FOREWORD
The literature on the subject of evolution has already attained
such vast dimensions that any attempt to add to it has
the appearance of being both superfluous and presumptuous.
It is, however, in the fact that the generality of modern works
are frankly partisan in their treatment of this theme that
the publication of the present work finds justification.
For the philosophers and scientists of the day evolution is
evidently something which admits of no debate and which
must be maintained at all costs. These thinkers are too
intent upon making out a plausible case for the theory
to take anything more than the mildest interest in the facts
opposed to it. If they advert to them at all, it is always to
minimize, and never to accentuate, their antagonistic force.
For the moment, at any rate, the minds of scientific writers
are closed to unfavorable, and open only to favorable, evidence,
so that one must look elsewhere than in their pages
for adequate presentation of the case against evolution.
The present work aims at setting forth the side of the
question which it is now the fashion to suppress. It refuses
to be bound by the convention which prescribes that evolution
shall be leniently criticized. It proceeds, in fact, upon
the opposite assumption, namely, that a genuinely scientific
theory ought not to stand in need of indulgence, but should
be able, on the contrary, to endure the acid test of merciless
criticism.
Evolution has been termed a “necessary hypothesis.” We
have no quarrel with the phrase, provided it really means
evolution as an hypothesis, and not evolution as a dogma.
For, obviously, the problem of a gradual differentiation of
organic species cannot even be investigated upon the fixistic
assumption, inasmuch as this assumption destroys the problem
at the very outset. Unless we assume the possibility, at
least, that modern species of plants and animals may have
been the product of a gradual process, there is no problem
to investigate. It is, however, a far cry from the possibility
to the actuality; and the mere fact that an hypothesis is
necessary as an incentive to investigation does not by any
means imply that the result of the investigation will be the
vindication of its inspirational hypothesis. On the contrary,
research often results in the overthrow of the very hypothesis
which led to its inception. We can, therefore, quite readily
admit the necessity of evolution as an hypothesis, while rejecting
its necessity as a dogma.
Assent to evolution as a dogma is advocated not only by
materialists, who see in evolutionary cosmogony proof positive
of their monism and the complete overthrow of the idea
of Creation, but also by certain Catholic scientists, who seem
to fear that religion may become involved in the anticipated
ruin of fixism. Thus all resistance to the theory of evolution
is deprecated by Father Wasmann and Canon Dorlodot on
the assumption that the ultimate triumph of this theory is
inevitable, and that failure to make provision for this eventuality
will lead to just such another blunder as theologians
of the sixteenth century made in connection with the Copernican
theory. Recollection of the Galileo incident is, doubtless,
salutary, in so far as it suggests the wisdom of caution and
the imperative necessity of close contact with ascertained
facts, but a consideration of this sort is no warrant whatever
for an uncritical acceptance of what still remains unverified.
History testifies that verification followed close upon the
heels of the initial proposal of the heliocentric theory, but
the whole trend of scientific discovery has been to destroy,
rather than to confirm, all definite formulations of the evolutional
theory, in spite of the immense erudition expended
in revising them.
There is, in brief, no parity at all between Transformism
and the Copernican theory. Among other points of difference,
Tuccimei notes especially the following: “The Copernican
system,” he remarks, “explains that which is, whereas evolution
attempts to explain that which was; it enters, in other
words, into the problem of origins, an insoluble problem in
the estimation of many illustrious evolutionists, according to
whom no experimental verification is possible, given the
processes and factors in conjunction with which the theory
was proposed. But what is of still greater significance for
those who desire to see a parallelism between the two theories
is the fact that the Copernican system became, with the discoveries
of Newton, a demonstrated thesis, scarcely fifty years
after the death of Galileo; the theory of evolution, on the
other hand, is at the present day no longer able to hold its own
even as an hypothesis, so numerous are its incoherencies and
the objections to it raised by its own partisans.” (“La Decadenza
di una Teoria,” 1908, p. 11.)
The prospect, then, of a renewal of the Galileo episode
is exceedingly remote. Far more imminent to the writer seems
the danger that the well-intentioned rescuers of religion may
be obliged to perform a most humiliating volte face, after having
accepted all too hastily a doctrine favored only for the
time being in scientific circles. It is, in fact, by no means
inconceivable that the scientific world will eventually discard
the now prevalent dogma of evolution. In that case those
who have seen fit to reconcile religion with evolution will have
the questionable pleasure of unreconciling it in response to
this reversal of scientific opinion.
On the whole, the safest attitude toward evolution is the
agnostic one. It commits us to no uncertain position. It does
not compromise our intellectual sincerity by requiring us to
accept the dogmatism of scientific orthodoxy as a substitute
for objective evidence. It precludes the possible embarrassment
of having to unsay what we formerly said. And last,
but not least, it is the attitude of simple truth; for the truest
thing that Science is, or ever will be, able to say concerning
the problem of organic origins is that she knows nothing
about it.
In the present work, we shall endeavor to show that Evolution
has long since degenerated into a dogma, which is believed
in spite of the facts, and not on account of them. The first
three chapters deal with the theory in general, discussing
in turn its genetical, morphological, and geological aspects.
The last three chapters are devoted to the problem of origins,
and treat of the genesis of life, of the human soul, and of
the human body, respectively.
While this book is in no sense a work of “popular science,”
I have sought to broaden its scope and interest by combining
the scientific with the philosophic viewpoint. Certain portions
of the text are unavoidably technical, but there is much, besides,
that the general reader will be able to follow without
difficulty. Students, especially of biology, geology, and experimental
psychology, may use it to advantage as supplementary
reading in connection with their textbooks.
I wish to acknowledge herewith my indebtedness to the
Editor of the Catholic Educational Review, Rev. George Johnson,
Ph. D., to whose suggestion and encouragement the inception
of this work was largely due. I desire also to express
my sincere appreciation of the services rendered in the revision
of the manuscript by the Rev. Edward Wenstrup, O.S.B.,
Professor of Zoölogy, St. Vincent College, Pennsylvania.
BARRY O’TOOLE.
St. Vincent Archabbey,
January 30, 1925.
CHAPTER I THE PRESENT CRISIS IN EVOLUTIONARY THOUGHT
Three prominent men, a scientist, a publicist, and an orator,
have recently made pronouncements on the theory of Evolution.
The trio, of course, to whom allusion is made, are
Bateson, Wells, and Bryan. As a result of their utterances,
there has been a general reawakening of interest in
the problem to which they drew attention. Again and
again, in popular as well as scientific publications,
men are raising and answering the question: “Is Darwinism
dead?” Manifold and various are the answers given,
but none of them appears to take the form of an unqualified
affirmation or negation. Some reply by drawing a distinction
between Darwinism, as a synonym for the theory of evolution
in general, and Darwinism, in the sense of the particular form
of that theory which had Darwin for its author. Modern
research, they assure us, has not affected the former, but has
necessitated a revision of ideas with respect to the latter.
There are other forms of evolution besides Darwinism, and,
as a matter of fact, not Darwin, but Lamarck was the originator
of the scientific theory of evolution. Others, though
imitating the prudence of the first group in their avoidance of
a categorical answer, prefer to reply by means of a distinction
based upon their interpretation of the realities of the problem
rather than upon any mere terminological consideration.
Of the second group, some, like Osborn, distinguish between
the law of evolution and the theoretical explanations of this
law proposed by individual scientists. The existence of the
law itself, they insist, is not open to question; it is only with
respect to hypotheses explanatory of the aforesaid law that
doubt and disagreement exist. The obvious objection to such
a solution is that, if evolution is really a law of nature, it
ought to be reducible to some clear-cut mathematical formula
comparable to the formulations of the laws of constant, multiple,
and reciprocal proportion in chemistry, or of the laws of
segregation, assortment, and linkage in genetics. Assuming,
then, that it is a genuine law, how is it that today no one
ventures to formulate this evolutional law in definite and
quantitative terms?
Others, comprising, perhaps, a majority, prefer to distinguish
between the fact and the causes of evolution. Practically
all scientists, they aver, agree in accepting evolution as
an established fact; it is only with reference to the agencies
of evolution that controversy and uncertainty are permissible.
To this contention one may justly reply that, by all the
canons of linguistic usage, a fact is an observed or experienced
event, and that hitherto no one in the past or present has ever
been privileged to witness with his senses even so elemental
a phenomenon in the evolutionary process as the actual origin
of a new and genuine organic species. If, however, the admission
be made that the term “fact” is here used in an untechnical
sense to denote an inferred event postulated for the purpose
of interpreting certain natural phenomena, then the
statement that the majority of modern scientists agree as to
the “fact” of evolution may be allowed to stand, with no further
comment than to note that the formidable number and
prestige of the advocates fail to intimidate us. Considerations
of this sort are wholly irrelevant, for in science no less than in
philosophy authority is worth as much as its arguments and
no more.
The limited knowledge of the facts possessed by the biologists
of the nineteenth century left their imaginations perilously
unfettered and permitted them to indulge in a veritable
orgy of theorizing. Now, however, that the trail blazed by
the great Augustinian Abbot, Mendel, has been rediscovered,
work of real value is being done with the seed pan, the incubator,
the microtome, etc., and the wings of irresponsible speculation
are clipped. Recent advances in this new field of
Mendelian genetics have made it possible to subject to critical
examination all that formerly went under the name of “experimental
evidence” of evolution. Even with respect to the
inferential or circumstantial evidence from palæontology, the
enormous deluge of fossils unearthed by the tireless zeal of
modern investigators has annihilated, by its sheer complexity,
the hasty generalizations and facile simplifications of a
generation ago, forcing the adoption of a more critical
attitude. Formerly, a graded series of fossil genera
sufficed for the construction of a “palæontological pedigree”;
now, the worker in this field demands that the chain
of descent shall be constructed with species, instead of genera,
for links—“Not till we have linked species into lineages, can
we group them into genera.” (F. A. Bather, Science, Sept. 17,
1920, p. 264.) This remarkable progress in scientific studies
has tended to precipitate the crisis in evolutionary thought,
which we propose to consider in the present chapter. Before
doing so, however, it will be of advantage to formulate a clear
statement of the problem at issue.
Evolution, or transformism, as it is more properly called,
may be defined as the theory which regards the present species
of plants and animals as modified descendants of earlier
forms of life. Nowadays, therefore, the principal use of the
term evolution is to denote the developmental theory of organic
species. It is, however, a word of many senses. In the
eighteenth century, for example, it was employed in a sense
at variance with the present usage, that is, to designate the
non-developmental theory of embryological encasement or
preformation as opposed to the developmental theory of epigenesis.
According to the theory of encasement, the adult
organism did not arise by the generation of new parts (epigenesis),
but by a mere “unfolding” (evolutio) of preëxistent
parts. At present, however, evolution is used as a synonym
for transformism, though it has other meanings, besides, being
sometimes used to signify the formation of inorganic nature as
well as the transformation of organic species.
Evolution, in the sense of transformism, is opposed to
fixism, the older theory of Linné, according to whom no specific
change is possible in plants and animals, all organisms
being assumed to have persisted in essential sameness of type
from the dawn of organic life down to the present day. The
latter theory admits the possibility of environmentally-induced
modifications, which are non-germinal and therefore
non-inheritable. It also admits the possibility of germinal
changes of the varietal, as opposed to the specific, order, but
it maintains that all such changes are confined within the
limits of the species, and that the boundaries of an organic
species are impassable. Transformism, on the contrary, affirms
the possibility of specific change, and assumes that the boundaries
of organic species have actually been traversed.
What, then, is an organic species? It may be defined as a
group of organisms endowed with the hardihood necessary to
survive and propagate themselves under natural conditions
(i.e. in the wild state), exhibiting a common inheritable type,
differing from one another by no major germinal difference,
perfectly interfertile with one another, but sexually incompatible
with members of an alien specific group, in such wise
that they produce hybrids wholly, or partially, sterile, when
crossed with organisms outside their own specific group.
David Starr Jordan has wisely called attention to the
requisite of viability and survival under natural conditions.
“A species,” he says, “is not merely a form or group of individuals
distinguished from other groups by definable features.
A complete definition involves longevity. A species is a kind
of animal or plant which has run the gauntlet of the ages and
persisted.... A form is not a species until it has ‘stood.’”
(Science, Oct. 20, 1922, p. 448.)
Sexual (gametic) incompatibility as a criterion of specific
distinction, presupposes the bisexual or biparental mode of
reproduction, namely, syngamy, and is therefore chiefly applicable
to the metista, although, if the view tentatively proposed
by the protozoölogist, E. A. Minchin, be correct, it
would also be applicable to the protista. According to this
view, no protist type is a true species, unless it is maintained
by syngamy (i.e. bisexual reproduction)—“Not until syngamy
was acquired,” says Minchin, “could true species exist among
the Protista.” (“An Introduction to the Study of the Protozoa,”
p. 141.)
To return, however, to the metista, the horse (Equus caballus)
and the ass (Equus asinus) represent two distinct species
under a common genus. This is indicated by the fact that the
mule, which is the hybrid offspring of their cross, is entirely
sterile, producing no offspring whatever, when mated with
ass, horse, or mule. Such total sterility, however, is not essential
to the proof of specific differentiation; it suffices that the
hybrid be less fertile than its parents. As early as 1686,
sterility (total or partial) of the hybrid was laid down by
John Ray as the fundamental criterion of specific distinction.
Hence Bateson complains that Darwinian philosophy flagrantly
“ignored the chief attribute of species first pointed
out by John Ray that the product of their crosses is frequently
sterile in a greater or lesser degree.” (Science, Jan. 20, 1922,
p. 58.)
Accordingly, the sameness of type required in members of
the same species refers rather to the genotype, that is, the
sum-total of internal hereditary factors latent in the germ,
than to the phenotype, that is, the expressed somatic characters,
viz. the color, structure, size, weight, and all other
perceptible properties, in terms of which a given plant or animal
is described. Thus it sometimes happens that two distinct
species, like the pear-tree and the apple-tree, resemble
each other more closely, as regards their external or somatic
characters, than two varieties belonging to one and the same
species. Nevertheless, the pear-tree and the apple-tree are so
unlike in their germinal (genetic) composition that they cannot
even be crossed.
According to all theories of transformism, new species arise
through the transformation of old species, and hence evolutionists
are at one in affirming the occurrence of specific
change. When it comes, however, to assigning the agencies
or factors, which are supposed to have brought about this
transmutation of organic species, there is a wide divergence
of opinion. The older systems of transformism, namely,
Lamarckism and Darwinism, ascribed the modification of
organic species to the operation of the external factors of
the environment, while the later school of orthogenesis attributed
it to the exclusive operation of factors residing within
the organism itself.
Lamarckism, for example, made the formation of organs
a response to external conditions imposed by the environment.
The elephant, according to this view, being maladjusted
to its environment by reason of its clumsy bulk, developed a
trunk by using its nose to compensate for its lack of pliancy
and agility. Here the use or function precedes the organ
and molds the latter to its need. Darwinism agrees with
Lamarckism in making the environment the chief arbiter of
modification. Its explanation of the elephant’s trunk, however,
is negative rather than positive. This animal, it tells
us, developed a trunk, because failure to vary in that useful
direction would have been penalized by extermination.
Wilson presents, in a very graphic manner, the appalling
problem which confronts evolutionists who seek to explain
the adaptations of organisms by means of environmental factors.
Referring, apparently, to Henderson’s “Fitness of the
Environment,” he says: “It has been urged in a recent valuable
work ... that fitness is a reciprocal relation, involving
the environment no less than the organism. This is both a
true and suggestive thought; but does it not leave the naturalist
floundering amid the same old quicksands? The historical
problem with which he has to deal must be grappled at closer
quarters. He is everywhere confronted with specific devices
in the organism that must have arisen long after the conditions
of environment to which they are adjusted. Animals
that live in water are provided with gills. Were this all, we
could probably muddle along with the notion that gills are
no more than lucky accidents. But we encounter a sticking
point in the fact that gills are so often accompanied by a variety
of ingenious devices, such as reservoirs, tubes, valves,
pumps, strainers, scrubbing brushes, and the like, that are
obviously tributary to the main function of breathing. Given
water, asks the naturalist, how has all this come into existence
and been perfected? The question is an inevitable product
of our common sense.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 405.)
Impressed with the difficulty of accounting for the phenomena
of organic adaptation by means of the far too general
and unspecific influence of the environment, the orthogenetic
school of transformism inaugurated by Nägeli, Eimer, and Kölliker
repudiated this explanation, and sought to explain organic
evolution on the sole basis of internal factors, such as
“directive principles,” or germinal determinants. According to
this conception, the elephant first developed his trunk under
the drive of some internal agency, and afterwards sought out
an environment in which the newly-developed trunk would be
useful. In other words, orthogenesis makes the organ precede
the function, and is therefore the exact reverse of Lamarckism.
Evolutionists in general, as we have said, regard our present
plants and animals as the modified progeny of earlier forms,
understanding by “modified” that which is the product of a
trans-specific, as distinguished from a varietal or intra-specific,
change. To substantiate the claim that changes of specific
magnitude have actually taken place, they appeal to two principal
kinds of evidence, namely: (a) empirical evidence based
on such variations as are now observed to occur among living
organisms; (b) inferential evidence, which aposterioristically
deduces the common ancestry of allied organic types from their
resemblances and their sequence in geological time. Hence,
if we omit as negligible certain subsidiary arguments, the
whole evidence for organic evolution may be summed up under
three heads: (1) the genetic evidence grounded on the facts
of variation; (2) the zoölogical evidence based on homology,
that is, on structural resemblance together with all further
resemblances (physiological and embryological), which such
similarity entails; (3) the palæontological evidence which
rests on the gradual approximation of fossil types to modern
types, when the former are ranged in a series corresponding
to the alleged chronological order of their occurrence in the
geological strata. It is the bearing of recent genetical research
upon the first of these three lines of evidence that
we propose to examine in the present chapter, an objective
to which a brief and rather eclectic historical survey of
evolutionary thought appears to offer the easiest avenue of
approach.
While many bizarre speculations on the subject of transformism
had been hazarded in centuries prior to the nineteenth,
the history of this conception, as a scientific hypothesis, dates
from the publication of Lamarck’s “Philosophie Zoologique”
in 1809. According to Lamarck, organic species are changed
as a result of the indirect influence of the external conditions
of life. A change in environment forces a change of habit on
the part of the animal. A change in the animal’s habits results
in adaptation, that is, in the development or suppression
of organs through use or disuse. The adaptation, therefore,
thus acquired was not directly imposed by the environment,
but only indirectly—that is, through the mediation of habit.
Once acquired by the individual animal, however, the adaptation
was, so Lamarck thought, taken up by the process of inheritance
and perpetuated by being transmitted to the animal’s
offspring. The net result would be a progressive differentiation
of species due to this indirect influence of a varying environment.
Such was the theory of Lamarck, and it is sound and
plausible in all respects save one, namely, the unwarranted
assumption that acquired adaptations are inheritable, since
these, to quote the words of the Harvard zoölogist, G. H.
Parker, “are as a matter of fact just the class of changes in
favor of the inheritance of which there is the least evidence.”
(“Biology and Social Problems,” 1914, p. 103.)
The next contribution to the philosophy of transformism
was made by Charles Darwin, when, in the year 1859, he published
his celebrated “Origin of Species.” In this work, the
English naturalist bases the evolution of organic species upon
the assumed spontaneous tendency of organisms to vary
minutely from their normal type in every possible direction.
This spontaneous variability gives rise to slight variations,
some of which are advantageous, others disadvantageous to the
organism. The enormous fecundity of organisms multiplies
them in excess of the available food supply, and more, accordingly,
are born than can possibly survive. In the ensuing
competition or struggle for existence, individuals favorably
modified survive and propagate their kind, those unfavorably
modified perish without progeny. This process of elimination
Darwin termed natural selection. Only individuals favored by
it were privileged to propagate their kind, and thus it happened
that these minute variations of a useful character were
seized upon and perpetuated “by the strong principle of
inheritance.” In this way, these slight but useful modifications
would tend gradually to accumulate from generation to
generation in the direction favored by “natural selection,”
until, by the ensuing summation of innumerable minor differences
verging in the same direction, a major difference
would be produced. The end-result would be a progressive
divergence of posterity from the common ancestral type,
whence they originally sprang, ending in a multiplicity of new
forms or species, all differing to a greater or lesser extent from
the primitive type. The contrary hypothesis of a possible
convergence of two originally diverse types towards eventual
similarity Darwin rejected as an extremely improbable explanation
of the observed resemblance of organic forms, which,
not without reason, he thought it more credible to ascribe to
their assumed divergence from a common ancestral type.
Such was the scheme of evolution elaborated by Charles Darwin.
His hypothesis leaves the origin of variations an unsolved
mystery. It assumes what has never been proved, namely, the
efficacy of “natural selection.” It rests on what has been
definitely disproved by factual evidence, namely, the inheritability
of the slight variations, now called fluctuations, which,
not being transmitted even, by the hereditary process, cannot
possibly accumulate from generation to generation, as Darwin
imagined. Moreover, fluctuations owe their origin to variability
in the external conditions of life (e.g. in temperature,
moisture, altitude, exposure, soil, food, etc.), being due to
the direct influence or pressure of the environment, and not
to any spontaneous tendency within the organism itself.
Hence Darwin erred no less with respect to the spontaneity,
than with respect to the inheritability and summation, of his
“slight variations.”
The subsequent history of Lamarckian and Darwinian
Transformism is briefly told. That both should pass into the
discard was inevitable, but, thanks to repeated revisions undertaken
by loyal adherents, their demise was somewhat retarded.
In vain, however, did the Neo-Darwinians attempt to do for
Darwinism what the Neo-Lamarckians had as futilely striven
to do for Lamarckism. The revisers succeeded only in precipitating
a lethal duel between these two rival systems,
which has proved disastrous to both. The controversy begun
in 1891 between Herbert Spencer and August Weismann
marked the climax of this fatal conflict.
Spencer refused to see any value whatever in Darwin’s
principle of natural selection, while other Neo-Lamarckians,
less extreme, were content to relegate it to the status of a subordinate
factor in evolution. Darwin had considered it “the
most important means of modification,” but it is safe to say
that no modern biologist attaches very much importance to
natural selection as a means of accounting for the differences
which mark off one species from another. In fact, if natural
selection has enjoyed, or still continues to enjoy, any vogue
at all, it is not due to its value in natural science (which, for all
practical intents and purposes, is nil), but solely to its appeal
as “mechanistic solution”; for nothing further is needed to
commend it to modern thinkers infected with what Wasmann
calls Theophobia. Natural selection, in making the organism
a product of the concurrence of blind forces unguided by
Divine intelligence, a mere fortuitous result, and not the realization
of purpose, has furnished the agnostic with a miserable
pretext for omitting God from his attempted explanation of
the universe. “Here is the knot,” exclaims Du Bois-Reymond,
“here the great difficulty that tortures the intellect which
would understand the world. Whoever does not place all
activity wholesale under the sway of Epicurean chance, whoever
gives only his little finger to teleology, will inevitably
arrive at Paley’s discarded ‘Natural Theology,’ and so much
the more necessarily, the more clearly he thinks and the more
independent his judgment.... The possibility, ever so distant,
of banishing from nature its seeming purpose, and putting
a blind necessity everywhere in the place of final causes,
appears, therefore, as one of the greatest advances in the world
of thought, from which a new era will be dated in the treatment
of these problems. To have somewhat eased the torture
of the intellect which ponders over the world-problem will, as
long as philosophical naturalists exist, be Charles Darwin’s
greatest title to glory.” (Darwin versus Galiani, “Reden,”
Vol. I, p. 211.)
But however indispensable the selection principle may be to
a philosophy which proposes to banish the Creator from creation,
its scientific insolvency has become so painfully apparent
that biologists have lost all confidence in its power to solve
the problem of organic origins. It is recognized, for example,
that natural selection would suppress, rather than promote,
development, seeing that organs have utility only in the state
of perfection and are destitute of selection-value while in the
imperfect state of transition. Again, the specific differences
that diversify the various types of plants and animals are
notoriously deficient in selection-value, and therefore the
present differentiation of species cannot be accounted for by
means of the principle of natural selection. Finally, unless
one is prepared to make the preposterous assumption that the
environment is a telic mechanism expressly designed for shaping
organisms, he is under logical necessity of admitting that
the influence of natural selection cannot be anything else than
purely destructive. There is, as Wilson points out, no aprioristic
ground for supposing that natural selection could do
anything more than maintain the status quo, and as for
factual proofs of its effectiveness in a positive sense, they
are wholly wanting. Professor Caullery of the Sorbonne, in
his Harvard lecture of Feb. 24, 1916, assures us that, “since
the time of Darwin, natural selection has remained a purely
speculative idea and that no one has been able to show its
efficacy in concrete indisputable examples.”
Considerations of this sort induced not only Neo-Lamarckians,
but many non-partisans as well, to take the field against
the Darwinian Selection Principle. Thus Spencer’s caustic attack
became a forerunner of others, and eminent biologists,
like Fleischmann, Driesch, T. H. Morgan, and Bateson, have
in turn poured the vials of their satire upon the attempts of
Neo-Darwinians to rehabilitate the philosophy of natural
selection. Wm. Bateson warns those, who persist in their
credulity with reference to the Darwinian account of organic
teleology, that they “will be wise henceforth to base this faith
frankly on the impregnable rock of superstition and to abstain
from direct appeals to natural fact.” This admonition forms
the conclusion of a scathing criticism of what he styles the
“fustian of Victorian philosophy.” “In the face of what we
know,” it runs, “of the distribution of variability in nature,
the scope claimed for natural selection must be greatly reduced.
The doctrine of the survival of the fittest is undeniable
so long as it is applied to the organism as a whole, but
to attempt by this principle to find value in all definiteness
of parts and functions, and in the name of science to see fitness
everywhere, is mere eighteenth century optimism. Yet it was
in its application to the parts, to the details of specific difference,
to the spots on the peacock’s tail, to the coloring of an
orchid flower, and hosts of such examples, that the potency of
natural selection was urged with greatest emphasis. Shorn
of these pretensions the doctrine of the survival of favored
races is a truism, helping scarcely at all to account for the
diversity of species. Tolerance plays almost as considerable
a part. By these admissions the last shred of that teleological
fustian with which Victorian philosophy loved to clothe the
theory of evolution is destroyed.” (Heredity, “Presidential
Address to Brit. Ass’n. for Advanc. of Science,” Aug. 14, 1914.)
Nor is this all. The Darwinian Selection Principle is reproached
with having retarded the progress of science. It is
justly accused of having discouraged profound and painstaking
analysis by putting into currency its shallow and spurious
solution of biological problems. “Too often in the past,” says
Edmund Wilson, “the facile formulas of natural selection have
been made use of to carry us lightly over the surface of unsuspected
depths that would have richly repaid serious exploration.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 406.)
In retaliation for the destructive criticism of natural selection,
the Neo-Darwinians have proceeded to pulverize the
Lamarckian tenet concerning the inheritability of acquired
adaptations. Weismann, having laid down his classic distinction
between the soma (comprising the vegetative or tissue
cells in contact with the environment) and the germ (i.e. the
sequestered reproductive cells or gametes, which are sheltered
from environmental vicissitudes), showed that the Lamarckian
assumption that a change in the somatic cells (which
constitute the organism of the individual) is registered in the germ
cells (which constitute the vehicle of racial inheritance), is
supported neither by a priori probability nor by any facts
of observation. Germ cells give rise by division to somatic
or tissue cells, but the converse is not true; for, once a cell has
become differentiated and specialized into a tissue cell, it can
never again give rise by division to germ cells, but only to
other tissue cells of its own kind. Hence the possibility of a
change in the tissue being transmitted to the germ has no
antecedent probability in its favor. Neither is it grounded
on the facts of observation. Bodily mutilations of the
parent are not transmitted to the offspring. The child of a
blacksmith is not born with a more developed right arm than
that of a tailor’s child. When the ovaries from a white rabbit
are grafted into a black rabbit, whose own ovaries have been
previously removed, the latter, if mated to a white male, will
produce spotlessly white young. Hence the offspring inherit
the characters of the germ track of the white female, whence
the ovaries were derived, without being influenced in the least
by the pigmented somatic cells of the nurse-body (i.e. the
black female), into which the ovaries were grafted. Kammerer’s
experiments, in which young salamanders were found
to exhibit at birth the coloration, which their parents had
acquired through the action of sunlight, fail to convince, because,
in this case, the bodies of the parents are not sufficiently
impervious to light to preclude its direct action upon the gametes
while in the reproductive organs of the parents. Hence
we cannot be sure but that the coloration of the offspring derived
from these gametes is due to the direct agency of sunlight
rather than to the intermediate influence of the modified
somatic cells upon the germ plasm.
The same objection holds true of the recent experiments,
in which the germ cells have been modified by modifying the
interior medium or internal environment by means of antibodies
and hormones. No one doubts the possibility of influencing
heredity by a direct modification of the germ cells,
especially when, as is always the case in these experiments, the
modification produced is destructive rather than constructive.
The experiments, therefore, of Prof. M. F. Guyer of Wisconsin
University, in which a germinally-transmitted eye defect was
produced by injecting pregnant female rabbits with an antilens
serum derived from fowls immunized to the crystalline
lens of rabbits as antigen, are beside the mark. To demonstrate
the Lamarckian thesis one must furnish evidence of a
constructive addition to inheritance by means of prior somatic
acquisition. The transmission of defects artificially produced
is not so much a process of inheritance (transmission of
type) as rather one of degeneracy (failure to equate the
parental type).[1] Commenting on Guyer’s suggestion that an
organism capable of producing antibodies that are germinally-destructive,
may also be able to produce constructive bodies,
Prof. Edwin S. Goodrich says: “The real weakness of the
theory is that it does not escape from the fundamental objections
we have already put forward as fatal to Lamarckism.
If an effect has been produced, either the supposed constructive
substance was present from the first, as an ordinary internal
environmental condition necessary for the normal development
of the character, or it must have been introduced from without
by the application of a new stimulus. The same objection
does not apply to the destructive effect. No one doubts that
if a factor could be destroyed by a hot needle or picked out
with a fine forceps the effect of the operation would persist
throughout subsequent generations.” (Science, Dec. 2, 1921,
p. 535.)
But in demonstrating against the Neo-Lamarckians that
somatic modifications unrepresented in the germ plasm could
have no significance in the process of racial evolution, Weismann
had proved too much. His argument was no less telling
against Darwinism than it was against Lamarckism. Darwin’s
“individual differences” or “slight variations,” now spoken of
as fluctuations, were quite as unrepresented and unrecorded
in the germ cells as Lamarck’s “acquired adaptations.” There
can be no “summation of individual differences” for the simple
reason that fluctuations have no germinal basis and are therefore
uninheritable—“We must bear in mind the fact,” says
Prof. Edmund Wilson, “that Darwin often failed to distinguish
between non-inheritable fluctuations and hereditary
mutations of small degree.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915,
p. 406.) Fluctuations, as we have seen, are due to variability
in the environmental conditions, e.g. in access to soil nutrients,
etc. As an instance of fluctuational variation the seeds of
the ragweed may be cited. Normally these seeds have six
spines, but around this average there is considerable fluctuation
in individual seeds, some having as many as nine spines
and others no more than one. Yet the plants reared from
nine-spine seeds, even when similarly mated, show no greater
tendency to produce nine-spine seeds than do plants reared
from one-spine seeds.
To meet the difficulty presented by the non-inheritability of
the Lamarckian adaptation and the Darwinian fluctuation,
De Vries substituted for them those rare and abruptly-appearing
inheritable variations, which he called mutations[2]
and regarded as elementary steps in the evolutionary process.
This new version of transformism was announced by De Vries
in 1901, and more fully explained in his “Die Mutations-Theorie”
(Leipzig, 1902-1903). Renner has shown that De
Vries’ new forms of Œnothera were cases of complex hybridization
rather than real mutants, as the forms produced by
mutation are now called. Nevertheless, the work of Morgan,
Bateson, and others leaves little doubt as to the actual
occurrence of factorial mutants, while Dr. Albert F. Blakeslee has
demonstrated the existence of chromosomal mutants. When
unqualified, the term mutant usually denotes the factorial
mutant, which arises from a change in one or more of the
concatenated genes (hereditary factors) of a single chromosome
(nuclear thread) in the germinal (i.e. gametic) complex.
All such changes are called factorial mutations. They are
hereditarily transmissible, and affect the somatic characters
of the race permanently, although, in rare cases, such as that
of the bar-eyed Drosophila mutant, the phenomenon of reversion
has been observed. The chromosomal mutant, on the
contrary, is not due to changes in the single factors or genes,
but to duplication of one or more entire chromosomes (linkage-groups)
in the gametic complex. Like the factorial mutant,
it produces a permanent and heritable modification. The increase
in nuclear material involved in chromosomal mutation
(i.e. duplication) seems to cause a proportionate increase in
the cytoplasmic mass of the single somatic cells, which manifests
itself in the phenotype as giantism. De Vries’ Œnothera
gigas is a chromosomal mutant illustrative of this phenomenon.
Besides the foregoing, there is the pseudomutant produced
by the factorial recombination, which results from a
crossover, i.e. an exchange of genes or factors between two
germinal chromosomes of the same synaptic pair. This reciprocal
transfer of genes from one homologous chromosome to
another happens, in a certain percentage of cases, during synapsis.
The percentage can be artificially increased by exposing
young female hybrids to special conditions of temperature.
If these new mutant forms could be regarded as genuine new
species, then the fact that such variations are heritable and
come within the range of actual observation, would constitute
the long-sought empirical proof of the reality of evolution.
Consciously or subconsciously, however, De Vries recognized
that this was not the case; for he refers to mutants as “elementary
species,” and does not venture to present them as
authentic organic species.
The factorial mutant answers neither the endurance test
nor the intersterility test of a genuine species. It would, doubtless,
be going too far to regard all such mutant forms as examples
of germinal degeneracy, but it cannot be denied that
all of them, when compared to the wild type, are in the direction
of unfitness, none of them being viable and prosperous
under the severe conditions obtaining in the wild state. Bateson,
who seems to regard all mutant characters as recessive
and due to germinal loss, declares: “Even in Drosophila,
where hundreds of genetically distinct factors have been identified,
very few new dominants, that is to say positive additions,
have been seen, and I am assured that none of them are
of a class which could be expected to be viable under natural
conditions. I understand even that none are certainly viable
in the homozygous state.” (Toronto Address, Science, Jan. 20,
1922, p. 59.) “Garden or greenhouse products,” says D. S.
Jordan, “are immensely interesting and instructive, but they
throw little light on the origin of species. To call them species
is like calling dress-parade cadets ‘soldiers.’ I have heard
this definition of a soldier, ‘one that has stood.’ It is easy to
trick out a group of boys to look like soldiers, but you can
not define them as such until they have ‘stood.’” (Science,
Oct. 20, 1922.) In a word, factorial mutants, owing, as they
do, their survival exclusively to the protection of artificial
conditions, could never become the hardy pioneers of new
species.
Bateson insists that the mutational variation represents a
change of loss. “Almost all that we have seen,” he says, “are
variations in which we recognize that elements have been
lost.” (Science, Jan. 20, 1922, p. 59.) In his Address to the
British Association (1914), he cites numerous examples tending
to show that mutant characters are but diminutions or
intensifications of characters pre-existent in the wild or normal
stock, all of which are explicable as effects of the loss (total
or partial) of either positive, or inhibitive (epistatic) hereditary
factors (genes). One of these instances illustrating the
subtractive nature of the factorial mutation is that of the
Primula “Coral King,” a salmon-colored mutant, which was
suddenly given off by a red variety of Primula called “Crimson
King.” Such a mutation is obviously based on the loss of
a germinal factor for color. The loss, however, is sometimes
partial rather than total, as instanced in the case of the purple-edged
Picotee sweet pea, which arose from the wholly purple
wild variety by fractionation of the genetic factor for purple
pigment. Even where the mutational variation appears to be
one of gain, as happens when a positive character appears
de novo in the phenotype, or when a dilute parental character
is intensified in the offspring, it is, nevertheless, interpretable
as a result of germinal loss, the loss, namely, total or partial,
of a genetic inhibitor. Such inhibitive genes or factors are
known to exist. Bateson has shown, for example, that the
whiteness of White Leghorn chickens is due, not to the absence
of color-factors, but to the presence of a genetic inhibitor—“The
white of White Leghorns,” he says, “is not, as white in
nature often is, due to the loss of the color elements, but to
the action of something which inhibits their expression.” (Address
to the Brit. Ass’n., Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 368.)
Thus the sudden appearance in the offspring of a character not
visibly represented in the parents may be due, not to germinal
acquisition, but the loss of an inhibitory gene, whose elimination
allows the somatic character previously suppressed by it
to appear. Hence Bateson concludes: “In spite of seeming
perversity, therefore, we have to admit that there is no evolutionary
change which in the present state of our knowledge
we can positively declare to be not due to loss.” (Loc. cit.,
p. 375.)
Another consideration, which disqualifies the factorial mutant
for the rôle of a new species, is its failure to pass the test
of interspecific sterility. When individuals from two distinct
species are crossed, the offspring of the cross is either completely
sterile, as instanced in the mule, or at least partially so. But
when, for example, the sepia-eyed mutant of the vinegar fly is
back-crossed with the red-eyed wild type, whence it originally
sprang, the product of the cross is a red-eyed hybrid,
which is perfectly fertile with other sepia-wild hybrids, with
wild flies, and with sepia mutants. This proves that the sepia-eyed
mutant has departed, so to speak, only a varietal, and
not a specific, distance away from the parent stock. Ordinary
or factorial mutation does not, therefore, as De Vries imagined,
produce new species. These mutants do, indeed, meet
the requirement of permanent transmissibility, for their distinctive
characters cannot be obliterated by any amount of
crossing. Nevertheless, the factorial mutation falls short of
being an empirical proof of evolution, because it is a varietal,
and not a specific, change. In other words, factorial mutants
are new varieties and not new species. Only a heritable change
based on germinal acquisition of sufficient magnitude to produce
gametic incompatibility between the variant and the
parent type would constitute direct evidence of the transmutation
of species, provided, of course, that the variant were also
capable of survival under the natural conditions of the wild
state.
In his Toronto address of December 28, 1921, Wm. Bateson
announced the failure of De Vries’ Mutation Theory, when he
said: “But that particular and essential bit of the theory of
evolution, which is concerned with the origin and nature of
species remains utterly mysterious. We no longer feel as we
used to do, that the process of variation, now contemporaneously
occurring, is the beginning of a work which needs
merely the element of time for its completion; for even time
cannot complete that which has not yet begun. The conclusion
in which we were brought up that species are a product of a
summation of variations ignored the chief attribute of species
first pointed out by John Ray that the product of their crosses
is frequently sterile in greater or less degree. Huxley, very
early in the debate, pointed out this grave defect in the evidence,
but before breeding researches had been made on a
large scale no one felt the objection to be serious. Extended
work might be trusted to supply the deficiency. It has not
done so, and the significance of the negative evidence can
no longer be denied....
“If species have a common origin where did they pick up
the ingredients which produce this sexual incompatibility? Almost
certainly it is a variation in which something has been
added. We have come to see that variations can very commonly—I
do not say always—be distinguished as positive and
negative.... Now we have no difficulty in finding evidence
of variation by loss, but variations by addition are rarities,
even if there are any such which must be so accounted. The
variations to which interspecific sterility is due are obviously
variations in which something is apparently added to the stock
of ingredients. It is one of the common experiences of the
breeder that when a hybrid is partially sterile, and from it any
fertile offspring can be obtained, the sterility, once lost, disappears.
This has been the history of many, perhaps most, of
our cultivated plants of hybrid origin.
“The production of an indubitably sterile hybrid from completely
fertile parents which has arisen under critical observation
is the event for which we wait. Until this event is witnessed,
our knowledge of evolution is incomplete in a vital
respect. From time to time such an observation is published,
but none has yet survived criticism.” (Science, Jan. 20, 1922,
pp. 58, 59.)
But what of the chromosomal mutant? For our knowledge
of this type of mutation we are largely indebted to Blakeslee’s
researches and experiments on the Jimson weed (Datura stramonium).
According to Blakeslee, chromosomal mutants result
from duplication, or from reduction, of the chromosomes,
and they are classified as balanced or unbalanced types
according as all, or only some, of the chromosomal linkage-groups
are similarly doubled or reduced. If only one of
the homologous chromosomes of a synaptic pair is doubled,
the mutant is termed a triploid form. It is balanced when
one homologous chromosome is doubled in every synaptic
pair, but if one or more chromosomes be added to, or subtracted
from, this balanced triploid complex, the mutant is
termed an unbalanced triploid. When all the chromosomes
of the normal diploid complex are uniformly doubled, we have
a balanced tetraploid race. The subtraction or addition of one
or more chromosomes in the case of a balanced tetraploid
complex renders it an unbalanced tetraploid mutant. The
retention in somatic cells of the haploid number of chromosomes
characteristic of gametes and gametophytes gives a
balanced haploid mutant, from which hitherto no unbalanced
haploids have been obtained. The normal diploid type and
the balanced tetraploid type are said to constitute an even
balance, while balanced triploids and haploids constitute an
odd balance. The odd balances and all the unbalanced mutants
are largely sterile. Thus, for example, more than 80%
of the pollen of the haploid mutant is bad. “The normal
Jimson Weed,” says Blakeslee, “is diploid (2n) with a total
of 24 chromosomes in somatic cells. In previous papers the
finding of tetraploids (4n) with 48 chromosomes and triploids
(3n) with 36 was reported, as well as unbalanced mutants with
25 chromosomes represented by the formula (2n + 1). The
finding of two haploid or 1n plants, which we are now able
to report, adds a new chromosomal type to the balanced series
of mutants in Datura. This series now stands: 1n, 2n, 3n, 4n.
Since a series of unbalanced mutants has been obtained from
each of the other balanced types by the addition or subtraction
of one or more chromosomes, it is possible that a
similar series of unbalanced mutants may be obtainable from
our new haploid plants, despite the great unbalance which
would thereby result.” (Science, June 16, 1923, p. 646.) The
haploid mutant, of which Blakeslee speaks, has, of course, 12
unpaired chromosomes in its somatic cells.
The balanced triploid is, like the haploid mutant, largely
sterile, and is only obtainable by crossing the tetraploid race
with the normal diploid plant. Since, then, the product of
the cross of the diploid and tetraploid races is sterile, the
tetraploid race fulfills the sterility test of a distinct species.
Whether or not it fulfills the endurance test of survival under
natural condition is doubtful, inasmuch as diploid Daturas
are about three times as prolific as the tetraploid race. Moreover,
as Blakeslee himself confessed in a lecture at Woods
Hole attended by the present writer in the summer of 1923,
the origin of a balanced tetraploid form from the normal
diploid type by simultaneous duplication of all the chromosomes
in the diploid complex, is an event that has yet to be
witnessed. Nor is any gradual transition from the diploid
to the tetraploid race, by way of unbalanced types and triploids,
conceivable, seeing that such forms are too sterile
to maintain themselves, and are, in fact, incapable of transmitting
their own type in the absence of artificial intervention.
There are, it is true, some instances, in which diploid
and tetraploid races and species occur together in cultivation
and in nature. In certain cases, this tetraploidy is merely
apparent, being due to fragmentation of the chromosomes; in
other cases, it is really due to chromosomal duplication, giving
rise to genuine tetraploid forms. The question is often hard
to decide, the mere number of the chromosomes being not,
in itself, a safe criterion. Of the actual origin, however, of
tetraploid from diploid races we have as yet no observational
evidence. Hence Blakeslee’s researches on the chromosomal
mutant have so far failed to furnish experimental proof of
the origin of a genuine new species. Besides, waiving all other
considerations, the limits within which chromosomal duplication
is possible are of necessity so narrow, that, at best, this
phenomenon can only be invoked to explain a very small
range of variation. In fact, it is doubtful whether haploidy,
triploidy, and tetraploidy have any important bearing whatever
upon the problem of the origin of species. (See Addenda.)
The mutation, then, in so far as we have experimental
knowledge of it, does not fulfill requirements of a specific
change. It cannot even be regarded as an elementary step
in the direction of such a change. With this admission, De-Vriesianism
becomes obsolete, descending like its predecessors,
Lamarckism and Darwinism, into the charnel-house of discarded
systems whose value is historic, but no longer scientific.
When we enquire into the reason of this common
demise of all the classic systems of transformism, we find
it to reside in the progress of the new science of Mendelian
genetics, whose foundations were laid by an Augustinian
monk of the nineteenth century. Six years after the appearance
of Darwin’s “Origin of Species,” Gregor Johann Mendel
published a short paper entitled “Versuche über Pflanzen-hybriden,”
which, unnoticed at the time by a scientific world
preoccupied with Darwinian fantasies, was destined, on its
coming to light at the beginning of the present century, to
administer the final coup de grace to all the elaborate schemes
of evolution that had preceded or followed its initial publication.
It took half a century, however, before the dust of Darwinian
sensationalism subsided sufficiently, to permit the “rediscovery”
of Mendel’s solid and genuine contribution to biological
science. But the Prälat of the abbey at Brünn never
lived to see the day of his triumph. The true genius of his
century, he died unhonored and unsung, a pretender being
crowned in his stead. For Coulter says of Darwin: “He died
April 19, 1882, probably the most honored scientific man in
the world.” (Evolution, 1916, p. 35.)
Within the small dimensions of the paper, of which we
have spoken, Mendel had compressed the results of years of
carefully conceived and accurately executed experimentation
reduced to precise statistical form and interpreted with a penetrating
sagacity of the highest order. It is no exaggeration
to say that his discovery has revolutionized the science of
biology, giving it, for the first time, mathematical formulas
comparable to those of chemistry. His two laws of inheritance,
namely, the law of segregation and the law of independent
assortment of characters, have, as previously intimated,
become the basis of the new science of Genetics. His
analysis of biparental reproduction has interpreted for us the
cytological phenomena of synapsis, meiosis, and syngamy,
has explained for us the instability of hybrids, has placed
Weismann’s speculations concerning the autonomy and continuity
of the germ plasm on a firm basis of experimental
fact, has clarified all our notions respecting the mode and
range of hereditary transmission, and has, in a word, opened
our eyes to that new and hitherto unexplored realm of nature
which Bateson calls “the world of gametes.”
Efforts have been made to construct systems of transformism
along Mendelian lines, but none of them has met with
notable success. Lotsy, for example, sought to explain all
variation on the basis of the rearrangement of preëxistent
genetic factors brought about by crossing. But such a solution
of the problem is very unsatisfactory. In the first place, the
generality of hybrid (heterozygous) forms are ruled out on the
score of instability. The phenotype of hybrids is directly
dependent, not on the genes themselves, but on the diploid combination
of genes contained in the zygote. This combination,
however, is always dissolved in the process of gamete-formation,
by the segregative reduction division which occurs in the
reproductive organs of the hybrid. Hybrids, therefore, do not
breed true, if propagated by sexual reproduction. To maintain
constancy of type in hybrids, one must resort to somatogenic
reproduction (i.e. vegetative growth from stems, etc.). Certain
violets, in fact, as well as blackberries, are maintained in a
state of constant hybridism by means of this sort of reproduction,
even in nature. In the case of balanced lethals (i.e. factors
causing death in the pure or homozygous state), the
hybrid phenotype may be maintained even by sexual reproduction,
inasmuch as all the pure (homozygous) offspring
are non-viable. Two lethals are said to be balanced,
when they occur, the first in one and the second in the
other homologous chromosome of the same synaptic pair.
“Such a factorial situation would maintain a state of constant
heterozygosis, the fixed hybridism of an impure species ...
the hybrid will breed true until the relative position of the
lethals are changed by a crossover, or the genetical constitution
in these respects is altered by a mutation.” (Davis,
Science, Feb. 3, 1922, p. 111.) As is evident, however, the
condition of balanced lethals involves a considerable reduction
in fertility.
Hybridization, moreover, is successful between varieties of
the same species rather than between distinct species. Interspecific
crosses are in some cases entirely unproductive, in
other cases productive of wholly-sterile, hybrids, and in still
other cases productive of semisterile hybrids. When semisterile
hybrids are obtainable from an interspecific cross, the
phenotype can be kept constant by somatogenic reproduction,
but, as we shall see in a later chapter, this kind of reproduction
does not counteract senescence, and stock thus propagated
usually plays out within a determinate period. Finally, the
mixture of incompatible germinal elements involved in an
interspecific cross tends to produce forms, which are subnormal
in their viability and vitality. The conclusions of Goodspeed
and Clausen are the following: “(1) As a consequence of
modern Mendelian developments, the Mendelian factors may
be considered as making up a reaction system, the elements
of which exhibit more or less specific relations to one another;
(2) strictly Mendelian results are to be expected only when
the contrast is between factor differences within a common
Mendelian reaction system as is ordinarily the case in varietal
hybrids; (3) when distinct reaction systems are involved,
as in species crosses, the phenomena must be viewed in the
light of a contrast between systems rather than between specific
factor differences, and the results will depend upon the
degree of mutual compatibility displayed between the specific
elements of the two systems.” (Amer. Nat., 51 (1917), p. 99.)
To these conclusions may be added the pertinent observation
of Bradley Moore Davis: “Of particular import,” he says, “is
the expectation that lethals most frequently owe their presence
to the heterozygous condition since the mixing of diverse germ
plasms seems likely to lead to the breaking down of delicate
and vital adjustments in proportion relative to the degree
of protoplasmic confusion, and this means chemical and physical
disturbance.” (Science, Feb. 3, 1923, p. 111.)
But crossing produces, in the second filial generation (F2),
pure (homozygous) as well as hybrid (heterozygous) forms.⅖
In some cases these pure forms are new, the phenotype being
different from that of either pure grandparent. Such a result
is produced by random assortment of the chromosomes in
gamete and zygote formation, and occurs when the genes for
two or more pairs of contrasted characters are located in different
chromosome pairs. The phenomenon is formulated in
Mendel’s Second Law, the law of independent assortment. The
novelty, however, of the true-breeding forms thus produced
is not absolute, but relative. There is no origination of new
hereditary factors. It is simply a recombination of the old
genes of different stocks, the genes themselves undergoing
no intrinsic alteration. The combination is new, but not the
elements combined. In addition to chromosomal recombination,
we have factorial recombination by means of crossovers.
This, too, can produce new and true-breeding forms of a fixed
nature, but here, likewise, it is the combination, and not the
elements combined, which is new. The “new” forms thus produced
are called, as we have seen, pseudomutants. When
pseudomutations, that is, crossovers, occur in conjunction with
the condition of balanced lethals, they closely simulate genuine
factorial mutations. This is exemplified in the case of
De Vries’ Œnothera Lamarckiana, which is the product of
a crossover supervening upon a situation of balanced lethals.
In cases of this kind, the crossover releases hitherto suppressed
recessive characters, giving the appearance of real mutation.
“The workers with Drosophila,” says Davis, “seem inclined
to believe that much of the phenomena simulating mutation
in their material is in reality the appearance of characters set
free by the breaking of lethal adjustments which held the
characters latent. Well-known workers have arrived at similar
conclusions for Œnothera material and are not content to
accept as evidence of mutations the behavior of Lamarckiana
and some other forms when they throw their marked variants.”
(Science, Feb. 3, 1922, p. 111.)
The new forms, however, resulting from random assortment
and crossovers cannot be regarded as new species. “Analysis,”
says Bateson, “has revealed hosts of transferable characters.
Their combinations suffice to supply in abundance series of
types which might pass for new species, and certainly would
be so classed if they were met with in nature. Yet critically
tested, we find that they are not distinct species and we
have no reason to suppose any accumulation of characters
of the same order would culminate in the production of distinct
species. Specific difference therefore must be regarded as
probably attaching to the base upon which these transferables
are implanted, of which we know absolutely nothing at
all. Nothing that we have witnessed in the contemporary
world can colorably be interpreted as providing the sort of
evidence required.” (Science, Jan. 20, 1922, pp. 59, 60.)
Anyone thoroughly acquainted with the results of genetical
analysis and research will find it impossible to escape the
conviction that there is no such thing as experimental evidence
for evolution. In spite of the enormous advances made
in the fields of genetics and cytology, the problem of the
origin of species is, scientifically speaking, as mysterious as
ever. No variation of which we have experience is interpretable
as the transmutation of a specific type, and David Starr
Jordan voices an inevitable conclusion when he says: “None
of the created ‘new species’ of plant or animal I know of
would last five years in the open, nor is there the slightest
evidence that any new species of field or forest or ocean ever
originated from mutation, discontinuous variation, or hybridization.”
(Science, Oct. 20, 1922, p. 448.)
“In any case,” as Professor Caullery tells us in his Harvard
lecture on the “Problem of Evolution,” “we do not see in the
facts emerging from Mendelism, how evolution, in the sense
that morphology suggests, can have come about. And it
comes to pass that some of the biologists of greatest authority
in the study of Mendelian heredity are led, with regard to
evolution, either to a more or less complete agnosticism, or to
the expression of ideas quite opposed to those of the preceding
generation; ideas which would almost take us back to creationism.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1916, p. 334.) It is, of
course, impossible within the limits of a single chapter to
convey any adequate impression of all that Mendel’s epoch-making
achievement portends, but what has been said is
sufficient to give some idea of the acuteness of the crisis
through which the theory of organic evolution is passing as
a result of his discovery. In its classic forms of Lamarckism,
Darwinism and De-Vriesianism, the survival of the theory is
out of the question. Whether or not it can be rehabilitated
in any form whatever is a matter open to doubt. Transfixed
by the innumerable spears of modern objections, its extremity
calls to mind the plight of the Lion of Lucerne. Possibly,
it is destined to find a rescuer in some great genius of the
future, but of one thing, at least, we may be perfectly certain,
namely, that, even if rejuvenated, it will never again resume the
lineaments traced by Charles Darwin. In the face of this
certainty, it is almost pitiful to hear the die-hards of Darwinism
bolstering up a lost cause with the wretched quibble
that, though natural selection has been discredited as an explanation
of the differentiation of species, Darwinism “in its
essentials” survives intact. For, if there is any feature which,
beyond all else, deserves to be called an essential of Darwin’s
system, surely it is natural selection. For Darwin it was “the
most important” agency of transformation (cf. “Origin of
Species,” 6th ed., p. 5). Apart from his hypothesis of the summation
through inheritance of slight variations (“fluctuations”),
now completely demolished by the new science of
genetics, it represented his sole contribution to the philosophy
of transformism. It alone distinguishes Darwinism from Lamarckism,
its prototype. Without it the “Origin of Species”
would be Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark. With it
Darwin’s fame should stand or fall. Therefore, since Darwin
erred in making it “the most important means of modification,”
Darwinism is dead, and no grief of mourners can resuscitate
the corpse. “Through the last fifty years,” says
Bateson, “this theme of the natural selection of favored races
has been developed and expounded in writings innumerable.
Favored races certainly can replace others. The argument
is sound, but we are doubtful of its value. For us that debate
stands adjourned. We go to Darwin for his incomparable
collection of facts. We would fain emulate his scholarship,
his width, and his power of exposition, but to us he speaks
no more with philosophical authority. We read his scheme of
evolution as we would those of Lucretius or of Lamarck, delighting
in their simplicity and their courage.” (Heredity,
Presid. Add. to British Assoc. for Advanc. of Science, Smith.
Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 365.)
CHAPTER II HOMOLOGY AND ITS EVOLUTIONARY INTERPRETATION
The recent revival of interest in the problem of evolution
seems to have called forth two very opposite expressions of
opinion from those who profess to represent Catholic thought
on this subject. M. Henri de Dorlodot, in his “Le Darwinisme,”
appears in the rôle of an ardent admirer of Darwin
and an enthusiastic advocate of the doctrine of Transformism.
The contrary attitude is adopted by Mr. Alfred McCann, whose
“God—or Gorilla” is bitterly antagonistic not only to Darwinism
but to any form whatever of the theory of Transformism.
Both of these works possess merits which it would be
unjust to overlook. Dorlodot deserves credit for having shown
conclusively that there is absolutely nothing in the Scriptures,
or in Patristic tradition, or in Catholic theology, or in the
philosophy of the Schools, which conflicts with our acceptance
of organic evolution as an hypothesis explanatory of certain
biological facts. In like manner, it must be acknowledged
that, even after a liberal discount has been made in penalty of
its bias and scientific inaccuracy, Mr. McCann’s book still contains
a formidable residue of serious objections, which the
friends of evolution will probably find it more convenient to
sidestep than to answer.
Unfortunately, however, neither of these writers maintains
that balanced mental poise which one likes to see in the
defenders of Catholic truth. Dorlodot seems too profoundly
impressed with the desirability of occupying a popular position
to do impartial justice to the problem at issue, and his
anxiety to keep in step with the majority blinds him apparently
to the flaws of that “Darwinism” which he praises. Had he
been content with a simple demarcation of negative limits,
there would be no ground for complaint. But, when he goes
so far as to bestow unmerited praise upon the author of the
mechanistic “Origin of Species” and the materialistic “Descent
of Man”; when, by confounding Darwinism with evolution, he
consents to that historical injustice which allows Darwin to
play Jacob to Lamarck’s Esau, and which leaves the original
genius of Mendel in obscurity while it accords the limelight of
fame to the unoriginal expounder of a borrowed conception;
when, by means of the sophistry of anachronism, he speciously
endeavors to bring the speculations of an Augustine or an
Aquinas into alignment with those of the ex-divinity student
of Cambridge; when he assumes that Fixism is so evidently
wrong that its claims are unworthy of consideration,
whereas Transformism is so evidently right that we can dispense
with the formality of examining its credentials; when,
in a word, he expresses himself not merely in the sense, but in
the very stereotyped cant phrases of a dead philosophy, we
realize, with regret, that his conclusions are based, not on any
reasoned analysis of the evidence, but solely upon the dogmatism
of scientific orthodoxy, that his thought is cast in antiquated
molds, and that for him, apparently, the sixty-five
years of discovery and disillusionment, which have intervened
since the publication of the “Origin of Species,” have passed
in vain.
But, if Dorlodot represents the extreme of uncritical approval,
Mr. McCann represents the opposite, and no less reprehensible,
extreme of biased antagonism, that is neither fair in
method nor conciliatory in tone. Instead of adhering to the
time-honored practice of Catholic controversialists, which is
rather to overstate than to understate the argument of an adversary,
Mr. McCann tends, at times, to minimize, in his
restatement, the force of an opponent’s reasoning. He frequently
belittles with mere flippant sneer, and is only too ready
to question the good faith of those who do not share his convictions.
Thus, when McCann ridicules Wells and accuses him
of pure romancing, because the latter speaks of certain hairy
“wild women” of the Caves, he himself seems to be ignorant
of the fact that a palæolithic etching has been found representing
a woman so covered with hair that she had no need of
other apparel (the bas-relief from Laugerie-Basse carved on
reindeer palm—cf. Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1909, p. 540 and
Plate 2).
Mr. McCann may object, with truth, that this is far from
being a proof that the primitive representatives of the human
race were hairy individuals, but the fact suffices, at least, to
acquit Mr. Wells of the charge of unscrupulous invention.
Hence, while we have no wish to excuse the lamentable lack
of scientific conscientiousness so manifestly apparent in the
writings of popularizers of evolution, like Wells, Osborn, and
Haeckel, nevertheless common justice, not to speak of charity,
constrains us to presume that, occasionally at least, their departures
from the norm of objective fact were due to ordinary
human fallibility or to the mental blindness induced by preconceptions,
rather than to any deliberate intent to deceive.
And we feel ourselves impelled to make this allowance for
unconscious inaccuracy all the more readily that we are confronted
with the necessity of extending the selfsame indulgence
to Mr. McCann himself. Thus we find that the seventh illustration
in “God—or Gorilla” (opposite p. 56) bears the legend:
“Skeletons of man and chimpanzee compared,” when, in point
of fact, the ape skeleton in question is not that of a chimpanzee
(Troglodytes niger) at all, but of an Orang-utan (Simia
satyrus), as the reader may verify for himself by consulting
Plate VI of the English version of Wasmann’s “Modern
Biology,” where the identical illustration appears above its
proper title: “Skeleton of an adult Orang-utan.” Since the
error is repeated in the index of illustrations and in the legend
of the third illustration of the appendix, it is impossible, in
this instance, to shift the responsibility from Mr. McCann to
the printer. In any case, it is sincerely to be hoped that this,
and several other infelicitous errors will be rectified in the
next edition of “God—or Gorilla.”
In the next chapter we shall have occasion to refer again
to Dorlodot’s book. For the present, however, his work need
not concern us, while in that of Mr. McCann we single out but
one point as germane to our subject, namely, the latter’s inadequate
rebuttal of the evolutionary argument from homology.
The futility of his method, which consists in matching insignificant
differences against preponderant resemblances, and in
exclaiming with ironic incredulity: “Note extraordinary resemblances!”
becomes painfully evident, so soon as proper presentation
enables us to appreciate the true force of the argument
he is striving to refute. Functionally the foot of a
Troglodyte ape may be a “hand,” but structurally it is the
homologue of the human foot, and not of the human hand; nor
is this homology effectually disposed of by stressing the dissimilarity
of the hallux, whilst one remains discreetly reticent
concerning the similarity of the calcaneum. For two reasons,
therefore, the irrelevance of Mr. McCann’s reply is of special
interest here: (1) because it illustrates concretely the danger
of rendering a refutation inconsequential and inept by failing
to plumb the full depth of the difficulty one is seeking to solve;
(2) because it shows that it is vain to attempt to remove
man’s body from the scope of this argument by citing the inconsiderable
structural differences which distinguish him from
the ape, so that, unless the argument from homology proves
upon closer scrutiny to be inherently inconclusive, its applicability
to the human body is a foregone conclusion, and implies
with irresistible logic the common ancestry of men and apes.
Such are the reflections suggested by the meager measure of
justice which Mr. McCann accords to the strongest zoölogical
evidence in favor of evolution, and they contain in germ a
feasible program for the present chapter, which, accordingly,
will address itself: first, to the task of ascertaining the true
significance of homology in the abstract as well as the full
extent of its application in the concrete; second, to that of
determining with critical precision its intrinsic value as an
argument for the theory of transmutation.
Homology is a technical term used by the systematists of
botany, zoölogy and comparative anatomy to signify basic
structural similarity as distinguished from superficial functional
similarity, the latter being termed analogy. Organisms
are said to exemplify the phenomenon of homology when, beneath
a certain amount of external diversity, they possess in
common a group of correlated internal resemblances of such a
nature that the organisms possessing them appear to be constructed
upon the same fundamental plan. In cases of this
kind, the basic similarity is frequently masked by a veneer of
unlikeness, and it is only below this shallow surface of divergence
that we find evidences of the identical structure or common
type.
Thus organs of different animals are said to be homologous
when they are composed of like parts arranged in similar relation
to one another. Homologous organs correspond bone for
bone and tissue for tissue, so that each component of the one
finds its respective counterpart in the other. The organs in
question may be functionally specialized and externally differentiated
for quite different purposes, but the superficial diversity
serves only to emphasize, by contrast, the underlying
identity of structure which persists intact beneath it. Thus,
for example, the wing of a pigeon, the flipper of a whale, the
foreleg of a cat, and the arm of a man are organs differing
widely in function as well as outward appearance, but they are
called homologous, none the less, because they all exhibit the
same basic plan, being composed of similar bones similarly
disposed with respect to one another.
Organs, on the other hand, are called analogous which,
though fundamentally unlike in structure, are, nevertheless,
superficially modified and specialized for one and the same
function. The wing of a bird and the wing of an insect furnish
a trite instance of such analogy. Functionally they subserve
the same purpose, but structurally they bear no relation to
each other. In like manner, though both are devoted to the
same function, there exists between the leg of a man and the
leg of a spider a fundamental disparity in structure.
At times, specialization for the selfsame function involves
the emergence of a similar modification or uniform structural
adaptation from a substrate of basic dissimilarity. In these
instances of parallel modifications appearing on the surface
of divergent types, we have something more than mere functional
resemblance. Structure is likewise involved, albeit
superficially, in the modification which brings about this external
uniformity. In such cases, analogy is spoken of as convergence,
a phenomenon of which the mole and the mole-cricket
constitute a typical example. The burrowing legs of the insect
are, so far as outward appearance goes, the exact replica on a
smaller scale of those of the mole, though, fundamentally,
their structure is quite unlike, the mole being built on the
endoskeletal plan of the vertebrates, whereas the mole-cricket
is constructed on the exoskeletal plan characteristic of the
arthropods. Speaking of the first pair of legs of the mole-cricket,
Thomas Hunt Morgan says: “By their use the mole-cricket
makes a burrow near the surface of the ground, similar
to, but of course much smaller than, that made by the mole.
In both of these cases the adaptation is the more obvious, because,
while the leg of the mole is formed on the same general
plan as that of other vertebrates, and the leg of the mole-cricket
has the same fundamental structure as that of other insects,
yet in both cases the details of structure and the general
proportions have been so altered that the leg is fitted for entirely
different purposes from those to which the legs of other
vertebrates and other insects are put.” (Quoted by Dwight in
“Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,” p. 235.) In the analogies
of convergence, therefore, we have the exact converse of the
phenomenon so often encountered in connection with homology.
The latter exhibits a contrast between basic identity and superficial
diversity, the former a contrast between superficial convergence
and fundamental divergence.
Now the extreme importance of homology is manifest from
the fact that the taxonomists of zoölogy and botany have found
it to be the most satisfactory basis for a scientific classification
of animals and plants. In both of these sciences, organisms
are arranged in groups according as they possess in common
certain points of resemblance whereby they may be referred
to this, or that, general type. The resemblance is most complete
between members of the same species, which do not
differ from one another by any major difference, though they
may exhibit certain minor differences justifying their subdivision
into varieties or races. These morphological considerations,
however, must, in the case of an organic species, be
supplemented by the additional physiological criteria of perfect
sexual compatibility and normal viability, as we have already
had occasion to note in the previous chapter. When
organisms, though distinguished from one another by some
major difference, agree, notwithstanding, in the main elements
of structure, the several species to which they belong are
grouped under a common genus, and similarly genera are
grouped into families. A relative major difference, such as a
difference in the size of the teeth, suffices for the segregation
of a new species, while an absolute difference, such as a difference
in the number of teeth or the possession of an additional
organ, suffices for the segregation of a new genus. In practice,
however, the classifications of systematists are often very arbitrary,
and we find the latter divided into two factions, the
“lumpers” who wish to reduce the number of systematic groups
and the “splitters” who have a passion for breaking up larger
groups into smaller ones on the basis of tenuous differences.
Above the families are the orders, and they, in turn, are assembled
in still larger groups called classes, until finally we
reach the phyla or branches, which are the supreme categories
into which the plant and animal kingdoms are divided. As we
ascend the scale of classification, the points of resemblance between
the organisms classified are constantly decreasing in
number, while the points of difference increase apace. Hence,
whereas members of the same species have very much in common,
members of the same phylum have very little in common,
and members of different phyla show such structural disparity
that further correlation on the basis of similarities becomes
impossible (in the sense, at least, of a reliable and consistent
scheme of classification), all efforts to relate the primary
phyla to one another in a satisfactory manner having proved
abortive.
Within the confines of each phylum, however, homology is
the basic principle of classification. But the scientist is not
content to note the bare fact of its existence. He seeks an explanation,
he wishes to know the raison d’être of homology.
Innumerable threads of similarity run through the woof of
divergence, and the question arises: How can we account for
the coëxistence of this woof of diversity with a warp of similarity?
Certainly, if called upon to explain the similarity existent
between members of one and the same species, even the
man in the street would resort instinctively to the principle of
inheritance and the assumption of common ancestry, exclaiming:
“Like sire, like son!” It is a notorious fact that children
resemble their parents, and since members of the same species
are sexually compatible and perfectly interfertile, there is no
difficulty whatever in the way of accepting the presumption of
descent from common ancestral stock as a satisfactory solution
of the problem of specific resemblance. Now, it is precisely this
selfsame principle of heredity which the Transformist invokes
to account for generic, no less than for specific, similarity. In
fact, he presses it further still, and professes to see therein the
explanation of the resemblances observed between members of
the different families, orders, and classes, which systematists
group under a common phylum. This, of course, amounts to a
bold extension of the principle of inheritance far beyond the
barriers of interspecific sterility to remote applications that
exceed all possibility of experimental verification. Transformists
answer this difficulty, however, by contending that the
period, during which the human race has existed, has been,
geologically speaking, all too brief, and characterized by environmental
conditions much too uniform, to afford us a favorable
opportunity for ascertaining the extreme limits to which
the genetic process may possibly extend; and, even apart from
this consideration, they say, racial development (phylogeny)
may be, like embryological development (ontogeny) an irreversible
process, in which case no recurrence whatever of its
past phenomena are to be expected in our times.
Be that as it may, the evolutionist interprets the resemblances
of homology as surviving vestiges of an ancient ancestral
type, which have managed to persist in the descendants
notwithstanding the transformations wrought in the latter by
the process of progressive divergence. Moreover, just as the
existence of a common ancestor is inferred from the fact of
resemblance, so the relative position in time of the common
ancestor is inferred from the degree of resemblance. The
common ancestor of forms closely allied is assumed to have
been proximate, that of forms but distantly resembling each
other is thought to have been remote. Thus the common ancestor
of species grouped under the same genus is supposed to
have been less remote than the common ancestor of all the
genera grouped under one family. The same reasoning is applied,
mutatis mutandis, to the ancestry of families, orders
and classes.
The logic of such inferences may be questioned, but there is
no blinking the fact that, in practice, the genetic explanation
of homology is assumed by scientists to be the only reasonable
one possible. In fact, so strong is their confidence in the necessity
of admitting a solution of this kind, that they do not
hesitate to make it part and parcel of the definition of homology
itself. For instance, on page 130 of Woodruff’s “Foundations
of Biology” (1922), we are informed that homology signifies
“a fundamental similarity of structure based on descent
from a common antecedent form.” The Yale professor, however,
has been outdone in this respect by Professor Calkins of
Columbia, who discards the anatomical definition altogether
and substitutes, in lieu thereof, its evolutionary interpretation.
“When organs have the same ancestry,” he says, “that is, when
they come from some common part of an ancestral type, they
are said to be homologous.” (“Biology,” p. 165.) In short, F.
A. Bather is using a consecrated formula culled from the
modern biological creed when he says: “The old form of
diagnosis was per genus et differentiam. The new form is
per proavum et modificationem.” (Science, Sept. 17, 1920,
p. 259.)
A moment’s reflection, however, will make it clear that, in
thus confounding the definition proper with its theoretical interpretation,
the modern biologist is guilty of a logical atrocity.
Homology, after all, is a simple anatomical fact, which can
be quite adequately defined in terms of observation; nor is the
definition improved in the least by having its factual elements
diluted with explanatory theory. On the contrary, the definition
is decidedly weakened by such redundancy. And as for
those who insist on defining homology in terms of atavistic
assumption instead of structural affinity, their procedure is
tantamount to defining the clear by means of the obscure, an
actual effect by means of a possible cause. Moreover, this
attempt to load the dice in favor of Transformism by tampering
with the definition of homology ends by defeating its own
purpose. For, if homology is to serve as a legitimate argument
for evolution, then obviously evolution must not be
included in its definition; otherwise, the conclusion is anticipated
in the premise, the question is begged, and the argument
itself rendered a vicious circle.
Having formed a sufficiently clear conception of homology
as a static fact, we are now in a position to consider the problem
of its causality with reference to the solution proposed by
evolutionists. Transmutation, they tell us, results from the
interaction of a twofold process, namely, the conservative and
similifying process called inheritance, and progressive and
diversifying process known as variation. Inheritance by transmitting
the ancestral likeness tends to bring about uniformity.
Variation by diverting old currents into new channels
adjust organisms to new situations and brings about modification.
Homology, therefore, is the effect of inheritance, while
adaptedness or modification is the product of variation.
As here used, the term inheritance denotes something more
than a mere recurrence of parental characters in the offspring.
It signifies a process of genuine transmission from
generation to generation. Strictly speaking, it is not the characters,
such as coloration, shape, size, chemical composition,
structural type, and functional specificity, that are “inherited,”
but rather the hereditary factors or chromosomal genes, which
are actually transmitted, and of which the characters are but
an external expression or manifestation. Hence, it is scarcely
accurate to speak of “inherited,” as distinguished from “acquired,”
characters. As a matter of fact, all somatic characters
are joint products of the interaction of germinal
and environmental factors. Consequently, the external character
would be affected no less by a change in the environmental
factors than by a change in the germinal factors.
In a word, somatic characters are not the exclusive expression
of the genetic factors, but are equally dependent upon environmental
influence, and hence it is only to the extent that these
characters are indicative of the specific constitution of the
germ plasm that we may speak of them as “inherited,” remembering
that what is really transmitted to the offspring is a
complex of genes or germinal factors, and not the characters
themselves. The sense is, therefore, that “inherited” characters
are manifestative of what is contained in the germ
plasm, whereas “acquired” characters have no specific germinal
basis, but are a resultant of the interaction between
the somatic cells and the environment. In modern terminology,
as we have seen, the aggregate of germinal factors
transmitted in the process of reproduction is called the
genotype, while the aggregate of somatic characters which
manifest these germinal factors externally is spoken of as the
phenotype. Only the genotype is transmitted, the phenotype
being the subsequent product of the interplay of genetic factors
and environmental stimuli, dependent upon, and expressive
of, both.
Variation, therefore, may be based upon a change in the
germ plasm, or in the environment, or in both. If it rests
exclusively upon an extraordinary change in the environmental
conditions, the resulting modification is non-inheritable,
and will disappear so soon as the exceptional environmental
stimulus that evoked it is withdrawn. If, on the
contrary, it is based upon a germinal change, it will manifest
itself, even under ordinary, i.e. unchanged or uniform environmental
influence. In this case, the modification is inheritable
in the sense that it is the specific effect of a transmissible
germinal factor, which has undergone alteration.
As we have seen in the foregoing chapter, there are three kinds
of germinal change which result in “inheritable” modifications.
The first is called factorial mutation, and is initiated by an
alteration occurring in one or more of the chromosomal genes.
The second is called chromosomal mutation, and is caused
by duplication (or reduction) of the chromosomes. The third
may be termed recombination, one type of which results from
the crossover or exchange of genes between pairing chromosomes
(“pseudomutation”), the other from random assortment
in accordance with the Mendelian law of the independence of
allelomorphic pairs. This so-called “random assortment of
the chromosomes” is the result of the shuffling and free deals
of the chromosomal cards of heredity which take place twice in
the life-cycle of organisms: viz. first, in the process of gametic
reduction (meiosis); second, in the chance meeting of variously-constituted
sperms and eggs in fertilization. A mischance
of the first of these “free deals” is bewailed in the
following snatch from a parody belonging to the Woods Hole
anthology.
“Oh chromosomes, my chromosomes,
How sad is my condition!
My grandsire’s gift for writing well
Has gone to some lost polar cell
And so I write this doggerel,
I cannot do much better.”
These kinds of variation, however, in so far as they fall
within the range of actual observation, are confined within
the limits of the organic species. Intra-specific variation,
however, will not suffice. To account for the adaptive modifications
superimposed upon underlying structural identity,
Transformism is obliged to assume the possibility of trans-specific
variation. Yet in none of the foregoing processes of
variation do we find a valid factual basis for this assumption.
Factorial mutation, for instance, waiving its failure to
produce naturally-viable forms, or to meet the physiological
sterility test of a new species, admits of interpretation as a
change of loss due to the “dropping out” of a gene from the
germinal complex. Bateson’s conception of evolution as a
process consisting in the gradual loss of inhibitive genes,
whose elimination releases suppressed potentialities, seems
rather incredible. Many will be inclined to see in Castle’s
facetious epigram a reductio ad absurdum of Bateson’s suggestion;
for, according to the latter’s view, as the Harvard
professor remarks, we should have to regard man as a simplified
amœba. Certainly, it seems nothing short of a contradiction
to ascribe the progressive complication of the phenotype to a
simplification of the genotype by loss.
On the other hand, not only is there no experimental evidence
of a germinal change by positive acquisition, that is,
by the addition of genes, but it is hard to conceive how such
a change could come about. “At first,” admits Bateson,
“it may seem rank absurdity to suppose that the primordial
form or forms of protoplasm could have contained complexity
enough to produce the divers types of life.” “But,” he asks,
“is it easier to imagine that these powers could have been
conveyed by extrinsic addition? Of what nature could these
additions be? Additions of material can not surely be in
question. We are told that salts of iron in the soil may turn
a pink hydrangea blue. The iron cannot be passed on to the
next generation. How can iron multiply itself? The power
to assimilate iron is all that can be transmitted. A disease-producing
organism like the pebrine of silkworms can in a
very few cases be passed on through the germ cells. But it
does not become part of the invaded host, and we can not
conceive it taking part in the geometrically ordered processes
of segregation. These illustrations may seem too gross; but
what refinement will meet the requirements of the problem,
that the thing introduced must be, as the living organism
itself is, capable of multiplication and of subordinating itself
in a definite system of segregation?” (Heredity, Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 373.)
Nor can we agree with Prof. T. H. Morgan’s contention
that the foregoing difficulty of Bateson has been solved by
the discovery of the chromosomal mutation. All unbalanced
chromosomal mutants are subnormal in their viability and
vitality, not to speak of their marked sterility. Haploidy
represents a regressive, rather than a progressive, step. The
triploid mutant is sterile. The tetraploid race of Daturas
is inferior in fertility to the normal diploid plant. The origin
of balanced tetraploidy from diploidy must be presumed, since
it has never been observed. Moreover, tetraploidy represents
only quantitative, and not qualitative, progress. The increased
mass of the nucleus produces an enlargement of the cytoplasm,
the result of which is giantism. This effect, however, is not
specific; for giant and normal races possessing each the same
number of chromosomes are known to exist in nature. Hence
giantism may be due to other causes besides chromosomal
duplication. The only effect of this doubling is a reinforcement
and intensification of the former effect of the genetic factors,
their specificity remaining unchanged. Double doses are substituted
for single doses of the factors, but nothing really new
is added. Morgan himself recognizes that this mere repetition
of identical genes is insufficient, and that their multiplication
must be qualitative as well as numerical, to answer
the specifications of a progressive step in evolution. Hence he
suggests that the chromosomal mutation is subsequently supplemented
by appropriate factorial mutation. Once this supposition
is made, however, all the objections we have
mentioned in connection with factorial mutation (e.g. the
subnormality of its products, its intra-specific nature, etc.)
return to plague the speculator, and, in addition to these, he
is confronted with the new difficulty of explaining how the
redundance of duplicate genes can be removed and replaced by
coördinate differentiation in their respective specificities. Now
we have no factual evidence whatever of such a solidaric redifferentiation
of the germinal factors, that would modify
harmoniously the composition and rôle of each and every
gene in the factorial complex. Nor is there any possibility
whatever of accounting for this telic superregulation of the
germinal regulators upon a purely mechanistic basis. How
can the ultimate chemical determinants of heredity be thus
redetermined? Consequently, although there is gametic incompatibility
between diploid races and the tetraploid races,
which are said to have arisen from the former, we are not,
nevertheless, warranted, by what has been experimentally
verified, in regarding tetraploid races as new species, or as
progressive steps in the process of organic evolution.
To conclude, therefore, we have experimental verification
of the efficacy of the similifying process said to have been at
work in evolution, namely, inheritance. The same, however,
cannot be said of the correlative diversifying process of trans-specific
variation, which is said to have superficially modified
old structures into new species. The latter process, accordingly,
is but a pure postulate of science known to us only
through the effect hypothetically assigned to it, namely, the
adaptive modification.
The adaptation, however, of which there is question here is
not to be confounded with the “acquired adaptation” of
Lamarckian fame; for, unlike the latter, it is an inheritable
modification rooted in the germ plasm. Adaptations of this
sort do, indeed, adjust the organism to its external environment,
but they are innate and not acquired. Hence they are
often spoken of as preadaptations; for they precede, in a
sense, the organism’s contact with the environing element to
which they adjust it. They may possibly, it is true, have been
acquired in the distant past, but they have now a specific
germinal foundation, and no one was ever privileged to witness
their initial production de novo. The whale, for example,
though fundamentally a warm-blooded mammal, is superficially
a fish, by reason of such a preadaptation to its marine
environment. Preadaptation is of common occurrence, especially
among parasites, symbiotes, commensals, and inquilines.
Wasmann cites innumerable instances of beetles and flies so
profoundly modified, in accommodation to their mode of life
as guests in termite nests, that the systematist hesitates to
classify them under any of the accepted orders of insects.
Here the adaptive modification so disturbs the underlying
homology as to make of these creatures taxonomical ambiguities.
In the case of Termitomyia, he tells us, “the whole development
of the individual has been so modified that it
resembles that of a viviparous mammal rather than that of a
fly.” (“The Problem of Evolution,” pp. 14, 15.)
Such modifications, however, amount to major, and not
merely minor, differences. We are not dealing, therefore, with
varietal distinctions here, but with specific, generic, and even
ordinal differences. With reference to the phenomenon of adaptive
modification,[3] three things, consequently, are worthy of
note: (1) it has the semblance of being adventitious to the
underlying structural uniformity; (2) it is of such magnitude that
it cannot be ascribed to variation within the species; (3) it
has been appropriated by the hereditary process, in the sense
that it is now an “inherited” character based on the transmission
of specific germinal factors.
Now it is claimed that for the occurrence of this kind of
modification in conjunction with homology only one rational
explanation is possible, and that explanation is evolution. If
this contention be a sound one, and Dorlodot, who claims
certitude for the evolutionary solution, insists that it is such,
then, in the name of sheer logical consistency, but one course
lies open to us. We cannot stop at Wasmann’s comma,[4] we
must press on to the very end of the evolutionary sentence and
sing with the choristers of Woods Hole:
“It’s a long way from Amphioxus,
It’s a long way to us;
It’s a long way from Amphioxus,
To the meanest human cuss.
Good-bye fins and gill slits;
Welcome skin and hair.
It’s a long, long way from Amphioxus,
But we came from there.”
In this predicament it will not do, as we shall see presently,
to adopt Mr. McCann’s expedient of balancing anatomical differences
against anatomical resemblances. To do so is to
court certain and ignominious defeat. We must, therefore,
examine the argument dispassionately. If it be solid, we must
accept it and give it general application. If it be unsound,
we must detect its flaws and expose them. Intellectual honesty
allows us no alternative!
Moreover, in weighing the argument from organic homology
we must not lose sight of the two important considerations
previously stressed: (1) that the inference of common ancestry
in the case of homologous forms is based, not upon this
or that particular likeness, but upon an entire group of coördinated
resemblances; (2) that the resemblances involved are
not exterior similarities, but deep-seated structural uniformities
perfectly compatible with diversities of a superficial and
functional character. “Nothing,” says Dr. W. W. Keen, “could
be more unlike externally than the flipper of a whale and the
arm of a man. Yet you find in the flipper the shoulderblade,
humerus, radius, ulna, and a hand with the bones of four
fingers masked in a mitten of skin.” (Science, June 9, 1922,
p. 605.)
In fact, the resemblances may, in certain instances, be so
deeply submerged that they no longer appear in the adult
organism at all and are only in evidence during a transitory
phase of the embryological process. In such cases, the embryo
or larva exhibits, at a particular stage, traces of a uniformity
completely obliterated from the adult form. In short, though
frequently presented as a distinct argument, embryological
similarity, together with all else of value that can still be
salvaged from the wreck of the Müller-Haeckel Law of Embryonic
Recapitulation, is, at bottom, identical with the general
evolutionary argument from homology. In the latter
argument we are directed to look beneath the modified surface
of the adult organism for surviving vestiges of the ancestral
type. In the former, we are bidden to go deeper still, to the
extent, that is, of descending into the very embryological
process itself, in order to discover lingering traces of the ancestral
likeness, which, though now utterly deleted from the
transformed adult, are yet partially persistent in certain
embryonic phases.
In sectioning a larval specimen of the fly-like termite-guest
known as Termitoxenia Heimi, Father Wasmann came across
a typical exemplification of this embryological atavism. In
the adult insect, a pair of oar-like appendages replace the
wings characteristic of the Diptera (flies). These appendages
are organs of exudation, which elaborate a secretion whereof
the termites are very fond, and thereby render their possessors
welcome guests in the nests of their hosts. The appendages,
therefore, though now undoubtedly inherited characters, are
the specific means by which these inquilines are adapted to
their peculiar environment and mode of life among the termites.
Moreover, the organs in question not only differ from
wings functionally, but, in the adult, they bear no structural
resemblance whatever to the wings of flies. Nevertheless, on
examining his sections of the above-mentioned specimen, Wasmann
found a developmental stage of brief duration during
which wing veins appeared in the posterior branches of the
embryonic appendages. Now, assuming that Wasmann’s
technique was faultless, his specimen normal, and his interpretation
correct, it is rather difficult to avoid his conclusion that
we have here, in this transitory larval phase, the last surviving
vestige of ancestral wings now wholly obliterated from
the adult type, that, consequently, this wingless termite guest
is genetically related to the winged Diptera, and that we must
see in the appendages aboriginal wings diverted from their
primitive function and respecialized for the quite different purpose
of serving as organs of exudation, (cf. “Modern Biology,”
p. 385.) Indeed, phenomena of this kind seem to admit of
no other explanation than the atavistic one. It should be
remembered, however, that Wasmann does not appear to have
verified the observation in more than one specimen, and that
a larger number of representative specimens would have to
be accurately sectioned, strained, examined and interpreted,
before any reliable conclusion could be drawn.[5]
Such, in its most general aspect, is the atavistic solution
of the problem presented by the homology of types. In it,
similarity and diversity are harmoniously reconciled, in the
sense that they affect, respectively, different structural, or
different developmental, levels. It is futile, therefore, to look
for contradictions where they do not exist. In a word, the
attempt to create opposition between a group of basic and
correlated uniformities, on the one hand, and some particular
external difference, on the other, is not only abortive, but
absolutely irrelevant as well. The reason is obvious. Only
when likeness is associated with unlikeness is it an argument
for Transmutation. Likeness alone would demonstrate Immutability
by indicating a process of pure inheritance as distinguished
from the process of variation. Hence evolutionists
do not merely concede the coëxistence of diversity with similarity,
they gladly welcome this fact as vitally necessary to
their contention.
Now it is precisely this point which Mr. McCann, like many
other critics of evolution, fails utterly to apprehend. Consequently,
his efforts to extricate the human foot from the
toils of simian homology are entirely unavailing. To offset
the force of the argument in question, it is by no means
sufficient, as he apparently imagines, to point to the fact that,
unlike the hallux of the ape, the great toe in man is non-opposable
(cf. “God—or Gorilla,” pp. 183, 184, and legends
under cuts opposite pp. 184 and 318). The evolutionist will
reply at once that the non-opposability of man’s great toe is correlated
with the specialization of the human foot for progression
only, as distinguished from prehension; while, in the ape,
whose foot has retained both the progressive and the prehensile
function, the hallux is naturally opposable in adaptation to the
animal’s arboreal habits. He will then call attention to the
undeniable fact that, despite these adaptational differences,
the bones in the foot of a Troglodyte ape are, bone for bone,
the counterparts of the bones in the human foot and not
of those in the human hand. He will readily concede, that,
so far as function and adaptedness go, this simian foot is a
“hand,” but he will not fail to point out that it is, at the
same time, a heeled hand equipped with a calcaneum, a talus,
a navicular, a cuboid, and all other structural elements requisite
to ally it to the human foot and distinguish it from the
human hand. In fact, Mr. McCann’s own photographs of the
gorilla skeleton show these features quite distinctly, though he
himself, for some reason or other, fails to speak of them. It is
to be feared, however, that his adversaries may not take a
charitable view of his reticence concerning the simian heel, but
may be inclined to characterize his silence as “discreet,” all the
more so, that he himself has uncomplimentarily credited them
with similar discretions in their treatment of unmanageable
facts. In short, Mr. McCann’s case against homology resembles
the Homeric hero, Achilles, in being vulnerable at the
“heel.” At all events, the homology itself is an undeniable
fact, and it is vain to tilt against this fact in the name of
adaptational adjustments like “opposability” and “non-opposability.”
Since, therefore, our author has failed to prove that
this feature is too radical to be classed as an adaptive modification,
our only hope of exempting the human skeleton from
the application of the argument in question is to show that
argument itself is inconsequential.
Mr. McCann’s predicament resembles that of the unlucky
disputant, who having allowed a questionable major
to pass unchallenged, strives to retrieve his mistake by
picking flaws in a flawless minor. As Dwight has well
said of the human body, “it differs in degree only from that
of apes and monkeys,” and “if we compare the individual
bones with those of apes we cannot fail to see the correspondence.”
(“Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,” p. 149.) In
short, there exists no valid anatomical consideration whatever
to justify us in subtracting the human frame from the extension
of the general conclusion deduced from homology. Whosoever,
therefore, sees in the homology of organic forms
conclusive evidence of descent from a common ancestor, cannot,
without grave inconsistency, reject the doctrine of the
bestial origin of man. He may still, it is true, exclude the
human mind or soul from the evolutionary account of origins,
but, if homology is, in any sense, a sound argument for common
descent, the evolutionary origin of the human body is
a foregone conclusion, and none of the anatomical “differences
in degree” will avail to spare us the humiliation of sharing with
the ape a common family-tree. It remains for us, then, to
reëxamine the argument critically for the purpose of determining
as precisely as possible its adequacy as a genuine
demonstration.
To begin with, it must be frankly acknowledged that here
the theory of transformism is, to all appearances, upon very
strong ground. Its first strategic advantage over the theory
of immutability consists in the fact that, unlike the latter,
its attitude towards the problem is positive and not negative.
When challenged to explain the structural uniformities observed
in organic Nature, the theory of immutability is mute,
because it knows of no second causes or natural agencies adequate
to account for the facts. It can only account for
homology by ascribing the phenomenon exclusively to the
unity of the First Cause, and, while this may, of course, be the
true and sole explanation, to assume it is tantamount to removing
the problem altogether from the province of natural
science. Hence it is not to be wondered at that scientists
prefer the theory of transformism, which by assigning intermediate
causes between the First Cause and the ultimate
effects, vindicates the problem of organic origins for natural
science, in assuming the phenomena to be proximately
explicable by means of natural agencies. Asked whether he
believes that God created the now exclusively arboreal Sloth
(Bradypus) in a tree, the most uncompromising defender of
fixism will hesitate to reply in the affirmative. Yet, in
this case, what is nowadays, at least, an inherited preadaptation,
dedicates the animal irrevocably to tree-life, and makes
its survival upon the ground impossible.
Analogous preadaptations occur in conjunction with the
phenomena of parasitism, symbiosis and commensalism, all of
which offer instances of otherwise disparate and unrelated
organisms that are inseparably bound together, in some apparently
capricious and fortuitous respect, by a preadaptation
of the one to the other. Parasites, guests, or symbiotes, as the
case may be, they are now indissolubly wedded to some determinate
species of host by reason of an appropriate and congenital
adjustment. For all that, however, the association
seems to be a contingent one, and it appears incredible that
the associates were always united, as at present, by bonds of
reciprocal advantage, mutual dependence, or one-sided exploitation.
Yet the basis of the relationship is in each case a now
inherited adaptation, which, if it does not represent the primitive
condition of the race, must at some time have been
acquired. For phenomena such as these, orthogenesis, which
makes an organ the exclusive product of internal factors, conceiving
it as a preformed mechanism that subsequently selects
a suitable function, has no satisfactory explanation.
Lamarckism, which asserts the priority of function and makes
the environment mold the organ, is equally inacceptable, in
that it flouts experience and ignores the now demonstrated
existence of internal hereditary factors. But, if between these
two extremes some evolutionary via media could be found,
one must confess that it would offer the only conceivable
“natural explanation” of preadaptation.[6] All this, of course, is
pure speculation, but it serves to show that here, at any rate,
the theory of Transformism occupies a position from which it
cannot easily be dislodged.
But, besides the advantage of being able to offer a “natural
explanation” of the association of homology with adaptation,
Transformism enjoys the additional advantage of being able
to make the imagination its partisan by means of a visual
appeal. Such an appeal is always more potent than that of
pure logic stripped of sensuous imagery. When it comes to
vividness and persuasiveness, the syllogism is no match for
the object-lesson. Retinal impressions have a hypnotic influence
that is not readily exorcised by considerations of an
abstract order—“Segnius irritant demissa per aurem, Quam
quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus,” says Horace, in the “Ars
Poetica.” Philosophers may distinguish between the magnetic
appeal of a graphic presentation and the logical cogency of the
doctrine so presented, but there is no denying that, in practice,
imagination is often mistaken for reason and persuasion
for conviction. Be that as it may, the ordinary method of
bringing home to the student the evolutionary significance
of homology is certainly one that utilizes to the full all the
advantages of visual presentation. Given a class of impressionable
premedics and coeds; given an instructor’s table with
skeletons of a man, a flamingo, an ape and a dog hierarchically
arranged thereon; given an instructor sufficiently versed in
comparative osteology to direct attention to the points in which
the skeletons concur: and there can be no doubt whatever as to
the psychological result. The student forms spontaneously the
notion of a common vertebrate type, and the instructor assures
him that this “general type” is not, as it would be with respect
to other subject matter, a mere universal idea with no formal
existence outside the mind, but rather a venerable family
likeness, posed for originally by a single pair of ancestors (or
could it possibly have been, by one self-fertilizing hermaphrodite?)
and recopied from generation to generation, with certain
variations on the original theme, by the hand of an artist called
Heredity. This explanation may be true, but logically consequential
it is not. However, if the dialectic is poor, the
pedagogy is beyond reproach, and the solution proposed has in
its favor the fact that it accords well with the student’s limited
experience. He is aware of the truism that children resemble
their parents. Why look for more recondite explanations
when one so obvious is at hand? The atavistic theory
gratifies his instinct for simplification, and, if he be of a
mechanistic turn of mind, the alternative conception of creationism
is quite intolerable. Nevertheless, it goes without
saying that the “inference” of common descent from the data
of homology is not a ratiocination at all, it is only a simple
apprehension, a mere abstraction of similarity from similars—“Unde
quaecumque inveniuntur convenire in aliqua intentione
intellecta,” says Aquinas, “voluerunt quod convenirent in una
re.” (In lib. II sent., dist. 17, q. I, a. 1) Philosophy tells us
that the oneness of the universal is conceptual and not at all
extramental or real, but the transformist insists that the
universal types of Zoölogy and Botany are endowed with real
as well as logical unity, that real unity being the unity of the
common ancestor.
Certainly, from the standpoint of practical effectiveness, the
evolutionary argument leaves little to be desired. The presentation
is graphic and the solution simple. But for the critic,
to whom logical sequence is of more moment than psychological
appeal, this is not enough. To withstand the gnawing
tooth of Time and the remorseless probing of corrosive human
reason, theories must rest on something sounder than a mirage
of visual imagery!
Tell me where is fancy bred,
Or in the heart or in the head?
How begot, how nourished?
Reply, reply.
It is engendered in the eyes,
With gazing fed; and fancy dies
In the cradle where it lies.
But is it fair thus to characterize the “common ancestors” of
Transformism as figments which, like all other abstractions,
have no extramental existence apart from the concrete objects
whence they were conceived? To be sure, their claim to be real
entities cannot be substantiated by direct observation or experiment,
and so a factual proof is out of the question. Man,
the late-comer, not having been present at the birth of organic
forms, can give no reliable testimony regarding their parentage.
In like manner, no a priori proof from the process of
inheritance is available, because heredity, as revealed to us by
the experimental science of Genetics, can account for specific
resemblances only, and cannot be invoked, at present, as an
empirically tested explanation for generic, ordinal, or phyletic
resemblances. It has still to be demonstrated experimentally
that the hereditary process is transcendental to limits imposed
by specific differentiation. There remains, however, the a posteriori
argument, which interprets homology and adaptation
as univocal effects ascribable to no other agency than the dual
process of inheritance and variation. What are we to think
of this argument? Does it generate certainty in the mind,
or merely probability?
A moment’s reflection will bring to light the preliminary
flaw of incomplete enumeration of possibilities. To suppose
that inheritance alone can account for structural resemblance
is an unwarranted assumption. Without a doubt, there are
other similifying influences at work in Nature besides inheritance.
True, inheritance is one possible explanation of the
similarity of organisms, but it is not the only one. Even
among the chemical elements of inorganic nature we find
analogous uniformities or “family traits,” which, in the absence
of any reproductive process whatever, we cannot possibly attribute
to inheritance. Mendeléeff’s discovery of the periodicity
of the elements, arranged in the order of their atomic
weights, is well-known. At each interval of an octave, a succession
of chemical types, similar to those of the preceding
octave, recur. Hence elements appearing in the same vertical
column of the Periodic Table have many properties in common
and exhibit what may be called a family resemblance.
Now, we have in the process of atomic disintegration, as observed
in radioactive elements and interpreted by the electronic
theory of atomic structure, a reasonably satisfactory basis
upon which to account for the existence of these inorganic
uniformities. Here analogous chemical constitution, produced
in accordance with a general law, results in uniformity that
implies a similar, rather than an identical, cause. The hypothesis
of parallelistic derivation from similar independent
origins accounts quite as well for the observed uniformities
as does the hypothesis of divergent derivation from a single
common origin. Why, then, should we lean so heavily on the
already overtaxed principle of inheritance, when parallelism is
as much a possibility in the organic world as it is an actuality
in the inorganic world?
As to the contrast here drawn between inheritance and other
similifying factors, it is hardly necessary to remark that we
are speaking of inheritance as defined in terms of Mendelian
experiment and cytological observation. In the so-called
chemical theory of inheritance, the distinction would be meaningless
and the contrast would not exist. Ehrlich’s disciple,
Adami, sets aside all self-propagating germinal determinants,
like the chromomeres, in favor of a hypothetical “biophoric
molecule,” which is to be conceived as a benzine-like ring
bristling with sidechains. Around this determining core the
future organism is built up in definite specificity, as an
arch is constructed about a template. Adami has merely applied
Paul Ehrlich’s ideas concerning metabolism and immunity
to the question of heredity, commandeering for this purpose the
latter’s entire toolkit of receptors, haptophores, amboceptors,
etc., as though this grotesque paraphernalia of crude and
clumsy mechanical symbols (which look for all the world like
the wrenches of a machinist, or the lifters used by the cook
to remove hot lids from the kitchen range) could throw any
valuable light whatsoever on the exceedingly complex, and
manifestly vital, phenomenon of inheritance. It does not even
deserve to be called a chemical theory, for, as Starling correctly
remarks concerning Ehrlich’s conception, “though chemical
in form,” it is not so in reality, because “it does not explain
the phenomenon by reference to the known laws of chemistry.”
(Cf. Physiology, ed. of 1920, p. 1084.) In a word, the theory
of heredity, which seeks to strip inheritance of its uniqueness
as a vital process by identifying it with the more general physicochemical
processes occurring in the organism, is a groundless
speculation, that, far from explaining, flouts the very observational
data which it pretends to elucidate. Kurz und gut!
to requite the mechanist, Schäfer, with his own Danielesque
phrase, here, as elsewhere, the mechanists have succeeded in
extracting from the facts, not what the facts themselves proclaim,
but what preëxisted in their own highly-cultured imaginations
so well-stocked with cogs, cranks, ball bearings, and
other æsthetic imagery emanating from polytechnic schools
and factories.
But in arguing from the existence of parallelism in the
inorganic world to its possibility in the organic world, we
are less liable to displease the mechanists than those other
extremists, the neo-vitalists, who will be prone to deny all
parity between living, and inanimate, matter. Fortunately,
we are in a position to appease the scruples of the latter by
referring to the facts of convergence as universally accepted
evidence that the phenomenon of parallelism occurs in animate,
no less than inanimate, nature. Admitting, therefore, that the
laws of organic morphology are of a higher order than those
which regulate atomic, molecular, and multimolecular structure,
these facts attest, nevertheless, that parallelisms arise
in organisms of separate ancestry which are due, not to heredity,
but to the uniform action of universal morphogenetic
forces. Hence general laws can be invoked to account for
organic uniformities with the same right that they are
invoked to account for resemblances existing between the
various members of a chemical “family” like the Halogens.
And why should this not be so? Organisms have much in
common that transcends any possible scheme of evolution and
that cannot be brought into alignment with the position arbitrarily
assigned them in the evolutionary family-tree. They
all originate as single cells. Their common means of growth
and reproduction is mitotic cell division. This leads to the
production of a somatella, among the protista, and of a soma
differentiated by histogenesis into two or three primary
tissues, among the metista. All these fundamental processes
are strikingly uniform throughout the entire plant and animal
world. In these universal properties of living matter, therefore,
we have a common basis for general structural and organizational
laws, which, though irreducible to the “common
ancestors” of Transformism, is quite adequate to account for
both the homologies and analogies of living matter. Accept
this basis of general laws regulating the development of living
matter, and there is no difficulty in seeing why the problems
posed by exposure to analogous environmental conditions are
solved in parallel fashion by organisms, irrespective of whether
they are nearly, or distantly, related in the sense of morphology.
Transformism, on the other hand, can only account
for homology at the expense of convergence, and for
convergence at the expense of homology. So far as a
common ancestral basis is concerned, the two kinds of
resemblance are, from the very nature of the case, irreducible
phenomena.
It is only, in fact, by surrendering the principle that similarity
entails community of origin, and by falling back on the
suggested common basis of general laws, that Transformism
makes room in its system for the troublesome facts of convergence.
“It might be reiterated in passing,” says Dwight,
“that this ‘convergence’ business is a very ticklish one. We
have been taught almost word for word that resemblance
implies relationship, or almost predicates it; but according
to this doctrine it has nothing to do with it whatever.”
(“Thoughts of a Cath. Anat.,” p. 190.) And in a subsequent
chapter he says: “No very deep knowledge of comparative
anatomy is needed for us to know that very similar adaptations
for particular purposes are found in very diverse animals.
The curious low grade mammal, the Ornithorhynchus, with a
hairy coat and the bill of a duck, is a familiar instance. We
all know that the whales have the general form of the fish, although
they are mammals, and going more into details we
know that the whale’s flipper is on the same general plan
as that of the ancient saurians.... The origin of the eye, according
to evolutionary doctrines, has been a very difficult
problem, which gets worse rather than better the more you
do for it. Even if we could persuade ourselves that certain
cells blundered along by the lucky mating of individuals in
whom they were a bit better developed than in the others
till they came to form a most complicated organ of sight, it
would be a sufficient tax on our credulity to believe that this
could come off successfully in some extraordinary lucky species;
but that it should have turned out so well with all kinds
of vertebrates is really too much to ask us to swallow. But
this is not all: eyes are very widely spread among different
classes of invertebrates. More wonderful still, the eyes of certain
molluscs and crustacea are on stalks, and this is found
also in various and very different families of fishes. How
did this happen? Was it by way of descent from the molluscs
or the crustacea? If not, how could chance have brought
about such a similar result in diverse forms?” (Op. cit., pp.
233-236.)
It may be objected that the resemblances of convergence
are superficial analogies, not to be confounded with fundamental
homologies. This contention may be disputed; for, as
we shall see in the next chapter, there are cases where the
convergence is admittedly radical, and not merely superficial.
The distinction, moreover, between shallow and basic characters
is somewhat arbitrary, and its validity is often questionable.
When the skeletal homology that relates the
amphibia to the mammals, for instance, is traced to the root
of the vertebrate family tree, we find it all but disappearing
in a primitive Amphioxus-like chordate, whose so-called skeleton
contains no trace of bone or cartilage. Hence, if we go
back far enough, the homologies of today become the convergences
of a geological yesterday, and we find the vertebrate
type of skeleton arising independently in reptiles, mammals,
amphibia, and fishes.
Again, there are times when convergent analogies appear
to be more representative of the common racial heritage
than the underlying structure itself, tempting the
evolutionist to fly in the face of the orthodox interpretation,
which rigidly rules out analogy in favor of homology, and
refuses to accept the eloquent testimony of a remarkable
resemblance merely because of a slight technical discrepancy
in the structural substrate. A large pinching claw,
or chela, for example, occurs in two organisms belonging
to the phylum of the arthropods, namely, the lobster and the
African scorpion. Both chelæ are practically identical in
structure, but, unfortunately, the chela of the lobster arises
from a different appendage than that from which the scorpion’s
chela emerges. If they arose from corresponding appendages,
they would be pronounced “homologous organs”
and acclaimed, without hesitation, as strong evidence in favor
of the common origin of all the arthropods. In proof of this,
we call attention to the importance attached to the adaptations
affecting homologous bones in fossil “horses.” As it is,
however, the two chelæ are analogous, and not homologous,
organs. Hence, technically speaking, the two chelæ are
utterly unrelated structures. To the eye of common sense,
however, the likeness appears to be far more important than
the difference, and the average person will be inclined to
view the resemblance as evidence of a community of type. In
fact, the tendency to discard superficial, and to retain only
fundamental, uniformities, is dangerous to the theory of Transformism.
When we confine our attention to what is really
basic, we find that the resemblances become so generalized
and widespread that specific conclusions as to descent become
impossible, and we lose all sense of direction in a clueless
labyrinth of innumerable, yet mutually contradictory, possibilities.
Finally, it may be noted in passing that, though it is
customary with evolutionists to regard homologous characters
as the tenaciously persistent heritage of primeval days, and
to look upon adaptational characters as adventitious and accessory
to the aforesaid primitive heritage, the supposedly
older and more fundamental characters fail to give, by the
manifestation of greater fixity, any empirical evidence whatever
of their being more deeply or firmly rooted in the hereditary
process than the presumably newer adaptational characters.
We have, therefore, no experimental warrant for
appropriating homologous, rather than adaptational, characters
to the process of inheritance. “It is sometimes
asserted,” says Goodrich, “that old-established characters
are inherited, and that newly begotten ones are not,
or are less constant, in their reappearance. This statement
will not bear critical examination. For, on the one
hand, it has been conclusively shown by experimental breeding
that the newest characters may be inherited as constantly as
the most ancient.... While, on the other hand, few characters
in plants can be older than the green color due to chlorophyll,
yet it is sufficient to cut off the light from a germinating
seed for the greenness to fail to appear. Again, ever since
Devonian times vertebrates have inherited paired eyes; yet,
as Professor Stockard has shown, if a little magnesium chloride
is added to the sea water in which the eggs of the fish
Fundulus are developing, they will give rise to embryos with
one median cyclopean eye! Nor is the suggestion any happier
that the, so to speak, more deep-seated and fundamental
characters are more constantly inherited than the trivial or
superficial. A glance at the organisms around us, or the
slightest experimental trial, soon convinces us that the apparently
least important character may reappear as constantly
as the most fundamental. But while an organism may live
without some trivial character, it can rarely do so when a
fundamental character is absent, hence such incomplete individuals
are seldom met in Nature.” (Science, Dec. 2, 1921,
p. 530.)
But, whether it be upon, or beneath, the surface, similitude
of any kind suffices to establish our contention that inheritance
is not the only similifying influence present in organisms,
and that resemblance is perfectly compatible with
independence of ancestry. We have, therefore, an alternative
for inheritance in the explanation of organic uniformities, and
by the admission of this alternative, which, for the rest, is
factually attested by the universally acknowledged phenomena
of convergence, the inference of common descent from structural
resemblance is shorn of the last remnant of its demonstrative
force, as an a posteriori argument.
But a still more serious objection to the evolutionary interpretation
of homology and preadaptation arises from its
intrinsic incoherency. Evolution, as previously stated, is assumed
to be the resultant of a twofold process, namely, inheritance
and variation. The first is a conservative and
similifying process, which transmits. The second is a progressive
and diversifying process, which diverts. To the former
process are due the uniformities of homology, to the latter the
deviations of adaptation. Upon the admission of evolutionists
themselves, however, neither of these processes behaves in a
manner consistent with its general nature, and both of them
are flagrantly unfaithful to the principal rôles assigned to
them. Nowadays the hereditary process transmits adaptational,
as well as homologous, characters. If, then, adaptational
characters are more recent than homologous characters,
there must have been a time when inheritance ceased to similify
and become a diversifying process by transmitting what
it did not receive from the previous generation. There were
times when, not content with simply reiterating the past, it
began to divert former tendencies into novel channels. In
other words, inheritance becomes dualized into a paradoxical
process, which both perpetuates the old and appropriates the
new. The same inconsistency is manifest in the process of
variation, which capriciously produces convergent, no less
than divergent, adaptations. In two fundamentally identical
structures, like the wing of a bird and the foreleg of a cat,
variation is said to have produced diverse adaptations. In two
fundamentally diverse structures, like the head of an octopus
and the head of a frog, variation is said to have produced an
identical adaptation, namely, the vertebrate type of eye. It
appears, therefore, that the essentially diversifying process of
variation can become, on occasion, a simplifying process, which,
instead of solving environmental problems in an original manner,
prefers to employ uniform and standardized solutions, and
to cling to its old stereotyped methods. Inheritance similifies
and diversifies, variation converges and diverges. It is futile
to attempt to reduce either of these protean processes to a condition
that even approximates consistency. The evolutionist
blows hot and cold with the same breath. Verily, his god is
Proteus, or the double-headed Janus!
Summa summarum: The evolutionary argument from
homology is defective in three important respects: (1) in its
lack of experimental confirmation; (2) in its incomplete
enumeration of the disjunctive possibilities; (3) in its inability
to construct a scheme of transmutation that synthesizes inheritance
and variation in a logically coherent, and factually
substantiated formula. The first two defects are not necessarily
fatal to the argument as such. Though they destroy
its pretensions to conclusiveness, they do not preclude the fulfilment
of the moderate claim made in its behalf by Prof. T.
H. Morgan, who says: “In this sense (i.e., as previously
stated) the argument from comparative anatomy, while not a
demonstration, carries with it, I think, a high degree of probability.”
(“A Critique of the Theory of Evolution,” p. 14.)
The third defect is more serious. The apparently irreducible
antagonism which the evolutionary assumption introduces between
inheritance and variation has been sensed even by the
adherents of transformism themselves, and they have searched
in vain for a formula, which, without sacrificing the facts,
would bring into concord the respective rôles of these discordant
factors. “It follows,” says Osborn, “as an unprejudiced
conclusion from our present evidence that upon Weismann’s
principle we can explain inheritance but not evolution, while
with Lamarck’s principle and Darwin’s selection principle we
can explain evolution, but not, at present, inheritance. Disprove
Lamarck’s principle and we must assume that there is
some third factor in evolution of which we are ignorant.”
(Popular Science Monthly, Jan., 1905.) The point is well
taken, and unless, as Osborn suggests, there is a tertium quid
by means of which the discord can be resolved into ultimate
harmony, we see no way of liberating the theory of Transmutation
from this embarrassing dilemma.
CHAPTER III FOSSIL PEDIGREES — § 1. The Argument in the Abstract — § 2. The Argument in the Concrete
“By dint of such great efforts we succeeded only in piecing together
genial romances more or less historical.”—B. Grassi, Prof. of Comparative
Anatomy, Univ. of Rome, “La vita” (1906), p. 227.
The palæontological argument for evolution is based upon
the observed gradual approximation in type of the earlier
forms of life, as represented by the fossils still preserved in
successive geological strata, to the later forms of life, as represented
by the contemporary species constituting our present
flora and fauna. Here the observed distribution in time supplements
and confirms the argument drawn from mere structural
affinity. Here we are no longer dealing with the spatial
gradation of contemporary forms, arranged on a basis of
greater or lesser similarity (the gradation whence the zoölogist
derives his argument for evolution), but with a temporal
gradation, which is simultaneously a morphological series and
an historical record. The lower sedimentary rocks contain
specimens of organic life very unlike modern species, but, the
higher we ascend in the geological strata, the more closely do
the fossil forms resemble our present organisms. In fact, the
closeness of resemblance is directly proportional to the proximity
in time, and this seems to create a presumption that
the later forms of life are the modified descendants of the
earlier forms. Considered in the abstract, at least, such an
argument is obviously more formidable than the purely anatomical
argument based on the degrees of structural affinity
observable in contemporary forms. It ought, therefore, to
be extremely persuasive, provided, of course, it proceeds in
rigorous accord with indubitably established facts and rules
out relentlessly the alloy of uncritical assumptions.
Here, likewise, we find the theory of transformism asserting
its superiority over the theory of immutability, on the ground
that evolutionism can furnish a natural explanation for the
gradational distribution of fossil types in the geological strata,
whereas the theory of permanence resorts, it is said, to a
supernaturalism of reiterated “new creations” alternating with
“catastrophic exterminations.” Now, if this claim is valid, and
it can be shown conclusively that fixism is inevitably committed
to a postulate of superfluously numerous “creations,”
then the latter theory is shorn of all right to consideration
by Occam’s Razor: Entia non sunt multiplicanda sine ratione.
It is rather difficult to conceive of the Creator as continually
blotting out, and rewriting, the history of creation, as ruthlessly
exterminating the organisms of one age, only to repopulate
the earth subsequently with species differing but little
from their extinct predecessors—ad quid perditio haec? Such
procedure hardly comports with the continuity, regularity and
irrevisable perfection to be expected in the works of that
Divine Wisdom, which “reacheth ... from end to end mightily
and disposeth all things sweetly” (Wisdom, viii; 1), which
“ordereth all things in measure, and number and weight.”
(Wis. xi; 21.)
Following the lead of other evolutionists, Wasmann has
striven to saddle fixism with the fatuity of periodic catastrophism
and “creation on the installment plan.” But even
Cuvier, who is credited with having originated the theory of
catastrophism, did not go to the absurd extreme of hypothecating
reiterated creations, but sought to explain the repopulation
of the earth after each catastrophe by means of
migrations from distant regions unaffected by the catastrophe.
Historically, too, fixism has had its uniformitarian, as well as
its catastrophic, versions. In fact, Huxley classifies both uniformitarianism
and catastrophism as fixistic systems, when
he says: “I find three more or less contradictory systems of
geologic thought ... standing side by side in Britain. I shall
call one of them Catastrophism, another Uniformitarianism,
the third Evolutionism.” (“Lay Sermons,” p. 229.) Obviously,
then, fixism is separable from the hypothesis of
repeated catastrophes alternating with repeated “creations.”
Stated in proper terms, it is at one with evolutionism in rejecting
as undemonstrated and improbable the postulate of
reiterated cataclysms. It freely acknowledges that, in the absence
of positive evidence of their occurrence, the presumption
is against extraordinary events, like wholesale catastrophes.
It sanctions the uniformitarian tenet that ordinary cosmic
processes are to be preferred to exceptional ones as a basis
of geological explanation, and it repudiates as unscientific any
recourse to the unusual or the miraculous in accounting for
natural phenomena. Its sole point of disagreement with evolutionism
is its refusal to admit organic changes of specific
magnitude. It does, however, admit germinal changes of
varietal magnitude. It also recognizes that the external characters
of the phenotype are the joint product of germinal factors
and environmental stimuli, and admits, in consequence, the
possibility of purely somatic changes of considerable profundity
being induced by widespread and persistent alterations in
environmental conditions. Like Darwin, the uniformitarian
fixist ascribes the origination of organic life to a single vivifying
act on the part of the Creator, an act, however, that
was formative rather than creative, because the primal forms
of life, whether few or many, were all evolved through Divine
influence from preëxistent inorganic matter. Unlike Darwin,
he ascribes the continuation of organic life to generative processes
that were univocal (generationes univocae), and not
gradually-equivocal (generationes paulatim aequivocae). In
the next chapter, we shall see that, in attributing the initial
formation of species to a Divine act, neither Darwin nor the
creationists exposed themselves to the charge of explaining
the “natural” by means of the “miraculous.” And, as for
the process by which living forms were continued upon earth,
the univocal reproductive process upheld by fixism is more
manifestly a natural process than the gradually-equivocal
generation of variable inheritance hypothecated by the theory
of transmutation. The sole matter of dispute between the
two views is whether the life-cycles of organisms are circles
or spirals.
But all this, it will be said, is purely negative. Merely to
refrain from any recourse to the extraordinary or the supernatural
is by no means sufficient. “Natural explanations”
must be explanatory as well as natural. Unless there be a
simplification, a reduction of plurality to unity, a resolution
of many particular problems into a common general problem,
we have no explanation worthy of the name. Granting, therefore,
that uniformitarian fixism does not recur to the anomalous
or the miraculous, it still lies open to the charge of
failing in its function as an explanation, because it multiplies
origins in both space and time. Transformism, on the contrary,
is said to elucidate matters, inasmuch as it unifies origins spatially
and temporally.
That transformism successfully plausibleizes a unification
of origins in space, is true only in a limited and relative sense.
The most that can be said for the assumption, that resemblances
rest on the principle of common inheritance, is that
it permits of a numerical reduction of origins, but this numerical
reduction will, by an intrinsic necessity, always fall
short of absolute unification. The monophyletic derivation of
all organic forms from one primordial cell or protoblast is a
fantastic dream, for which, from the very nature of things,
natural science does not, and can not, furnish even the semblance
of an objective basis. The ground is cut from under
our feet, the moment we attempt to extend the principle of
descent outside the limits of an organic phylum. The sole
basis of inference is a group of uniformities, and, unless these
uniformities predominate over the diversities, there can be no
rational application of the principle of transformism. Hence,
the hypothesis, that organisms are consanguineous notwithstanding
their differences, loses all value as a solution at the
point where resemblances are outweighed by diversities. The
transmutation assumed to have taken place must be never
so complete as to have obliterated all recognizable vestiges
of the common ancestral type. “Whenever,” says Driesch,
“the theory that, in spite of their diversities, the organisms
are related by blood, is to be really useful for explanation, it
must necessarily be assumed in every case that the steps of
change, which have led the specific form A to become the
specific form B, have been such as only to change in part that
original form A. That is to say: the similarities between A
and B must never be overshadowed by their diversities.”
(“Science and Philosophy of the Organism,” v. I, p. 254.)
When, therefore, the reverse is true and diversities are prevalent
over uniformities, we are left without clue or compass in
the midst of a labyrinth of innumerable possibilities. Such are
the limits imposed by the very nature of the evidence itself,
and the scientists, who transgress these limits, by attempting to
correlate the primary phyla, are on a par with those unconvincible
geniuses, who continually besiege the Patent Office
with schemes ever new and weird for realizing the chimera of
“perpetual motion.”
Thus scientific transformism is unable to simplify the problem
beyond a certain irreducible plurality of forms, lesser
only in degree than the plurality postulated by fixism. This
being the case, the attempts of Wasmann and Dorlodot to
prune the works of Creation with Occam’s Razor are not only
presumptuous, but precarious as well. Qui nimis probat, nihil
probat! If it be unworthy of God to multiply organic origins
in space, then monophyletic descent is the only possible alternative,
and polyphyletic transformism falls under the same
condemnation as fixism. Yet the polyphyletic theory of
descent is that to which both Wasmann and Dorlodot subscribe,
as it is, likewise, the only kind of transformism which
science can ever hope to plausibleize. Besides, too close a
shave with Occam’s Razor would eliminate creation altogether,
since all theologians cheerfully admit that it was the result
of a free and unnecessary act on the part of God. When we
apply our rationes convenientiae to the Divine operations, we
must not make the mistake of applying them to the Divine
action itself instead of the created effects of that action. We
may be competent to discern disorder and irregularity in finite
things, but we are wholly incompetent to prescribe rules for
Divine conduct. To say that God is constrained by His infinite
Wisdom to indirect, rather than direct, production, or
that He must evolve a variety of forms out of living, rather
than non-living, matter, is to be guilty of ridiculous anthropomorphism.
There is no a priori reason, founded upon the
Divine attributes, which restricts God’s creative action to the
production of this, or that, number of primordial organisms,
or which obliges him to endow primitive organisms with the
power of transmutation.
But the fact that these rationes convenientiae fail to establish
the a priori necessity of a unification of organic origins
in space, does not imply that they are without value in suggesting
the unification of organic origins in time. Order and
regularity are not excluded by spatial multiplicity, but they
may easily be excluded by the incongruities of an irregular
succession of events. Indeterminism and chance are, indeed,
inseparable from the course of Nature. There is in matter an
unlimited potentiality, incommensurate with the limited efficacy
of natural agencies. Hence it evades the absolute control
of all finite factors and forces. But the anomalies and irregularities,
which are contingent upon the limitation or frustration
of second causes unable to impose an iron necessity
upon evasive matter, are not referable to the First Cause, but
rather to the finite efficacy of second causes. Such anomalies
in natural processes, consequently, are not inconsistent with infinite
wisdom and power on the part of the Creator. If, on the
contrary, the anomaly occurs, not in the form of an accidental
frustration of a natural agency, but in the form of an intrusive
“new creation,” the irregularity in question would then be referable
to the Creator Himself, and such derogations of order
are inadmissible, except as manifestations of the supernatural.
In fact, the abrupt and capricious insertion of a “new creation”
into an order already constituted, say, for instance, the
sudden introduction of Angiosperms in the Comanchian period,
or of mammals in the Tertiary, would be out of harmony
with both reason and revelation. Unless there is a
positive reason for supposing the contrary, we must presume
that, subsequent to the primordial constitution of
things, the Divine influence upon the world has been
concurrent rather than revolutionizing. Hence a theory
of origins, compatible with the simultaneous “creation” of
primal organisms, is decidedly preferable to a theory, which
involves successive “creations” at random. That transformism
dispenses with the need of assuming a succession of “creative”
acts, is perfectly obvious, and, unless fixism can emulate
its rival system in this respect, it cannot expect to receive
serious attention.
But once fixism assumes the simultaneousness of organic
origins, it encounters, in the absence of modern organic types
from ancient geological strata, a new and formidable difficulty.
Cuvier’s theory of numerous catastrophes followed by wholesale
migrations of the forms, which had escaped extinction, is
tantamount to an appeal to the extraordinary and the improbable
for purposes of explanation, and this, as we have seen,
is an expedient, which natural science is justified in refusing
to sanction. Nor does the appeal to the incompleteness of
the geological record offer a more satisfactory solution. It is
tax enough, as we shall see, upon our credulity, when the
transformist seeks to account thereby for the absence of intermediate
types, but to account in this fashion for the absence
of palæozoic Angiosperms and mammals is asking us to believe
the all-but-incredible. It would not, therefore, be advisable
for the fixist to appropriate the line of defense suggested
for him by Bateson—“It has been asked how do you
know for instance that there were no mammals in Palæozoic
times? May there not have been mammals somewhere on
the earth though no vestige of them has come down to us?
We may feel confident there were no mammals then, but are
we sure? In very ancient rocks most of the great orders of
animals are represented. The absence of the others might
by no great stress of imagination be ascribed to accidental
circumstances.” But the sudden rise of the Angiosperms in
the early part of the Mesozoic era is an instance of de novo
origin that is not so easily explained away. Hence Bateson
continues: “Happily, however, there is one example of which
we can be sure. There were no Angiosperms—that is to say
‘higher plants’ with protected seeds—in the carboniferous
epoch. Of that age we have abundant remains of a worldwide
and rich flora. The Angiosperms are cosmopolitan. By
their means of dispersal they must immediately have become
so. Their remains are very readily preserved. If they had
been in existence on the earth in carboniferous times they
must have been present with the carboniferous plants, and
must have been preserved with them. Hence we may be sure
that they did appear on earth since those times. We are not
certain, using certain in the strict sense, that Angiosperms
are the lineal descendants of the carboniferous plants, but it is
much easier to believe that they are than that they are not.”
(Science, Jan. 20, 1922, p. 58.)
It would thus appear, that not all the organic types of
either the plant, or the animal, kingdom are of equal antiquity,
and that the belated rise of unprecedented forms has
the status of an approximate certainty, wherewith every theory
of origins must inevitably reckon. How, then, is the fixist
to reconcile this successive appearance of organisms with the
simultaneous “creation” advocated by St. Augustine and St.
Thomas of Aquin? Unless there be some other gradual process
besides transmutation, to bridge the interval between the creative
fiat and the eventual appearance of modern types, there
seems to be no escape from the dilemma.
This brings us to St. Augustine’s theory of the evolution of
organic life from inorganic matter, which Dorlodot sophistically
construes as supporting the theory of descent. According
to St. Augustine, for whose view the Angelic Doctor expressed
a deliberate preference, the creation of the corporeal
world was the result of a single creative act, having an immediate
effect in the case of minerals, and a remote or postponed
effect in the case of plants and animals (cf. “De Genesi ad
litteram,” lib. V, c. 5). Living beings, therefore, were created,
not in actuality, but in germ. God imparted to the elements
the power of producing the various plants and animals
in their proper time and place. Hence living beings were created
causally rather than formally, by the establishment of
causal mechanisms or natural agencies especially ordained to
bring about the initial formation of the ancestral forms of life.
The Divine act initiating these “natural processes” (rationes
seminales, rationes causales) in inorganic, and not in living,
matter, was instantaneous, but the processes, which terminated
in the formation of plants and animals, in their appointed time
and place, were in themselves gradual and successive. Thus
by an influx of Divine power the earth was made pregnant
with the promise of every form of life—“Sicut matres gravidae
sunt foetibus, sic ipse mundus est gravidus causis nascentium.”
(Augustine, lib. III, “de Trinitate,” c. 9.)
By reason of this doctrine, the Louvain professor claims
that St. Augustine was an evolutionist, and so, indeed, he was,
if by evolution is meant a gradual production of organisms
from inorganic matter. But if, on the contrary, by evolution
is meant a progressive differentiation and multiplication of
organic species by transmutation of preëxistent forms of life,
or, in other words, if evolution is taken in its usual sense as
synonym for transformism, then nothing could be more absurdly
anachronistic than to ascribe the doctrine to St. Augustine.
The subject of the gradual process postulated by the
latter was, not living, but inorganic, matter, and the process
was conceived as leading to the formation, and not the transformation,
of species. The idea of variable inheritance did not
occur to St. Augustine, and he conceived organisms, once they
were in existence, as being propagated exclusively by univocal
reproduction (generatio univoca). It is the fixist, therefore,
rather than the transformist, who is entitled to exploit the
Augustinian hypothesis. In fact, it is only the vicious ambiguity
and unlimited elasticity of the term evolution, which
avail to extenuate the astounding confusion of ideas and total
lack of historic sense, that can bracket together under a
common term the ideology of Darwin and the view of St.
Augustine.
But it is our task to criticize the theory of transformism,
and not to throw a life-line to fixism, by advocating gradual
formation of species as the only feasible alternative to gradual
transformation of species. Perhaps, this particular life-line
will not be appreciated any way; for the fixist may, not without
reason, prefer to rest his case on the contention that the
intrinsic time-value of geological formations is far too problematic
for certain conclusions of any sort. In maintaining
this position, he will have the support of some present-day
geologists, and can point, as we shall see, to facts that seem
to bear out his contention. In fact, the cogency of the palæontological
argument appears to be at its maximum in the
abstract, and to evaporate the moment we carry it into the
concrete. The lute seems perfect, until we begin to play
thereon, and then we discover certain rifts that mar the effect.
It is to these rifts that our attention must now be turned.
The first and most obvious flaw, in the evolutionary interpretation
of fossil series, is the confounding of succession
with filiation. Thinkers, from time immemorial, have commented
on the deep chasm of distinction, which divides historical
from causal sequence, and philosophers have never
ceased to inveigh against the sophistical snare of: Post hoc,
ergo propter hoc. That one form of life has been subsequent
in time to another form of life is, in itself, no proof of descent.
“Let us suppose,” says Bather, “all written records to be
swept away, and an attempt made to reconstruct English
history from coins. We could set out our monarchs in true
order, and we might suspect that the throne was hereditary;
but if on that assumption we were to make James I, the son
of Elizabeth—well, but that’s just what palæontologists are
constantly doing. The famous diagram of the Evolution of
the Horse which Huxley used in his American lectures has
had to be corrected in the light of the fuller evidence recently
tabulated in a handsome volume by Prof. H. F. Osborn
and his coadjutors. Palæotherium, which Huxley regarded as
a direct ancestor of the horse, is now held to be only a collateral,
as the last of the Tudors were collateral ancestors of
the Stuarts. The later Ancitherium must be eliminated from
the true line as a side branch—a Young Pretender. Sometimes
an apparent succession is due to immigration of a distant
relative from some other region—‘The glorious House of Hanover
and Protestant Succession.’ It was, you will remember,
by such migrations that Cuvier explained the renewal of life
when a previous fauna had become extinct. He admitted succession
but not descent.” (Science, Sept. 17, 1920, p. 261.)
But, if succession does not imply descent, descent, at least,
implies succession, and the fact that succession is the necessary
corollary of descent, may be used as a corrective for the erroneous
allocations made by neontologists on the basis of purely
morphological considerations. The priority of a type is the
sine qua non condition of its being accepted as ancestral. It
is always embarrassing when, as sometimes happens, a “descendant”
turns out to be older than, or even coëval with, his
“ancestor.” If, however, the historical position of a form can
be made to coincide with its anatomical pretensions to ancestry,
then the inference of descent attains to a degree of logical
respectability that is impossible in the case of purely zoölogical
evidence. Recent years have witnessed a more drastic
application of the historical test to morphological speculations,
and the result has been a wholesale revision of former notions
concerning phylogeny. “I could easily,” says Bather, “occupy
the rest of this hour by discussing the profound changes
wrought by this conception on our classification. It is not
that orders and classes hitherto unknown have been discovered,
not that some erroneous allocations have been corrected,
but the whole basis of our system is being shifted. So long
as we were dealing with a horizontal section across the tree of
life—that is to say, with an assemblage of approximately
contemporaneous forms—or even with a number of such horizontal
sections, so long were we confined to simple description.
Any attempt to frame a causal connection was bound to be
speculative.” (Ibidem, p. 258.) Whether zoölogists will take
kindly to this “shifting of the whole basis” of classification,
remains to be seen. Personally, we think they would be very
ill-advised to exchange the solid observational basis of homology
for the scanty facts and fanciful interpretations of
palæontologists.
The second stumbling block in the path of Transformism
is the occurrence of convergence. We have seen that, in the
palæontological argument, descent is inferred conjointly from
similarity and succession, and that, in the abstract, this argument
is very persuasive. One of the concrete phenomena,
however, that tend to make it inconsequential, is the undoubted
occurrence of convergence. Prof. H. Woods of Cambridge, in
the Introduction to the 5th edition of his “Palæontology”
(1919), speaks of three kinds of convergence (cf., pp. 14, 15,
16), which, as a matter of convenience, we may term the
parallelistic, the radical, and the adaptational, types of convergence.
A brief description of each type will serve to elucidate
its nature and its significance:
(1) Parallelistic convergence implies the appearance of
parallel modifications in the homologous parts of organisms
regarded as diverging from common stock in two distinct collateral
lines, that were independent at the time of the appearance
in both of the said parallel modifications. Speaking
of the fossil cœlenterates known as Graptolites, Professor
Woods says: “In some genera the hydrothecæ of different
species show great variety of form, those of one
species being often much more like those of a species belonging
to another genus than to other species of the same genus.”
(“Palæontology,” 5th ed., 1919, p. 69.) As another instance of
this phenomenon, the case of the fossil ungulates of South
America, spoken of as Litopterna, may be cited, and the case
is peculiarly interesting because of its bearing on that pièce de
résistance of palæontological evidence, the Pedigree of the
Horse. “The second family of Litopterna,” says Wm. B. Scott,
“the Proterotheriidæ, were remarkable for their many deceptive
resemblances to horses. Even though those who contend
that the Litopterna should be included in the Perissodactyla
should prove to be in the right, there can be no doubt that
the proterotheres were not closely related to the horses, but
formed a most striking illustration of the independent acquisition
of similar characters through parallel or convergent
development. The family was not represented in the Pleistocene,
having died out before that epoch, and the latest known
members of it lived in the upper Pliocene.... Not that this
remarkable character was due to grotesque proportions; on
the contrary, they looked far more like the ordinary ungulates
of the northern hemisphere than did any of their South American
contemporaries; it is precisely this resemblance that is so
notable.... The feet were three-toed, except in one genus
(Thoatherium) in which they were single-toed, and nearly or
quite the whole weight was carried upon the median digit, the
laterals being mere dew-claws. The shape of the hoofs and
the whole appearance of the foot was surprisingly like those
of the three-toed horses, but there were certain structural differences
of such great importance, in my judgment, as to forbid
the reference of these animals, not merely to the horses, but
even to the perissodactyls.” (“A History of Land Mammals
in the Western Hemisphere,” p. 499.)
For this sort of parallelism, the Lamarckian and Darwinian
types of evolution by addition can offer no rational explanation.
It could, perhaps, be accounted for upon the Batesonian
hypothesis of evolution by loss of inhibition, that is to
say, the coincident appearance of convergent characters in
collateral lines might be interpreted as being due to a parallel
loss in both lines of the inhibitive genes, which had suppressed
the convergent feature in the primitive or common
stock. We say that the convergence might be so interpreted,
because the interpretation in question would, at best, be merely
optional and not at all necessary; for in the third, or adaptational,
type of convergence, we shall see instances of parallel
modifications occurring in completely independent races, whose
morphology and history alike exclude all possibility of hereditary
connection between them. Hence, even in the present
case, nothing constrains us to accept the genetic interpretation.
(2) Radical convergence, which Woods styles heterogenetic
homœomorphy, is described by him as follows: “Sometimes
two groups of individuals resemble each other so closely that
they might be regarded as belonging to the same genus or
even to the same species (italics mine), but they have descended
from different ancestors since they are found to differ
in development (ontogeny) or in their palæontological history;
this phenomenon, of forms belonging to different stocks approaching
one another in character, is known as convergence or
heterogenetic homœomorphy, and may occur at the same geological
period or at widely separated intervals. Thus the form
of oyster known as Gryphaea has originated independently from
oysters of the ordinary type in the Lias, in the Oölites, and
again in the Chalk; these forms found at different horizons
closely resemble one another and have usually been regarded
as belonging to one genus (Gryphaea), but they have no direct
genetic connection with one another.” (“Palæontology,” 5th
ed., 1919, p. 15.) Comment is almost superfluous. If even
specific resemblance is no proof of common origin, then what
right have we to interpret any resemblance whatever in this
sense? With such an admission, the whole bottom drops out
of the evolutionary argument. When the theory of descent
is forced to account for heterogenetic resemblance at expense
of all likelihood and consistency, when it cannot save itself
except by blowing hot and cold with one breath, one is tempted
to exclaim: “Oh, why bother with it!”
(3) Adaptational convergence is the occurrence of parallel
modifications due to analogous specialization in unrelated
forms, whose phylogeny has been obviously diverse. “Also,
animals belonging to quite distinct groups,” says Woods, “may,
when living under similar conditions, come to resemble one
another owing to the development of adaptive modifications,
though they do not really approach one another in essential
characters; thus analogous or parallel modifications may occur
in independent groups—such are the resemblances between
flying reptiles (Ornithosaurs) and birds, and between sharks,
icthyosaurs and dolphins.” (Op. cit., p. 16.) As this type of
convergence has been discussed in a previous article, with
reference to the mole and mole-cricket, it need not detain us
further.
All these types of convergence, but especially the second type,
are factual evidence of the compatibility of resemblance with
independent origin, and the fact of their occurrence tends to
undermine the certainty of the phylogenetic inferences based on
fossil evidence; all the more so, that, thanks to its bad state of
preservation, and the impossibility of dissection, even superficial
resemblances may give rise to false interpretations. And,
as for the cases of radical convergence, there is no denying that
they strike at the very heart of the theory of descent.
The third difficulty for Transformism arises from the discontinuity
of the geological record. It was one of the very
first discrepancies to be discovered between evolutionary expectation
and the actual results of research. The earliest explorations
revealed a state of affairs, that subsequent investigations
have failed to remedy: on the one hand, namely, a
notable absence of intermediate species to bridge the gaps
between the fossil genera, and on the other hand, the sudden
and simultaneous appearance of numerous new and allied types
unheralded by transitional forms. Since Darwin had stressed
the gradualness of transmutation, the investigators expected
to find the transitional means more numerous than the terminal
extremes, and were surprised to find, in the real record of the
past, the exact reverse of their anticipation. They found that
the classes and families of animals and plants had always been
as widely separated and as sharply differentiated as they are
today, and that they had always formed distinct systems, unconnected
by transitional links. The hypothetical “generalized
types,” supposed to combine the features of two or three families,
have never been found, and most probably never will be;
for it is all but certain that they never existed. Occasionally, it
is true, palæontologists have discovered isolated types, which
they interpreted as annectant forms, but a single pier does
not make a bridge, and only too often it chanced that the
so-called annectant type, though satisfactory from the morphological
standpoint, was more recent than the two groups,
to which it was supposed to be ancestral. But it will make
matters plainer, if we illustrate what is meant by the discontinuity
or incompleteness of the fossil record, by reference to
some concrete series, such as the so-called Pedigree of the
Horse.
Whenever a series of fossils, arranged in the order of their
historical sequence, exhibits a gradation of increasing resemblance
to the latest form, with which the series terminates,
such a series is called a palæontological pedigree, and is
said to represent so many stages in the racial development
or phylogeny of the respective modern type. The classical
example of this sort of “pedigree” is that of the Horse. It is,
perhaps, one of the most complete among fossil “genealogies,”
and yet, as has been frequently pointed out, it is, as it stands,
extremely incomplete. Modern representatives of the Equidae,
namely, the horse, the ass and the zebra, belong to a common
genus, and are separated from one another by differences
which are merely specific, but the differences which separate
the various forms, that compose the “pedigree of the Horse,”
are generic. We have, to borrow Gerard’s simile, nothing more
than the piers of the evolutionary bridge, without the arches,
and we do not know whether there ever were any arches.
There is, indeed, a sort of progression, e.g., from the four-toed
to a one-toed type, so that the morphological gradation
does, in some degree, coincide with temporal succession. But,
on the other hand, the fossil forms, interpreted as stages in the
phylogeny of the Horse, are separated from one another by
gaps so enormous, that, in the absence of intermediate species
to bridge the intervals, it is practically impossible, particularly
in the light of our experimental knowledge of Genetics,
to conceive of any transition between them. Nor is this
all. The difficulty is increased tenfold, when we attempt to
relate the Equidae to other mammalian groups. Fossil ungulates
appear suddenly and contemporaneously in the Tertiary
of North America, South America and Europe, without
any transitional precursors, to connect them with the hypothetical
proto-mammalian stock, and to substantiate their
collaterality with other mammalian stocks.
To all such difficulties the evolutionist replies by alleging
the incompleteness of the geological record, and modern handbooks
on palæontology devote many pages to the task of
explaining why incompleteness of the fossil record is just
what we should expect, especially in the case of terrestrial
animals. The reasons which they assign are convincing, but
this particular mode of solving the difficulty is a rather precarious
one. Evolutionists should not forget that, in sacrificing
the substantial completeness of the record to account for
the absence of intermediate species, they are simultaneously
destroying its value as a proof of the relative position of
organic types in time. Yet this, as we have seen, is precisely
the feature of greatest strategic value in the palæontological
“evidence” for evolution. We must have absolute certainty
that the reputed “ancestor” was in existence prior to the appearance
of the alleged “descendant,” or the peculiar force of
the palæontological argument is lost. It would be preposterous
for the progeny to be prior to, or even coëval with, the
progenitor, and so we must be quite sure that what we call
“posterity” is really posterior in time. Now the sole argument
that palæontology can adduce for the posteriority of
one organic type as compared with another is the negative
evidence of its non-occurrence, or rather of its non-discovery,
in an earlier geological formation. The lower strata do not, so
far as is known, contain the type in question, and so it is concluded
that this particular form had no earlier history. Such
an inference, as is clear, is not only liable to be upset by later
discoveries, but has the additional disadvantage of implicitly
assuming the substantial completeness of the fossil record,
whereas the absence of intermediate species is only explicable
by means of the assumed incompleteness of the selfsame record.
The evolutionist is thus placed in the dilemma of choosing
between a substantially complete, and a substantially incomplete,
record. Which of the alternatives, he elects, matters
very little; but he must abide by the consequences of his decision,
he cannot eat his cake and have it.
When the evolutionist appeals to the facts of palæontology,
it goes without saying that he does so in the hope of showing
that the differences, which divide modern species of plants and
animals, diminish as we go backward in time, until the stage
of identity is reached in the unity of a common ancestral
type. Hence from the very nature of the argument, which
he is engaged in constructing, he is compelled to resort to
intermediate types as evidence of the continuity of allied species
with the hypothetical ancestor, or common type, whence
they are said to have diverged. Now, even supposing that
his efforts in this direction were attended with a complete
measure of success, evidence of this kind would not of itself, as
we shall see, suffice to demonstrate the common origin of the
extremes, between which a perfect series of intergradent types
can be shown to mediate. Unquestionably, however, unless
such a series of intergradent fossil species can be adduced as
evidence of the assumed transition, the presumption is totally
against the hypothesis of transformism.
Now, as a matter of fact, the geological record rarely offers
any evidence of the existence in the past of intermediate
species. For those, who have implicit confidence in the time-value
of geological “formations,” there are indications of a
general advance from lower to higher forms, but, even so,
there is little to show that this seeming progress is to be
interpreted as an increasing divergence from common ancestral
types. With but few exceptions, the fossil record fails to show
any trace of transitional links. Yet pedigrees made up of
diverse genera are poor evidence for filiation or genetic continuity,
so long as no intermediate species can be found to
bridge the chasm of generic difference. By intermediate species,
we do not mean the fabulous “generalized type.” Annectants
of this kind are mere abstractions, which have never
existed, and never could have existed. We refer rather to
actual fossil types separated from one another by differences
not greater than specific; for “not until we have linked species
into lineages,” can fossil pedigrees lay claim to serious
attention.
But let us suppose the case for evolution to be ideally favorable,
and assume that in every instance we possessed a perfect
gradation of forms between two extremes, such, for example,
as occurs in the Ammonite series, even then we would be far
from having a true demonstration of the point at issue. Bateson
has called our attention to the danger of confounding
sterile and instable hybrids with intergradent species. “Examine,”
he says, “any two thoroughly distinct species which
meet each other in their distribution, as for instance, Lychnis
diurna and vespertina do. In areas of overlap are many intermediate
forms. These used to be taken to be transitional
steps, and the specific distinctness of vespertina and diurna
was on that account questioned. Once it is known that these
supposed intergrades are merely mongrels between the two
species the transition from one to the other is practically beyond
our powers of imagination to conceive. If both these can
survive, why has their common parent perished? Why, when
they cross, do they not reconstruct it instead of producing
partially sterile hybrids? I take this example to show how
entirely the facts were formerly misrepresented.” (Heredity,
Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 369.)
Similarly, T. H. Morgan has shown, with reference to
mutants, the fallacy of inferring common descent from the
phenomenon of intergradence, and what holds true for a series
of intergradent mutants would presumably also hold true of
a series of intergradent species, could such a series be found
and critically distinguished from hybrid and mutational intermediates.
In short, the Darwinian deduction of common origin
from the existence of intergradence must now be regarded
as a thoroughly discredited argument. “Because we can
often arrange the series of structures in a line extending from
the very simple to the more complex, we are apt to become
unduly impressed by this fact and conclude that if we found
the complete series we should find all the intermediate steps
and that they have arisen in the order of their complexity.
This conclusion is not necessarily correct.” (“A Critique of
the Theory of Evolution,” p. 9.) Having cited such a series
of gradational mutations ranging between the long-winged,
and completely wingless condition, in the case of the Vinegar
Fly (Drosophila melanogaster), as well as two similar graded
series based on pigmentation and eye color, he concludes:
“These types, with the fluctuations that occur within each type,
furnish a complete series of gradations; yet historically they
have arisen independently of each other. Many changes in
eye color have appeared. As many as thirty or more races
differing in eye color are now maintained in our cultures.
Some of them are so similar that they can scarcely be separated
from each other. It is easily possible beginning with
the darkest eye color, sepia, which is a deep brown, to pick
out a perfectly graded series ending with pure white eyes.
But such a serial arrangement would give a totally false idea
of the way the different types have arisen; and any conclusion
based on the existence of such a series might very well
be entirely erroneous, for the fact that such a series exists
bears no relation to the order in which its members have appeared.”
(Op. cit., pp. 12, 13.) Such facts must give us
pause in attaching undue importance to phenomena like the
occurrence of a gradual complication of sutures in the Chalk
Ammonites, particularly as parallel series of perfectly similar
sutures occurs “by convergence” in the fossil Ceratites, which
have no genetic connection with the Ammonites. (Cf. Woods’
“Palæontology,” 5th ed., p. 16.)
But, if even mutational and specific intergradents are not
sufficient evidence of common ancestry, what shall we say of
a discontinuous series, whose links are separate genera, orders,
or even classes, instead of species. Even the most enthusiastic
transformist is forced to admit the justice of our insistence
that the gaps which separate the members of a series must be
reduced from differences of the generic, to differences of the
specific, order, before that series can command any respect as
hypothetical “genealogy.” “You will have observed,” says F.
A. Bather, “that the precise methods of the modern palæontologist,
on which this proof is based, are very different from the
slap-dash conclusions of forty years ago. The discovery of Archæopteryx,
for instance, was thought to prove the evolution
of birds from reptiles. No doubt it rendered that conclusion
extremely probable, especially if the major promise—that evolution
was the method—were assumed. But the fact of evolution
is precisely what men were then trying to prove. These
jumpings from class to class or from era to era, by aid of a
few isolated stepping-stones, were what Bacon calls anticipations
“hasty and premature but very effective, because as
they are collected from a few instances, and mostly from those
which are of familiar occurrence, they immediately dazzle
the intellect and fill the imagination.” (Nov. Org., I, 28.)
No secure step was taken until the modern palæontologist
began to affiliate mutation with mutation and species with
species, working his way back, literally inch by inch, through
a single small group of strata. Only thus could he base on
the laboriously collected facts a single true interpretation;
and to those who preferred the broad path of generality his
interpretations seemed, as Bacon says they always “must
seem, harsh and discordant—almost like mysteries of faith.” ...
Thus by degrees we reject the old slippery stepping-stones
that so often toppled us into the stream, and, foot by foot, we
build a secure bridge over the waters of ignorance.” (Science,
Sept. 17, 1920, pp. 263, 264.)
We cannot share Bather’s confidence in the security of a
bridge composed of even linked species. Let such a series be
never so perfect, let the gradation be never so minute, as it
might conceivably be made, when not merely distinct species,
but also hybrids, mutants and fluctuants are available as stopgaps,
the bare fact of such intergradation tells nothing whatever
concerning the problem of genetical origin and specific
relationship. The species-by-species method does, however,
represent the very minimum of requirement imposed upon the
palæontologist, who professes to construct a fossil pedigree.
But, when all is said and done, such a method, even at its
best, falls considerably short of the mark. However perfectly
intergradent a series of fossils may be, the fact remains that
these petrified remnants of former life cannot be subjected
to breeding tests, and that, in the consequent absence of genetical
experimentation, we have no means of determining the real
bearing of these facts upon the problem of interspecific relationship.
Only the somatic characters of extinct floras and
faunas have been conserved in the rock record of the past, and
even these are often rendered dubious, as we shall see presently,
by their imperfect state of preservation. Now, it is solely
in conjunction with breeding experiments, that somatic characters
can give us any insight into the nature of the germinal
constitution of an organism, which, after all, is the cardinal
consideration upon which the whole question of interspecific relationship
hinges. All inferences, therefore, regarding the descent
of fossil forms are irremediably speculative and conjectural.
When we are dealing with living forms, we can always
check up the inferences based on somatic characteristics by
means of genetical experiments, and in so doing we have found
that it is as unsafe to judge of an organism from the exclusive
standpoint of its external characters as it is to judge of a book
by the cover; for, apart from the check of breeding tests, it
is impossible to say just which somatic characters are genetically
significant, and which are not. Forms externally alike
may be so unlike in germinal constitution as to be sexually
incompatible; forms externally unlike may be readily crossed
without any discernible diminution of fertility. “Who could
have foreseen,” exclaims Bateson, “that the apple and the pear—so
like each other that their botanical differences are evasive—could
not be crossed together, though species of Antirrhinum
(Snapdragon) so totally unlike each other as majus
and molle can be hybridized, as Baur has shown, without a
sign of impaired fertility?” (Heredity, Smithson. Inst. Rpt.
for 1915, p. 370.) We cannot distinguish between alleged specific,
and merely mutational (varietal), change, nor between
hybridizations and factorial, chromosomal, or pseudo-, mutations,
solely on the basis of such external characters as are
preserved for us in fossils. It is impossible, therefore, to
demonstrate trans-specific variation by any evidence that
Palæontology can supply. The palæontologist (pace Osborn)
is utterly incompetent to pass judgment on the problem
of interspecific relationship. As Bateson remarks: “In discussing
the physiological problem of interspecific relationship
evidence of a more stringent character is now required; and
a naturalist acquainted with genetical discoveries would be as
reluctant to draw conclusions as to the specific relationship of
a series of fossils as a chemist would be to pronounce on the
nature of a series of unknown compounds from an inspection
of them in a row of bottles.” (Science, April 17, 1922, p. 373.)
“When the modern student of variation and heredity,” says
T. H. Morgan, “looks over the different ‘continuous’
series, from which certain ‘laws’ and ‘principles’ have been
deduced, he is struck by two facts: that the gaps, in some
cases, are enormous as compared with the single changes
with which he is familiar, and (what is more important) that
they involve numerous parts in many ways. The geneticist
says to the palæontologist, since you do not know, and from
the nature of your case can never know, whether your differences
are due to one change or to a thousand, you cannot
with certainty tell us anything about the hereditary units
which have made the process of evolution possible.” (Op. cit.,
pp. 26, 27.) And without accurate knowledge on this subject,
we may add, there is no possibility of demonstrating specific
change or genetic relationship in the case of any given fossil.
In our discussion of the third defect in the fossil “evidence,”
allusion was made to a fourth, namely, its imperfect state of
preservation. The stone record of bygone days has been so
defaced by the metamorphism of rocks, by the solvent action
of percolating waters, by erosion, weathering and other factors
of destruction, that, like a faded manuscript, it becomes, even
apart from its actual lacunae, exceedingly difficult to decipher.
So unsatisfactory, indeed, is the condition of the partially obliterated
facts that human curiosity, piqued at their baffling
ambiguity, calls upon human imagination to supply what observation
itself fails to reveal. Nor does the invitation remain
unheeded. Romance hastens to the rescue of uncertain Science,
with an impressive display of “reconstructed fossils,”
and the hesitation of critical caution is superseded by the
dogmatism of arbitrary assumption. Scattered fragments of
fossilized bones are integrated into skeletons and clothed by
the magic of creative fancy with an appropriate musculature
and flesh, reënacting for us the marvelous vision of Ezekiel:
“And the bones came together, each one to its joint. And I
beheld and, lo, there were sinews upon them, and the flesh
came upon them: and the skin was stretched over them.”
(Chap. XXXVII, 7, 8.) “It is also true,” says Osborn (who,
like Haeckel, evinces a veritable mania for “retouching” incomplete
facts), “that we know the mode of origin of the human
species; our knowledge of human evolution has reached
a point not only where a number of links are thoroughly
known but the characters of the missing links can be very
clearly predicated.” (Science, Feb. 24, 1922.) We will not
dispute his contention; for it is perfectly true, that, in each
and every case, all the missing details can be so exactly predicated
that the resulting description might well put to shame
the account of a contemporary eyewitness. The only difficulty
is that such predication is the fruit of pure imagination.
Scientific reconstructions, whether in the literary, plastic, or
pictorial, form, are no more scientific than historical novels are
historical. Both are the outcome of a psychological weakness
in the human makeup, namely, its craving for a “finished
picture”—a craving, however, that is never gratified save at
the expense of the fragmentary basis of objective fact.[7]
In calling into question, however, the scientific value of the
so-called “scientific reconstruction,” so far as its pretensions
to precision and finality are concerned, it is not our intention
to discredit those tentative restorations based upon Cuvier’s
Law of Correlation, provided they profess to be no more than
provisional approximations. Many of the structural features
of organisms are physiologically interdependent, and there is
frequently a close correlation among organs and organ-systems,
between which no causal connection or direct physiological
dependence is demonstrable. In virtue of this principle,
one structural feature may connote another, in which case it
would be legitimate to supply by inference any missing structure
implied in the actual existence of its respective correlative.
But if any one imagines that the law of correlation enables
a scientist to restore the lost integrity of fossil types with any
considerable degree of accuracy and finality, he greatly overestimates
the scope of the principle in question. At best it
is nothing more than an empirical generalization, which must
not be pressed to an extent unwarranted by the inductive
process, that first established it. “Certain relations of structure,”
says Bather, “as of cloven hoofs and horns with a ruminant
stomach, were observed, but as Cuvier himself insisted,
the laws based on such facts were purely empirical.” (Science,
Sept. 17, 1920, p. 258.) The palæontologist, then, is
justified in making use of correlation for the purpose of reconstructing
a whole animal out of a few fragmentary remains,
but to look for anything like photographic precision in such
“restorations” of extinct forms is to manifest a more or less
complete ignorance of the nature and scope of the empirical
laws, upon which they are based.
The imprudence of taking these “reconstructions” of extinct
forms too seriously, however, is inculcated not merely by theoretical
considerations, but by experience as well. Even in the
case of the mammoth, a comparatively recent form, whose
skeletal remains had been preserved more completely and perfectly
than those of other fossil types, the discovery of a complete
carcass buried in the ice of the Siberian “taiga” on the
Beresovka river showed the existing restorations to be false in
important respects. All, without exception, stood in need of
revision, proving, once and for all, the inadequacy of fossil
remains as a basis for exact reconstruction. E. Pfizenmayer, a
member of the investigating expedition, comments on the fact
as follows: “In the light of our present knowledge of the mammoth,
and especially of its exterior, the various existing attempts
at a restoration need important corrections. Apart from
the many fanciful sketches intended to portray the exterior of
the animal, all the more carefully made restorations show the
faults of the skeleton, hitherto regarded as typical, on which
they are based, especially the powerful semicircular and upward-curved
tusks, the long tail, etc.
“As these false conceptions of the exterior of the mammoth,
both written and in the form of pictures, are contained in all
zoölogical and palæontological textbooks, and even in scientific
monographs, it seems necessary to construct a more nearly
correct picture, based on our present knowledge. I have ventured
on this task, because as a member of the latest expedition
for mammoth remains, I was permitted not only to
become acquainted with this newest find while still in its
place of deposit and to take part in exhuming it, but also to
visit the zoölogical museum of St. Petersburg, which is so
rich in mammoth remains, for the purpose of studying the animal
more in detail.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1906, pp. 321,
322.) The example is but one of many, which serve to emphasize
not merely the inadequacy of the generality of palæontological
restorations, but also the extreme difficulty which the
palæontologist experiences in interpreting aright the partially
effaced record of a vanished past.
The fifth and most critical flaw in the fossil “evidence” for
evolution is to be found in the anomalies of the actual distribution
of fossils in time. It is the boast of evolutionary
Palæontology that it is able to enhance the cogency of the
argument from mere structural resemblance by showing, that,
of two structurally allied forms, one is more ancient than the
other, and may, therefore, be presumed to be ancestral to the
later form. Antecedence in time is the sine qua non qualification
of a credible ancestor, and, unless the relative priority of
certain organic types, as compared with others, can be established
with absolute certainty, the whole palæontological argument
collapses, and the boast of evolutionary geology becomes
an empty vaunt.
Whenever the appearance of a so-called annectant type is
antedated by that of the two forms, which it is supposed to
connect, this fact is, naturally, a deathblow to its claim of
being the “common ancestor,” even though, from a purely morphological
standpoint, it should possess all the requisites of
an ancestral type. Commenting upon the statement that a
certain genus “is a truly annectant form uniting the Melocrinidae
and the Platycrinidae,” Bather takes exception as
follows: “The genus in question appeared, so far as we know,
rather late in the Lower Carboniferous, whereas both Platycrinidae
and Melocrinidae were already established in Middle
Silurian time. How is it possible that the far later form
should unite these two ancient families? Even a mésalliance
is inconceivable.” (Science, Sept. 17, 1920, p. 260.)
Certainty, therefore, with respect to the comparative antiquity
of the fossiliferous strata is the indispensable presupposition
of any palæontological argument attempting to show
that there is a gradual approximation of ancient, to modern,
types. Yet, of all scientific methods of reckoning, none is
less calculated to inspire confidence, none less safeguarded
from the abuses of subjectivism and arbitrary interpretation,
than that by which the relative age of the sedimentary rocks
is determined!
In order to date the strata of any given series with reference
to one another, the palæontologist starts with the principle
that, in an undisturbed area, the deeper sediments have been
deposited at an earlier period than the overlying strata. Such
a criterion, however, is obviously restricted in its application
to local areas, and is available only at regions of outcrop,
where a vertical section of the strata is visibly exposed.
To trace the physical continuity, however, of the strata
(if such continuity there be) from one continent to another,
or even across a single continent, is evidently out of the
question. Hence, to correlate the sedimentary rocks of a given
region with those of another region far distant from the former,
some criterion other than stratigraphy is required. To
supply this want, recourse has been had to index fossils, which
have now come into general use as age-markers and means
of stratigraphical correlation, where the criterion of superposition
is either absent or inapplicable. Certain fossil types
are assumed to be infallibly indicative of certain stratigraphical
horizons. In fact, when it comes to a decision as to the
priority or posteriority of a given geological formation, index
fossils constitute the court of last appeal, and even the evidences
of actual stratigraphical sequence and of physical texture
itself are always discounted and explained away, whenever
they chance to conflict with the presumption that certain fossil
forms are typical of certain geological periods. If, for example,
the superposed rock contains fossils alleged to be typical
of an “earlier” stratigraphic horizon than that to which
the fossils of the subjacent rock belong, the former is pronounced
to be “older,” despite the fact that the actual stratigraphic
order conveys the opposite impression. “We still
regard fossils,” says J. W. Judd, “as the ‘medals of creation,’
and certain types of life we take to be as truly characteristic
of definite periods as the coins which bear the image and
superscription of a Roman emperor or of a Saxon king.” (Cf.
Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1912, p. 356.) Thus it comes to pass,
in the last analysis, that fossils, on the one hand, are dated
according to the consecutive strata, in which they occur, and
strata, on the other hand, are dated according to the fossils
which they contain.
Such procedure, if not actually tantamount to a vicious
circle, is, to say the least, in imminent danger of becoming so.
For, even assuming the so-called empirical generalization, that
makes certain fossils typical of certain definitely-aged geological
“formations,” to be based upon induction sufficiently complete
and analytic to insure certainty, at least, in the majority
of instances, and taking it for granted that we are dealing with
a case, where the actual evidence of stratigraphy is not in open
conflict with that of the index fossils, who does not see that
such a system of chronology lends itself only too readily to
manipulation of the most arbitrary kind, whenever the pet
preconceptions of the evolutionary chronologist are at stake?
How, then, can we be sure, in a given case, that a verdict
based exclusively on the “evidence” of index fossils will be
reliably objective? It is to be expected that the evolutionist
will refrain from the temptation to give himself the benefit
of every doubt? Will there not be an almost irresistible tendency
on the part of the convinced transformist to revise the
age of any deposit, which happens to contain fossils that, according
to his theory, ought not to occur at the time hitherto
assigned?
The citation of a concrete example will serve to make our
meaning clear. A series of fresh-water strata occur in India
known as the Siwalik beds. The formation in question was
originally classed as Miocene. Later on, however, as a result,
presumably, of the embarrassing discovery of the genus Equus
among the fossils of the Upper Siwalik beds, Wm. Blanford
saw fit to mend matters by distinguishing the Upper, from
the Lower, beds and assigning the former (which contain fossil
horses) to the Pliocene period. The title Miocene being
restricted by this ingenious step to beds destitute of equine
remains, namely the Nahun, or Lower Siwalik, deposits, all
danger of the horse proving to be older than his ancestors
was happily averted. A mere shifting of the conventional
labels, apparently, was amply sufficient to render groundless
the fear, to which Professor A. Sedgwick had given expression
in the following terms: “The genus Equus appears in the
upper Siwalik beds, which have been ascribed to the Miocene
age.... If Equus really existed in the Upper Miocene, it
was antecedent to some of its supposed ancestors.” (“Students’
Textbook of Zoölogy,” p. 599.) Evidently, the Horse
must reconcile himself perforce to the pedigree assigned to
him by the American Museum of Natural History; for he is
to be given but scant opportunity of escaping it. This classic
genealogy has already entailed far too great an expenditure
of time, money and erudition to permit of any reconsideration;
and should it chance, in the ironic perversity of things,
that the Horse has been so inconsiderate as to leave indubitable
traces of himself in any formation earlier than the
Pliocene, it goes without saying that the formation in question
will at once be dated ahead, in order to secure for the “ancestors”
that priority which is their due. An elastic criterion
like the index fossil is admirably adapted for readjustments
of this sort, and the evolutionist who uses it need never fear
defeat. The game he plays can never be a losing one, because
he gives no other terms than: Heads I win, tails you lose.
In setting forth the foregoing difficulties, we have purposely
refrained from challenging the cardinal dogma of orthodox
palæontology concerning the unimpeachable time-value of index
fossils as age-markers. The force of these considerations,
therefore, must be acknowledged even by the most fanatical
adherents of the aforesaid dogma. Our forbearance in this
instance, however, must not be construed as a confession that
the dogma in question is really unassailable. On the contrary,
not only is it not invulnerable, but there are many and weighty
reasons for rejecting it lock, stock, and barrel.
The palæontological dogma, to which we refer, is reducible
to the following tenets: (1) The earth is swathed with fossiliferous
strata, in much the same fashion that an onion is covered
with a succession of coats, and these strata are universal
over the whole globe, occurring always in the same invariable
order and characterized not by any peculiar uniformity of
external appearance, physical texture, or mineral composition,
but solely by peculiar groups of fossil types, which enable us
to distinguish between strata of different ages and to correlate
the strata of one continent with their counterparts in
another continent—“Even the minuter divisions,” says Scott,
“the substages and zones of the European Jura, are applicable
to the classification of the South American beds.” (“Introduction
to Geology,” p. 681.) (2) In determining the relative
age of a given geological formation, its characteristic fossils
form the exclusive basis of decision, and all other considerations,
whether lithological or stratigraphic, are subordinated
to this—“The character of the rocks,” says H. S. Williams,
“their composition or their mineral contents have nothing to
do with settling the question as to the particular system to
which the new rocks belong. The fossils alone are the means
of correlation.” (“Geological Biology,” pp. 37, 38.)
To those habituated to the common notion that stratigraphical
sequence is the foremost consideration in deciding the
comparative age of rocks, the following statement of Sir Archibald
Geikie will come as a distinct shock: “We may even
demonstrate,” he avers, “that in some mountainous ground
the strata have been turned completely upside down, if we can
show that the fossils in what are now the uppermost layers
ought properly to lie underneath those in the beds below them.”
(“Textbook,” ed. of 1903, p. 837.) In fact, the palæontologist,
H. A. Nicholson, lays it down as a general principle that, wherever
the physical evidence (founded on stratigraphy and
lithology) is at variance with the biological evidence (founded
on the presence of typical fossil organisms), the latter must
prevail and the former must be ignored: “It may even be
said,” he tells us, “that in any case where there should appear
to be a clear and decisive discordance between the
physical and the palæontological evidence as to the age of
a given series of beds, it is the former that is to be distrusted
rather than the latter.” (“Ancient Life History of the Earth,”
p. 40.)
George McCready Price, Professor of Geology at a denominational
college in Kansas, devotes more than fifty pages of
his recent work, “The New Geology” (1923), to an intensely
destructive criticism of this dogma of the supremacy of fossil
evidence as a means of determining the relative age of strata.
To cite Price as an “authority” would, of course, be futile.
All orthodox geologists have long since anathematized him,
and outlawed him from respectable geological society. Charles
Schuchert of Yale refers to him as “a fundamentalist harboring
a geological nightmare.” (Science, May 30, 1924,
p. 487.) Arthur M. Miller of Kentucky University speaks
of him as “the man who, while a member of no scientific body
and absolutely unknown in scientific circles, has ... had the
effrontery to style himself a ‘geologist.’” (Science, June 30,
1922, pp. 702, 703.) Miller, however, is just enough to admit
that he is well-informed on his subject, and that he possesses
the gift of persuasive presentation. “He shows,” says Miller,
“a wide familiarity with geological literature, quoting largely
from the most eminent authorities in this country and in
Europe. Any one reading these writings of Price, which possess
a certain charm of literary style, and indicate on the
part of the author a gift of popular presentation which makes
one regret that it had not been devoted to a more laudable
purpose, must constantly marvel at the character of mind of
the man who can so go into the literature of the subject and
still continue to hold such preposterous opinions.” (Loc. cit.,
p. 702.)
In the present instance, however, our interest centers, not
on the unimportant question of his official status in geological
circles, but exclusively on the objective validity of his argument
against the chronometric value of the index fossil. All
citations, therefore, from his work will be supported, in the
sequel, by collateral testimony from other authors of recognized
standing. It is possible, of course, to inject irrelevant
issues. Price, for example, follows Sir Henry Howorth in his
endeavor to substitute an aqueous catastrophe for the glaciation
of the Quaternary Ice Age, and he adduces many interesting
facts to justify his preference for a deluge. But this
is neither here nor there; for we are not concerned with the
merits of his “new catastrophism.” It is his opportune revival
in modern form of the forgotten, but extremely effective,
objection raised by Huxley and Spencer against the alleged
universality of synchronously deposited fossiliferous sediments,
that constitutes our sole preoccupation here. It is Price’s
merit to have shown that, in the light of recently discovered
facts, such as “deceptive conformities” and “overthrusts,” this
objection is far graver than it was when first formulated by
the authors in question.
Mere snobbery and abuse is not a sufficient answer to a difficulty
of this nature, and we regret that men, like Schuchert,
have replied with more anger than logic. The orthodox geologist
seems unnecessarily petulant, whenever he is called upon
to verify or substantiate the foundational principles of lithic
chronology. One frequently hears him make the excuse that
“geology has its own peculiar method of proof.” To claim exemption,
however, from the universal criterions of criticism and
logic is a subterfuge wholly unworthy of a genuine science,
and, if Price insists on discussing a subject, which the orthodox
geologist prefers to suppress, it is the latter, and not the
former, who is really reactionary.
Price begins by stating the issue in the form of a twofold
question: (1) How can we be sure, with respect to a given
fauna (or flora), say the Cambrian, that at one time it monopolized
our globe to the complete exclusion of all other typical
faunas (or floras), say the Devonian, or the Tertiary, of
which it is assumed that they could not, by any stretch of
imagination, have been contemporaneous, on either land or sea,
with the aforesaid “older” fauna (or flora)? (2) Do the formations
(rocks containing fossils) universally occur in such a
rigidly invariable order of sequence with respect to one another,
as to warrant our being sure of the starting-point in the
time-scale, or to justify us in projecting any given local order
of succession into distant localities, for purposes of chronological
correlation?
His response to the first of these questions constitutes
what may be called an aprioristic refutation of
the orthodox view, by placing the evolutionary palæontologist
in the trilemma: (a) of making the awkward confession
that, except within limited local areas, he has no means
whatever of distinguishing between a geographical distribution
of coëval fossil forms among various habitats and a chronological
distribution of fossils among sediments deposited at
different times; (b) or of denying the possibility of geographical
distribution in the past, by claiming dogmatically that
the world during Cambrian times, for example, was totally
unlike the modern world, of which alone we have experimental
knowledge, inasmuch as it was then destitute of
zoölogical provinces, districts, zones, and other habitats peculiar
to various types of fauna, so that the whole world formed
but one grand habitat, extending over land and sea, for a
limited group of organisms made up exclusively of the lower
types of life; (c) or of reviving the discredited onion-coat theory
of Abraham Werner under a revised biological form, which asserts
that the whole globe is enveloped with fossiliferous rather
than mineral strata, whose order of succession being everywhere
the same enables us to discriminate with precision and
certainty between cases of distribution in time and cases of
distribution in space.
In his response to the second question, Professor Price adduces
numerous factual arguments, which show that the
invariable order of sequence postulated by the theory of the
time-value of index fossils, not only finds no confirmation
in the actual or concrete sequences of fossiliferous rocks, but
is often directly contradicted thereby. “Older” rocks may
occur above “younger” rocks, the “youngest” may occur in
immediate succession to the “oldest,” Tertiary rocks may be
crystalline, consolidated, and “old in appearance,” while Cambrian
and even pre-Cambrian rocks sometimes occur in a soft,
incoherent condition, that gives them the physical appearance
of being as young as Pleistocene formations. These exceptions
and objections to the “invariable order” of the fossiliferous
strata accumulate from day to day, and it is only by means
of Procrustean tactics of the most drastic sort that the facts
can be brought into any semblance of harmony with the current
dogmas, which base geology upon evolution rather than
evolution upon geology.
Price, then, proposes for serious consideration the possibility
that Cretaceous dinosaurs and even Tertiary mammals
may have been living on the land at the same time that the
Cambrian graptolites and trilobites were living in the seas.
“Who,” he exclaims, “will have the hardihood, the real dogmatism
to affirm in a serious way that Cambrian animals and
seaweeds were for a long time the only forms of life existing
anywhere on earth?” Should we, nevertheless, make bold
enough to aver that for countless centuries a mere few of the
lower forms of life monopolized our globe, as one universal
habitat unpartitioned into particular biological provinces or
zones, we are thereupon confronted with two equally unwelcome
alternatives. We must either fly in the face of experience
and legitimate induction by denying the existence in the past of
anything analogous to our present-day geographical distribution
of plants and animals into various biological provinces, or
be prepared to show by what infallible criterion we are enabled
to distinguish between synchronously deposited formations
indicative of a geographical distribution according to regional
diversity, and consecutively deposited formations indicative of
comparative antiquity.
The former alternative does not merit any consideration
whatever. The latter, as we shall presently see, involves us in
an assumption, for which no defense either aprioristic or factual
is available. We can, indeed, distinguish between spatial, and
temporal, distribution within the narrow limits of a single
locality by using the criterion of superposition; for in regions
of outcrop, where one sedimentary rock overlies another, the
obvious presumption is that the upper rock was deposited
at a later date than the lower rock. But the criterion of
superposition is not available for the correlation of strata in
localities so distant from each other that no physical evidence
of stratigraphic continuity is discernible. Moreover the induction,
which projects any local order of stratigraphical
sequence into far distant localities on the sole basis of fossil
taxonomy, is logically unsound and leads to conclusions at
variance with the actual facts. Hence the alleged time-value
of index fossils becomes essentially problematic, and affords
no basis whatever for scientific certainty.
As previously stated, the sequence of strata is visible only in
regions of outcrop, and nowhere are we able to see more than
mere parts of two or, at most, three systems associated together
in a single locality. Moreover, each set of beds is of
limited areal extent, and the limits are frequently visible to
the eye of the observer. In any case, their visible extent is
necessarily limited. It is impossible, therefore, to correlate the
strata of one continent with those of another continent by
tracing stratigraphic continuity. Hence, in comparing particular
horizons of various ages and in distinguishing them from
other horizons over large areas, we are obliged to substitute
induction for direct observation. Scientific induction,
however, is only valid when it rests upon some universal uniformity
or invariable sequence of nature. Hence, to be specific,
the assumption that the time-scale based on the European
classification of fossiliferous strata is applicable to the entire
globe as a whole, is based on the further assumption that we
are sure of the universality of fossiliferous stratification over
the face of the earth, and that, as a matter of fact, fossils are
always and everywhere found in the same order of invariable
sequence.
But this is tantamount to reviving, under what Spencer calls
“a transcendental form,” the exploded “onion-coat” hypothesis
of Werner (1749-1817). Werner conceived the terrestrial
globe as encircled with successive mineral envelopes, basing
his scheme of universal stratification upon that order
of sequence among rocks, which he had observed within the
narrow confines of his native district in Germany. His hypothesis,
after leading many scientists astray, was ultimately
discredited and laughed out of existence. For it finally became
evident to all observers that Werner’s scheme did not
fit the facts, and men were able to witness with their own eyes
the simultaneous deposition, in separate localities, of sediments
which differed radically in their mineral contents and
texture. Thus it came to pass that this classification of strata
according to their mineral nature and physical appearance
lost all value as an absolute time-scale, while the theory itself
was relegated to the status of a curious and amusing episode
in the history of scientific fiascos.
Thanks, however, to Wm. Smith and to Cuvier, the discarded
onion-coat hypothesis did not perish utterly, but was
rehabilitated and bequeathed to us in a new and more subtle
form. Werner’s fundamental idea of the universality of a given
kind of deposit was retained, but his mineral strata were replaced
by fossiliferous strata, the lithological onion-coats of
Werner being superseded by the biological onion-coats of our
modern theory. The geologist of today discounts physical
appearance, and classifies strata according to their fossil,
rather than their mineral, contents, but he stands committed
to the same old postulate of universal deposits. He has no hesitation
in synchronizing such widely-scattered formations as
the Devonian deposits of New York State, England, Germany,
and South America. He pieces them all together as parts of
a single system of rocks. He has no misgiving as to the universal
applicability of the European scheme of stratigraphic
classification, but assures us, in the words of the geologist,
Wm. B. Scott, that: “Even the minuter divisions, the subdivisions
and zones of the European Jura, are applicable to
the classification of the South American beds.” (“Introduction
to Geology,” p. 681f.) The limestone and sandstone
strata of Werner are now things of the past, but, in their
stead, we have, to quote the criticism of Herbert Spencer,
“groups of formations which everywhere succeed each other
in a given order, and are severally everywhere of the same
age. Though it may not be asserted that these successive
systems are universal, yet it seems to be tacitly assumed that
they are so.... Though probably no competent geologist
would contend that the European classification of strata is
applicable to the globe as a whole, yet most, if not all geologists,
write as though it were so.... Must we not say
that though the onion-coat hypothesis is dead, its spirit is
traceable, under a transcendental form, even in the conclusions
of its antagonists.” (“Illustrations of Universal Progress,”
pp. 329-380, ed. of 1890.)
But overlooking, for the moment, the mechanical absurdity
involved in the notion of a regular succession of universal
layers of sediment, and conceding, for the sake of argument,
that the substitution of fossiliferous, for lithological, strata
may conceivably have remedied the defects of Werner’s geological
time-scale, let us confine ourselves to the one question,
which, after all, is of prime importance, whether, namely,
without the aid of Procrustean tactics, the actual facts of
geology can be brought into alignment with the doctrine of
an invariable order of succession among fossil types, and its
sequel, the intrinsic time-value of index fossils. The question,
in other words, is whether or not a reliable time-scale can
be based on the facts of fossiliferous stratification as they are
observed to exist in the concrete. Price’s answer is negative,
and he formulates several empirical laws to express the concrete
facts, on which he bases his contention. The laws and
facts to which he appeals may be summarized as follows:
1. The concrete facts of geology do not warrant our singling
out any fossiliferous deposit as unquestionably the oldest, and
hence we have no reliable starting-point for our time-scale,
because:
(a) We may lay it down as an empirical law that “any
kind of fossiliferous rock (even the ‘youngest’), that is, strata
belonging to any of the systems or other subdivisions, may
rest directly upon the Archæan or primitive crystalline rocks,
without any other so-called ‘younger’ strata intervening; also
these rocks, Permian, Cretaceous, Tertiary, or whatever thus
reposing directly on the Archæan may be themselves crystalline
or wholly metamorphic in texture. And this applies not
alone to small points of contact, but to large areas.”
(b) Conversely: any kind of fossiliferous strata (even the
“oldest”) may not only constitute the surface rocks over wide
areas,[8] but may consist of loose, unconsolidated materials,
thus in both position and texture resembling the “late” Tertiaries
or the Pleistocene—“In some regions, notably in the
Baltic province and in parts of the United States,” says John
Allen Howe, alluding to the Cambrian rocks around the Baltic
Sea and in Wisconsin, “the rocks still retain their original
horizontality of deposition, the muds are scarcely indurated,
and the sands are incoherent.” (Encycl. Brit., vol. V, p. 86.)
A large number of striking instances are cited by Price to
substantiate the foregoing rule and its converse. The impression
left is that not only is the starting-point of the time-scale
in doubt, but that, if we were to judge the age of the
rocks by their physical appearance and position, we could
not accept the conventional verdicts of modern geology,
which makes fossil evidence prevail over every other consideration.
2. When two contiguous strata are parallel to each other,
and there is no indication of disturbance in the lower bed, nor
any evidence of erosion along the plane of contact, the two
beds are said to exhibit conformity, and this is ordinarily
interpreted by geologists as a sign that the upper bed has
been laid down in immediate sequence to the lower, and that
there has been a substantial continuity of deposition, with
no long interval during which the lower bed was exposed
as surface to the agents of erosion. When such a conformity
exists, as it frequently does, between a “recent” stratum,
above, and what is said (according to the testimony of the
fossils) to be a very “ancient” stratum, below, and though
the two are so alike lithologically as to be mistaken for one
and the same formation, nevertheless, such a conformity is
termed a “non-evident disconformity,” or “deceptive conformity,”
implying that, inasmuch as the “lost interval,” representing,
perhaps, a lapse of “several million years,” is entirely
unrecorded by any intervening deposition, or any erosion,
or any disturbance of the lower bed, we should not have
suspected that so great a hiatus had intervened, were it not
for the testimony of the fossils. Price cites innumerable examples,
and sums them up in the general terms of the following
empirical law: “Any sort of fossiliferous formation
may occur on top of any other ‘older’ fossiliferous formation,
with all the physical evidences of perfect conformity, just
as if these alleged incongruous or mismated formations had
in reality followed one another in quick succession.”
A quotation from Schuchert’s “Textbook of Geology,”
(1920), may be given by way of illustration: “The imperfection,”
we read, “of the geologic column is greatest in the
interior of North America and more so in the north than in
the south. This imperfection is in many places very marked,
since an entire period or several periods may be absent. With
such great breaks in the local sections the natural assumption
is that these gaps are easily seen in the sequence of the strata,
but in many places the beds lie in such perfect conformity
upon one another that the breaks are not noticeable by the
eye and can be proved to exist only by the entombed fossils
on each side of a given bedding plane.... Stratigraphers
are, as a rule, now fully aware of the imperfections in the
geologic record, but the rocks of two unrelated formations may
rest upon each other with such absolute conformability as to
be completely deceptive. For instance, in the Bear Grass
quarries at Louisville, Ky., a face of limestone is exposed in
which the absolute conformability of the beds can be traced
for nearly a mile, and yet within 5 feet of vertical thickness
is found a Middle Silurian coral bed overlain by another
coral zone of Middle Devonian. The parting between these
two zones is like that between any two limestone beds, but
this insignificant line represents a stratigraphic hiatus the
equivalent of the last third of Silurian and the first of Devonian
time. But such disconformities are by no means rare,
in fact are very common throughout the wide central basin
area of North America.” (Op. cit., II, pp. 586-588.)
In such cases, the stratigraphical relations give no hint of
any enormous gap at the line of contact. On the contrary,
there is every evidence of unbroken sequence, and the physical
appearances are as if these supposed “geological epochs”
had never occurred in the localities, of which there is question.
Everything points to the conclusion that the alleged long
intervals of time between such perfectly conformable, and,
often, lithologically identical, formations are a pure fiction
elaborated for the purpose of bolstering up the dogma of the
universal applicability of the European classification of fossiliferous
rocks. Why not take the facts as we find them?
Why resort to tortuous explanations for the mere purpose of
saving an arbitrary time-scale? Why insist on a definite
time-value for fossils, when it drives us to the extremity
of discrediting the objective evidence of physical facts in
deference to the preconceptions of orthodox geology? Were
it not for theoretical considerations, these stratigraphic facts
would be taken at their face value, and the need of saving
the reputation of the fossil as an infallible time index is not
sufficiently imperative to warrant so drastic a revision of the
physical evidence.
3. The third class of facts militating against the time-value
of index fossils, are what Price describes as “deceptive conformities
turned upside down,” and what orthodox geology
tries to explain away as “thrusts,” “thrust faults,” “overthrusts,”
“low-angle faulting,” etc.[9] In instances of this
kind we find the accepted order of the fossiliferous strata
reversed in such a way that the “younger” strata are conformably
overlain by “older” strata, and the “older” strata
are sometimes interbedded between “younger” strata. “In
many places all over the world,” says Price, “fossils have
been found in a relative order which was formerly thought
to be utterly impossible. That is, the fossils have been found
in the ‘wrong’ order, and on such a scale that there can
be no mistake about it. For when an area 500 miles long
and from 20 to 50 miles wide is found with Palæozoic rocks
on top, or composing the mountains, and with Cretaceous
beds underneath, or composing the valleys, and running under
these mountains all around, as in the case of the Glacier National
Park and the southern part of Alberta, the old notion
about the exact and invariable order of the fossils has to be
given up entirely.”
Price formulates his third law as follows: “Any fossiliferous
formation, ‘old’ or ‘young,’ may occur conformably on any
other fossiliferous formation, ‘younger’ or ‘older.’” The corollary
of this empirical law is that we are no longer justified in
regarding any fossils as intrinsically older than other fossils,
and that our present classification of fossiliferous strata has
a taxonomic, rather than a historical, value.
Low-angle faulting is the phenomenon devised by geologists
to meet the difficulty of “inverted sequence,” when all
other explanations fail. Immense mountain masses are said
to have been detached from their roots and pushed horizontally
over the surface (without disturbing it in the least),
until they came finally to rest in perfect conformity upon
“younger” strata, so that the plane of slippage ended by being
indistinguishable from an ordinary horizontal bedding plane.
These gigantic “overthrusts” or “thrust faults” are a rather
unique phenomenon. Normal faulting is always at a high
angle closely approaching the vertical, but “thrust faults”
are at a low angle closely approximating the horizontal, and
there is enormous displacement along the plane of slippage.
The huge mountain masses are said to have been first
lifted up and then thrust horizontally for vast distances,
sometimes for hundreds of miles, over the face of the
land, being thus pushed over on top of “younger” rocks,
so as to repose upon the latter in a relation of perfectly
conformable superposition. R. G. McConnell, of the
Canadian Survey, comments on the remarkable similarity
between these alleged “thrust planes” and ordinary stratification
planes, and he is at a loss to know why the surface soil
was not disturbed by the huge rock masses which slid over
it for such great distances. Speaking of the Bow River Gap,
he says: “The fault plane here is nearly horizontal, and the
two formations, viewed from the valley appear to succeed one
another conformably,” and then having noted that the underlying
Cretaceous shales are “very soft,” he adds that they
“have suffered little by the sliding of the limestones over
them.” (An. Rpt. 1886, part D., pp. 33, 34, 84.) Credat
Iudaeus Apella, non ego!
Schuchert describes the Alpine overthrust as follows: “The
movement was both vertical and thrusting from the south
and southeast, from the southern portion of Tethys, elevating
and folding the Tertiary and older strata of the northern
areas of this mediterranean into overturned, recumbent, and
nearly horizontal folds, and pushing the southern or Lepontine
Alps about 60 miles to the northward into the Helvetic region.
Erosion has since carved up these overthrust sheets, leaving
remnants lying on foundations which belong to a more northern
portion of the ancient sea. Most noted of these residuals
of overthrust masses is the Matterhorn, a mighty mountain
without roots, a stranger in a foreign geologic environment,”
(Pirsson & Schuchert’s “Textbook of Geology,” 1920, II,
p. 924.)
With such a convenient device as the “overthrust” at his
disposal, it is hard to see how any possible concrete sequence
of fossiliferous strata could contradict the preconceptions of
an evolutionary geologist. The hypotheses and assumptions
involved, however, are so tortuous and incredible, that nothing
short of fanatical devotion to the theory of transformism
can render them acceptable. “Examples,” says Price, “of
strata in the ‘wrong’ order were first reported from the Alps
nearly half a century ago. Since that time, whole armfuls of
learned treatises in German, in French, and in English have
been written to explain the wonderful conditions there found.
The diagrams that have been drawn to account for the strange
order of the strata are worthy to rank with the similar ones
by the Ptolemaic astronomers picturing the cycles and epicycles
required to explain the peculiar behavior of the heavenly
bodies in accordance with the geocentric theory of the universe
then prevailing.... In Scandinavia, a district some 1,120
miles long by 80 miles wide is alleged to have been pushed
horizontally eastward ‘at least 86 miles.’ (Schuchert.) In
Northern China, one of these upside down areas is reported
by the Carnegie Research Expedition to be 500 miles long.”
(“The New Geology,” 1923, pp. 633, 634.)
Nor are the epicyclic subterfuges of the evolutionary geologist
confined to “deceptive conformities” and “overthrusts.”
His inventive genius has hit upon other methods of explaining
away inconvenient facts. When, for example,
“younger” fossils are found interbedded with “older” fossils,
and the discrepancy in time is not too great, he rids himself
of the difficulty of their premature appearance by calling them
a “pioneer colony.” Similarly, when a group of “characteristic”
fossils occur in one age, skip another “age,” and recur
in a third, he recognizes the possibility of “recurrent faunas,”
some of these faunas having as many as five successive “recurrences.”
Clearly, the assumption of gradual approximation
and the dogma that the lower preceded the higher forms
of life are things to be saved at all costs, and it is a foregone
conclusion that no facts will be suffered to conflict with these
irrevisable articles of evolutionary faith. “What is the use,”
exclaims Price, “of pretending that we are investigating a
problem of natural science, if we already know beforehand that
the lower and more generalized forms of animals and plants
came into existence first, and the higher and the more specialized
came only long afterwards, and that specimens of all
these successive types have been pigeonholed in the rocks in
order to help us illustrate this wonderful truth?” (Op. cit., pp.
667, 668.)
The predominance of extinct species in certain formations
is said to be an independent argument of their great age.
Most of the species of organisms found as fossils in Cambrian,
Ordovician, and Silurian rocks are extinct, whereas modern
types abound in Cretaceous and Tertiary rocks. Hence it is
claimed that the former must be vastly older than the latter.
But this argument gratuitously assumes the substantial perfection
of the stone record of ancient life and unwarrantedly
excludes the possibility of a sudden impoverishment of the
world’s flora and fauna as the result of a sweeping catastrophe,
of which our present species are the fortunate survivors. Now
the fact that certain floras and faunas skip entire systems of
rocks to reappear only in later formations is proof positive
that the record of ancient life is far from being complete, and
we have in the abundant fossil remains of tropical plants
and animals, found in what are now the frozen arctic regions,
unmistakable evidence of a sudden catastrophic change by
which a once genial climate “was abruptly terminated. For
carcasses of the Siberian elephants were frozen so suddenly
and so completely that the flesh has remained untainted.”
(Dana.) Again, the mere fact of extinction tells us nothing
about the time of the extinction. For this we are obliged to
fall back on the index fossil whose inherent time-value is based
on the theory of evolution and not on stratigraphy. Hence
the argument from extinct species is not an independent
argument.
To sum up, therefore, the aprioristic evolutional series of
fossils is not a genuine time-scale. The only safe criterion of
comparative age is that of stratigraphic superposition, and
this is inapplicable outside of limited local areas.[10] The index
fossil is a reliable basis for the chronological correlation of beds
only in case one is already convinced on other grounds of the
actuality of evolution, but for the unbiased inquirer it is
destitute of any inherent time-value. In other words, we can
no longer be sure that a given formation is old merely because
it happens to contain Cambrian fossils, nor that a rock
is young merely because it chances to contain Tertiary
fossils. Our present classification of rocks according to their
fossil contents is purely arbitrary and artificial, being tantamount
to nothing more than a mere taxonomical classification
of the forms of ancient life on our globe, irrespective of
their comparative antiquity. This scheme of classification is,
indeed, universally applicable, and places can usually be found
in it for new fossiliferous strata, whenever and wherever discovered.
Its universal applicability, however, is due not
to any prevalent order of invariable sequence among fossiliferous
strata, but solely to the fact that the laws of biological
taxonomy and ecology are universal laws which transcend
spatial and temporal limitation. If a scheme of taxonomy is
truly scientific, all forms of life, whether extant or extinct,
will fit into it quite readily.
The anomalies of spatial distribution constitute a sixth difficulty
for transformistic palæontology. In constructing a phylogeny
the most diverse and widely-separated regions are put
under tribute to furnish the requisite fossils, no heed being
paid to what are now at any rate impassable geographical
barriers, not to speak of the climatic and environmental limitations
which restrict the migrations of non-cosmopolitan species
within the boundaries of narrow habitats. Hypothetical
lineages of a modern form of life are frequently constructed
from fossil remains found in two or more continents separated
from one another by immense distances and vast oceanic expanses.
When taxed with failure to plausibleize this procedure,
the evolutionist meets the difficulty by hypothecating
wholesale and devious migrations to and fro, and by raising up
alleged land bridges to accommodate plants and animals in
their suppositional migrations from one continent to another,
etc.
The European horse, with his so-called ancestry interred,
partly in the Tertiary deposits of Europe, but mostly in those
of North America, is a typical instance of these anomalies in
geographical distribution. It would, of course, be preposterous
to suppose that two independent lines of descent could
have fortuitously terminated in the production of one and the
same type, namely, the genus Equus. Moreover, to admit for
a moment that the extinct American Equus and the extant
European Equus had converged by similar stages from distinct
origins would be equivalent, as we have seen, to a surrender
of the basic postulate that structural similarity rests on the
principle of inheritance. Nothing remains, therefore, but to
hypothecate a Tertiary land bridge between Europe and North
America.
Modern geologists, however, are beginning to resent these
arbitrary interferences with their science in the interest of
biological theories. Land bridges, they rightly insist, should
be demonstrated by means of positive geological evidence and
not by the mere exigencies of a hypothetical genealogy. Whosoever
postulates a land bridge between continents should be
able to adduce solid reasons, and to assign a mechanism
capable of accomplishing the five-mile uplift necessary to bring
a deep-sea bottom to the surface of the hydrosphere. Such
an idea is extravagant and not to be easily entertained in
our day, when geologists are beginning to understand the
principle of isostasy. To-day, the crust of the earth, that is,
the entire surface of the lithosphere, is conceived as being
constituted of earth columns, all of which rest with equal
weight upon the level of complete compensation, which exists
at a depth of some 76 miles below land surfaces. At this depth
viscous flows and undertows of the earth take place, compensating
all differences of gravitational stress. Hence the
materials constituting a mountain column are thought to be
less dense than those constituting the surrounding lowland
columns, and for this reason the mountains are buoyed up
above the surrounding landscape. The columns under ocean
bottoms, on the contrary, are thought to consist of heavy
materials like basalt, which tend to depress the column. To
raise a sea floor, therefore, some means of producing a dilatation
of these materials would have to be available. Arthur
B. Coleman called attention to this difficulty in his Presidential
Address to the Geological Society of America (December 29,
1915), and we cannot do better than quote his own statement
of the matter here:
“Admitting,” he says, “that in the beginning the lithosphere
bulged up in places, so as to form continents, and
sagged in other places, so as to form ocean beds, there are
interesting problems presented as to the permanence of land
and seas. All will admit marginal changes affecting large
areas, but these encroachments of the sea on the continents
and the later retreats may be of quite a subordinate kind,
not implying an interchange of deep-sea bottoms and land surfaces.
The essential permanence of continents and oceans has
been firmly held by many geologists, notably Dana among
the older ones, and seems reasonable; but there are geologists,
especially palæontologists, who display great recklessness in
rearranging land and sea. The trend of a mountain range, or
the convenience of a running bird, or a marsupial afraid to
wet his feet seems sufficient warrant for hoisting up any sea
bottom to connect continent with continent. A Gondwana
Land arises in place of an Indian Ocean and sweeps across to
South America, so that a spore-bearing plant can follow up
an ice age; or an Atlantis ties New England to Old England
to help out the migrations of a shallow-water fauna; or a
‘Lost Land of Agulhas’ joins South Africa and India.
“It is curious to find these revolutionary suggestions made
at a time when geodesists are demonstrating that the earth’s
crust over large areas, and perhaps everywhere, approaches a
state of isostatic equilibrium, and that isostatic compensation
is probably complete at a depth of only 76 miles” ... and
(having noted the difference of density that must exist between
the continental, and submarine, earth columns) Coleman
would have us bear in mind “that to transform great
areas of sea bottom into land it would be necessary either to
expand the rock beneath by several per cent or to replace
heavy rock, such as basalt, by lighter materials, such as granite.
There is no obvious way in which the rock beneath a
sea bottom can be expanded enough to lift it 20,000 feet, as
would be necessary in parts of the Indian Ocean, to form a
Gondwana land; so one must assume that light rocks replace
heavy ones beneath a million square miles of ocean
floor. Even with unlimited time, it is hard to imagine a
mechanism that could do the work, and no convincing geological
evidence can be brought forward to show that such a thing
ever took place.... The distribution of plants and animals
should be arranged for by other means than by the wholesale
elevation of ocean beds to make dry land bridges for them.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1916, pp. 269-271.)
A seventh anomaly of palæontological phylogeny is what
may be described as contrariety of direction. We are asked to
believe, for example, that in mammals racial development resulted
in dimensional increase. The primitive ancestor of
mammoths, mastodons, and elephants is alleged to have been
the Moeritherium, “a small tapirlike form, from the Middle
Eocene Qasr-el-Sagha beds of the Fayûm in Egypt....
Moeritherium measured about 3½ feet in height.” (Lull:
Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1908, pp. 655, 656.) The ancestor of
the modern horse, we are told, was “a little animal less than
a foot in height, known as Eohippus, from the rocks of the
Eocene age.” (Woodruff: “Foundations of Biology,” p. 361.)
In the case of insects, on the other hand, we are asked to
believe the exact reverse, namely, that racial development
brought about dimensional reduction. “In the middle of the
Upper Carboniferous periods,” says Anton Handlirsch, “the
forest swamps were populated with cockroaches about as long
as a finger, dragonfly-like creatures with a wing spread of about
2½ feet, while insects that resemble our May flies were as
big as a hand.” (“Die fossilen Insekten, und die Phylogenie
der recenten Formen,” 1908, L. c., p. 1150.) Contrasting one
of these giant palæozoic dragonflies, Meganeura monyi Brongn.,
with the largest of modern dragonflies, Aeschna grandis L.,
Chetverikov exclaims with reference to the latter: “What a
pitiful pigmy it is and its specific name (grandis) sounds like
such a mockery.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1918, p. 446.)
Chetverikov, it is true, proposes a teleological reason for this
progressive diminution, but the fact remains that for dysteleological
evolutionism, which dispenses with the postulate of a
Providential coördination and regulation of natural agencies,
this diminuendo of the “evolving” insects stands in irreconcilable
opposition to the crescendo of the “evolving” mammals,
and constitutes a difficulty which a purely mechanistic philosophy
can never surmount.
Not to prolong excessively this already protracted enumeration
of discrepancies between fossil fact and evolutionary assumption,
we shall mention, as an eighth and final difficulty,
the indubitable persistence of unchanged organic types from
the earliest geological epochs down to the present time. This
phenomenon is all the more wonderful in view of the fact that
the decision as to which are to be the “older” and which the
“younger” strata rests with the evolutionary geologist, who is
naturally disinclined to admit the antiquity of strata containing
modern types, and whose position as arbiter enables him
to date formations aprioristically, according to the exigencies
of the transformistic theory. Using, as he does, the absence
of modern types as an express criterion of age, and having,
as it were, his pick among the various fossiliferous deposits,
one would expect him to be eminently successful in eliminating
from the stratigraphic groups selected for senior honors all
strata containing fossil types identical with modern forms.
Since, however, even the most ingenious sort of geological
gerrymandering fails to make this elimination complete, we
must conclude that the evidence for persistence of type is inescapable
and valid under any assumption.
When we speak of persistent types, we mean generic and
specific, rather than phyletic, types, although it is assuredly
true that the persistence of the great phyla, from their abrupt
and contemporaneous appearance in Cambrian and pre-Cambrian
rocks down to the present day, constitutes a grave
difficulty for progressive evolution in general and monophyletic
evolution in particular. All the great invertebrate types,
such as the protozoa, the annelida, the brachiopoda, and large
crustaceans called eurypterids, are found in rocks of the Proterozoic
group, despite the damaged condition of the Archæan
record, while in the Cambrian they are represented by a great
profusion of forms. “The Lower Cambrian species,” says
Dana, “have not the simplicity of structure that would naturally
be looked for in the earliest Palæozoic life. They are perfect
of their kind and highly specialized structures. No steps
from simple kinds leading up to them have been discovered;
no line from the protozoans up to corals, echinoderms, or
worms, or from either of these groups up to brachiopods, mollusks,
trilobites, or other crustaceans. This appearance of
abruptness in the introduction of Cambrian life is one of the
striking facts made known by geology.” (“Manual,” p. 487.)
Thus, as we go backward in time, we find the great organic
phyla retaining their identity and showing no tendency to
converge towards a common origin in one or a few ancestral
types. For this reason, as we shall see presently, geologists
are beginning to relegate the evolutionary process to unknown
depths below the explored portion of the “geological column.”
What may lurk in these unfathomed profundities, it is, of
course, impossible to say, but, if we are to judge by that part
of the column which is actually exposed to view, there is no
indication whatever of a steady progression from lower, to
higher, degrees of organization, and it takes all the imperturbable
idealism of a scientific doctrinaire to discern in
such random, abrupt, and unrelated “origins” any evidence of
what Blackwelder styles “a slow but steady increase in complexity
of structure and in function.” (Science, Jan. 27, 1922,
p. 90.)
But, while the permanence of phyletic types excludes progress,
that of generic and specific types excludes change, and
hence it is in the latter phenomenon, especially, that the theory
of transformism encounters a formidable difficulty. Palæobotany
furnishes numerous examples of the persistence of unchanged
plant forms. Ferns identical with the modern genus
Marattia occur in rocks of the Palæozoic group. Cycads indistinguishable
from the extant genera Zamia and Cycas are found
in strata belonging to the Triassic system, etc., etc.
The same is true of animal types. In all the phyla some
genera and even species have persisted unchanged from the
oldest strata down to the present day. Among the Protozoa, for
example, we have the genus Globigerina (one of the Foraminifera),
some modern species of which are identical with those
found in the Cretaceous. To quote the words of the Protozoologist,
Charles A. Kofoid: “The Protozoa are found in the
oldest fossiliferous rocks and the genera of Radiolaria therein
conform rather closely to genera living today, while the fossil
Dinoflagellata of the flints of Delitzsch are scarcely distinguishable
from species living in the modern seas. The striking
similarities of the most ancient fossil Protozoa to recent ones
afford some ground for the inference that the Protozoa living
today differ but little from those when life was young.”
(Science, April 6, 1923, p. 397.)
The Metazoa offer similar examples of persistence. Among
the Cœlenterata, we have the genus Springopora, whose representatives
from the Carboniferous limestones closely resemble
some of the present-day reef builders of the East Indies.
Species of the brachiopod genera Lingula and Crania occurring
in the Cambrian rocks are indistinguishable from species living
today, while two other modern genera of the Brachiopoda,
namely, Rhynchonella and Discina, are represented among the
fossils found in Mesozoic formations. Terebratulina striata, a
fossil species of brachiopod occurring in the rocks belonging to
the Cretaceous system, is identical with our modern species
Terebratulina caput serpentis. Among the Mollusca such
genera as Arca, Nucula, Lucina, Astarte, and Nautilus have
had a continuous existence since the Silurian, while the genera
Lima and Pecten can be traced to the Permian. One genus
Pleurotomaria goes back to pre-Cambrian times. As to Tertiary
fossils, Woods informs us that “in some of the later Cainozoic
formations as many as 90 per cent of the species of
mollusks are still living.” (“Palæontology,” 1st ed., p. 2.)
Among the Echinodermata, two genera, Cidaris (a sea urchin)
and Pentacrinus (a crinoid) may be mentioned as being persistent
since the Triassic (“oldest” system of the Mesozoic
group). Among the Arthropoda, the horseshoe crab Limulus
polyphemus has had a continuous existence since the Lias (i.e.
the lowest series of the Jurassic system). Even among the
Vertebrata we have instances of persistence. The extant Australian
genus Ceratodus, a Dipnoan, has been in existence since
the Triassic. Among the fossils of the Jurassic (middle system
of the Mesozoic group), Sharks, Rays, and Chimaeroids occur
in practically modern forms, while some of the so-called
“ganoids” are extremely similar to our present sturgeons and
gar pikes—“Some of the Jurassic fishes approximate the teleosts
so closely that it seems arbitrary to call them ganoids.”
(Scott.)
The instances of persistence enumerated above are those acknowledged
by evolutionary palæontologists themselves. This
list could be extended somewhat by the addition of several
other examples, but even so, it would still be small and insufficient
to tip the scales decisively in favor of fixism. On
the other hand, we must not forget that the paucity of this
list is due in large measure to the fact that our present method
of classifying fossiliferous strata was deliberately framed
with a view to excluding formations containing modern types
from the category of “ancient” beds. Moreover, orthodox
palæontology has minimized the facts of persistence to an
extent unwarranted even by its own premises. As the following
considerations indicate, the actual number of persistent
types is far greater, even according to the evolutionary time-scale,
than the figure commonly assigned.
First of all, we must take into account the deplorable, if not
absolutely dishonest, practice, which is in vogue, of inventing
new names for the fossil duplicates of modern species, in
order to mask or obscure an identity which conflicts with
evolutionary preconceptions. When a given formation fails
to fit into the accepted scheme by reason of its fossil anachronisms,
or when, to quote the words of Price, “species are found
in kinds of rock where they are not at all expected, and where,
according to the prevailing theories, it is quite incredible that
they should be found ... the not very honorable expedient
is resorted to of inventing a new name, specific or even generic,
to disguise and gloss over the strange similarity between them
and the others which have already been assigned to wholly
different formations.” (“The New Geology,” p. 291.) The
same observation is made by Heilprin. “It is practically certain,”
says the latter, “that numerous forms of life, exhibiting
no distinctive characters of their own, are constituted into
distinct species for no other reason than that they occur in
formations widely separated from those holding their nearest
kin.” (“Geographical and Geological Distribution of Animals,”
pp. 183, 184.) An instance of this practice occurs in the foregoing
list, where a fossil brachiopod identical with a modern
species receives the new specific name “striata.” Its influence
is also manifest in the previously quoted apology of Scott for
calling teleost-like fish “ganoids.”
We must also take into account the imperfection of the fossil
record, which is proved by the fact that most of the acknowledged
“persistent types” listed above “skip” whole
systems and even groups of “later” rocks (which are said to
represent enormous intervals of time), only to reappear, at
last, in modern times. It is evident that their existence has
been continuous, and yet they are not represented in the intervening
strata. Clearly, then, the fossil record is imperfect,
and we must conclude that many of our modern types actually
did exist in the remote past, without, however, leaving behind
any vestige of their former presence.
Again, we must frankly confess our profound ignorance with
respect to the total number and kinds of species living in our
modern seas. Hence our conventional distinction between “extinct”
and “extant” species has only a provisory value. Future
discoveries will unquestionably force us to admit that many
of the species now classed as “extinct” are in reality living
forms, which must be added to our list of “persistent types.”
“It is by no means improbable,” says Heilprin, “that many
of the older genera, now recognized as distinct by reason of
our imperfect knowledge concerning their true relationships,
have in reality representatives in the modern sea.” (Op. cit.
pp. 203, 204.)
Finally, the whole of our present taxonomy of plants and
animals, both living and fossil, stands badly in need of revision.
Systematists, as we have seen in the second chapter, base
their classifications mainly on what they regard as basic or
homologous structures, in contradistinction to superficial or
adaptive characters. Both kinds of structure, however, are
purely somatic, and somatic characters, as previously observed,
are not, by themselves, a safe criterion for discriminating
between varieties and species. In the light of recent
genetical research, we cannot avoid recognizing that there has
been far too much “splitting” of organic groups on the basis
of differences that are purely fluctuational, or, at most, mutational.
Moreover, the distinction between homologous and
adaptive structures is often arbitrary and largely a matter
of personal opinion, especially when numerous specimens are
not available. What the “Cambridge Natural History” says
in allusion to the Asteroidea is of general application. “While
there is considerable agreement,” we read, “amongst authorities
as to the number of families, or minor divisions of unequivocal
relationship, to be found in the class Asteroidea,
there has been great uncertainty both as to the number and
limits of the orders into which the class should be divided,
and also as to the limits of the various species. The
difficulty about the species is by no means confined to
the group Echinodermata; in all cases where the attempt is
made to determine species by an examination of a few specimens
of unknown age there is bound to be uncertainty; the
more so, as it becomes increasingly evident that there is no
sharp line to be drawn between local varieties and species. In
Echinodermata, however, there is the additional difficulty that
the acquisition of ripe genital cells does not necessarily mark
the termination of growth; the animals can continue to grow
and at the same time slightly alter their characters. For this
reason many of the species described may be merely immature
forms....
“The disputes, however, as to the number of orders included
in the Asteroidea proceed from a different cause. The attempt
to construct detailed phylogenies involves the assumption
that one set of structures, which we take as the mark of
the class, has remained constant, whilst the others which are
regarded as adaptive, may have developed twice or thrice.
As the two sets of structures are about of equal importance
it will be seen to what an enormous extent the personal equation
enters in the determination of these questions.” (Op. cit.,
vol. I, pp. 459, 460.)
In dealing with fossil forms, these difficulties of the taxonomist
are intensified: (1) by the sparse, badly-preserved, and
fragmentary character of fossil remains; (2) by the fact that
here breeding experiments are impossible, and hence the diagnosis
based on external characters cannot be supplemented
by a diagnosis of the germinal factors. Fossil taxonomy is, in
consequence, extremely arbitrary and unreliable. Many fossil
forms classed as distinct species, or even as distinct genera,
may be nothing more than fluctuants, mutants, hybrids, or immature
stages of well-known species living today. Again,
many fossils mistaken for distinct species are but different
stages in the life-history of a single species, a mistake, which is
unavoidable, when specimens are few and the age of the specimens
unknown. The great confusion engendered in the classification
of the hydrozoa by nineteenth-century ignorance of the
alternation of hydroid and medusoid generations is a standing
example of the danger of classifying forms without a complete
knowledge of the entire life-cycle. When due allowance is
made for mutation, hybridization, metagenesis, polymorphism,
age and metamorphosis, the number of distinct fossil species
will undergo considerable shrinkage. Nor must we overlook
the possibility of environmentally-induced modifications.
Many organisms, such as mollusks, undergo profound alteration
as a result of some important, and, perhaps, relatively
permanent, change in their environmental conditions, though
such alterations affect only the phenotype, and do not involve
a corresponding change in the specific genotype, i.e. the
germinal constitution of the race.
In the degree that these considerations are taken into account
the number of “extinct” fossil species will diminish and
the number of “persistent” species will increase. This is a consummation
devoutly to be wished for, but it means that
hundreds of thousands of described species must needs
be reviewed for the purpose of weeding out the duplicates,
and who will have the knowledge, the courage, or even
the span of life, necessary to accomplish so gigantic a task?
But so far as the practical purposes of our argument are concerned,
the accepted list of persistent types needs no amplification.
It suffices, as it stands, to establish the central fact
(which, for the rest, is admitted by everyone) that some generic
and even specific types have remained unchanged throughout
the enormous lapse of time which has intervened between
the deposition of the oldest strata and the advent of the present
age. Our current theories, far from diminishing the significance
of this fact, tend to intensify it by computing the duration of
such persistence in millions, rather than in thousands, of
years. Now, whatever one’s views may be on the subject of
transformism, this prolonged permanence of certain genera and
species is an indubitable fact, which is utterly irreconcilable
with a universal law of organic evolution. The theory of
transformism is impotent to explain an exception so palpable
as this; for persistence and transmutation cannot be subsumed
under one and the same principle. That which accounts for
change cannot account for unchange. Yet unchange is an
observed fact, while the change, in this case, is an inferred
hypothesis. Hence, even if we accept the principle of transformism,
there will always be scope for the principle of permanence.
The extraordinary tenacity of type manifested
by persistent genera and species is a phenomenon deserving of
far more careful study and investigation than the evolutionally-minded
scientist of today deigns to bestow upon it. To
the latter it may seem of little consequence, but, to the genuine
scientist, the actual persistence of types should be of no less
interest than their possible variability.
With these reflections, our criticism of the palæontological
argument terminates. The enumeration of its various deficiencies
was not intended as a refutation. To disprove the
theory of organic evolution is a feat beyond our power to
accomplish. We can only adduce negative evidence, whose
scope is to show that the various evolutionary arguments are
inconsequential or inconclusive. We cannot rob the theory of
its intrinsic possibility, and sheer justice compels us to confess
that certain facts, like those of symbiotic preadaptation,
lend themselves more readily to a transformistic, than to a
fixistic, interpretation. On the other hand, nothing is gained
by ignoring flaws so obvious and glaring as those which mar
the cogency of palæontological “evidence.” The man who
would gloss them over is no true friend either of Science or
of the scientific theory of Evolution! They represent so many
real problems to be frankly faced and fully solved, before the
palæontological argument can become a genuine demonstration.
But until such time as a demonstration of this sort is forthcoming,
the evolutionist must not presume to cram his unsubstantiated
theory down our reasonably reluctant throats.
To accept as certain what remains unproved, is to compromise
our intellectual sincerity. True certainty, which rests on the
recognition of objective necessity, will never be attainable so
long as difficulties that sap the very base of evolutionary argumentation
are left unanswered; and, as for those who, in
the teeth of discordant factual evidence, profess, nevertheless,
to have certainty regarding the “fact” of evolution, we can
only say that such persons cannot have a very high or exacting
conception of what scientific certainty really means.
For the rest, it cannot even be said that the palæontological
record furnishes good circumstantial evidence that our globe
has been the scene of a process of organic evolution. In fact,
so utterly at variance with this view is the total impression
conveyed by the visible portion of the geological column, that
the modern geologist proposes, as we have seen, to probe
depths beneath its lowest strata for traces of that alleged
transmutation, which higher horizons do not reveal. There are
six to eight thick terranes below the Cambrian, we are told,
and igneous masses that were formerly supposed to be basal
have turned out to be intrusions into sedimentary accumulations,
all of which, of course, is fortunate for the theory of
organic evolution, as furnishing it with a sadly needed new
court of appeal. The bottom, so to speak, has dropped out of
the geological column, and Prof. T. C. Chamberlin announces
the fact as follows: “The sharp division into two parts, a lifeless
igneous base and a sedimentary fossiliferous superstructure,
has given place to the general concept of continuity with
merely minor oscillations in times and regions of major activity.
Life has been traced much below the Cambrian, but its
record is very imperfect. The recent discoveries of more ample
and varied life in the lower Palæozoic, particularly the Cambrian,
implies, under current evolutional philosophy, a very
great downward extension of life. In the judgment of some
biologists and geologists, this extension probably reaches below
all the pre-Cambrian terranes as yet recognized, though this
pre-Cambrian extension is great. The ‘Azoic’ bottom has retired
to depths unknown. This profoundly changes the life
aspect of the ‘column.’” (Science, Feb. 8, 1924, p. 128.) All this
is doubtless true, but such an appeal, from the known to the
unknown, from the actual to the possible, is not far-removed
from a confession of scientific insolvency. Life must, of course,
have had an earlier history than that recorded in the pre-Cambrian
rocks. But even supposing that some portion of an
earlier record should become accessible to us, it could not be
expected to throw much light on the problem of organic
origins. Most of the primordial sediments have long since
been sapped and engulfed by fiery magmas, while terranes
less deep have, in all probability, been so metamorphosed that
every trace of their fossil contents has perished. The sub-Archæan
beginnings of life will thus remain shrouded forever
in a mystery, which we have no prospect of penetrating.
Hence it is the exposed portion of the geological column which
continues and will continue to be our sole source of information,
and it is preëminently on this basis that the evolutionary
issue will have to be decided.
Yet what could be more enigmatic than the rock record as
it stands? For in nature it possesses none of that idealized
integrity and coherence, with which geology has invested it
for the purpose of making it understandable. Rather it is a
mighty chaos of scattered and fragmentary fossiliferous formations,
whose baffling complexity, discontinuity, and ambiguity
tax the ingenuity of the most sagacious interpreters. Transformism
is the key to one possible synthesis, which might
serve to unify that intricate mass of facts, but it is idle to
pretend that this theory is the unique and necessary corollary
of the facts as we find them. The palæontological argument
is simply a theoretical construction which presupposes evolution
instead of proving it. Its classic pedigrees of the horse,
the camel, and the elephant are only credible when we have
assumed the “fact” of evolution, and even then, solely upon condition
that they claim to approximate, rather than assign, the
actual ancestry of the animals in question. In palæontology,
as in the field of zoölogy, evolution is not a conclusion, but an
interpretation. In palæontology, otherwise than in the field of
genetics, evolution is not amenable to the check of experimental
tests, because here it deals not with that which is, but
with that which was. Here the sole objective basis is the mutilated
and partially obliterated record of a march of events,
which no one has observed and which will never be repeated.
These obscure and fragmentary vestiges of a vanished past,
by reason of their very incompleteness, lend themselves quite
readily to all sorts of theories and all sorts of speculations.
Of the “Stone Book of the Universe” we may say with truth
that which Oliver Wendell Holmes says of the privately-interpreted
Bible, namely, that its readers take from it the same
views which they had previously brought to it. “I am, however,
thoroughly persuaded,” say the late Yves Delage, “that
one is or is not a transformist, not so much for reasons deduced
from natural history, as for motives based on personal
philosophic opinions. If there existed some other scientific
hypothesis besides that of descent to explain the origin of
species, many transformists would abandon their present opinion
as not being sufficiently demonstrated.... If one takes
his stand upon the exclusive ground of the facts, it must be
acknowledged that the formation of one species from another
species has not been demonstrated at all.” (“L’herédité et les
grands problèmes de la biologie générale,” Paris, 1903, pp.
204, 322.)
CHAPTER I THE ORIGIN OF LIFE — § 1. The Theory of Spontaneous Generation — § 2. The Law of Genetic Continuity— — § 3. Chemical Theories of the Origin of Life — § 4. Reproduction and Rejuvenation — § 5. A “New” Theory of Abiogenesis — § 6. Hylomorphism versus Mechanism and Neo-vitalism — § 7. The Definition of Life — § 8. An Inevitable Corollary — § 9. Futile Evasions
Strictly speaking, the theory of Transformism is not concerned
with the initial production of organic species, but rather
with the subsequent differentiation and multiplication of such
species by transmutation of the original forms. This technical
sense, however, is embalmed only in the term transformism
and not in its synonym evolution. The signification
of the latter term is less definite. It may be used to denote
any sort of development or origination of one thing from
another. Hence the problem of the formation of organic
species is frequently merged with the problem of the transformation
of species under the common title of evolution.
This extension of the evolutionary concept, in its widest
sense, to the problem of the origin of life on our globe is known
as the hypothesis of abiogenesis or spontaneous generation.
It regards inorganic matter as the source of organic life not
merely in the sense of a passive cause, out of which the primordial
forms of life were produced, but in the sense of an
active cause inasmuch as it ascribes the origin of life to
the exclusive agency of dynamic principles inherent in inorganic
matter, namely, the physicochemical energies that are
native to mineral matter. Life, in other words, is assumed
to have arisen spontaneously, that is, by means of a synthesis
and convergence of forces resident in inorganic matter, and
not through the intervention of any exterior agency.
The protagonists of spontaneous generation, therefore, assert
not merely a passive, but an active, evolution of living,
from lifeless matter. As to the fact of the origin of the
primal organisms from inorganic matter, there is no controversy
whatever. All agree that, at some time or other, the primordial
plants and animals emanated from inorganic matter. The sole
point of dispute is whether they arose from inorganic matter
by active evolution or simply by passive evolution. The passive
evolution of mineral matter into plants and animals is an
everyday occurrence. The grass assimilates the nitrates of the
soil, and is, in turn, assimilated by the sheep, whose flesh becomes
the food of man, and mineral substance is thus finally
transformed into human substance. In the course of metabolic
processes, the inorganic molecule may doff its mineral
type and don, in succession, the specificities of plant, animal,
and human protoplasm; and this transition from lower to
higher degrees of perfection may be termed an evolution. It
is an ascent of matter from the lowermost grade of an inert
substance, through the intermediate grades of vegetative and
animal life, up to the culminating and ultimate term of material
perfection, in the partial constitution of a human nature
and personality, in the concurrence as a coagent in vegetative
and sensile functions, and in the indirect participation, as instrument,
in the higher psychic functions of rational thought
and volition.
At the present time, the inorganic world is clearly the exclusive
source of all the matter found in living beings. All
living beings construct their bodies out of inorganic substances
in the process of nutrition, and render back to the
inorganic world, by dissimilation and death, whatever they
have taken from it. We must conclude, therefore, the matter
of the primordial organisms was likewise derived from the
inorganic world. But we are not warranted in concluding that
this process of derivation was an active evolution. On the
contrary, all evidence is against the supposition that brute
matter is able to evolve of itself into living matter. It can,
indeed, be transformed into plants, animals, and men through
the action of an appropriate external agent (i.e. solely through
the agency of the living organism), but it cannot acquire the
perfections of living matter by means of its own inherent
powers. It cannot vitalize, or sensitize, itself through the unaided
activity of its own physicochemical energies. Only when
it comes under the superior influence of preëxistent life can it
ascend to higher degrees of entitive perfection. It does not
become of itself life, sensibility, and intelligence. It must
first be drawn into communion with what is already alive,
before it can acquire life and sensibility, or share indirectly
in the honors of intelligence (as the substrate of the cerebral
imagery whence the human mind abstracts its conceptual
thought). Apart from this unique influence, inorganic matter
is impotent to raise itself in the scale of existence, but,
if captured, molded, and transmuted by a living being, it may
progress to the point of forming with the human soul one
single nature, one single substance, one single person. The
evolution of matter exemplified in organic metabolism is obviously
passive, and such an evolution of the primal organisms
out of non-living matter even the opponents of the hypothesis
of spontaneous generation concede. But spontaneous
generation implies an active evolution of the living from the
lifeless, and this is the point around which the controversy
wages. It would, of course, be utterly irrational to deny to
the Supreme Lord and Author of Life the power of vivifying
matter previously inanimate and inert, and hence the origin
of organic life from inorganic matter by a formative (not
creative) act of the Creator is the conclusion to which the
denial of abiogenesis logically leads.
The hypothesis of spontaneous generation is far older than
the theory of transformism. It goes back to the Greek predecessors
of Aristotle, at least, and may be of far greater antiquity.
It was based, as is well known, upon an erroneous
interpretation of natural facts, which was universally accepted
up to the close of the 17th century. As we can do no more
than recount a few outstanding incidents of its long and interesting
history here, the reader is referred to the VII chapter
of Wasmann’s “Modern Biology” and the VIII chapter of
Windle’s “Vitalism and Scholasticism” for the details which
we are obliged to omit.
From time immemorial the sudden appearance of maggots
in putrescent meat had been a matter of common knowledge,
and the ancients were misled into regarding the phenomenon
as an instance of a de novo origin of life from dead matter.
The error in question persisted until the year 1698, when it was
decisively disproved by a simple experiment of the Italian
physician Francesco Redi. He protected the meat from flies
by means of gauze. Under these conditions, no maggots appeared
in the meat, while the flies, unable to reach the meat,
deposited their eggs on the gauze. Thus it became apparent
that the maggots were larval flies, which emerged from fertilized
eggs previously deposited in decaying meat by female
flies. Antonio Vallisnieri, another Italian, showed that the
fruit-fly had a similar life-history. As a result of these discoveries,
Redi rejected the theory of spontaneous generation
and formulated the first article of the Law of Genetic Vital
Continuity: Omne vivum ex vivo.
Meanwhile, the first researches conducted by means of the
newly invented compound microscope disclosed what appeared
to be fresh evidence in favor of the discarded hypothesis. The
unicellular organisms known as infusoria were found to appear
suddenly in hay infusions, and their abrupt appearance
was ascribed to spontaneous generation. Towards the end
of the 18th century, however, a Catholic priest named Lazzaro
Spallanzani refuted this new argument by sterilizing the infusions
with heat and by sealing the containers as protection
against contamination by floating spores or cysts. After the
infusions had been boiled for a sufficient time and then sealed,
no organisms could be found in them, no matter how long they
were kept. We now know that protozoa and protophytes do
not originate de novo in infusions. Their sudden appearance
in cultures is due to the deposition of spores or cysts from
the air, etc.
The possibility that the non-germination of life in sterilized
infusions kept in sealed containers might be due to the absence
of oxygen, removed by boiling and excluded by sealing, left
open a single loophole, of which the 19th century defenders
of abiogenesis proceeded to avail themselves. Pasteur, however,
by employing sterilized cultures, which he aerated with
filtered air exclusively, succeeded in depriving his opponents
of this final refuge, and thereby completely demolished the
last piece of evidence in favor of spontaneous generation. Prof.
Wm. Sydney Thayer, in an address delivered at the Sorbonne,
May 22, 1923, gives the following account of Pasteur’s
experiments in this field: “Then, naturally (1860-1876) came
the famous studies on spontaneous generation undertaken
against the advice of his doubting masters, Biot and Dumas.
On the basis of careful and well-conceived experiments he
demonstrated the universal presence of bacteria in air, water,
dust; he showed the variation in different regions of the
bacterial content of the air; he demonstrated the permanent
sterility of media protected from contamination, and he insisted
on the inevitable derivation of every living organism
from one of its kind. ‘No,’ he said, ‘there is no circumstance
known today which justifies us in affirming that microscopic
organisms have come into the world, without parents like
themselves. Those who made this assertion have been the
playthings of illusions or ill-made experiments invalidated by
errors which they have not been able to appreciate or to
avoid.’ In the course of these experiments he demonstrated
the necessity of reliable methods of sterilization for instruments
or culture media, of exposure for half an hour to moist
heat at 120° or to dry air at 180°. And behold! our modern
procedures of sterilization and the basis of antiseptic surgery.”
(Science, Dec. 14, 1923, p. 477.) Pasteur brought to a successful
completion the work of Redi and Spallanzani. Henceforth
spontaneous generation was deprived of all countenance
in the realm of biological fact.
Meanwhile, the cytologists and embryologists of the last
century were adding article after article to the law of genetic
cellular continuity, thus forging link by link the fatal chain of
severance that inexorably debars abiogenesis from the domain
of natural science. With the formulation of the great Cell
Theory by Schleiden and Schwann (1838-1839), it became
clear that the cell is the fundamental unit of organization in
the world of living matter. It has proved to be, at once, the
simplest organism capable of independent existence and the
basic unit of structure and function in all the more complex
forms of life. The protists (unicellular protozoans and protophytes)
consist each of a single cell, and no simpler type of
organism is known to science. The cell is the building brick
out of which the higher organisms or metists (i.e. the multicellular
and tissued metazoans and metaphytes) are constructed,
and all multicellular organisms are, at one time or
other in their career, reduced to the simplicity of a single
cell (v.g. in the zygote and spore stages). The somatic or
tissue cells, which are associated in the metists to form one
organic whole, are of the same essential type as germ cells
and unicellular organisms, although the parallelism is more
close between the unicellular organism and the germ cell.
The germ cell, like the protist, is equipped with all the potentialities
of life, whereas tissue cells are specialized for one
function rather than another. The protist is a generalized and
physiologically-balanced cell, one which performs all the vital
functions, and in which the suppression of one function leads
to the destruction of all the rest; while the tissue cell is a
specialized and physiologically-unbalanced cell limited to a
single function, with the other vital functions in abeyance
(though capable of manifesting themselves under certain circumstances).
Normally, therefore, the tissue cell is functionally
incomplete, a part and not a whole, whereas the protist
is an independent individual, being, at once, the highest type
of cell and the lowest type of organism.
According to the classic definition of Franz Leydig and Max
Schultze, the cell is a mass of protoplasm containing a nucleus,
both protoplasm and nucleus arising through division of the
corresponding elements of a preëxistent cell. In this form the
definition is quite general and applies to all cells, whether
tissue cells, germ cells, or unicellular organisms. Moreover, it
embodies two principles which still further determine the law
of genetic cellular continuity, namely: Omnis cellula ex cellula,
enunciated by Virchow in 1855, and Flemming’s principle:
Omnis nucleus ex nucleo, proclaimed in 1882. In this way,
Cytology supplemented Redi’s formula that every living being
is from a preëxistent living being, by adding two more articles,
namely, that every living cell is from a preëxistent cell,
and every new cellular nucleus is derived by division from a
preëxistent cellular nucleus. Now neither the nucleus nor the
cell-body (the cytoplasm or extranuclear area of the cell) is
capable of an independent existence. The cytoplasm of the
severed nerve fibre, when it fails to reëstablish its connection
with the neuron nucleus, degenerates. The enucleated amœba,
though capable of such vital functions as depend upon destructive
metabolism, can do nothing which involves constructive
metabolism, and is, therefore, doomed to perish. The sperm
cell, which is a nucleus that has sloughed off most of its cytoplasm,
disintegrates, unless it regains a haven in the cytoplasm
of the egg. Life, accordingly, cannot subsist in a unit more
simply organized than the cell. No organism lives which is
simpler than the cell, and the origin of all higher forms of life
is reducible, as we shall see, to the origin of the cell. Consequently,
new life can originate in no other way than by a
process of cell-division. All generation or reproduction of new
life is dependent upon the division of the cell-body and nucleus
of a preëxistent living cell.
Haeckel, it is true, has attempted to question the status
of the cell as the simplest of organisms, by alleging the existence
of cytodes (non-nucleated cells) among the bacteria and
the blue-green algæ. Further study, however, has shown that
bacteria and blue-green algæ have a distributed nucleus, like
that of certain ciliates, such as Dileptus gigas and Trachelocerca.
In such forms the entire cell body is filled with scattered
granules of chromatin called chromioles, and this diffuse
type of nucleus seems to be the counterpart of the concentrated
nuclei found in the generality of cells. At any rate, there is
a temporary aggregation of the chromioles at critical stages in
the life-cycle (such as cell-division), and these scattered
chromatin granules undergo division, although their distribution
to the daughter-cells is not as regular as that obtaining
in mitosis. All this is strongly suggestive of their nuclear nature,
and cells with distributed nuclei cannot, therefore, be
classified as cytodes. In fact, the polynuclear condition is by
no means uncommon. Paramœcium aurelia, for example, has
a macronucleus and a micronucleus, and the Uroleptus mobilis
has eight macronuclei and from two to four micronuclei. The
difference between the polynuclear and diffuse condition seems
to be relatively unimportant. In fact, the distributed nucleus
differs from the morphological nucleus mainly in the absence of
a confining membrane. From the functional standpoint, the two
structures are identical. Hence the possession of a nucleus or
its equivalent is, to all appearances, a universal characteristic
of cells. Haeckel’s “cytodes” have proved to be purely imaginary
entities. The verdict of modern cytologists is that
Shultze’s definition of the cell must stand, and that the status
of the cell as the simplest of organic units capable of independent
existence is established beyond the possibility of
prudent doubt.
With the progressive refinement of microscopic technique,
it has become apparent that the law of genetic continuity applies
not merely to the cell as a whole and to its major parts,
the nucleus and the cell-body, but also to the minor components
or organelles, which are seen to be individually self-perpetuating
by means of growth and division. The typical cell
nucleus, as is well known, is a spherical vesicle containing
a semisolid, diphasic network of basichromatin (formerly
“chromatin”) and oxychromatin (linin) suspended in more
fluid medium or ground called nuclear sap. When the cell is
about to divide, the basichromatin resolves itself into a definite
number of short threads called chromosomes. Now,
Boveri found that, in the normal process of cell-division known
as mitosis, these nuclear threads or chromosomes are each
split lengthwise and divided into two exactly equivalent halves,
the resulting halves being distributed in equal number to the
two daughter-cells produced by the division of the original
cell. Hence, in the year 1903, Boveri added a fourth article
to the law of genetic vital continuity, namely: Omne chromosoma
ex chromosomate.
But the law in question applies to cytoplasmic as well as
nuclear components. In physical appearance, the cell-body or
cytoplasm resembles an emulsion with a clear semiliquid external
phase called hyaloplasm and an internal phase consisting
mainly of large spheres called macrosomes and minute
particles called microsomes, all of which, together with
numerous other formed bodies, are suspended in the clear
hyaloplasm (hyaline ground-substance). Now certain of
these cytoplasmic components have long been known to be
self-perpetuating by means of growth and division, maintaining
their continuity from cell to cell. The plastids
of plant cells, for example, divide at the time of cell-division,
although their distribution to the daughter-cells does
not appear to be as definite and regular as that which obtains
in the case of the chromosomes. Similarly, the centrioles or
division-foci of animal cells are self-propagating by division,
but here the distribution to the daughter-cells is exactly equivalent
and not at random as in the case of plastids. In the
light of recent research it looks as though two other types of
cytoplasmic organelles must be added to the list of cellular
components, which are individually self-perpetuating by
growth and division, namely, the chondriosomes and the Golgi
bodies—“both mitochondria and Golgi bodies are able to
assimilate, grow, and divide in the cytoplasm.” (Gatenby.)
Wilson is of opinion that the law of genetic continuity may
have to be extended even to those minute granules and particles
of the cytosome, which were formerly thought to arise
de novo in the apparently structureless hyaloplasm. Speaking
of the emulsified appearance of the starfish and sea urchin
eggs, he tells us that their protoplasm shows “a structure somewhat
like that of an emulsion, consisting of innumerable
spheroidal bodies suspended in a clear continuous basis or
hyaloplasm. These bodies are of two general orders of magnitude,
namely: larger spheres or macrosomes rather closely
crowded and fairly uniform in size, and much smaller microsomes
irregularly scattered between the macrosomes, and
among these are still smaller granules that graduate in size
down to the limit of vision with any power (i.e. of microscope)
we may employ.” (Science, March 9, 1923, p. 282.)
Now, the limit of microscopic vision by the use of the highest-power
oil-immersion objectives is one-half the length of the
shortest waves of visible light, that is, about 200 submicrons
(the submicron being one millionth of a millimeter). Particles
whose diameter is less than this cannot reflect a wave
of light, and are, therefore, invisible so far as the microscope
is concerned. By the aid of the ultramicroscope, however,
we are enabled to see the halos formed by particles not
more than four submicrons in diameter, which, however, represents
the limit of the ultramicroscope, and is the diameter hypothetically
assigned to the protein multimolecule. Since,
therefore, we find the particles in the protoplasm of the cell
body graduating all the way down to the limit of this latter
instrument, and since on the very limit of microscopic vision
we find such minute particles as the centrioles “capable of
self-perpetuation by growth and division, and of enlargement
to form much larger bodies,” we cannot ignore the possibility
that the ultramicroscopic particles may have the same powers
and may be the sources or “formative foci” of the larger
formed bodies, which were hitherto thought to arise de novo.
Certainly, pathology, as we shall see, tells us of ultramicroscopic
disease-germs, which are capable of reproduction and
maintenance of a specific type, and experimental genetics
makes us aware of a linear alignment of submicroscopic
genes in the nuclear chromosomes, each gene undergoing periodic
division and perpetual transmission from generation to
generation. The cytologist, therefore, to quote the words of
Wilson, “cannot resist the evidence that the appearance of
a simple homogeneous colloidal substance is deceptive; that
it is in reality a complex, heterogeneous, or polyphasic system.
He finds it difficult to escape the conclusion, therefore,
that the visible and the invisible components of the
protoplasmic system differ only in their size and degree of
dispersion; that they belong to a single continuous series,
and that the visible structure of protoplasm may give us
a rough magnified picture of the invisible.” (Ibidem, p. 283.)
It would seem, therefore, that we must restore to honor, as
the fifth article of the law of cellular continuity, the formula,
which Richard Altmann enunciated on purely speculative
grounds in 1892, but which the latest research is beginning to
place on a solid factual basis, namely: Omne granulum ex
granulo. “For my part,” says the great cytologist, Wilson, “I
am disposed to accept the probability that many of these particles,
as if they were submicroscopical plastids, may have a
persistent identity, perpetuating themselves by growth and
multiplication without loss of their specific individual type.”
And he adds that the facts revealed by experimental embryology
(e.g., the existence of differentiated zones of specific
composition in the cytoplasm of certain eggs) “drive
us to the conclusion that the submicroscopical components
of the hyaloplasm are segregated and distributed according
to an ordered system.” (Ibidem, p. 283.) The structure of
the cell has often been likened to a heterogeneous solution,
that is, to a complex polyphasic colloidal system, but this
power of perpetual division and orderly assortment possessed
by the cell as a whole and by its single components
is the unique property of the living protoplasmic system,
and is never found in any of the colloidal systems known
to physical chemistry, be they organic or inorganic.
Cells, then, originate solely by division of preëxistent cells
and even the minor components of the cellular system originate
in like fashion, namely: by division of their respective
counterparts in the preëxistent living cell. Here we have
the sum and substance of the fivefold law of genetic continuity,
whose promulgation has relegated the hypothesis of
spontaneous generation to the realms of empty speculation.
Waiving the possibility of an a priori argument, by which
abiogenesis might be positively excluded, there remains this
one consideration, which alone is scientifically significant,
that, so far as observation goes and induction can carry us,
the living cell has absolute need of a vital origin and can
never originate by the exclusive agency of the physicochemical
forces native to inorganic matter. If organic life
exists in simpler terms than the cell, science knows nothing
of it, and no observed process, simple or complicated, of
inorganic nature, nor any artificial synthesis of the laboratory,
however ingenious, has ever succeeded in duplicating
the wonders of the simplest living cell.
In fact, the very notion of a chemical synthesis of living
matter is founded on a misconception. It would, indeed, be
rash to set limits to the chemist’s power of synthesizing
organic compounds, but living protoplasm is not a single
chemical compound. Rather it is a complex system of compounds,
enzymes and organelles, coördinated and integrated
into an organized whole by a persistent principle of unity
and finality. Organic life, to say nothing at all of its unique
dynamics, is a morphological as well as a chemical problem;
and, while it is conceivable that the chemist might synthesize
all the compounds found in dead protoplasm, to
reproduce a single detail of the ultramicroscopic structure
of a living cell lies wholly beyond his power and province.
“Long ago,” says Wilson (in the already quoted address on
the “Physical Basis of Life”), “it became perfectly plain that
what we call protoplasm is not chemically a single substance.
It is a mixture of many substances, a mixture in high degree
complex, the seat of varied and incessant transformations,
yet one which somehow holds fast for countless generations
to its own specific type. The evidence from every source
demonstrates that the cell is a complex organism, a microcosm,
a living system.” (Science, March 9, 1923, p. 278.)
With the chemist, analysis must precede synthesis, and
it is only after a structural formula has been determined
by means of quantitative analysis supplemented by analogy
and comparison, that a given compound can be successfully
synthesized. But living protoplasm and its structures elude
such analysis. Intravitous staining is inadequate even as a
means of qualitative analysis, and tests of a more drastic
nature destroy the life and organization, which they seek
to analyze. “With one span,” says Amé Pictet, Professor
of Chemistry at the University of Geneva, “we will now
bridge the entire distance separating the first products of
plant assimilation from its final product, namely, living
matter. And it should be understood at the outset that I
employ this term ‘living matter’ only as an abbreviation,
and to avoid long circumlocution. You should not, in reality,
attribute life to matter itself; it has not, it cannot have both
living molecules and dead molecules. Life requires an organization,
which is that of cellular structure, but it remains,
in contradistinction to it, outside the domain of strict chemistry.
It is none the less true that the content of a living
cell must differ in its chemical nature from the content of
a dead cell. It is entirely from this point of view that the
phenomenon of life pertains to my subject.... A living
cell, both in its chemical composition and in its morphological
structure, is an organism of extraordinary complexity.
The protoplasm that it incloses is a mixture of very diverse
substances. But if there be set aside on the one hand those
substances which are in the process of assimilation and on
the other those which are the by-products of nutrition, and
which are in the process of elimination, there remain the
protein or albuminous substances, and these must be considered,
if not the essential factor of life, at least the theater
of its manifestations.... Chemistry, however, is totally
ignorant, or nearly so, of the constitution of living albumen,
for chemical methods of investigation at the very outset kill
the living cell. The slightest rise in temperature, contact
with the solvent, the very powerful effect of even the mildest
reactions cause the transformation that needs to be prevented,
and the chemist has nothing left but dead albumen.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1916, pp. 208, 209.)
Chemical analysis associated with physical analysis by
means of the polariscope, spectroscope, x-rays, ultramicroscope,
etc. is extremely useful in determining the structure
of inorganic units like the atom and the molecule. Both,
too, throw valuable light on the problem of the structure of
non-living multimolecules such as the crystal units of crystalloids
and the ultramicrons of colloids, but they furnish no
clue to the submicroscopical morphology of the living cell.
Such methods do not enable us to examine anything more
than the “physical substrate” of life, and that, only after it
has been radically altered; for it is not the same after life
has flown. At all events, the integrating principle, the formative
determinant, which binds the components of living protoplasm
into a unitary system, which makes of them a single
totality instead of a mere sum or fortuitous aggregate of
disparate and uncoördinated factors, and which gives to
them a determinate and persistent specificity that can hold
its own amid a perpetual fluxion of matter and continual flow
of energy, this is forever inaccessible to the chemist, and constitutes
a phenomenon of which the inorganic world affords no
parallel.
With these facts in mind, we can hardly fail to be amused
whenever certain simple chemical reactions obtained in vitro
are hailed as “clue to the origin of life.” When it was found,
for instance, that, under certain conditions, an aldehyde
(probably formaldehyde) is formed in a colloidal solution of
chlorophyll in water, if exposed to sunlight, the discovery
gave rise to Bach’s formaldehyde-hypothesis; for Alexis Bach
saw in this reaction “a first step in the origin of life.” As formaldehyde
readily undergoes aldol condensation into a syrupy
fluid called formose, when a dilute aqueous solution of formaldehyde
is saturated with calcium hydroxide and allowed
to stand for several days, there was no difficulty in conceiving
the transition from formaldehyde to the carbohydrates; for
formose is a mixture containing several hexose sugars, and
Fischer has succeeded in isolating therefrom acrose, a simple
sugar having the same formula as glucose, namely: C6H12O6.
Glyceraldehyde undergoes a similar condensation. In view
of these facts, carbohydrate-production in green plants was
interpreted as a photosynthesis of these substances from water
and carbon dioxide, with chlorophyll acting a sensitizer to
absorb the radiant energy necessary for the reaction. The
first step in the process was thought to be a reduction of
carbonic acid to formic acid and then to formaldehyde, the
latter being at once condensed into glucose, which in turn
was supposed to be dehydrated and polymerized into starch.
From the carbohydrates thus formed and the nitrates of the
soil the plant could then synthesize proteins, while oxidation
of the carbohydrates into fatty acids would lead to the formation
of fats. Hence Bach regarded the formation of formaldehyde
in the presence of water, carbon dioxide, chlorophyll,
and sunlight as the “first step in the production of life.”
Bateson, however, does not find the suggestion a very
helpful one, and evaluates it at its true worth in the following
contemptuous aside: “We should be greatly helped,” he says,
“by some indication as to whether the origin of life has been
single or multiple.” Modern opinion is, perhaps, inclined to
the multiple theory, but we have no real evidence. Indeed,
the problem still stands outside the range of scientific
investigation, and when we hear the spontaneous formation
of formaldehyde mentioned as a possible first step in the
origin of life, we think of Harry Lauder in the character of
a Glasgow schoolboy pulling out his treasures from his pocket—“That’s
a wassher—for makkin’ motor cars.” (“Presidential
Address,” cf. Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1915, p. 375.)
Bach, moreover, takes it for granted that the formation
of formaldehyde is really the first step in the synthesis performed
by the green plant, and he claims that formaldehyde
is formed when carbon dioxide is passed through a solution
of a salt of uranium in the presence of sunlight. Fenton
makes a similar claim in the case of magnesium, asserting
that traces of formaldehyde are discernible when metallic
magnesium is immersed in water saturated with carbon dioxide.
But at present it begins to look as though the spontaneous
formation and condensation of formaldehyde had
nothing to do with the process that actually occurs in green
plants. Certain chemists, while admitting that an aldehyde
is formed when chlorophyll, water, and air are brought together
in the presence of sunlight, deny that the aldehyde in
question is formaldehyde, and they also draw attention to
the fact that this aldehyde may be formed in an atmosphere
entirely destitute of carbon dioxide. In fact, the researches
conducted by Willstätter and Stoll, and later (in 1916) by
Jörgensen and Kidd tend to discredit the common notion that
carbohydrate-production in plants is the result of a direct
union of water and carbon dioxide. Botany textbooks still
continue to parrot the traditional view. We cannot any
longer, however, be sure but that the term photosynthesis
may be a misnomer.
Carbohydrate-formation in plants seems to be more analogous
to carbohydrate-formation in animals than was formerly
thought to be the case. In animals, as is well known,
glycogen or animal starch is formed not by direct synthesis,
but by deämination and reduction of proteins. In a similar
way, it is thought that the production of carbohydrates in
plants may be due to a breaking down of the phytyl ester
in chlorophyll, the chromogen group functioning (under the
action of light) alternately as a dissociating enzyme in the
formation of sugars and a synthesizing enzyme in the reconstruction
of chlorophyll. Phytol is an unsaturated alcohol
obtained when chlorophyll is saponified by means of caustic
alkalis. Its formula is C20H39OH, and chlorophyll consists of
a chromogen group containing magnesium (MgN4C32H30O)
united to a diester of phytyl and methyl alcohols.
Experimental results are at variance with the theory that
chlorophyll acts as a sensitizer in bringing about a reduction
of carbonic acid, after the analogy of eosin, which in the
presence of light accelerates the decomposition of silver salts
on photographic plates. Willstätter found that, when a colloidal
solution of the pure extract of chlorophyll in water is
exposed to sunlight and an atmosphere consisting of carbon
dioxide exclusively, no formaldehyde is formed, but the
chlorophyll is changed into yellow phæophytin owing to the
removal of the magnesium from the chromogen group by the
action of the carbonic acid. Jörgensen, on the other hand,
discovered that in an atmosphere of pure oxygen, formaldehyde
is formed, apparently by the splitting off and reduction
of the phytyl ester of chlorophyll. Soon, however,
the formaldehyde is oxidized to formic acid, which replaces
the chlorophyllic magnesium with hydrogen, thus causing
the green chlorophyll to degenerate into yellow phæophytin
and finally to lose its color altogether. The dissociation of
the chromogen group may be due to the fact that the reaction
takes place in vitro, and may not occur in the living plant.
At all events, it would seem that plants, like animals, manufacture
carbohydrates by a destructive rather than a constructive
process, and that water and carbon dioxide serve
rather as materials for the regeneration of chlorophyll than
as materials out of which sugars are directly synthesized.
A new theory has been proposed by Dr. Oskar Baudisch,
who seems to have sensed the irrelevance of the formaldehyde
hypothesis, and to have sought another solution in connection
with the chromogen group of chlorophyll. He finds a more
promising starting-point in formaldoxime, which, he claims,
readily unites with such metals as magnesium and iron and
with formaldehyde, in the presence of light containing ultra-violet
rays, to form organic compounds analogous to the
chromogen complexes in chlorophyll and hæmoglobin. Oximes
are compounds formed by the condensation of one molecule
of an aldehyde with one molecule of hydroxylamine
(NH2OH) and the elimination of a molecule of water. Hence
Dr. Baudisch imagines that, given formaldoxime (H2C:N·OH),
magnesium, and ultra-violet rays, we might expect a spontaneous
formation of chlorophyll leading eventually to the
production of organic life. “It is his theory that life may
have been caused through the direct action of sunlight upon
water, air, and carbon dioxide in the ancient geologic past
when, he believes, sunlight was more intense and contained
more ultra-violet light and the air contained more water
vapor and carbon dioxide than at the present time.” (Science,
April 6, 1923, Supplement XII.)
This is the old Spencerian evasion, the fatuous appeal to
“conditions unlike those we know,” the unverified and unverifiable
assumption that an unknown past must have been
more favorable to spontaneous generation than the known
present. In archæozoic times, the temperature was higher,
the partial pressure of atmospheric carbon dioxide greater,
the percentage of ultra-violet rays in sunlight larger. Such
contentions are interesting, if true, but, for all that, they
may, “like the flowers that bloom in the spring,” have nothing
to do with the case. Nature does not, and the laboratory
cannot, reproduce the conditions which are said to have brought
about the spontaneous generation of formaldoxime and its progressive
transmutation into phycocyanin, chlorophyll and the
blue-green algæ. What value, then, have these conjectures?
If it be the function of natural science to discount actualities
in favor of possibilities, to draw arguments from ignorance,
and to accept the absence of disproof as a substitute for
demonstration, then the expedient of invoking the unknown
in support of a speculation is scientifically legitimate. But,
if the methods of science are observation and induction, if
it proceeds according to the principle of the uniformity of
nature, and does not utterly belie its claim of resting upon
factual realities rather than the figments of fancy, then all
this hypothecation, which is so flagrantly at variance with
the actual data of experience and the unmistakable trend of
inductive reasoning, is not science at all, but sheer credulity
and superstition.
When we ask by what right men of science presume to
lift the veil of mystery from a remote past, which no one
has observed, we are told that the justification of this procedure
is the principle of the uniformity of nature or the
invariability of natural laws. Nature’s laws are the same
yesterday, today, and forever. Hence the scientist, who
wishes to penetrate into the unknown past, has only to “prolong
the methods of nature from the present into the past.”
(Tyndall.) If we reject the soundness of this principle, we
automatically cut ourselves off from all certainty regarding
that part of the world’s history which antecedes human observation.
Either nature’s laws change, or they do not. If
they never change, then Spontaneous Generation is quite as
much excluded from the past as it is from the present. If,
however, as Hamann and Fechner explicitly maintain, nature’s
laws do change, then, obviously, no knowledge whatever is
possible respecting the past, since it is solely upon the assumption
of the immutable constancy of such laws that we
can venture to reconstruct prehistory.
The puerile notion that the synthesis of organic substances
in the laboratory furnishes a clue to the origin of organic
life on earth is due to a confusion of organic, with living
and organized, substances. It is only in the production of
organic substances that the chemist can vie with the plant
or animal. These are lifeless and unorganized carbon compounds,
which are termed organic because they are elaborated
by living organisms as a metaplastic by-product of
their metabolism. Such substances, however, are not to be
confounded with animate matter, e.g. a living cell and its
organelles, or even with organized matter, e.g. dead protoplasm.
These the chemist cannot duplicate; for vitality and
organization, as we have seen, are things that elude both
his analysis and his synthesis. Even with respect to the production
of organic substances, the parallelism between the
living cell and the chemical laboratory is far from being a
perfect one. Speaking of the metaplastic or organic products
of cells, Benjamin Moore says: “Most of these are so complex
that they have not yet been synthesized by the organic
chemist; nay, even of those that have been synthesized, it
may be remarked that all proof is wanting that the syntheses
have been carried out in identically the same fashion and by
the employment of the same forms of energy in the case of
the cell as in the chemist’s laboratory. The conditions in
the cell are widely different, and at the temperature of the
cell and with such chemical materials as are at hand in the
cell no such organic syntheses have been artificially carried
out by the forms of energy extraneous to living tissue.” (“Recent
Advances in Physiology and Bio-Chemistry,” p. 10.) Be
that as it may, however, the prospect of a laboratory synthesis
of an organic substance like chlorophyll affords no
ground whatever for expecting a chemical synthesis of living
matter. The chlorophyllic tail is inadequate to the task of
wagging the dog of organic life. In this connection, Yves
Delage’s sarcastic comment on Schaaffhausen’s theory is
worthy of recall. The latter had suggested (in 1892) that life
was initiated by a chemical reaction, in which water, air, and
mineral salts united under the influence of light and heat
to produce a colorless Protococcus, which subsequently acquired
chlorophyll and became a Protococcus viridis. “If
the affair is so simple,” writes Delage, “why does not the
author produce a few specimens of this protococcus in his
laboratory? We will gladly supply him with the necessary
chlorophyll.” (“La structure du protoplasma et les théories
sur l’hérédité,” p. 402.)
Another consideration, which never appears to trouble the
visionaries who propound theories of this sort, is the fact
that the inert elements and blind forces of inorganic nature
are, if left to themselves, utterly impotent to duplicate even
so much as the feats of the chemical laboratory, to say nothing
at all of the more wonderful achievements possible only
to living organisms. In the laboratory, the physicochemical
forces of the mineral world are coördinated, regulated, and
directed by the guiding intelligence of the chemist. In that
heterogeneous conglomerate, which we call brute matter, no
such guiding principle exists, and the only possible automatic
results are those which the fortuitous concurrence of blind
factors avails to produce. Chance of this kind may vie with
art in the production of relatively simple combinations or
systems, but where the conditions are as complex as those,
which the synthesis of chlorophyll presupposes, chance is
impotent and regulation absolutely imperative. How much
more is this true, when there is question of the production
of an effect so complicatedly telic as the living organism!
“I venture to think,” says Sir William Tilden, in a letter
to the London Times (Sept. 10, 1912), “that no chemist will
be prepared to suggest a process by which, from the interaction
of such materials (viz., inorganic substances), anything
approaching a substance of the nature of a proteid could be
formed or, if by a complex series of changes a compound of
this kind were conceivably produced, that it would present
the characters of living protoplasm.” In the concluding sentence
of his letter, the great chemist seems to deprecate even
the discussion of a chemical synthesis of living matter, whether
spontaneous or artificial. “Far be it from any man of science,”
he says, “to affirm that any given set of phenomena is not a fit
subject of inquiry and that there is any limit to what may be
revealed in answer to systematic and well-directed investigation.
In the present instance, however, it appears to me that
this is not a field for the chemist nor one in which chemistry
is likely to afford any assistance whatever.” In any
case, the idea that a chaos of unassorted elements and undirected
forces could succeed where the skill of the chemist
fails is preposterous. No known or conceivable process, or
group of processes, at work in inorganic nature, is equal to
the task. Chance is an explanation only for minds insensible
to the beauty and order of organic life.
Darwin inoculated biological science with this Epicurean
metaphysics, when, in his “Origin of Species,” he ascribed
discriminating and selective powers of great delicacy and
precision to the blind factors of a heterogeneous and variable
environment. He compared natural selection to artificial selection,
and in so doing, he was led astray by a false implication
of his own analogy—“I have called this principle,”
he says, “by which each slight variation, if useful, is preserved,
by the term natural selection, in order to mark its
relation to man’s power of selection.” (“Origin of Species,”
6th ed., c. III, p. 58.) Having likened the unintelligent and
fortuitous selection and elimination exercised by the environment
to the intelligent and purposive selection and elimination
practiced by animal breeders and horticulturists, he pressed
the analogy to the unwarranted extent of attributing to a
blind, lifeless, and impersonal aggregate of minerals, liquids,
and gases superhuman powers of discretion. To preserve
even the semblance of parity, he ought first to have expurgated
the process of artificial selection by getting rid of the
element of human intelligence, which lurks therein, and vitiates
its parallelism with the unconscious and purposeless
havoc wrought at random by the blind and uncoördinated
agencies of the environment. If inorganic nature were a vast
and multifarious mold, a preformed sieve with holes of different
sizes, a separator for sorting coins of various denominations,
Darwin’s idea would be, in some degree, defensible,
but this would only transfer the problem of cosmic order
and intelligence from the organism to the environment. As
a matter of fact, the mechanism of the environment is far
too simple in its structure and too general in its influence
to account for the complexities and specificities of organisms,
that is, for the morphology and specific differences of plants
and animals. Hence the selective work of the environment is
negligible in the positive sense, and consists, for the most
part, in a tendency to eliminate the abnormal and the subnormal.
On the other hand, the environment as well as the
organism is fundamentally teleological, and the environmental
mechanism, though simple and general, is nevertheless
expressly preadapted for the maintenance of organic life.
Henderson, the bio-chemist of Harvard, has shown conclusively,
in his “Fitness of the Environment” (1913), that the
environment itself has been expressly selected with this finality
in view, and that the inorganic world, while not the active
cause, is, nevertheless, the preördained complement of organic
life.
Simple constructions may, indeed, be due to pure accident
as well as deliberate art, inasmuch as they presuppose but few
and easy conditions. Complex constructions, on the contrary,
provided they be systematic and not chaotic, are not producible
by accident, but only by art, because they require
numerous and complicated conditions. Operating individually,
the unconscious factors of inorganic nature can produce
simple and homogeneous constructions such as crystals. Operating
in uncoördinated concurrence with one another, these
blind and unrelated agencies produce complex chaotic formations
such as mountains and islands, mere heterogeneous
conglomerates, destitute of any determinate size, shape, or
symmetry, constructions in which every single item and detail
is the result of factors each of which is independent of the
other. In short, the efficacy of the unconscious and uncoordinated
physicochemical factors of inorganic nature is limited
to fortuitous results, which serve no purpose, embody
no intelligible law, convey no meaning nor idea, and afford no
æsthetic satisfaction, being mere aggregates or sums rather than
natural units and real totalities. But it does not extend to the
production of complex systematic formations such as living organisms
or human artefacts. Left to itself, therefore, inorganic
nature might conceivably duplicate the simplest artefacts
such as the chipped flints of the savage, and it might
also construct a complex heterogeneous chaos of driftwood,
mud, and sand like the Great Raft of the Red River, but
it would be utterly impotent to construct a complicated telic
system comparable to an animal, a clock, or even an organic
compound, like chlorophyll.
In this connection, it is curious to note how extremely
myopic the scientific materialist can be, when there is question
of recognizing a manifestation of Divine intelligence in
the stupendous teleology of the living organism, and how incredibly
lynx-eyed he becomes, when there is question of detecting
evidences of human intelligence in the eoliths alleged
to have been the implements of a “Tertiary Man.” In the
latter case, he is never at a loss to determine the precise
degree of chipping, at which an eolith ceases to be interpretable
as the fortuitous product of unconscious processes,
and points infallibly to the intelligent authorship of man, but
he grows strangely obtuse to the psychic implications of
teleology, when it comes to explaining the symmetry of a
starfish or the beauty of a Bird of Paradise.
In conclusion, it is clear that the hypothesis of a spontaneous
origin of organic life from inorganic matter has in
its favor neither factual evidence nor aprioristic probability,
but is, on the contrary, ruled out of court by the whole force
of the scientific principle of induction. To recapitulate, there
are no subcellular organisms, and all cellular organisms (which
is the same as saying, all organisms), be they unicellular or
multicellular, originate exclusively by reproduction, that is,
by generation from living parents of the same organic type or
species. This is the law of genetic vital continuity, which, by
the way, Aristotle had formulated long before Harvey, when he
said: “It appears that all living beings come from a germ, and
the germ from parents.” (“De Generatione Animalium,” lib. I,
cap. 17.) All reproduction, however, is reducible to a process
of cell-division. That such is the case with unicellular organisms
is evident from the very definition of a cell. That
it is also true of multicellular organisms can be shown by
a review of the various forms of reproduction occurring among
plants and animals.
Reproduction, the sole means by which the torch of life
is relayed from generation to generation, the exclusive process
by which living individuals arise and races are perpetuated,
consists in the separation of a germ from the parent organism
as a physical basis for the development of a new organism.
The germ thus separated may be many-celled or one-celled,
as we shall see presently, but the separated cells, be
they one or many, have their common and exclusive source in
the process of mitotic cell-division. In a few cases, this divisional
power or energy of the cell seems to be perennial
by virtue of an inherent inexhaustibility. In most cases,
however, it is perennial by virtue of a restorative process
involving nuclear reorganization. In the former cases, which
are exceptional, the cellular stream of life appears to flow
onward forever with steady current, but as a general rule it
ebbs and flows in cycles, which involve a periodic rise and
fall of divisional energy. The phenomena of the life-cycle
are characteristic of most, perhaps all, organisms. The complete
life-cycle consists of three phases or periods, namely:
an adolescent period of high vitality, a mature period of
balanced metabolism, and a senescent period of decline. Each
life-cycle begins with the germination of the new organism
and terminates with its death, and it is reproduction which
constitutes the connecting link between one life-cycle and
another.
Reproduction, as previously intimated, is mainly of two
kinds, namely: somatogenic reproduction, which is less general
and confined to the metists, and cytogenic reproduction,
which is common to metists and protists, and which is the
ordinary method by which new organisms originate. Reproduction
is termed somatogenic, when the germ separated from
the body of the parent consists of a whole mass of somatic
or tissue cells not expressly set aside and specialized for
reproductive purposes. Reproduction is termed cytogenic,
when the germ separated from the parent or parents consists
of a single cell (e.g. a spore, gamete, or zygote) dedicated
especially to reproductive purposes.
Cytogenic reproduction may be either nonsexual (agamic)
or sexual, according as the cell which constitutes the germ is
an agamete or a gamete. An agamete is a germ cell not
specialized for union with another complementary cell, or,
in other words, it is a reproductive cell incapable of syngamy,
e.g. a spore. A gamete, on the other hand, is a reproductive
cell (germ cell) specialized for the production of a zygote
(a synthetic or diploid germ cell) by union with a complementary
cell, e.g. an egg, or a sperm.
Nonsexual cytogenic reproduction is of three kinds, according
to the nature of the agamete. When a unicellular
organism gives rise to two new individuals by simple cell-division,
we have fissiparation or binary fission. When a
small cell or bud is formed and separated by division from
a larger parent cell, we have budding (gemmation) or unequal
fission. When the nucleus of the parent cell divides
many times to form a number of daughter-nuclei, which
then partition the cytoplasm of the parent cell among themselves
so as to form a large number of reproductive cells
called spores, we have what is known as sporulation or
multiple fission. The first and second kind of nonsexual
reproduction are confined to the protists, but the third kind
(sporulation) also occurs among the metists.
Sexual cytogenic reproduction is based upon gametes or
mating germ cells. Since complementary gametes are specialized
for union with each other to form a single synthetic
cell, the zygote, the number of their nuclear threads or chromosomes
is reduced to one half (the haploid number) at the
time of maturation, so that the somatic or tissue cells of the
parent organism have double the number (the diploid number)
of chromosomes present in the reduced or mature gametes.
Hence, when the gametes unite to form a zygote, summation
is prevented and the diploid number of chromosomes characteristic
of the given species of plant or animal is simply
restored by the process of syngamy or union. The process
by which the number of chromosomes is reduced in gametes
is called meiosis, and, among the metists, it is distinct from
syngamy, which, in their case, is a separate process called
fertilization. Among the protists, we have, besides fertilization,
another type of syngamy called conjugation, which
combines meiosis with fertilization.
In sexual reproduction, we have three kinds of gametes,
namely: isogametes, anisogametes, and heterogametes. In
the type of sexual reproduction known as isogamy, the complementary
gametes are exactly alike both in size and shape.
There is no division of labor between them. Each of the
fusing gametes is equally fitted for the double function which
they must perform, namely, the kinetic function, which enables
them to reach each other and unite by means of movement,
and the trophic function which consists in laying up
a store of food for the sustenance of the developing embryo.
In anisogamy, the complementary gametes are alike in shape,
but unlike in size, and here we have the beginning of that
division of labor, upon which the difference of gender or sex
is based. The larger or female gamete is called a macrogamete.
It is specialized for the trophic rather than the
kinetic function, being rendered more inert by having a large
amount of yolk or nutrient material stored up within it.
The smaller or male gamete is called a microgamete. It is
specialized for the kinetic function, since it contains less yolk
and is the more agile of the two. In anisogamy, however, the
division of labor is not complete, because both functions are
still retained by either gamete, albeit in differing measure.
In the heterogamy, the differentiation between the male and
female gametes is complete, and they differ from each other
in structure as well as size. The larger or female gamete
has no motor apparatus and retains only the trophic function.
The kinetic function is sacrificed to the task of storing
up a food supply for the embryo. Such a gamete is called
a hypergamete or egg. The smaller or male gamete is known,
in this case, as a hypogamete or sperm. It has a motor
apparatus, but no stored-up nutrients, and has even sloughed
off most of its cytoplasm, in its exclusive specialization for the
motor function. In heterogamy, accordingly, the division
of labor is complete.
We may distinguish two principal kinds of sexual reproduction,
namely: unisexual reproduction and bisexual reproduction.
When a single gamete such as an unfertilized egg
gives rise (with, or without, chromosomal reduction) to a new
organism, we have unisexual reproduction or parthenogenesis.
Parthenogenesis from a reduced egg gives rise to an organism
having only the haploid number of chromosomes, as is the
case with the drone or male bee, but unreduced eggs give
rise to organisms having the diploid number of chromosomes.
Parthenogenesis, as we shall see presently, can, in some cases,
be induced by artificial means. When reproduction takes place
from a zygote or diploid germ cell formed by the union of two
gametes, we have what is known as bisexual reproduction or
syngamy. It is, perhaps, permissible to distinguish a third
or intermediate kind of sexual reproduction, for which we
might coin the term autosexual. What we refer to as
autosexual reproduction is usually known as autogamy,
and occurs when a diploid nucleus is formed in a germ
cell by the union (or, we might say, reunion) of two
daughter-nuclei derived from the same mother-nucleus. Autogamy
occurs not only among the protists (e. g. Amœba
albida), but also among the metists, as is the case with the
brine shrimp, Artemia salina, in which the diploid number
of chromosomes is restored after reduction by a reunion of
the nucleus of the second polar body with the reduced nucleus
of the egg. Autogamy is somewhat akin to kleistogamy,
which occurs among hermaphroditic metists of both the plant
and animal kingdoms. The violet is a well-known example.
In kleistogamy or self-fertilization, the zygote is formed
by the union of two gametes derived from the same parent
organism. Strictly speaking, however, kleistogamy is not
autogamy, but syngamy, and must, therefore, be classed as
bisexual reproduction. It is, of course, necessarily confined
to hermaphrodites.
Loeb’s experiments in artificial parthenogenesis have been
sensationally misinterpreted by some as an artificial production
of life. What Jacques Loeb really did was to initiate development
in an unfertilized egg by the use of chemical and physical
excitants. The writer has repeated these experiments with
the unfertilized eggs of the common sea urchin, Arbacia punctulata,
using very dilute butyric acid and hypertonic sea
water as stimulants. Cleavage had started within an hour
and a half after the completion of the aforesaid treatment,
and the eggs were in the gastrula stage by the following morning
(9 hours later). In three days, good specimens of the
larval stage known as the pluteus could be found swimming
in the normal sea water to which the eggs had been transferred
from the hypertonic solution. Since mature sea urchin
eggs undergo reduction before insemination takes place, the
larval sea urchins arising from these artificially activated
eggs had the reduced or haploid number of chromosomes instead
of the diploid number possessed by normal larvæ arising
from eggs activated by the sperm. For, in fertilization, the
sperm not only activates the egg, but is also the means of securing
biparental inheritance, by contributing its quota of chromosomes
to the zygotic complex. Hence, it is only in the former
function, i. e. of initiating cleavage in the egg, that a chemical
excitant can replace the sperm. In any case, it is evident that
these experiments do not constitute an exception to the law of
genetic cellular continuity. The artificially activated egg comes
from the ovaries of a living female sea urchin, and in this there
is small consolation for the exponent of abiogenesis. The
terse comment of an old Irish Jesuit sizes up the situation
very aptly: “The Blue Flame Factory,” he said, “has announced
another discovery of the secret of life. A scientist
made an egg and hatched an egg. The only unfortunate
thing was that the egg he hatched was not the egg he made.”
How an experiment of this sort could be interpreted as an
artificial production of life is a mystery. The only plausible
explanation is that given by Professor Wilson, who traces it
to the popular superstition that the egg is a lifeless substrate,
which is animated by the sperm. The idea owes its origin to
the spermists of the 17th century, who defended this doctrine
against the older school of preformationists known as ovists.
It is now, however, an embryological commonplace that egg
and sperm are both equally cellular, equally protoplasmic,
and equally vital.
The phenomena of the life-cycle in organisms find their explanation
in what, perhaps, is inherent in all living matter,
namely, a tendency to involution and senescence. This tendency,
in the absence of a remedial process of rejuvenation,
leads inevitably to death. Living matter seems to “run down”
like a clock, and to stand in similar need of a periodic “rewinding.”
This reinvigoration of protoplasm is accomplished by
means of several different types of nuclear reorganization.
Since no nuclear reorganization occurs in somatogenic reproduction,
there seem to be limits to this type of propagation.
Plants, like the potato and the apple, cannot be propagated
indefinitely by means of tubers, shoots, stems, etc. The
stock plays out in time, and, ever and anon, recourse must
be had to seedlings. Hence a process of nuclear reorganization
seems, in most cases, at least, to be essential for
the restoration of vitality and the continuance of life. Whether
this need of periodic renewal is absolutely universal, we cannot
say. The banana has been propagated for over a century
by the somatogenic method, and there are a few other instances
in which there appears to be no limit to this type of
reproduction. Nevertheless, the tendency to decline is so
common among living beings that the rare exceptions serve
only to confirm (if they do not follow) the general rule.
In cytogenic reproduction three kinds of rejuvenation by
means of nuclear reorganization are known: (1) amphimixis
or syngamy; (2) automixis or autogamy; (3) endomixis. In
amphimixis or syngamy, two gametic (haploid) nuclei of different
parental lineage are commingled to form the diploid
nucleus of the zygote, which is consequently of biparental origin.
In automixis or autogamy, two reduced or haploid nuclei
of the same parental lineage unite to form a diploid nucleus,
the uniting nuclei being daughter-nuclei derived from a common
parent nucleus. In endomixis, the nucleus of the exhausted
cell disintegrates and fuses with the cytoplasm, out
of which it is reformed or reconstructed as the germinal nucleus
of a rejuvenated cellular series. Endomixis occurs as
a periodic phenomenon among the protists, and it appears to
be homologous with parthenogenesis among metists. In certain
ciliates, like the Paramœcium, endomixis and syngamy
are facultative methods of rejuvenation. This has been proved
most conclusively by Professor Calkins’ work on Uroleptus
mobilis, an organism in which both endomixis and conjugation
are amenable to experimental control. Nonsexual reproduction
in this protozoan (by binary fission) is attended with
a gradual weakening of metabolic activity, which increases
with each successive generation. The initial rate of division
and metabolic energy can, however, be restored
either by conjugation (of two individuals), or by endomixis,
which takes place (in a single individual) during encystment.
The race, however, inevitably dies out, if both
encystment and conjugation are prevented. Even in
such protists as do not exhibit the phenomenon of nuclear
reorganization through sexual reproduction, Kofoid points
to the phenomenon of alternating periods of rest and rapid
cell-division as evidence that some process of periodically-recurrent
nuclear organization must exist in the organisms,
which do not conjugate. This process of nuclear reorganization
manifested by periodic spurts of renewed divisional
energy is, according to Kofoid, a more primitive mode of
rejuvenation than endomixis. “The phenomenon of endomixis,”
he says, “appears to be somewhat more like that of
parthenogenesis than a more primitive form of nuclear reorganization.”
(Science, April 6, 1923, p. 403.) At all events,
it seems safe to conclude that the tendency to senescence is
pretty general among living organisms, and that this tendency,
unless counteracted by a periodic reorganization of the nuclear
genes, results inevitably in the deterioration and final extinction
of the race.
In this inexhaustible power of self-renewal inherent in all
forms of organic life, the mechanist and the upholder of
abiogenesis encounter an insuperable difficulty. In inorganic
nature, where the perpetual-motion device is a chimera, and
the law of entropy reigns in unchallenged supremacy, nothing
analogous to it can be found. The activity of all non-living
units of nature, from the hydrogen atom to the protein
multimolecule, is rigidly determined by the principle of the
degradation of energy. The inorganic unit cannot operate
otherwise than by externalizing and dissipating irreparably its
own energy-content. Nor is its reconstruction and replenishment
with energy ever again possible except through the
wasteful expenditure of energy borrowed from some more
richly endowed inorganic unit. In order to pay Paul a little,
Peter must be robbed of much. Wheresoever atoms are built
up into complex endothermic molecules, the constructive
process is rigidly dependent upon the administration thereto
of external energy, which in the process of absorption must
of necessity fall from a higher level of intensity. And when
the energy thus absorbed by the complex molecule is again
set free by combustion, it is degraded to a still lower potential,
from which, without external intervention, it can never
rise again to its former plane of intensity. The phenomena
of radioactivity tell the same tale. All the heavier atoms,
at least, are constantly disintegrating with a concomitant
discharge of energy. There is no compensating process, however,
enabling such an atom to re-integrate and recharge itself
at stated intervals; and, once it has broken down into its component
protons and electrons, “not all the king’s horses nor
all the king’s men can ever put Humpty-Dumpty together
again.” In a word, none of the inorganic units of the mineral
world exhibits that wonderful power of autonomous recuperation
which a unicellular ciliate manifests when it rejuvenates
itself by means of endomixis. The inorganic world knows
of no constructive process comparable to this. It is only in
living beings that we find what James Ward describes as the
“tendency to disturb existing equilibria, to reverse the dissipative
processes which prevail throughout the inanimate
world, to store and build up where they are ever scattering
and pulling down, the tendency to conserve individual existence
against antagonistic forces, to grow and to progress,
not inertly taking the easier way but seemingly striving for
the best, retaining every vantage secured, and working for
new ones.” (“On the Conservation of Energy,” I, p. 285.)
Summing up, then, we have seen that the reproductive
process, whereby the metists or multicellular organism originate,
resolves itself ultimately into a process of cell-division.
The same is true of the protists or unicellular organisms. For
all cells, whether they be protists, germ cells, or somatic cells,
originate in but one way, and that is, from a preëxistent living
cell by means of cell-division. Neither experimentation
nor observation has succeeded in revealing so much as a single
exception to the universal law of genetic cellular continuity, and
the hypothesis of spontogenesis is outlawed, in consequence, by
the logic of scientific induction. Even the hope that future
research may bring about an amelioration of its present status
is entirely unwarranted in view of the manifest dynamic superiority
of the living organism as compared with any of the
inert units of the inorganic world. “Whatever position we
take on this question,” says Edmund B. Wilson, in the conclusion
of his work on the Cell, “the same difficulty is encountered;
namely, the origin of that coördinated fitness, that
power of active adjustment between internal and external
relations, which, as so many eminent biological thinkers have
insisted, overshadows every manifestation of life. The nature
and origin of this power is the fundamental problem of biology.
When, after removing the lens of the eye in the larval
salamander, we see it restored in perfect and typical form
by regeneration from the posterior layer of the iris, we behold
an adaptive response to changed conditions of which
the organism can have no antecedent experience either ontogenetic
or phylogenetic, and one of so marvelous a character
that we are made to realize, as by a flash how far we
still are from a solution of this problem.” Then, after discussing
the attempt of evolutionists to bridge the enormous
gap that separates living, from lifeless nature, he continues:
“But when all these admissions are made, and when the conserving
action (sic) of natural selection is in the fullest degree
recognized, we cannot close our eyes to two facts: first,
that we are utterly ignorant of the manner in which the
idioplasm of the germ cell can so respond to the influence
of the environment as to call forth an adaptive variation;
and second, that the study of the cell has on the whole seemed
to widen rather than to narrow the enormous gap that separates
even the lowest forms of life from the inorganic world.”
(“The Cell,” 2nd edit., pp. 433, 434.)
Since true science is out of sympathy with baseless conjectures
and gratuitous assumptions, one would scarcely expect to
find scientists opposing the inductive trend of the known
facts by preferring mere possibilities (if they are even such) to
solid actualities. As a matter of fact, however, there are not
a few who obstinately refuse to abandon preconceptions for
which they can find no factual justification. The bio-chemist,
Benjamin Moore, while conceding the bankruptcy of the old
theory of spontaneous generation, which looked for a de novo
origin of living cells in sterilized cultures, has, nevertheless,
the hardihood to propose what he is pleased to term a new one.
Impressed by the credulity of Charlton Bastian and the autocratic
tone of Schäfer, he sets out to defend as plausible the
hypothesis that the origination of life from inert matter may
be a contemporaneous, perhaps, daily, phenomenon, going
on continually, but invisible to us, because its initial stages
take place in the submicroscopic world. By the time life has
emerged into the visible world, it has already reached the
stage at which the law of genetic continuity prevails, but at
stages of organization, which lie below the limit of the microscope,
it is not impossible, he thinks, that abiogenesis may occur.
To plausibleize this conjecture, he notes that the cell is
a natural unit composed of molecules as a molecule is a natural
unit composed of atoms. He further notes, that, in addition to
the cell, there is in nature another unit higher than the monomolecule,
namely, the multimolecule occurring in both crystalloids
and colloids. The monomolecule consists of atoms held
together by atomic valence, whereas the multimolecule consists
of molecules whose atomic valence is completely saturated,
and which are, consequently, held together by what
is now known as molecular or residual valence. Moore cites
the crystal units of sodium bromide and sodium iodide as instances
of multimolecules. The crystal unit of ordinary salt,
sodium chloride, is an ordinary monomolecule, with the formula
NaCl. In the case of the former salts the crystal units
consist of multimolecules of the formula NaB·(H2O)2 and
NaI·(H2O)2, the water of crystallization not being mechanically
confined in the crystals, but combined with the respective
salt in the exact ratio of two molecules of water to
one of the salt. Judged by all chemical tests, such as heat
of formation, the law of combination in fixed ratios, the manifestation
of selective affinity, etc., the multimolecule is quite
as much entitled to be considered a natural unit as is the
monomolecule.
But it is not in the crystalloidal multimolecule, but in the
larger and more complex multimolecule of colloids (viscid substances
like gum arabic, gelatine, agar-agar, white of egg,
etc.), that Moore professes to see a sort of intermediate between
the cell and inorganic units. Such colloids form with
a dispersing medium (like water) an emulsion, in which the
dispersed particles, known as ultramicrons or “solution aggregates,”
are larger than monomolecules. It is among these
multimolecules of colloids that Moore would have us search
for a transitional link connecting the cell with the inorganic
world. Borrowing Herbert Spencer’s dogma of the complication
of homogeneity into heterogeneity, he asserts that such
colloidal multimolecules would tend to become more and more
complex, and consequently more and more instable, so that
their instability would gradually approach the chronic instability
or constant state of metabolic fluxion manifest in living
organisms. The end-result would be a living unit more simply
organized than the cell, and evolution seizing upon this submicroscopic
unit would, in due time, transform it into cellular
life of every variety and kind. Ce n’est que le premier pas
qui coûte!
It should be noted that this so-called law is a mere vague
formula like the “law” of natural selection and the “law” of
evolution. The facts which it is alleged to express are not
cited, and its terms are far from being quantitative. It is
certainly not a law in the sense of Arrhénius, who says:
“Quantitative formulation, that is, the establishing of a connection,
expressed by a formula, between different quantitatively
measurable magnitudes, is the peculiar feature of a
law.” (“Theories of Chemistry,” Price’s translation, p. 3.)
Now, chemistry, as an exact science, has no lack of laws
of this kind, but no branch of chemistry, whether physical,
organic, or inorganic, knows of any law of complexity, that
can be stated in either quantitative, or descriptive, terms.
We will, however, let Moore speak for himself:
“It may then be summed up as a general law universal in
its application to all matter, ... a law which might be
called the Law of Complexity, that matter so far as its energy
environment will permit tends to assume more and more
complex forms in labile equilibrium. Atoms, molecules, colloids,
and living organisms, arise as a result of the operations
of this law, and in the higher regions of complexity it induces
organic evolution and all the many thousands of living
forms....
“In this manner we can conceive that the hiatus between
non-living and living things can be bridged over, and there
awakens in our minds the conception of a kind of spontaneous
production of life of a different order from the old. The
territory of this spontaneous generation of life lies not at
the level of bacteria, or animalculæ, springing forth into life
from dead organic matter, but at a level of life lying deeper
than anything the microscope can reveal, and possessing a
lower unit than the living cell, as we form our concept of
it from the tissues of higher animals and plants.
“In the future, the stage at which colloids begin to be
able to deal with external energy forms, such as light, and
build up in chemical complexity, will yield a new unit of
life opening a vista of possibilities as magnificent as that
which the establishment of the cell as a unit gave, with the
development of the microscope, about a century ago.” (“Origin
and Nature of Life,” pp. 188-190.)
Having heard out a rhapsody of this sort, one may be
pardoned a little impatience at such a travesty on science.
Again we have the appeal from realities to fancies, from the
seen to unseen. Moore sees no reason to doubt and is therefore
quite sure that an unverified occurrence is taking place
“at a level of life lying deeper than anything the microscope
can reveal.” The unknown is a veritable paradise for irresponsible
speculation and phantasy. It is well, however,
to keep one’s feet on the terra firma of ascertained facts
and to make one’s ignorance a motive for caution rather than
an incentive to reckless dogmatizing.
To begin with, it is not to a single dispersed particle or
ultramicron that protoplasm has been likened, but to an emulsion,
comprising both the dispersed particles and the dispersing
medium, or, in other words, to the colloidal system as a whole.
Moreover, even there the analogy is far from being perfect, and
is confined exclusively, as Wilson has pointed out, to a rough
similarity of structure and appearance. The colloidal system
is obviously a mere aggregate and not a natural unit like the
cell, and its dispersed particles (ultramicrons) do not multiply
and perpetuate themselves by growth and division as do
the living components or formed bodies of the cell. As for
the single ultramicron or multimolecule of a colloidal solution,
it may, indeed, be a natural unit, but it only resembles
the cell in the sense that, like the latter, it is a complex of
constituent molecules. Here, however, all resemblance
ceases; for the ultramicron does not display the typically
vital power of self-perpetuation by growth and division, which,
as we have seen, is characteristic not only of the cell as a whole,
but of its single components or organelles. Certainly, the distinctive
phenomena of colloidal systems cannot be interpreted
as processes of multiplication. There is nothing suggestive of
this vital phenomenon in the reversal of phase, which is caused
by the addition of electrolytes to oil emulsions, or in gelation,
which is caused by a change of temperature in certain hydrophilic
colloids. Thus the addition of the salt of a bivalent
cation (e.g. CaCl2 or BaCl2) to an oil-in-water emulsion (if
soap is used as the emulsifier) will cause the external or
continuous phase (water) to become the internal or discontinuous
phase. Vice versa, a water-in-oil emulsion can be
reversed into an oil-in-water emulsion, under the same conditions,
by the addition of the salt of a monovalent cation
(e. g. NaOH). Solutions of hydrophilic colloids, like gelatine
or agar-agar, can be made to “set” from the semifluid state
of a hydrosol into the semisolid state of a hydrogel, by lowering
the temperature, after which the opposite effect can
be brought about by again raising the temperature. In white
of egg, however, once gelation has taken place, through the
agency of heat, it is impossible to reconvert the “gel” into a
“sol” (solution). In such phenomena, it is, perhaps, possible
to see a certain parallelism with some processes taking place
in the cell, e. g. the osmotic processes of absorption and excretion,
but to construe them as evidence of propagation by
growth and division would be preposterous.
Nor is the subterfuge of relegating the question to the
obscurity of the submicroscopic world of any avail; for, as
a matter of fact, submicroscopic organisms actually do exist,
and manage, precisely by virtue of this uniquely vital power
of multiplication or reproductivity, to give indirect testimony
of their invisible existence. The microörganisms, for example,
which cause the disease known as Measles are so minute
that they pass through the pores of a porcelain filter, and
are invisible to the highest powers of the microscope. Nevertheless,
they can be bred in the test tube cultures of the
bacteriologist, where they propagate themselves for generations
without losing the definite specificity, which make them
capable of producing distinctive pathological effects in the organisms
of higher animals, including man. Each of these
invisible disease germs communicates but one disease, with
symptoms that are perfectly characteristic and definite.
Moreover, they are specific in their choice of a host, and
will not infect any and every organism promiscuously.
Finally, they never arise de novo in a healthy host, but must
always be transmitted from a diseased to a healthy individual.
The microscopist is tantalized, to quote the words
of Wilson, “with visions of disease germs which no eye has
yet seen, so minute as to pass through a fine filter, yet beyond
a doubt self-perpetuating and of specific type.” (Science,
March 9, 1923, p. 283.) Submicroscopic dimensions,
therefore, are no obstacle to the manifestation of such vital
properties as reproduction, genetic continuity, and typical
specificity; and we must conclude that, if any of the ultramicrons
of colloids possessed them, their minute size would
not debar them from manifesting the fact. As it is, they fail
to show any vital quality, whereas the submicroscopic disease
germs give evidence of possessing all the characteristics
of visible cells.
In fine, the radical difference between inorganic units, like
atoms, molecules, and multimolecules, and living units, like
protozoans and metazoans, is so obvious that it is universally
admitted. Not all, however, are in accord when it comes
to assigning the fundamental reason for the difference in
question. Benjamin Moore postulates a unique physical energy,
peculiar to living organisms and responsible for all distinctively
vital manifestations. This unique form of energy,
unlike all other forms, he calls “biotic energy,” denying at
the same time that it is a vital force. (Cf. op. cit., pp. 224-226.)
Moore seems to be desirous of dressing up vitalism in
the verbal vesture of mechanism. He wants the game, without
the name. But, if his “biotic energy” is unlike all other
forms of energy, it ought not to parade under the same
name, but should frankly call itself a “vital force.” Somewhat
similar in nature is Osborn’s suggestion that the peculiar
properties of living protoplasm may be due to the presence
of a unique chemical element called Bion. (Cf. “The Origin
and Evolution of Life,” 1917, p. 6.) Now, a chemical element
unlike other chemical elements is not a chemical element at
all. Osborn’s Bion, like Moore’s biotic energy, ought, by all
means, to make up its mind definitely on Hamlet’s question
of “to be, or not to be.” The policy of “It is, and it is
not,” is not likely to win the approval of either mechanists
or vitalists.
Mechanism and Neo-vitalism represent two extreme solutions
of this problem of accounting for the difference between
living and lifeless matter. Strictly speaking, it is an abuse
of language to refer to mechanism as a solution at all. Its
first pretense at solving the problem is to deny that there
is any problem. But facts are facts and cannot be disposed
of in this summary fashion. Forced, therefore, to face the
actual fact of the uniqueness of living matter, mechanists
concede the inadequacy of their physicochemical analogies,
but obstinately refuse to admit the legitimacy of any other
kind of explanation. Confronted with realities, which simply
must have some explanation, they prefer to leave them unexplained
by their own theory than have them explained by
any other. They recognize the difference between a living animal
and a dead animal (small credit to them for their perspicacity!),
but deny that there is anything present in the
former which is not present in the latter.
Neo-vitalism, on the other hand, is, at least, an attempt
at solving the problem in the positive sense. It ascribes the
unique activities of living organisms to the operation of a
superphysical and superchemical energy or force resident in
living matter. This unique dynamic principle is termed vital
force. It is not an entitive nor a static principle, but belongs
to the category of efficient or active causes, being variously described
as an agent, energy, or force. To speak precisely, the
term agent denotes an active being or substance; the term
energy denotes the proximate ground in the agent of a specific
activity; while the term force denotes the activity or
free, kinetic, or activated phase of a given energy. In practice,
however, these terms are often used interchangeably. Thus
Driesch, who, like all other Neo-vitalists, makes the vital principle
a dynamic factor rather than an entitive principle,
refers to the vital principle as a “non-material,” “non-spatial”
agent, though the term energy would be more precise. To
this active or dynamic vital principle Driesch gives a name,
which he borrowed from Aristotle, that is, entelechy. In
so doing, however, he perverted, as he himself confesses, the
true Aristotelian sense of the term in question: “The term,”
he says, “ ... is not here used in the proper Aristotelian
sense.” (“History and Theory of Vitalism,” p. 203.) His
admission is quite correct. At the critical point, Driesch, for
all his praise of Aristotle, deserts the Stagirite and goes over
to the camp of Plato, Descartes, and the Neo-vitalists!
Driesch’s definition is as follows: “Entelechy is an agent
sui generis, non-material and non-spatial, but acting ‘into’
space.” (Op. cit., p. 204.) Aristotle’s use of the term in this
connection is quite different. He uses it, for example, in a
static, rather than a dynamic, sense: “The term ‘entelechy,’”
he says, “is used in two senses; in one it answers to knowledge,
in the other to the exercise of knowledge. Clearly in
this case it is analogous to knowledge.” (“Peri Psyches,”
Bk. II, c. 1.) Knowledge, however, is only a second or static
entelechy. Hence, in order to narrow the sense still further
Aristotle refers to the soul as a first entelechy, by which
he designates a purely entitive principle, that is, a constituent
of being or substance (cf. op. cit. ibidem). The first, or
entitive, entelechy, therefore, is to be distinguished from all
secondary entelechies, whether of the dynamic order corresponding
to kinetic energy or force, or of the static order corresponding
to potential energy. Neither is it an agent, because
it is only a partial constituent of the total agent, that is,
of the total active being or substance. Hence, generally
speaking, that which acts (the agent) is not entelechy, but the
total composite of entelechy and matter, first entelechy being
consubstantial with matter and not a separate existent or being.
In fine, according to Aristotelian philosophy, entelechy (that
is, “first” or “prime” entelechy) is not an agent nor an energy
nor a force. In other words, it is totally removed from the
category of efficient or active causes. The second difference
between Driesch and Aristotle with respect to the use of
the term entelechy lies in the fact that Driesch uses it as a
synonym for the soul or vital principle, whereas, according
to Aristotle, entelechy is common to the non-living units of inorganic
nature as well as the living units (organisms) of the
organic world. All vital principles or souls are entelechies, but
not all entelechies are vital principles. All material beings
or substances, whether living or lifeless, are reducible,
in the last analysis, to two consubstantial principles or
complementary constituents, namely, entelechy and matter.
Entelechy is the binding, type-determining principle,
the source of unification and specification, which makes
of a given natural unit (such as a molecule or a protozoan)
a single and determinate whole. Matter is the determinable
and potentially-multiple element, the principle
of divisibility and quantification, which can enter indifferently
into the composition of this or that natural unit, and which
owes its actual unity and specificity to the entelechy which
here and now informs it. It is entelechy which makes a
chemical element distinct from its isobare, a chemical compound
distinct from its isomer, a paramœcium distinct from an
amœba, a maple distinct from an oak, and a bear distinct
from a tiger.
The molecular entelechy finds expression in what the organic
chemist and the stereochemist understand by valence,
that is, the static aspect of valence considered as the structural
principle of a molecule. Hence it is entelechy which
makes a molecule of urea [O:C:(NH2)2] an entirely different
substance from its isomer ammonium cyanate
[NH4·O·C:N], although the material substrate of each of these
molecular units consists of precisely the same number and
kinds of atoms. Similarly, it is the atomic entelechy which
gives to the isotopes of Strontium chemical properties different
from those of the isotopes of Rubidium, although the mass
and corpuscular (electronic and protonic) composition of their
respective atoms are identical. It is the vital entelechy or
soul, which causes a fragment cut from a Stentor to regenerate
its specific protoplasmic architecture instead of the type
which would be regenerated from a similar fragment cut
from another ciliate such as Dileptus.
In all the tridimensional units of nature, both living and
non-living, the hylomorphic analysis of Aristotle recognizes
an essential dualism of matter and entelechy. Hence it is not
in the presence and absence of an entelechy (as Driesch contends)
that living organisms differ from inorganic units. The
sole difference between these two classes of units is one of
autonomy and inertia. The inorganic unit is inert, not in the
sense that it is destitute of energy, but in the sense that it is
incapable of self-regulation and rigidly dependent upon external
factors for the utilization of its own energy-content.
The living unit, on the other hand, is endowed with dynamic
autonomy. Though dependent, in a general way, upon environmental
factors for the energy which it utilizes, nevertheless
the determinate form and direction of its activity is not
imposed in all its specificity by the aforesaid environmental
factors. The living being possesses a certain degree of independence
with respect to these external forces. It is autonomous
with a special law of immanent finality or reflexive
orientation, by which all the elements and energies of the
living unit are made to converge upon one and the same
central result, namely, the maintenance and development of
the organism both in its capacity as an individual and in its
capacity as the generative source of its racial type.
The entelechies of the inert units of inorganic nature turn
the forces of these units in an outward direction, so that they
are incapable of operating upon themselves, of modifying themselves,
or of regulating themselves. They are only capable of
operating upon other units outside themselves, and in so doing
they irreparably externalize their energy-contents. All physicochemical
action is transitive or communicable in character,
whereas vital action is of the reflexive or immanent type.
Mechanical action, for example, is intermolar (i.e. an exchange
between large masses of inorganic matter); physical action is
intermolecular; chemical action is interatomic; while in radioactive
and electrical phenomena we have intercorpuscular action.
Hence all the forms of activity native to the inorganic
world are reducible to interaction between discontinuous and
unequally energized masses or particles. Always it is a case of
one mass or particle operating upon another mass or particle
distinct from, and spatially external to, itself. The effect or
positive change produced by the action is received into another
unit distinct from the agent or active unit, which can never become
the receptive subject of the effect generated by its own
activity. The living being, on the contrary, is capable of operating
upon itself, so that what is modified by the action is not
outside the agent but within it. The reader does not modify the
book, but modifies himself by his reading. The blade of grass
can nourish not only a horse, but its very self, whereas a
molecule of sodium nitrate is impotent to nourish itself, and
can only nourish a subject other than itself, such as the
blade of grass. Here the active source and receptive subject
of the action is one and the same unit, namely, the living
organism, which can operate upon itself in the interest of its
own perfection. In chemical synthesis two substances interact
to produce a third, but in vital assimilation one substance is
incorporated into another without the production of a third.
Thus hydrogen unites with oxygen to produce water. But in
the case of assimilation the reaction may be expressed thus:
Living protoplasm plus external nutriment equals living protoplasm
increased in quantity but unchanged in specificity.
Addition or subtraction alters the nature of the inorganic
unit, but does not change the nature of the living unit. In
chemical change, entelechy is the variant and matter is the
constant, but in metabolic change, matter is the variant and
entelechy the constant. “Living beings,” says Henderson,
“preserve, or tend to preserve, an ideal form, while through
them flows a steady stream of energy and matter which is
ever changing, yet momentarily molded by life; organized,
in short.” (“Fitness of the Environment,” 1913, pp. 23, 24.)
The living unit maintains its own specific type amid a constant
flux of matter and flow of energy. It subjugates the
alien substances of the inorganic world, eliminates their mineral
entelechies and utilizes their components and energies for
its own purposes. The soul or vital entelechy, therefore, is more
powerful than the entelechies of inorganic units which it supplants.
It turns the forces of living matter inward, so that the
living organism becomes capable of self-regulation and of striving
for the attainment of self-perfection. It is this reflexive
orientation of all energies towards self-perfection that is the
unique characteristic of the living being, and not the nature of
the energies themselves. The energies by which vital functions
are executed are the ordinary physicochemical energies, but it
is the vital entelechy or soul which elevates them to a higher
plane of efficiency and renders them capable of reflexive or vital
action. There is, in short, no such thing as a special vital
force. The radical difference between living and non-living
units does not consist in the possession or non-possession of an
entelechy, nor yet in the peculiar nature of the forces displayed
in the execution of vital functions, but solely in the
orientation of these forces towards an inner finality.
Life, then, may be defined as the capacity of reflexive or
self-perfective action. In any action, we may distinguish four
things: (1) the agent, or source of the action; (2) the activity
or internal determination differentiating the agent in the active
state from the selfsame agent in the inactive state; (3)
the patient or receptive subject; (4) the effect or change
produced in the patient by the agent. Let us suppose that
a boy named Tom kicks a door. Here Tom is the agent, the
muscular contraction in his leg is the activity, the door is the
patient or recipient, while the dent produced in the door is
the effect or change of which the action is a production. In
this action, the effect is produced not in the cause or agent,
but in a patient outside of, and distinct from, the agent, and
the otherness of cause and effect is consequently complete.
Such an action is termed transitive, which is the characteristic
type of physicochemical action. In another class of
actions, however, (those, namely, that are peculiar to living
beings) the otherness of cause and effect is only partial and
relative. When the agent becomes ultimately the recipient
of the effect or modification wrought by its own activity, that
is, when the positive change produced by the action remains
within the agent itself, the action is called immanent or reflexive
action. Since, however, action and passion are opposites,
they can coëxist in the same subject only upon condition that
said subject is differentiated into partial otherness, that is,
organized into a plurality of distinct and dissimilar parts or
components, one of which may act upon another. Hence only
the organized unit or organism, which combines unity or continuity
of substance with multiplicity and dissimilarity of
parts is capable of immanent action. The inorganic unit is
capable only of transitive action, whose effect is produced in
an exterior subject really distinct from the agent. The living
unit or organism, however, is capable of both transitive action
and immanent (reflexive) action. In such functions as
thought and sensation, the living agent modifies itself and not
an exterior patient. In the nutritive or metabolic function
the living being perfects itself by assimilating external substances
to itself. It develops, organizes, repairs, and multiplies
itself, holding its own and perpetuating its type from
generation to generation.
Life, accordingly, is the capacity of tending through any
form of reflexive action to an ulterior perfection of the agent
itself. This capacity of an agent to operate of, and upon,
itself for the acquisition of some perfection exceeding its
natural equilibrial state is the distinctive attribute of the
living being. Left to itself, the inorganic unit tends exclusively
to conservation or to loss, never to positive acquisition
in excess of equilibrial exigencies; what it acquires
it owes exclusively to the action of external factors. The
living unit, on the contrary, strives in its vital operations to
acquire something for itself, so that what it gets it owes to
itself and not (except in a very general sense) to the action
of external factors. All the actions of the living unit, both
upon itself and upon external matter, result sooner or later
in the acquisition on the part of the agent of a positive perfection
exceeding and transcending the mere exigencies of
equilibration. The inorganic agent, on the contrary, when in
the state of tension, tends only to return to the equilibrial state
by alienation or expenditure of its energy; otherwise, it
tends merely to conserve, by virtue of inertia, the state of
rest or motion impressed upon it from without. In the
chemical changes of inorganic units, the tendency to loss is
even more in evidence. Such changes disrupt the integrity of
the inorganic unit and dissipate its energy-content, and the
unit cannot be reconstructed and recharged, except at the
expense of a more richly endowed inorganic unit. The living
organism, however, as we see in the case of the paramæcium
undergoing endomixis, is capable of counteracting exhaustion
by recharging itself.
The difference between transitive and reflexive action is
not an accidental difference of degree, but an essential difference
of kind. In reflexive actions, the source of the action
and the recipient of the effect or modification produced by
it are one and the same substantial unit or being. In transitive
actions, the receptive subject of the positive change is
an alien unit distinct from the unit, which puts forth the
action. Hence a reflexive action is not an action which is
less transitive; it is an action which is not at all transitive,
but intransitive. The difference, therefore, between the living
organism, which is capable of both reflexive and transitive
action, and the inorganic unit, which is only capable of transitive
action, is radical and essential. This being the case, an
evolutionary transition from an inert multimolecule to a reflexively-operating
cell or cytode, becomes inconceivable. Evolution
might, at the very most, bring about intensifications
and combinations of the transitive agencies of the physicochemical
world, but never the volte face, which would be
necessary to reverse the centrifugal orientation of forces characteristic
of the inorganic unit into the centripetal orientation
of forces which makes the living unit capable of self-perfective
action, self-regulation, and self-renewal. The idea,
therefore, of a spontaneous derivation of living units from lifeless
colloidal multimolecules must be rejected, not merely
because it finds no support in the facts of experience, but
also because it is excluded by aprioristic considerations.
But, if inorganic matter is impotent to vitalize itself by
means of its native physicochemical forces, the inevitable
alternative is that the initial production of organisms from
inorganic matter was due to the action of some supermaterial
agency. Certain scientists, like Henderson of Harvard, while
admitting the incredibility of abiogenesis, prefer to avoid open
conflict with mechanism and materialism by declaring their
neutrality. “But while biophysicists like Professor Schäfer,”
says Henderson, “follow Spencer in assuming a gradual evolution
of the organic from the inorganic, biochemists are
more than ever unable to perceive how such a process is possible,
and without taking any final stand prefer to let the
riddle rest.” (“Fitness of the Environment,” p. 310, footnote.)
Not to take a decisive stand on this question, however, is
tantamount to making a compromise with what is illogical
and unscientific; for both logic and the inductive trend of
biological facts are arrayed against the hypothesis of spontaneous
generation.
In the first place, it is manifest that organic life is neither
self-explanatory nor eternal. Hence it must have had its
origin in the action of some external agency. Life as it exists
today depends upon the precedence of numerous unbroken
chains of consecutive cells that extend backward into a remote
past. It is, however, a logical necessity to put an end
to this retrogradation of the antecedents upon which the
actual existence of our present organisms depends. The infinite
cannot be spanned by finite steps; the periodic life-process
could not be relayed through an unlimited temporal
distance; and a cellular series which never started would
never arrive. Moreover, we do not account for the existence
of life by extending the cellular series interminably backward.
Each cell in such a series is derived from a predecessor,
and, consequently, no cell in the series is self-explanatory.
When it comes to accounting for its own existence, each cell
is a zero in the way of explanation, and adding zeros together
indefinitely will never give us a positive total. Each
cell refers us to its predecessor for the explanation of why
it exists, and none contains within itself the sufficient explanation
of its own existence. Hence increasing even to infinity
the number of these cells (which fail to explain themselves)
will give us nothing else but a zero in the way of explanation.
If, therefore, the primordial cause from which these cellular
chains are suspended is not the agency of the physicochemical
forces of inorganic nature, it follows that the first active cause
of life must have been a supermaterial and extramundane
agency, namely, the Living God and Author of Life.
As a matter of fact, no one denies that life has had a beginning
on our globe. The physicist teaches that a beginning
of our entire solar system is implied in the law of the degradation
of energy, and various attempts have been made to
determine the time of this beginning. The older calculations
were based on the rate of solar radiation; the more recent ones,
however, are based on quantitative estimates of the disintegration
products of radioactive elements. Similarly, the geologist
and the astronomer propound theories of a gradual
constitution of the cosmic environment, which organic life requires
for its support, and all such theories imply a de novo
origin or beginning of life in the universe. Thus the old nebular
hypothesis of Laplace postulated a hot origin of our solar
system incompatible with the coëxistence of organic life, which,
as the experiments of Pasteur and others have shown, is
destroyed, in all cases, at a temperature just above 45° Centigrade
(113° Fahrenheit). Even the enzymes or organic catalysts,
which are essential for bio-chemical processes, are destroyed
at a temperature between 60° and 70° Centigrade.
This excludes the possibility of the contemporaneousness of
protoplasm and inorganic matter, and points to a beginning
of life in our solar system. Moreover, independently of this
theory, the geologist sees in the primitive crystalline rocks
(granites, diorites, basalts, etc.) and in the extant magmas
of volcanoes evidences of an azoic age, during which temperatures
incompatible with the survival of even the blue-green
algæ or the most resistent bacterial spores must have prevailed
over the surface of the globe. In fact, it is generally
recognized by geologists that the igneous or pyrogenic rocks,
which contain no fossils, preceded the sedimentary or fossiliferous
rocks. The new planetesimal hypothesis, it is true,
is said to be compatible with a cold origin of the universe.
Nevertheless, this theory assumes a very gradual condensation
of our cosmos out of dispersed gases and star dust, whereas
life demands as the sine qua non condition of its existence a
differentiated environment consisting of a lithosphere, a hydrosphere,
and an atmosphere. Hence, it is clear that life did not
originate until such an appropriate environment was an accomplished
fact. All theories of cosmogony, therefore, point
to a beginning of life subsequent to the constitution of the
inorganic world.
Now, it is impossible for organic life to antecede itself.
If, therefore, it has had a beginning in the world, it must have
had a first active cause distinct from itself; and the active
cause, in question, must, consequently, have been either something
intrinsic, or something extrinsic, to inorganic matter.
The hypothesis, however, of a spontaneous origin of life
through the agency of forces intrinsic to inorganic matter is
scientifically untenable. Hence it follows that life originated
through the action of an immaterial or spiritual agent, namely,
God, seeing that there is no other assignable agency capable
of bringing about the initial production of life from lifeless
matter.
Many and various are the efforts made to escape this issue.
One group of scientists, for example, attempt to rid themselves
of the difficulty by diverting our attention from the
problem of a beginning of organic life in the universe to the
problem of its translation to a new habitat. This legerdemain
has resulted in the theories of cosmozoa or panspermia,
according to which life originates in a favorable environment,
not by reason of spontaneous generation, but by reason of
importation from other worlds. This view has been presented
in two forms: (1) the “meteorite” theory, which represents
the older view held by Thomson and Helmholtz; (2)
the more recent theory of “cosmic panspermia” advocated
by Svante Arrhénius, with H. E. Richter and F. J. Cohn as
precursors. Sir Wm. Thompson suggested that life might have
been salvaged from the ruins of other worlds and carried to
our own by means of meteorites or fragments thrown off from
life-bearing planets that had been destroyed by a catastrophic
collision. These meteorites discharged from bursting planets
might carry germs to distant planets like the earth, causing
them to become covered with vegetation. Against this theory
stands the fatal objection that the transit of a meteorite
from the nearest stellar system to our own would require an
interval of 60,000,000 years. It is incredible that life could
be maintained through such an enormous lapse of time. Even
from the nearest planet to our earth the duration of the
journey would be 150 years. Besides, meteorites are heated to
incandescence while passing through the atmosphere, and
any seeds they might contain would perish by reason of the
heat thus generated, not to speak of the terrific impact, which
terminates the voyage of a meteorite.
Arrhénius suggests a method by which microörganisms
might be conveyed through intersidereal space with far greater
dispatch and without any mineral vehicle such as a meteorite.
He notes that particles of cosmic dust leave the sun as a coronal
atmosphere and are propelled through intervening space
by the pressure of radiation until they reach the higher atmosphere
of the earth (viz. at a height of 100 kilometers from
the surface of the latter), where they become the electrically
charged dust particles of polar auroras (v.g. the aurora
borealis). The motor force, in this case, is the same as that
which moves the vanes of a Crookes’ radiometer. Lebedeff has
verified Clerk-Maxwell’s conceptions of this force and has
demonstrated its reality by experiments. It is calculated that
in the immediate vicinity of a luminous surface like that of
the sun the pressure exerted by radiation upon an exposed
surface would be nearly two milligrams per square centimeter.
On a nontransparent particle having a diameter of 1.5 microns,
the pressure of radiation would just counterbalance the force
of universal gravitation, while on particles whose diameter was
0.16 of a micron, the pressure of radiation would be ten times
as great as the pull of gravitation. Now bacterial spores having
a diameter of O.3 to O.2 of a micron are known to bacteriologists,
and the ultramicroscope reveals the presence of
germs not more than O.1 of a micron in size.[11] Hence it is
conceivable that germs of such dimensions might be wafted to
limits of our atmosphere, and might then be transported by
the pressure of radiation to distant planets or stellar systems,
provided, of course, they could escape the germicidal
action of oxidation, desiccation, ultra-violet rays, etc. Arrhénius
calculates that their journey from the earth to Mars
would, under such circumstances, occupy a period of only
20 days. Within 80 days they could reach Jupiter, and they
might arrive at Neptune on the confines of our solar system
after an interval of 3 weeks. The transit to the constellation
of the Centaur, which contains the solar system nearest to our
own (the one, namely, whose central sun is the star Alpha),
would require 9,000 years.
Arrhénius’ theory, however, that “life is an eternal rebeginning”
explains nothing and leaves us precisely where we were.
In the metaphysical as well as the scientific sense, it is an
evasion and not a solution. To the logical necessity of putting
an end to the retrogradation of the subalternate conditions,
upon which the realities of the present depend for their
actual existence, we have already adverted. Moreover, the
reasons which induce the scientist to postulate a beginning of
life in our world are not based on any distinctive peculiarity of
that world, but are universally applicable, it being established
by the testimony of the spectroscope that other worlds are not
differently constituted than our own. Hence Schäfer voices
the general attitude of scientific men when he says: “But the
acceptance of such theories of the arrival of life on earth
does not bring us any nearer to a conception of its actual
mode of origin; on the contrary, it merely serves to banish the
investigation of the question to some conveniently inaccessible
corner of the universe and leaves us in the unsatisfactory
condition of affirming not only that we have no knowledge
as to the mode of origin of life—which is unfortunately true—but
that we never can acquire such knowledge—which it is
to be hoped is not true. Knowing what we know, and believing
what we believe, ... we are, I think (without denying
the possibility of the existence of life in other parts of the
universe), justified in regarding these cosmic theories as inherently
improbable.” (Dundee Address of 1912, cf. Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1912, p. 503.)
Dismissing, therefore, all evasions of this sort, we may
regard as scientifically established the conclusion that, so far
as our knowledge goes, inorganic nature lacks the means of
self-vivification, and that no inanimate matter can become
living matter without first coming under the influence of matter
previously alive. Given, therefore, that the conditions
favorable to life did not always prevail in our cosmos, it
follows that life had a beginning, for which we are obliged
to account by some postulate other than abiogenesis. This
conclusion seems inescapable for those who concede the scientific
absurdity of spontaneous generation, but, by some weird
freak of logic, not only is it escaped, but the very opposite
conclusion is reached through reasoning, which the exponents
are pleased to term philosophical, as distinguished from scientific,
argumentation. The plight of these “hard-headed worshippers
of fact,” who plume themselves on their contempt
for “metaphysics,” is sad indeed. Worsted in the experimental
field, they appeal the case from the court of facts to that
aprioristic philosophy. “Physic of metaphysic begs defence,
and metaphysic calls for aid on sense!”
Life, they contend, either had no beginning or it must have
begun in our world as the product of spontaneous generation.
But all the scientific theories of cosmogony exclude the former
alternative. Consequently, not only is it not absurd to admit
spontaneous generation, but, on the contrary, it is absurd not
to admit it. It is in this frame of mind that August Weismann
is induced to confide to us “that spontaneous generation,
in spite of all the vain attempts to demonstrate it, remains for
me a logical necessity.” (“Essays,” p. 34, Poulton’s Transl.)
The presupposition latent in all such logic is, of course, the
assumption that nothing but matter exists; for, if the possibility
of the existence of a supermaterial agency is conceded, then
obviously we are not compelled by logical necessity to ascribe
the initial production of organic life to the exclusive agency
of the physicochemical energies inherent in inorganic matter.
Weismann should demonstrate his suppressed premise that
matter coincides with reality and that spiritual is a synonym
for nonexistent. Until such time as this unverified and unverifiable
affirmation is substantiated, the philosophical proof
for abiogenesis is not an argument at all, it is dogmatism pure
and simple.
But, they protest, “To deny spontaneous generation is to
proclaim a miracle” (Nägeli), and natural science cannot
have recourse to “miracles” in explaining natural phenomena.
For the “scientist,” miracles are always absurd as contradicting
the uniformity of nature, and to recur to them
for the solution of a scientific problem is, to put it mildly,
distinctly out of the question. Hence Haeckel regards spontaneous
generation as more than demonstrated by the bare
consideration that no alternative remains except the unspeakable
scientific blasphemy implied in superstitious terms like
“miracle,” “creation,” and “supernatural.” For a “thinking
man,” the mere mention of these abhorrent words is, or ought
to be, argument enough. “If we do not accept the hypothesis
of spontaneous generation,” Haeckel expostulates, “we must
have recourse to the miracle of a supernatural creation.”
(Italics his—“History of Creation,” I, p. 348, Lankester’s
Transl.) It would be a difficult matter, indeed, to cram more
blunders into one short sentence! We will not, and need not,
undertake to defend the supernatural here. Suffice it to say,
that the initiation of life in inorganic matter by the Author
of Life would not be a creation, nor a miracle, nor a phenomenon
pertaining to the supernatural order.
The principle of the minimum forbids us to postulate the
superfluous, and a creative act would be superfluous in the
production of the first organisms. Inorganic nature contains
all the material elements found in living organisms, and all
organisms, in fact, derive their matter from the inorganic
world. If, therefore, they are thus dependent in their continuance
upon a supply of matter administered by the inorganic
world, it is to be presumed that they were likewise dependent
on that source of matter in their first origin. In
other words, the material substrata of the first organisms were
not produced anew, but derived from the elements of the inorganic
world. Hence they were not created, but formed out
of preëxistent matter. A creative act would involve total
production, and exclude the preëxistence of the constituent material
under a different form. A formative act, on the contrary,
is a partial production, which presupposes the material
out of which a given thing is to be made. Hence the Divine
act, whereby organic life was first educed from the passive potentiality
of inorganic matter, was formative and not creative.
Elements preëxistent in the inorganic world were combined
and intrinsically modified by impressing upon them a new
specification, which raised them in the entitive and dynamic
scale, and integrated them into units capable of self-regulation
and reflexive action. This modification, however, was intrinsic
to the matter involved and nothing was injected into
matter from without. Obviously, therefore, the production
of the first organisms was not a creation, but a formation.
Still less was it a miracle; for a miracle is a visible interposition
in the course of nature by a power superior to the
powers of nature. A given effect, therefore, is termed miraculous
with express reference to some existing natural agency,
whose efficacy it, in some way, exceeds. If there existed in
inorganic nature some natural process of self-vivification,
then any Divine interposition to produce life independently
of this natural agency, would be a miraculous intervention.
As a matter of fact, however, inorganic nature is destitute of
this power of self-vitalization, and consequently no natural
agency was superseded or overridden by the initial imparting
of life to lifeless matter. Life was not ordained to originate
in any other way. Given, therefore, this impotence of inorganic
nature, it follows that an initial vivification of matter by
Divine power was demanded by the very nature of things.
The Divine action did not come into competition, as it were,
with existing natural agencies, but was put forth in response
to the exigencies of nature itself. It cannot, therefore, be
regarded as miraculous.
Nor, finally, is there any warrant for regarding such an
initial vivification of matter as supernatural. Only that is
supernatural which transcends the nature, powers, and exigencies
of all things created or creatable. But, as we have seen,
if life was to exist at all, a primal animation of inanimate
matter by Divine power was demanded by the very nature of
things. Here the Divine action put forth in response to an
exigency of nature and terminated in the constitution of living
nature itself. Now, the effect of a Divine action, by which
the natures of things are initially constituted, plainly pertains
to the order of nature, and has nothing to do with the supernatural.
Hence the primordial constitution by Divine power
of living nature was not a supernatural, but a purely natural,
event.
CHAPTER II THE ORIGIN OF THE HUMAN SOUL — § 1. Matter and Spirit — § 2. The Science of the Soul — § 3. The Nature of the Human Soul — § 4. Darwinian Anthropomorphism — § 5. The True Significance of Instinct
We live in an age in which scientific specialization is stressed
as the most important means of advancing the interests of
human knowledge; and specialism, by reason of its many triumphs,
seems to have deserved, in large measure, the prestige
which it now enjoys. It has, however, the distinct disadvantage
of fostering provincialism and separatism. This lopsided
learning of the single track mind is a condition that verges on
paranoia, leads to naïve contempt for all knowledge not
reducible to its own set of formulæ, and portends, in the near
future, a Babel-like confusion of tongues. In fact, the need
of a corrective is beginning to be felt in many quarters. This
corrective can be none other than the general and synthetic
science of philosophy; it is philosophy alone that can furnish
a common ground and break down the barriers of exclusiveness
which immure the special sciences within the minds
of experts.
Scientists readily admit the advantage of philosophy in
theory, but in practice their approval is far from being unqualified.
A subservient philosophy, which accepts without
hesitation all the current dogmas of contemporary science, is
one thing, and a critical philosophy venturing to apply the
canons of logic to so-called scientific proof is quite another.
Philosophy of the latter type is promptly informed that it
has no right to any opinion whatever, and that only the scientific
specialist is qualified to speak on such subjects. But
the disqualification, which is supposed to arise from lack of
special knowledge, is just as promptly forgotten, when there is
question of philosophy in the rôle of a pliant sycophant, and
the works of a Wells or a van Loon are lauded to the skies, despite
the glaring examples of scientific inaccuracy and ignorance,
in which they abound.
This partiality is sometimes carried to a degree that makes
it perfectly preposterous. Thus it is by no means an infrequent
thing to find scientists dismissing, as unworthy of a hearing,
a philosopher like Hans Driesch, who spent the major portion
of his life in biological research, and combined the technical
discipline of a scientist with the mental discipline of a
logician. The chemist, H. E. Armstrong, for instance, sees in
the mere label “philosopher” a sufficient reason for barring
his testimony. “Philosophers,” jeers the chemist, with flippant
irrelevance, “must go to school and study in the purlieus of
experimental science, if they desire to speak with authority
on these matters.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1912, p. 528.)
Such is his comment on Driesch, yet Driesch did nothing at
all, if he did not do far more than Armstrong prescribes as
a prerequisite for authoritative speaking. In James Harvey
Robinson, on the contrary, we have an example of the tendency
of scientists to coddle philosophers who assume a docile,
deferential, and submissive attitude towards every generalization
propounded in the name of natural science. In sheer
gratitude for his uncritical acquiescence, his incapacitation as
a nonspecialist is considerately overlooked, and he can confess,
without the slightest danger of discrediting his own utterances:
“I am not ... a biologist or palæontologist. But I have
had the privilege of consorting familiarly with some of the
very best representatives of those who have devoted their
lives to the patient study of the matters involved in this controversy.
I think I quite understand their attitude.” (Harper’s
Magazine, June, 1922, p. 68.) By his own testimony he is a
scientific amateur, but this does not, in the least, prevent
him from “speaking with authority” or from being lionized
in scientific circles as an evolutionary “defender of the faith.”
Clearly, it is the nature of their respective views, and not the
possession or absence of technical knowledge, which makes
Robinson a favorite, and Driesch a persona non grata, with
“the very best representatives” of contemporary science.
“Science,” says a writer in the Atlantic Monthly (Oct., 1915),
“has turned all philosophy out of doors except that which
clings to its skirts; it has thrown contempt on all learning that
does not depend upon it; and it has bribed the sketches by
giving us immense material comforts.”
Here, however, we are concerned with the fact, rather
than the justice, of this discrimination which the scientific
world makes between philosopher and philosopher. Certain
it is that Robinson has received no end of encomiums from
scientists, who apparently lack the literary gifts to expound
their own philosophy, and that his claim to represent the
views of a large and influential section of the scientific world
is, in all probability, entirely correct. It is this manifest
approval of scientific men which lends especial interest to
the remarks of this scientific dilettante, and we shall quote
them as expressing the prevalent scientific view on the origin
of man, a view which, with but slight variations, has persisted
from the time of Darwin down to the present day.
“The recognition,” says Robinson, “that mankind is a species
of animal, is, like other important discoveries, illuminating.”
(Science, July 28, 1922, p. 74.) To refer to the recognition
of man’s animality as a discovery is a conceit too
stupid for mere words to castigate. Surely, there was no need
of the profound research or delicate precision of modern
science to detect the all too obvious similarity existing between
man and beast. Mankind did not have to await the advent of
an “enlightened” nineteenth, or twentieth century to be assured
of the truth of a commonplace so trite and palpable. Even
the “benighted” scholastics of medieval infamy had wit
enough to define man as a rational animal. Indeed, it would
be a libel on human intelligence to suppose that anyone, in
the whole history of human thought, was ever sufficiently
fatuous to dispute the patent fact that man is a sentient organism
compounded of flesh, blood, bone, and sinew like the
brute. The “discovery” that man is a species of animal dates
from the year one of human existence, and it is now high
time for the novelty of this discovery to be worn off.
Even as a difficulty against human superiority and immortality,
the “recognition” is by no means recent. We find it
squarely faced in a book of the Old Testament, the entire
book being devoted to the solution of the difficulty in question.
“I said in my heart concerning the estate of the sons
of men ... that they might see they are themselves beasts.
For that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts;
even one thing befalleth them; as the one dieth so dieth the
other; yea, they have all one breath; so that man hath no preeminence
above a beast; for all is vanity. All go unto one
place; all are of the dust, and all return to dust. Who knoweth
the spirit of man whether it goeth upward, and the spirit
of the beast whether it goeth downward to the earth?”
(Ecclesiastes, III: 18-21.) The sacred writer insists that, so
far as the body is concerned, man and the brute stand on the
same level; but what of the human soul? Is it, he asks, resolvable
into matter like the soul of a beast, or is it a supermaterial
principle destined, not for time, but for eternity?
At the close of the book, the conclusion is reached that the
latter alternative is the true solution of the riddle of human
nature—“the dust returneth to the earth whence it was, and
the spirit returneth to God who gave it.” (Ch. XII, v. 7.)
Centuries, therefore, before the Christian era, this problem
was formulated by Ecclesiastes, the Jew, and also, as we shall
presently see, by Aristotle, the coryphæus of Greek philosophy.
Nay, from time immemorial man, contrasting his aspirations
after immortality with the spectacle of corporal death, has
appreciated to the full the significance of his own animality.
Never was there question of whether man is, or is not, just
as thoroughly an animal as any beast, but rather of whether,
his animal nature being unhesitatingly conceded, we are not,
none the less, forced to recognize in him, over and above this,
the existence of a spiritual mind or soul, differentiating him
from the brute and constituting him a being unique, despite
the unmistakable homologies discernible between bestial
organisms and the human body. Everywhere and always mankind
as a whole have manifested, by the universal and uniquely
human practice of burying the dead, their unswerving and
indomitable conviction that man is spirit as well as flesh,
an animal, indeed, yet animated by something not present
in the animal, namely, a spiritual soul, deathless and indestructible,
capable of surviving the decay of the organism and
of persisting throughout eternity.
But, if the human mind or soul is spiritual, it is clear that
it cannot be a product of organic evolution, any more than
it can be a product of parental generation. On the contrary,
each and every human soul must be an immediate creation of
the Author of Nature, not evolved from the internal potentiality
of matter, but infused into matter from without. The
human soul is created in organized matter, but not from it.
Nor can the Divine action, in this case, be regarded as a
supernatural interposition; for it supplements, rather than
supersedes, the natural process of reproduction; and, since
it is not in matter to produce spirit, a creative act is demanded
by the very nature of things.
Evolution is nothing more nor less than a transmutation
of matter, and a transmutation of matter cannot terminate
in the annihilation of matter and the constitution of non-matter
or spirit. If nothing of the terminus a quo persists in the
final product, we have substitution, and not transmutation.
The evolution of matter, therefore, cannot progress to a point
where all materiality is eliminated. Hence, whatever proceeds
from matter, either as an emanation or an action, will, of
necessity, be material. It should be noted, however, that by
material we do not mean corporeal; for material denotes not
merely matter itself, but everything that intrinsically depends
on matter. The term, therefore, is wider in its sense than
corporeal, because it comprises, besides matter, all the properties,
energies, and activities of matter. Hence whatever is
incapable of existence and activity apart from matter (whether
ponderable or imponderable) belongs to the material, as distinguished
from the spiritual, order of things. The soul of
a brute, for example, is not matter, but it is material, nevertheless,
because it is totally dependent on the matter of the
organism, apart from which it has neither existence nor
activity of its own.
In the constitution of the sentient or animal soul, matter
reaches the culmination of its passive evolution. True, its
inherent physicochemical forces do not suffice to bring about
this consummation, wherewith its internal potentiality is
exhausted. Nevertheless, the emergence of an animal soul from
matter is conceivable, given an agency competent to educe
it from the intrinsic potentiality of matter; for, in the last
analysis, the animal soul is simply an internal modification
of matter itself. But, if spirit is that which exists, or is, at
least, capable of existence, apart from matter, it goes without
saying that spirit is neither derivable from, nor resolvable
into, matter of any kind. Consequently, it cannot be
evolved from matter, but must be produced in matter by creation
(i.e. total production). To make the human mind or
soul a product of evolution is equivalent to a denial of its
spirituality, because it implies that the human soul like that
of the brute, is inherent in the potentiality of matter, and
is therefore a purely material principle, totally dependent on
the matter, of which it is a perfection. Between such a soul
and the sentient principle present in the beast, there would
be no essential difference of kind, but only an accidental difference
of degree; and this is precisely what Darwin and his
successors have spared no effort to demonstrate. James Harvey
Robinson is refreshingly frank on this subject, and we
will therefore let him be spokesman for those who are more
reticent:
“It is the extraordinarily illuminating discovery (sic) of
man’s animalhood rather than evolution in general that
troubles the routine mind. Many are willing to admit that
it looks as if life had developed on the earth slowly, in successive
stages; this they can regard as a merely curious fact
and of no great moment if only man can be defended as an
honorable exception. The fact that we have an animal body
may also be conceded, but surely man must have a soul and
a mind altogether distinct and unique from the very beginning
bestowed on him by the Creator and setting him off
an immeasurable distance from any mere animal. But whatever
may be the religious and poetic significance of this
compromise it is becoming less and less tenable as a scientific
and historic truth. The facts indicate that man’s mind is
quite as clearly of animal extraction as his body.” (Science,
July 28, 1922, p. 95—italics his.)
This language has, at least, the merit of being unambiguous,
and leaves us in no uncertainty as to where the writer stands.
It discloses, likewise, the animus which motivates his peculiar
interest in transformistic theories. If evolution were incapable
of being exploited in behalf of materialistic philosophy, Mr.
Robinson, we may be sure, would soon lose interest in the
theory, and would once more align himself with the company,
which he has so inappropriately deserted, namely, “the routine
minds” that regard evolution “as a merely curious fact of no
great moment.” Be that as it may, his final appeal is to the
“facts,” and it is to the facts, accordingly, that we shall go;
but they will not be the irrelevant “facts” of anatomy, physiology,
and palæontology. Sciences such as these confine their
attention to the external manifestations of human life, and can
tell us nothing of man’s inner consciousness. It does not,
therefore, devolve upon them to pronounce final judgment
upon the origin of man. For that which is the distinguishing
characteristic of man is not his animal nature, that he shares
in common with the brute, but his rational nature, which alone
differentiates him from “a beast that wants discourse of
reason.” We cannot settle the question as to whether or not
man’s mind is “of animal extraction” by comparing his body
with the bodies of irrational vertebrates. To institute the
requisite comparison between the rational mentality of man
and the purely sentient consciousness of irrational animals
falls within the exclusive competence of psychology, which
studies the internal manifestations of life as they are presented
to the intuition of consciousness, rather than biology, which
studies life according to such of its manifestations as are perceptible
to the external senses. Hence it is within the domain
of psychology alone, that man can be studied on his distinctively
human, or rational, side, and it is to this science, accordingly,
that we must turn in our search for facts that are
germane to the problem of the origin of man and the genesis of
the human mind. How little, indeed, does he know of human
nature, whose knowledge of it is confined to man’s insignificant
anatomy and biology, and who knows nothing of the triumphs
of human genius in literature, art, science, architecture, music,
and a thousand other fields! Psychology alone can evaluate
these marvels, and no other science can be of like assistance
in solving the problem of whether man is, or is not, unique
among all his fellows of the animal kingdom.
As a distinct science, psychology owes its origin to Aristotle,
whose “Peri Psyches” is, in all probability, the first formal
treatise on the subject. Through his father, Nichomachus, who
was court physician to Philip of Macedon, he became acquainted,
at an early age, with biological lore in the form of
such medical botany, anatomy, and physiology as were commonly
known in prescientific days. Subsequently, his celebrated
pupil, Alexander the Great, placed at his disposal
a vast library, together with extensive opportunities for biological
research. This enabled the philosopher to criticize and
summarize the observations and speculations of his predecessors
in the field, and to improve upon them by means of personal
reflection and research. In writing his psychology, he
was naturally forced to proceed on the basis of the facts discoverable
by internal experience (introspection) and unaided
external observation. Of such facts as are only accessible by
means of instrumentation and systematic experimentation, he
could, of course, know nothing, since their exploration awaited
the advent of modern mechanical and optical inventions. But
the factual foundation of his treatise, though not extensive,
was solid, so far as it went, and his selection, analysis, and
evaluation of the materials at hand was so accurate and
judicious, that the broad outlines of his system have been vindicated
by the test of time, and all the results of modern experimental
research fit, with surprising facility, into the framework
of his generalizations, revision being nowhere necessary
save in nonessentials and minor details. Wilhelm Wundt, the
Father of Experimental Psychology, pays him the following
tribute: “The results of my labors do not square with the materialistic
hypothesis, nor do they with the dualism of Plato
or Descartes. It is only the animism of Aristotle which, by
combining psychology with biology, results as a plausible
metaphysical conclusion from Experimental Psychology.”
(“Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie,” 4te Auflage,
II, C. 23, S. 633.)
Literally translated, the title of Aristotle’s work signifies a
treatise concerning the soul. It set a precedent for the
scholastic doctors of the thirteenth century, and de anima became
with them a technical designation for all works dealing
with this theme. In the sixteenth century the selfsame usage
was embalmed in the Greek term psychology, which was coined
with a view to rendering the elliptic Latin title by means of
a single word. Melanchthon is credited with having originated
the term, which, in its original use as well as its etymology,
denoted a science of the psyche or soul.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century, however, the
meaning of the term in question began to undergo a marvelous
evolution, of which the end is not yet. The process was initiated
by Descartes, under whose auspices psychology was
changed from a science of the soul into a science of the mind.
Then, under the influence of Hume and Kant, the noumenal
mind disappeared, leaving only phenomenal consciousness.
Recently, with the advent of Watson, even consciousness itself
has been discarded and psychology has become a science
of behavior. And here, for the time being, at any rate, the
process has come to a stop, just one step short of complete
nihilism. Woodworth quotes the following waggish comment:
“First psychology lost its soul, then it lost its mind, then it lost
consciousness; it still has behavior of a kind.” (“Psychology,
the Science of Mental Life,” p. 2, footnote.) This gradual
degeneration of psychology from animism into behaviorism
is one of the greatest ironies in the history of human thought.
All of this, however, was latent in the corrosive Cartesian
principle of “scientific doubt.” Facilis descensus Averni! It
is easy to question the validity of this or that kind of human
knowledge, but difficult to arrest, or even foresee, the consequences
which the remorseless logic of scepticism portends.
Disintegration set in, as has been said, when Descartes
substituted his psychophysical dualism of mind and matter
for Aristotle’s hylomorphic dualism of soul and body. The
French philosopher, in an appendix to his “Meditations,”
which dates from 1670, expressly rejects the Aristotelian term
of soul or psyche, and announces his preference for mind or
spirit, in the following words: “The substance in which thought
immediately resides is here called mind (mens, esprit). I here
speak, however, of mens (mind) rather than anima (soul),
for the latter is equivocal, being frequently applied to denote
what is material” (“Reply to the Second Objections,” p. 86).
Henceforth psychology ceased to be a science of the soul, and
became, instead, a science of the mind.
Descartes, one must bear in mind, divided the universe into
two great realms of being, namely: the conscious and the
unconscious, the psychic world of mind and the physical
world of matter, unextended substance which thinks and extended
substance which moves. In man these two substantial
principles were conceived as being united by the tenuous link
of mere contact, the spirit or mind remaining separate from,
and unmingled with, its material partner, the body. The main
trouble with this dualism is that it draws the line of demarcation
at the wrong place. Reason and sense-consciousness
are bracketed together above the line as being equally
spiritual; physiological processes and processes purely physicochemical
are coupled below the line as being equally mechanical.
Now, when a brain-function such as sense-perception
is introduced, like another Trojan Horse, into the citadel of
spiritualism, it is a comparatively easy task for materialism
to storm and sack that citadel by demonstrating with a thousand
neuro-physiological facts that all sensory functions are
rigidly correlated with neurological processes, that they are,
in short, functions of the nervous system, and therefore
purely material in nature. On the other hand, once we retreat
from the trench of distinction between the processes of
unconscious or vegetative life and the physicochemical processes
of the inorganic world, that moment we have lost the
strategic position in the conflict with mechanism, and nothing
avails to stay its triumphant onrush. Hence, from first to
last, it is perfectly clear that the treacherous psychophysical
dualism of Descartes has done far more harm to the cause
of spiritualism than all the assaults of materialism. There is
a Latin maxim which says: Extrema sese tangunt—“Extremes
come in contact with each other.” The ultraspiritualism of
Descartes by confounding spiritual, with organic consciousness,
leads by the most direct route to the opposite extreme
of crass materialism.
Aristotle’s dualism of matter and form, which is but a physical
application of his transcendental dualism of potency
(dynamis) and act (entelechy), is very different from the
Cartesian dualism of the physical and the psychic. According
to the Aristotelian view, as we have seen in the last chapter,
all the physical entities or substantial units of nature (both
living and inorganic) are fundamentally dual in their essence,
each consisting of a definitive principle called entelechy and
a plastic principle called matter. Entelechy is the integrating
determinant, the source of the unit’s coherence and of its differentiation
from units of another type. Matter is the determinable
and quantifying factor, in virtue of which the unit
is potentially-multiple and endowed with mass. In the electro-chemical
reactions of non-living substances (synthesis, analysis,
and transmutation), entelechy is the variant and matter
is the constant; in the metabolic activities of living substances
(assimilation and dissimilation), matter is the variant and
entelechy is the constant. This persistent entelechy of the
living unit or organism is what Aristotle terms the psyche or
soul. The latter, therefore, may be defined as the vital principle
or primary source of life in the organism.
But in using such terms as “soul” and “vital principle” we
are employing expressions against which not merely rabid
mechanists, but many conservative biologists as well, see fit
to protest. The opposition of the latter, however, is found
on closer scrutiny to be nominal rather than real. It is the
name which offends; they have no objection to the thing signified.
Wilson, to cite a pertinent example, rejects as meaningless
all such terms as “vital principle,” “soul,” etc. “They
are words,” he avers, “that have been written into certain
spaces that are otherwise blank in our record of knowledge,
and as far as I can see no more than this.” (“Biology,” p. 23,
1908.) Yet he himself affirms again and again the existence
of the reality which these terms (understood in their Aristotelian
sense) denote. In discussing the relation of the tissue
cell to the multicellular body, for instance, he speaks of “a
formative power pervading the growing mass as a whole.”
(“The Cell,” 2nd ed., p. 59), and, in his recent lecture on
the “Physical Basis of Life,” he makes allusion to “the integrating
and unifying principle in the vital processes.”
(Science, March 9, 1923, p. 284.) It would seem, therefore,
that Wilson’s aversion to such terms as soul and vital principle
is based on the dynamic sense assigned to them by the
neo-vitalists, who, as we have seen, regard the vital principle
as a force sui generis or a unique agent, which operates intrusively
among physicochemical factors in the rôle of an active
or efficient cause of vital functions. That such is really the
case, appears from his rhetorical question: “Shall we then join
hands with the neo-vitalists in referring the unifying and
regulatory principle to the operation of an unknown power, a
directive force, an archæus, an entelechy or a soul?” (Loc. cit.,
p. 285—italics mine.) The objection, however, does not apply
to these terms used in their Aristotelian sense. In the philosophy
of the Stagirite, the soul, like all other entelechies, is a
cause in the entitive, but not in the dynamic, order of things.
Its efficacy is formal, not efficient. It is not an agent, but a
specifying type. The organism must be integrated, specified,
and existent before it can operate, and hence its integration
and specification by the soul is prior to all vital activity. The
soul is a constituent of being and not an immediate principle
of action. The soul is not even an entity (in the sense of a
complete and separate being), but rather an incomplete entity
or constituent of an entity. It takes a complete entity to be an
agent, and the soul or vital entelechy is not an independent
existent, which is somehow inserted into the organism, but an
incomplete being which has no existence of its own, but only coexistence,
in the composite that it forms with the organism. Nor
is there any such thing as a special vital force resident in the
organism. The executive factors in all vital operations of the
organic order are the physicochemical energies, which are
native to matter in general. These forces, as we have seen,
receive a reflexive orientation and are elevated to a higher
plane of efficiency by reason of their association with an entelechy
superior to the binding and type-determining principles
present in inorganic units, but they are not supplanted or
superseded by a new executive force. Wilson’s fear, therefore,
that the experimental analysis of life is discouraged by vitalism,
inasmuch as this conception subtracts something from
the efficiency of the physicochemical forces, is groundless in
the case of hylomorphic vitalism, but is well-founded in the
case of such systems as the neo-vitalism of Driesch and the
spiritualism of Descartes.
Summing up, therefore, we may say that the soul, like other
entelechies, is consubstantial with its material substrate, the
body. True it is more autonomous than are the inflexible
entelechies of inorganic nature, inasmuch as it is independent
of any given atom, molecule, or cell in the organic aggregate.
Such a degree of freedom, for example, is not possessed by
the most complex molecules, which show no other flexibility
than tautomerism, even this small readjustment involving a
change in their specificity. But this autonomy does not preclude
the essential dependence of the soul upon the body.
Generally speaking, the soul is incapable of existence apart
from its total substrate, the organism. We say, generally
speaking, because, as previously intimated, an exception must
be made in the case of the human soul, which, being, as we
shall see, a self-subsistent and spiritual entelechy, is by itself,
apart from its material substrate, a sufficient subject of
existence, and is therefore capable of surviving the dissolution
of its complementary principle, the organism. Nevertheless,
even in man, the soul forms one substance with the organism,
and the organism participates as a coëfficient factor in all his
vital functions, both physiological and psychic, excluding only
the superorganic or spiritual functions of rational thought and
volition, whose agent and recipient is the soul alone. In man,
then, soul and body unite to form a single substance, a single
nature, and a single person. Apart from the body, the human
soul is, indeed, a complete entity, in the sense that it is
capable of subsistence (independent existence), but, in another
sense, it is not a complete entity, because apart from the
body it cannot constitute a complete nature or complete personality.
It is this essential incompleteness of the discarnate
human soul that forms the natural basis of the Christian
doctrine of the Resurrection of the Dead.
Here, however, it is important to note the difference between
the hylomorphic spiritualism of Aristotle and the psychophysical
spiritualism of Descartes. By the latter all conscious
or physic functions are regarded as spiritual. The former,
however, recognizes the fundamental difference which
exists between the lower or animal, and the higher or rational
functions of our conscious life. Sense-perception and sensual
emotion belong to the former class, and must be regarded as
organic functions, whose agent and subject is neither the soul
alone nor the organism alone, but the soul-informed organism
or substantial composite of body and soul. Rational thinking
and willing, on the contrary, are classified as superorganic or
spiritual functions, inasmuch as they exclude the coägency
of the organism and have the soul alone for their active cause
and receptive subject.
The soul, in fine, is the formal principle or primary source
of the threefold life in man, namely, the metabolic life, which
man shares with plants, the sentient life, which he shares with
animals, and the rational life, which is uniquely human. The
human soul is often spoken of as the mind. In their dictionary
sense, both terms denote one and the same reality, namely, the
human entelechy or vital principle in man, but the connotation
of these terms is different. The term soul signifies the vital
principle in so far as it is the primary source of every kind
of life in man, that is, vegetative, sentient, and rational. The
term mind, however, connoting conscious rather than unconscious
life, signifies the vital principle in so far as it is the root
and ground of our conscious life (both sentient and rational).
Here, however, the distinction is of no great moment, and the
terms may be regarded as synonymous. The definitions which
we have given are, of course, blasphemous in the ears of our
modern neo-Kantian phenomenalists, whose preference is for
a functional, rather than a substantial, mind or soul; but we
will pay our respects to them later.
It is clear, however, from what has been said, that, for
evidences of the superiority and spirituality of the human soul,
we must recur, not to the external manifestations of our nutritive
life, but to the internal manifestations of our conscious
life. The latter are wholly inaccessible to the external senses
and perceptible only to the intuition of consciousness, introspection,
or internal experience, as it is variously called. All
our self-knowledge rests on the basis of introspection, and
without it the science of psychology would be impossible. In
fact, not only psychology, but the physical sciences as well,
depend for their validity on the testimony of consciousness;
for the external world is only knowable to the extent that it
enters the domain of our consciousness. Recently, as we have
seen, a tendency to discredit internal experience has arisen
among materialistic extremists. This “tendency,” to quote the
words of Keyser, “most notably represented by the behaviorist
school of psychologists (like Professor Watson, for example),
is manifest in the distrust of introspections as a means of
knowledge of mental phenomena and in the growing dependence
of psychology upon external observation of animal and
human behavior and upon physiological experiment, as if matter
were regarded ‘as something much more solid and indubitable
than mind’ (Bertrand Russell).”—C. J. Keyser, Science,
Nov. 25, 1921, p. 520. Since, however, all our knowledge depends
on the validity of consciousness, such a tendency is
suicidal and destructive of all science, whether physical or
psychological. The attempts, therefore, of mechanists, like
Loeb, and behaviorists, like Watson, to dispense with consciousness
overreach themselves. For how can the mechanists
know that there are such things as tropisms, tactisms, or
reaction-systems, how can the behaviorist study such things
as “situations,” “adjustments,” and S-R-bonds, how can the
materialist become aware of the existence of molecules and
atoms, except through the medium of their own conscious or
psychic states? States of matter can be known only by means
of states of mind, and the former, therefore, cannot be any
more real than the latter. “What, after all,” asks Cardinal
Mercier, “is a fact of nature if the mind has not seized,
examined, and assimilated it? True, the information of consciousness
is often precarious. For this reason we do well to
aid and control it by scientific apparatus. These apparatus,
however, can only aid, never supplant, introspection. The
telescope does not replace the eye, but extends its vision.”
(“Relation of Exp. Psych. to Philosophy,” pp. 40, 41—Trans.
of Wirth.)
Now our inner consciousness bears unmistakable witness
to the existence within us of an abiding subject of our thoughts,
feelings, and desires. In biology, the soul is revealed to us
as a binding-principle, that obstructs dissolution of the organism,
and a persistent type that maintains its identity amid an
incessant flux of matter and flow of energy. Clearer still is
testimony of introspective psychology, which reveals all our
psychic activities and states as successive modifications of this
permanent “I,” “self,” “personality,” or “mind,” according
as we choose to express it. Human language proves this most
forcibly; for the intramental facts and data of our conscious
life simply cannot be so much as intelligibly expressed, much
less, defined, or differentiated from the extramental facts of
the physical world, without using terms that include a reference
to this selfsame persistent subject of thought, feeling, and volition.
Even inveterate phenomenalists, like Wundt, James, and
Titchener, are obliged to submit to this inexorable linguistic
law, in common with their unscientific brethren, the generality
of mankind, although they do so only after futile attempts at
a “scientific revision” of grammar, and with much grumbling
over the “barbarous conceptions” of the gross-headed aborigines
who invented human language. Be that as it may, no
formulation of mental facts is possible except in terms that
either denote or connote this permanent source and ground
of human thought and feeling, as is apparent, for example,
from such phrases as: “I think,” “I wish,” “I hear”; “mental
states” (i. e. of the mind); psychic functions (i. e. of the
psyche); subjective idealism (i. e. of the subject); a conscious
act (from con-scire: “to know along with,” because in
conscious acts the subject is known along with the object).
The phenomenalists occasionally succeed, in their “most precise”
passages, in omitting to mention the person, knower, or
thinker behind thought, but they do so only at the cost of substituting
personal pronouns, and of thus bringing back through
the window what they have just ejected by way of the door.
Our consciousness, therefore, makes us invincibly aware of the
existence of a superficially variable, but radically unchangeable,
subject of our mental life. It does not, however, tell us
anything concerning the nature of this primary ground of
thought, whether, for example, it is identical with the cerebral
cortex, or something distinct therefrom, whether it is phenomenal
or substantial, dynamic or entitive, spiritual or material.
To decide these questions the unanalyzed factual data of
internal experience do not suffice, but they do suffice to establish
the reality of the ego or subject of thought. Later we
shall see that the analysis of these data, when taken in conjunction
with other facts, forces us to predicate of the soul such
attributes as substantiality, simplicity, and spirituality, but
here they are cited solely for their factual force and not for
their logical implications.
The phenomenalistic schools of Interactionism and Psychophysical
Parallelism deny the substantiality of the soul, and
seek to resolve it into sourceless and subjectless processes. A
phenomenal mind or soul, however, could not be the primary
ground of mental life, for the simple reason that phenomena
presuppose a supporting medium (otherwise they would be
self-maintaining, and therefore, substantial). Now that which
presupposes cannot be a primary principle, but only a secondary,
or tertiary principle. Consequently, a functional mind
could not be the primary and irreducible ground of mental
life, but only that of which it is a function, whether that something
is a material, or a spiritual substance. For the present,
we are not interested in the nature of this ultimate substrate,
we are content with the fact that it really exists. Phenomenalists
(like Wundt, Paulsen, and James) are very inconsistent
when they admit material molecules as the extended substrate
of extramental or physical phenomena, while denying the existence
of the mind or ego as the inextended substrate of
intramental or psychic phenomena. All substance, whether
material or spiritual, is inaccessible to the senses. Even material
substrates are manifested only by their phenomena,
being in themselves supersensible and “metaphysical.” If,
then, the human understanding is inerrant in ascribing a
material substrate to extramental phenomena, then it is
equally inerrant in attributing to intramental phenomena the
intimate substrate called mind, whether this substrate be a
spiritual substance, or a material substance like the substrate
of physical phenomena and that of organic life. As a
matter of fact, the Psychophysical Parallelists actually do
reduce mental phenomena to a material substrate (viz. the
cerebral cortex). Their phenomenalism, which we will refute
presently, is but a disingenuous attempt to gloss over their
fundamental materialism. At all events, they are willing to
admit an ultimate substantial ground of thought and volition,
provided it is not claimed that this substrate is of a spiritual
nature. The bare existence of some substrate, however, is
all that we assert, for the present.
Before leaving this topic, we wish to call attention to the
fact that the subject of thought and desire is active as well as
passive. Mind, in other words, is not merely a persistent medium
wherein passive mental states are maintained, but an
active and synthetic principle as well. Mental processes, like
those of judgment, reasoning, and recognition, require a unitary
and unifying principle, which actively examines and compares
our impressions and thoughts, in order to discern their relations
to one another and to itself. Materialistic psychology,
in spite of the plain testimony of consciousness, is all for ignoring
the mind in its active rôle as the percipient of the identities
and discrepancies of thought, and for regarding mind
as a mere complex of mental states or transient flux of fleeting
imagery. It is well, then, to bear in mind the indubitable
facts of internal experience, to which Cardinal Mercier calls
attention. “English psychology,” he observes, “had attempted
a kind of anatomy of consciousness. It made all consist in
passive sensations or impressions. These impressions came together,
fused, dissociated under the guidance of certain laws,
principally those of similarity and dissimilarity. The whole
process was entirely passive without the intervention of any
active subject. It was psychology without a soul. Now that
things are being examined a little more closely, psychologists
find that there are a lot of conscious states that are without
the slightest doubt active on the part of the subject. There
are a number of mental states upon which the subject brings
his attention to bear, and attention (from ad-tendere) means
activity. Ordinarily we do not know the intensity of a sensation
without comparing it with another preceding one. This
work of comparison, or, as the English call it, discrimination,
is necessarily activity. The Associationists had confounded
the fact of coëxistence with the perception of similarity or
dissimilarity. Supposing even that the coëxistence of two
mental states were entirely passive, it still remains true that
the notion of their similarity or dissimilarity requires an act
of perception. It is absolutely impossible to conceive psychical
life without an active subject which perceives itself as living,
notes the impressions it receives, compares its acts, associates
and dissociates them; in a word, there can be no psychology
without a perceiving subject which psychologists call esprit,
or with the English, ‘mind.’” (Op. cit., pp. 52-54—italics his.)
The conflict between phenomenalism and the clear testimony
of consciousness is summed up in the following words of T.
Fontaine: “If all things are phenomena, then we ourselves can
be nothing more than events unknown to one another; in
order, then, that such events may appear to us united, so
that we may be able to declare their succession within us, it
is necessary that something else besides them should exist;
and this something else, this link that binds them together,
this principle that is conscious of their succession, can be
nothing else than a non-event or non-phenomenon, namely, a
substance, an ego substantially distinct from sensations.”
(“La sensation et la pensée,” p. 23.)
For the phenomenalists, mind is but a collective term for the
phenomenal series of our transitory thoughts and feelings.
With Wundt, they discard the substantial or entitive soul for
a dynamic or functional one, “die aktuelle Seele.” (Cf.
Grundz. der Phys. Psych., ed. 5th, III, p. 758 et seq.)
Thought antecedes itself by becoming its own thinker; for
Titchener tells us: “The passing thought would seem to be the
thinker.” (“Pr. of Psych.,” I, p. 342.) We do not think, but
thought thinks; John does not walk, but walking walks; aeroplanes
do not fly, but flight flies; air does not vibrate, but
vibration vibrates. The phenomenalist objectivates his subjective
abstractions, divorces processes from their agents, and
substantializes phenomena. The source of his error is a confusion
of the ideal, with the real, order of things. Because
it is possible for us to consider a thought apart from any
determinate thinker, by means of a mental abstraction, he
very falsely concludes that it is possible for a thought to
exist without a concrete thinker. It would be obviously absurd
to suppose that the so-called Grignard reaction could occur
without definite reactants, merely because we can think of it
without specifying any particular kind of alkyl halide; it
would be preposterous to infer, from the fact that vibration
can be considered independently of any concrete medium such
as air, water, or ether, that therefore a pure vibration can exist
without any vibrating medium; and it is equally absurd to
project an abstraction like subjectless thought into the realm
of existent reality. Abstractions are ideal entities of the mind;
they can have no real existence outside the domain of thought.
Hence to assign a real or extralogical existence to actions,
modalities, and properties, in isolation from the concrete subjects,
to which they belong, is a procedure that is not legitimate
in any other world than Alice’s Wonderland, where, we
are told, the Cheshire Cat left behind his notorious grin long
after his benign countenance had faded from view. His faceless
grin is a fitting comment on the neo-Kantian folly of
those who, as L. Chiesa says, “speak of phenomena without
substance, of sensations without subject, of thoughts without
the Ego, to which they belong, imitating in this way the poets,
who personify honor, virtue, beauty, etc. Now all this proceeds
exclusively from a confusion of the subjective abstraction
with the reality, and from the assumption that the phenomenon,
for example, exists without substance, because we
are able (by means of abstraction) to consider the former
independently of the latter.” (“La Base del Realismo,” p. 39.)
In other words, the mind is capable of separating (representatively,
of course, and not physically) its own phenomena
from itself, but this is no warrant for transferring the abstractions
thus formed from the ideal, to the real, order of things.
So much for the soul’s substantiality, but it is a simple, as
well as a substantial, principle, that is to say, it is inextended,
uncompounded, incorporeal, and not dispersed into quantitative
parts or particles. In other words, it is not a composite
of constituent elements or complex of integral parts, but
something really distinct from the body and pertaining to a
different order of reality than matter. This, as we have seen,
does not necessarily mean that it is immaterial, in the sense of
being intrinsically independent of matter. In a word, simplicity
does not involve spirituality (absolute immateriality).
Not only plant and animal souls, but even mineral entelechies,
are simple, in the negative sense of excluding extension, corporeality
and dispersal into quantitative parts, but they
are, none the less, intrinsically dependent on matter and
are therefore material principles.
That the soul or vital entelechy is really distinct from its
material substrate is apparent from the perennial process of
metabolism enacted in the living organism. In this process,
matter is the variant and entelechy or specific type is the
constant. Hence the two principles are not only distinct, but
separable. Moreover, the soul’s rôle as a binding-principle
that obstructs dissolution is incompatible with its dispersal
into quantitative parts; for such a principle, far from being
able to bind, would require binding itself, and could not,
therefore, be the primary source of unification in the organism.
Finally, the soul must be incorporeal; since, if it
were a corporeal mass, it could not be “a formative power
pervading the growing mass as a whole” (Wilson); for this
would involve the penetration of one body by another. Consequently,
the soul is a simple, inextended, incorporeal reality
undispersed into quantitative parts.
Introspective psychology bears witness to the same truth;
for consciousness reinforced by memory attests the substantial
permanence of our personal identity. We both think and
regulate our practical conduct in accordance with this sense
of unchanging personal identity. All recognition of the past
means simply this, that we perceive the substantial identity
of our present, with our past, selves throughout all the experiences
and vicissitudes of life. There is an inmost core
of our being which is unchanging and which remains always
identical with itself, in spite of the flow of thought and the
metabolic changes of the life-cycle. It is this that gives us
the sense of being always identically the same person, from
infancy to maturity, and from maturity to old age. It is
this that constitutes the thread of continuity which links our
yesterdays with today, and makes us morally responsible
for all the deliberate deeds of a lifetime. Courts of law do
not acquit a criminal because he is in a different frame of
mind from that which induced him to commit murder, nor do
they excuse him on the score that metabolism has made him
a different mass of flesh from that which perpetrated the
crime. Such philosophies as phenomenalism and materialism
are purely academic. Even their advocates dare not reduce
them to consistent practice in everyday life.
Nor can the cases of alternating personalities be adduced
as counterevidence. In the first place, these cases are psychopathic
and not normal. In the second, they are due, not to a
modification of personality itself, but to a modification in the
perception of personality. Since this perception is, as we
shall see, extrinsically dependent on cerebral imagery, any
neuropathic affection is liable to modify the perception of personality
by seriously disturbing the imagery, on which it
depends. But (pace Wundt and James) the perception of
personality is one thing, and personality itself quite another.
Perception does not produce its objects, but presupposes them,
and self-perception is no exception to this rule. Introspection,
therefore, does not create our personality, but reveals and
represents it. If then to the intuition of consciousness our personality
appears as an unchanging principle that remains
always substantially identical with itself, it follows that this
perception must be terminated by something more durable
than a flux of transient molecules or a stream of fleeting
thought. Unless this perceptive act has for its object some
unitary and uniformly persistent reality distinct from our composite,
corruptible bodies, and not identified with our transitory
thoughts, this sense of permanent personal identity
would be utterly impossible. Materialism, which recognizes
nothing more in man than a decaying organism, a mere vortex
of fluent molecules, is at a loss to account for our consciousness
of being always the same person. Phenomenalism, which
identifies mind or self with the “thought-stream,” is equally
impotent to account for this sense of our abiding sameness.
James’ attempt at a phenomenalistic explanation of the
persistent continuity of self, on the assumption that each
passing thought knows its receding predecessor and becomes
known, in turn, by its successor, is puerile.
To pass over other flaws, this absurd theory encounters an
insuperable difficulty in sleep, which interrupts, for a considerable
interval, the flow of conscious thought. Thought
is a transient reality, which passes, so far as its actuality is
concerned, and can only remain in the form of a permanent
effect. Unless, therefore, there were some persistent medium
in which the last waking thought could leave a permanent
vestige of itself, the process of relaying the past could never
be resumed, and we would lose our personal identity every
twenty-four hours. The mind, or subject of thought, then,
must be an abiding and unitary principle distinct from our
composite bodies, and from our manifold and fleeting
thoughts.
Finally, to the two foregoing attributes of the human soul
(substantiality and simplicity), we must add a third and
crowning attribute, namely, spirituality. It is this, and this
alone, that differentiates the human from the bestial soul,
which latter is but an incomplete complement of matter, incapable
of existence apart from matter, and doomed to perish
with the dissolution of the organism, as the cylindrical form
of a candle perishes with the consumption of the wax by the
flame.
All the psychic activities of the brute, such as sensation,
object-perception, imagination, associative memory, sensual
emotion, etc., are organic functions of the sensitivo-nervous
type. In all of them the agent and recipient is not the soul
alone, but the psycho-organic composite of soul and organism,
that is, the soul-informed sensory and central neurons of the
cerebrospinal system. The sensory neurons are nerve cells
that transmit centerward the excitations of physical stimuli
received by the external sense organs or receptors, in which
their axon-fibers terminate. These receptors and sensory
neurons are extended material organs proportioned and specialized
for receiving physical impressions from external
bodies, either directly through surface-contact with the bodies
themselves or their derivative particles (e.g. in touch, taste
and smell), or indirectly through surface-contact with an
extended vibrant medium such as air, water, or ether (e.g. in
hearing and sight). The central neurons of the cerebral
cortex are, as it were, the tablets, upon which the excitations
transmitted thither by the sensory neurons, record the extended
neurograms that constitute the physical basis of the
concrete imagery of memory and imagination. Interior senses,
then, like memory and imagination, merely continue and
combine what was preëxistent in the exterior senses. Their
composite imagery is rigidly proportioned to the extended
neurograms imprinted on the cerebral neurons, and these
neurograms, in turn, are determined both qualitatively and
quantitatively by the physical impressions received by the
receptors, and these impressions, finally, are exactly proportioned
to the action of the material stimuli in contact with the
receptors. Thus the composite images of imagination as well
as those of direct perception are proportioned to the underlying
neurograms of the cortex and correspond exactly, as regards
quality, intensity, and extensity, to the original stimulus affecting
the external receptors. Hence men born blind can
never imagine color, nor can men born deaf ever imagine sound.
An inextended principle, such as the discarnate soul, cannot
receive or record impressions from extended vibrant media, or
from extended corporeal masses. For this the soul requires the
intrinsic coöperation of material receptors. Now, the highest
cognitive and appetitive functions of the brute (e.g. sense-perception
and emotion) are, as has been stated, of the sensitivo-nervous
or psycho-organic type, that is, they are functions in
which the material organism intimately coöperates; brute animals
give no indication of having so much as a single function,
which proceeds from the soul alone and which is not communicated
to the organism. Hence the bestial soul is “totally immersed”
in matter; as regards both operation and existence, it
is “intrinsically dependent” upon its material complement, the
organism. It never operates save in conjunction with the latter,
and its sole reason for existence is adequately summed up
in saying that it exists, not for its own sake, but merely to
vivify and sensitize the organism. Consequently, the brute
soul, though inextended and incorporeal, belongs, not to the
spiritual, but to the material, order of things.
Is the human soul equally material in nature, or does it
belong to the spiritual category of being? The state of the
question has long since been formulated for us by Aristotle:
“A further difficulty,” he says, “arises as to whether all attributes
of the soul are also shared by that which has the soul
or whether any of them are peculiar to the soul itself: a
problem which it is imperative, and yet by no means easy,
to solve. It would appear that in most cases it neither acts
nor is acted upon apart from the body: as, e.g., in anger,
courage, desire, and sensation in general. Thought, if anything,
would seem to be peculiar to the soul. Yet if thought
is a sort of imagination, or something not independent of
imagination, it will follow that not even thought is independent
of the body. If, then, there be any functions or affections
of the soul that are peculiar to it, it will be possible
for the soul to be separated from the body: if, on the other
hand, there is nothing peculiar to it, the soul will not be
capable of separate existence.” (“Peri Psyches,” Bk. I,
chap. I, 9.) We shall see that the human soul has certain
operations which it discharges independently of the intrinsic
coägency of the organism, e.g., abstract thought (not to be
confounded with the concrete imagery of the imagination)
and deliberate volition (to be distinguished from the urge
of the sensual appetite). Hence, over and above the organic
functions, which it discharges in conjunction with the material
organism, the human soul has superorganic functions, of which
it is itself, in its own right, the exclusive agent and recipient.
In other words, it exists for its own sake and not merely to
perfect the body.
The Aristotelian argument for the spirituality of the human
soul consists in the application of a self-evident principle or
axiom to certain facts of internal experience. The axiom in
question is the following: “The nature of an agent is revealed
by its action”; or, to phrase it somewhat differently: “Every
being operates after the same manner that it exists.” The
factual data, to which reference is made, are man’s higher
psychic functions, in which the soul alone is the active cause
and receptive subject, namely: the rational or superorganic
functions of thinking and willing. The argument may be formulated
thus: Every agent exists after the same manner that
it operates. But in rational cognition and volition the soul
acts without the co-agency of the material organism. Therefore
the human soul can exist without the coexistence of the
material organism. But this is tantamount to saying that it
is a spiritual reality irreducible to matter and incapable of
derivation from matter. For we define that as spiritual, which
exists, or is, at least, capable of existing, without matter. Consequently,
the human soul is a supermaterial and immortal
principle, which does not need the body to maintain itself in
existence, and can, on that account, survive the death and dissolution
of its material complement, the organism. Such a
reality, as we have seen, cannot be a product of evolution, but
can only come into existence by way of creation.
The axiom, that activity is the expression or manifestation
of the entity which underlies it, needs but little elucidation.
In the genesis of human knowledge, the dynamic is prior to
both the static and the entitive. We deduce the nature of the
cause from the changes or effects that it produces. Action,
in short, is the primary datum upon which our knowledge
of being rests. It is the spectrum of solar light emitted by
them, which enables us to determine the nature of the chemical
elements present in the distant Sun. It is the reaction of an
unknown compound with a test reagent that furnishes the
chemist with a clue to its composition and structure. It is the
special type of tissue degeneration caused by the specific toxin
engendered by an invisible disease germ that enables the
pathologists to identify the latter, etc., etc. So much for the
axiom. Regarding the psychological facts, a more lengthy exposition
is required. To begin with, there is prima facie evidence
against the contention that the higher psychic functions
in man are independent of the organism. Injury and degeneration
of the cerebral cortex result (very often, at least) in
insanity and idiocy. Reason, therefore, is in some way dependent
upon the organism. Babies, too, are incapable of
rational thought until such a time as the nervous system is
fully developed. Obviously, then, rational functions cannot
be spiritual, inasmuch as they are not independent of the
organism.
This time-honored objection of materialists is based on a
misapprehension. It falsely assumes that spirituality excludes
every kind of dependence upon a material organism,
and that our assertion of the soul’s independence of matter
is an unqualified assertion. This, however, is far from being
the case. It is only intrinsic (subjective), and not extrinsic
(objective), independence of the organism which is here affirmed.
An analogy from the sense of sight will serve to make
clear the meaning of this distinction. In the act of seeing a
tree, for example, our sight is dependent upon a twofold corporeal
element, namely, the eye and the tree. It is dependent
upon the eye as upon a corporeal element intrinsic to the visual
sense, the eye being a constituent part of the agent and subject
of vision; for it is not the soul alone which sees, but
rather the soul-informed retina and neurons of the psycho-organic
composite. The eye enters as an essential ingredient
into the intimate constitution of the visual sense. It is a
constituent part of the specific cause of vision, and it can
therefore be said with perfect propriety that the eye sees.
Such dependence upon a material element is called intrinsic
or subjective dependence, and is utterly incompatible with
spirituality on the part of that which is thus dependent.
But the dependence of sight upon an external corporeal factor,
like a tree or any other visible object, is of quite a different
nature. Here the corporeal element is outside of the seeing
subject and does not enter as an ingredient into the composition
of the principal and specific agent of vision. True the
tree, which is seen, is coïnstrumental as a provoking stimulus
and an objective exemplar, but its concurrence is of an extrinsic
nature, not to be confounded with the intrinsic co-agency
of the eye in the act of vision. Hence, in no sense
whatever can the tree be said to see; for the tree is merely
an object, not the principal and specific cause, of vision.
When the dependence of an agent upon a corporeal element
is of this sort, it is termed extrinsic or objective dependence.
Such dependence upon a material element is perfectly compatible
with spirituality, which does, indeed, exclude all materiality
from the specific agent and subject of a psychic act,
but does not necessarily exclude materiality from the object
contemplated in such an act. Hence the fact that the thinking
soul must abstract its rational concepts from the concrete
imagery of a cerebral sense, like the imagination, in no wise
detracts from its spirituality, because the dependence of abstract
thought upon such imagery is objective or extrinsic,
and not subjective or intrinsic.
Psychologists of the sensationalist school have striven to
obscure the fundamental distinction which exists between rational
thought and the concomitant cerebral imagery. It
is, however, far too manifest to escape attention, as the healthy
reaction of the modern school of Würzburg indicates. “It
cost me great resolution,” says Dr. F. E. Schultze, a member
of this school, “to say, that, on the basis of immediate experiment,
appearances and sensible apprehensions are not
the only things that can be experienced. But finally I had
to resign myself to my fate.” (“Beitrag zur Psychologie des
Zeitbewusstseins,” p. 277.)
But thought is not only distinct from imagery, often there
is marked contrast between the two, both as regards subjective,
and objective, characters. Thus our thought may be
perfectly clear, precise, and pertinent, while the accompanying
imagery is obscure, fragmentary, and irrelevant. “What
enters into consciousness so fragmentarily, so sporadically, so
very accidentally as our mental images,” exclaims Karl
Bühler (also of Würzburg), “can not be looked upon as the
well-knitted, continuous content of our thinking.” (Archiv.
für die ges. Psychol., 9, 1907, p. 317.) The same contrast
exists with respect to their objective characters. Imagination
represents by means of one and the same image what reason
represents by means of two distinct concepts, e.g. an oasis
and a mirage; and, vice versa, reason represents under the
single general concept of a rose objects that imagination is
forced to represent by means of two distinct images, e.g., a
yellow, and a white rose. Imagery depicts only the superficial
or exterior properties of an object, whereas thought
penetrates beneath the phenomenal surface to interior properties
and supersensible relationships. The sensory percept
apprehends the existence of a fact, while the rational concept
analyzes its nature. Hence sense-perception is concerned with
the reality of existence, while thought is concerned with the
reality of essence.
Certain American psychologists employ the term imageless
thought to designate abstract concepts. The expression is
liable to be misunderstood. It should not be construed as
excluding all concomitance and concurrence of sensible imagery,
in relation to the process of thought. What is really
meant is that sensible appearances do not make up the sum-total
of our internal experiences, but that we are also aware
of mental acts and states which are not reducible to imagery.
In other words, we experience thought; and thought and imagery,
though concomitant, are not commensurable. The clarity
and coherence of thought does not depend on the clarity
or germaneness of the accompanying imagery, nor is it ever
adequately translatable into terms of that imagery. Thus the
universal triangle of geometry, which is not right, nor oblique,
nor isosceles, neither scalene nor equilateral, neither large nor
small, neither here nor there, neither now nor then, is not visualizable
in terms of concrete imagery, although we are clearly
conscious of its significance in geometrical demonstrations.
Imagery differs according to the person, one man being a
visualist, another an audist, another a tactualist, another a
motor-verbalist, etc. But thought is the same in all, and
consequently it is thought, and not imagery, which we convey
by means of speech. Helen Keller, whose imagery is mainly
motor and tactile, can exchange views with an audist or visualist
on the subject of geometry, even though the amount
of imagery which she has in common with such persons is
negligible. “Eine Bedeutung,” says Bühler, “kann man
überhaupt nicht vorstellen, sondern nur wissen,” and Binet,
in the last sentence of his “L’Étude expérimentale de l’intelligence,”
formulates the following conclusion: “Finally—and
this is the main fact, fruitful in consequences for the philosophers—the
entire logic of thought escapes our imagery.”
Nevertheless, thought does not originate in the total absence
of imagery, but requires a minimal substrate of sensible
images, upon which it is objectively, if not subjectively, dependent.
The nature of this objective dependence is explained
by the Scholastic theory concerning the origin of concepts.
According to this theory, the genesis of our general and abstract
knowledge is as follows: (1) We begin with sense-perception,
say of boats differing in shape, size, color, material,
location, etc. (2) Imagination and sense-memory retain the
composite and concrete imagery synthesized or integrated from
the impressions of the separate external senses and
representing the boats in all their factual particularity,
individuality, and materiality, as existent here and
now, or there and then, as constructed of such and
such material (e.g., of wood, or steel, or iron, or concrete),
as having determinate sizes, shapes, and tonnages,
as painted white, or gray, or green, as propelled by oar, or
sail, or turbine, etc. (3) Then the active intellect exerts
its abstractive influence upon this concrete imagery, accentuating
the essential features which are common to all, and
suppressing the individuating features which are peculiar to
this or that boat, so that the essence of a boat may appear
to the cognitive intellect without its concomitant individuation—the
essence of a boat being, in this way, isolated from
the peculiarities thereof and its various qualities from their
subject (representatively, of course, and not physically).
(4) The imagery thus predisposed, being no longer immersed
in matter, but dematerialized by the dispositive action of the
active intellect, becomes coïnstrumental with the latter in
producing a determination in the cognitive intellect. (5)
Upon receiving this determination, the cognitive intellect,
which has hitherto been, as it were, a blank tablet with nothing
written upon it, reacts to express the essence or nature
of a boat by means of a spiritual representation or concept—the
abstractive act of the active intellect is dispositive,
inasmuch as it presents what is common to all the boats
perceived without their differentiating peculiarities; the abstractive
act of the cognitive intellect, however, is cognitive,
inasmuch as it considers the essence of a boat without
considering its individuation. Such is the abstractive process
by which our general and abstract concepts are formed. From
a comparison of two concepts of this sort the process of judgment
arises, and from the comparison of two concepts with
a third arises the process of mediate inference or reasoning.
Volition, too, is consequent upon conception, and hence an
act of the will (our rational appetite), such as the desire of
sailing in a boat, entails the preëxistence of some conceptual
knowledge of the nature of a boat. Volition, therefore, presupposes
thought, and thought presupposes imagination, which
supplies the sensible imagery that undergoes the aforesaid
process of analysis or abstraction. Such imagery, however,
is a function of the cerebral cortex, and, for this reason, the
normal exercise of the imagination presupposes the cerebral
cortex in a normal physiological condition; and anything
that disturbs this normal condition of the cortex will directly
disturb the imagery of the imagination, and therefore
indirectly impede the normal exercise of conceptual thought,
which is abstracted from such imagery. Hence it is clear
that the activity of both the intellect and the will is objectively
dependent upon the organic activity of the imagination,
and, in consequence, indirectly dependent upon the
physiological condition of the cerebral cortex, which is the
organ of the imagination. Since, however, this dependence
is objective rather than subjective, it does not, as we have
seen, conflict with the spirituality of rational thought.
The nature of conceptual thought is such as to exclude the
participation of matter as a constituent of its specific agent
and receptive subject. The objects of a cerebral sense like
the imagination are endowed with extension, color, shape,
volume, mass, temperature, and other physical properties, in
virtue of which they can set up vibrations in an extended
medium or modify an extended organ by immediate physical
contact. But, while imagination makes us conscious of objects
capable of stimulating extended material organs, the
objects, of which we are conscious in abstract thinking, are
divested of all the sensible properties, extension, and specific
energies, which would enable them to modify a material
neuron, or produce a physical impression upon a material
receptor of any kind whatever. Between an extended material
receptor, like a sense-organ or a cerebral neuron, and
the nondimensional, dematerialized object or content of an abstract
thought, like science, heroism, or morality, there is no
conceivable proportion. How can a material organ be affected
by what is supersensible, unextended, imponderable,
invisible, intangible, and uncircumscribed by the limitations
of space and time? Extended receptors are necessary for
picking up the vibrations of a tridimensional medium (like
air or ether), and they are, likewise, essential for the reception
of impressions produced by surface-contact with an exterior
corporeal mass. In short, sensory neurons are needed
to receive and transmit inward the quantitative and measurable
excitations of the material stimuli of the external world,
and central neurons are required as tablets upon which these
incoming excitations may imprint extended neurograms, that
are proportionate in intensity and extensity to the external
stimulus apprehended, and that underlie and determine the
concrete imagery (of which they are the physical basis). But
when it comes to perceiving and representing the meaning
of duty, truth, error, cause, effect, psychology, means, end,
entity, logarithms, etc., our mind can derive no benefit from
the coöperation of a material organ. In such thinking we
are conscious of that which could not make an impression
nor leave a record upon material receptors like neurons. To
employ a material organ for the purpose of perceiving abstract
essences and qualities would be as futile and pointless
as an attempt to stop a nondimensional, unextended, intangible
baseball with a catcher’s glove. Hence the services of
material centers and receptors may be dispensed with, so far
as rational thought is concerned. Rational thought cannot
utilize the intrinsic coägency of the organism, and it is
therefore a superorganic or spiritual function.
That conceptual thought is in no wise communicated to
the organism, but subjected in the spiritual soul alone, is
likewise apparent from the data furnished by introspection.
The conceiving mind apprehends even material objects according
to an abstract or spiritualized mode of representation.
In other words, in conceiving material objects we expurgate
them of their materiality and material conditions, endowing
them with a dematerialized mode of mental existence which
they could never have, if subjected in their own physical
matter, or in the organized matter of the cerebral cortex.
Thus, in forming our concept of a material object like a boat,
we spiritualize the boat by separating (representatively, of
course, and not physically) its nature or essence from the
determinate matter (e.g., wood, or steel) of which it is made,
and by divesting it of the material and concrete conditions
which define not only its physical existence outside of us, but
also its imaginal existence within us as a concrete image in
our imagination. In other words, we isolate the type or
form of a given object from its material substrate and liberate
it from the limiting material and concrete individuation,
which confine it to a single material subject and localize
it definitely in space and time. Now, it is axiomatic that
whatever is received is received according to the nature of
the receiver. Water, for example, assumes the form of the
receptacle into which it is poured, and a picture painted upon
canvas is necessarily extended according to the extension of
the canvas. If, therefore, our intellect endows even the material
objects, which it perceives, with a dematerialized or
spiritualized mode of representation, it follows that the intellect
itself is a spiritual power and not an organic sense
immersed in concretifying and individualizing matter. Certainly,
this ideal or spiritualized mode of existence does not
emanate from the material object without nor yet from its
vicarious material image in our organic imagination (which, in
point of fact, is absolutely impotent to imagine anything except
concrete, singular things in all their determinate individuation
and quantification). Thought, then, with its abstract
mode of presentation, cannot, like imagery, be subjected
in the animated or soul-informed cortex, but must have
the spiritual mind alone as its receptive subject. Our abstract
or dematerialized mode of conceiving material objects is a
subjective character of thought, proceeding from, and manifesting,
the spirituality of the human mind, which represents
even material objects in a manner that accords with its own
spiritual nature.
But it is not only in the process of abstraction, but also
in that of reflection, that rational thought manifests its superorganic
or spiritual character. The human mind knows that
it knows and understands that it understands, thinks of its
own thoughts and of itself as the agent and subject of its
thinking. It is conscious of its own conscious acts, that is
to say, it reflects upon itself and its own acts, becoming an
object to itself. The thinking ego becomes an object of
observation on the part of the thinking ego, which acquires self-knowledge
by this process of reflective thought. In introspection,
that which observes is identical with that which is
observed. Now such a capacity of self-observation cannot
reside in matter, cannot be spatially commensurate with a
material organ nor inseparably attached thereto. It is possible
only to an immaterial or spiritual principle, devoid of
mass and extension, and not subject to the law of the impenetrability
of matter. In virtue of the law of impenetrability,
no two material particles, no two bodies, no two integral
parts of the same body, can occupy one and the same
place. One part of a body can, indeed, act on another part
extrinsic to itself; but one and the same part or particle
cannot act upon itself. To become at once observed and
observer, a material organ would have to split itself in two,
so that the part watched could be distinct from, and spatially
external to, the part watching. The power of perfect reflection,
therefore, must reside in the spiritual soul, and cannot be
bound to, and coëxtensive with, a material organ. Only in
this supposition can there be a return of the subject upon
and into itself, only in this supposition can there be that
identification of observed and observer implied by the process
of reflection. H. Gründer, in his “Psychology without a Soul,”
gives a graphic reductio ad absurdum of the contrary assumption:
“A fairy tale,” he says, “tells of a knight who was
beheaded by his victorious foe. But, strange to relate, the
vanquished knight rose to his feet, seized his severed head and
bore it off, as in triumph. The most remarkable part, however,
of the story is that with a last effort of gallantry he
took his own head, and—kissed its brow. The climax of this
fairy tale is no more absurd than the assumption that a material
organ can know itself and philosophize on itself. Only if
we admit with the scholastics a simple soul intrinsically independent
of any bodily organism, can we explain the possibility
of perfect psychological reflexion.” (Cf. pp. 193, 194.)
For the rest the impossibility of introspection on the part
of a material organ is so evident that the materialists themselves
freely concede it, and being unwilling to admit the
spirituality of the human intellect, they are forced to resort to
the disingenuous expedient of denying the fact of reflection
on the part of the human mind. “It is obvious,” says
Auguste Comte, “that by an invincible necessity the human
mind can observe directly all phenomena except its own. We
understand that a man can observe himself as a moral agent,
because in that case he can watch himself under the action
of the passions which animate him, precisely because the
organs that are the seat of those passions are distinct from
those that are destined for the functions of observation....
But it is manifestly impossible to observe intellectual phenomena
whilst they are being produced. The individual thinking
cannot divide himself in two, so that one half may think
and the other watch the process. Since the organ observing
and the one to be observed are identical, there can be no
self-observation.” (“Cours de philosophie positive,” lière
leçon.) But an argument is of no avail against a fact, and, as
a matter of fact, we do reflect. It is by introspection or
reflective thought that we discriminate between our present
and our past thoughts, and become conscious of our own consciousness.
Our intellect even reflects upon its own act of
reflection, and so on indefinitely, so that, unless we are prepared
to accept the absurd alternative of an infinite series
of thinkers, we have no choice but to identify the subject knowing
with the subject known. That our intellect is conscious
of its own operations and attentive to its own thoughts, is an
evident fact of internal experience, and it is preposterous to
tilt against facts by means of syllogisms. When Zeno concocted
his aprioristic “proof” of the impossibility of translatory
movement, his sophism was refuted by the simple
process of walking—solvitur ambulando. In like manner,
the Comtean sophism concerning the impossibility of reflection
is refuted by the simple act of mental reflection—solvitur
reflectendo. For the rest, we readily concede Comte’s contention
that an organ is incapable of reflection or self-observation,
but we deny his tacit assumption that our cognitive
powers are all of the organic type. Our intellect, which
attends to its own phenomena, thinks of its own thought and
reasons upon its own reasoning, cannot be bound to, or coextensive
with, a material organ, but must be free from any
corporeal organ and rooted in a spiritual principle. In a
word, reflective thought is a superorganic function expressing
the spiritual nature of the human mind.
Another proof of the superorganic nature of the human
intellect as compared with sentiency, both exterior and interior,
is one adduced by Aristotle himself: “But that the impassivity
of the sense,” he says, “is different from that of
intellect is clear if we look at the sense organs and at sense.
The sense loses its power to perceive, if the sensible object has
been too intense; thus it cannot hear sound after very loud
noises, and after too powerful colors or odors it can neither see
nor smell. But the intellect, when it has been thinking on an
object of intense thought, is not less, but even more, able to
think of inferior objects. For sense-perception is not independent
of the body, whereas the intellect is.” (“Peri
Psyches,” Bk. III, Ch. iv, 5.)
This temporary incapacitation of the senses consequent upon
powerful stimulation is a common experience embalmed in such
popular expressions as “a deafening noise,” “a blinding flash,”
“a dazzling light,” “a numbing pain,” etc. Weber’s law of the
differential threshold tells us that the intensity of sensation
does not increase in the same proportion as that of the
stimulus. On the contrary, the more intense the previous
stimulus has been, the greater must be the increment added to
the subsequent stimulus before it can produce a perceptible
increase in the intensity of sensation. In short, stimulation
of the senses temporarily decreases their sensitivity with reference
to supervening stimuli. The reason for this momentary
loss of the power to react normally is evidently due to the
organic nature of the senses. Their activity entails a definite
and rigidly proportionate process of destructive metabolism in
their bodily substrate, the organism. In other words, the exercise
of sense-perception involves a commensurate process of
decomposition in the neural tissue, which must afterwards be
compensated by a corresponding assimilation of nutrient material,
before the sense can again react with its pristine vigor.
This process of recuperation requires time and temporarily
inhibits the reactive power of the sense in question, the duration
of this repair work being determined by the amount of
neural decomposition caused by the reaction of the sense to
the previous stimulus. When, therefore, a weaker stimulus
supervenes in immediate succession to a stronger one, the sense
is incapable of perceiving it. All organic activity, in short,
such as sense-perception and imagination, is rigidly regulated
by the metabolic law of waste and repair.
With the intellect, however, the case is quite different. The
intellect is neither debilitated nor stupefied by the discovery of
truths that are exceptionally profound, or unusually abstruse,
or strikingly evident; nor is it temporarily incapacitated
thereby from understanding simpler, easier, or less evident
truths. On the contrary, the more comprehensive, the more
penetrating, the more perspicuous, the more sublime our intellectual
vision is, so much the more is our intellect invigorated
and enthused in its pursuit of truth, and its knowledge of the
highest truths renders it not less, but more, apt for the understanding
of simple and ordinary truths. Obviously, then, the
intellect is not bound to a corruptible organ like the senses,
but has for its subject a spiritual principle that is intrinsically
independent of the organism.
In opposition to this contention, it may be urged that a prolonged
exercise of intellectual activity results in the condition
commonly known as brain-fag. But this fatigue of the brain
is not, as a matter of fact, the direct effect of intellectual
activity; rather it is the direct effect of the activity of the
imagination, and only indirectly the effect of intellectual
thought. The intellect, as we have seen, requires a constant
flow of associated and aptly coördinated imagery as the substrate
of its contemplation. Now, the imagination, which
supplies this imagery, is a cerebral sense, whose activity is
directly proportionate to, and commensurate with, the metabolic
processes at work in the cortical cells. Its exercise is
directly dependent upon the energy released by the decomposition
of the cerebral substance. Prolonged activity of the
imagination, therefore, involves the destruction of a considerable
amount of the cortical substance, and results in temporary
incapacitation or paralysis of the imagination, which must
then be compensated by a process of repair in the cortical
neurons, before the imagination can resume its normal mode of
functioning. Brain-fag, then, is due to the activity of the
imagination rather than that of the intellect. That such is
the case appears from the fact that after the initial exertion,
which results from the imagination being forced to assemble
an appropriate and systematized display of illustrative
imagery as subject-matter for the contemplation of the intellect,
the latter is henceforth enabled to proceed with ease along
the path of a given science, its further progress being smooth
and unhampered. Once the preliminary work imposed upon
the imagination is finished, the sense of effort ceases and intellectual
investigation and study may subsequently reach the
highest degrees of concentration and intensity, without involving
corresponding degrees of fatigue or depression on the part
of the cerebral imagination, just as, conversely speaking, the
activity of the cerebral imagination may reach degrees of intensity
extreme enough to induce brain-fag in psychic operations
wherein the concomitant intellectual activity is reduced
to a minimum, e. g., in the task of memorizing a poem, or recitation.
Here, in the all but complete absence of intellectual
activity, the same fatigue results as that induced by a prolonged
period of analytic study or investigation, in which
imaginative activity and rational thinking are concomitant.
The point to be noted, in this latter case, is that the intellect
does not show the same dependence upon the physiological
vicissitudes as the imagination. The imagery of our imagination,
being rigidly correlated with the metabolic processes of
waste and repair at work in the cerebral cortex, manifests
correspondingly variable degrees of intensity and integrity,
but the intensity of thought is not dependent upon this alternation
of excitation and inhibition in the cortex. Hence, while
the concomitant imagery is fitful, sporadic, and fragmentary,
intellectual thought itself is steady, lucid, and continuous.
The intensity of thought does not vary with the fluctuations of
neural metabolism, and may reach a maximum without
involving corresponding fatigue in the brain. The brain-fag,
therefore, which results from study does not correspond to the
height of our intellectual vision, but is due to the intensity of
the concomitant imaginative process.
The intellect, therefore, is not subject to the metabolic laws
which rigidly regulate organic functions like sense-perception
and imagination. Man’s capacity for logical thought is frequently
unaffected by the decline of the organism which sets
in after maturity. All organic functions, however, such as
sight, hearing, sense-memory, are impaired in exact proportion
to the deterioration of the organism, which is the inevitable
sequel of old age. The intellectual powers, on the contrary,
remain unimpaired, so long as the cortex is sound enough to
furnish the required minimum of imagery, upon which intellectual
activity is objectively dependent. There are, in fact,
many cases on record where men have remained perfectly sane
and rational, despite the fact that notable portions of the
cerebral cortex had been destroyed by accident or disease
(e. g., tumors). Intellectual thought, therefore, is a superorganic
function, having its source in a spiritual principle and
not in a corruptible organ.
Such is the spiritualism of Aristotle. That this conception
differs profoundly from the ultraspiritualism of Descartes, it
is scarcely necessary to remark. The position assumed by the
latter was always untenable, but it is now, more than ever,
indefensible in the face of that overwhelming avalanche of
facts whereby modern physiological psychology demonstrates
the close interdependence and correlation existent between
psychic and organic states. Such facts are exploited by materialists
as arguments against spiritualism, though it is evident
that they have force only against Cartesian spiritualism,
and are bereft of all relevance with respect to Aristotelian
spiritualism, which they leave utterly intact and unscathed.
In the latter system, sense-perception, imagination, and emotion
are acknowledged to be directly dependent on the organism.
Again, spiritual functions like thinking and willing are
regarded as objectively or extrinsically dependent upon the
imagination, which, in turn, is directly dependent on a material
organ, namely: the brain. Hence even the rational operations
of the mind are indirectly dependent upon the cerebral cortex.
The spiritualism of Aristotle, therefore, by reason of its doctrine
concerning the direct dependence of the lower, and the
indirect dependence of the higher, psychic functions upon the
material organism, is able to absorb into its own system all
the supposedly hostile facts amassed by Materialism, thereby
rendering them futile and inconsequential as arguments
against the spirituality of the human soul. In confronting this
philosophy, the materialistic scientist finds himself disarmed
and impotent, and it is not to be wondered at, that, after
indulging in certain abusive epithets and a few cant phrases,
such as “metaphysics” or “medieval” (invaluable words!),
he prudently retires from the lists without venturing to so
much as break a lance in defense of his favorite dogma, that
nothing is spiritual, because all is matter. In this predicament,
the Cartesian caricature proves a boon to the materialist,
as furnishing him with the adversary he prefers, a man
of straw, and enabling him to demonstrate his paltry tin-sword
prowess. Of a truth, Descartes performed an inestimable
service for these modern “assassins of the soul,” when he
relieved them of the necessity of crossing swords with the
hylomorphic dualism of Aristotle by the substitution of a
far less formidable antagonist, namely, the psychophysical
dualism of mind and matter.
The proofs advanced, in the previous pages, for the spirituality
of the human soul are based upon the superorganic
function of rational thought. A parallel series of arguments
can be drawn from the superorganic function of rational
volition. The cognitive intellect has for its necessary sequel
the appetitive will, which may be defined as spiritual tendency
inclining us toward that which the intellect apprehends as
good. The objects of such volition are frequently abstract and
immaterial ideals transcendent to the sphere of concrete and
material goods, e. g., virtue, glory, religion, etc. The will of
man, moreover, is free, in the sense that it can choose among
various motives, and is not compelled to follow the line of
least resistance, as is the electric current when passing through
a shunt of steel and copper wire. Like the self-knowing intellect,
the self-determining will is capable of reflective action,
that is, it can will to will. Having its own actions within its
own control, it is itself the principal cause of its own decisions,
and thus becomes responsible for its conduct, wherever its
choice has been conscious and deliberate. External actions,
which escape the control of the will, and even internal actions
of the will itself, which are indeliberate, are not free and do
not entail responsibility. Our courts of law and our whole
legal system rests on the recognition of man’s full responsibility
for his deliberate voluntary acts. The distinction
between premeditated murder, which is punished, and unpremeditated
homicide, which is not, is purely moral, and not
physical, depending for its validity upon the fact of
human freedom. It is this exemption from physical determinism,
that makes man a moral agent, subject to duties,
amenable to moral suasion, and capable of merit or demerit.
Finally, the will of man is insatiable, invincible, and inexhaustible.
The aspirations of the will are boundless, whereas
our animal appetites are easily cloyed by gratification. There
is no freezing point for human courage. The animal or sensual
appetites wear out and decline with old age, but virtue and
will-power do not necessarily diminish with the gradual deterioration
of the material organism. Willing, therefore, is a
superorganic or spiritual function. Activity which is bound
to a material organ cannot tend towards supersensible ideals,
cannot escape physical determinism, cannot achieve the reflective
feat of spurring itself to action, cannot avoid exhaustion,
cannot elude rigid regulation by the laws of organic metabolism.
For this reason, the brute, whose psychic functions are
of the organic type exclusively, is destitute of freedom, morality,
and responsibility. Deliberate volition, therefore, like
conceptual thought, has its source and subject in man’s spiritual
soul, and is not a function of the material organism.[12]
Two additional facts may be cited as bringing into strong
relief the basic contrast existing between the higher or rational,
and the lower or animal psychosis in man. The first is the
occurrence of irreconcilable opposition or conflict. The imagination,
for example, antagonizes the intellect by visualizing
as an extended speck of chalk or charcoal the mathematical
point, which the intellect conceives as destitute of extension
and every other property except position. Similarly, the
effort of our rational will to be faithful to duty and to uphold
ideals is antagonized by the sensual impulses of the animal
appetite, which seek immediate gratification at the expense
of remote considerations that are higher. Such antagonism
is incompatible with any identification of the warring factors,
that is, of our rational, with our sentient, functions; for, wherever
opposition is in evidence, there a fortiori a real distinction
must be recognized. The understanding and the will, therefore,
differ radically from sense and sensual appetite. The
second significant fact is the domination exerted by reason
and will over the cognitive and appetitive functions of the
organic or sentient order. Our intellect criticizes, evaluates
and corrects the data of sense-perception, it discriminates between
objective percepts and illusions and hallucinations, it
distinguishes dreams from realities, it associates and dissociates
imagery for purposes of comparison, contrast, illustration,
or analysis. Moreover, it not only shows its superiority to
sense by supervising, revising, and appraising the data of
sentient experience, but it manifests its discontent at the inaccuracy
and limitation of sense by the invention and use of
instrumentation (e. g. ear trumpets, spectacles, microscopes,
telescopes, spectroscopes, polariscopes, periscopes, etc.) to remedy
the defects or increase the range of sense-perception, etc.
This phenomenon is without parallel among brute animals, and
is a patent manifestation of the superiority of human psychology.
In like manner, the will demonstrates its preeminence
over the organic or animal appetite, by exerting supreme
control over the passions and impulses of our lower nature.
In fact, it is able to bridle and repress the impulses of sensuality
even in the immediate presence of sensible stimuli that
would irresistibly determine the brute to a gratification of its
animal lusts; and it can force the struggling and reluctant flesh
to undergo a crucifixion for supersensible motives that make
no appeal to the beast. The understanding and the will, therefore,
are essentially superior to the organic psychosis that
they control, namely, the sentient consciousness and sensual
appetite, which we share in common with the brute, but which,
in the latter, give no evidence whatever of rational or moral
control.
The spiritual mind of man represents an eminence to which
evolving matter can never attain. This, then, is the hill that
must needs be laid low, if the path of Darwinian materialism
is to be a smooth one. There is, therefore, nothing very surprising
in the fact that Darwin and his followers, from Huxley
down to Robinson, have done all in their power to obscure and
belittle the psychological differences between man and the
brute. The objective of their strategy is twofold, namely, the
brutalization of man and its converse, the humanization of the
brute. The ascent will be easier to imagine, if man can be
depressed, and the brute raised, to levels that are not far
apart. To this end, the Darwinian zealots have, on the one
hand, spared no pains to minimize the superiority and dignity
of human reason by the dissemination of sensistic associationism,
psychophysical parallelism, and various other forms of
“psychology without a soul”; and they have striven, on the
other hand, to exalt to the utmost the psychic powers of the
brute by means of a crude and credulous anthropomorphism,
which, for all its scientific pretensions, is quite indistinguishable
from the naïveté of the author of “Black Beauty”[13] and
the sentimentality of S. P. C. A. fanatics, vegetarians, anti-vivisectionists,
etc. The first of these tendencies we have
already discussed, the second remains to be considered.
When it comes to anthropomorphizing the brute, Darwin has
not been outdistanced by the most reckless of his disciples.
Three entire chapters of the “Descent of Man” are filled with
this “vulgar psychology” (as Wundt so aptly styles it). It is
the sum and substance of the entire fabric of argumentation,
which he erects in support of his thesis that “the difference in
mind between man and the higher animals is certainly one of
degree and not of kind.” (Cf. op. cit., chs. III-V.) Haeckel,
Huxley, and Clifford attained to equal proficiency in the sport.
Subsequent philosophers parroted their bold metaphors and
smart aphorisms, and the game went on merrily till the close
of the century. Then a badly needed reaction set in under the
auspices of Wundt, Lloyd Morgan, and Thorndike, who insisted
on abandoning this naïve impressionism in favor of more
critical methods.
In his “Vorlesungen über die Menschen und Tierseele” (cf.
2nd ed., p. 370), Wundt proclaims his rupture with the impressionistic
school in the following terms: “The one great defect
of this popular psychology is that it does not take mental
processes for what they show themselves to be to a direct and
unprejudiced view, but imports into them the reflections of
the observer about them. The necessary consequence for animal
psychology is that the mental actions of animals, from the
lowest to the highest, are interpreted as acts of the understanding.
If any vital manifestation of the organism is capable
of possible derivation from a series of reflections and
inferences, that is taken as sufficient proof that these reflections
and inferences actually led up to it. And, indeed, in the
absence of a careful analysis of our subjective perceptions we
can hardly avoid this conclusion. Logical reflection is the
logical process most familiar to us, because we discover its
presence when we think about any object whatsoever. So
that for popular psychology mental life in general is dissolved
in the medium of logical reflection. The question whether
there are not perhaps other mental processes of a simpler
nature is not asked at all, for the one reason that whenever
self-observation is required, it discovers this reflective process
in the human consciousness. The same idea is applied to feelings,
impulses, and voluntary actions which are regarded, if
not as acts of intelligence, still as effective states which belong
to the intellectual sphere.
“This mistake, then, springs from ignorance of exact psychological
methods. It is unfortunately rendered worse by the
inclination of animal psychologists to see the intellectual
achievements of animals in the most brilliant light....
Unbridled by scientific criticism the imagination of the observer
ascribes phænomena in perfectly good faith to motives
which are entirely of its own invention. The facts reported
may be wholly true; the interpretation of the psychologist,
innocently woven in with his account of them, puts them
from first to last in a totally wrong light. You will find a
proof of this on nearly every page of the works on animal
psychology.” (English Translation by Creighton & Titchener,
p. 341.)
Wundt’s warning against taking at their face value popular,
or even so-called scientific, accounts of wonderful feats performed
by animals is very salutary. The danger of subjective
humanization of bestial conduct is always imminent.
We are unavoidably obliged to employ the analogy of our own
animal nature and sentient consciousness as our principal clue
to an understanding of brute psychology, but we must beware
of pressing this analogy based on our own consciousness to the
uncritical extreme of interpreting in terms of our highest psychic
operations animal behavior that, in itself, admits of a far
simpler explanation. According to the principle of the minimum,
it is unscientific to assume in a given agent the presence
of anything that is not rigidly required for the explanation of
its observed phenomena. We must refrain, therefore, from
reading into the consciousness of an animal what is not really
there. We must abstain from transporting our own viewpoint
and personality into a brute, by imagining, with Darwin, that
we discern a “sense of humor,” or a “high degree of self-complacency”
in some pet animal, like a dog. In general, we can
rest assured that animals are quite innocent of the motivation
we ascribe to them. All their manifestations of the psychic
order are adequately explicable in terms of sensory experience,
associative memory, instinct, and the various automatisms of
their innate and conditioned reflexes. There is no ground
whatever for supposing the brute to possess the superorganic
power of understanding commonly known as intelligence.
Etymologically speaking, the abstract term “intelligence,”
together with the corresponding concrete term “intellect,” is derived
from the Latin: intus-legere, signifying to “read within,”
the fitness of the term being based upon the fact that the
intellect can penetrate beneath the outer appearances of things
to inner aspects and relations, which are hidden from the
senses. In its proper and most general usage, intelligence
denotes a cognoscitive power of abstraction and generalization,
which, by means of conceptual comparison, discovers the
supersensible relationships existent between the realities conceived,
in such wise as to apprehend substances beneath
phenomena, causes behind effects, and remote ends beyond
proximate means.
Certain animal psychologists, however, refuse to reserve
the prerogative of intelligence for man. Bouvier’s “La Vie
Psychique des Insectes” (1918), for example, contains the
following statement: “Choice of a remarkably intellectual
nature, is even more noticeable in the instinctive manifestations
of individual memory. The animal, endowed with well-developed
senses and nervous system, not only reacts to new
necessities by new acts, but associates the stored up impressions
of new sensations and thereby appropriately directs its
further activities. Thus, by an intelligent process, new habits
are established, which by heredity become part of the patrimony
of instinct, modifying the latter and constituting elements
essential to its evolution. Of these instincts acquired
through an intelligent apprenticeship Forel was led to say that
they are reasoning made automatic, and it is to them particularly
that we may apply the idea of certain biologists that
instincts are habits which have become hereditary and automatic.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1918, p. 454.)
It is extremely doubtful, however, whether Bouvier is here
using the term intelligence in its proper sense. Indeed, his
words convey the impression that what he means by intelligence
is an ability to profit by experience. Now, ability to
profit by experience may, under one set of circumstances, involve
the power of logical reflection and inference, while, under
another set of circumstances, it may imply nothing more than
the power of associative memory. In the latter case, the facts
are explicable without any recourse to psychic powers of a
superorganic nature, and, in point of fact, it often happens that
the very zoöpsychologists, who insist on attributing this sort
of “intelligence” to brutes, are most emphatic in denying that
brutes are endowed with reason. In any case, it is unfortunate
that the word intelligence is now used in two entirely different
senses. This new and improper sense, being unrelated to the
etymology, and out of harmony with the accepted use of the
term, serves only to engender a confusion of ideas. It should
be suppressed, in order to avoid misunderstandings.
That men should be deluded, however, into crediting animals
with “intelligence” (properly so-called) is not at all surprising,
when we reflect on the source of this misapprehension; for we
find combined in the animal two important factors, whose
association closely simulates intelligence, namely, sentient consciousness
and unconscious teleology. Now teleology is not
inherent or subjective intelligence, but rather an objective
expression and product of intelligence. It exists in unconscious
mechanisms like phonographs and adding machines,
and it is, likewise, manifest in unconscious organisms like
plants. Here, however, there is no danger of confounding it
with conscious intelligence, because machines and plants do
not possess consciousness in any form whatever. But in
animals, on the contrary, teleology is intimately associated
with sentient consciousness. Here the teleological automatisms
of instinct are not wholly blind and mechanical, but are guided
by sense-perception and associative memory. It is this combination
of teleology with sentient “discernment” (as Fabre
styles it) that conveys the illusory impression of a conscious
intelligence. Careful analysis, however, of the facts, in conjunction
with judicious experiments, will, in every instance,
enable the observer to distinguish between this deceptive semblance
of intelligence and that inherent rational power of
abstraction, classification, and inference which is the unique
prerogative of the human being. A genuine intelligence of this
sort need not be invoked to explain any of the phenomena of
brute psychology. All of them, from the highest to the lowest,
are explicable in terms of the sensitivo-nervous functions. To
illustrate the truth of this statement let us cite a few typical
examples of animal behavior, that are sometimes regarded as
manifestations of intelligent or rational consciousness on the
part of the brute.
Animals, it is pointed out, learn by experience. The tiny
chick that has been stung by a wasp, for instance, learns to
avoid such noxious creatures for the future. This is, indeed,
“learning by experience.” Obviously, however, it does not
consist in an inference of a new truth from an old truth. On
the contrary, it amounts to nothing more than a mere association
of imagery, formed in accordance with the law of contiguity
in time, sanctioned by the animal’s sensual appetite,
and persistently conserved in its sentient memory. A bond of
association is formed between the visual image of the wasp
and the immediately ensuing sensation of pain. Thereafter
the wasp and the pain are associated in a single complex,
which the sensile memory of the animal permanently retains.
We are dealing with a mere association of contiguity, and
nothing further is required to explain the future avoidance
of wasps by the chick. The abilities acquired by animals
through the trial and error method are to be explained in the
same way. A horse confined within an enclosure, for example,
seeks egress to the fresh grass of the pasture. The fact that
repeated exits through the gate of the enclosure have associated
the image of its own access to the pasture with the particular
spot where the gate is located induces it to approach the
gate. Its quest, however, is balked by the fact that the gate is
closed and latched. Thereupon, it begins to chafe under the
urge of frustrated appetite. Certain actions ensue, some spontaneous
and others merely reflex movements. It paws the
ground, prances about, and rubs its nose against the gate. Its
futile efforts to pass through the closed gate continue indefinitely
and aimlessly, until, by some lucky accident, its nose
happens to strike against the latch and lift it sufficiently to release
the gate. This causes the gate to swing ajar, and the horse
rushes out to food and freedom. By the law of contiguity,
the vision of free egress through the gate is thereafter firmly
associated in the horse’s sense-memory with the final sensation
experienced in its nose just prior to the advent of the agreeable
eventuation of its prolonged efforts. Henceforth the
animal will be able to release itself from the enclosure by
repeating the concatenated series of acts that memory associates
with the pleasurable result. On the second occasion, however,
the more remote of its futile acts will have been forgotten,
and the process of opening the gate will occupy less time,
though probably a certain amount of useless pawing and rubbing
will still persist. Gradually, however, the number of inefficacious
actions will diminish, until, after many repetitions
of the experience, only those actions which directly issue in the
desirable result will remain in the chain of impressions retained
by memory, all others being eliminated. For, by a teleological
law, making for economy of effort, all impressions not immediately
and constantly connected with the gratification of animal
appetites tend to be inhibited. Pawlow’s experiments on dogs
show that impressions which coincide in time with such gratification
tend to be recalled by a return of the appetitive impulse,
but are soon disconnected from such association and
inhibited, if they recur independently of the recurrence of
gratification. For this reason, the horse tends to remember
more vividly those actions which are more closely connected
with the pleasurable result, and, as its superfluous actions are
gradually suppressed by a protective process of inhibition, it
gradually comes to run through the series of actions necessary
to open the gate with considerable accuracy and dispatch.
The point to be noted, however, is that the horse does not
discursively analyze this concatenated series of associated
stimulators and actions; for, let the concrete circumstances be
changed never so little, the horse will at once lose its laboriously
acquired ability to open the gate. Such, for example,
will be the result, if the position of the gate be transferred to
another part of the enclosure. The horse, therefore, is incapable
of adapting its acquired ability to new conditions. It can
only rehearse the original series in all its initial concreteness and
stereotyped specificity; and it must, whenever the circumstances
are changed, begin once more at the beginning, and rearrive
by trial and error at its former solution of the problem.
The reason is that the horse merely senses, but does not understand,
its own solution of the problem. The sense, however,
cannot abstract from the here and now. Consequently, the
human infant of two summers is enabled by its dawning intelligence
to adapt old means to new ends, but the ten-year-old
horse cannot adjust its abilities to the slightest change in the
concrete conditions surrounding the original acquisition of a
useful habit. The cognitive powers of an animal are confined
to the sphere of concrete singularity, it has no power to
abstract or generalize.
The selfsame observation applies to the tricks which animals
“learn” through human training. Their sensitive memory is
very receptive and retentive. Hence, by means of a judicious
alternation of “rewards” and “penalties” (e.g. of sugar and the
whip), a man can, as it were, inscribe his own thoughts on
the tablets of the brute’s memory, in such a way as to force
the latter to form habits that appear to rest upon a basis of intelligence.
And so, indeed, they do, but the intelligence is that
of the trainer and not that of the animal, which is as destitute
of intrinsic intelligence as is a talking phonograph, upon whose
records a man can inscribe his thoughts far more efficiently
than he can write them in terms of the neurographic imagery
of the canine, equine, or simian memory.
The trained monkey always renders back without change
the original lesson imparted by its human trainer. The lesson
as first received becomes an immutable reaction-basis for the
future. With a school child, however, the case is quite different.
It does, indeed, receive “an historical basis of reaction,” when
the teacher illustrates the process of multiplication by means
of an example on the blackboard. But it does not receive this
information passively and render it back in the original stereotyped
form. On the contrary, it analyzes the information received,
and is able thereafter to reapply the analyzed information
to new problems differing in specificity from the problem
that the teacher originally worked out on the blackboard. The
human pupil does not, like the monkey or the phonograph, render
back what it has received in unaltered specificity. His
reaction differs from its original passive basis. To borrow
the words of Driesch, he “uses this basis, but he is not bound
to it as it is. He dissolves the combined specificities that have
created the basis.” (“The Problem of Individuality,” pp. 27,
28.) The brute, therefore, cannot “learn,” or “be taught” in
the sense of intellectual comprehension and enlightenment.
“We see,” says John Burroughs somewhere, “that the caged
bird or beast does not reason because no strength of bar or
wall can convince it that it cannot escape. It cannot be convinced
because it has no faculties that are convinced by
evidence. It continues to dash itself against the bars not until
it is convinced, but until it is exhausted. Then slowly a new
habit is formed, the cage habit. When we train an animal to
do stunts, we do not teach it or enlighten it in any proper
sense, but we compel it to form new habits.”
Human beings, however, can be taught and enlightened
under the most adverse circumstances. Even those unfortunates
are susceptible to it, who, like Laura Bridgman, Helen
Keller, Martha Obrecht, Marie Heurtin, and others, have been
blind and deaf and dumb from infancy or birth. With nearly
all the light of sensibility extinguished, there was, nevertheless,
latent within them something of which a perfectly normal
ape, for all the integrity of its senses, is essentially destitute,
namely, the superorganic power of reason. Reason, however,
is extrinsically dependent on organic sensibility, and, consequently,
“the gates of their souls” were closed to human converse,
until such a time as the patient kindness and ingenuity of
their educators devised means of reciprocal communication on
a basis of tactile signals. Thereupon they revealed an intelligence
perfectly akin to that of their rescuers. Years of similar
education, however, would be futile in the case of an ape. The
“gates of the soul” would never open, because the ape has no
rational soul, to which the most ingenious trainer might gain
access, in which respect it differs fundamentally from even the
lowest savage. A being that lacks reason may be trained by
means of instruction, but it can never be enlightened by it.
Another consideration, that is occasionally urged in proof of
bestial intelligence, is the fact that birds, mammals, and even
insects communicate with one another by means of sounds or
equivalent signals, which are sometimes remarkably diversified
in quality and consequent efficacy. “Since fowls,” writes
Darwin, “give distinct warnings for danger on the ground, or
in the sky, from hawks ..., may not some unusually wise
ape-like animal have imitated the growl of a beast of prey, and
thus told his fellow monkeys the nature of the expected
danger? This would have been a first step in the formation
of a language.” (“Descent of Man,” 2nd ed., ch. III, pp. 122,
123.) This is saltatory logic with a vengeance! Darwin leaps
at one bound across the entire chasm between irrationality and
rationality, without pausing to build even the semblance of a
bridge. Given an animal with the foresight and inventiveness
requisite to employ onomatopœia for the purpose of specifying
the nature of an expected danger, in the interest of its fellows,
and we need not trouble ourselves further about plausibleizing
any transition; for so “unusually wise” an ape is already well
across the gap that separates reason from unreason, and far on
its way towards the performance of all the feats of which reason
is capable. After swallowing the camel of so much progress,
it would be straining at a gnat to deny such a paragon
of simian genius the mere power of articulate speech. Of course,
if imagination rather than logic, is to be the dominant consideration
in science, there is no difficulty in imagining animals to be
capable of thinking or doing anything we choose to ascribe
to them, as witness Æsop’s Fables. But, if sober and critical
judgment be in order, then, evidently, from the simple fact that
an animal has diversified cries manifestative of different emotions
or degrees of emotion (e.g. of fear or rage) and capable
of arousing similar emotions in other animals of the same
species, it by no means follows that such an irrational animal
can adapt a means to an end by using mimicry in order to
give notification of approaching danger, and to specify the
nature of the danger in question.
This stupid anthropomorphism arises from Darwin’s failure
to appreciate the fundamental distinction that exists between
the “language” of animals, which is indicative, emotional, and
inarticulate, and human language, which is descriptive, conceptual,
and articulate. Brute animals, under the stress of
a determinate passion or emotion, give vent impulsively and
unpremeditatedly to instinctive cries indicative of their peculiar
emotional state. Moreover, these emotionalized sounds
are capable of arousing kindred emotions in the breasts of
other animals of the same species, since organisms of the same
species are syntonic with (i.e. attuned to) one another. Hence
these reflex or instinctive cries have, no doubt, a teleological
value, inasmuch as they serve to protect the race by inciting
a peculiar flight-reaction in those that are not in immediate
contact with the fear-inspiring object. This so-called warning,
however, is given without reflection or intention on the part of
the frightened animal, and is simply sensed, but not interpreted,
by the other animals that receive it.
This premised, it is easy to discriminate between bestial
and human language. The former is not articulate, that is to
say, the sounds of which it is composed have not been elaborated
by analysis and synthesis into phonetic elements and
grammatical forms. In the second place, it is emotional and
not conceptual, because it is manifestative of the emotions or
passions (which are functions of the organic or sensual appetite),
and not of rational concepts. In the third place, it is
indicative, that is, it merely signalizes a determinate emotional
state, as a thermometer indicates the temperature, or a
barometer the atmospheric pressure. It is not, therefore, descriptive,
in the sense of being selected and arranged in syntactic
sequence for the express purpose of making others
realize one’s own experiences. The rational language of man,
on the contrary, is not emotional. Only a negligible portion
of the human vocabulary is made up of emotional interjections.
It consists, for the most part, of sounds descriptive of thought,
to express which an elaborate system of vowels and consonants
are discriminated and articulated on the basis of social
agreement, the result being a conventional vocal code invented
and used for the express purpose of conveying, not emotions
or imagery, but general and abstract concepts.
A third class of facts commonly cited as evidence of bestial
intelligence are the remarkable phenomena of instinct.[14] The
beaver acts as though it were acquainted with the principles
of hydraulics and engineering, when it maintains the water at
the height requisite to submerge the entrance to its dwelling by
building a dam of mud, logs, and sticks across the stream at
a point below the site of its habitation. The predatory wasp
Pompilius is endowed with surgical art, that suggests a
knowledge of anatomy, inasmuch as it first disarms and afterwards
paralyzes its formidable prey, the Lycosa or black
Tarantula. Another predatory wasp, the Stizus ruficornis,
disables Mantids in a similar fashion. One of the American
Pompilids, the black wasp Priocnemis flavicornis, is an adept
in the art of navigation, since it adopts the principle of the
French hydroglissia (an air-driven boat which skims the water
under the propulsion of an aeroplane propeller). This insect
tows a huge black spider several times its own size and too
heavy to be carried, propelling its prey with buzzing wings
along the open waterway, and leaving behind a miniature
wake like that of a steamer. It thus avoids the obstacles of
the dense vegetation, and saves time and energy in transporting
the huge carcass of its paralyzed quarry to the haven of
its distant burrow. Spiders like the Epeira, for example, are
endowed with the mathematical ability of constructing their
webs on the patterns of the logarithmic spiral of Jacques Bernouilli
(1654-1705), a curve which it took man centuries to
discover. The dog infested with parasitic tapeworms (Taenia)
evinces a seeming knowledge of pharmaceutics, seeing that it
will avidly devour Common Wormwood (Artemisia absynthium),
an herb which it never touches otherwise.
In all these cases, however, as we have previously remarked,
the illusion of intelligence is due to the combination of teleology
or objective purposiveness with sentient consciousness.
But teleology is nothing more than a material expression
of intelligence, not to be confounded with subjective
intelligence, which is its causal principle. When
the cells of the iris of the eye of a larval salamander
regenerate the lens in its typical perfection, after
the latter has been experimentally destroyed, we behold a
process that is objectively, but not subjectively, intelligent.
In like manner the instinctive acts of an animal are teleological
or objectively purposive, but do not proceed from an intelligence
inherent in the animal, any more than the intelligent
soliloquy delivered by a phonograph proceeds from a conscious
intelligence inherent in the disc. In the animal, sentient
consciousness is associated with this teleology or objective
purposiveness, but such consciousness is only aware of what
can be sensed, and is, therefore, unconscious of purpose, that
is, of the supersensible link, which connects a means with an
end. “Instinct,” to cite the words of Wm. James, “is usually
defined as the faculty of acting in such a way as to produce
certain ends, without foresight of the ends, and without previous
education in the performance.” (“Principles of Psychology,”
vol. II, c. xxiv, p. 383.) Hence the unconscious
and objective purposiveness, which the human mind discerns
in the instinctive behavior of brutes, is manifestative, not of
an intelligence within the animal itself, but only of the infinite
intelligence of the First Cause or Creator, Who imposed these
laws replete with wisdom upon the animal kingdom, and of
the finite intelligence of man, who is capable of recognizing
the Divine purpose expressed, not only in the instincts of
animals, but in all the telic phenomena of nature. Such
marvels are not the fortuitous result of uncoördinated contingencies.
Behind these correlated teleologies of the visible
universe there is a Supreme Intelligence, which has “ordered
all things in measure, and number, and weight.” (Wisdom:
XI, 21.) “And this universal geometry,” says Fabre, in allusion
to the mathematics of the Epeira’s web, “tells of an
Universal Geometrician, whose divine compass has measured
all things. I prefer that, as an explanation of the logarithmic
curve of the Ammonite and the Epeira, to the Worm screwing
up the tip of its tail. It may not perhaps be in accordance
with latter-day teaching, but it takes a loftier flight.” (“Life
of the Spider,” p. 400.)
But, though the teleology of instinct is wonderful in the
extreme, the element of psychic regulation is so subordinate
and restricted, that, far from postulating intelligent control,
certain scientists go so far as to deny even sentient control,
in the case of instinctive behavior. Animals, in their opinion,
are nothing more than “reflex machines,” a view which coincides
with that of Descartes, who regarded animals as unconscious
automatons. “The instincts,” says Pawlow, “are also
reflexes but more complex.” (Science, Nov. 9, 1923, p. 359.)
The late Jacques Loeb was a protagonist of the view that
instincts are simply metachronic chain-reflexes, in which one
elementary process releases another, each preceding phase
terminating in the production of the succeeding phase, until
the entire gamut of concatenated arcs has been traversed.
Hence, John B. Watson, the Behaviorist disciple of Loeb, defines
instinct as “a combination of congenital responses unfolding
serially under appropriate stimulation.”
But, if Darwinian anthropomorphism sins by excess, Loeb’s
mechanism sins by defect, and fails to account for the indubitable
variability of instinctive behavior. For, however fixed and
stereotyped such behavior may be, it manifests unmistakable
adaptation to external circumstances and emergencies, as well
as subordination to the general physiological condition of the
organism, phenomena that exclude the idea of fatal predetermination
according to the fixed pattern of a determinate
series of reflex arcs. As Jennings has shown, synaptic coördination
in the neural mechanism cannot be more than a
partial factor in determining serial responses. The state of
the organism as a whole must also be taken into account. (Cf.
“Behavior of the Lower Organisms,” p. 251.) Thus an earthworm
may turn to the right simply because it has just turned
to the left, but this so-called “chain-reflex” does not involve an
invariable and inevitable sequence of events, since the earthworm
may turn twice or thrice to the left, before the second
reaction of turning to the right comes into play. Any animal,
when sated, will react differently to a food stimulus than it
will when it is starved, by reason of its altered organic condition.
We have something more, therefore, to reckon with
than a mere system of reflexes released by a simple physical
stimulus.
The second type of variability manifested by instinct is its
capacity for complex and continuous adjustment to variable
environmental circumstances. Thus predatory animals, such as
wasps, crabs, spiders, and carnivorous mammals, accommodate
themselves appropriately and uninterruptedly to the
changing and unforeseeable movements of the prey they are
engaged in stalking, giving evidence in this way of the regulation
of their hunting instincts by sensory impressions.
Whether this element of psychic control is based upon object-perception,
or simple sensation, and whether it involves a
sensual impulse, or is merely sensori-motor, we have, naturally,
no direct means of ascertaining. But the presence of
some sort of sensory regulation is evident enough, e.g. in the
prompt and unerring flight of vultures to distant carrion.
Moreover, there is a close analogy between our sense organs
and those of an animal. Particularly, in the case of the higher
animals, the resemblance of the sense organs and nervous
system to our own is extremely close, so much so that even the
localization of sensory and motor centers in the brain is practically
identical in dogs, apes, and men. Moreover, the animals
make analogous use of their sense organs, orientating
them and accommodating them for perception, and using them
to inspect strange objects, etc., e.g. they turn their eyes, prick
up their ears, snuff the wind, etc. Again, analogous motor and
emotional effects result from the stimulation of their sense
organs, and brutes make emotional displays of anger, exultation,
fear, etc., similar to our own. Hence it is to be presumed
that they have similar sensuous experiences. The analogy,
however, must not be pressed further than the external manifestations
warrant. With brute animals, the manifestations in
question are confined exclusively to phenomena of the sensuous
order.
Another indication of sensory control is found in the repair-work
performed by animals endowed with the constructive
instinct. C. F. Schroeder, for instance, experimenting on certain
caterpillars, found that they repaired their weaving,
whenever it was disturbed by the experimenter. Fabre, too,
discovered that a Mason-bee would plaster up holes or clefts
marring the integrity of its cell, provided that the bee was
actually engaged in the process of plastering at the time, and
provided that the experimenter inflicted the damage at the
level, and within the area, of the construction work on which
the bee was then engaged. In a word, if the damage inflicted
could be repaired by a simple continuation or extension of its
actual work of the moment, the bee was able to cope with the
emergency. There are other ways, too, in which the animal
adapts its constructive instincts to external circumstance.
Fabre tells us that the Bramble-bee Osmia, which
builds a train of partitioned cells in snail shells or in hollow
reeds, will victual first and then plaster in a
partition, if the reed be narrow, but will first plaster
a partition, and then introduce honey and pollen through a
hole left unclosed in the partition, whenever the reed is of
greater diameter. This reversal of the procedure according
to the exigencies of the external situation does not suggest
the chain-reflex of Loeb. (Cf. “The Bramble-Bee,” pp. 214-217.)
Another kind of adaptation of instinct to external circumstances
consists in the economical omission of the initial
step of a serial construction, in cases where the environmental
conditions provide a ready-made equivalent. “The
silkworm,” says Driesch, “is said not to form its web of silk
if it is cultivated in a box containing tulle, and some species
of bees which normally construct tunnels do not do so if they
find one ready made in the ground, they then only perform
their second instinctive act: separating the tunnel into single
cells.” (“Science & Phil. of the Organism,” vol. II, p. 47.)
Driesch’s analysis of the constructive instinct shows that
these facts of adaptation or regulation fit in with the idea of
sensory control rather than with that of a chain-reflex. In
the supposition that the successive stages of instinctive construction
are due to a chain-reflex, consisting of a series of
elementary motor reactions a, b, c, etc., in which a produces
the external work A and, on terminating, releases b, which, in
turn, produces external work B and releases c, etc., clearly b
could never appear before a, and the sight of A ready-made
would not inhibit a, nor would the removal of A defer the
advent of b. In other words, regulation would be impossible.
But, if we suppose that not the elemental act a, but rather
the sensory perception of A, the first state of the external construction,
is the stimulus to b and, consequently, to the production
of the second state of construction B, then we understand
why b is released independently of a, when, for example, an
insect discovers a ready-made substitute for A, the initial step
in its construction, and we also understand why, in cases of accidental
damage resulting in the total or partial removal of A,
the reaction b is deferred and the reaction a prolonged, until
the repair or reconstruction of A is complete; for, in this supposition,
the addition of A will inhibit a and release b, whereas
the subtraction of A will inhibit the appearance of b and consequently
defer B, until the state of construction A, the sight
of which is the stimulus to b, is complete. The fact of regulation,
therefore, entails sensory control of the serial responses
involved in the constructive instinct. Hence, as H. P. Weld
of Cornell expresses it: “We may safely assume that even in
the lowest forms of animal life some sort of sensory experience
releases the (instinctive) disposition and to an extent determines
the subsequent course of action.” (Encycl. Am., v. 15,
p. 168.)
But it would be going to the opposite extreme to interpret
these adjustments of instinct to external contingencies as
evidence of intelligent regulation. The animal’s ability, for
example, to repair accidental damage to a construction, which
instinct impels it to build, is rigidly limited to repairs that can
be accomplished by a simple continuation of the actual and
normal occupation of the moment. If, however, the damage
affects an already completed portion of the instinctive structure,
and its present occupation is capable of continuance, the
animal is impotent to relinquish this actual occupation of the
moment, in order to cope with the emergency. Suppose, for
illustration, that the instinctive operations a and b are finished
and the animal is in the c-stage of its instinctive performance,
then, if the damage is inflicted in the A-portion of the structure,
and c can be continued independently of A, the animal cannot
relinquish c and return to a, in order to restore the marred
integrity of A. This shows that the animal is guided, in its
repair-work, by sense, which is bound to the here and now, and
not by intelligence, which is an abstractive faculty that emancipates
from the actual and concrete present, and enables the
possessor to hark back to the past of its performance, should
necessity require. Thus Fabre found that the Mason-bee,
after it had turned from building to the foraging of honey and
pollen, would no longer repair holes pricked in its cell, but
suffered the latter to become a veritable vessel of the
Danaïdes, which it vainly strove to fill with its liquid provender.
Though the holes affected portions extremely close
to the topmost layer of masonry, and although it frequently
sounded and explored these unaccustomed holes with its antennæ,
it took no steps to check the escape of the honey and
pollen by recurring to its mason craft of earlier stages. And,
finally, when it did resume the plasterer’s trade in constructing
a lid for the cell, it would spare no mortar to plug the gaping
breaches in the walls of its cell, but deposited its egg in a
chamber drained of honey, and then proceeded to perform the
useless work of closing with futile diligence only the topmost
aperture in this much perforated dwelling. Obviously, therefore,
the bee failed to perceive the connection which existed
between these breaches and the escape of the honey, and it was
unable to apply its instinctive building skill to new uses by
abstraction from the definite connection, in which the latter is
normally operative.
Sense, therefore, and not intelligence, is the regulatory
principle of instinct. To recognize causal and telic relationships
is the prerogative of a superorganic intelligence. The
transcendental link by which a useful means is referred to an
ulterior end is something that cannot be sensed, but only
understood. An animal, therefore, acts toward an end, not
on account of an end. Nature, however, has compensated for
this ignorance by implanting in each species of animal a special
teleological disposition, by reason of which objects and
actions, which are, under normal conditions, objectively useful
to the individual, or the species, become invested for the
animal with a subjective aspect of agreeableness, while objects
and actions, which are normally harmful, are invested
with a subjective aspect of repulsiveness. The qualities of
serviceableness and pleasantness happen, so far as the animal
is concerned, to be united in one and the same concrete object
or action, but the animal is only aware of the pleasantness,
which appeals to its senses, and not of the serviceableness,
which does not. Thus, in the example already cited, the dog
suffering from tapeworms eats the herb known as Common
Wormwood, not because it is aware of the remedial efficacy
of the herb, but simply because the odor and flavor of the
plant appeal to the animal in its actual morbid condition,
ceasing to do so, however, when the latter regains the
state of health. How different is the action of the
man whose blood is infected with malarial parasites and
who takes quinine, not because the bitter taste of
the alkaloid appeals to his palate, but solely because he
has his future cure explicitly in view! “Finally,” says
Weld, “the more we learn about instincts the more apparent
it becomes that the situations from which they proceed are
meaningful, but we need not suppose that the organism is
aware of the meaning. The chick in the egg feels (we may
only guess as to its nature) a vague discomfort, and the
complicated reaction by which it makes its egress from the
shell is released.” (Encycl. Am., v. 15, p. 169.)
Recapitulating, then, we may define instinct as a psycho-organic
propensity, not acquired by education or experience,
but congenital by inheritance and identical in all members
of the same zoölogical species, having as its physical basis
the specific nervous organization of the animal and as its
psychic basis a teleological coördination of the cognitive,
emotional, and motor functions, in virtue of which, given the
proper physiological state of the organism and the presence
of an appropriate environmental stimulus, an animal, without
consciousness of purpose, is impelled to the inception, and
regulated in the performance, of complicated behavior which
is sensually gratifying and, under normal circumstances, simultaneously
beneficial to the individual, or the race.
Instinctive acts are performed without previous experience
or training on the part of the animal, and are, nevertheless,
at least in the majority of cases, perfect in their first performance.
A few, like the pecking-instinct of young chickens,
are slightly improvable through sentient experience, e.g. the
young chick, at first undiscriminating in the choice of the
particles which it picks up, learns later by associative memory
to distinguish what is tasty and edible from what is
disagreeable and inedible, but, for the most part, the perfection
of instinctive acts is independent of prior experience.
Hence instinct is entirely different from human reason, which,
in the solution of problems, is compelled to begin with reflection
upon the data furnished by previous experience, or
education. The animal, however, in its instinctive operations,
without pausing to investigate, deliberate, or calculate,
proceeds unhesitatingly on the very first occasion
to a prompt and perfect solution of its problems. Hence,
without study, consultation, planning, or previous apprenticeship
of any sort, and in the complete absence of experimental
knowledge, that might serve as matter for reflection or as a
basis for inference, the animal is able to solve intricate problems
in engineering, geometry, anatomy, pharmaceutics, etc.,
which the combined intelligence of mankind required centuries
upon centuries of schooling, research, and reflection in
order to solve. Of two things, therefore, one: either these
actions do not proceed from an intelligent principle inherent
in the animal; or they do, and in that case we are compelled
to recognize in brute animals an intelligence superior to our
own, because they accomplish deftly and without effort ingenious
feats that human reason cannot duplicate, save
clumsily and at the price of prolonged discipline and incessant
drudgery. “Perhaps the strongest reason,” says an
anonymous writer, “for not regarding the activities of instinct
as intelligent is that in such enormously complex sequences
of action as, for instance, the emperor moth carries out in the
preparing of an escape-opening for itself on its completing
the larval and passing into the imago state, the intelligence
needed would be so great that it could not be limited to this
single activity, and yet it is so limited.”[15]
Intelligence is essentially a generalizing and abstracting
power; hence, from its very nature, it could not be limited to a
single activity. Bestial instincts, however, though frequently
so amazingly complex and ingeniously purposive as to seem the
fruit of profound meditation, are, nevertheless, confined exclusively
to this or that determinate ability. They operate
within narrow and preëstablished grooves, from which they
never swerve to any appreciable degree, being but little modifiable
or perfectible by experience. Bees always construct
hexagonal cells, spiders stick to the logarithmic spiral, and
beavers never attempt to put their engineering skill to new
uses. Instincts have but little pliancy, their regularity and
uniformity being such as to make the instinctive abilities
definitely predictable in the case of any given species of
animal. Now, the distinctive mark of intelligence is versatility,
that is, aptitude for many things without determinate
restriction to this or that. A man who is expert in one art
may, by reason of his intelligence, be equally proficient in a
dozen others. The biologist may be a competent chemist,
and the astronomer an excellent physicist. Michel Angelo
was a sculptor, a frescoer, a painter, an anatomist, an engineer,
and an architect, while Leonardo da Vinci had even
more arts to his credit. To predict before birth the precise
form that a man’s ability will take is an impossibility. Certain
aptitudes, such as a musical gift, are no doubt inherited,
but it is an inheritance which imposes no rigid necessity upon
inheriter; since he is free to neglect this native talent, and to
develop others for which he has no special innate aptitude.
With man, the fashion in clothing and the styles of architecture
vary from day to day. The brute, however, never
emerges from the rut of instinct, and each generation of a given
animal species monotonously reproduces the history of the previous
generation. Man, on the contrary, is capable of indefinite
progress, as the march of human cultures and civilizations
shows. Gregarious animals are restricted by their instincts to
determinate types of aggregation, as we see in the case of ants
and bees. Hence these insect communities are unacquainted
with our sanguinary revolutions which overturn monarchies in
favor of republics, or set up dictatorships in place of democracies;
for, fortunately or unfortunately, as one may choose
to regard it, man is not limited to one form of government
rather than another.
Animals, then, notwithstanding their wonderful instincts,
are deficient in precisely that quality which is the unique
criterion of intelligence, namely, versatility. Each species
has but one stereotyped ability, outside of which it is woefully
stupid and inefficient. “So long,” says Fabre, “as its circumstances
are normal the insect’s actions are calculated most
rationally in view of the object to be attained” (“The Mason-Bees,”
p. 167), but let the circumstances cease to be normal,
let them vary never so little from those which ordinarily obtain,
and the animal is helpless, while its instinctive predisposition
becomes, not merely futile, but often positively detrimental.
Thus the instinct, which should, in the normal course of
events, guide night-flying moths to the white flowers that
contain the life-sustaining nectar of their nocturnal banquets,
proves their undoing, when they come into contact with the
white lights of artificial illumination. In fact, the fatal fondness
of the moth for the candle flame has become in all
languages a proverb for the folly of courting one’s own
destruction.
The animal may employ an exquisitely efficient method
in accomplishing its instinctive work, but is absolutely impotent
to apply this ingenious method to more than one determinate
purpose. Man, however, is not so restricted. He
varies at will both his aims and his methods. He can adapt
the same means (a pocketknife, for instance) to different
ends, and, conversely, he can obtain the same end by the use
of different means (e.g. communicate by mail, or telegraph,
or radio). Man, in a word, is emancipated from limitation
to the singular and the concrete by virtue of his unique
prerogative, reason, or intelligence, the power that enables
him to generalize from the particular and to abstract from
the concrete. This is the secret of his unlimited versatility.
This is the basis of his capacity for progress. This is the root
of his freedom; for his will seeks happiness in general, happiness
in the abstract, and is not, therefore, compelled to choose
any particular form or concrete embodiment of happiness,
such as this or that style of architecture, this or that form
of government, this or that kind of clothing, etc., etc.
Teleology is but a material expression of intelligence, and may,
therefore, occur in things destitute of intelligence, but versatility
is the inseparable concomitant and infallible sign of an
inherent and autonomous intelligence. Lacking this quality,
instinct, however telic, is obviously not intelligence.
Another indication of the fact that no intelligence lies behind
the instinctive behavior of brutes is manifest from their evident
unconsciousness of purpose. That the animal is ignorant
of the purpose implied in its own instinctive actions appears
from the fact that it will carry out these operations with futile
diligence and exactitude, even when, through accident, the purpose
is conspicuously absent. Thus the hen deprived
of her eggs will, nevertheless, continue the now futile
process of incubation for twenty-one days, or longer,
despite the fact that her obstinacy in maintaining the
straw of the empty nest at a temperature of 104° F. serves
no useful purpose whatever. She cannot but sense the
absence of the eggs; she has not, however, the intelligence to
realize that incubation without eggs is vain. The connection
between the latter and the former is something that mere sense
cannot apprehend. Hence the hen is not troubled by the purposelessness
of her performance. Fabre gives many examples
of this futile persistence in instinctive operations, despite their
complete frustration. Alluding to the outcome of his experiments
on the Mason-wasp Pelapaeus, he says: “The Mason bees,
the Caterpillar of the Great Peacock Moth, and many
others, when subjected to similar tests, are guilty of the same
illogical behaviour: they continue, in the normal order, their
series of industrious actions, though accident has now rendered
them all useless. Just like millstones unable to cease revolving
though there be no corn left to grind, let them once be given
the compelling power and they will continue to perform their
task despite its futility.” (“Bramble Bees,” pp. 192, 193.)
The instance cited by Dr. H. D. Schmidt is an excellent
illustration of this inability of an animal to appreciate either
the utility or futility of its instinctive behavior. Having
described the instinct of squirrels to bury nuts by ramming
them into the ground with their teeth, and then using their
paws to cover them with earth, he continues as follows: “Now,
as regards the young squirrel, which, of course, never had been
present at the burial of a nut, I observed that, after having
eaten a number of hickory nuts to appease its appetite, it
would take one between its teeth, then sit upright and listen
in all directions. Finding all right, it would scratch upon the
smooth blanket on which I was playing with it as if to make
a hole, then hammer with the nut between its teeth upon the
blanket, and finally perform all the motions required to fill
up a hole—in the air; after which it would jump away, leaving
the nut, of course, uncovered.” (Transactions of the Am. Neurological
Ass’n, 1875, vol. I, p. 129—italics his.) This whole
pantomime of purposeless gesticulations, from the useless
“Stop, look and listen!” down to the final desertion of the
uncovered nut, is overwhelming evidence of the fact that the
brute is destitute of any rational faculty capable of recognizing
the telic aspect of its own instinctive conduct.
The claim is sometimes made that certain forms of animal
behavior are not unconsciously, but consciously, telic. Bouvier,
for example, claims that in the rare cases of the use of tools
among the Arthropoda, we have evidence of the existence of
intelligent inventiveness of a rudimentary kind. Thus the crab
Melia carries a sea-anemone in its chela as a weapon wherewith
to sting its prey into a condition of paralysis. The leaf-cutting
ants of India and Brazil use their own thread-spinning larvæ
as tools for cementing together the materials out of which
their nests are constructed. The predatory wasp Ammophila
urnaria uses a pebble to tamp the filling of its burrow.
According to the Wheelers (cf. Science, May 30, 1924, p. 486),
the hunting wasp Sphex (Ammophila) gryphus (Sm.) makes
similar use of a pebble. As Bouvier notes, however, this use
of tools appears “to be rather exceptional ..., showing itself
only in the primitive state consisting of the use of foreign
bodies as implements.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1918, p. 456.)
Moreover, the animals in question are limited to a concretely
determinate kind of tool, which their environment supplies
ready-made. Such a use of implements does not presuppose
any power of abstraction and generalization. In fact, the
presence of such a power is expressly excluded by the consideration
that the animal’s so-called “inventiveness” is confined
exclusively to one particularized manifestation.
At times the behavior of animals so closely simulates the
consciously telic or intelligent conduct of men, that only
severely critical methods enable us to discriminate between
them. An experiment, which Erich Wasmann, S.J., performed
upon ants will serve to illustrate this point. In one of his
glass nests, Father Wasmann constructed an island of sand
surrounded by a moat filled with water. He then removed
from their “nursery” a certain number of the ant larvæ and
placed them on the island. Thereupon the ants were observed
to build a bridge of sand across the moat “for the
purpose,” apparently, of rescuing the marooned larvæ. Such
behavior seemed to imply an intelligent ordination of
a means to an end. Wasmann’s second experiment, however,
proved this inference to be wholly unwarranted;
for, when he excavated a hole in the sand of the nest
and filled it with water, the ants, stimulated by what
to them was the disagreeable dampness of the marginal sand,
were impelled to perform the reflex act of kicking about in
the sand. This impulse persisted until all traces of the hole,
the dampness and the water had been buried under a carpet
of drier sand. Then, and then only, was the aforesaid impulse
inhibited. Applying these results to the interpretation of
the first experiment, we see that the “building of a bridge” in
the first experiment was not intentional, but merely an accidental
result of a kicking-reflex, with damp sand acting as a
stimulator. Once the moat was bridged, however, the ants happened
to find the larvæ, and were then impelled by instinct
to carry the larvæ to their proper place in the nest. To see
in such an incident a planned and premeditated rescue of the
marooned larvæ would be grossly anthropomorphic. Nevertheless,
had only the first experiment been performed, such an
anthropomorphic interpretation would have seemed fully justified,
and it was only by an appropriate variation of the
conditions of the original experiment that this false interpretation
could be definitively excluded.
Consciously telic behavior is distinguishable from unconsciously
telic conduct only to the extent that it implies an
agent endowed with the power of abstraction. Unless an agent
can vary radically the specificity of the procedure, whereby it
attains a given end, the purposiveness of its behavior is no
evidence of its intelligence. “Among animals,” says Bergson,
“invention is never more than a variation on the theme of
routine. Locked up as it is within the habits of its species,
the animal succeeds no doubt in broadening these by individual
initiative; but its escape from automatism is momentary
only, just long enough to create a new automatism; the
gates of its prison close as soon as they are opened; dragging the
chain merely lengthens it. Only with man does consciousness
break the chain.” (Cf. Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1918, p. 457.)
In vain, then, do our Darwinian humanizers of the brute
exalt instinct at the expense of intelligence. Their attempt
to reduce to a difference of degree the difference of kind that
separates the irrational from the rational, fails all along the
line. Indeed, far from being able to account for the appearance
of intelligence in the world, transformistic theories are
impotent to account for so much as the development of instinct,
all forms of the evolutionary theory, the Lamarckian,
the Darwinian, the De-Vriesian, etc., being equally inadequate
to the task of explaining the origin of animal instincts.
The complex instinctive behavior of predatory wasps, for
example, is absolutely essential for the preservation of their
respective races, and yet these indispensable instincts are completely
useless in any other than the perfect state. From
their very nature, therefore, they do not admit of gradual
development. The law of all, or none, holds here. “Instinct
developed by degrees,” says Fabre, “is flagrantly impossible.
The art of preparing the larva’s provisions allows none but
masters, and suffers no apprentices; the Wasp must excel in
it from the outset or leave the thing alone.” (“The Hunting
Wasps,” p. 403.) To be useful at all, the instinctive operation
must possess an indivisible perfection, which cannot be partitioned
into degrees. The Pompilius (Calicurgus), for instance,
must, under penalty of instant death, take the preliminary
precaution to sting into inaction the ganglion that controls
the poison forceps of her formidable prey, the Black Tarantula
(Lycosa), before she proceeds to paralyze it by stabbing its
thoracic ganglion. The slightest imperfection or shortcoming
in her surgery would be irretrievably disastrous. Such an
instinct never existed in an imperfect form. The first wasp to
possess it must have been an expert, or she would never have
lived to serve the limp body of the huge spider as living
provender for her tiny grub. “The first to come to grips with
the Tarantula,” says Fabre, “had an unerring knowledge of
her dangerous surgery. The least hesitation, the slightest
speculation, and she was lost. The first teacher would also
have been the last, with no disciples to take up her art and
perfect it.” (“Bramble Bees,” p. 354.)
Another hunting wasp, the Hairy Ammophila, subdues a
large caterpillar into a state of coma by pricking with its
sting nine of the ventral ganglia, while it spares the cervical
ganglion, merely compressing the latter with its mandibles,
so as not to destroy life altogether. This nice discrimination
rules out Loeb’s hypothesis of a so-called “chemotaxis.” As a
result of this elaborate surgical operation, the power of movement
is suppressed in every segment, and the tiny larva of the
wasp emerging from the egg laid on the ventral surface of the
caterpillar can devour this huge living, but motionless, victim in
peace and safety. Dead meat would not agree with the larva,
and any movement of the caterpillar would be fatal to the delicate
grub. To eliminate these contingencies, the Wasp’s surgery
must be perfect from the very outset. “There is,” says Fabre,
“no via media, no half success. Either the caterpillar is
treated according to rule and the Wasp and its family is
perpetuated; or else the victim is only partially paralyzed and
the Wasp’s offspring dies in the egg. Yielding to the inexorable
logic of things, we will have to admit that the first
Hairy Ammophila, after capturing a Grey Worm to feed her
larva, operated on the patient by the exact method in use
today.” (“The Hunting Wasps,” pp. 403, 404.)
Certain meticulous critics of our day cite the fact of the
diffusion of the poison as indicating that the surgery of the
hunting wasps need not be so perfectly accommodated to the
nervous system of their prey, and they attempt in this
way to discredit Fabre as having failed to take the
occurrence of diffusion into account. A careful reading of
his works, however, will serve to vindicate him in this
respect. In a chapter on the poison of the bee, for instance,
we read: “The local effect is diffused. This diffusion,
which might well take place in the victims of the predatory
insects, plays no part in the latter’s method of operation. The
egg, which will be laid immediately afterwards, demands the
complete inertia of the prey from the outset. Hence all the
nerve-centers that govern locomotion must be numbed instantaneously
by the virus.” (“Bramble Bees,” p. 347.) Bouvier,
therefore, very justly remarks: “After all, when Fabre’s work
is examined there is no trouble in seeing that none of these
details escaped him. He never disputed the paralytic action
of the poison inoculated by the insect, and the wonderful
researches by the Peckhams on the Pompilids, which hunt
Lycosids, have clearly established the fact that the thrusts of
the sting given by the predatory insect produce two different
kinds of paralysis, one functional, and often temporary, resulting
from the action of the venom, the other structural and
persistent, produced by the dart which more or less injures
the nervous centers.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1916, p. 594.)
In the case of predatory insects, therefore, the instinct must
be perfect at the outset, or survival is impossible. For the
origin of such instincts, Darwinism, which stresses the gradualness
of evolutionary progress, has no explanation that will
hold water. Lamarckism, which sees in acquired habits transmitted
by inheritance, the origin of instinct, the “memory of
the race,” is equally at a loss to account for these instincts.
The formation of habits requires practice and repetition. The
predatory insect must be perfect at the start, and yet it only
exercises its remarkable instinct once a year. Where is the
practice and reiteration requisite for canalizing its nervous system
into the conduction-paths of habit? How did one particular
set of rarely performed acts happen to gain precedence over
all others, and to be alone successful in stamping themselves
indelibly upon the nerve plasm as habits, and upon the germ
plasm as instincts? De-Vriesianism, which would make the
acquisition and perfecting of instinct dependent upon the rare
and accidental contingency of a fortuitous mutation, is even
more objectionable. These instincts are vital to the insect.
If their acquisition and improvement depend upon the lucky
chance of a series of favorable mutations, its prospects of
survival are nil; for it cannot afford to wait at all. “In order
to live,” says Fabre, “we all require the conditions that enable
us to live: this is a truth worthy of the famous axioms of
La Palice. The predatory insects live by their talent. If they
do not possess it to perfection, their race is lost.” (“Bramble
Bees,” p. 364.)
Recently, there has been a revival of Lamarckism hitherto
regarded as defunct. Guyer, Kammerer, and Pawlow profess
to find factual justification for it, and Bouvier adopts it in his
“La vie psychique des insectes” (1918), to account for the origin
of instinct. Of the alleged facts of Kammerer and Guyer,
we have spoken in a previous chapter. Here we shall content
ourselves with few remarks on the experiments of Ivan
Pawlow, as being especially relevant to the subject under
consideration. The Russian physiologist has experimented on
white mice, and claims that the mice of the fifth generation
learned to answer a dinner bell in the space of five lessons,
whereas their ancestors of the first generation had required a
hundred lessons to answer the same signal. Hence he concludes:
“The latest experiments ... show that conditioned
reflexes, i.e., the highest nervous activity, are inherited.”
(Science, Nov. 9, 1923, p. 360.) His results, however, do not
tally with those recently obtained by E. C. MacDowell of the
Carnegie Institution, by H. G. Bragg, and by E. M. Vicari of
Columbia. MacDowell found that white rats trained in a
circular maze did not improve in their susceptibility to training
from generation to generation. “Children from trained parents,”
he says, “or from trained parents and grandparents,
take as long to learn the maze habit as the first generation
used.” (Science, March 28, 1924, p. 303.) Having cited the
similar results of Bragg, who experimented with white mice,
he concludes: “The results are in full accord with those given
above; they indicate that the training of the ancestors did
not facilitate the learning of the descendants.” (Ibidem.)
E. M. Vicari, using a simple maze and white rats, obtained
the same results. “It seems clear,” she says, “that the latter
generations have not been aided by the training of their
ancestors.” (Ibidem.)
Bouvier’s conception, then, that the automatisms of instinct
originate as automatisms of acquired habit, the latter being
appropriated by inheritance, still stands in need of reliable
experimental confirmation. Moreover, a theory of this sort
could never account, as Weismann points out, for such phenomena
as the specific instincts of worker bees, which are excluded
from propagation. Nor can the theory explain, as
originating in acquired habit, those instinctive operations of
enormous complexity, like the complicated method of emergence
employed by the larva of the emperor moth, which only
occur once in a lifetime, and could not, therefore, fasten
themselves on the organism as a habit.
An evolutionary origin of instinct, however, though extremely
improbable, is, at any rate, not absolutely inconceivable. Its
teleology, as we have seen, does not imply inherent intelligence,
but is explicable as an innate law involving appropriate coördination
of the sensory, emotional, and motor functions, all of
which are intrinsically dependent on the organism. But intelligence,
as we have seen, is a superorganic power, having its
source in a spiritual principle, that, from the very nature of
things, cannot be evolved from matter. Human reason, therefore,
owes its origin, not to any evolution of the human body,
but to the creation of the human soul, which is the source and
subject of that unique prerogative of man, namely: the power
of abstract thought.
CHAPTER III THE ORIGIN OF THE HUMAN BODY — § 1. Two Theories of Descent — § 2. Embryological Resemblances — § 3. Rudimentary Organs — § 4. Fossil Links — § 5. The Edict of the American Association
In an article published August 31, 1895, in the New York
Freeman’s Journal, the late Rev. J. A. Zahm gave expression
to the following opinion: “The evolution of the body of man
from some inferior animal and its subsequent endowment in
this body by God of a rational soul is antagonistic to no
dogma of faith and may be shown to be in harmony with the
teachings of St. Thomas.” The scriptural and theological
aspect of this view need not concern us here, our sole purpose
being to evaluate it from a purely scientific standpoint. Once
evolutionary thought takes cognizance of the fact that the
human soul is a spiritual principle underivable from mere
matter, once it acknowledges the immediate creation of the
human soul, and professes to do no more than account for the
origin of man’s animal body, that moment is it shorn of its
materialistic implications; but what, we may ask, are the
foundations of such an hypothesis in the realm of scientific
fact?
The writer must confess that he cannot fathom the mentality
of those who accept the evolutionary explanation, so
far as plant and animal organisms are concerned, but proceed
to draw the line when it comes to applying it to the human
body. For if one (to borrow Du Bois-Reymond’s expression)
“gives so much as his little finger to” the evolutional argument
from organic homology, he must end, in so far as he is consistent,
in acknowledging as incontestable its obvious application
to man. The only choice which sound logic can sanction
is between fixism and a thoroughgoing system of transformism,
which does not exempt the human body from the scope of the
evolutionary explanation. Indeed, the theory of evolution
itself stands or falls upon this issue; for, if structures so strikingly
similar as the skeletons of a man and an ape, respectively,
have originated from two distinct ancestral stocks,
then in no case at all is the inference of common descent from
structural resemblance a legitimate procedure. In other words,
if the homologies existent between the human and simian
organisms are explicable on some other basis than that
of common ancestry, then all organic homologies are so explicable,
and the whole evolutionary argument collapses.
Two theories have been formulated regarding the alleged
bestial origin of the human body: (1) the theory of lineal
descent from some known species (living or fossil) of ape or
monkey; (2) the theory of collateral descent from a hypothetical
bestial ancestor common to apes and men. The
theory of lineal descent is that to which Darwin himself
stands committed. This theory, however, soon fell into disrepute
among scientists, who came to prefer the theory of
collateral descent, although signs of a return to the older theory
are not wanting in our day. At all events, Darwin came out
flatly in favor of the monkey origin of man. This, it is true,
has been indignantly denied by loyal partisans anxious to
exonerate their idol from the reproach of having advanced
a crude and now obsolete theory of human descent. But
Darwin’s own words speak for themselves: “The Simiadae,”
he says, “then branched off into two great stems, the New
World and Old World monkeys; and from the latter, at a
remote period of time, Man, the wonder and glory of the
Universe, proceeded.” (“Descent of Man,” 2nd ed., ch. VI,
pp. 220, 221.) Note that he does not say “probably”; his
language is not the language of hypothesis, but of categorical
affirmation.
The theory, however, which is most generally favored at the
present time holds that, assuming the universality of the evolutionary
process, all existing types must be of equal antiquity,
and none prior or ancestral to any other. Hence it regards man,
not as the direct descendant of any known type of ape, but
as the offspring of an as yet undiscovered Tertiary ancestor,
from which men and apes have diverged in two distinct lines
of descent. “Monkeys, apes, and men,” says Conklin, “have
descended from some common but at present extinct ancestor.
Existing apes and monkeys are collateral relatives of man but
not his ancestors; his cousins but not his parents.... The
human branch diverged from the anthropoid stock not less
than two million years ago, and since that time man has
been evolving in the direction represented by existing human
races, while the apes have been evolving in the direction represented
by existing anthropoids. During all this time men
and apes have been growing more and more unlike and conversely
the farther back we go, the more we should find them
converging until they meet in a common stock which should
be intermediate between these two stocks.” (“Evolution and
the Bible,” pp. 12, 13—italics his.)
Barnum Brown’s recent discovery of three jaws of the fossil
ape Dryopithecus in the Siwalik Hills of India has, as previously
intimated, resulted in a return on the part of certain
scientists, e.g. Wm. K. Gregory and Dudley J. Morton, to views
that more nearly approximate those of Charles Darwin. According
to these men, the fossil anthropoid Dryopithecus is to
be regarded as the common ancestor of men, chimpanzees, and
gorillas. (Cf. Science, April 25, 1924, Suppl. XII.)
Many considerations, however, militate against the direct
derivation of man’s bodily frame from any known species of
ape, whether living or fossil. Dana has pointed out that, as
regards the mechanism of locomotion, man belongs to a more
primitive type than the ape. The earliest and lowest type of
vertebrates are the fish, and these, according to the above-mentioned
author, are urosthenic (tail-strong), inasmuch as
they propel themselves by means of their tails. Next in point
of organization and time came the merosthenic vertebrates,
which have their strength concentrated in the hind-limbs,
e.g. reptiles like the dinosaurs. In the last place come the
prosthenic vertebrates, whose strength is concentrated in the
fore-limbs, e.g. the carnivora and apes. Now man belongs to
the merosthenic type, and his mode of progression, therefore,
is more primitive than that of apes, which are prosthenic, all
anthropoid apes, such as the gorilla, the chimpanzee, the orang-utan
and the gibbon having longer fore-limbs than hind-limbs.
The striking anatomical differences between apes and men,
though not of sufficient importance to exclude the possibility
of collateral relationship, are so many solid arguments against
the theory of direct descent. We will content ourselves with
a mere enumeration of these differences. In the ape, the
cranium has a protruding muzzle and powerful jaws equipped
with projecting canine teeth, but the brain-case is comparatively
small; in man, on the contrary, the facial development
is insignificant and the teeth are small and vertical, while the
brain-case is enormous in size, having at least twice the
capacity of that of an ape. “The face of man,” to quote
Ranke, “slides, as it were, down from the forehead and appears
as an appendix to the front half of the skull. But the gorilla’s
face, on the contrary, protrudes from the skull, which in turn
slides almost entirely backward from the face. By a cross-cut
one may sever the whole face from the skull, except a very
small part near the sockets, without being forced to open up
the interior of the skull. It is only on account of its protruding,
strongly developed lower parts that the skull-cap of the
animal can simulate a kind of human face.” (“Der Mensch,”
vol. II, p. 401.) These differences may be summarized by
saying that the head of the ape is specialized for mastication
and defense, whereas the head of man is specialized for
psychic functions. Again, as we have seen, the fore-limbs of
the ape are long, and its hind-limbs short, the extremities of
both the latter and the former being specialized primarily
for prehension and only secondarily for progression. This is
due to the ape’s adaptation to arboreal life. In man, however,
the arms are short and specialized for prehension alone, while
the legs are long and terminate in broad plantigrade feet
specialized for progression alone. Man, consequently, is not
adapted to arboreal life. In the ape, the spine has a single
curve, and the occipital foramen (the aperture through which
the spinal cord enters the brain-case) is eccentrically located
in the floor of the cranial box; in man, the spine has a double
curve, and the occipital foramen is centrally located, both
features being in adaptation to the upright posture peculiar
to man—“die zentralle Lage dieser Oeffnung,” says Ranke
alluding to the occipital foramen of man, “in der Schädelbasis
ist für den Menschenschädel im Unterschied gegen den Tierschädel
eine in hohem Masse typische.” (“Der Mensch,” vol. I,
p. 378.) In the ape, therefore, the vertebræ have an adaptation
producing convexity of the back, precluding a normal
upright posture, and enforcing progression on all fours. It has,
moreover, powerful muscles at the back of the neck to carry
the head in the horizontal position necessitated by this mode
of progression. In man “the skull has the occipital condyles
placed within the middle fifth, in adaptation to the vertical
position of the spine” (Nicholson), the spinal cord enters the
cranial box at a perpendicular, and the head balances on the
spinal column as on a pivot, all of which ensures the erect
posture and bipedal progression in man. There are, moreover,
no neck muscles to support the head in any other than the
vertical position. There are many other differences, besides:
the ape, for example, has no chin, while in man there is a
marked mental protuberance; man has a slender waist, but
the ape has a barrel-like torso without any waist; the ape
has huge bony ridges for the attachment of muscles, e.g. the
sagittal crest, the superciliary ridges, etc., while in man such
features are practically absent.
Ranke has given a very good summary of the chief anatomical
differences between man and the anthropoid apes: “The
gorilla’s head leaning forward, hangs down from the spinal
column, and his chinless snout, equipped with powerful teeth,
touches the breastbone. Man’s head is round, and resting on
a free neck, balances unrestrained upon the spinal column.
The gorilla’s body, without a waist, swells out barrel-shaped,
and when straightened up finds no sufficient support on the
pelvis; the back-bone, tailless as in man, but almost straight,
loses itself without nape or neck formation properly so-called
in the rear part of the head and without protuberance of the
gluteal region in the flat thighs. Man’s body is slightly
molded, like an hour-glass, the chest and abdomen meeting to
form a waist where they are narrowest; the abdominal viscera
are perfectly supported in the pelvis as in a plate; and elegance
is decidedly gained by the double S-line, which, curving
alternately convex and concave, passes from the crown through
the neck and nape, down the back to the base of the spine and
the gluteal region. The normal position of the gorilla shows
us a plump, bear-like trunk, carried by short, crooked legs and
by arms which serve as crutches and touch the ground with
the knuckles of the turned-in fingers. The posture of the body
is perfectly straight in man, it rests on the legs as on columns
when he stands upright, and his hands hang down on both
sides always ready for use. The gorilla is thickly covered
with hair, while man’s body on the whole is naked.” (Op. cit.,
vol. II, p. 213.)
In conclusion, we may say that, while there is a general
resemblance between the human body and that of an anthropoid
ape, there is, likewise, a particular divergence—“there is
no bone, be it ever so small, nay, not even the smallest particle
of a bone, in which the general agreement in structure and
function would pass over into real identity.” (Ranke, op. cit.,
vol. I, p. 437.) Hence Virchow declares that “the differences
between man and monkey are so wide that almost any fragment
is sufficient to diagnose them.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for
1889, p. 566.) These differences are so considerable as to
preclude the possibility of a direct genealogical connection
between man and any known type of ape or monkey—“The
testimony of comparative anatomy,” to quote Bumüller, “is
decidedly against the theory of man’s descent from the ape.”
(“Mensch oder Affe?” p. 59.) Ranke has somewhere called
man a brain-animal, and this sums up the chief difference,
which marks off the human body from all bestial organisms.
In the ape the brain weighs only 100th part of the weight of
its body, whereas in man the brain has a weight equivalent to
the 37th part of the weight of the human body. The cranial
capacity of the largest apes ranges from 500 to 600 c.cm.,
while the average cranial capacity in man is 1500 c.cm.
Moreover, the human brain is far more extensively convoluted
within the brain-case than that of an ape, so much so that the
surface or cortical area of the human brain is four times as
great as that of the ape’s brain. Thus Wundt, in his “Grundzüge
der physiologischen Psychologie,” cites H. Wagner as
assigning to man a brain surface of from 2,196 to 1,877 sq.
cm., but a cortical area of only 535 sq. cm. in the case of
an orang-outang. (Cf. English Translation by Titchener, vol.
I, p. 286.)
Another difficulty in the way of the Darwinian theory of
direct descent is the fact that the best counterparts of human
anatomy are not found united in any one species of ape or
monkey, but are scattered throughout a large number of
species. “Returning to the old discussion,” says Thomas
Dwight, “as to which ape can boast of the closest resemblance
to man, Kohlbrugge brings before us Aeby’s forgotten book on
the skull of man and apes. His measurements show that the
form nearest to man among apes is the gibbon, or long-armed
ape, but that the South American monkey Crysothrix is nearer
still. Aeby recognized what modern anatomists have forgotten
or wilfully ignored: that any system of descent is inadequate
which does not recognize that the type of man is not
in any one organ, but in all the physical and psychological
features. He declared that while we are far from having
this universal knowledge, we have learned enough about the
various parts of the body to make it impossible for us to
sketch any plan of descent. ‘It almost seems as if every part
had its own line of descent, different from that of others.’ ...
Kohlbrugge now introduces Haacke, who denies any relationship
between man and apes, the latter being instances of one-sided
development. He even dares to declare anyone who
speaks of an intermediate form between man and apes to be
ignorant of the laws of development governing the race history
of mammals. He believes man came from some lemuroid
form, which may have descended from the insectivora.”
(“Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,” pp. 188-190.)
All known types, then, of apes and monkeys are too specialized
to have been in the direct line of human descent.
Man, as Kohlbrugge ironically remarks, appears to have come
from an ancestor much more like himself than any species of
ape we know of. Moreover, no species of apes or monkeys
monopolizes the honors of closest resemblance to man. In many
points, the South American monkeys, though more primitive
than the anthropoid apes, are more similar to man than the
latter.
Much has been made of the so-called biogenetic law as an
argument for the bestial origin of mankind. This theory of
the embryological recapitulation of racial history was first
formulated by Fritz Müller. Haeckel, however, was the one
who exploited it most extensively, and who exalted it to the
status of “the fundamental law of biogenesis.”[16] The latter’s
statement of the principle is as follows: “Die Ontogenesis ist
die Palingenesis der Phylogenesis.”—Ontogeny (the development
of the individual) is a recapitulation of phylogeny (the
development of the race). For a long time this law was
received with uncritical credulity by the scientific world, but
enthusiasm diminished when more careful studies made it
clear that the line of descent suggested by embryology did
not agree with what was inferred from comparative anatomy
and the sequence of fossil forms. Besides, it was manifest
that certain organs in embryos were distinctively embryonic
and could never have functioned in adult forms, e.g. the yolk
sac and the amnion. “It was recognized,” says T. H. Morgan,
“that many embryonic stages could not possibly represent
ancestral animals. A young fish with a huge yolk sac attached
could scarcely ever have led a happy, free life as an adult
individual. Such stages were interpreted, however, as embryonic
additions to the original ancestral type. The embryo
had done something on its own account. In some animals
the young have structures that attach them to the mother,
as does the placenta of mammals. In other cases the young
develop membranes about themselves—like the amnion of the
chick and the mammal—that would have shut off an adult
animal from all intercourse with the outside world. Hundreds
of such embryonic structures are known to embryologists.
These were explained as adaptations and as falsifications of
the ancestral records.” (“Critique of the Theory of Evolution,”
pp. 16, 17.)
The result has been that this so-called law has fallen into
general disrepute among scientists, especially as a means of
reconstructing the phylogeny of modern organisms. It is
recognized, of course, that comparative embryology can furnish
embryological homologies analogous to the homologies
of comparative anatomy, but it is now generally acknowledged
that the view, which regards the embryological process as an
abridged repetition of the various states through which the
species has passed in its evolutionary career must be definitively
abandoned, and that, as a general law of organic development,
the biogenetic principle has been thoroughly discredited. “This
law,” says Karl Vogt of Geneva, “which I long held as well-founded,
is absolutely and radically false. Attentive study of
embryology shows us, in fact, that embryos have their own
conditions suitable to themselves, and very different from
those of adults.” (Quoted by Quatrefages De Breau, in his
“Les Emules de Darwin,” vol. II, p. 13.) “There can no
longer be question,” says Prof. M. Caullery of the Sorbonne,
“of systematically regarding individual development as a repetition
of the history of the stock. This conclusion results
from the very progress made under the inspiration received
from this imaginary law, the law of biogenesis.” (Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1916, p. 325.)
This collapse of the biogenetic law has tumbled into ruins
the elaborate superstructure of genealogy which Haeckel had
reared upon it. His series of thirty stages extending from the
fictitious “cytodes” up to man, inclusively, is even more worthless
today than it was when Du Bois-Reymond made his ironic
comment: “Man’s pedigree, as drawn up by Haeckel, is worth
about as much as is that of Homer’s heroes for critical historians.”
(Revue Scientifique, 1877, I, p. 1101.) Haeckel tried
in vain to save his discredited law by means of the expedient
of cænogenesis, that is, “the falsification of the ancestral
record (palingenesis).” That Nature should be guilty of “falsification”
is an hypothesis not to be lightly entertained, and it
is more credible, as Wasmann remarks, to assume that Haeckel,
and not Nature, is the real falsifier, inasmuch as he has misrepresented
Nature in his “fundamental biogenetic law.”
Cænogenesis is a very convenient device. One can alternate
at will between cænogenesis and palingenesis, just as, in comparative
anatomy, one can alternate capriciously between
convergence and homology, on the general understanding of
its being a case of: “Heads, I win; tails, you lose”—certainly,
there is no objective consideration to restrain us in such procedure.
“Such weapons as Cænogenesis and Convergence,”
says Kohlbrugge (in his “Die Morphologische Abstammung des
Menschen,” 1908) “are unfortunately so shaped that anyone
can use them when they suit him, or throw them aside when
they do not. They show, therefore, in the prettiest way the
uncertainty even now of the construction of the theory of
descent. As soon as we go into details it leaves us in the
lurch; it was only while our knowledge was small that everything
seemed to fit together in most beautiful order.” (Quoted
by Dwight in “Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,” p. 187.)
It is undeniable, indeed, that in many cases the young of
higher animals pass through stages in which they bear at least
a superficial resemblance to adult stages in inferior and less
complex organisms. Obviously, however, there cannot be any
direct derivation of the embryonic features of one organism
from the adult characters of another organism. This preposterous
implication of the Müller-Haeckel Law must, as
Morgan points out, be entirely eliminated, before it can
merit serious consideration. Referring to the spiral cleavage
exhibited by annelid, planarian and molluscan eggs, Morgan
says: “It has been found that the cleavage pattern has the
same general arrangement in the early stages of flat worms,
annelids and molluscs. Obviously these stages have never
been adult ancestors, and obviously if their resemblance has
any meaning at all, it is that each group has retained the same
general plan of cleavage possessed by their common ancestor....
Perhaps someone will say, ‘Well! is not this all that we
have contended for! Have you not reached the old conclusion
in a roundabout way?’ I think not. To my mind there is a
wide difference between the old statement that the higher
animals living today have the original adult stages telescoped
into their embryos, and the statement that the resemblance
between certain characters in the embryos of higher animals
and corresponding stages in the embryos of lower animals is
most plausibly explained by the assumption that they have
descended from the same ancestors, and that their common
structures are embryonic survivals.” (Op. cit., pp. 22, 23.)
After this admission, however, nothing remains of the law
of “recapitulation” except simple embryological homology
comparable, in every sense, to adult homology, and adding
nothing essentially new to the latter argument for evolution.
It is, therefore, ridiculous for evolutionists to speak of branchial
(gill) arches and clefts in man. The visceral or pharyngeal
arches and grooves appearing in the human embryo are
unquestionably homologous with the genuine branchial arches
and clefts in a fish embryo. In the latter, however, the grooves
become real clefts through perforation, while the arches become
the lamellæ of the permanent gills, thus adapting the
animal to aquatic respiration. It is, accordingly, perfectly
legitimate to refer to these embryonic structures in the young
fish as gill arches and gill clefts. In man, however, the corresponding
embryonic structures develop into the oral cavity,
auditory meatus, ossicles of the ear, the mandible, the lower
lip, the tongue, the cheek, the hyoid bone, the styloid process,
the thymus, the thyroid and tracheal cartilages, etc. There
is no perforation of the grooves, and the arches develop into
something quite different than branchial lamellæ. Hence the
correct name for these structures in the human embryo is
pharyngeal (visceral) arches and grooves, their superficial resemblance
to the embryonic structures in the fish embryo
being no justification for calling them branchial. In short,
the mere fact that certain embryonic structures in the young
fish (homologous to the pharyngeal arches and grooves in the
human embryo) develop into the permanent gills of the adult
fish, is no more significant than the association of homology
with divergent preadaptations, which is of quite general occurrence
among adult vertebrate types. In all such cases, we
have instances of fundamentally identical structures, diverted,
as it were, to entirely different purposes or functions (e.g. the
arm of a man and the flipper of a whale). Hence the argument
drawn from embryological homology is no more cogent
than the argument drawn from the homologies of comparative
anatomy, which we have already discussed in a previous
chapter. The misuse of the term branchial, to prejudge matters
in their own favor, is in keeping with the customary policy
of evolutionists. It is intended, naturally, to convey the
impression that man, in the course of his evolution, has passed
through a fish-like stage. At bottom, however, it is nothing
more than a verbal subterfuge, that need not detain us further.
The theory of embryological recapitulation is often applied
to man, with a view to establishing the doctrine of his bestial
ancestry. We have seen one instance of this application, and
we shall consider one other, for the purpose of illustrating
more fully the principles involved. The claim is made by
evolutionists, that man must have passed through a fish or
amphibian stage, because, in common with all other mammals,
he exhibits, during his embryological development, a typical
fish (or, if you prefer, amphibian) kidney, which subsequently
atrophies, only to be replaced by the characteristic mammalian
kidney. The human embryo, therefore, repeats the history
of our race, which must have passed through a fish-like
stage in the remote past. In consequence of this phenomenon,
therefore, it is inferred that man must have had fish-like ancestors.
Let us pause, however, to analyze the facts upon
which this inference is based.
In annelids, like the earthworm, the nephridia or excretory
tubules are arranged segmentally, one pair to each somite.
In vertebrates, however, the nephridial tubules, instead of developing
in regular sequence from before backwards, develop
in three batches, one behind the other, the anterior batch being
called the pronephros, the middle one, the mesonephros and
the posterior one, the metanephros. This, according to J.
Graham Kerr, holds true not only of the amniotic vertebrates
(reptiles, birds, and mammals) but also, with a certain reservation,
of the anamniotic vertebrates (fishes and amphibians).
“In many of the lower Vertebrates,” says this author,
“there is no separation between the mesonephros and metanephros,
the two forming one continuous structure which acts
as the functional kidney. Such a type of renal organ consisting
of the series of tubules corresponding to mesonephros
together with metanephros may conveniently be termed the
opisthonephros.” (“Textbook of Embryology,” II—Vertebrata,
p. 221.) If we accept this view, it is not quite accurate to
regard the mesonephros in man as a homologue of the opisthonephros
of a fish, seeing that the latter is composed not only
of mesonephridia (mesonephric tubules), but also of metanephridia
(metanephric tubules). A brief description of the
three nephridial systems of vertebrate embryos will serve to
further clarify their interrelationship.
(1) The pronephric system: This consists of a collection of
tubules called the pronephros, and a pronephric duct leading
to the cloaca, or terminal portion of the alimentary canal.
The pronephros is a functional organ in the frog tadpole and
other larval amphibia. It is also found in a few teleosts,
where it is said to persist as a functional organ in the adult.
In other fishes, however, and in all higher forms the pronephros
atrophies and becomes reduced to a few rudiments.[17]
(2) The mesonephric system: This consists of a collection
of nephridial tubules called the mesonephros (Wolffian body).
The tubules of the mesonephros do not develop any duct of
their own, but utilize the posterior portion of the pronephric
duct, the said tubules becoming secondarily connected with
this duct in a region posterior to the pronephridia (tubules
of the pronephros). The pronephric tubules together with the
anterior portion of the pronephric duct then atrophy, while
the persisting posterior portion of this duct receives the name
of mesonephric or Wolffian duct. The duct in question still
terminates in the cloaca, and serves, in the male, the combined
function of a urinary and spermatic duct; but, in the female,
a special oviduct (the Müllerian duct) is superadded because
of the large size of the eggs to be transmitted, the Wolffian or
mesonephric duct subserving only the urinary function. The
mesonephros is functional in mammalian embryos, but
atrophies and disappears coincidently with the development
of the permanent kidney. The same is true of amniotic vertebrates
generally, except that in the case of reptiles the mesonephros
persists for a few months after hatching in the adult,
the definitive kidney of the adult being reinforced during that
interval by the still functional mesonephros. In anamniotic
vertebrates, however, no separation exists between the mesonephros
and the metanephros, the two forming one continuous
structure, the opisthonephros, which acts as the functional
kidney of the adult.
(3) The metanephric system: In the amniotic vertebrates
the mesonephros and metanephros are distinct, the former
being functional in embryos and in adult reptiles (for a few
months after hatching), while the metanephros becomes the
definitive kidney of the adult. The metanephros is a collection
of nephridial tubules provided with a special urinary
duct called the ureter, which empties into the bladder (not
the cloaca). The Wolffian or mesonephric duct is retained
as a sperm duct in the male (of amniotic vertebrates), but
becomes vestigial in the female. Only a certain number of
the nephridial tubules of the embryonic metanephros are taken
over to form part of the permanent or adult kidney (in mammals,
birds, and reptiles).
If, then, as we have previously observed, we follow Kerr in
regarding the fish kidney, not as a simple mesonephros, but
as an opisthonephros (i.e. a combination of mesonephros and
metanephros), there is no warrant for interpreting the embryonic
mesonephros of man and mammals generally as the fish-kidney
stage. But waiving this consideration, and assuming,
for the sake of argument, that the fish kidney is a perfect
homologue of the human mesonephros, the mere fact of the
adoption by the human embryo of a temporary solution of
its excretory problem similar to the permanent solution of
that problem adopted by the fish, would not, of itself, imply
the common ancestry of men and fishes. Such a coincidence
would be fully explicable as a case of convergent adaptation
occurring in the interest of embryonic economy.
It is, indeed, a well-known fact that larval and embryonic
organisms are often obliged to defer temporarily the construction
of the more complex structures of adult life, and to improvise
simpler substitutes for use until such a time as they
have accumulated a sufficient reserve of energy and materials
to complete the work of their more elaborate adult organization.
The young starfish, for example, arising as it does from
an egg but scantily supplied with yolk, is forced, from the very
outset, to shift for itself, in coping with the food-getting
problem. Under stress of this necessity, it economizes its
slender resources by constructing the extremely simple digestive
and motor apparatus characteristic of the larva in its
bilaterally-symmetrical Bipinnaria stage, and postponing the
development of the radially-symmetrical structure characteristic
of the adult stage, until it has stored up the wherewithal
to complete its metamorphosis.
From this viewpoint, there is no difficulty in understanding
why temporary solutions of the excretory problem should
precede the definitive solution of this problem in mammalian
embryos. The problem of excretion is urgent from the outset,
and its demands increase with the growth of the embryo.
It is only natural, then, that a series of improvised structures
should be resorted to, in a case of this kind; and, since these
temporary solutions of the excretory problem must, of necessity,
be as simple as possible, it should not be in the least
surprising to find them coinciding with the permanent solutions
adopted by inferior organisms less complexly organized
than the mammals. Hence the bare fact of resemblance between
the transitory embryonic kidney of a mammal and the
permanent adult kidney of a fish would have no atavistic
significance. We know of innumerable cases in which an
identical adaptation occurs in genetically unrelated organisms.
The cephalopod mollusc Nautilus, for example, solves the
problem of light-perception in the identical manner in which
it is solved by the vertebrates. This mollusc has the perfect
vertebrate type of eye, including the lens and all other parts
down to the minutest detail. The fact, however, that the
mollusc solves its problem by using the stereotyped solution
found in vertebrates rather than by developing a compound
eye analogous to the type found among arthropods, is wholly
destitute of genetic significance. In fact, the genetic interpretation
is positively rejected by the evolutionists, who interpret
the occurrence of similar eyes in molluscs and vertebrates as
an instance of “accidental convergence.” Even assuming,
then, what Kerr denies, namely, a perfect parallelism between
the mesonephros of the human embryo and the permanent
kidney of an adult fish, the alleged fact that the human
embryo temporarily adopts the same type of solution for its
excretory problem as the one permanently employed by the
fish would not in itself be a proof of our descent from a fish-like
ancestor.
In fact, not only is embryological homology of no greater
value than adult homology as an argument for evolution, but it
is, on the contrary, considerably inferior to the latter, as regards
cogency. Differentiation pertains to the final or adult stage of
organisms. Embryonic structures, inasmuch as they are undeveloped
and undifferentiated, present for that very reason an
appearance of crude and superficial similarity. “Most of what
is generally ascribed to the action of the so-called biogenetic
law,” says T. Garbowski, “is erroneously ascribed to it, since
all things that are undeveloped and incomplete must be more
or less alike.” (“Morphogenetische Studien,” Jena, 1903.) When
we consider the fact that the metazoa have all a similar unicellular
origin, are subject to uniform morphogenetic laws, and
are frequently exposed to analogous environmental conditions
demanding similar adaptations, it is not at all surprising that
they should present many points of resemblance (both in their
embryonic and their adult morphology) which are not referable
to any particular line of descent. At all events, these resemblances
are far too general in their extension to enable
us to specify the type of ancestor responsible therefor. More
especially is this true of embryological homologies, which are
practically valueless as basis for reconstructing the phylogeny
of any type. “That certain phenomena,” says Oskar Hertwig,
“recur with great regularity and uniformity in the development
of different species of animals, is due chiefly to the fact
that under all circumstances they supply the necessary condition
under which alone the next higher stage in ontogeny
(embryological development) can be produced.” (“Allgemeine
Biologie,” 1906, p. 595.) The same author, therefore, proposes
to revamp Haeckel’s “biogenetisches Grundgesetz” as follows:
“We must leave out the words ‘recapitulation of forms of extinct
ancestors’ and substitute for them ‘repetition of forms
regularly occurring in organic development, and advancing
from the simple to the more complex.’” (Op. cit., p. 593.)
Finally, when applied to the problem of man’s alleged genetic
connection with the ape, the biogenetic principle proves
the exact reverse of what the Darwinians desire; for as a
matter of fact the young apes resemble man much more closely
in the shape of the skull and facial features than do the adult
animals. Inasmuch, therefore, as the ape, in its earlier development,
reveals a more marked resemblance to man than
is present in its later stages, it follows, according to the “biogenetic
law,” that man is the ancestor of the ape. This, however,
is inadmissible, seeing that the ape is by no means a
more recent type than man. Consequently, as applied to man,
the Haeckelian principle leads to a preposterous conclusion,
and thereby manifests its worthlessness as a clue to phylogeny.
Julius Kollmann, it is true, gives serious attention to this likeness
between young apes and men, and makes it the basis of his
scheme of human evolution. “Kollmann,” says Dwight,
“starts from the fact that the head of a young ape is very
much more like that of a child than the head of an old ape
is like that of a man. He holds that the likeness of the
skull of a very young ape is so great that there must be a
family relationship. He believes that some differentiation,
some favorable variation, must occur in the body of the
mother and so a somewhat higher skull is transmitted to the
offspring and is perpetuated. Concerning which Kohlbrugge
remarks that ‘thus the first men were developed, not from
the adult, but from the embryonic forms of the anthropoids
whose more favorable form of skull they managed to preserve
in further growth.’ ... Schwalbe makes the telling
criticism of these views of Kollmann that much the same
thing might be said of the heads of embryonic animals in
general that is said of those of apes, and that thus mammals
might be said to have come from a more man-like ancestor.”
(Op. cit., pp. 186, 187.) All of which goes to show that the
“biogenetic law” is more misleading than helpful in settling
the question of human phylogeny.
Darwin attached great importance to the existence in man
of so-called rudimentary organs, which he regarded as convincing
evidence of man’s descent from the lower forms of
animal life. Nineteenth century science, being ignorant of
the functional purpose served by many organs, arbitrarily
pronounced them to be useless organs, and chose, in consequence,
to regard them all as the atrophied and (wholly or
partially) functionless remnants of organs that were formerly
developed and fully functional in remote ancestors of the race.
Darwin borrowed this argument from Lamarck. It may be
stated thus: Undeveloped and functionless organs are
atrophied organs. But atrophy is the result of disuse. Now
disuse presupposes former use. Consequently, rudimentary
organs were at one time developed and functioning, viz. in the
remote ancestors of the race. Since, therefore, these selfsame
organs are developed and functional in the lower forms
of life, it follows that the higher forms, in which these organs
are reduced and functionless, are descended from forms similar
to those in which said organs are developed and fully functional.
This argument, however, fairly bristles with assumptions
that are not only wholly unwarranted, but utterly at variance
with actual facts. In the first place, it wrongly assumes that
all reduced organs are functionless, and, conversely, that all
functionless organs are atrophied or reduced. Facts, however,
prove the contrary; for we find frequent instances of reduced
organs which function, and, vice versa, of well-developed
organs which are functionless. The tail, for example, in cats,
dogs, and certain Catarrhine monkeys, though it discharges
neither the prehensile function that makes it useful in the
Platyrrhine monkey, nor the protective function that makes it
useful to horses and cattle in warding off flies, is, nevertheless,
despite its inutility or absence of function, a quite fully developed
organ. Conversely, the reduced or undeveloped fin-like
wings of the penguin are by no means functionless, since they
enable this bird to swim through the water with great facility.
To save his argument from this antagonism of the facts,
Darwin resorts to the ingenious expedient of distinguishing
between rudimentary organs and nascent organs. Rudimentary
organs are undeveloped organs, which are wholly, or
partially, useless. They have had a past, but have no future.
Nascent organs, on the contrary, are undeveloped organs,
which “are of high service to their possessors” (“Descent of
Man,” ch. I, p. 28, 2nd ed.). They “are capable of further
development” (ibidem), and have, therefore, a future before
them. He gives the following examples of rudimentary
organs: “Rudimentary organs ... are either quite useless,
such as teeth which never cut through the gums, or almost
useless, such as the wings of an ostrich, which serve merely
as sails.” (“Origin of Species,” 6th ed., ch. XIV, p. 469.) As
an example of a nascent organ, he gives the mammary glands
of the oviparous Duckbill: “The mammary glands of the
Ornithorhynchus may be considered, in comparison with the
udders of a cow, as in a nascent condition.” (Op. cit., ch. XIV,
p. 470.)
Darwin admits that it is hard to apply this distinction in
the concrete: “It is, however, often difficult to distinguish
between rudimentary and nascent organs; for we can judge
only by analogy whether a part is capable of further development,
in which case alone it deserves to be called nascent.”
(Op. cit., ch. XIV, p. 469.) For Darwin “judging by analogy”
meant judging on the assumption that evolution has really
taken place; for he describes rudimentary organs as being
“of such slight service that we can hardly suppose that they
were developed under the conditions which now exist.” (“Descent
of Man,” ch. I, p. 29.)
He is somewhat perplexed about applying this distinction
to the penguin: “The wing of the penguin,” he admits, “is of
high service, acting as a fin; it may, therefore, represent the
nascent state: not that I believe this to be the case; it is more
probably a reduced organ, modified for a new function.”
(“Origin of Species,” 6th ed., ch. XIV, pp. 469, 470.) In other
words, there is scarcely any objective consideration by which
the validity of this distinction can be checked up in practice.
Like homology and convergence, like palingenesis and cænogensis,
the distinction between rudimentary and nascent
organs is a convenient device, which can be arbitrarily manipulated
according to the necessities of a preconceived theory.
It is “scientific” sanction for the privilege of blowing hot and
cold with the same breath.
The assumption that atrophy and reduction are the inevitable
consequence of disuse, or diminution of use, in so far as
this decreases the flow of nourishing blood to unexercised
parts, is certainly erroneous. Yet Darwin made it the premise
of his argument from so-called rudimentary organs. “The
term ‘disuse’ does not relate,” he informs us, “merely to lessened
action of muscles, but includes a diminished flow of blood
to the part or organ, from being subjected to fewer alternations
of pressure, or from being in any way less habitually
active.” (“Origin of Species,” 6th ed., p. 469.) As a matter
of fact, however, we have many instances in which use has
failed to develop and disuse to reduce organs in certain types
of animals. As an example in point, we may cite the case of
right-handedness among human beings. From time immemorial,
the generality of mankind have consistently used the
right hand in preference to the left, without any atrophy or
reduction of the left hand, or over-development of the right
hand, resulting from this racial practice. “The superiority of
one hand,” says G. Elliot Smith, “is as old as mankind.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1912, p. 570.) It is true that only
about 6,000 years of human existence are known to history,
but, if one accepts the most conservative estimates of glaciologists,
man has had a much longer prehistory, the lowest
estimates for the age of man being approximately 30,000 years.
Thus W. J. Sollas tells us that the Glacial period, in which
man first appeared, came to an end about 7,000 years ago,
and that the men buried at Chapelle-aux-Saints in France
lived about 25,000 years ago. His figures agree with those of
C. F. Wright, who bases his calculations on the Niagara
Gorge. The Niagara River is one of the postglacial streams,
and the time required to cut its gorge has been calculated as
7,000 years. Gerard De Geer, the Swedish scientist, gives
20,000 years ago as the end of glacial and the commencement
of recent or postglacial time. He bases his estimates on the
sediments of the Yoldia Sea in Sweden. His method consists
in the actual counting of certain seasonally-laminated clay
layers, presumably left behind by the receding ice sheet of the
continental glacier. The melting is registered by annual deposition,
in which the thinner layers of finer sand from the
winter flows alternate with thicker layers of coarser material
from the summer flows. In warm years, the layers are thicker,
in colder years they are thinner, so that these laminated
Pleistocene clays constitute a thermographic as well as a
chronological record. De Geer began his study of Pleistocene
clays in 1878, and in 1920 he led an expedition to the United
States, for the purpose of extending his researches. (Cf. Science,
Sept. 24, 1920, pp. 284-286.) At that time, he claimed to have
worked out the chronology of the past 12,000 years. His
figure of 20,000 years for postglacial time, while very displeasing
to that reckless foe of scientific caution and conservatism,
Henry Fairfield Osborn, tallies very well with the estimates
of Sollas and Wright. H. Obermaier, basing his computation
on Croll’s theory that glaciation is caused by variations in the
eccentricity of the earth’s orbit about the sun, which would
bring about protracted winters in the hemisphere having
winter, when the earth was farthest from the sun (with consequent
accumulation of ice), gives 30,000 years ago as the date
of the first appearance of man on earth. Father Hugues
Obermaier, it may be noted, like Abbé Henri Breuil, is one
of the foremost authorities on the subject of prehistoric Man.
Both are Catholic priests.
All such computations of the age of man are, of course, uncertain
and theoretical. Evolutionists calculate it in hundreds
of thousands, and even millions, of years. After giving such
a table of recklessly tremendous figures, Osborn has the hypocritical
meticulosity to add that, for the sake of precision (save
the mark!) the nineteen hundred and some odd years of the
Christian era should be added to his figures. But,
even according to the most conservative scientific estimates,
as we have seen, man is said to have been in
existence for 30,000 years, and the prevalence of right-handedness
among men is as old as the human race. One
would expect, then, to find modern man equipped with a
gigantic right arm and a dwarfed left arm. In other words,
man should exhibit a condition comparable to that of a
lobster, which has one large and one small chela. Yet, in
spite of the fact that the comparative inaction of the human
left hand is supposed to have endured throughout a period of,
at least, 30,000 years, this state of affairs has not resulted
in the faintest trace of atrophy or retrogression. Bones, muscles,
tendons, ligaments, nerves, blood vessels, and all parts
are of equal size in both arms and both hands. Excessive
exercise may overdevelop the musculature of the right arm,
but this is an individual and acquired adaptation, which is
never transmitted to the offspring, e.g. the child of a blacksmith
does not inherit the muscular hypertrophy of his father.
Disuse, therefore, has not the efficacy which Lamarck and
Darwin ascribed to it.
In fine, it must be recognized, once for all, that organisms
are not-molded on a Lamarckian basis of use, nor yet on a
Darwinian basis of selected utility. Expediency, in other
words, is not the sole governing principle of the organic world.
Neither instinctive habitude nor the struggle for existence
succeeds in forcing structural adaptation of a predictable
nature. Animals with different organic structure have the
same instincts, e.g. monkeys with, and without, prehensile tails
alike dwell in trees; while animals having the same organic
structure may have different instincts, e.g. the rabbit, which
burrows, and the hare, which does not, are practically identical
in anatomical structure. Again, some animals are highly specialized
for a function, which other animals perform without
specialized organs, as is instanced in the case of moles, which
possess a special burrowing apparatus, and prairie-dogs, which
burrow without a specialized apparatus. Any system of evolution,
which ignores the internal or hereditary factors of
organic life and strives to explain all in terms of the environmental
factors, encounters an insuperable obstacle in this remorseless
resistance of conflicting facts.
Another flaw in the Darwinian argument from rudimentary
organs is that it confounds, in many cases, apparent, with real
inutility (or absence of function). Darwin and his followers
frequently argued out of their ignorance, and falsely concluded
that an organ was destitute of a function, merely because they
had failed to discover its utility. Large numbers, accordingly,
of highly serviceable organs were catalogued as vestigial or
rudimentary, simply because nineteenth century science did
not comprehend their indubitable utility. With the advance
of present-day physiology, this list of “useless organs” is being
rapidly depleted, so that the scientific days of the rudimentary
organ appear to be numbered. At any rate, in arbitrarily
pronouncing many important and functioning organs to be
useless vestiges of a former stage in the history of the race,
the Darwinians were not the friends of Science, but rather
its reactionary enemies, inasmuch as they sought to discourage
further investigation by their dogmatic decision that there was
no function to be found. In so doing, however, they were
merely exploiting the ignorance of their times in the interest
of a preconceived theory, which whetted their appetite for
discovering, at all costs, the presence in man of functionless
organs.
Their anxiety in this direction led them to consider the
whole group of organs constituting a most important regulatory
and coördinative system in man and other vertebrates
as so many useless vestigial organs. This system is called the
cryptorhetic system and is made of internally-secreting, ductless
glands, now called endocrine glands. These glands generate
and instill into the blood stream certain chemical substances
called hormones, which, diffusing in the blood, produce
immediate stimulatory, and remote metabolic effects on special
organs distant from the endocrine gland, in which the particular
hormone is elaborated. As examples of such endocrine
glands, we may mention the pineal gland (epiphysis), the
pituitary body (hypophysis), the thyroid glands, the parathyroids,
the islelets of Langerhans, the adrenal bodies (suprarenal
capsules), and the interstitial cells of the gonads. The
importance of these alleged useless organs is now known to
be paramount. Death, for instance, will immediately ensue
in man and other animals, upon extirpation of the adrenal
bodies.
The late Robert Wiedersheim, it will be remembered, declared
the pineal gland or epiphysis to be the surviving vestige of a
“third eye” inherited from a former ancestor, in whom it
opened between the parietal bones of the skull, like the median
or pineal eye of certain lizards, the socket of which is the
parietal foramen formed in the interparietal suture. If the
argument is based on homology alone, then the coincidence in
position between the human epiphysis and the median optic
nerve of the lizards in question has the ordinary force of the
evolutionary argument from homology. But when one attempts
to reduce the epiphysis to the status of a useless vestigial
rudiment, he is in open conflict with facts; for the pineal
body is, in reality, an endocrine gland generating and dispersing
a hormone, which is very important for the regulation
of growth in general and of sexual development in particular.
Hence this tiny organ in the diencephalic roof, no larger than
a grain of wheat, is not a functionless rudiment, but an important
functioning organ of the cryptorhetic system. We
have no ground, therefore, on this score for inferring that our
pineal gland functioned in former ancestors as a median eye
comparable to that of the cyclops Polyphemus of Homeric
fame.
In like manner, the pituitary body or hypophysis, which in
man is a small organ about the size of a cherry, situated at
the base of the brain, buried in the floor of the skull, and
lying just behind the optic chiasma, was formerly rated as a
rudimentary organ. It was, in fact, regarded as the vestigial
remnant of a former connection between the neural and alimentary
canals, reminiscent of the invertebrate stage. “The
phylogenetic explanation of this organ generally accepted,”
says Albert P. Mathews, “is that formerly the neural canal
connected at this point with the alimentary canal. A probable
and almost the only explanation of this, though an explanation
almost universally rejected by zoölogists, is that of
Gaskell, who has maintained that the vertebrate alimentary
canal is a new structure, and that the old invertebrate canal
is the present neural canal. The infundibulum, on this view,
would correspond to the old invertebrate œsophagus, the ventricle
of the thalamus to the invertebrate stomach, and the
canal originally connected posteriorly with the anus. The
anterior lobe of the pituitary body could then correspond to
some glandular adjunct of the invertebrate canal, and the
nervous part to a portion of the original circumœsophageal
nervous ring of the invertebrates.” (“Physiological Chemistry,”
2nd ed., 1916, pp. 641, 642.)
This elaborate piece of evolutionary contortion calls for no
comment here. We are only interested in the fact that this
wild and weird speculation was originally inspired by the
false assumption that the hypophysis was a functionless organ.
As a matter of fact, it is the source of two important hormones.
The one generated in its anterior lobe is tethelin, a
metabolic hormone, which promotes the growth of the body in
general and of the bony tissue in particular. Hypertrophy
and overfunction of this gland produces giantism, or acromegaly
(enlargement of hands, feet, and skull), while atrophy
and underfunction of the anterior lobe results in infantilism,
acromikria (diminution of extremities, i. e. hands, feet, head),
obesity, and genital dystrophy (i. e. suppression of secondary
sexual characters). The posterior lobe of the pituitary
body constitutes, with the pars intermedia, a second endocrine
gland, which generates a stimulatory hormone called pituitrin.
This hormone stimulates unstriated muscle to contract, and
thereby regulates the discharge of secretions from various
glands of the body, e. g. the mammary glands, bladder, etc.
Hence the hypophysis, far from being a useless organ, is an
indispensable one. Moreover, it is an integral and important
part of the cryptorhetic system.
The same story may be repeated of the thyroid glands.
These consist of two lobes located on either side of the windpipe,
just below the larynx (Adam’s apple), and joined together
across the windpipe by a narrow band or isthmus of
their own substance. Gaskell homologized them with a gland
in scorpions, and Mathew says that, if his surmise is correct,
“the thyroid represents an accessory sexual organ of the invertebrate.”
(Op. cit., p. 654.) They are, however, endocrine
glands, that generate a hormone known as thyroxin,
which regulates the body-temperature, growth of the body
in general, and of the nervous system in particular, etc., etc.
Atrophy or extirpation of these glands causes cretinism in the
young and myxoedema in adults. Without a sufficient supply
of this hormone, the normal exercise of mental powers in
human beings is impossible. The organ, therefore, is far from
being a useless vestige of what was formerly useful.
George Howard Parker, the Zoölogist of Harvard, sums up
the case against the Darwinian interpretation of the endocrine
glands as follows: “The extent to which hormones control the
body is only just beginning to be appreciated. For a long time
anatomists have recognized in the higher animals, including
man, a number of so-called ductless glands, such as the thyroid
gland, the pineal gland, the hypophysis, the adrenal bodies,
and so forth. These have often been passed over as unimportant
functionless organs whose presence was to be explained
as an inheritance from some remote ancestor. But such a
conception is far from correct. If the thyroids are removed
from a dog, death follows in from one to four weeks. If the
adrenal bodies are excised, the animal dies in from two to
three days. Such results show beyond doubt that at least some
of these organs are of vital importance, and more recent studies
have demonstrated that most of them produce substances
which have all the properties of hormones.” (“Biology and
Social Problems,” 1914, pp. 43, 44.)
Even the vermiform appendix of the cæcum, which since
Darwin’s time has served as a classic example of a rudimentary
organ in man, is, in reality, not a functionless organ.
Darwin, however, was of opinion that it was not only useless,
but positively harmful. “With respect to the alimentary
canal,” he says, “I have met with an account of only a single
rudiment, namely, the vermiform appendage of the cæcum.
... Not only is it useless, but it is sometimes the cause of
death, of which fact I have lately heard two instances. This
is due to small hard bodies, such as seeds, entering the passage
and causing inflammation.” (“Descent of Man,” 2nd
ed., ch. I, pp. 39, 40.) The idea that seeds cause appendicitis
is, of course, an exploded superstition, the hard bodies sometimes
found in the appendix being fecal concretions and not
seeds—“The old idea,” says Dr. John B. Deaver, “that foreign
bodies, such as grape seeds, are the cause of the disease, has
been disproved.” (Encycl. Americana, vol. 2, p. 76.) What
is more germane to the point at issue, however, is that
Darwin erred in denying the utility of the vermiform appendix.
For, although this organ does not discharge in man the important
function which its homologue discharges in grain-eating
birds and also in herbivorous mammals, it subserves the
secondary function of lubricating the intestines by means of
a secretion from its muciparous glands.
Darwin gives the semilunar fold as another instance of a
vestigial organ, claiming that it is a persistent rudiment of a
former third eyelid or membrana nictitans, such as we find
in birds. “The nictitating membrane, or third eyelid,”
he says, “with its accessory muscles and other structures, is
especially well developed in birds, and is of much functional
importance to them, as it can be rapidly drawn across the
whole eyeball. It is found in some reptiles and amphibians,
and in certain fishes as in sharks. It is fairly well developed
in the two lower divisions of the mammalian series, namely,
in the monotremata and marsupials, and in some higher mammals,
as in the walrus. But in man, the quadrumana, and most
other mammals, it exists, as is admitted by all anatomists,
as a mere rudiment, called the semilunar fold.” (Op. cit.,
ch. I, pp. 35, 36.) Here Darwin is certainly wrong about his
facts; for the so-called third eyelid is not well developed in
the two lower divisions of the mammalian series (i.e. the
monotremes and the marsupials) nor in any other mammalian
type. “With but few exceptions,” says Remy Perrier, “the
third eyelid is not so complete as among the birds; (in the
mammals) it never covers the entire eye. For the rest, it is
not really perceptible except in certain types, like the dog,
the ruminants, and, still more so, the horse. In the rest (of
the mammals) it is less developed.” (“Elements d’anatomie
comparée,” Paris, 1893, p. 1137.) Moreover, Darwin’s suggestion
leaves us at sea as to the ancestor, from whom our
“rudimentary third eyelid” has been inherited. His mention
of birds as having a well developed third eyelid is not very
helpful, because all evolutionists agree in excluding the birds
from our line of descent. The reptiles are more promising
candidates for the position of ancestors, but, as no trace of
a third eyelid could possibly be left behind in the imperfect
record of the fossiliferous rocks (soft parts like this having but
slight chance of preservation), we do not really know whether
the palæozoic reptiles possessed this particular feature, or not.
Nor can we argue from analogy and induction, because not all
modern reptiles are equipped with third eyelids. Hence the
particular group of palæozoic reptiles, which are supposed to
have been our progenitors, may not have possessed any third
eyelid to bequeath to us in the reduced and rudimentary form
of the plica semilunaris. If it be replied, that they must have
had this feature, because otherwise we would have no ancestor
from whom we could inherit our semilunar fold, it is obvious
that such argumentation assumes the very point which it
ought to prove, namely: the actuality of evolution. Rudiments
are supposed to be a proof for evolution, and not, vice
versa, evolution a proof for rudiments.
Finally, the basic assumption of Darwin that the semilunar
fold is destitute of function is incorrect; for this crescent-shaped
fold situated in the inner or nasal corner of the eye
of man and other mammals serves to regulate the flow of the
lubricating lacrimal fluid (which we call tears). True this
function is secondary compared with the more important function
discharged by the nictitating membrane in birds. In the
latter, the third eyelid is a pearly-white (sometimes transparent)
membrane placed internal to the real eyelids, on the
inner side of the eye, over whose surface it can be drawn like
a curtain to shield the organ from excessive light, or irritating
dust; nevertheless, the regulation of the flow of lacrimal
humor is a real function, and it is therefore entirely false to
speak of the semilunar fold as a functionless rudiment.
The coccyx is likewise cited by Darwin as an example of
an inherited rudiment in man. “In man,” he says, “the os
coccyx, together with certain other vertebræ hereafter to be
described, though functionless as a tail, plainly represents this
part in other vertebrate animals.” (Op. cit., ch. I, p. 42.)
That it serves no purpose as a tail, may be readily admitted,
but that it serves no purpose whatever, is quite another matter.
As a matter of fact, it serves for the attachment of several
small muscles, whose functioning would be impossible in
the absence of this bone. Darwin himself concedes this; for
he confesses that the four vertebræ of the coccyx “are furnished
with some small muscles.” (Ibidem.) We may, therefore,
admit the homology between the human coccyx and the
tails of other vertebrates, without being forced to regard the
latter as a useless vestigial organ. It may be objected that
the attachment of these muscles might have been provided
for in a manner more in harmony with our
ideas of symmetry. To this we reply that Helmholtz
criticized the human eye for similar reasons, when he said that
he would remand to his workshop for correction an optical
instrument so flawed with defects as the human eye. But,
after all, it was by the use of these selfsame imperfect eyes
that Helmholtz was enabled to detect the flaws of which he
complained. When man shall have fully fathomed the difficulties
and obstructions with which organic morphogeny has
to contend in performing its wonderful work, and shall have
arrived at an elementary knowledge of the general laws of
morphogenetic mechanics, he will be more inclined to admire
than to criticize. It is a mistake to imagine that the finite
works of the Creator must be perfect from every viewpoint.
It suffices that they are perfect with respect to the particular
purpose which they serve, and this purpose must not be narrowly
estimated from the standpoint of the created work itself,
but from that of its position in the universal scheme of creation.
All such partial views as the Helmholtzian one are
false views.
Another consideration which Darwin and his partisans have
failed to take into account is the possibility of an ontogenetic,
as well as a phylogenetic, explanation of rudimentary organs.
That is to say, rudimentary organs might, so far as a priori
reasons are concerned, be the now useless vestiges of organs
formerly developed and functional in the fœtus, and need not
necessarily be interpreted as traces of organs that functioned
formerly in remote racial ancestors. That there should be such
things as special fœtal organs, which atrophy in later adult
life, is a possibility that ought not to excite surprise. During
its uterine existence, the fœtus is subject to peculiar conditions
of life, very different from those which prevail in the
case of adult organisms—e.g. respiration and the digestive
process are suspended, and there is a totally different kind of
circulation. What, then, more natural than that the fœtus
should require special organs to adapt it to these special conditions
of uterine life? Such organs, while useful and functional
in the earlier stages of embryonic development, will, so soon
as birth and maturity introduce new conditions of life, become
superfluous, and therefore doomed, in the interest of organic
economy, to ultimate atrophy and degeneration, until nothing
is left of them but vestigial remnants.
The thymus may be cited as a probable instance of such an
organ. This organ, which is located in front of the heart and
behind the breastbone, in the region between the two lungs,
consists, at the period of its greatest development in man, of
a two-lobed structure, 5 cm. long and 4 cm. wide, with a thickness
of 6 mm. and a maximum weight of 35 grams. It is
supplied with numerous lymphoid cells, which are aggregated
to form lymphoid follicles (cf. Gray’s “Anatomy,” 20th ed.,
1918, pp. 1273, 1274; Burton-Opitz’ “Physiology,” 1920, p. 964).
This organ is a transitory one, well developed at birth, but
degenerating, according to some authors, after the second year
of life (cf. Starling’s “Physiology,” 3rd ed., 1920, p. 1245);
according to others, however, not until the period of full maturity,
namely, puberty. (Cf. Gray’s “Anatomy,” loc. cit.)
W. H. Howell cites both opinions, without venturing to decide
the matter (cf. his “Physiology,” 8th ed., 1921, pp. 869, 870).
It was at one time classified as a rudimentary or functionless
organ. Later on, however, it was thought by certain observers
to be an endocrine gland, yielding a secretion important for
the growth of young mammals. This took it out of the class
of useless vestigial organs, but the recent discovery that it is
indispensable to birds as furnishing a secretion necessary for
the formation of the tertiary envelopes (egg membrane and
shell) of their eggs, has tended to revive the idea of its being
a vestigial organ inherited from the lower vertebrates.
Thus Dr. Oscar Riddle, while admitting that the thymus
gland in man has some influence on the growth of the bones,
contends that the newly-discovered function of this gland in
birds is much more important, since without it none of the
vertebrates, excepting mammals, could reproduce their young.
“It thus becomes clear,” he says, “that though the thymus
is almost without use in the human being, it is in fact a sort
of ‘mother of the race.’ The higher animals could not have
come into existence without it. For even while our ancestors
lived in the water, it was the thymus of these ancestors which
made possible the production of the egg-envelopes within which
the young were cradled and protected until they were ready
for an independent life.” (Science, Dec. 28, 1923, Suppl. XIII,
XIV.)
This conclusion, however, is far too hasty. For, even if
we disregard as negligible the minor function, that Riddle
assigns to the thymus in man, there remains another possibility,
which H. H. Wilder takes into account, namely, that
the thymus may, in certain cases, be a temporary substitute
for the lymphatic vessels. Having called attention to certain
determinate channels found in some of the lower vertebrates,
he tells us that these “can well be utilized as adjuncts of the
lymphatic system until their function can be supplied by
definite lymphatic vessels.” He then resumes his discussion
of the lymph nodules in mammals as follows: “Aside from
the solitary and aggregated nodules, both of which appear to
be centers of origin of lymphocytes, there are numerous other
places in which the cellular constituents of the blood are developed.
Many of these, as in the case of the aggregated
nodules of the intestines, are developed within the wall of the
alimentary canal and are therefore endodermic in origin. These
include the tonsils, the thymus, and thyroid glands, the associated
epithelial bodies, and, perhaps, the spleen.... In their
function as formative nidi for the cellular elements of the blood
these organs form physiologically important auxiliaries to the
vascular system as a whole, but belong elsewhere in their anatomical
developmental affinities.” (“History of the Human
Body,” 2nd ed., 1923, p. 395—italics mine.)
This being the case, it is much more reasonable to interpret
the thymus as an ontogenetic (embryonic), rather than a
phylogenetic (racial) rudiment. It has been observed that, in
the case of reptiles which lack definite lymphatic glands (which
function in man as formative centers of lymphocytes or white
blood corpuscles), the thymus is extraordinarily developed
and abounds in lymphoid cells. It has also been observed
that the formation of lymphocytes in the lymphatic glands is
regulated by the digestive process; for, after digestion, the
activity of these glands increases and the formation of leucocytes
is accelerated. Since, then, the lymphatic glands appear
to require the stimulus of the digestive process to incite them
to action, it is clear that in the fœtus, which lacks the digestive
process, the lymphatic glands will not be stimulated to
action, and that the task of furnishing lymphocytes will devolve
upon the thymus. After birth, the digestive process
commences and the lymphatic glands become active in response
to this stimulus. As the function of forming lymphocytes
is transferred from the thymus to the lymphatic glands,
the former is gradually deprived of its importance, and, in
the interest of organic economy, it begins to atrophy, until, at
the end of the child’s second year, or, at latest, when the child
has reached sexual maturity, nothing but a reduced vestige
remains of this once functional organ. “The thymus,” says
Starling, “forms two large masses in the anterior mediastinum
which in man grow up to the second year of life and then
rapidly diminish, so that only traces are to be found at
puberty. It contains a large amount of lymphatic tissue and
is therefore often associated with the lymphatic glands as the
seat of the formation of lymph corpuscles.... In certain
cases of arrested development or of general weakness in young
people, the thymus has been found to be persistent.” (“Physiology,”
3rd ed., 1920, p. 1245.)
In the light of these facts, it is utterly unreasonable to regard
the thymus as a practically useless rudiment inherited
from the lower vertebrates. “That they have an important
function in the young animal,” says Albert Mathews, “can
hardly be doubted.” (“Physiological Chemistry,” 1916, p.
675.) In fact, the peculiar nature of their development in
the young and their atrophy in the adult forces such a conclusion
upon us. The thymus, therefore, is, in all probability,
an ontogenetic, and not a phylogenetic, rudiment. It might
conceivably be exploited as a biogenetic recapitulation of a
reptilian stage in man, just as the so-called fish-kidney of the
human embryo is exploited for evolutionary interpretation.
The principles by which such a view may be refuted have
been given previously. But, in any case, it is folly to interpret
the thymus as a rudiment in the racial, rather than embryonic
sense. Moreover, the possibility of an ontogenetic interpretation
of rudiments must not be restricted to the thymus, but
must be accepted as a general and legitimate alternative for
the phylogenetic interpretation.
In the last place, it remains for us to consider the Darwinian
argument, based upon so-called rudimentary organs,
from the standpoint of the science of genetics. Darwin, as
we have remarked elsewhere, was ignorant of the non-inheritability
of those inconstant individual variations now known
as fluctuations. He was somewhat perplexed, when Professor
L. Meyer pointed out the extreme variability in position of the
“projecting point” on the margin of the human ear, but he
still clung to his original contention that this “blunt point”
was a surviving vestige of the apex of the pointed ears found
in donkeys and horses, etc. “Nevertheless,” he says, “in some
cases my original view, that the points are vestiges of the tips
of formerly erect and pointed ears, still seems to be probable.”
(“Descent of Man,” 2nd ed., ch. I, p. 34.) Darwin, as Ranke
points out, was mistaken in homologizing his famous “tubercule”
with the apex of bestial ears. “The acute extremity
of the pointed animal ear,” says this author, “does not correspond
to this prominence designated by Darwin, but to the
vertex of the helix.” (“Der Mensch,” II, p. 39.) The feature
in question is, moreover, a mere fluctuation due to the degree
of development attained by the cartilage: hence its variability
in different human beings. In very extreme cases, fluctuations
of this sort, may be important enough to constitute an
anomaly, and, as anomalies are often interpreted as atavisms
and reversions to a primitive type, it may be well to advert to
this subject here.
Dwight has an excellent chapter on anatomical variations
and anomalies. (Cf. “Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,” 1911,
ch. IX.) He tells us that “a thigh bone a little more bent, an
ear a little more pointed, a nose a little more projecting ...
a little more or a little less of anything you please—this is
variation.” “An anatomical anomaly,” he says, “is some peculiarity
of any part of the body which cannot be expressed
in terms of more or less, but is distinctly new.” He divides
the latter into two classes, namely: those which consist in the
repetition of one or more elements in a series, e.g. the occurrence
of supernumerary legs in an insect, and those which
consist in the suppression of one or more elements in a series,
e.g. the occurrence of eleven pairs of ribs in a man. Variations
and anomalies are fluctuational or mutational, according
as they are based on changes in the soma alone, or on changes
in the germ plasm. Variations, however, are more likely to be
non-inheritable fluctuations, and anomalies to be inheritable
mutations. We shall speak of the latter presently. In the
meantime we may note that the main trouble with interpreting
these anatomical irregularities as “reversive” or “atavistic”
is that they would connect man with all sorts of quite impossible
lines of descent. “In my early days of anatomy,”
says Dwight, “I thought that I must be very ignorant, because
I could not understand how the occasional appearance in man
of a peculiarity of some animal outside of any conceivable
line of descent could be called a reversion, as it soon became
the custom to call it.... It was only later that I grasped
the fact that the reason I could not understand these things
was that there was nothing to understand. It was sham science
from beginning to end.” (Op. cit., p. 209.) By way of anomaly,
almost any human peculiarity can occur in animals, and,
conversely, any bestial peculiarity in man, but the resemblance
to man of an animal outside of the alleged line of human descent
represents a grave difficulty for the theory of evolution,
and not an argument in its favor.
The human body is certainly not a mosaic of heterogenetic
organs, i.e. a complex of structures inherited from any and
every sort of animal, whether extant or extinct; for such
a vast number and variety of ancestors could not possibly
have coöperated to produce man. Prof. D. Carazzi,
in his Address of Inauguration in the Chair of
Zoölogy and Comparative Anatomy at the University of
Padua, Jan. 20, 1906, excoriated with scathing irony the sham
Darwinian science, of which Dwight complains. “But even
in the serious works of pure science,” says the Italian zoölogist,
“we read, for example, that the over-development of the
postauricular muscles sometimes observed in man is an atavistic
reminiscence of the muscles of the helix of the ear of
the horse and the ass. And so far so good, because it gives
evidence of great modesty in recognizing as our ancestors
those well-deserving and long-eared quadrupeds. But this is
not all; there appear at times in a woman one or more anomalous
mammary glands below the pectoral ones; and here, too,
they insist on explaining the anomaly as a reversion to type,
that is, as an atavistic reminiscence of the numerous mammary
glands possessed by different lower mammals; the bitch, for
example....
“But the supernumerary mammary glands are not a reversion
to type; anomalous mammary glands may appear upon
the median line, upon the deltoid, and even upon the knee,
regions far-distant from the ‘milk-line.’ So with regard to
the postauricular muscles we must say that according to the
laws of Darwinism the cases of anomalous development are
not interpretable as reversions to type. All these features are
not phylogenetic reminiscences, but anomalies of development,
of such a nature that, if we should wish to make use
of them for establishing the line of human descent, we would
have to say that man descends from the swine, from the solipeds
and even from the cetaceans, returning, namely, to the
old conception of lineal descent, that is, to Buffon’s idea of
the concatenation of creatures.” (“Teorie e critiche nella moderna
biologia,” 1906.)
Darwin’s doctrine, however, on the origin and significance
of rudimentary organs has been damaged by genetic analysis
in a yet more serious fashion. In fact, with the discovery that
anomalous suppression and anomalous duplication of organs
may result from factorial mutation, this Darwinian conception
received what is tantamount to its deathblow. Darwin,
it will be remembered, was convinced that the regression of
organs was brought about by “increased disuse controlled by
natural selection.” (Cf. “Origin of Species,” 6th ed., ch. V.)
Such phenomena, he thought, as the suppression of wings in
the Apteryx and the reduction of wings in running birds, arose
from their “inhabiting ocean islands,” where they “have not
been exposed to the attacks of beasts, and consequently lost
the power of using their wings for flight.” (“Descent of Man,”
6th ed., ch. I, p. 32.) In some cases, he believed that disuse
and natural selection had coöperated ex aequo to produce
results of this nature, e.g. the reduction of the eyes in the mole
and in Ctenomys; for this reduction, he claims, has some
selection-value, inasmuch as reduction of the eyes, adhesion of
the lids, and covering with hair tends to protect the unused and
useless eye against inflammation. In other cases, however,
he is inclined to discount the idea that suppression of organs
is an “effect of long-continued disuse,” and to regard the phenomenon
as “wholly, or mainly, due to natural selection,” e.g.
in the case of the wingless beetles of the island of Madeira.
“For during successive generations,” he reasons, “each individual
beetle which flew least, either from its wings having
been ever so little less developed or from indolent habit, will
have had the best chance of surviving from not being blown
out to sea; and, on the other hand, those beetles which most
readily took to flight would oftenest have been blown to sea,
and thus destroyed.” In a third class of instances, however,
he assigns the principal rôle to disuse, e.g. in the case of the
blind animals “which inhabit the caves of Carniola and Kentucky,
because,” as he tells us, “it is difficult to imagine that
eyes, though useless, could be injurious to animals living in
darkness.” Hence he concludes that, as the obliteration of
eyes has no selection-value, under the circumstances prevailing
in dark caves, “their loss may be attributed to disuse.”
(Cf. “Origin of Species,” 6th ed., ch. V, pp. 128-133.)
Morgan’s comment on these elaborate speculations of Darwin
is very caustic and concise. Referring to factorial mutations,
which give rise to races of flies having supernumerary
and vestigial organs, he says: “In contrast to the last case,
where a character is doubled, is the next one in which the eyes
are lost. This change took place at a single step. All the
flies of this stock, however, cannot be said to be eyeless, since
many of them show pieces of eye—indeed the variation is so
wide that the eye may even appear like a normal eye unless
carefully examined. Formerly we were taught that eyeless
animals arose in caves. This case shows that they may also
arise suddenly in glass milk bottles, by a change in a single
factor.
“I may recall in this connection that wingless flies also arose
in our cultures by a single mutation. We used to be told that
wingless insects occurred on desert islands because those insects
that had the best developed wings were blown out to sea.
Whether this is true or not, I will not pretend to say, but at
any rate wingless insects may also arise, not through a slow
process of elimination, but at a single step.” (“A Critique of
the Theory of Evolution,” 1916, pp. 66, 67.)
In directing attention to the fact that a permanent and
inheritable reduction of organs to the vestigial state can result
from mutation, we do not, of course, intend to exclude the
possible occurrence of somatic atrophy due to lack of exercise
rather than to germinal change. Thus the blind species of
animals in caves may, in some instances, be persistently blind,
because of the persistent darkness of the environment in
which they live, and not by reason of any inherited factor for
blindness. Darwin gives one such instance, namely, that of
the cave rat Neotoma. To test such cases, the blind animals
would have to be bred in an illuminated environment. If,
under this condition, they failed to develop normal eyes, the
blindness would be due to a germinal factor, and would be
inherited in an illumined, no less than a dark, environment.
In any case, a mutation which suppresses a character is not,
as we have seen, a specific change, but merely one of the
varietal order, which does not result in the production of a
genuine new species. The factorial mutant with a vestigial
wing or eye belongs to the same species as its wild or normal
parent stock. Moreover, neither disuse nor natural selection
has the slightest power to induce mutations of this kind. If
mutation be the cause of the blindness of cave animals, then
their presence in such caves must be accounted for by supposing
that they migrated thither because they found in the
cave a most suitable environment for safety, foraging, etc.
Darkness alone, however, could never induce germinal, but, at
most, merely somatic blindness. The Lamarckian factor of
disuse and the Darwinian factor of selection have been definitely
discredited as agents which could bring about hereditarily-transmissible
modifications.
All efforts, then, to establish, by means of anatomical and
embryological homologies, the lineal descent of man from any
known type of monkey or ape have ended in ignominious
failure. Comparative anatomy and embryology can, at most,
only furnish grounds for extremely vague and indefinite speculations
regarding the descent of man, but they can never become
a basis for specific conclusions with respect to the
phylogeny of Homo sapiens. Every known form of ape,
whether extant or extinct, is, as we have seen, far too specialized
in its adaptation to arboreal life to pass muster as a
feasible ancestor. The only conceivable manner in which the
human body could be related to simian stock is by way of
collateral descent, and the only means of proving such descent
is to adduce a series of intermediate fossil types connecting
modern men and modern apes with this alleged common
ancestor of both. “The ascent (sic) of man as one of
the Primates,” says Henry Fairfield Osborn, “was parallel
with that of the families of apes. Man has a long line of ancestry
of his own, perhaps two million or more years in length.
He is not descended from any known form of ape either living
or fossil.” (The Ill. London News, Jan. 8, 1921, p. 40.)
This theory of a hypothetical primate ancestor of man,
which is supposed to have inhabited the earth during the
earlier part of the Tertiary period, and to have presented a
more man-like appearance than any known type of ape, was
first propounded by Karl Snell in 1863. It was popularized at
the beginning of the present century by Klaatsch, who saw in
it a means of escape from the absurdities and perplexities of
the theory of lineal descent—“the less,” says the latter, “an
ape has changed from its original form, just so much the
more human it appears.” This saying is revamped by Kohlbrugge
to read: “Man comes from an original form much
more like himself than any existing ape.” Kohlbrugge’s comment
is as follows: “The line of descent of man thus receives
on the side of the primates a quite different form from its
previous-one. Such new hypotheses as those of Hubrecht
and Klaatsch seem, therefore, fortunate for nature-philosophers,
because evolution always failed us when we compared
known forms in their details, and led us only to confusion.
But if one works with such distant hypothetical ancestors,
one escapes much disillusioning.” (Quoted by Dwight, op. cit.,
p. 195.)
One thing, at any rate, is certain, namely: that we do not
possess any fossils of this primitive “large brained, erectly
walking primate,” who is alleged to have roamed the earth
during the eocene or oligocene epoch. The Foxhall Man,
whose culture Osborn ascribes to the Upper Pliocene, is far too
recent, and, what is worse, far too intelligent, to be this Tertiary
Ancestor. The Pithecanthropus erectus, likewise, is excluded
for reasons which we shall presently consider. Meanwhile,
let it be noted, that we have Osborn’s assurance for the
fact that we are descended from a brainy and upright oligocene
ancestor, as yet, however, undiscovered.
But the situation is more hopeful, if we hark back to a still
more remote period, whose remains are so scarce and fragmentary,
as to eliminate the possibility of embarrassment arising
from intractable details. “Back of this,” says Osborn,
“ ... was a prehuman arboreal stage.” (Loc. cit.) Here,
then, we are back again in the same old rut of tree-climbing
simian ancestry, whence we thought to have escaped by abandoning
the theory of lineal descent; and, before we have time
to speculate upon how we got there, Prof. Wm. Gregory of
the American Museum is summoned by Osborn to present us
with specimens of this prehuman arboreal stage. This expert,
it would seem, favored up till the year 1923 the fossil jaw of
the Propliopithecus as representing the common root, whence
the human race diverged, on one side, and the races of anthropoid
apes, on the other. (Cf. Osborn’s Museum-leaflet of
1923 on “The Hall of the Age of Man,” p. 29.) On April 14,
1923, however, Gregory announced the deposition of Propliopithecus
and the enthronement of the jaw of Dryopithecus.
This sudden accession of Dryopithecus to the post of common
ancestor of apes and men was due to the discovery by Dr.
Barnum Brown of three fossil jaws of Dryopithecus in the
Miocene deposits of the Siwalik beds in northern India. By
some rapturous coincidence, the three jaws in question happen
to come from three successive “horizons,” and to be representative
of just three different stages in the evolution of Dryopithecus.
Doctor Gregory finds, moreover, that the patterns of
the minute cracks and furrows on the surviving molar teeth
correspond to those on the surface of the enamels of modern
ape and human teeth. Hence, with that ephemeral infallibility,
which is characteristic of authorities like Doctor Gregory,
and which is proof against all discouragement by reason of
past blunders, the one who told us but a year ago that the
cusps of all the teeth of Propliopithecus “are exactly such as
would be expected in the common starting point for the divergent
lines leading to the gibbons, to the higher apes, and
to man” (loc. cit.), now tells us that both we and the apes
have inherited our teeth from Dryopithecus, who had heretofore
remained neglected on the side-lines. In 1923, apparently,
Dr. Gregory was unimpressed with the crown patterns
of Dryopithecus, whose jaw he then excluded from the direct
human line. (Cf. Museum-leaflet, p. 5.) Now, however, that
the new discoveries have brought Dryopithecus into the limelight,
and, particularly because these jaws were found in
Miocene deposits, Gregory has shifted his favor from Propliopithecus
to Dryopithecus. (Cf. Science, April 25, 1924, suppl.
XIII.)
When palæontologists are obliged to do a volte face of this
sort, one ought not to scoff. One ought to be an optimist, and
eschew above all the spirit of the English statesman, who, on
hearing a learned lecture by Pearson on the question of
whether Man was descended from hylobatic, or troglodytic
stock, was guilty of the following piece of impatience: “I
am not particularly interested in the descent of man ...
this scientific pursuit of the dead bones of the past does not
seem to me a very useful way of spending life. I am accustomed
to this mode of study; learned volumes have been written
in Sanscrit to explain the conjunction of the two vowels
‘a’ and ‘u’. It is very learned, very ingenious, but not very
helpful.... I am not concerned with my genealogy so much
as with my future. Our intellects can be more advantageously
employed than in finding our diversity from the ape....
There may be no spirit, no soul; there is no proof of their
existence. If that is so, let us do away with shams and live
like animals. If, on the other hand, there is a soul to be looked
after, let us all strain our nerves to the task; there is no use in
digging into the sands of time for the skeletons of the past;
build your man for the future.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for
1921, pp. 432, 433.) It is to be hoped, however, that this
reactionary spirit is confined to the few, and that the accession
of this new primitive ancestor will be hailed with general
satisfaction. At any rate, we can wish him well, and trust
that the fossilized jaw of Dryopithecus will not lose caste so
speedily as that of Propliopithecus.
Propliopithecus, or Dryopithecus? Hylobatic, or troglodytic
affinities? Such questions are scarcely the pivots on which
the world is turned! Nevertheless, we rejoice that Doctor
Gregory has again settled the former problem (provisorily,
at least) to his own satisfaction. More important, however,
than that of the dentition of Dryopithecus, is the crucial question
of whether or not Palæontology is able to furnish evidence
of man’s genetic continuity with this primitive pithecoid root.
Certainly, no effort has been spared to procure the much desired
proofs of our reputed bestial ancestry. The Tertiary
deposits of Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and the oceanic
islands have been diligently ransacked for fossil facts that
would be susceptible to an evolutionary interpretation. The
aprioristic criterion that all large-brained men are recent, and
all small-brained men with recessive chins are necessarily
ancient, has always been employed in evaluating the fossil
evidence. Notwithstanding all endeavors, however, to bring
about the consummation so devoutly desired, the facts discovered
not only fail to support the theory of collateral descent,
but actually militate against it. For assuming that
man and the anthropoid apes constitute two distinct lines of
evolution branching out from common Tertiary or pre-Tertiary
stock, palæontology should be able to show numerous intermediate
fossil forms, not alone for the lateral branch of the
apes, but also, and especially, for the lateral line connecting
modern men with the common root of the primate tree. But
it is precisely in this latter respect that the fossil evidence for
collateral descent fails most egregiously. Palæontology knows
of many fossil genera and species of apes and lemurs, that
might conceivably represent links in a genetic chain connecting
modern monkeys with Tertiary stock, but it has yet to discover
so much as a single fossil species, much less a fossil
genus, intermediate between man, as we know him, and this
alleged Tertiary ancestor common to apes and men.
Not even catastrophism can be invoked to save this irremediable
situation; for any catastrophe that would have swept
away the human links would likewise have swept away the
ape links. The presence of many genera and species of fossil
apes, in contrast to the absence of any fossil genus or species of
man distinct from Homo sapiens, is irreconcilable with the
theory of collateral descent. Such is the dilemma proposed to
the upholders of this theory by Wasmann, in the 10th chapter
of his “Die Moderne Biologie” (3rd edition, 1906), a dilemma,
from which, as we shall see, their every attempt to extricate
themselves has failed most signally.
“But what,” asked Wasmann, “has palæontology to say
concerning this question? It tells us that, up to the present,
no connecting link between man and the ape has been found;
and, indeed, according to the theory of Klaatsch, it is absurd
to speak of a link of direct connection between these two
forms, but it tells us much more than this. It shows us, on
the basis of the results of the most recent research, that we
know the genealogical tree of the various apes, a tree very
rich in species, which extends from the present as far back as
the hypothetical primitive form assigned to the earliest part
of the Tertiary period; and, in fact, in Zittel’s work, “Grundzüge
der Paläontologie” (1895), not less than thirty genera of
fossil Pro-simiæ and eighteen genera of genuine fossil apes are
enumerated, the which have been entombed in those strata of
the earth that intervene between the Lower Eocene and the
Alluvial epoch, but between this hypothetical primitive form
and man of the present time we do not find a single connecting
link. The entire genealogical tree of man does not show so
much as one fossil genus, or even one fossil species.” (Op. cit.,
italics his.) A brief consideration of the principal fossil remains,
in which certain palæontologists profess to see evidence
of a transition between man and the primitive pithecoid stock,
will serve to verify Wasmann’s statement, and will reveal the
fact that all the alleged connecting links are distinctly human,
or purely simian, or merely mismated combinations of human
and simian remains.
(1) Pithecanthropus erectus: In 1891 Eugène Dubois, a
Dutch army surgeon, discovered in Java, at Trinil, in the
Ngawa district of the Madiun Residency, a calvarium (skull-cap),
2 upper molars and a femur, in the central part of an old
river bed. The four fragments, however, were not all found
in the same year, because the advent of the rainy season compelled
him to suspend the work of excavation. “The teeth,”
to quote Dubois himself, “were distant from the skull from
one to, at most, three meters; the femur was fifteen meters
(50 feet) away.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1898, p. 447.)
Dubois judged the lapilli stratum, in which the bones were
found, to be older than the Pleistocene, and older, perhaps,
than the most recent zones of the Pliocene series. “The Trinil
ape-man,” says Osborn, “ ... is the first of the conundrums
of human ancestry. Is the Trinil race prehuman or not?”
(Loc. cit., p. 40.) Certainly, Lower Pleistocene, or Upper
Pliocene represents too late a time for the appearance of the
upright primate, whence we are said to have sprung. Even
Miocene would be too late a date for our alleged divergence
from the primitive arboreal stock.
Of the capacity of the calvarium, Dubois says: “I found
the above-mentioned cavity measured 550 c.cm. The cast of
the cavity of the Neanderthal skull taken to the same plane
measures 750 c.cm.” (Loc. cit., p. 450, footnote.) His first estimate
of the total cranial capacity of Pithecanthropus was
1000 c.cm., but, later on, when he decided to reconstruct the
skull on the basis of the cranium of a gibbon (Hylobates
agilis) rather than that of a chimpanzee (Troglodytes niger),
he reduced his estimate of the cranial capacity to 900 c.cm.
Recently, it is rumored, he has increased the latter estimate, as
a sequel to his having removed by means of a dentist’s tool
all the siliceous matter adhering to the skull-cap. As regards
shape, the calvarium seems to resemble most closely the
cranial vault of gibbon. This similarity, as we have seen, led
Dubois to reconstruct the skull on hylobatic lines—“the skull
of Hylobates agilis,” says Dubois, “ ... strikingly resembles
that of Pithecanthropus.” (Loc. cit., p. 450, footnote.) The
craniologist Macnamara, it is true, claims that the skull-cap
most closely approximates the Troglodyte type. Speaking of
the calvarium of Pithecanthropus, the latter says: “The
cranium of an average adult male chimpanzee and the Java
cranium are so closely related that I believe them to belong
to the same family of animals—i.e. to the true apes.” (Archiv.
für Anthropologie, XXVIII, 1903, pp. 349-360.) The large
cranial capacity, however, would seem to favor Dubois’ interpretation,
seeing that gibbons have, in proportion to their
bodies, twice as large a brain as the huge Troglodyte apes,
namely, the chimpanzee and the gorilla. The maximum cranial
capacity for any ape is from 500 to 600 c.cm. Hence, with
900 c.cm. of cranial capacity estimated by Dubois, the Pithecanthropus
stands midway between the ape and the Neanderthal
Man, a human dwarf, whose cranial capacity Huxley
estimated at 1,236 c.cm. This consideration, however, does
not of itself entitle the Pithecanthropus to be regarded as a
connecting link between man and the anthropoid apes. In
all such comparisons, it is the relative, and not the absolute,
size of the brain, which is important. The elephant for example,
has as large a brain as a man, but the elephant’s brain
is small, in comparison to its huge body. The brain of a mouse
is insignificant, as regards absolute size, but, considered in
relation to the size of the mouse’s body, it is as large as, if not
larger than, that of an elephant, and hence the elephant, for
all the absolute magnitude of its brain, is no more “intelligent”
than a mouse. As we have already seen, man’s brain is
unique, not for its absolute size, but for its weight and enormous
cortical surface, considered with reference to the comparatively
small organism controlled by the brain in question.
It is this excess in size which manifests the specialization of
the human brain for psychic functions. The Weddas, a dwarf
race of Ceylon, have a far smaller cranial capacity than the
Neanderthal Man, their average cranial capacity being 960
c.cm., but they are human pigmies, whereas the Pithecanthropus,
according to Richard Hertwig, was a giant ape. “The
fragments,” says Hertwig, “were regarded by some as belonging
to a connecting link between apes and man, Pithecanthropus
erectus Dubois; by others they were thought to be
the remains of genuine apes, and by others those of genuine
men. The opinion that is most probably correct is that the
fragments belonged to an anthropoid ape of extraordinary size
and enormous cranial capacity.” (“Lehrbuch der Zoologie,”
7th ed.)
Prof. J. H. McGregor essays to make a gradational series
out of conjectural brain casts of a large ape, the Pithecanthropus
and the Neanderthal Man, in the ratio of 6: 9: 12,
this ratio being based upon the estimated cranial capacities of
the skulls in question. In a previous chapter, we have seen
that such symmetrically graded series have little force as an
argument for common descent. In the present instance, however,
the gradation gives a wrong impression of the real state
of affairs. If Doctor McGregor had taken into account the
all-important consideration of relative size, he would not have
been able to construct this misleading series. This consideration,
however, did not escape Dubois himself, and in his paper
of Dec. 14, 1896, before the Berlin Anthropological Society, he
confessed that a gigantic ape of hylobatic type would have a
cranial capacity close to that of Pithecanthropus, even if we
suppose it to have been no taller than a man. (Cf. Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1898, p. 350.) The admission is all the more
significant in view of the fact that Dubois was then endeavoring
to exclude the possibility of regarding Pithecanthropus as
an anthropoid ape.
The teeth, according to Dubois, are unlike the teeth of
either men or apes, but according to Virchow and Hrdlička,
they are more ape-like than human. The femur, though unquestionably
man-like, might conceivably belong to an ape of
the gibbon type, inasmuch as the upright posture is more
normal to the long-armed gibbon than to any other anthropoid
ape, and its thighbone, for this reason, bears the closest resemblance
to that of man. According to the “Text-Book of
Zoölogy” by Parker and Haswell, the gibbon is the only ape
that can walk erectly, which it does, not like other apes, with
the fore-limbs used as crutches, but balanced exclusively upon
its hind-limbs, with its long arms dangling to the ground—“The
Gibbons can walk in an upright position without the
assistance of the fore-limbs; in the others, though, in progression
on the surface of the ground, the body may be held in a
semi-erect position with the weight resting on the hind-limbs,
yet the assistance of the long fore-limbs acting as crutches is
necessary to enable the animal to swing itself along.” (Op.
cit., 3rd ed., 1921, vol. II, p. 494.) The Javanese femur is
rounder than in man, and is, in this, as well as other respects,
more akin to the thighbone of the gibbon. “After examining
hundreds of human femora,” says Dubois, “Manouvrier could
find only two that had a somewhat similar shape. It is therefore
a very rare form in man. With the gibbon a similar form
normally occurs.” (Loc. cit., pp. 456, 457.) Whether the
thighbone really belonged to an erectly walking animal has
not yet been definitely settled. To decide this matter, it
would be necessary to apply the Walkhoff x-ray method, which
determines the mode of progression from the arrangement of the
bone fibers in frontal, or other, sections from the femur. This
test, however, has not hitherto been made. Nor should the
significance of the fact that the thighbone was found at
a distance of some fifty feet away from the skull-cap
be overlooked, seeing that this fact destroys, once and for
all, any possibility of certainty that both belonged to the same
animal.
In conclusion, therefore, we may say that the remains of
Pithecanthropus are so scanty, fragmentary, and doubtful, as
to preclude a reliable verdict on their true significance. As
Virchow pointed out, the determination of their correct taxonomic
position is impossible, in the absence of a complete
skeleton. Meanwhile, the most probable opinion is that they
represent the remains of a giant ape of the hylobatic type.
In other words, the Pithecanthropus belongs to the genealogical
tree of the apes, and not to that of man. In fact, he has been
excluded from the direct line of human descent by Schwalbe,
Alsberg, Kollmann, Haacke, Hubrecht, Klaatsch, and all the
foremost protagonists of the theory of collateral descent. (Cf.
Dwight, op. cit., ch. VIII.) Professor McGregor’s series consisting
of an ape, the Pithecanthropus, Homo neanderthalensis, and
the Crô-Magnon Man fails as an argument, not only for the
general reason we have discussed in our third chapter, but
also for two special reasons, namely: (1) that he completely ignores
the chronological question of the comparative age of the
fossils in his series, and (2) that he has neglected to take into
account the consideration of the body-brain ratio. For as
Prof. G. Grant MacCurdy puts it, “We must distinguish between
relative (cranial) capacity and absolute capacity.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1909, p. 575.) In justice to Professor
McGregor, however, it should be noted that he proposes his
interpretation in a purely provisory and tentative sense, and
does not dogmatize after the fashion of Osborn and Gregory.
After the year 1896, Dubois appears to have withdrawn the
relics of Pithecanthropus from further inspection on the part
of scientific men, and to have kept them securely locked up
in his safe at Haarlem, Holland. (Cf. Science, June 15, 1923,
suppl. VIII.) Since all existing casts of the skull-cap of Pithecanthropus
are inaccurate, according to the measurements
originally given by Dubois, anthropologists were anxious to
have access to bones, in order to verify his figures and to
obtain better casts. (Cf. Hrdlička, Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for
1913, p. 498.) His obstinate refusal, therefore, to place
the Javanese remains at the disposal of scientists was bitterly
resented by the latter. Some of them accused him of having
become “reactionary” and “orthodox” in his later years, and
others went so far as to impugn his good faith in the matter
of the discovery. (Cf. W. H. Ballou’s article, North American
Review, April, 1922.) A writer in Science says: “It has been
rumored that he was influenced by religious bigotry” and refers
to the bones as a “skeleton in the closet.” (Cf. loc. cit.)
Dubois’ own explanation, however, was that he wished to
publish his own finds first. Recently, he seems to have yielded
to pressure in the matter, since he permitted Hrdlička, McGregor,
and others to examine the fragments of Pithecanthropus.
(Cf. Science, Aug. 17, 1923, Suppl. VIII.) Meanwhile,
too, his opinion has changed with reference to these
bones, which he now regards as the remains of a large
ape of the hylobatic type, and not of a form intermediate
between men and apes. This opinion is, in all likelihood, the
correct one.
(2) The Heidelberg Man: In a quarry near Mauer in the
Elsenz Valley, Germany, on Oct. 21, 1907, a workman engaged
in excavating drove his shovel into a fossilized human
jaw, severing it into two pieces. Herr Joseph Rösch, the
owner of the quarry, immediately telegraphed the news of the
find to Prof. Otto Schoetensack of the neighboring University
of Heidelberg. The Professor arrived on the scene the following
day, and “once he got hold of the specimen, he would no
more let it out of his possession.” (Cf. Smithson. Inst. Rpt.
for 1913, p. 510.) He took it back with him to Heidelberg,
where he cleaned and repaired it. The crowns of four of the
teeth broken by the workman’s shovel were never recovered.
The Heidelberg jaw was found at a depth of about 79 feet below
the surface (24.1 meters). Fossil bones of Elephas antiquus,
Rhinoceros etruscus, Felis leo fossilis, etc., are said to
have been discovered at the same level. The layer in which it
was found has been classed by some as Middle Pleistocene, by
others as Early Quaternary; for “there seems to be some uncertainty
as to the exact subdivision of the period to which
it should be attributed.” (Hrdlička, loc. cit., p. 516.) No
other part of the skeleton except the jaw was discovered.
The teeth are of the normal human pattern, being small and
vertical. Prof. Arthur Keith says they have the same shape as
those of the specimen found at Spy. The jaw has an ape-like
appearance, due to the extreme recessiveness of the chin. It is
also remarkable for its massiveness and the broadness of the
ascending rami. Its anomalous character is indicated by the
manifest disproportion between the powerful jaw and the insignificant
teeth. “One is impressed,” says Prof. George
Grant MacCurdy of Yale, “by the relative smallness of the
teeth as compared with the massive jaw in the case of Homo
heidelbergensis.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1909, p. 570.) “Why
so massive a jaw,” says the late Professor Dwight, former
anatomist at Harvard, “should have such inefficient teeth is
hard to explain, for the very strength of the jaw implies the
fitness of corresponding teeth. Either it is an anomaly or
the jaw of some aberrant species of ape.” (Op. cit., p. 164.)
This fact alone destroys its evidential force; for, by way of
anomaly, almost any sort of feature can appear in apes and
men, that is, human characters in apes and simian characters
in man. “Thus it is certain,” says Dwight, “that animal features
of the most diverse kinds appear in man apparently
without rhyme or reason, and also that they appear in precisely
the same way in animals far removed from those in
which they are normal. It is hopeless to try to account for
them by inheritance; and to call them instances of convergence
does not help matters.” (Op. cit., pp. 230, 231.)
Kramberger, however, claims that, with the exception of the
extremely recessive chin, the features of the Heidelberg jaw
are approximated by those which are normal in the modern
Eskimo skull. (Cf. Sitzungbericht der Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften,
1909.) Prof. J. H. McGregor holds similar views.
He claims that the greater use of the jaw in uncivilized
peoples, who must masticate tough foods, tends to accentuate
and increase the recessiveness of the chin. It is also possible
that the backward sloping of the chin may have been intensified
in certain primitive races or varieties of the human
species as a result of factorial mutation. We would not, however,
be justified in segregating a distinct human species on
the basis of minor differences, such as the protuberance or
recessiveness of chins. On the whole, we are hopelessly at sea
with reference to the significance of the Heidelberg mandible.
Taxonomic allocation must be grounded on something more
than a jaw, otherwise it amounts to nothing more than a
piece of capricious speculation.
(3) Eoanthropus Dawsoni: Dec. 18, 1912, is memorable with
evolutionary anthropologists as the day on which Charles Dawson
announced his discovery of the famous Dawn Man. The
period of discovery extended from the years prior to 1911 up to
Aug. 30, 1913, when the canine tooth was found by Father
Teilhard de Chardin. The locality was Piltdown Common,
Sussex, in England. The fragments recovered were an imperfect
cranium, part of the mandible, and the above-mentioned
canine tooth. The stratified Piltdown gravel, which Dawson
assigns to the Lower Pleistocene or Glacial epoch, had been
much disturbed by workmen, “who were digging the gravel for
small repairs.” (Dawson.) The discoverer first found a fragment
of a parietal bone. Then several years later, after the
gravels had been considerably rainwashed, he recovered other
fragments of the skull. All parts of the skeletal remains are
said to have been found within a radius of several yards from
the site of the initial discovery. The skull was reconstructed
by Dr. A. Smith Woodward and deposited in the British
Museum of Natural History at South Kensington. Eoliths were
found in the same gravel as the skull.
Of the skull, according to Woodward, four parts remain,
which, however, were integrated from nine fragments of bone.
“The human remains,” he says, “comprise the greater part of
a brain-case and one ramus of the mandible, with two lower
molars.” Of Woodward’s reconstruction, Keith tells us that
“an approach to symmetry and a correct adjustment of parts
came only after many experimental reconstructions” (cf.
“Antiquity of Man,” p. 364), and he also remarks
that, when Woodward undertook to “replace the missing
points of the jaws, the incisor and canine teeth, he
followed simian rather than human lines.” (Op. cit.,
p. 324.) Here we may be permitted to observe that,
even apart from the distorting influence of preconceived theories,
this business of reconstruction is a rather dubious procedure.
The absence of parts and the inevitable modification
introduced by the use of cement employed to make the fragments
cohere make accurate reconstruction an impossibility.
The fact that Woodward assigned to the lower jaw a tooth
which Gerrit Miller of the United States Museum assigns to
the upper jaw, may well give pause to those credulous persons,
who believe that palæontologists can reliably reconstruct a
whole cranium or skeleton from the minutest fragments.
Sometimes, apparently, the “experts” are at sea even over so
simple a question as the proper allocation of a tooth.
Woodward, however, was fully satisfied with his own artistic
work on Eoanthropus; for he says: “While the skull, indeed,
is evidently human, only approaching a lower grade in certain
characters of the brain, in the attachment for the neck, the
extent of the temporal muscles and in the probable size of the
face, the mandible appears to be almost precisely that of an
ape, with nothing human except the molar teeth.” (Cf. Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1913, pp. 505, 506.) Of the cranial capacity
Woodward gives the following estimate: “The capacity of the
brain-case cannot, of course, be exactly determined; but
measurements both by millet seed and water show that it must
have been at least 1,070 cc., while a consideration of the missing
parts suggests that it may have been a little more (note
the parsimoniousness of this concession!). It therefore agrees
closely with the capacity of the Gibraltar skull, as determined
by Professor Keith, and equals that of the lowest skulls of the
existing Australians. It is much below the Mousterian skulls
from Spy and La Chapelle-aux-Saints.” (Loc. cit., p. 505.)
Where Doctor Woodward came to grief, however, was in his
failure to discern the obvious disproportion between the mismated
cranium and mandible. As a matter of fact, the mandible
is older than the skull and belongs to a fossil ape, whereas
the cranium is more recent and is conspicuously human.
Woodward, however, was blissfully unconscious of this
mésalliance. What there is of the lower jaw, he assures us,
“shows the same mineralized condition as the skull” and “corresponds
sufficiently well in size to be referred to the same
individual without any hesitation.” (Loc. cit., p. 506.)
For this he was roundly taken to task by Prof. David Waterston
in an address delivered by the latter before the London
Geological Society, Dec., 1912. Nature, the English scientific
weekly, reports this criticism as follows: “To refer the mandible
and the cranium to the same individual would be equivalent
to articulating a chimpanzee foot with the bones of a
human thigh and leg.” Prof. J. H. McGregor of Columbia,
though he followed Woodward in modeling the head of Eoanthropus
now exhibited in “The Hall of the Age of Man,” told
the writer that he believed the jaw and the skull to be misfits.
Recently, Hrdlička has come out strongly for the separation
of the mandible from the cranium, insisting that
the former is older and on the order of the jaw of the
fossil ape Dryopithecus, while the skull is less antique and indubitably
human. The following abstract of Hrdlička’s view
is given in Science, May 4, 1923: “Dr. Hrdlička,” we read,
“holds that the Piltdown jaw is much older than the skull
found near it and to which it had been supposed to belong.”
(Cf. suppl. X.) Hrdlička asserts that, from the standpoint
of dentition, there is a striking resemblance between the Piltdown
jaw and that of the extinct ape Dryopithecus rhenanus.
He comments, in fact, on “the close relation of the Piltdown
molars to some of the Miocene or early Pliocene human-like
teeth of this fossil ape.” (Ibidem.) Still other authorities,
however, have claimed that the jaw was that of a chimpanzee.
To conclude, therefore, the Eoanthropus Dawsoni is an invention,
and not a discovery, an artistic creation, not a specimen.
Anyone can combine a simian mandible with a human
cranium, and, if the discovery of a connecting link entails no
more than this, then there is no reason why evidence of human
evolution should not be turned out wholesale.
(4) The Neanderthal Man (No. 1): The remains of the
famous Neanderthal Man were found in August, 1856, by two
laborers at work in the Feldhofer Grotte, a small cave about
100 feet from the Düssel river, near Hochdal in Germany.
This cave is located at the entrance of the Neanderthal gorge
in Westphalia, at a height of 60 feet above the bottom of the
valley. No competent scientist, however, saw the bones in
situ. Both the bones and the loam, in which they were entombed,
had been thrown out of the cave and partly precipitated
into the ravine, long before the scientists arrived. Indeed,
the scientific discoverer, Dr. C. Fuhlrott, did not come
upon the scene until several weeks later. It was then too late to
determine the age of the bones geologically and stratigraphically,
and no petrigraphic examination of the loam was made.
The cave, which is about 25 meters above the level of the
river, communicates by crevices with the surface, so that it is
possible that the bones and the loam, which covered the floor
of the cave, may have been washed in from without. Fuhlrott
recovered a skull-cap, two femurs, both humeri, both ulnæ (almost
complete), the right radius, the left pelvic bone, a fragment
of the right scapula, five pieces of rib, and the right
clavicle. (Cf. Hugues Obermaier’s article, Smithson. Inst. Rpt.
for 1906, pp. 394, 395.) “Whether they (the bones) were
really in the Alluvial loam,” says Virchow, “no one saw....
The whole importance of the Neanderthal skull consists in
the honor ascribed to it from the very beginning, of having
rested in the Alluvial loam, which was formed at the time of
the early mammals.” (Quoted by Ranke, “Der Mensch,” II,
p. 485.) We know nothing, therefore, regarding the age of the
fragmentary skeleton; for, as Obermaier says: “It is certain
that its exact age is in no way defined, either geologically or
stratigraphically.” (Loc. cit., p. 395.)
The remains are no less enigmatic from the anthropological
standpoint. For while no doubt has been raised as to their
human character, they have given rise to at least a dozen conflicting
opinions. Thus Professor Clemont of Bonn pronounced
the remains in question to be those of a Mongolian Cossack
shot by snipers in 1814, and cast by his slayers into the Feldhofer
Grotte. The same verdict had been given by L. Meyer in
1864. C. Carter Blake (1864) and Karl Vogt (1863) declared
the skull to be that of an idiot. J. Barnard Davis (1864)
claimed that it had been artificially deformed by early
obliteration of the cranial sutures. Pruner-Bey (1863) said
that it was the skull of an ancient Celt or German; R. Wagner
(1864), that it belonged to an ancient Hollander;
Rudolf Virchow, that the remains were those of a primitive
Frieslander. Prof. G. Schwalbe of Strassburg erected
it into a new genus of the Anthropidæ in 1901. In 1904,
however, he repented of his rashness and contented himself
with calling it a distinct human species, namely, Homo
primigenius, in contradistinction to Homo sapiens (modern
man). As we shall see presently, however, it is not a distinct
species, but, at most, an ancient variety or subspecies (race)
of the species Homo sapiens, differing from modern Europeans
only in the degree that Polynesians, Mongolians, and Hottentots
differ from them, that is, within the limits of the one
and only human species. Other opinions might be cited (cf.
Hrdlička, Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1913, p. 518, and H.
Muckermann’s “Darwinism and Evolution,” 1906, pp. 63, 64),
but the number and variety of the foregoing bear ample
testimony to the uncertain and ambiguous character of the
remains.
The skull is that of a low, perhaps, degenerate, type of humanity.
The facial and basal parts of the skull are missing.
Hence we are not sure of the prognathism shown in McGregor’s
reconstruction. The skull has, however, a retreating forehead,
prominent brow ridges and a sloping occiput. Yet, in spite of
the fact that it is of a very low type, it is indubitably human.
“In no sense,” says Huxley, “can the Neanderthal bones be
regarded as the remains of a human being intermediate between
men and apes.” (“Evidence of Man’s Place in Nature,”
Humb. ed., p. 253.) D. Schaaffhausen makes the same confession—“In
making this discovery,” he owns, “we have not
found the missing link.” (“Der Neanderthaler Fund,” p. 49.)
The cranial capacity of the Neanderthal skull, as we have
seen, is 1,236 c.cm., which is practically the same as that of
the average European woman of today. In size it exceeds,
but in shape it resembles, the dolichocephalic skull of the
modern Australian, being itself a dolichocephalic cranium.
Huxley called attention to this resemblance, and Macnamara,
after comparing it with a large number of such skulls, reaches
this conclusion: “The average cranial capacity of these selected
36 skulls (namely, of Australian and Tasmanian blacks)
is even less than that of the Neanderthal group, but in shape
some of these two groups are closely related.” (Archiv.
für Anthropologie, XXVIII, 1903, p. 358.) Schwalbe’s opinion
that the Neanderthal Man constitutes a distinct species,
though its author has since abandoned it (cf. Wasmann’s
“Modern Biology,” Eng. ed., 1910, p. 506), will be considered
later, viz. after we have discussed the Men of Spy, Krapina
and Le Moustier, all of whom have been assigned to the
Neanderthal group.
(5) Neanderthal Man (No. 2): This specimen is said to be
more recent than No. 1. Its discoverers were Rautert,
Klaatsch, and Koenen. It consists of a human skeleton without
a skull. It was found buried in the loess at a depth of 50
centimeters. This loess had been washed into the ruined
cave, where the relics were found, subsequently to its deposition
on the plateau above. The bones were most probably
washed into the cave along with the loess, which fills the
remnant of the destroyed cave. The upper plateau of the
region is covered with the same loess. The site of the second
discovery was 200 meters to the west of the Neanderthal Cave
(i.e. the Feldhofer Grotte). The bones were either washed
into the broken cave, or buried there later. We have no indication
whatever of their age.
(6) The Man of La Naulette: In 1866, André Dupont found
in the cavern of La Naulette, valley of the Lesse, Belgium, a
fossil lower jaw, or rather, the fragment of a lower jaw, associated
with remains of the mammoth and rhinoceros. The fragment
was sufficient to show the dentition, and to indicate the
absence of a chin. “Its kinship with the man of Neanderthal,”
remarks Professor MacCurdy very naïvely, “whose lower jaw
could not be found, was evident. It tended to legitimatize the
latter, which hitherto had failed of general recognition.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1909, p. 572.)
(7) The Men of Spy: In June of 1886 two nearly complete
skeletons, probably of a woman and a man, were discovered
by Messrs. Marcel de Puydt and Maximin Lohest in a terrace
fronting a cave at Spy in the Province of Namur, Belgium,
47½ feet above the shallow bed of the stream Orneau. The
bones were found at a depth of 13 feet below the surface of the
terrace. The remains were associated with bones of the
rhinoceros (Rhinoceros tichorhinus), the mammoth (Elephas
primigenius), and the great bear (Ursus spelaeus). There were
also stone implements indicating Mousterian industry, and the
position of one of the skeletons shows that the bodies were
buried by friends. The present valley of the Orneau was
almost completely formed at the time of the burial. The exact
age of the bones cannot be determined nor can these cave deposits
be correlated with the river drift and the loess. The
cultural evidences are said to be Mousterian, and Mousterian
culture is assigned by Obermaier to the Fourth, or last, Glacial
period.
Prof. Julien Fraipont of the University of Liége announced
the discovery of these palæolithic skeletons Aug. 16, 1886.
Skeleton No. 1 has weaker bones and is thought to be that of a
woman; No. 2 shows signs of strong musculature and is evidently
that of a man. Of No. 1 we have the cranial vault, two
portions of the upper jaw (with five molars and four other
teeth), a nearly complete mandible with all the teeth, a left
clavicle, a right humerus, the shaft of the left humerus, a
left radius, the heads of two ulnæ, a nearly complete right
femur, a complete left tibia, and the right os calcis. Of No. 2
we have the vault of the skull, two portions of the maxilla
with teeth, loose teeth belonging to lower jaw, fragments of
the scapulæ, the left clavicle, imperfect humeri, the shaft of
the right radius, a left femur, the left os calcis, and the left
astragalus. The separation of the bones, however, is not yet
satisfactory. The jaw of No. 1 is well-preserved, except in
the region of the coronoids and condyles, which makes any
position we may give it more or less arbitrary. The skull of
this specimen is almost the replica of the Neanderthal skull,
except that the forehead is lower and more sloping. But No.
1 has a trace of chin prominence and in this it resembles
modern skulls. No. 2 has a higher forehead and the cranial
vault is higher and more spacious.
In both skeletons the radius and femur show a peculiar
curvature, and in both, too, the arms and legs must have been
very short. Hence the men of Spy are described as having been
only partially erect, and as having had bowed thighs and bent
knees. The source of this modification, however, is not a surviving
pithecoid atavism, but a non-inheritable adaptation
acquired through the habitual attitude or posture maintained
in stalking game—“Now we know,” says Dwight, “that this
feature, which is certainly an ape-like one, implies simply that
the race was one of those with the habit of ‘squatting,’ which
implies that the body hangs from the knees, not touching the
ground for hours together. As a matter of course we look for
this in savage tribes.” (“Thoughts of a Catholic Anatomist,”
p. 168.) The same may be said of the receding chin, which,
as we have seen, is also an acquired adaptation. The same,
finally, is true of the prominent brow ridges, which are not
pithecoid, but are, as Klaatsch has pointed out, related to the
size of the eye sockets, and consequently the result of an
adaptation of early palæolithic man to the life of a hunter, a
natural sequel of the very marked development of his sense of
sight. Similar brow ridges, though not quite so prominent,
occur among modern Australian blacks.
Nor are the remains as typically Neanderthaloid as Keith
and others (who wish to see in palæolithic men a distinct human
species) could desire. No. 1, as we have seen, though almost
a replica of the Neanderthal skull-cap, has a trace of
chin prominence in the mandible. No. 2, though the chin is
recessive, has a higher forehead and higher and more spacious
cranial vault than the Neanderthal Man. “On the whole,”
says Hrdlička, “it may be said that No. 2, while in some
respects still very primitive, represents morphologically a decided
step from the Neanderthaloid to the present-day type
of the human cranium.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1913, p.
525.)
(8) The Men of Krapina: In the cave, or rather rock shelter,
of Krapina, in northern Croatia, beside the small stream
Kaprinica which now flows 82 feet below the cave, K. Gorjanovič-Kramberger,
Professor of geology and palæontology
at the University of Zagreb, found, in the year 1899, ten or
twelve skulls in fragments, a large number of teeth, and many
other defective parts of skeletons. All told, they represent at
least fourteen different individuals. The bones are in a bad
state of preservation, and show traces of burning, some of
them being calcined. The bones were associated with objects
of Mousterian industry, and bones of extinct animals such as
Rhinoceros merckii, Ursus spelaeus, Bos primigenius, etc. The
aforesaid Rhinoceros is an older type than the Rhinoceros
tichorhinus associated with the men of Spy, and implies a hot
climate, wherein the Rhinoceros merckii managed to persist
for a longer time than in the north. Hence the remains are
thought to belong to the last Interglacial period.
In general, the bones show the same racial characteristics
as those of Neanderthal and Spy, though they are said to be
of a perceptibly more modern type than the latter. They
were men of short stature and strong muscular development.
“The crania,” says Hrdlička, “were of good size externally,
but the brain cavities were probably below the present average.
The vault of the skull was of good length and at the same
time fairly broad, so that the cephalic index, at least in some
of the individuals, was more elevated than usual in the crania
of early man.” (Loc. cit., pp. 530, 531.) The reader must
take Hrdlička’s use of the word “usual” with “the grain of
salt” necessitated in view of the scanty number of specimens
whence such inductive generalizations are derived. The
pronounced and complete supraorbital arcs characteristic of
the Neanderthaloid type occur in this group also, though in a
less marked manner. The stone implements are evidence of
the intelligence of these men.
(9) The Le Moustier Man: This specimen, Homo mousteriensis
Hauseri, was found by Prof. O. Hauser in the “lower
Moustier Cave” at Le Moustier in the valley of the Vézère,
Department of Dordogne in France, during the March of 1908.
It consists of the complete skull and other skeletal parts of
a youth of about 15 years. At this age, the sex cannot be
determined from the bones alone. Obermaier assigns these
bones to the Fourth Glacial period. Prof. George Grant MacCurdy’s
anthropological evaluation is the following: “The race
characters ... are not so distinct (i.e. at the age of 15 years)
as they would be at full maturity; but they point unmistakably
to the type of Neanderthal, Spy, and Krapina—the so-called
Homo primigenius which now also becomes Homo mousteriensis.
It was a rather stocky type, robust and of a low stature.
The arms and legs were relatively short, especially the forearm
and from the knee down, as is the case among the Eskimo.
Ape-like characters are noticeable in the curvature of the
radius and of the femur, the latter being also rounder in section
than is the case with Homo sapiens. In the retreating
forehead, prominent brow ridges, and prognathism (i.e. projection
of the jaws) it is approached to some extent by the
modern Australian. The industry associated with this skeleton
is that typical of the Mousterian epoch.” (Loc. cit., p. 573.)
As we have already seen, the so-called ape-like features are
simply acquired adaptations to the hunter’s life, and, if inheritable
characters, they do not exceed the limits of a varietal
mutation. That the Mousterian men were endowed with the
same intelligence as ourselves, appears from the evidences of
solemn burial which surround the remains of this youth of
15 years, and prove, as Klaatsch points out, that these men
of the Glacial period were persuaded of their own immortality.
The head reclined on a pillow of earth, which still retains the
impression of the youth’s cheek, the body having been laid
on its side. Around the corpse are the best examples of the
stone implements of the period, the parents having buried their
choicest possession with the corpse of their son.
(10) The La Chapelle Man: On August 3, 1908, the Abbés
J. and A. Bouyssonie and L. Bardon, assisted by Paul Bouyssonie
(a younger brother of the first two), discovered palæolithic
human remains, which are also assigned to the Neanderthal
group. The locality of the discovery was the village of
La Chapelle-aux-Saints, 22 kilometers south of the town of
Brive, in the department of Corrèze, in southern France. In
the side of a moderate elevation, 200 yards south of the aforesaid
village, and beyond the left bank of a small stream, the
Sourdoire, there is a cave now known as the Cave of La
Chapelle-aux-Saints. It was here, on the above-mentioned
date, that the priests discovered the bones of a human skeleton
surrounded by unmistakable evidences of solemn burial. “The
body lay on its back, with the head to the westward, the latter
being surrounded by stones.... About the body were many
flakes of quartz and flint, some fragments of ochre, broken
animal bones, etc.” (Hrdlička.) Another token of burial is the
rectangular pit, in which the remains were found. It is sunk
to a depth of 30 to 40 centimeters in the floor of the cavern.
“They (the remains) were covered,” says Prof. G. G. MacCurdy,
“by a deposit intact 30 to 40 centimeters thick, consisting
of a magma of bone, of stone implements, and of clay.
The stone implements belong to a pure Mousterian industry.
While some pieces suggest a vague survival of Acheulian
implements (i.e. from the cool latter half of the Third Interglacial
period), others presage the coming of the Aurignacian
(close of last Glacial period). Directly over the human skull
were the foot bones, still in connection, of a bison—proof that
the piece had been placed there with the flesh still on, and
proof, too, that the deposit had not been disturbed. Two
hearths were noted also, and the fact that there were no implements
of bone, the industry differing in this respect from that
of La Quina and Petit-Puymoyen (Charente), as well as at
Wildkirchli, Switzerland.
“The human bones include the cranium and lower jaw
(broken, but the pieces nearly all present and easily replaced
in exact position), a few vertebræ and long bones, several
ribs, phalanges, and metacarpals, clavicle, astragalus, calcaneum,
parts of scaphoid, ilium, and sacrum. The ensemble
denotes an individual of the male sex whose height was about
1.60 meters. The condition of the sutures and of the jaws
proves the skull to be that of an old man. The cranium is
dolichocephalic, with an index of 75. It is said to be flatter
in the frontal region than those of Neanderthal and Spy.”
(Loc. cit., p. 574.)
The associated remains of fossil animals comprise the horse,
reindeer, bison, Rhinoceros tichorinus, etc., and, according to
Hrdlička, “indicate that the deposits date from somewhere
near the middle of the glacial epoch.” (Loc. cit., p. 539.) The
discoverers turned over the skeleton to Marcellin Boule of the
Paris Museum of Natural History for cleaning and reconstruction.
It is the first instance of a palæolithic man, in
which the basal parts of the skull, including the foramen magnum,
were recovered. Professor Boule estimates the cranial
capacity as being something between 1,600 and 1,620 c.cm.
He found the lower part of the face to be prognathic, but not
excessively so, the vault like the Neanderthal cranium, but
larger, the occiput broad and protruding, the supraorbital
arch prominent and complete, the nasal process broad, the
forehead low, and the mandible stout and chinless, though not
sloping backward at the symphysis.
Alluding to the rectangular burial pit in the cave, Hrdlička
remarks: “The depression was clearly made by the primitive
inhabitants or visitors of the cave for the body and the whole
represents very plainly a regular burial, the most ancient
intentional burial thus far discovered.” (Smithson. Inst. Rpt.
for 1913, p. 539.)
The specimens of Neanderthal, Spy, La Naulette, Krapina,
Le Moustier and La Chapelle, as we have seen, are the principal
remains said to represent the Neanderthal type, which,
according to Keith and others, is a distinct human species.
As Aurignacian Man (assigned to the close of the “Old Stone
Age,” or Glacial epoch), including the Grimaldi or Negroid
as well as the Crô-Magnon type, are universally acknowledged
to belong to the species Homo sapiens, we need not discuss
them here. The same holds true, a fortiori, of Neolithic races
such as the Solutreans and the Magdalenians. The main issue
for the present is whether or not the Neanderthal type represents
a distinct species of human being.
Anent this question, Professor MacCurdy has the following:
“Boule estimated the capacity of the Chapelle-aux-Saints
skull according to the formulæ of Manouvrier, of Lee, and of
Beddoe, obtaining results that varied between 1,570 and 1,750
cubic centimeters. By the use of millet and of shot an average
capacity of 1,626 was obtained. Judging from these figures
the capacity of the crania of Neanderthal and Spy has been
underestimated by Schaaffhausen, Huxley, and Schwalbe. By
its cranial capacity, therefore, the Neanderthal race belongs
easily in the class of Homo sapiens. But we must distinguish
between relative capacity and absolute capacity. In modern
man, where the transverse and antero-posterior diameters are
the same as in the skull of La Chapelle-aux-Saints, the vertical
diameter would be much greater, which would increase the
capacity to 1,800 cubic centimeters and even to 1,900 cubic
centimeters. Such voluminous modern crania are very rare.
Thus Bismarck, with horizontal cranial diameters scarcely
greater than in the man of La Chapelle-aux-Saints, is said to
have had a cranial capacity of 1,965 cubic centimeters.”
(Smithson. Inst. Rpt. for 1909, p. 575.)
As for the structural features which are alleged to constitute
a specific difference between the Neanderthal type and
modern man, v.g. the prominent brow ridges, prognathism,
retreating forehead, receding chin, etc., all of these occur,
albeit in a lesser degree, in modern Australian blacks, who are
universally acknowledged to belong to the species Homo
sapiens. Moreover, there is much fluctuation, as Kramberger
has shown from the examination of an enormous number of
modern and fossil skulls, in both the Neanderthal and the
modern type; that is to say, Neanderthaloid features occur in
modern skulls and, conversely, modern features occur in the
skulls of Homo neanderthalensis (cf. “Biolog. Zentralblatt,”
1905, p. 810; and Wasmann’s “Modern Biology,” Eng. ed.,
pp. 472, 473).
All the differences between modern and palæolithic man are
explicable, partly upon the basis of acquired adaptation, inasmuch
as the primitive mode of life pursued by the latter
entailed the formation of body-modifying habits very different
from our present customs and habits (viz. those of our modern
civilized life). But these modifications, not being inheritable,
passed away with the passing of the habits that gave rise to
them. In part, however, the differences may be due to heritable
mutations, which gave rise to new races or varieties
or subspecies, such as Indo-Europeans, Mongolians, and
Negroes. And, if the evolutionary palæontologist insists
on magnifying characters that are well within the
scope of mere factorial mutation into a specific difference,
we shall reply, with Bateson and Morgan, by denying
his competence to pronounce on taxonomic questions,
without consulting the verdict of the geneticist. Without
breeding tests, the criterions of intersterility and longevity cannot
be applied, and breeding tests are impossible in the case
of fossils. As for an a priori verdict, no modern geneticist, if
called upon to give his opinion, would concede that the differences
which divide the modern and the Neanderthal types
of men exceed the limits of factorial mutations, or of natural
varieties within the same species. Here, then, it is a case
of the wish being father to the thought. So anxious are the
materialistic evolutionists to secure evidence of a connection
between man and the brute, that no pretext is too insignificant
to serve as warrant for recognizing an “intermediate species.”
Even waiving this point, however, there is no evidence at
all that the Neanderthal type is ancestral to the Crô-Magnon
type. Both of these races must have migrated into Europe
from the east or the south, and we have no proof whatever
of genetic relationship between them. True, attempts have
been made to capitalize the fact that the Neanderthal race
was represented by specimens discovered in what were alleged
to be the older deposits of the Glacial epoch, but we have
seen that the evidences of antiquity are very precarious in the
case of these Neanderthaloid skeletons. Time-scales based on
extinct species and characteristic stone implements, etc., are
always satisfactory to evolutionists, because they can date
their fossils and archæological cultures according to the theory
of evolution, but, for one whose confidence in the “reality” of
evolution is not so great, these palæontological chronometers
are open to grave suspicion.
If the horizon levels are not too finely graded, the difficulty
of accepting such a time-scale is not excessive. Hence we
might be prepared to accept the chronometric value of the
division of fossiliferous rocks into Groups, such as the Palæozoic,
the Mesozoic, and the Cænozoic, even though we are
assured by Grabau that this time-scale is “based on the
changes of life, with the result that fossils alone determine
whether a formation belongs to one or the other of these great
divisions” (“Principles of Stratigraphy,” p. 1103), but when
it comes to projecting an elaborate scheme of levels or horizons
into Pleistocene deposits on the dubious basis of index fossils
and “industries,” our credulity is not equal to the demands that
are made upon it. And this is particularly true with reference
to fossil men. Man has the geologically unfortunate habit of
burying his dead. Other fossils have been entombed on the
spot where they died, and therefore belong where we find them.
But it is otherwise with man. In Hilo, Hawaii, the writer
heard of a Kanaka, who was buried to a depth of 80 feet,
having stipulated this sort of burial through a special disposition
in his will. His purpose, in so doing, was to preclude
the possibility of his bones ever being disturbed by a plough
or other instrument. Nor have we any right to assume that
indications of burial will always be present in a case of this
nature. We may, on the contrary, assume it as a general
rule that human remains are always more recent than the
formations in which they are found.
Be that as it may, the evidences for the antiquity of the
Neanderthaloid man prove, at most, that he was prior to the
Crô-Magnon man in Europe, but they do not prove that the
former was prior to the latter absolutely. Things may, for all
we know, have been just the reverse in Asia. Hence we have
no ground for regarding the Man of Neanderthal as ancestral
to the race of artists, who frescoed the caves of France and
Spain. In fact, to the unprejudiced mind the Neanderthal
type conveys the impression of a race on the downward path
of degeneration rather than an embodiment of the promise
of better things. “There is another view,” says Dwight,
“ ... though it is so at variance with the Zeitgeist that little
is heard of it. May it not be that many low forms of man,
archaic as well as contemporary, are degenerate races? We
are told everything about progress; but decline is put aside.
It is impossible to construct a tolerable scheme of ascent
among the races of man; but cannot dark points be made
light by this theory of degeneration? One of the most obscure,
and to me most attractive of questions, is the wiping out of
old civilizations. That it has occurred repeatedly, and on
very extensive scales, is as certain as any fact in history.
Why is it not reasonable to believe that bodily degeneration
took place in those fallen from a higher estate, who, half-starved
and degraded, returned to savagery? Moreover, the
workings of the soul would be hampered by a degenerating
brain. For my part I believe the Neanderthal man to be a
specimen of a race, not arrested in its upward climb, but
thrown down from a higher position.” (Op. cit., pp. 169, 170.)
The view, however, that the Neanderthaloid type had degenerated
from a previous higher human type was not at all
in accord with the then prevalent opinion that this type was
far more ancient than any other. And Dwight himself admitted
the force of the “objection ... that the Neanderthal
race was an excessively old one and that skeletons of the
higher race which, according to the view which I have offered,
must have existed at the same time as the degenerate ones,
are still to be discovered.” (Op. cit., p. 170.) In fact, the
Neanderthal ancestry of the present human race was so generally
accepted that, in the very year in which Dwight’s
book appeared, Sir Arthur Keith declared: “The Neanderthal
type represents the stock from which all modern races have
arisen.” Time, however, as Dr. James Walsh remarked
(America, Dec. 15, 1917, pp. 230, 231), has triumphantly vindicated
the expectations of Professor Dwight. For in his latest
book, “The Antiquity of Man” (1916), Sir Arthur Keith has a
chapter of Conclusions, in which the following recantation
appears: “We were compelled to admit,” he owns, “that men
of the modern type had been in existence long before the
Neanderthal type.”
But, even if it were true that savagery preceded civilization
in Europe, such could not have been the case everywhere;
for it is certain that civilization and culture of a comparatively
high order were imported into Europe before
the close of the Old Stone Age. The Hungarian Lake-dwellings
show that culture of a high type existed in the
New Stone Age. These two ages are regarded as prehistoric
in Europe, though in America the Stone Age belongs to history.
It is also possible that in Europe much of the Stone Age was
coëval with the history of civilized nations, and that it may
be coincident with, instead of prior to, the Bronze Age, which
seems to have begun in Egypt, and which belongs unquestionably
to history. And here we may be permitted to remark
that history gives the lie to the evolutionary conceit that
civilized man has arisen from a primitive state of barbarism.
History begins almost contemporaneously in many different
centers, such as Egypt, Babylonia, Chaldea, China, and
Crete, about 5,000 or 6,000 years ago, and, as far back as history
goes, we find the record of high civilizations existing side
by side with a coëval barbarism. Barbarism is historically a
state of degeneration and stagnation, and history knows of no
instance of a people sunk in barbarism elevating itself by its
own efforts to higher stages of civilization. Always civilization
has been imposed upon barbarians from without. Savages,
so far as history knows them, have never become civilized,
save through the intervention of some contemporary
civilized nation. History is one long refutation of the Darwinian
theory of constant and inevitable progress. The
progress of civilization is not subsequent, but prior, or parallel,
to the retrogression of barbarism.
That savagery and barbarism represent a degenerate, rather
than a primitive, state, is proved by the fact that savage tribes,
in general, despite their brutish degradation, possess languages
too perfectly elaborated and systematized to be accounted for
by the mental attainments of the men who now use them,
languages which testify unmistakably to the superior intellectual
and cultural level of their civilized ancestors, to whom
the initial construction of such marvelous means of communication
was due. “It is indeed one of the paradoxes
of linguistic science,” says Dr. Edwin Sapir, in
a lecture delivered April 1, 1911, at the University
of Pennsylvania, “that some of the most complexly organized
languages are spoken by so-called primitive peoples,
while, on the other hand, not a few languages of relatively
simple structure are found among peoples of considerable
advance in culture. Relatively to the modern inhabitants of
England, to cite but one instance out of an indefinitely large
number, the Eskimos must be considered as rather limited in
cultural development. Yet there is just as little doubt that
in complexity of form the Eskimo language goes far beyond
English. I wish merely to indicate that, however we may
indulge in speaking of primitive man, of a primitive language
in the true sense of the word we find nowhere a trace.” (Smithson.
Inst. Rpt. for 1912, p. 573.) Pierre Duponceau makes a
similar observation with reference to the logical and orderly
organization of the Indian languages: “The dialects of the
Indian tribes,” he says, “appear to be the work of philosophers
rather than of savages.” (Cited by F. A. Tholuck, “Verm.
Schr.,” ii, p. 260.)
It was considerations of this sort which led the great
philologist Max Müller to ridicule Darwin’s conception of
primitive man as a savage. “As far as we can trace the footsteps
of man,” he writes, “even on the lowest strata of history,
we see that the Divine gift of a sound and sober intellect
belonged to him from the very first; and the idea of humanity
emerging slowly from the depths of an animal brutality can
never be maintained again in our century. The earliest work
of art wrought by the human mind—more ancient than any
literary document, and prior even to the first whisperings of
tradition—the human language, forms one uninterrupted
chain, from the first dawn of history down to our own times.
We still speak the language of the first ancestors of our race;
and this language with its wonderful structures, bears witness
against such gratuitous theories. The formation of language,
the composition of roots, the gradual discrimination of meanings,
the systematic elaboration of grammatic forms—all this
working which we can see under the surface of our own speech
attests from the very first the presence of a rational mind, of
an artist as great at least as his work.” (“Essays,” vol. I,
p. 306.) History and philology are far more solid and certain
as a basis for inference than are “index fossils” and prehistoric
archæology; and the lesson taught by history and philology
is that primitive man was not a savage, but a cultured
being endowed with an intellect equal, if not superior, to
our own.
But, even if we grant the priority, which evolutionists claim
for the Old Stone Age, there are not absent even from that
cultural level evident tokens of artistic genius and high intellectual
gifts. Speaking of the pictures in the caves of Altamira,
of Marsoulas in the Haute Garonne, and of Fonte de Gaume
in the Dordogne, the archæologist Sir Arthur Evans says:
“These primeval frescoes display not only consummate mastery
of natural design, but an extraordinary technical resource.
Apart from the charcoal used in certain outlines, the chief
coloring matter was red and yellow ochre, mortars and palettes
for the preparation of which have come to light. In single
animals the tints varied from black to dark and ruddy brown
or brilliant orange, and so, by fine gradations, to paler nuances,
obtained by scraping and washing. Outlines and details
are brought out by white incised lines, and the artists availed
themselves with great skill of the reliefs afforded by convexities
of the rock surface. But the greatest marvel of all
is that such polychrome masterpieces as the bisons, standing
and couchant, or with limbs huddled together, of the Altamira
Cave, were executed on the ceilings of inner vaults and galleries
where the light of day has never penetrated. Nowhere
is there any trace of smoke, and it is clear that great progress
in the art of artificial illumination had already been made.
We know that stone lamps, decorated in one case with the
engraved head of an ibex, were already in existence. Such was
the level of artistic attainment in southwestern Europe, at a
modest estimate, some 10,000 years earlier than the most
ancient monuments of Egypt or Chaldæa!” (Smithson. Inst.
Rpt. for 1916, pp. 429, 430.) While reaffirming our distrust
of the undocumented chronology of “prehistory,” we cite these
examples of palæolithic art as a proof of the fact that everywhere
the manifestation of man’s physical presence coincides
with the manifestation of his intelligence, and that neither in
history nor in prehistory have we any evidence of the existence
of a bestial or irrational man preceding Homo sapiens, as we
know him today. It is interesting to note in this connection
that a certain J. Taylor claims to have found a prehistoric
engraving of a mastodon on a bone found in a rock shelter
known as Jacobs’ Cavern in Missouri (cf. Science, Oct. 14,
1921, p. 357). Incidents of this sort must needs dampen the
enthusiasm of those who are overeager to believe in the enormous
antiquity of the Old Stone Age in Europe.
(11) The Rhodesian Man: In 1921 a human skull was found
by miners in the “Bone Cave” of the Broken Hill Mine in
southern Rhodesia. It was associated with human and animal
bones, as well as very crude instruments (knives and scrapers)
in flint and quartz. It was found at a depth of 60 feet below
the surface. The lower jaw was missing, and has not been
recovered. It was sent to the British Museum, South Kensington,
where it is now preserved. Doctor Smith-Woodward has
examined and described it. “The skull is in some features
the most primitive one that has ever been found; at the same
time it has many points of resemblance to (or even identity
with) that of modern man.” (Science, Feb. 3, 1922, p. 129.)
The face is intact. The forehead is low, and the brow ridges
are more pronounced than in any known fossil human skull.
The prognathism of the upper jaw is very accentuated. The
cranium is very flat on top and broad in the back. “Its total
capacity is surprisingly large. At least one prominent authority
thinks that this man had quite as much gray matter as the
average modern man.” (Loc. cit., pp. 129, 130.) Woodward,
however, estimates the cranial capacity of this skull as 1280
c.cm. The neck must have had powerful muscles. The nasal
bone is prominent and Neanderthaloid in character. “The
wisdom tooth is reduced in size—another point in common
with modern man and never found before in a fossil skull.”
(Ibidem.) The palate and the teeth in general are like those
of existing men. The femur is not curved like that of the
Neanderthal man—“In contrast to the Neanderthal man who
is supposed to have walked in a crouching position (because
of the rather curved femur and other bits of evidence), this
man is believed to have maintained the upright position, because
the femur is relatively straight and when fitted to the
tibia (which was also found) presents a perfectly good,
straight leg.” (Ibidem.) According to the writer we have
quoted, Dr. Elliot Smith entertained hopes that the Rhodesian
man might represent the “missing link” in man’s ancestry,
leaving the Neanderthal man as an offshoot from the main
ancestral trunk. No comment is necessary. The skull may be
a pathological specimen, but, in any case, it is evidently human
as regards its cranial capacity. The remains, moreover,
serve to emphasize the fluctuational character of the so-called
Homo primigenius type, being a mixture of modern and
Neanderthaloid features. They are not fossilized and present
a recent appearance. Hence, as B. Windle suggests, they may
have fallen into the cave through a crack, and may be modern
rather than prehistoric.
(12) The Foxhall Man: This is the earliest known prehistoric
man. He is known to us, however, only through “his
flint instruments partly burned with fire, found near the little
hamlet of Foxhall, near Norwich, on the east coast of England.
These flints, discovered in 1921, constitute the first proofs that
man of sufficient intelligence to make a variety of flint implements
and to use fire existed in Britain at the close of the Age
of Mammals; this is the first true Tertiary man ever found.”
(Osborn: Guide-leaflet to “The Hall of the Age of Man,”
2nd ed., 1923, p. 9.) Osborn assigns the twelve kinds of flint
instruments typical of the Foxhallian culture to the Upper
Pliocene epoch. R. A. Macalister, however, denies that the deposits
are Tertiary. Abbé Henri Breuil’s verdict was undecided.
In any case, the Foxhallian culture proves that the earliest
of prehistoric men were intelligent like ourselves.
Summa summarum: So far as science knows, only one
human species has ever existed on the earth, and that is
Homo sapiens. All the alleged connecting links between men
and apes are found, on careful examination, to be illusory.
When not wholly ambiguous in view of their inadequate preservation
and fragmentary character, they are (as regards
both mind and body) distinctly human, like the Neanderthal
man, or they are purely simian, like the Pithecanthropus, or
they are heterogeneous combinations of human and simian
bones, like the Eoanthropus Dawsoni.[18] “With absolute certainty,”
says Hugues Obermaier, “we can only say that man
of the Quaternary period differed in no essential respect from
man of the present day. In no way did he go beyond the
limits of variation of the normal human body.” (“The Oldest
Remains of the Human Body, etc.,” Vienna, 1905.) The so-called
Homo primigenius, therefore, is not a distinct species
of human being, but merely an ancient race that is, at most,
a distinct variety or subspecies of man. In spite of tireless
searching, no traces of a bestial, irrational man have been
discovered. Indeed, man whom nature has left naked, defenseless,
unarmed with natural weapons, and deficient in
instinct, has no other resource than his reason and could never
have survived without it. To imagine primitive man in a
condition analogous to that of the idiot is preposterous. “For
other animals,” says St. Thomas of Aquin, “nature has prepared
food, garments of fur, means of defense, such as teeth,
horns, and hoofs, or at least swiftness in flight. But man is so
constituted that, none of these things having been prepared
for him by nature, reason is given him in their stead, reason
by which through his handiwork he is enabled to prepare all
these things.... Moreover, in other animals there is inborn
a certain natural economy respecting those things which are
useful or hurtful, as the lamb by nature knows the wolf to be
its enemy. Some animals also by natural instinct are aware
of the medicinal properties of herbs and of other things which
are necessary for life. Man, however, has a natural knowledge
of these things which are necessary for life only in general,
as being able to arrive at the knowledge of the particular
necessities of human life by way of inference from general
principles.” (“De regim. princ.,” l. I, c. I.) As a matter of
fact, man is never found apart from evidences of his intelligence.
The Neanderthaloid race, with their solemn burials
and implements of bone and stone, exemplify this truth no
less than the palæolithic artists of the Cave of Altamira.
In the Cincinnati meeting (1923-1924) of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, a number of resolutions
were passed regarding the subject of evolution. True,
the session in which these resolutions were passed was but
sparsely attended, and packed, for the most part, with the
ultra-partisans of transformism. Nevertheless, it is to be regretted
that the dignity of this eminent and distinguished
body was so unfittingly compromised by the fulmination of
rhetorical anathemas against W. J. Bryan and his Round Head
adherents. Among the resolutions, of which we have spoken,
the following dictatorial proclamation occurs: “The evidences
in favor of the evolution of man are sufficient to convince
every scientist in the world.”
This authoritative decree is both rash and intolerant. The
resolution-committee of the American Association is by no
means infallible, and, in the absence of infallibility, no group
of men should be so unmindful of their own limitations as to
strive to make their subjective views binding upon others.
Scientific questions are not settled by authority, but exclusively
by means of irresistible evidence, which is certainly
absent in the present case. Moreover, the declaration in
question is untrue; for many of the foremost palæontologists
and anthropologists of the day confess their complete ignorance,
as scientists, with respect to the origin of man.
Dr. Clark Wissler, for example, who is the Curator-in-Chief
of the Anthropological section of the American Museum of
Natural History in New York City, made, in the course of
an interview published in the New York American of April 2,
1918, the following statement: “Man, like the horse or elephant,
just happened anyhow, so far as has been discovered
yet. As far as science has discovered, there always was a
man—some not so developed, but still human beings in all
their functions, much as we are today.” Asked by the reporter,
whether this did not favor the idea of an abrupt, unheralded
appearance of man on earth, Doctor Wissler replied:
“Man came out of a blue sky as far as we have been able to
delve back.” Fearing lest the reporter might have sensationalized
his words, the writer took occasion to question the
learned anthropologist on the subject during the Pan Pacific
Conference held at Honolulu, Hawaii (Aug. 2-20, 1920). His
answer was that the foregoing citations were substantially
correct.
The same verdict is given by the great palæontologist,
Prof. W. Branco, Director of the Institute of Geology and
Palæontology at the University of Berlin. In his discourse
on “Fossil Man” delivered August 16, 1901, before the Fifth
International Zoölogical Congress at Berlin, Branco said, with
reference to the origin of man: “Palæontology tells us nothing
on the subject—it knows no ancestors of man.” The well-known
palæontologist Karl A. von Zittel reached the same conclusion.
He says somewhere (probably in his “Grundzüge der
Paläontologie”): “Such material as this (the discovered remains
of fossil men) throws no light upon the question of race
and descent. All the human bones of determinable age that
have come down to us from the European Diluvium, as well as
all the skulls discovered in caves, are identified by their size,
shape, and capacity as belonging to Homo sapiens, and are
fine specimens of their kind. They do not by any means fill up
the gap between man and the ape.” Joseph Le Conte repeats
the identical refrain. In the revised Fairchild edition (1903) of
his “Elements of Geology” we read: “The earliest men yet
found are in no sense connecting links between man and ape.
They are distinctly human.” (Ch. VI, p. 638.) Replying to
Haeckel, who in his “Welträtsel” proclaims man’s descent
from pithecoid primates to be an historical fact, J. Reinke,
the biologist of Kiel, declares: “We are merely having dust
thrown in our eyes when we read in a widely circulated book
by Ernst Haeckel the following words: ‘That man is immediately
descended from apes, and more remotely from a long line
of lower vertebrates, remains established as an indubitable
historic fact, fraught with important consequences.’ It is
absurd to speak of anything as a fact when experience lends
it no support.” (“Haeckel’s Monism and Its Supporters,”
Leipzig, 1907, p. 6.) The sum-total, in fact, of scientific
knowledge concerning the origin of the human body is contained
in the saying of the geologist, Sir Wm. Dawson, President
of McGill University: “I know nothing about the origin
of man, except what I am told in the Scripture—that God
created him. I do not know anything more than that, and I
do not know of anyone who does.”
In view of this uncertainty and ignorance regarding the
origin of the human body, it is extremely unethical to strive
to impose the theory of man’s bestial origin by the sheer
weight of scientific authority and prestige. Conscientious
scientists would never venture to abuse in such a fashion the
confidence which the people at large place in their assurances.
Hence those who respect their honor and dignity as scientists
should refrain from dogmatizing on the undemonstrated animal
origin of man, however much they may personally fancy
this theory. “We cannot teach,” says Virchow, “nor can we
regard as one of the results of scientific research, the doctrine
that man is descended from the ape or from any other animal.”
(“The Liberty of Science,” p. 30, et seq.) And Professor Reinke
of Kiel concludes: “The only statement consistent with her
dignity, that Science can make, is to say that she knows nothing
about the origin of man.” (Der Türmer, V, Oct., 1902,
Part I, p. 13.)
A slave, we are told (Tertul., Apolog. 33), rode in the triumphal
chariot of the Roman conqueror, to whisper ever and
anon in his ear: Hominem memento te!—“Remember that
thou art a man!” It is unfortunate that no similar warning
is sounded when the tone of scientific individuals or organizations
threatens to become unduly imperious and intolerant.
This tendency, however, to forget limitations and to usurp the
prerogative of infallibility is sometimes rebuked by other
reminders. The writer recalls an instance, which happened
in connection with the Pan Pacific Conference at Honolulu
during the August of 1920.
The Conference was attended by illustrious scientists from
every land bordering upon the Pacific. After the preliminary
sessions, the delegates paid a visit to the famous volcano of
Kilauea. Doctor T. A. Jaggar, Jr., vulcanologist and Director
of the United States Observatory at Kilauea, acted as guide,
the writer himself being one of the party. In the course of
our tour of inspection, we came to the extinct volcano of
Kenakakoe. There a number of volcanic bombs, some shattered
and some intact, were pointed out to us. For the
benefit of readers, who may not know, I may state that a
volcanic bomb originates as a fragment of foreign material,
e.g. a stone, which, falling into a volcano, becomes coated
with an external shell of lava. In addition to the bombs,
certain holes in the soil were shown to us, which Doctor
Jaggar, evidently under the influence of military imagery suggested
by the then recent European War, described as “shell-craters”
dug by the aforesaid volcanic bombs.
Doctor Jaggar accounted for the bombs and craters by a very
ingenious theory. In 1790, he said, the year in which Kamehameha
I was contending with Keoua for the mastery of the
large island of Hawaii, the only explosive eruption of Kilauea
known to history occurred, and it was during this
eruption (which destroyed part of Keoua’s army) that the
bombs found at Kenakakoe were ejected from the above-mentioned
volcano. It was then, we were informed, that
these bombs hurtling through the air in giant trajectories
from Kilauea struck the ground and scooped out
the “shell-craters” at Kenakakoe. Some of them, it appeared,
did not remain in the craters, but rebounded to strike
again on the rocks beyond. Of the latter, part were shattered,
while others withstood the force of the second impact. The
whole party was much impressed by the grandeur of this vivid
description, and some of the scientists were at great pains to
photograph the craters as awe-inspiring vestiges of the mighty
bombardment wrought in times past by Nature’s volcanic
artillery.
When I returned to Hilo, I happened to mention to Brother
Matthias Newell some misgivings which I had felt concerning
the size and appearance of the so-called “shell-craters.” Brother
Newell, a member of the Marist Congregation and quite a scientist
in his way, is famous in the Islands as the discoverer
of a fungus, by which the Japanese Beetle, a local
pest, has been largely exterminated. For several years, prior
to the advent of Doctor Jaggar and the United States Observatory,
he had studied extensively the famous volcano on the
slopes of Mauna Loa. On hearing my narrative of the foregoing
incident, Brother Newell was curious to know the exact
locality, and burst into a hearty laugh as soon as I mentioned
Kenakakoe. He himself, he told me, in company with Brother
Henry, had frequently dug for bombs at Kenakakoe. When
successful in their quest, the two were wont to carry the
volcanic bomb to the rocks, and to break it open for the
purpose of examining the inner core. Some of the bombs,
however, escaped this fate through being too resistent to the
hammer. The holes, needless to say, were not “shell-craters”
scooped by volcanic bombs, but ordinary excavations dug by
prosaic spades. Such was the simple basis of fact upon which
the elaborate superstructure of Jaggar’s theory had been
reared! Though Jaggar was, in a sense, entirely blameless, his
theory was pure fiction from start to finish. No scientist present,
however, took exception to it. On the contrary, all of
them appeared perfectly satisfied with his pseudoscientific
explanation.
If the foregoing incident conveys any lesson, it is this, that
neither singly nor collectively are scientists exempt from error,
especially when they deal with a remote past, which no one
has observed. The attempt to reconstruct the past by means
of inference alone produces, not history, but romance. Doctor
Gregory’s genealogy of Man displayed in the American
Museum is quite as much the fruit of imagination as Jaggar’s
Kilauean fantasy. The sham pedigree bears like witness to
the ingenuity of the human mind, but, if anyone is tempted
by its false show of science to take it seriously, let him think
of the bombs of Kenakakoe.
AFTERWORD
With the close of the nineteenth century the hour hand of
biological science had completed another revolution. One
after another, the classic systems of evolution had passed into
the discard, as its remorseless progress registered their doom.
The last of these systems, De-Vriesianism, enjoyed a meteoric
vogue in the first years of the present century, but it, too, has
gone into eclipse with the rise of rediscovered Mendelism.
Notwithstanding all these reverses, however, the evolutionary
theory still continues to number a host of steadfast adherents.
Some of its partisans uphold it upon antiquated grounds.
Culturally speaking, such men still live in the days of Darwin,
and fail to realize that much water has passed under the
bridge since then. It has other protagonists, however, who are
thoroughly conversant with modern data, and fully aware,
in consequence, of the inadequacy of all existent formulations
of the evolutional hypothesis. Minds of the latter type are
proof, apparently, against any sort of disillusionment, and it
is manifest that their attitude is determined by some consideration
other than the actual results of research.
This other consideration is monistic metaphysics. In defect
of factual confirmation, evolution is demonstrated aprioristically
from the principle of the minimum. The scope of this
methodological principle is to simplify or unify causation by
dispensing with all that is superfluous in the way of explanation.
In olden days, it went by the name of Occam’s Razor
and was worded thus: Entia non sunt multiplicanda praeter
necessitatem—“Things are not to be multiplied without necessity.”
Evolution meets the requirements of this principle. It
simplifies the problem of organic origins by reducing the number
of ancestors to a minimum. Therefore, argues the evolutionist,
evolution must be true.
As an empirical rule, the principle of the minimum is, no
doubt, essential to the scientific method. To erect it into a
metaphysical axiom, however, is preposterous; for simple explanations
are not necessarily true explanations. In the rôle
of aprioristic metaphysics, the principle of continuity is destructive,
and tends to plane down everything to the dead level
of materialistic monism. For those who transcendentalize it,
it becomes the principle “that everything is ‘nothing but’ something
else, probably inferior to it.” (Santayana.) To assert
continuity, they are driven to deny, or, at least, to leave unexplained
and inexplicable, the obvious novelty that emerges
at each higher level of the cosmic scale. And thus it comes
to pass that intelligence is pronounced to be nothing but sense,
and sense to be nothing but physiology, and physiology to be
nothing but chemistry, and chemistry to be nothing but mechanics,
until this philosophical nihilism weeps at last for
want of further opportunities of devastation. Its exponents
have an intense horror for abrupt transitions, and resent the
discovery of anything that defies resolution into terms of
mass and motion.
Evolution smooths the path for monism of this type by transforming
nature’s staircase into an inclined plane of imperceptible
ascent. Hence Dewey refers to evolution as a “clinching
proof” of the continuity hypothecated by the monist. For the
latter, there is no hierarchy of values, and all essential distinctions
are abolished; for him nothing is unique and everything
is equally important. He affirms the democracy of facts
and is blind to all perspective in nature. He is, in short, the
enemy of all beauty, all spirituality, all culture, all morality,
and all religion. He substitutes neurons for the soul, and
enthrones Natural Selection in the place of the Creator. He
sets up, in a word, the ideal of “an animalistic man and a
mechanistic universe,” and offers us evolution as a demonstration
of this “ideal.”
Vernon Kellogg objects to our indictment. “The evolutionist,”
he says, “does not like being called a bad man. He
does not like being posted as an enemy of poetry and faith
and religion. He does not like being defined as crassly materialist,
a man exclusively of the earth earthy.” (Atlantic
Monthly, April 24, 1924, p. 490.) Apart from their object,
the likes or dislikes of an evolutionist are a matter of indifference.
What we want to know is whether his dislike is
merely for the names, or whether it extends to the reality
denoted by these names. Human nature has a weakness for
euphemisms. Men may “want the game without the name,”
particularly when, deservedly or undeservedly, the name happens
to have an offensive connotation.
There are, no doubt, evolutionists who mingle enough dualism
with their philosophy to mitigate the most objectionable
aspects of its basic monism. In so doing, however, they are
governed by considerations that are wholly extraneous to evolutionary
thought. Indeed, if we take Kellogg’s words at
their face value (that is, in a sense which he would probably
disclaim), it is in spite of his philosophy that the evolutionist
is a spiritualist. “And just as religion and cheating,” reasons
Kellogg, “can apparently be compassed in one man, so can
one man be both evolutionist and idealist.” (Loc. cit., p. 490.)
If this comparison holds true, the evolutionist can be an
idealist only to the extent that he is inconsistent or hypocritical,
since under no other supposition could piety and crime
coëxist in one and the same person.
Be that as it may, the majority of evolutionists are avowed
mechanists and materialists, in all that concerns the explanation
of natural phenomena. “That there may be God who
has put his Spirit into men” (Kellogg, ibid., p. 491), they are
condescendingly willing to concede. And small credit to them
for this; for who can disprove the existence of God, or the spirituality
of the human soul? Nevertheless, it is impossible, they
maintain, to be certain on these subjects. Natural science is
in their eyes the only form of human knowledge that has any
objective validity. Proofs of human spirituality they denounce
as metaphysical, and metaphysics is for them synonymous
with “such stuff as dreams are made of,” unworthy to
be mentioned in the same breath with physical science—“Es
gibt für uns kein anderes Erkennen als das mechanische, ...
Nur mechanisch begreifen ist Wissenschaft.” (Du Bois-Reymond.)
In practice, therefore, if not in theory, the tendency of evolution
has been to unspiritualize and dereligionize the philosophy
of its adherents, a tendency which is strikingly exemplified
in one of its greatest exponents, Charles Darwin himself.
The English naturalist began his scientific career as a theist
and a spiritualist. He ended it as an agnostic and a materialist.
His evolutionary philosophy was, by his own confession,
responsible for the transformation. “When thus reflecting,”
he says, “I feel compelled to look to a first cause
having an intelligent mind in some degree analogous to that
of man, and I deserve to be called a Theist. This conclusion
was strong in my mind about the time, as far as I remember,
when I wrote the ‘Origin of Species’; and it is since that time
that it has very gradually, with many fluctuations, become
weaker. But then arises the doubt, can the mind of man,
which has, as I fully believe, been developed from a mind
as low as that possessed by the lowest animals, be trusted
when it draws such grand conclusions? I can not pretend to
throw the least light on such abstruse problems. The mystery
of the beginning of all things is insoluble by us; and I, for
one, must be content to remain an Agnostic.” (“The Life and
Letters of Charles Darwin,” edited by Francis Darwin, 1887,
vol. I, p. 282.)
Darwin likewise exemplifies in his own person the destructive
influence exercised upon the æsthetic sense by exclusive
adherence to the monistic viewpoint. Having alluded in his
autobiography to his former predilection for poetry, music, and
the beauties of nature, he continues as follows: “But now for
many years I cannot endure to read a line of poetry: I have
tried lately to read Shakespeare, and found that it nauseated
me. I have also lost my taste for pictures and music.... I
retain some taste for fine scenery, but it does not cause me
the exquisite delight which it formerly did.... My mind
seems to have become a kind of machine for grinding general
laws out of large collections of facts; ... if I had to live
my life again, I would have made it a rule to read some
poetry and listen to some music at least every week; for perhaps
the parts of my brain now atrophied would have been
kept alive through use. The loss of these tastes is a loss of
happiness, and may possibly be injurious to the intellect, and
more probably to the moral character by enfeebling the emotional
part of our nature.” (Op. cit., vol. I, pp. 81, 82.)
Evolution, we repeat, has brought us materialistic monism,
in whose barren soil nor faith, nor idealism, nor morality, nor
poesy, nor art, nor any of the finer things of life can thrive.
To its dystelic and atomistic view, Nature has ceased to be
the vicar of God, and material things are no longer sacramental
symbols of eternal verities. It denies all design in
Nature, and dismembers all beauty into meaningless fragments.
It is so deeply engrossed in the contemplation of parts, that it
has forgotten that there is any such thing as a whole. The
rose and the bird-of-paradise are not ineffable messages from
God to man; they are but accidental aggregates of colloidal
molecules fortuitously assembled in the perpetual, yet aimless,
flux of evolving matter.
From the standpoint of the moral and sociological consequences,
however, the gravest count against evolution is the
seeming support which this theory has given to the monistic
conception of an animalistic man. Darwin’s doctrine on the
bestial origin of man brought no other gain to natural science
than the addition of one more unverified and unverifiable hypothesis
to its already extensive stock of unfounded speculations.
It did, however, work irreparable harm to millions of unlearned
and credulous persons, whose childlike confidence the
unscrupulous expounders of this doctrine have not hesitated
to abuse. The exaggerations and misrepresentations of the
latter met with an all too ready credence on the part of those
who were not competent to discriminate between theory and
fact. The sequel has been a wholesale abandonment of religious
and moral convictions, which has ruined the lives and
blighted the happiness of countless victims.
Has it been worth while, we may well ask of the propounders
of this theory, to sacrifice so much in exchange for so
little? The solid gain to natural science has been negligible,
but the consequences of the blow unfairly dealt to morals
and religion are incalculable and beyond the possibility of
repair. “Morals and Religion,” says Newman, “are not represented
to the intelligence of the world by intimations and
notices strong and obvious such as those which are the foundation
of physical science.... Instead of being obtruded on our
notice, so that we cannot possibly overlook them, they are
the dictates either of Conscience or of Faith. They are faint
shadows and tracings, certain indeed, but delicate, fragile,
and almost evanescent, which the mind recognizes at one
time, not at another, discerns when it is calm, loses when it
is in agitation. The reflection of sky and mountains in the
lake is proof that sky and mountains are around it, but the
twilight or the mist or the sudden thunderstorm hurries away
the beautiful image, which leaves behind it no memorial of
what it was.... How easily can we be talked out of our
clearest views of duty; how does this or that moral precept
crumble into nothing when we rudely handle it! How does
the fear of sin pass off from us, as quickly as the glow of
modesty dies away from the countenance! and then we say
‘It is all superstition.’ However, after a time, we look around,
and then to our surprise we see, as before, the same law of duty,
the same moral precepts, the same protest against sin, appearing
over against us, in their old places, as if they had never
been brushed away, like the Divine handwriting upon the wall
at the banquet.” (“Idea of a University,” pp. 513-515.)
Had evolutionary enthusiasts adhered more strictly to the
facts, had they proceeded in the spirit of scientific caution,
had they shown, in fact, even so much as a common regard
for the simple truth, the “progress of science” would not have
been achieved at the expense of morals and religion. As it is,
this so-called progress has left behind a wake of destruction
in the shape of undermined convictions, blasted lives, crimes,
misery, despair, and suicide. It has, in short, contributed
largely to the present sinister and undeserved triumph of
Materialism, Agnosticism, and Pessimism, which John Talbot
Smith has so fittingly characterized as the three D’s of dirt,
doubt, and despair. A little less sensationalism, a little more
conscientiousness, a little more of that admirable quality, scientific
caution, and the concord of faith and reason would have
become a truism instead of a problem. But such regrets are
vain. The evil effects are here to stay, and nothing can undo
the past.
If man is but a higher kind of brute, if he has no unique,
immortal principle within him, if his free will is an illusion,
if his conduct is the necessary resultant of chemical reactions
occurring in his protoplasm, if he is nothing more than an
automaton of flesh, a mere decaying organism which is the
sport of all the blind physical forces and stimuli playing upon
it, if he has no prospect of a future life of retribution, if
he is unaccountable to any higher authority, Divine or human,
then morality ceases to have a meaning, right and wrong lose
their significance, virtue and vice are all the same. The constancy
of the martyr and the patriotism of the fallen soldier
become unintelligible folly, while a heartless and infamous
sensualism preying vulturelike upon the carrion of human
misery and corruption is to be reckoned the highest expression
of wisdom and efficiency. The grandest ideals that have inspired
enthusiasm and devotion in human breasts are but idle
dreams and worthless delusions. From a world which accepts
this degraded view of human nature all heroism and chivalry
must vanish utterly; for it will recognize no loftier incentives
to action than pleasure and love of self.
Such doctrines, too, are essentially antisocial. They destroy
the very foundation of altruism. To seek immortality in the
effects of one’s unselfish deeds becomes ridiculous. For what
assurance can we have that the fruits of our sacrifice will be acceptable
to a progressive posterity, or what difference will our
self-denial make, when the whole human species shall have
become extinct on the desolate surface of a dying world?
Without an adequate motivation for altruism, however, the
existence of society becomes impossible, since self-interest is
not a feasible substitute. To urge the observance of social
laws on the ground that they protect person, life, and property,
will hardly appeal to men who have no possessions to be protected
nor a comfortable life to be prolonged. Yet the major
portion of mankind are in this category. For such the laws
can mean nothing more than artificial corruptions, of the natural
and primitive order of things introduced for the special
benefit of the rich and powerful.
Under circumstances of this sort, no plea avails to silence
the heralds of revolt. If there is no future life for the righting
of present injustices, then naught remains but to terminate
the prosperity of the wicked here and now. If there is no
heaven for man beyond the grave, then it behooves everyone
to get all the enjoyment he can out of the present life. It is
high time, therefore, that this earthly heaven of mankind
should cease to be monopolized by a few coupon-holding
capitalists and become, instead, the property of the expropriated
proletariat. Anarchy and Socialism are the consequences
which the logic of the situation inexorably portends. The
starving swine must hurl their bloated brethren from the trough
that the latter have heretofore reserved for themselves. The
sequel, of course, can be none other than the complete disintegration
of civilization and its ultimate disappearance in a
hideous vortex of carnage, rapine, and barbarity.
Nor is this prognosis based on pure conjecture. In proportion
as these pernicious doctrines have gained ground,
modern society has become infected with the virus of animalism,
egoism, and perfidy; expediency has been substituted
for honor; and purity has been replaced by prophylaxis.
One could not, of course, expect to see a universal and thoroughgoing
application of these principles in the concrete. The
materialistic view of human nature is horribly unnatural, and,
in practice, would be quite unbearable. Natural human goodness
and even the mere instinct of self-preservation militate
against a reduction to the concrete of this inhuman conception,
and these tend, in real life, to mitigate the evil effects
of its acceptance. Nevertheless, the actual consequences resulting
from the spread of evolutionary principles are so
conspicuous and appalling as to leave no doubt whatever of
the deadly nature of this philosophy.
Marxian Socialism has been called “scientific” for no other
reason than that it is based upon materialistic evolution, and
this scientific socialism has brought upon modern Russia a
reign of terror, which eclipses that of France in the bloodiest
days of the Revolution. Eleanor Marx, it will be remembered,
after falling a victim to her father’s teachings regarding “free
love,” committed suicide. The same confession of failure has
been made by two recent editors of the socialist Appeal to
Reason (J. W. Wayland and J. O. Welday), both of whom
committed suicide. These are but a few of the many instances
that might be cited to show that the life philosophy inculcated
by materialistic evolution is so intolerably unnatural
and revolting that neither society nor the individual can
survive within the lethal shadow of its baleful influence.
But may not the extreme materialism and pessimism of this
view be peculiar to the sordid and joyless outlook of the social
malcontent? Does not evolutionary thought conduce to something
finer and more hopeful in the case of the progressive
and optimistic liberal? Vain hope! We cannot console ourselves
with any delusions on this score. Liberalism proclaims
the emancipation of humanity from all authority, and the
rejection of a future life of retribution is the indispensable
premise of the doctrine that makes man a law unto himself.
Hence, wherever Liberalism controls the tongues of educators,
the human soul becomes a myth, religion a superstition, and
immortality an anodyne for mental weaklings. Strong-minded
truth-seekers are advised to abandon these irrational
beliefs, and to adopt the “New Religion,” which dispenses
once for all with God and the hereafter. “The new religion,”
says Charles Eliot, ex-President of Harvard, “will not attempt
to reconcile people to present ills by the promise of future compensation.
I believe that the advent of just freedom has been
delayed for centuries by such promises. Prevention will be
the watchword of the new religion, and a skillful surgeon will
be one of its ministers. It cannot supply consolation as offered
by old religions, but it will reduce the need of consolation.”
(“The New Religion.”)
Again, it may be objected that evolutionists, for all their
agnosticism and materialism, frequently put Christians to
shame by their irreproachably upright and moral lives. That
they sometimes succeed in doing this cannot be gainsaid.
But they do so because they borrow their moral standards
from Christianity, and do not follow the logical consequences
of their own principles. Their morality, therefore, is parasitic,
as Balfour has wisely observed, and it will soon die out when
the social environment shall have been sufficiently de-Christianized.
“Eat, drink, and be merry, for tomorrow we die,”
is their proper philosophy of life, only they have not the
courage of their convictions. For the rest, their philosophical
convictions have nothing in common with the moral standards
which they actually observe. In fact, not only does the
monism of evolutionary science fail to motivate the Christian
code of morals, but it is radically and irreconcilably opposed
to all that Christianity stands for. Hartmann, a modern
philosopher, notes with grim satisfaction the clash of the two
viewpoints, and predicts (with what, perhaps, is premature
assurance) the ultimate triumph of “modern progress.”
“Many there are,” he tells us, “who speak and write of the
struggle of civilization, but few there are who realize that
this struggle is the last desperate stand of the Christian ideal
before its final disappearance from the world, and that modern
civilization is prepared to resort to any means rather than
relinquish those things, which it has won at the cost of such
great toil. For modern civilization and Christianity are
antagonistic to each other, and it is therefore inevitable that
one give place to the other. Modern progress can acknowledge
no God save one immanent to the world and opposed to
the transcendent God of Christian revelation, nor other morality
save only that true kind whose source is the human will
determining itself by itself and becoming a law unto itself.”
(“Religion de l’avernir.”)
The World War has done much to dampen the ardor of
those who looked forward with enthusiasm to the millennium
of a purely scientific religion. In this spectacular lesson they
have learned that science can destroy as well as build. They
have come to see that biology, physics, and chemistry are
morally colorless, and that we must go outside the realm of
natural science when we are in quest of that which can give
meaning to our lives and noble inspiration to our conduct.
When science supersedes religion, the result is always disillusionment
following in the wreck-strewn wake of moral and
physical disaster.
Grave little manikins digging in the slime
Intent upon the old game of ‘Once-upon-a-time.’
Other little manikins engaged with things-to-come,
Building up the sand-heap called Millennium.
(Theodore MacManus)
Recently, the chancellor of a great university has seen fit
publicly to disclaim, in the name of his institution, all responsibility
for a crime committed by two members of the
student body. The young men involved in this affair had
performed an experimental murder. The experimenters, it
would seem, were unable to discriminate between man and
beast. They had been taught by their professors that scientific
psychology dispenses with the soul, and that the difference
between men and brutes is one of degree only, and not of
kind. Even that negligible distinction, they were told, had
been bridged by evolution. In the sequel, the young men
failed, apparently, to see why vivisection, which was right in
the case of animals, should be wrong in the case of human
beings. Their astounding obtuseness on this particular point
was, of course, exceedingly regrettable and hard to understand.
Yet, somehow, one cannot help thinking but that their
education was largely responsible for it.
In the startling crime of these students, modern educators
will find much food for serious thought. It should give pause
to those, especially, who have been overzealous in popularizing
the Darwinian conception of human nature. Let men of this
type reflect upon what slender grounds their dogmatism rests,
and let them then weigh well the gravity of the responsibility,
which they incur. Tuccimei summarizes for them, in the following
terms, the nature and extent of their accountability:
“This perverse determination to place man and brutes in
the same category, interests me not so much from the scriptural
standpoint as for reasons moral and social. Science, as
the more moderate of our adversaries have told us often
enough, does not assail religion, but proceeds on its way regardless
of the consequences. And the consequences we see
only too plainly, now that the evolutionary philosophy has
invaded every branch of knowledge and walk of life, and has
seeped down among the ignorant and turbulent masses. These
consequences are known as socialism and anarchy. The protagonists
of the new philosophy strove to repudiate them at
first: but now many of their number have laid aside even this
pretense. Socialistic doctrines are based exclusively upon our
assumed kinship with the brutes, and the leaders of militant
socialism have inscribed on the frontispieces of their books the
chain fatally logical and terribly true of three names, Darwin,
Spencer, Marx.
“In truth, our common origin with the brutes being taken
for granted, why should we not enjoy in common with them
the right to gratify every instinct? Social inequalities are
the product of laws and conventionalities willed by the rich
and powerful. In the natural and primitive state of things
they did not exist; why not proceed then to a general leveling
of the existing social order?
“Such an origin of the human race being assumed, the
existence of the soul and a future life becomes a myth invented
by the priests of the various religions. With this inconvenient
restraint removed, there remains no alternative save to aspire
to the acquisition of all the pleasures of life; and for him
who lacks the wherewithal to procure them for himself there
remains no other recourse than to seek them by means of
violence or strategy. Hence anarchy. In this supposition,
morality no longer possesses that sole, true, and efficacious
sanction which religion alone can furnish; it amounts to
nothing more than the resultant of the evolution of the individual’s
perfections and their coördination to the well-being
of his race and of society. But if, by reason of retarded evolution,
the social instincts have not progressed to the point of
repressing the individual or egoistic instincts, what guilt will
there be in the delinquent who lapses into the most atrocious
crimes? Hence free will is another myth that positive psychology
and the science of moral statistics have already been
at pains to explode.
“And behold the suffering, the unfortunate, and the dying
deprived of their sole consolation, the last hope which faith
held out to them, and society reduced to an inferno of desperadoes
and suicides! I could go on showing in this way, to
what a pass the evolutionistic theories bring society and the
individual.” (“La teoria dell’ evoluzione e le sue applicazioni,”
p. 46.)
GLOSSARY
Abiogenesis: The discredited hypothesis that life may originate
spontaneously in lifeless matter, i.e., apart from the
influence of living matter.
Adaptation: (1) The reciprocal aptitude of organism and
environment for each other; (2) a structure, modification
of structure, or behavioristic response enabling the organism
to solve a special problem imposed by the environment;
(3) the process by which the organism’s adjustment
to the environment is brought about.
Allelomorphs: Genes located opposite each other on homologous
chromosomes and representing contrasting characters;
they are separated during meiosis according to the Mendelian
law of segregation, e.g. the genes for red and white
in Four o’clocks which when united give rise to pink, and
when segregated, to red and white flowers respectively,
are allelomorphs of each other.
Alluvial: Pertaining to the Alluvium, which consists of
fresh-water deposits of the Pleistocene and Recent series,
to be distinguished from the Diluvium which consists of
older Pleistocene formations.
Amino-acids: The chemical building-stones of the proteins—organic
acids containing one or more amino-groups
(—NH2) in place of hydrogen, e.g., amino-acetic acid,
CH2·NH2·COOH.
Amnion: A membranous bag which encloses the embryo in
higher vertebrates. The lower vertebrates, namely, fishes
and amphibia, have no amnion and are termed “anamniotic.”
The reptiles, birds, and mammals which possess
it are termed amniotic vertebrates.
Amphioxus: The most simply organized animal having a
dorsal notochord. It is classified among the Acrania in
contradistinction to the craniate Chordates which make
up the bulk of the vertebrates.
Angiosperms: The higher plants, which have their seeds
enclosed in seed-vessels.
Anthropoid Apes: Apes of the family Simiidæ, which
approach man most closely in their organization, namely,
the chimpanzee, the gorilla, the gibbon, and orang-utan.
Antibody: Chemical substances produced in the blood in
reaction to the injection of antigens or toxic substances
and capable of counteracting or neutralizing said substance.
Such antibodies are specific for determinate
antigens.
Antigen: Any substance that causes the production of
special antibodies in the blood of susceptible animals,
after one or several injections.
Arthropods: The phylum of exoskeletal invertebrates comprising
crustaceans, arachnida, insects, etc.
Atavism: The resemblance to an ancestor more distant than
the parents.
Automatism: A spontaneous action, not in response to
recognizable stimuli.
Basichromatin: That portion of a cell’s nuclear network
which contains nuclein and is deeply stained by basic dyes.
Biparental: Derived from two progenitors, i.e., a father and
mother.
Brachiopods: Invertebrate animals bearing a superficial
resemblance to bivalve molluscs, but belonging to a totally
different group—lamp shells.
Cambrian: The “oldest” system of the Palæozoic group of
fossiliferous rocks.
Carbohydrates: The sugars, starches, etc.,—polyhydric
alcohols with aldehydic or ketonic groups, and acetals of
same, etc.
Catalyst: A substance which accelerates a chemical reaction
without permanently participating in it, being
left over unchanged at the end of the process.
Centriole: The centrioles or central bodies are the foci of
mitotic division in animal cells, as well as the source of
the kinetic elements developed by such cells. They are
minute bodies usually located within a larger sphere
known as the centrosome or centrosphere. They do not
occur in the cells of the higher plants.
Cephalopods: A class of molluscs in which the foot is developed
into a headlike structure with eyes and a circle
of arms, e.g., the octopus, the cuttlefish, the squid, and
the nautilus.
Ceratites: A genus of extinct cephalopods having a coiled
shell and crooked sutures.
Character: An external feature or sensible property of an
organism. It is the joint product of germinal factors
(genes) and environmental influences.
Chlorophyll: The green pigment formed in the chloroplasts
(green plastids) of plant cells. It is a diester of phytyl
and methyl alcohols with the tribasic acid, chlorophyllin,
one of whose carboxyls is esterified with methyl alcohol,
a second with phytol, while the third is otherwise engaged.
Chlorophyllin is a tribasic acid consisting of the chlorophyllic
chromogen group (containing magnesium) joined
to three carboxyl groups.
Chondriosomes: Cytoplasmic granules rodlike, threadlike,
or spherical in form, which often appear to divide on the
mitotic spindle, and are therefore credited with the power
of independent growth and division. The chondriosomes
of embryonic tissues are thought to be the original sources
of the plastids, the fibrillæ, and certain metaplastic
granules.
Chordates: The phylum of animals whose primary axial
skeleton consists temporarily or permanently of a notochord.
Chromatin: Same as basichromatin.
Chromosomes: The short threads or rodlike bodies into
which the basichromatin of the cell-nucleus is aggregated
during mitosis—each chromosome is segmented into
granules called chromomeres—in its submicroscopic structure
it consists of chain or linear series of genes (hereditary
factors) representing characters linked together in
heredity, each single chromosome being termed, on this
account, a “linkage-group” by geneticists.
Ciliate: A protozoan whose motor-apparatus consists of
cilia, i. e., hairlike protoplasmic projections capable of rapid
and coördinated vibratile movement.
Cloaca: A common passageway through which the intestine,
kidneys, and sex organs discharge their products,—it
occurs in certain fishes, in amphibia, reptiles, and birds,
and in a few mammals.
Coccyx: Lower extremity of the vertebral column in man.
Colloids: Insoluble gumlike substances, which will not diffuse
through organic membranes.
Commensalism: The harmonious cohabitation of two organisms
belonging to different species, where the relation
is not necessarily beneficial nor necessarily harmful to
either.
Crossover: The exchange or reciprocal transfer of whole
blocks of genes from one homologous chromosome to the
other, which sometimes occurs in synapsis, probably at
the strepsinema-stage.
Crystalloids: Soluble substances, which usually form crystals
and readily diffuse through organic membranes.
Cyst: A protective envelope formed around an organism
during period of rest.
Cytode: The non-nucleated cell hypothecated by Haeckel.
Cyptoplasm: The cell-body or extranuclear protoplasm of
a cell.
Endomixis: A process of nuclear reorganization among the
protozoa, which does not require the coöperation of two
cells as in conjugation (amphimixis).
Endoskeleton: An internal living skeleton providing support
and protection (as well as organs of movement, in
the bone-levers to which the muscles are attached)—it is
characteristic of the vertebrates.
Enzymes: Organic catalysts, i. e., complex chemical substances
formed by organisms and serving to accelerate
chemical processes taking place in said organisms, e. g.,
the digestive enzymes, which accelerate the hydrolysis of
starches, fats, and proteins.
Epigenesis: Development of the embryo by differentiation
of previously undifferentiated protoplasm.
Fats: Esters of the higher fatty or organic acids (such as
stearic, palmitic, and oleic) esterified with the trihydric
alcohol glycerine (glycerol).
Gamete: A reproductive cell specialized for syngamy, i.e.,
for union with a complementary germ cell, their union
giving rise to a synthetic cell known as a zygote.
Ganglion: An aggregate of nerve-cells consisting mainly of
neural cell-bodies together with supporting cells.
Ganoids: Fishes covered with enameled bony scales, and
now, for the most part, extinct.
Gene: A factor or infinitesimal element in a nuclear thread
or chromosome, the latter being a linear aggregate of
such factors, each having definite specificity and manifesting
itself in the external character which develops
from it.
Genotype: The total assemblage of germinal factors transmitted
by a given species of organism, that is, the complete
complex of genes synthesized in the zygote and perpetuated
by equation-divisions in the somatic cells. Hence
the basic germinal or hereditary constitution of an
organism or group of organisms.
Germ Cells: Cells specialized for reproduction as contrasted
with other vital functions, e.g., spores and gametes.
Germ-plasm: The material basis of inheritance.
Glacial Epoch: After the close of the Tertiary period,
Europe and North America are said to have been covered
with vast ice sheets known as continental glaciers
(the result of great climatic changes in the Northern hemisphere).
As the weather varied these ice sheets advanced
and retreated, the retreats corresponding to the so-called
Interglacial intervals. Four Glacial and three Interglacial
stages are distinguished, and it was during the
Second and Third of these Interglacial stages that Palæolithic
Man is alleged to have entered Europe.
Golgi Bodies: A cytoplasmic apparatus consisting, in its
localized form, of a network, and, in its dispersed form,
of scattered granules. It appears to divide on the mitotic
spindle, and seems to have some important function
connected with secretion.
Habitat: The locality in which a given animal or plant
normally lives.
Hallux: The great toe, opposable in the ape, but not in man.
Heredity: “The appearance in offspring of characters whose
differential causes are in the germ cells” (Conklin).
Heterozygous: Hybrid,—the condition in which the chromosomal
genes paired by syngamy in the zygote are unlike.
Homologous Chromosomes: Corresponding chromosomes of
the same synaptic pair, being of paternal and maternal
origin respectively.
Homozygous: Pure,—the condition in which the chromosomal
genes paired in the zygote by syngamy are alike.
Hormone: An internal secretion elaborated in the endocrine
or ductless glands and diffused in the blood stream for
the purpose of influencing the activities or metabolism of
parts of the organism at a distance from the source of
the hormone, e. g., secretin, gastrin, adrenalin, etc.
Hydrotheca: The cuplike extension of the perisarc (skeletal
sheath) surrounding the hypostome (oral cone) and tentacles
of certain polyps.
Hyloblatic: Resembling the gibbon.
Lemurs: Four-handed animals allied to the Insectivora,
with curved nostrils and a claw instead of a nail on the
first finger of the rear hands.
Lethals: A genetical term for hereditary factors (genes)
which cause the death of the gametes or the zygotes that
contain them. In the case of zygotes, death results from
the homozygous, but not from the heterzygous, condition.
Linin: Same as oxychromatin.
Litopterna: A suborder of extinct ungulate mammals from
the Miocene and Pliocene of South America resembling
horses or llamas.
Mammals: Vertebrate animals which suckle their young
after birth.
Meiosis: The process whereby the chromosomes of synaptic
pairs (in the primary oöcyte or spermatocyte) are separated
in such a way that the resulting gametes (eggs,
or sperms) receive a haploid (halved) number of unpaired
chromosomes, instead of the diploid (double)
number of paired chromosomes characteristic of the zygote
and the somatic cells of the species.
Metista: Animals and plants normally multicellular and
having their cells differentiated into at least two distinct
layers or tissues—the Metazoans and Metaphytes.
Mitosis: Typical cell-division, whose mechanism consists
of the spindle-fibers, and whose scope is to secure an
exactly equal partition of the single components of the
nucleus of the dividing cell between the two resultant
daughter-cells.
Monism: A system of thought which holds that there is but
one substance, either mind (idealistic subjectivism), or
matter (objectivistic materialism),—or else a substance
that is neither mind nor matter, but is the substantial
ground of both. Idealistic monism regards mind as the
sole reality and matter as its product. Materialistic
monism regards matter as the sole reality and mind as its
product.
Neolithic: Pertaining to the Young-Stone Age, that is, to
prehistoric man of Post-glacial time. The implements of
the latter are of polished stone. The Young-Stone Age
is said to have begun about 7,000 years B.C., and to have
ended with the Copper Culture about 2,000 B.C. The
Bronze Age, which followed it, belongs to history.
Neurone: The nerve-cell with all its processes, consisting,
therefore, of the nucleated cell-body, the axone or discharging
fiber, and the dentrites or receiving fibers.
Oölites: An English term for the Jurassic, or middle system
of the Mesozoic group of fossiliferous rocks.
Ontogeny: The embryological development of the individual.
Opposable: A term applied to the thumb or great toe when
they are capable of being placed with their tips opposite
to those of the other digits.
Organelle: Literally, a “miniature organ,” i.e., one of the
living components of a cell as distinguished from the metaplastic
or non-living inclusions.
Oxychromatin: That portion of the nuclear network which
stains with acidic dyes, the finer nuclear reticulum in
which the coarser strands of basichromatin appear to be
suspended.
Palæolithic: Belonging to the Old-Stone Age, which corresponds
to the latter half of the Glacial or Pleistocene epoch.
It is alleged to be the second period of prehistoric man
(following the Eolithic) and is characterized by implements
of unpolished stone shaped from flint by the chipping
off of flakes of the latter substance.
Palæontology: The science of fossil organisms.
Palæozoic: A term applied to the second group of fossiliferous
rocks, following the earliest, or Proterozoic, group,
and preceding the Mesozoic group. It comprises the Cambrian,
Ordovician, Devonian, Silurian, and Carboniferous
systems, and its sediments are the first that contain well-preserved
fossils.
Parasitism: A condition in which one organism (the parasite)
residing in, or upon, another species of organism
(the host) lives at its expense, the relation being detrimental
to the latter.
Parthenogenesis: The production of offspring from unfertilized
eggs.
Phenotype: The sum-total of external characters by whose
enumeration an organism is described—the somatic or expressed
characters of an organism (or group of organisms)
as distinguished from those that are merely potential in
the germ cells.
Phylogeny: Developmental history of the race, the hypothetical
evolutionary history of the race, in contradistinction
to the embryological development of the individual
(ontogeny).
Phylum: A term used in classification to denote any primary
group of the plant or animal kingdom.
Plantigrade: Walking on the whole sole of the foot, like
bears.
Plastids: Permanent organelles or living components of the
cellular cytoplasm, e.g., chloroplasts, leucoplasts, etc.
Pleistocene: The lower series of the Quaternary system of
fossiliferous rocks. It corresponds to the so-called Glacial
epoch, and extends from the close of the Tertiary period
(system) to the dawn of the Recent or Historical epoch.
Polar Cell: A synonym for polar body, or policyte. The
polar bodies are minute abortive cells given off by the
egg undergoing meiosis. Into them are shunted the
chromosomes which the egg discards in its process of
nuclear reduction (maturation).
Præformation: Theory that the egg contains a complete
miniature of the organism into which it develops.
Prehension: Grasping, catching hold.
Progression: Advancing movement, locomotion.
Pro-simiæ: The lemurs as distinguished from genuine apes
(Simiæ).
Protista: Animals or plants which are normally unicellular
and which when multicellular show no differentiation into
tissues—the Protozoans and Protophytes.
Protoplasm: Living matter.
Receptor: An organ specialized to receive stimuli, e.g., a
sense-organ.
Sedimentary: A term applied to rocks which originated as
sediments deposited under water.
Serum: Watery portion of the blood, the plasma.
Somatic Cells: Vegetative cells not especially set aside by
the organism for reproductive purposes, e.g., tissue-cells.
Somite: One of the uniform segments of the longitudinal
series into which a metameric organism (such as an earthworm)
is partitioned.
Spermatist: An old term applied to one who held that the
animal embryo was produced entirely by the male parent.
Spore: A single cell, incapable of syngamy, but capable
of giving rise to a new individual without the sexual
process.
Symbiosis: The obligatory association of two organisms of
different species for mutual benefit.
Synapsis: Union in pairs of corresponding (homologous)
chromosomes of opposite parental origin as a preliminary
to their separation in meiosis.
Systematist: An expert in classification (systematics), i. e.,
a taxonomist.
Taxonomy: The science of classification.
Tertiary Period: A geological time-division corresponding
to the rock-system that comprises the greater part of the
Cenozoic group. It is made up of four series, namely,
the Eocene, Oligocene, Miocene, and Pliocene. Its close
marks the beginning of the Glacial or Pleistocene epoch.
Tissue: A layer of uniform cells specialized for the same
function.
Tissue Cell: One of the somatic cells of which a tissue is
composed.
Troglodytic: Resembling the chimpanzee and the gorilla.
Woods Hole: The seat of the Marine Biological Laboratory.
It is a watering-place on the New England coast opposite
Martha’s Vineyard.
Zygote: The synthetic cell formed by the union of two
gametes and giving rise by division either to a new multicellular
organism, or to a rejuvenated cycle of unicellular
forms.