What is civilization? Origin of the unethical conception of civilization.
Our sense of reality. Our historical sense. Nationalism. National
civilization. Our misleading trust in facts and organization. The true
sense for reality.
This question ought to have been pressing itself
on the attention of all men who consider themselves
civilized, but it is remarkable that in the world’s
literature generally one hardly finds that it has
been put at all until to-day, and still more rarely
is any answer given. It was supposed that there
was no need for a definition of civilization, since
we already possessed the thing itself. If the
question was ever touched upon, it was considered
to be sufficiently settled with references to history
and the present day. But now, when events are
bringing us inexorably to the consciousness that we
live in a dangerous medley of civilization and
barbarism, we must, whether we wish to or not,
try to determine the nature of true civilization.
For a quite general definition we may say that
civilization is progress, material and spiritual
progress, on the part of individuals as of the mass.
[pg 036]
In what does it consist? First of all in a lessening
of the strain imposed on individuals and on the mass
by the struggle for existence. The establishment of
as favourable conditions of living as possible for all
is a demand which must be made partly for its own
sake, partly with a view to the spiritual and moral
perfecting of individuals, which is the ultimate
object of civilization.
The struggle for existence is a double one: man has
to assert himself in nature and against nature, and
similarly also among his fellow-men and against them.
A diminution of the struggle is secured by strengthening
the supremacy of reason over both external
nature and human nature, and making it subserve
as accurately as possible the ends proposed.
Civilization is then twofold in its nature: it realizes
itself in the supremacy of reason, first, over the forces
of nature, and, secondly, over the dispositions of men.
Which of these kinds of progress is most truly
progress in civilization? The latter, though it is the
least open to observation. Why? For two reasons.
First, the supremacy which we secure by reason over
external nature represents not unqualified progress,
but a progress which brings with its advantages also
disadvantages which may work in the direction of
barbarism. The reason why the economic circumstances
of our time endanger our civilization is to be
sought for partly in the fact that we have pressed
[pg 037]
into our service natural forces which can be
embodied in machines. But with that there must
be such a supremacy of reason over the dispositions
of men that they, and the nations which they form,
will not use against one another the power which the
control of these forces gives them, and thus plunge
one another into a struggle for existence which is
far more terrible than that between men in a state
of nature.
A normal claim to be civilized can, then, only be
reckoned as valid when it recognizes this distinction
between what is essential in civilization and what is
not.
Both kinds of progress can, indeed, be called
spiritual in the sense that they both rest upon a
spiritual activity in man, yet we may call the
supremacy over natural forces material progress
because in it material objects are mastered and
turned to man’s use. The supremacy of reason over
human dispositions, on the other hand, is a spiritual
achievement in another sense, in that it means the
working of spirit upon spirit, i.e., of one section
of the power of reflexion upon another section of it.
And what is meant by the supremacy of the
reason over human dispositions? It means that
both individuals and the mass let their willing be
determined by the material and spiritual good of
the whole and the individuals that compose it; that
[pg 038]
is to say, their actions are ethical. Ethical progress
is, then, that which is truly of the essence of civilization,
and has only one significance; material
progress is that which is not of the essential at all,
and may have a twofold effect on the development of
civilization. This moral conception of civilization
will strike some people as rationalistic and old-fashioned.
It accords better with the spirit of our
times to conceive of civilization as a natural manifestation
of life in the course of human evolution, but
one with most interesting complications. We are
concerned, however, not with what is ingenious, but
with what is true. In this case the simple is the
true—the inconvenient truth with which it is our
laborious task to deal.
The attempts to distinguish between civilization
as what the Germans call “Kultur” and civilization
as mere material progress aim at making the
world familiar with the idea of an unethical form
of civilization side by side with the ethical, and at
clothing the former with a word of historical
meaning. But nothing in the history of the word
“civilization” justifies such attempts. The word,
as commonly used hitherto, means the same as the
German “Kultur”, viz., the development of man
to a state of higher organization and a higher
[pg 039]
moral standard. Some languages prefer one word;
others prefer the other. The German usually
speaks of “Kultur”, the Frenchman usually of
“civilisation”, but the establishment of a difference
between them is justified neither philologically nor
historically. We can speak of ethical and unethical
“Kultur” or of ethical and unethical “civilisation”,
but not of “Kultur” and “civilisation”.
But how did it come about that we lost the idea
that the ethical has a decisive meaning and value
as part of civilization?
All attempts at civilization hitherto have been a
matter of processes in which the forces of progress
were at work in almost every department of life.
Great achievements in art, architecture, administration,
economics, industry, commerce, and colonization
succeeded each other with a spiritual impetus
which produced a higher conception of the universe.
Any ebb of the tide of civilization made itself felt
in the material sphere as well as in the ethical and
spiritual, earlier, as a rule, in the former than in the
latter. Thus in Greek civilization there set in as
early as the time of Aristotle an incomprehensible
arrest of science and political achievement, whereas
the ethical movement only reached its completion
in the following centuries in that great work of
education which was undertaken in the ancient
[pg 040]
world by the Stoic philosophy. In the Chinese,
Indian and Jewish civilizations ability in dealing
with material things was from the start, and always
remained, at a lower level than the spiritual and
ethical efforts of these races.
In the movement of civilization which began with
the Renaissance, there were both material and
spiritual-ethical forces of progress at work side by
side, as though in rivalry with each other, and this
continued down to the beginning of the nineteenth
century. Then, however, something unprecedented
happened: man’s ethical energy died away, while
the conquests achieved by his spirit in the material
sphere increased by leaps and bounds. Thus for
several decades our civilization enjoyed the great
advantages of its material progress while as yet it
hardly felt the consequences of the dying down of
the ethical movement. People lived on in the
conditions produced. By that movement without
seeing clearly that their position was no longer a
tenable one and preparing to face the storm that
was brewing in the relations between the nations
and within the nations themselves. In this way
our own age, having never taken the trouble to
reflect, arrived at the opinion that civilization
consists primarily in scientific, technical and artistic
achievements, and that it can reach its goal without
ethics, or, at any rate, with a minimum of them.
[pg 041]
Public opinion bowed down before this merely
external conception of civilization because it was
exclusively represented by persons whose position in
society and scientific culture seemed to show them to
be competent to judge in matters of the spiritual life.
What was the result of our giving up the
ethical conception of civilization, and therewith
all attempts to bring reasoned ethical ideals into
effective relation with reality? It was that instead
of using thought to produce ideals which fitted
in with reality, we left reality without any ideals
at all. Instead of discussing together the essential
elements, such as population, State, Church,
society, progress, which decide the character of our
social development and that of mankind generally,
we contented ourselves with starting from what is
given by experience. Only forces and tendencies
which were already at work were to be considered.
Fundamental truths and convictions which ought
to produce logical or ethical compulsion we would
no longer acknowledge. We refused to believe that
any ideas could be applicable to reality except those
derived from experience. Thus ideals which had
been knowingly and intentionally lowered dominated
our spiritual life and the whole world.
[pg 042]
How we glorified our practical common-sense,
which was to give us such power in dealing with the
world! Yet we were behaving, really, like boys who
give themselves up exultingly to the forces of nature
and whizz down a hill on their toboggan without
asking themselves whether they will be able to steer
their vehicle successfully when they come to the
next bend or the next unexpected obstacle.
It is only a conviction which is based upon
reasoned ethical ideals that is capable of producing
free activity, i.e., activity deliberately planned with
a view to its object. In proportion as ideals taken
from the workaday world are combined with it,
reality influences reality. But then the human
soul acts merely as an agent of debasing change.
Events which are to produce practical results
within us are worked upon and moulded by our
mentality. This mentality has a certain character,
and on that character depends the nature of those
value-judgments which rule our relation to facts.
Normally this character is to be found in the
reasoned ideas which our reflection upon reality
brings into existence. If these disappear there is
not left a void in which “events in themselves” can
affect us, but the control of our mentality passes now
to the opinions and feelings which hitherto have
been ruled and kept under by our reasoned ideas.
When the virgin forest is cut down, brushwood
[pg 043]
springs up where the big trees were formerly.
Whenever our great convictions are destroyed their
place is taken by smaller ones which carry out in
inferior fashion the functions of the former.
With the giving up of ethical ideals which accompanies
our passion for reality our practical efficiency
is not, therefore, improved, but diminished. It does
not make the man of to-day a cool observer and
calculator such as he supposes himself to be, for he is
under the influence of opinions and emotions which
are created in him by facts. All unconsciously he
mixes with what is the work of his reason so much of
what is emotional that the one spoils the other.
Within this circle move the judgments and impulses
of our society, whether we deal with the largest questions
or the smallest. Individuals and nations alike,
we deal indiscriminately with real and imaginary
values, and it is just this confused medley of real and
unreal, of sober thought and capacity for enthusiasm
for the unmeaning, that makes the mentality of the
modern man so puzzling and so dangerous.
Our sense of reality, then, means this, that, as a
result of emotional and short-sighted calculations
of advantage, we let one fact issue immediately in
another, and so on indefinitely. As we are not
consciously aiming at any definitely planned goal,
our activity may really be described as a kind of
natural happening.
[pg 044]
We react to facts in the most irrational way.
Without plan or foundations we build our future
into the circumstances of the time and leave it
exposed to the destructive effects of the chaotic
jostling that goes on amongst them. “Firm ground
at last”! we cry, and sink helpless in the stream
of events.
The blindness with which we endure this fate is
made worse by our belief in our historical sense,
which, in this connection, is nothing else than our
sense of reality prolonged backwards. We believe
ourselves to be a critical generation which, thanks
to its thorough knowledge of the past, is in a
position to understand the direction which events
are destined to take from the present to the future.
We add to the ideals which have been taken from
existing reality others which we borrow from history.
The achievements of historical science reached by
the nineteenth century do, indeed, deserve our
admiration, but it is another question whether our
generation, for all its possession of an historical
science, possesses a true historical sense.
Historical sense, in the full meaning of the term,
implies a critical objectivity in the face of far-off and
recent events alike. To keep this faculty free from
the bias of opinions and interests when we are
[pg 045]
estimating facts is a power which even our
historians do not possess. As long as they are
dealing with a period so remote that it has no bearing
on the present they are critical so far as the views
of the school to which they belong allow it. But
if the past stands in any real connection with
“to-day”, we can perceive at once in their estimate
the influence of their particular standpoint, rational,
religious, social or economic.
It is significant that while during the last few
decades the learning of our historians has, no doubt,
increased, their critical objectivity has not. Previous
investigators kept this ideal before their eyes in
much greater purity than have those of to-day; we
have gone so far that we no longer seriously make
the demand that in scientific dealings with the past
there shall be a suppression of all prejudices which
spring from nationality or creed. It is quite
common nowadays to see the greatest learning
bound up with the strongest bias. In our historical
literature the highest positions are occupied by
works written with propagandist aims.
So little educative influence has science had on
our historians that they have often espoused as
passionately as anyone the opinions of their own
people instead of calling the latter to a thoughtful
estimate of the facts, as was their duty to their
profession; they have remained nothing but men
[pg 046]
of learning. They have not even started on the task
for which they entered the service of civilization, and
the hopes of civilization, which in the middle of the
nineteenth century rested on the rise of a science of
history, have been as little fulfilled as those which
were bound up with the demand for national States
and democratic forms of government.
The generation that has been brought up by
teachers such as these has naturally not much idea
of an elevated or active conception of events.
Accurately viewed, its characteristic feature is not
so much that we understand our past better than
earlier generations understood theirs, but rather that
we attribute to the past an extraordinarily increased
meaning for the present. Now and again we
actually substitute it for the latter. It is not enough
for us that what has been is present in its results in
what now is; we want to have it always with us,
and to feel ourselves determined by it.
In this effort to be continually experiencing our
historical process of becoming, and to acknowledge
it, we replace our normal relation to the past by an
artificial one, and wishing to find within the past the
whole of our present, we misuse it in order to deduce
from it, and to legitimize by an appeal to it, our
claims, our opinions, our feelings and our passions.
Under the very eyes of our historical learning there
springs up a manufactured history for popular use,
[pg 047]
in which the current national and confessional ideas
are unreservedly approved and upheld, and our
school history books become regular culture beds of
historical lies.
The misuse of history is a necessity for us. The
ideas and dispositions which rule us cannot be
justified by reason; nothing is left for us but to give
them foundations in history.
It is significant that we have no real interest in
what is valuable in the past. Its great spiritual
achievements are mechanically registered, but we do
not let ourselves be touched by them. Still less do
we accept them as a heritage; nothing has any
value for us except what can be squared with our
plans, passions, feelings, and æsthetic moods of
to-day. With these we live ourselves by lies into
the past, and then assert with unshaken assurance
that we have our roots in it.
This is the character of the reverence we pay to
history. Blinded by what we consider or declare
to be past and done with, we lose all sense for what
is to happen, so that of nothing can we say: “It is
finished,” nothing now gets accomplished. Again
and again we let what is past rise up artificially in
what is present, and endow bygone facts with a
persistence of being which makes wholly impossible
the normal development of our peoples. Just as
our sense of reality makes us lose ourselves in
[pg 048]
present-day events, so does our historical
compel us to do the same in those of the past.
From these two things, our sense of reality and
our historical sense, is born the nationalism to
which we must refer the external catastrophe in
which the decadence of our civilization finds its
completion.
What is nationalism? It is an ignoble patriotism,
exaggerated till it has lost all meaning, which bears
the same relation to the noble and healthy kind as
the fixed idea of an imbecile does to normal
conviction.
How does it develop among us?
About the beginning of the nineteenth century
the course of thought gave the national State its
rightful position, starting for this from the axiom
that it, as a natural and homogeneous organism, was
better calculated than any other to make the ideal
of the civilized State a working reality. In Fichte’s
addresses to the German nation the nation-State is
summoned to the bar of the moral reason and learns
that it has to submit in all things to the latter. It
gives the necessary promise and straightway receives
a commission to bring the civilized State into
existence. It is given emphatically to understand
that it must recognize as its highest task the
[pg 049]
continuous and steady development of the purely
human element in the nation’s life. It is to seek
greatness by representing the ideas which can bring
healing to the nations. Its citizens are urged to
show their membership of it not through the lower,
but through the higher, patriotism, that is, not to
overvalue its external greatness and power, but to
be careful to take for their aim “the unfolding of
what is eternal and Godlike in the world,” and to see
that their objects coincide with the highest aims of
humanity. Thus national feeling is placed under
the guardianship of reason, morality and civilization.
The cult of patriotism as such is to be considered as
barbarism; it does, indeed, announce itself to be
such by the purposeless wars which it necessarily
brings in its train.
In this way the idea of nationality was raised to
the level of a valuable ideal of civilization. When
civilization began to decline, its other ideals all fell
also, but the idea of nationality maintained itself
because it had transferred itself to the sphere of
reality. It incorporated henceforward all that
remained of civilization, and became the ideal
which summed up all others. Here, then, we have
the explanation of the mentality of our age, which
concentrates all the enthusiasm of which it is capable
on the idea of nationality, and believes itself to
possess in that all moral and spiritual good things.
[pg 050]
But with the decay of civilization the character
of the idea of nationality changed. The guardianship
exercised over it by the other moral ideals to
which it had hitherto been subordinate now ceased,
since these were themselves on trial, and the
nationalist idea began a career of independence.
It asserted, of course, that it was working in the
service of civilization, but it was, in truth, only an
idea of reality with a halo of civilization round it,
and it was guided by no ethical ideals, but only by
the instincts which deal with reality.
That reason and morality shall not be allowed to
contribute a word to the formation of nationalist
ideas and aspirations is demanded by the mass
of men to-day as a sparing of their holiest
feelings.
If in earlier times the decay of civilization did not
produce any such confusion in the sentiments of the
various nations, this was because the idea of
nationality had not then been raised in the same
way to be the ideal of civilization. It was, therefore,
impossible that it should insinuate itself into
the place of the true ideals of civilization, and
through abnormal nationalist conceptions and dispositions
bring into active existence an elaborate
system of uncivilization.
That in nationalism we have to do not so much
with things as with the unhealthy way in which they
[pg 051]
are dealt with in the imagination of the crowd, is
clear from its whole behaviour. It claims to be
following a policy of practical results (Realpolitik);
in reality it by no means represents the uncompromisingly
businesslike view of all the questions
of home and foreign policy, but side by side with
its egoism displays a certain amount of enthusiasm.
Its practical policy is an over-valuation of certain
questions of territorial economic interests, an
over-valuation which has been elevated to a dogma and
idealized, and is now supported by popular sentiment.
It fights for its demands without having
established any properly thought-out calculation of
their real value. In order to be able to dispute the
possession of millions of value, the modern State
loaded itself with armaments costing hundreds of
millions. Meaning to care for the protection and
extension of its trade, it loaded the latter with
imposts which imperilled its power of competing
with its rivals much more than did any of the
measures taken by those rivals.
Its practical politics were, therefore, in truth
impracticable politics, because they allowed popular
sentiment to come in, and thereby made the simplest
questions insoluble. This style of politics put
economic interests in the shop window, while it kept
in the warehouse the ideas about greatness and
conquest which belong to nationalism.
[pg 052]
Every civilized State, in order to increase its
power, gathered allies wherever it could. Thus
half-civilized and uncivilized races were summoned
by civilized ones to fight against the civilized neighbours
of the latter, and these helpers were not
content with the subordinate rôle which had been
assigned to them. They acquired more and more
influence on the course of events, till they were at
last in a position to decide when the civilized nations
of Europe should begin to fight each other about
them. Thus has Nemesis come upon us for abandoning
our wishes and betraying to the uncivilized
world all that we still possessed of things that were
of universal value.
It was significant of the unhealthy character of
nationalism’s “practical” politics that it tried in
every possible way to deck itself out with a tinsel
imitation of idealism. The struggle for power
became one for right and civilization; the alliances
for the promotion of their selfish interests which
various nations made with one another against all
the rest were made to appear to be friendships and
spiritual affinities. As such they were dated back
into the past, even though history had a great deal
more to say about hereditary quarrels than about
spiritual relationships.
[pg 053]
Finally, nationalism was not content with putting
aside, in the sphere of politics generally, all attempts
to bring into existence a really civilized humanity;
it distorted the very idea of civilization itself and
talked of national civilization.
Once there was what was known just simply as
civilization, and every civilized nation strove to
possess it in its purest and most fully developed
form. In this respect nationality had in the idea
of civilization at that time something much more
original and less spoilt than it has in the same idea
to-day. If, in spite of this, there was no impulse
among the nations to separate the spiritual life of
each from that of its neighbours, we have a proof
that nationality is not in itself the strong element
in the people that demanded this. Such a claim as
is made to-day to have a national civilization is an
unhealthy phenomenon. It presupposes that the
civilized peoples of to-day have lost their healthy
nature, and no longer follow instincts, but theories.
They percuss and sound their souls to such an
extent that these are no longer capable of any
natural action. They analyse and describe them
so continuously that in thinking of what they ought
to be they forget what they actually are. Questions
of spiritual differences between races are discussed
so subtly, and with such obstinacy and dogmatism,
that the talk works like an obsession, and the
[pg 054]
peculiarities that are said to exist make their
appearance like imaginary diseases.
In every department of life more and more effort
is devoted to making clearly visible in the results
which follow from them the emotions, the ideas, and
the reasonings of the mass of the people. Any
peculiarity preserved and fostered in this way shows
that its natural counterpart has perished. The
individual element in the personality of a people
no longer, as something unconscious or half conscious,
plays with varying lights on the totality of the
nation’s spiritual life. It becomes an artifice, a
fashion, a self-advertisement, a mania. There is bred
in the nation a mass of thought, the serious results
of which in every department become more evident
year by year. The spiritual life of some of the
leading civilized nations has already, in comparison
with earlier days, taken on a monotonous tone such
as makes an observer feel anxious.
The unnatural character of this development
shows itself not only in its results, but in the part
which it allows to be played by conceit,
self-importance, and self-deception. Anything valuable
in a personality or a successful undertaking is
attributed to some special excellence in the national
character. Foreign soil is assumed to be incapable
of producing the same or anything similar, and in
most countries this vanity has grown to such a
[pg 055]
height that the greatest follies are no longer beyond
its reach.
It goes without saying that there follows a serious
decline in the spiritual element in the national
civilization. The spirituality is, moreover, only a
kind of disguise; it has in reality an avowedly
materialist character. It is a distillation from all
the external achievements of the nation in question
and appears in partnership with its economic and
political demands. While alleged to be grounded
in the national peculiarities, nationalist civilization
will not, as we should normally expect, remain
limited to the nation itself; it feels called upon to
impose itself upon others and make them happy!
Modern nations seek markets for their civilization,
as they do for their manufactures!
National civilization, therefore, is matter for
propaganda and for export, and the necessary
publicity is secured by liberal expenditure. The
necessary phrases can be obtained ready-made and
need only be strung together. Thus the world has
inflicted on it a competition between national
civilizations, and between these civilization itself
comes off badly.
The nations of Europe entered the Middle Ages
side by side as the heirs of the Greco-Roman world,
and lived side by side with the freest mutual intercourse
through the Renaissance, the period of the
[pg 056]
Illuminati, and of the philosophy of more recent
times. But we no longer believe that they, with
their offshoots in the other continents, form an
indivisible unit of civilization. If, however, in this
latest age, the differences in their spiritual life have
begun to stand out more distinctly, the cause of it is
that the level of civilization has sunk. When the
tide ebbs, shallows which separate bodies of deep
water become visible; while the tide is flowing they
are out of sight.
How closely the nations which form the great
body of civilized humanity are still interrelated
spiritually is shown by the fact that they have all
side by side suffered the same decadence.
With our sense of reality is bound up, further, the
false confidence which we have in facts. We live in
an atmosphere of optimism, as if the contradictions
which show themselves in the world arranged themselves
automatically so as to promote well-thought-out
progress, and reconciled themselves in syntheses
in which the valuable parts of the thesis and the
antithesis coalesced.
In justification of this optimism appeal is made,
both rightly and wrongly, to Hegel. It cannot be
denied that he is the spiritual father of our sense of
reality; he is the first thinker who tried to be just
[pg 057]
to things as they exist. We have been trained by
him to realize the method of progress in thesis, antithesis,
and synthesis as they show themselves in the
course of events. But his optimism was not a
simple optimism about facts, as ours is. He lived
still in the spiritual world of rationalism, and believed
in the power of ethical ideas worked out by reason;
that was why he believed also in the certainty of
uninterrupted spiritual progress. And it was because
this was something upon which he could rely that
he undertook to show how it was to be seen in the
successive phases of events, and at the same time
how it made itself a reality in the stream of outward
facts. By emphasizing, however, the progressive
purpose, which he finds immanent in the course of
events, so strongly that it is possible to forget the
ethical-spiritual presuppositions of his belief in
progress, he is preparing the way for the despiritualized
optimism about reality which has for decades
been misleading us. Between the facts themselves
there is nothing but an endless series of contradictions.
The fresh mediating fact in which they
counteract each other so as to make progress
possible they cannot of themselves produce. This
fact can only assert itself if the contradictions
resolve themselves in a reasoned view in which there
are ethical ideas about the condition of things which
[pg 058]
it is sought to realize. These are the formative
principles for the new element which is to arise out
of the contradictories, and it is only in this reasoned
ethical view that the latter cease to be blind, leading
to no issue.
It was because we assumed the existence of
principles, of progress, in the facts, that we viewed
the advance of history, in which our future was
being prepared, as progress in civilization, even
though evolution condemned our optimism. And
even now, when facts of the most terrible character
cry out loudly against it, we shrink from giving
up our creed. It no longer, indeed, gives us
any real enlightenment, but the alternative,
which bases optimism on belief in the ethical
spirit, means such a revolution in our mode of
thought that we find it difficult to take it into
consideration.
With our reliance upon facts is bound up our
reliance on organizations. The activities and the
aims of our time are penetrated by a kind of obsession
that if we could only succeed in perfecting or
reforming in one direction or another the institutions
of our public and social life, the progress demanded
by civilization would begin of itself. We are,
indeed, far enough from unanimity as to the plan
needed for the reform of our arrangements: one
section sketches out an anti-democratic plan;
[pg 059]
others believe that our mistake lies in the fact that
democratic principles have not yet been applied
consistently; others, again, see salvation only in a
Socialist or Communist organization of society.
But all agree in attributing our present condition,
with its absence of true civilization, to a failure of
our institutions; all look for the attainment of such
civilization to a new organization of society; all
unite in thinking that with new institutions there
would arise a new spirit.
In this terrible confusion are entangled not
only the unreflecting masses, but also many of
the most earnest amongst us. The materialism
of our age has reversed the relation between the
spiritual and the actual. It believes that something
with spiritual value can result from the
working of facts. It was even expected that the
war would bring us a spiritual regeneration! In
reality, however, the relation between them works in
the opposite direction. A spiritual element of real
value can, if it is present, influence the moulding of
reality so as to bring about desired results, and can
thus produce facts in support of itself. All institutions
and organizations have only a relative significance.
With the most diverse social and political
[pg 060]
arrangements, the various civilized nations have all
sunk to the same depth of barbarism. What we
have experienced, and are still experiencing, must
surely convince us that the spirit is everything and
that institutions count for very little. Our institutions
are a failure because the spirit of barbarism
is at work in them. The best planned improvements
in the organization of our society (though we
are quite right in trying to secure them) cannot help
us at all until we become at the same time capable
of imparting a new spirit to our age.
The difficult problems with which we have to deal,
even those which lie entirely in the material and
economic sphere, are in the last resort only to be
solved by an inner change of character. The wisest
reforms in organization can only carry them a little
nearer solution, never to the goal. The only
conceivable way of bringing about a reconstruction
of our world on new lines is first of all to become new
men ourselves under the old circumstances, and then
as a society in a new frame of mind so to smooth out
the opposition between nations that a condition of
true civilization may again become possible. Everything
else is more or less wasted labour, because we
are thereby building not on the spirit, but on what
is merely external.
In the sphere of human events which decide the
future of mankind reality consists in an inner
[pg 061]
conviction, not in given outward facts. Firm
ground for our feet we find in reasoned ethical
ideals. Are we going to draw from the spirit
strength to create new conditions and turn our
faces again to civilization, or are we going to continue
to draw our spirit from our surroundings and
go down with it to ruin? That is the fateful question
with which we are confronted.
The true sense for reality is that insight which tells
us that only through ethical ideas about things can
we arrive at a normal relation to reality. Only so
can man and society win all the power over events
that they are able to use. Without that power we
are, whatever we may choose to do, delivered over
into bondage to them.
What is going on to-day between nations and
within them throws a glaring illumination upon this
truth. The history of our time is characterized by
a lack of reason which has no parallel in the past.
Future historians will one day analyse this history
in detail, and test by means of it their learning
and their freedom from prejudice. But for all
future times there will be, as there is for to-day,
only one explanation, viz., that we sought to live
and to carry on with a civilization which had no
ethical principle behind it.
[pg 062]