a moment in which Congress were to decide without hearing
me, on what materially concerned my honor and reputation, both in
America and Europe.
I may venture to say, Sir, without fear of contradiction, that this
is a new mode of judicial proceeding in a country contending for
liberty and justice; a mode of which every man in or out of Congress
would complain if applied to himself; and under which it is
impossible that any man’s character can be safe from the attempts of
malice and falsehood.
Congress will permit me to request, that they will order copies of
that intelligence and information to be transmitted to me, that I may
be able to do myself, though late, the justice of answering them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, September 19th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 16th of July, with
the Journals of Congress, in which I see with sorrow the proceedings
with regard to those, who in no moment of their lives ever neglected
to do the utmost in their power for the public good.[49]
For myself I trust, that time and maturer consideration will alter
the opinion of those gentlemen, who appeared desirous of fixing upon
me a most public mark of suspicion and censure, with some little
precipitation, they will permit me to say, as it was before I had
been heard. Among those gentlemen there are some, whose education
and profession should, in a peculiar manner, have taught them, that
it is laid down as a fundamental maxim of justice, that he who
gives judgment, the one party being heard and the other not, though
he should happen to be right in his decision, commits an act of injustice.
I should have expected, that not only Congress but every member of
it, my accusers excepted, would have been my advocates, because your
records are filled with proofs of my early and unremitting endeavors
to serve the public. Congress will bear with me while I express my
surprise, that the delicacy observed in wording Mr Deane’s recall was
reversed in the proceedings against Mr Izard, my brother, and myself;
unless it were intended to hold us up to the world as persons, who
had been proved guilty of offences against their country; which, if
it were, may God in his infinite mercy forgive.
I am fully persuaded, that time and riper information will show you,
that as nothing could have given a deeper wound to the honor and
interests of the United States, than harmony among your Commissioners
in doing ill, there were use and merit in the suspicions and
dissensions, that arose among them. In any event, they who consider,
that suspicions and dissensions may and have existed among the best
of men, will mix some moderation with the judgment they pass upon
them. They who know with what long suffering and frequent forgiveness
I endeavored to prevent them, will not impute the blame to me.
I will trouble Congress no more upon this vexed and unworthy
business. Sensible as I was of the honor of your confidence, I was
equally sensible of the sacrifice I made of my private affairs to the
public service. I received your commission therefore not as a favor;
I do not retain it as a favor; I will do my duty while I keep it, and
resign it when it is your pleasure, without a moment’s regret. When
times less critical will admit of less reserve, it will be my duty
to prove to my country and to the world, as I have done to you, that
your confidence in me was not misplaced. This I trust I shall be able
to do by evidence, that will carry conviction to all, and confusion to many.
Congress will permit me to hope, that long before this, they have
honored me with full instructions relative to the additional
articles, and the boundary between the territories of Spain and
the United States, on which I asked their commands as long ago as
February and April, 1778. It is fortunate, that I have not yet been
called upon on that subject. But it is impossible to say how long it
will be delayed; and no heavier misfortune could befall me, than to
be left uninstructed in a business of such moment.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, September 30th, 1779.
Sir,
I received but yesterday morning, just as I was going out of town,
the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, dated the 26th
instant, respecting my supplying you with money for your support in
Spain. As I cannot furnish that expense, and there is not, in my
opinion, any likelihood at present of your being received at that
Court, I think your resolution of returning forthwith to America is
both wise and honest.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 13th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have certain intelligence, that Admiral Rodney is to sail
immediately from England, with five sail of the line, to take the
command of the fleet in the West Indies. I am well informed, that
the plan he proposed was by dividing his fleet into three divisions,
with some landed forces on board of each, to block up and harass
continually the whole of our coast. It is probable they have adopted
his plan with him. His abilities and activity are great. Count
d’Estaing is expected here in the winter with twelve ships, which
will leave the enemy a decided and dangerous superiority. Our hope
is, that by some mortal blow on New York before his departure he will
in a great measure frustrate their intentions.
The combined fleet is ordered into the British channel, and the
troops to prepare for the invasion of England. Upon the issue of this
will depend the continuance of the war.
I have not yet received any instructions from Congress relative to
Spain, nor any answer from that Court relative to my reception there.
The public funds, which were in my hands, being nearly exhausted,
and Dr Franklin having positively declined supplying my expenses at
that Court, I must beg Congress to take some immediate order in this
business, so that it may not remain in the power of any individual to
counteract their intentions, and drive gentlemen away from Europe,
who are so unfortunate as not to be in his good graces.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, October 13th, 1779.
Sir,
This is officially to convey to you the knowledge of the appointment
of a Minister Plenipotentiary, in lieu of a Commissioner, at the
Court of Spain, and also a Resolve of Congress of this day, upon the
reading of your letter of the 31st of May.[50]
Mr Jay will probably be in a short time in Europe, to execute his commission.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL,
For the Committee for Foreign Affairs.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 21st, 1779.
Gentlemen,
It may be material for Congress to know, that all disposition in the
Court of England towards peace seems at present to be removed. The
appointment of Lord Bute’s son upon an extraordinary embassy some
time since, to the Court of Turin, announced a desire in the English
cabinet to engage mediators; and the late Ambassador from Spain to
the Court of London had taken up his residence here, apparently to
embrace the more readily the opportunity of negotiating, which that
mediator might offer. But the embassy of Lord Mountstewart is talked
of no more, and Count d’Almadovar has within these few days quitted
this place entirely, and returned to Madrid.
It is no new alliance, as far as is known, that has inspired this
confidence and hardiness into the British Ministry. Probably they
flatter themselves, that as this campaign has passed away without
their suffering much from the great superiority of the combined
fleet, and the land armaments prepared against them, they will
continue to be equally fortunate. I compute, that with the supplies
for the next campaign their debt must amount fully to 200,000,000.
The siege of Gibraltar goes on in form, both by sea and land, nor
does there seem any probability of their saving that important place.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, November 6th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
The campaign in Europe seems to be concluded, and the resolution of
the enemy unabated. The siege of Gibraltar continues.
I am yet without any instructions for Spain, or overtures from that
Court relative to the conclusion of a treaty. I am satisfied that the
same means have been employed, and by the same persons, to injure me
there as here. With what success, my inquiries have not yet been able
to discover. By the advice of those, in whose knowledge and integrity
I can most confide, among whom is the late Ambassador from this
Court, now a Minister, I have not entered into any vindication of
myself to the Spanish Minister.
Disagreeable as it is to me to remain here, after what has passed,
it is, in my best judgment, more proper than going thither without
definite instructions, and without new credentials to show that the
calumnies of my enemies have not withdrawn from me the confidence
of Congress, which by no means appears from my only being not
recalled. I must therefore entreat Congress to decide distinctly
upon the accusations, that have been brought against me, and either
declare them unjust, or commit the public business to a fitter
person, and give me leave and leisure to vindicate my character to my
country and to the world.
Unless a demand on the part of the Spanish Court should make it
necessary, I will not hazard the public interest and my own honor,
in undertaking the negotiation, uninstructed, unvindicated, and
unsupported. Is it possible that any one gentleman in Congress can
help feeling the unexampled cruelty of leaving me in such a situation?
Uncertain as the decisions of all public bodies are, yet conscious
that there was not any colorable pretence for impeaching my conduct,
I could not but flatter myself, that the last despatches would
have brought an explicit censure of Congress against the indecent
attempts, that have been made to injure it. Insomuch that I thought
it my duty to consult this Court through your Minister here, upon the
propriety of my moving the Court of Spain on the negotiation with
which I was intrusted, so that I might avoid giving offence to that
Court by my silence and inactivity, and yet receive in time your
final instructions, and a renewed assurance of your confidence.
Though I have constantly transmitted to Congress triplicate copies of
the invoices and bills of lading, which account for the expenditure
of the small sum of public money that was in my hands, yet as the
order of the 6th of August is general, I have had triplicate copies
made out of the whole, which, when there is a proper person to
authenticate them, will show how the money has been expended. With
regard to the funds, with which I was jointly intrusted with Dr
Franklin and Mr Deane, my absence in Spain and Germany, with the
orders for the application of a great part, which my colleagues
thought proper to give without consulting me, disenables me from
furnishing any further vouchers than the accounts of the banker and
of Mr Williams, which I have also transmitted to Congress.
I perceive by the journals, that a Committee is appointed for
framing a plan of a foreign loan. It is my duty to say, that there
is not the least probability, in the present situation of things,
of obtaining any adequate loan in Europe, and to beseech Congress
not to let the vain expectation of that divert their attention from
trying every resource at home. It is necessary, that the impressions
to our discredit, which have arisen from the unsuccessful attempts
that have been already made, should be allowed to wear off, and some
favorable event occur, such as the enemy being obliged to draw off
their troops, before it will be possible to succeed in such a plan.
In the meantime, the repetition of ineffectual attempts will only
debase your credit more, and especially, if they are accompanied with
the offer of more than ordinary interest, which ever augments the
suspicion of the insecurity of the principal, and that the borrowers
are themselves conscious of their insufficiency.
It gives me pain to mention what regards myself so often; but
Congress will permit me to repeat, that if it should not please them
to recall me, it is absolutely necessary that some provision should
be made for the support of my mission, independent of Dr Franklin.
If, in the meantime, the State of Virginia should reimburse me what I
have advanced for them, that will be a fund, and I will immediately
give Congress advice of it. I must also beg, that Congress will fix
a sum for my expenses, both that I may not exceed what is thought
reasonable, nor have my time and attention employed in keeping
accurate accounts of expenses, which I never did do, nor ever shall
to my own satisfaction, or I believe to that of any one else. So that
if this is expected, it will expose me to censure, which I wish to avoid.
The little time that remains from daily attention to public business,
and in collecting and digesting what relates to it, I wish to
devote to private correspondence and reading. I have, therefore,
thought it always sufficient to proportion my expenses in general
to my situation and means, without a minute attention to them in
detail. Whatever Congress fixes as reasonable will be the rule of my
conduct, and it will spare both them and myself a great deal of, as I
conceive, unnecessary trouble.
I cannot learn with any certainty, what probability there is of
any other powers entering next year into the present war. On that
subject, your Minister here, as his situation gives him the means,
will furnish you with earlier and surer information than it is
possible for me to obtain. But the following are nearly the plans of
the French and British cabinets for the next campaign. Fourteen ships
of seventyfour guns, and 8000 troops, are to be sent from hence to the
West Indies. The twelve expected home with Count d’Estaing, being
refitted with eight new ones, added to the sixteen remaining of those
which form the present fleet, and fifteen Spanish ships, will make
fiftyone sail, which are to convoy fifty thousand troops from Brest,
where they are all to be collected, to whatever part of the coast
of England is fixed upon for a descent. By this disposition of the
fleet and army, it is expected that the delay and disappointments
which render this campaign abortive will be avoided. The bulk of the
Spanish fleet is to secure the Mediterranean and press Gibraltar,
while the army continues its approaches by land.
The English cabinet are resolved to send all the troops they can
possibly collect, which they say will amount to 8 or 10,000 against
you, and stand upon the defensive at home. Their situation, however,
is not a little embarrassing. The Irish nation are so generally
determined upon having a free trade, that the Court was obliged to
allow it to be inserted in the address of both Houses, that a free
trade is their right and they must have it. To support this, there
are, besides the unanimous voice of the people, upwards of 15,000
men, in volunteer companies actually in arms, without the permission
or control of government. To delay or refuse the granting of free
trade, will endanger a general and most formidable insurrection
in that kingdom. To grant it, will produce commotions of no less
magnitude in England, of which they have already had some fearful
examples in and about Manchester. These insurrections, whenever they
happen, will be exasperated by great and real distress. For the fact
is, that if it be refused to Ireland, that country will be undone,
and if it be granted, the woollen and other manufactures of England
will be ruined. In such a situation, it is difficult to imagine a
medium by which the violences will be prevented, that must otherwise
call for the troops at home, which they have destined for us.
In Scotland the discontent is such, that a highland regiment actually
seized the castle of Edinburgh, and shut the gates against their
officers. This mutiny has been quelled, but the spirit that produced
it is not altered.
The inactivity of this campaign has left their credit unimpaired, and
their fleets have generally got in safe from all quarters. They will,
therefore, find money for the next campaign, but it is not probable,
that with all their efforts they will be able to equip a fleet equal
to that which will go against them. Without some accident, therefore,
they must either suffer the French army to land, or hazard an unequal
combat, which, if they are overcome, will leave their coast at the
mercy of invaders. To add to their counsels, already enfeebled by
the death of the only man of ability and business among them, Lord
Suffolk, they have put Lord Stormont, the most insufficient man
in the kingdom, into his place. Such is the present situation and
prospect of things in Europe.
Congress will, I hope, consider, that various events may change or
delay the plans above stated, and not let it impeach the veracity
of the intelligence, that they are not executed. Much, for example,
will depend upon Count d’Estaing’s movements and success, which
were not foreseen when these plans were formed. His expedition is
entirely of his own planning, and, therefore, could not be taken into
consideration here.
I enclose a copy of the Spanish ultimatum, which by mistake was
omitted being sent sometime ago. The following passage in the
manifesto, published by the Court of Great Britain, in answer to that
of France, seems to me a proof how little she herself expects from
the war with us.
“Two years have not passed since the day the
rebels declared their criminal resolution of shaking off the yoke of
the mother country, and this term has been filled with the events
of a bloody and obstinate war. Success has been balanced, but the
army of the king, which occupies the most important maritime cities,
has continued to menace the interior provinces. The English flag
predominates in all the American seas.”
When all they can boast of, as the fruit of two years’ bloody and
obstinate war, in which, though they do not choose to say it, all
Europe knows they have expended forty millions of treasure, and
sixty thousand lives, is a balanced success, and the possession of
a few maritime towns, from whence they threaten us, it is plain
enough, that they themselves have not a hope of success. Their war,
therefore, is a war of desperate vengeance, which nothing can justify.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, November 30th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Since my last, of the 6th and 25th, some material changes have taken
place in the British Ministry. Lord Bathurst is made Lord President
of the Council; Lord Hillsborough Secretary of State; and Lord
Carlisle first Lord of Trade. Lord Gower and Lord Weymouth are out.
I communicate this change to you, because it marks the entire
ascendency of that influence which began this war, and which will
assuredly continue it to every extremity. The two ex-ministers are
chiefs of the Bedford party, which of late has been for peace with us.
I know they are using every means with Russia and the German Princes,
to procure troops against you; but I cannot learn that they have
succeeded. It is impossible to say, what changes in the politics
of those powers the very unexpected inefficacy of this campaign
may produce. One thing is sure; that as it confirms their credit,
it will supply them with money, and enable them to continue the
war in a manner that appeared impossible six months ago. New York
and Charleston, if they can compass the possession of this latter,
are the strong holds from whence they purpose carrying continual
desolation and distress through all the States. The driving them
from New York is, therefore, an object of the last importance to
the welfare of our country.
It is certain that Holland will remain neuter, and under that
neutrality furnish us supplies, and, I hope, free from that
unexampled extortion in price, and imposition in quality, to which
we have been subjected from other quarters.
I still wait here for instructions, and must repeat to Congress,
that the refusal of Dr Franklin to furnish any money for my expenses
should I go to Spain, makes it necessary, if I am to serve, that some
other means of supplying me should be adopted; and I beg it may be
with a sum fixed, that future discussions and disputes may be avoided.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 8th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have the honor of transmitting to you the King of England’s speech
to his Parliament, and a memorial from his Ambassador at the Hague,
demanding assistance from the United Provinces. It is not probable he
will obtain it.
The speech shows, what I before wrote you was resolved in the British
Cabinet, a determination to continue the war. His total silence about
alliances seems as if he had not formed any, which I believe to be the fact.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, December 16th, 1779.
Sir,
Your Excellency will have the goodness to permit my recalling to your
consideration what I have already had the honor of stating to you,
relative to the plan of the common enemy to establish themselves in
Georgia and South Carolina, in order to carry on more effectually
the war against the possessions of Spain in America, and against the
United States. I have most undoubted intelligence, that they are
more and more determined on pursuing this plan. The good intentions
of Count d’Estaing to drive them from Georgia having unfortunately
failed, and the departure of the French fleet having left them
again a decided superiority on our coast, must give them fresh
encouragement to prosecute their enterprise, and will render the
assistance of his Catholic Majesty’s squadron at the Havanna
absolutely necessary to prevent its succeeding. Suffer me, therefore,
to entreat most earnestly your Excellency’s attention to this, if
other more near and important objects of the war should have hitherto
diverted it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 25th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I this day had the honor of receiving yours of the 13th of October,
notifying me, by the Resolve of Congress of the same date, of Mr
Jay’s appointment and my recall. As Mr Jay is not yet arrived, I
suppose it my duty to wait his coming, that I may communicate to him
what is in my knowledge, that concerns the public in his department.
It does not appear that it has pleased Congress to give any orders
about the immediate return of the Confederacy, and taking me on
board, without which it may be many months before I can find a
passage in any other manner. Mr Izard has been waiting at Amsterdam
for two months to get even to St Eustatia on his way home.
The plans of the enemy, of which I advised you in mine of the 13th of
October and the 6th of November, are going into execution with vigor.
Admiral Rodney has probably sailed by this time. The ministry appear
to be tottering, but unfortunately for us if they do go out they will
give place to men by far more formidable to us in wisdom, economy,
popularity, and confidence, both foreign and domestic. I feel it,
therefore, in the strongest manner my duty to conjure Congress to
prepare for a campaign which, in all human probability, will be urged
with the utmost vigor, and to call forth every resource at home for
the support of the public credit, without any reliance on foreign
assistance. Such assistance is too precarious to hazard our cause on,
and strong exertions on our part will give it, should it exist, a
surer and more speedy effect. Congress may rely upon it, that on no
terms whatsoever will our independence be acknowledged at present by
Great Britain.
There are granted, for the service of the ensuing year, 178,950
men, including 4200 militia, and it is supposed that 97000 will be
employed in America and the Islands. The removal of all restrictions
on the export of wool, woollens, and glass ware from Ireland to Asia,
Africa, and America, the United States excepted, it is probable will
prevent any immediate commotions in that kingdom, and it is certain
that the British Court have not such apprehensions from that quarter,
as to prevent them from pursuing their operations against you in
their utmost extent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 19th, 1780.
Gentlemen,
Having signified to the Count de Vergennes the resolution of
Congress, assenting to my return, his Excellency proposed my taking
leave of the King in form, and upon my doing so, that minister
presented me his Majesty’s picture set in diamonds.
I thought it my duty to decline accepting it, upon which his
Excellency told me it was a mark of his Majesty’s esteem, and was
never refused. After this it appeared to me improper to persist in
the refusal, and I received it with a determination to leave it to
the disposal of Congress. It is sufficient for me, that the giving it
is a distinguished proof of the untruth of what has been asserted,
that this Court was disgusted with me and dissatisfied at my conduct.
The present itself I shall dispose of according to the pleasure
of Congress. His Majesty’s portrait is graved upon my mind by the
justice and virtue which constitute his character, of which gold and
jewels cannot enhance the value.
Permit me from this example to remark, for the sake of the ministers,
that this law should be explained so as not to leave them to the
disagreeable alternative of an ungracious refusal, or an acceptance
that may expose them to censure.
An expedition with ten thousand of the enemy’s best troops will
take place in about two months from Ireland, and though from the
profound secrecy observed, I have not yet been able to discover its
destination with certainty, yet I have sufficient reason to think
that Boston is the object of it.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JOHN JAY MINISTER FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AT MADRID.
L’Orient, March 17th, 1780.
Sir,
I had not the honor of receiving your favor, dated 26th of January,
till this day, and at this place, from which I am to embark as soon
as the Alliance is ready. Your letter had a double seal upon it, the
undermost seeming to be a head, and the one above being a coat of
arms, but what I cannot clearly make out. I mention this, that you
may judge whether these seals were of your applying.
Give me leave Sir, to take this opportunity of expressing my concern
for the dangers and sufferings, which you and your family experienced
in your passage, and to congratulate you and my country on your safe
arrival in Europe.
I waited some time in Paris, after I received notice of your
appointment, in expectation of your arrival, that I might communicate
many things to you in a personal interview, which cannot be committed
to paper. It would have given me very great pleasure to obtain for
you those recommendations to the confidence of some of the first
persons at the Court of Madrid, that were promised me, which might
have been effected by making you personally acquainted with those,
who were to give them.
The copies of memoirs, and the letters, which I wrote to Congress,
contained in general what you do me the honor of asking. I have
reason to believe, that you will find a favorable disposition where
you wish. There is no Court in Europe, at which secrecy will so much
recommend a negotiator, as that to which you are destined. Insomuch,
that as far as you can keep the capital parts of your negotiation
entirely to your own breast, you will have reason to think it
prudent. You are to negotiate with a people of honor and a Ministry
of wisdom. They will propose fairly and perform faithfully. You will
not be embarrassed by intrigue, at least, none of Spanish origin,
nor will it be advantageous to employ any. These considerations,
together with the good sense and great abilities for which you are
distinguished, make me hope, Sir, that you will accomplish with
facility the important purposes of your mission; to the advantage of
our country and to your own honor.
The house of Gardoqui has executed what was intrusted to them with
diligence, and as far as I can judge, with fidelity. They therefore
deserve your confidence. There is due to them from the public
12,000 livres, which they advanced for the freight of goods sent to
Congress; and which, as it was done without my knowledge, I had made
no provision for, and therefore could not repay it. The part of the
prize money due to the public for the prizes sent into the ports of
Spain, by Captain Cunningham, was never remitted to me, nor has the
account been settled to my knowledge.
Accept my thanks for your care of the letters for me. As I shall
certainly have quitted Europe before they can reach me, I must
beg the favor of you to enclose them to Mr Lovell with the first
despatches, which you send to Congress.
If an entire stranger may be permitted to offer his homage to your
lady, I beg the favor of you, Sir, to make mine acceptable to Mrs Jay.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, October 7th, 1780.
Sir,
I must trouble your Excellency to inform Congress of my arrival in
this city; and that I shall obey their commands, in giving them
information in my power relative to the conduct of their private affairs.
Your Excellency will permit me to deposit with you the picture of the
King of France, set with diamonds, which the Minister of that monarch
presented to me, as a mark of his Majesty’s esteem, upon my taking
leave of the Court of Versailles. But as it was in consequence of my
having been a Commissioner of Congress at that Court, I do not think
it becomes me to retain this present, without the express approbation
of Congress.
It is with infinite pain, that I feel myself obliged to mention
to Congress, that the manner of my dismission from the service of
the United States implies a censure upon my conduct abroad, and is
injurious to my character. I have already laid before Congress the
fullest evidence of the untruth and malice of the insinuations made
against me. And as they all appear at length abandoned by those who
made them, and the single assertion maintained of my having been
disesteemed at the French Court, I desire to lay before Congress a
copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes in direct contradiction to
that assertion; with two letters from my colleague, Mr John Adams,
as testimonials of my conduct, to which he was witness.[51]
Should any doubt remain in Congress, that the insinuations made
against me were groundless and malicious, and that I have discharged
the public trust reposed in me with zeal and fidelity, I must beg of
their justice to give me a full hearing at their bar, upon the whole
of the proceedings, that concern my public conduct.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S. I have brought with me the original
vouchers, to show the manner of the expenditure in public supplies,
of the money intrusted to me, particularly for the public use. These
vouchers I shall lay before Congress as soon as it is their pleasure to receive them.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Philadelphia, December 7th, 1780.
Sir,
I received in due time the letter, which your Excellency did me the
honor of writing me, on the 26th of October, enclosing a resolution
of Congress, by which I am directed to lay before them all the
information in my power, relative to their affairs in Europe.
As a citizen of the United States, I should have immediately complied
with the desire of that respectable body, had I not felt myself
embarrassed by the dubious light in which the manner of my dismission
from the public service had placed my conduct.[52]
The information Congress requires should comprehend the conduct,
character, views, and dispositions of the Courts and Ministers with
which these United States are connected, and the proceedings of the
servants of Congress in Europe. It is hardly to be expected, that
I should commit to paper what I know and think of the former; and
of the latter, the disputes which have been artfully excited and
fomented, make it a painful task to speak even the truth.
In my letter of the 21st of May, 1779, I have written as far as I
might of the state of Europe, and the most material alterations
since, are the declaration of Spain against Great Britain, upon a
distinct ground, and the league of the neutral powers, planned by
the Empress of Russia, to maintain and enlarge the rights of neutral
ships. But the real policy of this plan was to prevent the House of
Bourbon, as well as Great Britain, from acquiring a dominion of the
seas, dangerous to the liberties of the rest of Europe.
The ineffectual attempts, which have been made in Europe for
obtaining money, and the disposition which I observed on that
subject, satisfied me, that however essentially necessary it may
be at this juncture, it will be infinitely difficult to succeed.
The Court of France in particular will not, I am of opinion, assist
us with any adequate sum, but from being fully impressed with the
indispensable necessity of it to the maintenance of our independence,
and that we are by wise and honest systems retrieving the public
credit, and establishing funds, which may soon relieve them from the
burthen of supplying us.
With regard to loans from the public at large in Europe, you will
permit me, Sir, to repeat what I had the honor of writing to the
Committee of Congress, November 6th, 1779. “I perceive by the
journals, that a committee is appointed for framing a plan of a
foreign loan. It is my duty to say, that there is not the least
probability in the present situation of things of obtaining any
adequate loan in Europe, and to beseech Congress not to let the vain
expectation of that divert their attention from trying every resource
at home. It is necessary, that the impressions to our discredit,
which have arisen from the unsuccessful attempts, that have been
already made, should wear off, and some favorable event occur, such
as the enemy being obliged to draw off their troops, before it
will be possible to succeed in such a plan. In the meantime the
repetition of ineffectual attempts will only debase your credit
more, and especially if they are accompanied with the offer of more
than ordinary interest, which ever augments the suspicion of the
insecurity of the principal, and that the borrowers are themselves
conscious of their insufficiency.” Since the time the above was
written, the successes of the enemy against us have necessarily
increased the improbability of our having credit to found a foreign loan.
From the experience I have had of your foreign affairs, as well
as from the example of all other States, the establishment of a
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who may digest them into
system, and conduct them with regularity, seems absolutely necessary.
There remains one object of the last importance to the most essential
interest of these States, in the final settlement of the present
contest, that is the Court of Petersburg. The vast power of the
Russian Empire, the wisdom and extensive views of its Ministers,
and the respectability of its Empress, give that Court the greatest
weight among the confederate neutral powers. These certainly hold
the balance in this war, and most probably will dictate the terms
of a general pacification. The wisdom of Congress will, therefore,
perceive, that it is of the greatest consequence, that the views and
opinions of that Court in this question should be known to them,
and measures taken to impress the Empress and her Council with a
favorable opinion of our cause. And this more especially, as the
Empress has been hitherto left entirely to English impressions, and
some degree of disrespect shown her in applications to other powers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.