This selection from the writings of the
late John F. Macdonald—between 1907
and 1913—finds, naturally, and without
any arbitrary arrangement, its unity of character,
as the middle volume of the book, in three parts,
that it was this author’s ruling desire—rather
than his deliberate and predetermined purpose—to
spend many years in writing. The first
volume of this book was Paris of the Parisians,
the last was the posthumous volume recently
published, under the title of Two Towns—One
City. In order to convey a clear idea of the
motive and ruling method that give literary and
spiritual unity to this long book in three volumes,
which stands for the accomplished desire of a brief
life, let me quote the author’s own account of this
desire given in his Preface to Paris of the Parisians,
where, at twenty years of age, he described himself
as “a student of human life, still in his
humanities”:
“The purpose of these sketches is not political
nor yet didactic. No charge is laid upon me to
teach the French nation its duties, to reprove it
for its follies. Nor yet is it my design to hold up
Paris of the Parisians as an example of naughtiness,
nor even of virtue, to English readers. A
student of human life still in my humanities, my
purpose is purely interpretative. I would endeavour
to translate into English some Paris
scenes, in such a way as to give a true impression
of the movement, personages, sounds, colours and
atmosphere pervaded with joy of living which
belongs to them. These impressions which I
have myself received, and now desire to communicate,
are not the result of a general survey
of Paris taken from some lofty summit. I have
not looked down upon the capital of France from
the top of the Eiffel Tower; nor yet from the
terrace of the Sacré Cœur; nor yet from the
balcony among the chimères of Notre Dame; nor
yet from Napoleon’s column on the Place Vendôme;
nor yet from the Revolution’s monument
that celebrates the taking of the Bastille. No
doubt from these exalted places the town affords
an amazing spectacle. Domes rise in the distance
and steeples. Chimneys smoke; clouds hurry.
Up there the spectator has not only a fine bird’s-eye
view of beautiful Paris: he has a good throne
for historical recollections, for philosophical
reveries, for the development of political and
scientific theories also. But for the student of
to-day’s life, whose interest turns less to monuments
than to men, there is this drawback—seen
from this point of view the inhabitants of Paris
look pigmies. Far below him they pass and
repass: the bourgeois, the bohemian, the boulevardier,
all small, all restless, all active, all so
remote that one is not to be distinguished from
the other. Coming down from his tower the
philosopher may explore Paris from the tombs at
St Denis to the crypts of the Panthéon, from the
galleries of the Louvre to the shops in the Rue de
Rivoli, from the Opera and Odéon to the Moulin
Rouge and sham horrors of the cabarets of Montmartre—leaving
Paris from the Gare du Nord he
may look back at the white city under the blue
sky with mingled regret and satisfaction—regret
for the instructive days he has spent with her,
satisfaction in that he knows her every stone;
and yet, when some hours later in mid-Channel
the coasts of France grow dim, he may leave
behind him an undiscovered Paris—not monumental
Paris, not political Paris, not Baedeker’s
Paris, not profligate Paris, not fashionable cosmopolitan
Paris of the Right Bank, not Bohemian
Anglo-American Paris of the Left Bank, but Paris
as she knows herself—Paris of the Parisians.
“Virtues of which the mere foreign spectator
has no notion are to be found in Paris of the
Parisians. And the Parisian does not conceal
them through mauvaise honte. Love of Nature,
love of children, both absorb him; how regularly
does he hurry into the country to sprawl on the
grass, lunch by a lake, stare at the sunset, the
stars and the moon; how frequently he admires
the view from his window, the Jardin du Luxembourg
and the Seine; how invariably he spoils his
gosse or another’s gosse, anybody’s gosse, infant,
boy or girl! He will go to the Luxembourg
merely to watch them. He likes to see them dig
and make queer patterns in the dust. He loves
to hear them laugh at guignol, and is officiously
careful to see that they are securely strapped on
to the wooden horses. He does not mind their
hoops, and does not care a jot if their balls knock
his best hat off. He walks proudly behind
Jeanne and Edouard, on the day of their first
Communion, all over Paris; laughing as Jeanne
lifts her snow-white skirt and when Edouard,
ætat. 10, salutes a friend; and he worships
Jeanne, and thinks that there is no better son
in the world than Edouard, and he will tell you
so candidly and with earnestness over and over
again. ‘Ma fille Jeanne,’ ‘Mon fils Edouard,’
‘Mes deux gosses,’ is his favourite way of introducing
the joy of his heart and the light of his
home. And then he knows how to live amiably,
and how to amuse himself pleasantly, and how to
put poorer people at their ease, as on fête days.
He will go to a State theatre on 14th July (when
the performance is free) and joke with the crowd
that waits patiently before its doors, and never
push, and never complain, and never think of
elbowing his way forward at the critical moment
to get in. He will admire the fireworks and illuminations
after, and dance at street corners without
ever uttering a word that is rude or making a
gesture that is rough. He will trifle with confetti
on Mardi Gras, and throw coloured rolls of paper
on to the boulevard trees. And he will laugh all
the time and joke all the time, and make Jeanne
happy and Edouard happy, and be happy himself,
until it is time to abandon the boulevards and
go home. ‘La joie de vivre!’ Verily, the
Parisian studies, knows and appreciates it.
“There is something else he appreciates also,
and reveres. And here especially we find that
his paternal affection for all children, his courtesy
and good-fellowship with all classes, his sense of
proprietorship and delight and pride in public
gardens do not indicate only a happy and amiable
disposition, but spring from a deeper sentiment.
He is sauntering on the boulevards, it may be,
with Edouard. The time is summer—there is
sunshine everywhere; the trees are in bloom, the
streets are full of movement and noise, fiacres
rattle, tram-horns sound, camelots cry, gamins
whistle. Suddenly there is a temporary lull. A
slow procession passes, a hearse buried in flowers;
mourners on foot follow, the near relatives, bareheaded,
walking two by two; after them come, it
may be, a long line of carriages; it may be, one
forlorn fiacre. It does not matter. For the
Parisian, a rich funeral or a poor one is never an
indifferent spectacle; never simply an unavoidable,
disagreeable interruption of traffic, to be got
out of sight, and out of the way of the busy world
as quickly as possible. Here is one of those
ordinary circumstances when the Parisian’s attention
to the courtesies of social life is the outward
and visible sign of his self-respecting humanity
and fraternal sympathy. His hat is off, and held
off—so is Edouard’s cap, so are the caps of even
younger children, for from the age of four upwards
each gosse knows what is due from him on
such an occasion. Cochers are bareheaded, boulevard
loafers also; the bourgeois stops stirring his
absinthe to salute; many a woman crosses herself
and mutters a prayer. ‘Farewell!’ ‘God
bless thee!’ The kind and pious leave-taking
of the Parisian enjoying to-day’s sunshine to the
Parisian of yesterday whose place to-morrow will
know him no more, accompanies the procession
step by step on its way to the cemetery of Père
Lachaise or Montparnasse....
“A kind critic of some of these sketches here
reproduced from The Saturday Review has said of
them that their tendency is to ‘counteract the
wrong-headed reports of French and English antipathies
by which two sympathetic neighbour-peoples
are being estranged and exasperated.’ If
this be true—and to some extent I hope it may
be—the result is surely all the more gratifying
because it does not proceed from any deliberate
effort on my part to serve that end, but, as I have
said, from my endeavour to convey to others the
impressions I have received. The immortal Chadband
may be said to have established the proposition
that if a householder, having upon his rambles
seen an eel, were to return home and say to the
wife of his bosom, ‘Rejoice with me, I have seen
an elephant,’ it would not be truth. It would
not be truth were I to say of the Jeunesse of the
Latin Quarter that it is callous and corrupt, or to
deny that beneath the madcap, frolicsome temper
of the hour can be felt the justness of mind and
openness to great ideas that will put a curb on
extravagance and give safe guidance by and by.
And again of Paul and Pierre’s little lady friends,
Mimi and Musette, mirth-loving, dance-loving
daughters of Mürger—it would not be truth were
I to report them in any sense wicked girls, or to
deny that taking them where they stand their
ways of feeling are straight though, no doubt,
their way of life may go a little zigzag. And of
Montmartre and her cabarets and chansonniers—it
would not be truth were I to say that only madness
and perversion reign in her cabarets, or to
deny that true poets and genuine artists may be
found amidst the false and hectic glitter of the
‘Butte.’ And of the man in the street who is
neither poet nor student, the average Parisian of
simply everyday life—it would not be truth were
I to repeat the hackneyed phrase that he would
overthrow the Republican Government to reinstate
a Monarchy, being a Royalist at heart.
True, storms rage about him; scandals break out
beside him; ministries fall; presidents pass—did
these storms and scandals represent Republican
principles it might be said with truth that he paid
them little heed. What is true, however, is that
the qualities and principles he takes his stand by
do not change or fall with ministries or pass with
presidents: cultivating still the art of living amiably,
rejoicing still over the beauties of his town,
and not merely rejoicing over them, but respecting
and protecting them, believing still, and with
reason, in the greatness of his country, he succeeds
where his rulers often fail, not merely in professing,
but in practising the doctrine of liberty,
equality, fraternity.”
The point of view from which the author of
Paris of the Parisians in 1900 studied French life
remained the same down to 1915, when he died.
Nor did he ever change his interpretative methods
into didactic or political ones. But it was inevitable
that, as years passed, fresh knowledge
and enlarged experience would come to the
student of French life who, at twenty, sought to
convey his impressions as he at that time received
them. His impressions were not altered, nor, as
a result of his increased knowledge of life, did
he ever become himself less appreciative of the
special virtues he discovered in the serious, as
well as in the joyous, sides of the French art of
living. On his own side, he remained to the end
of his life (as so many of his friends testify) the
same unworldly, joyous being, of profound and
tender sympathies, impatient of all rules and
systems save those that derive their authority
from human kindness. But as a result of his
inborn power of vision and gifts of observation
and expression, his impressions became more lucid
and were given greater force by the exceptional
opportunities he enjoyed. During his residence
in Paris, throughout the years when most of the
essays in criticism contained in this volume were
written, he was dramatic critic of French life and
the French stage for The Fortnightly Review, and
as Paris correspondent, given more or less a free
hand by other leading periodicals to which he was
a contributor; so that he could direct his attention
to the study of many aspects of Parisian life not
exclusively bounded by political interests.
Looking through the list of subjects dealt with
in these chapters, it will be seen that the criticism
of French life carried through by John F. Macdonald
(if by “criticism” we understand what
Matthew Arnold defined as “an impartial endeavour
to see the thing as in itself it really
is”) covered, from 1907 to 1913, nearly all
events in every domain of Parisian life during
this critical period.
In other words, the present volume supplies the
evidence which not only confirms the impressions
that he sought to convey to his fellow-countrymen
in Paris of the Parisians, but it lends the
authority that belongs to a judgment founded
upon a right criticism to the sentence which I
may, in conclusion, quote from his article on the
“Paris of To-day,” originally published in The
Fortnightly Review, July, 1915, and reprinted (by
the editor’s kind permission) in his posthumous
book, Two Towns—One City.
“It has been repeatedly and persistently asserted,
in hastily written articles and books, that the
war has created an entirely ‘new’ Paris. Journalists
and novelists have proclaimed themselves
astonished at the ‘calm’ and the ‘seriousness’
of the Parisians, and at the ‘composed’ and
‘solemn’ aspect of every street, corner and stone
in the city; and how elaborately, how melodramatically
have they expatiated upon the abolition
of absinthe, the closing of night-restaurants,
the disappearance of elegant dresses, the silence
of the Apaches, the hush in the demi-monde, and
the increased congregations in the churches!
“‘A new, reformed Paris,’ our critics reiterate.
‘The flippancy has vanished, the danger of decadence
has passed—and in place of extravagance and
hilarity we find economy, earnestness and dignity.’
“Now, with these hastily conceived reflections
and criticisms I beg leave to disagree. It is not
a ‘new’ Paris that one beholds to-day, but
precisely the very Paris one would expect to see.
No city, at heart, is more serious, more earnest,
more alive to ideas and ideals: no other capital
in the world works so hard, creates so much, feels
so deeply, labours and battles so incessantly and
so consistently for the supreme cause of liberty,
justice and humanity. Crises, and shocks, and
scandals, if you like—but what generous reparations,
what glorious recoveries! Stifling cabarets,
lurid restaurants, rouge, and patchouli, and startling
deshabille, if you please; but all those
dissipations were provided for the particular
pleasure and well-filled purses of Messieurs les
Étrangers—at least twenty foreigners to one
Frenchman on the hectic hill of Montmartre; and
what a babel of English and American voices chez
Maxim, until five or six in the morning, when the
average Parisian was peacefully enjoying his last
hour’s sleep! The statues and monuments of
Paris, the free Sorbonne University, the quays of
the Seine with their bookstalls, the incomparable
Comédie Française, the stately French Academy,
the Luxembourg Gardens, the Panthéon (with its
noble motto: ‘Aux Grands Hommes, la Patrie
Reconnaissante’), the Arc de Triomphe, Notre-Dame;
do these (and innumerable other) illustrious
institutions, so cherished by the Parisians,
appear compatible with ‘flippancy,’ ‘incoherency’
and ‘the danger of decadence’? And the
profound, ardent patriotism of the Parisians—how
else could it have manifested itself save
in the noble, supreme spectacle of courage, determination
and self-sacrifice which we are witnessing
to-day? No; it is not a ‘new’ Paris, but
the very Paris one expected to see; hushed but
proud; stricken yet self-confident; wounded, even
stabbed to the heart after eleven months of war—but
heroic, indomitable”—the Amazing City—the
worthy capital of, as Mr Kipling says,
“the Land beloved by every soul that loves and serves its kind.”
Before closing my preface to this Selection from
the sketches, essays and criticisms of Paris life,
under its picturesque, popular, literary and social
aspects that represents John F. Macdonald’s
interpretation of the spirit of the “Amazing
City,” between 1907 and 1914, I have to acknowledge
the kindness of the several Editors, to whom
these different articles were originally addressed;
and who have allowed me to reprint them in the
present volume. The Roué, In a Cellar, and The
Affair of the Collars, appeared originally in The
Morning Post. The three articles, On Strike, the
two pictures of the historical Pension de Famille
in the Rue des Poitevins (haunted by the memory
of Gambetta), and of the other Pension de Famille
in the Shadow of St Sulpice, saddened by the
memory of the pathetic story of the gentle and
pious old maids who died broken-hearted, as
victims of the Rochette swindle, appeared in The
Morning Leader, in the days before its association
with The Daily News. The series of short sketches
of French Presidents and Leading Statesmen, and
Personalities, who have helped to make, and are
still living influences in, French politics, were
contributed, later, to The Daily News and Morning
Leader. I have to thank the Editor of The Contemporary
Review for consenting to the reprinting
of the articles upon Henri Rochefort and Royal
Visits to Paris; and the Editor of The Fortnightly
Review for allowing me to reproduce from the
series of articles on French Life and the French
Stage, which appeared in this Review during several
years, three special criticisms, illustrative of the
typical French national “virtue,”—a fundamental
understanding of the essential duty of
man to be an intelligent and kindly human
being—applied to the correction and sweetening
of faulty rules of “Bohemian” morality and
bourgeois respectability; and lending high ideals
to what is generally described as the “realistic”
spirit of the modern French drama. The articles
descriptive of life in the Latin Quarter appeared
originally in The Saturday Review.
Frederika Macdonald.
February 1918.
I IN THE STREET
In my almost daily perambulations through
the brilliant, through the drab, and through
the ambiguous quarters of Paris, I constantly
come upon street scenes that bring me
inquisitively to a standstill. Not that they are
particularly novel or startling. Indeed, to the
Parisian they are such banal, everyday spectacles
that he passes them by without so much as a
glance. But for me, familiar though I am with
the physiognomy of the Amazing City, these street
scenes, amusing or pathetic, sentimental or grim,
possess an indefinable, a never-failing charm.
For instance, I dote on a certain ragged, weather-beaten
old fellow who is always and always to be
discovered, on a boulevard bench, under a dim
gas-lamp, at the precise hour of eleven. Across
his knees—unfolded—a newspaper. And spread
forth on the newspaper, scores and scores of
cigarette ends and cigar stumps, which have been
industriously amassed in the streets, and on the
terraces of cafés, during the day. Every night,
on this same boulevard bench, at the same hour
of eleven, the old fellow counteth up his spoil.
“Fifty-five, fifty-six, fifty-seven,” he mutters.
“Eh bien, le vieux, how are affairs?” asks a
policeman. But the old fellow, bent in half over
the newspaper, hears him not. When—O joy!—he
comes upon a particularly fine bit of cigar, he
holds it up to the gas-lamp, measures it closely
with his eye, then packs it carefully away in his
waistcoat pocket. But when—O gloom!—he has
a long run of bad luck in the way of wretched,
almost tobaccoless cigarette ends, he breaks out
into guttural expressions of indignation and disgust.
The night wears on. Up go the shutters of
the little wine-shop opposite. Rarely a passer-by.
Scarcely a sound.
“One hundred and two. One hundred and
three. One hundred and four,” counts the
weather-beaten old fellow under the gas-lamp.
Then, the street singers of Paris, with harmonium,
violin and a bundle of tender, sentimental
songs. Four of them, as a rule; four men
in jerseys, scarlet waistbands and blue corduroy
trousers. They, too, come out particularly at
night and establish themselves under a gas-lamp.
And all around them stand charming, bareheaded
girls from the neighbouring blanchisseries and
milliners’ shops; and the adorers of those
maidens—young, amorous MM. Georges, Ernest
and Henri—from the grocer’s, the butcher’s, the
printer’s; and workmen and charwomen and
concierges; and probably a cabman or two, and
most likely a soldier, a lamp-lighter, a policeman.
“Love is Always in Season, the latest and greatest
of valse-songs, created by the incomparable
Mayol,” announces the vocalist. A chord from
the harmonium and violin, and the singer, in a
not unmelodious voice, proceeds to assure us that
“though the snow may fall, or the skies may
frown, or the seas may roar, Love, sweet love,
is Always in Season.”
General applause. Cries of “C’est chic, ça”
from the charming, bareheaded girls. Sighs and
sentimental glances from their faithful adorers.
“Buy Love is Always in Season. Only two
sous, only two sous! The Greatest, the most
Exquisite valse-song of the day,” cries the vocalist,
holding up copies of the song. “Buy it at once,
and we will sing it all together.”
At least twenty copies are sold. “Attention,”
cries the vocalist. And then, under the gas-lamp,
what a spectacle and what song! Everyone
sings; yes, even this huge, apoplectic cabman:
“Though the snow may fall....” Everyone
sings: the soldier, the workmen, the decrepit
old charwomen: “Though the skies may
frown....” Everyone sings: the very policeman’s
lips are moving. And how the charming,
bareheaded girls sing and sing; and how amorously,
how passionately do their adorers raise
their voices: “Though the seas may roar....
What matter, what matter!... Since love,
sweet love, is always in season!”
Of course children, with their lively, irresponsible
games, provide delightful street scenes. No
piano-organs, alas! to which they may dance.
We have but three or four piano-organs in Paris,
and these play only in elegant quarters, for the
pleasure of portly, solemn butlers. However,
the children hold theatrical performances on the
pavement, which, if animated and dramatic, are
scarcely convincing; indeed they must be pronounced
bewildering, chaotic. René, aged six,
proclaims himself Napoleon; Jeanne, his sister,
declares herself Sarah Bernhardt; André strangely
states that he is an Aeroplane; others most incoherently
become a Horse, the President of the
Republic, Aunt Berthe, a Steamer on the Seine,
the Dog at the neighbouring chemist’s, and
(this, a favourite, amazing rôle) the Eiffel
Tower! Then, when the parts have been duly
selected, after no end of wrangling, then, the play!
Much extraordinary dialogue between Napoleon
and the divine Sarah; more between the Eiffel
Tower and the President of the Republic; still
more between the Aeroplane, the Seine Steamer
and Aunt Berthe. And then dancing and singing
and skipping and——
Well, at once the most irresponsible and irresistible
street scene in Paris. Or, at least, second
only in irresponsibility to the fêtes of Mardi Gras
and Mi-Carême.
Year after year, the cynic is to be heard
declaring that confetti has “gone out” and
that no one really rejoices at carnival time;
but year after year, when Mardi Gras and
Mi-Carême come round, confetti flies swiftly and
thickly and gaily in Paris, and only a rare,
elegant boulevardier, or some dull, heavy bourgeois
remains indifferent to the excitement of the
scene.
Confetti, in fact, everywhere! Already at nine
o’clock this morning—blithe morning of Mardi
Gras—it has got on to my staircase, and from
thence into the dining-room and on to the breakfast-table.
Suddenly, confetti in my coffee. A
moment later, confetti on the butter. And when
I unfold the newspapers, a shower of confetti.
“It is extraordinary,” I murmur to the servant.
“Most certainly, confetti is extraordinary,”
she assents. “It goes where it pleases; it does
what it likes; it respects nobody and nothing—impossible
to stop it.”
“And only nine o’clock in the morning,” I remark,
removing a new speck of confetti from the
butter.
“At seven o’clock, when I went to Mass, it had
got into the church,” relates my servant. “It
was also in the sacristy when I went to see M. le
Curé. Truly, it is the most astonishing thing in
the world; and yet it is only a little bit of coloured
paper.”
As time wears on the tradesmen’s assistants
bring more confetti into the house. Somehow or
other it enters my boots, and finds a resting-place
in my pockets. At luncheon, lots of confetti. At
dinner, pink, green, yellow, orange and purple
confetti with every course. And when at eight
o’clock I set forth to view the rejoicings on the
Grands Boulevards, my servant, leaning over the
banisters, impudently pelts me with confetti.
A cold night and occasionally a shower—but
the boulevards are thronged with I don’t know
how many thousands of Parisians. Here, there
and everywhere electrical advertising signs dance
and blink dizzily. Each café is brilliantly illuminated.
More pale, fierce light from the street
lamps. And, heavens! what a din of voices, and
whistles, and musical instruments!
“Who is without confetti? Who is without confetti?”
shout scores of men, women and children,
holding up long, bulky paper bags, supposed to
contain two pounds of the bright-coloured stuff.
And the bags sell and sell. And the little rounds
of paper fly and fly. And down they fall in their
hundreds of thousands on to the ground, making
it a soft, agreeable carpet of confetti.
Of course, no traffic. In the midst of the crowd
groups of policemen; and the policemen are pelted,
and the policemen must shake confetti out of eyes,
and beards, and ears, and moustaches. However,
they are amiable; and, indeed, everyone is good-tempered.
No rudeness and no roughness. Here
is Edouard, aged eight, in the crowd—dressed as
a soldier, with a wooden gun and a paper helmet.
There is Yvonne, aged seven, in the throng—all
in white, with a wand tied at the top with a
huge creamy bow. And Edouard and Yvonne
are perfectly safe. And that old married couple—plainly
from the provinces—are entirely safe.
And——
A splash of confetti in my face. Then, a deluge
of confetti over my hat. And I am pleased, and
I am flattered; for my assailant is an English girl,
with blue eyes, and gold hair, and an incomparable
complexion.
Despite the cold, every seat and every table on
the terraces of the cafés are occupied. Past the
terraces surges the crowd, casting confetti at the
glasses of beer, coffee and liqueurs, which the consumers
have carefully covered over with saucers.
But, always unconquerable, the confetti enters
the glasses; and thus one drinketh benedictine à
la confetti, and chartreuse à la confetti, and——
“Who wants a nose? Who wants a nose?”
shouts a hawker, holding up a collection of long,
vivid red noses. And the red noses are bought;
and so, too, are false beards and moustaches, and
artificial eyebrows, and huge cardboard ears.
Then, what costumes in the crowd! Of course,
any number of pierrots and clowns, who gesticulate
and grimace; and ladies in dominoes, and
men in heavy scarlet mantles and black masks.
Over there, an Arab; here, a Greek soldier in the
Albanian kilt—the picturesque “fustanella.”
And confetti—red, blue, yellow, green, white,
orange, purple—sprinkled over, and clinging to,
all these different costumes, and flying above them
and all around them, a fantastic spectacle!
Confetti, again, in the fur coats of chauffeurs;
a whirl of it—bright yellow—around three colossal
negroes from darkest Africa; and a fierce battle
of it, waged by an admiring Parisian against two
fascinating young ladies from New York. Darkest
Africa grins, displaying glistening white teeth.
New York utters shrill little cries. And Motordom—represented
by the three chauffeurs—imitates
the many savage sounds emitted by 60-horse-power
machines.
“Your health!” cries a clown, plunging a
handful of confetti into a glass which, for only
a second or two, has remained uncovered.
“Vive la Vie! Vive la Vie!” shout a procession
of students from the Latin Quarter.
“Who is without Confetti? Who wants a
nose? Who desires a moustache?” yell the
hawkers.
And now, rain. Down it comes, finely, steadily,
soddening the carpet of confetti, spotting the fantastic
costumes, scattering the crowd. Edouard
(in his paper helmet) and Yvonne (with her wand)
are hurried along homewards—much against their
will—by their parents; the hawkers disappear
with the remaining paper bags; the dizzy advertising
signs give a last blink and go out; the
policemen congregate beneath the street lamps
and in doorways—the carnival is over.
However, memories remain, and these memories
are—confetti.
It has flown, but it has not gone. Every hour
of every day, for many a week, it will turn up in
one’s home, in one’s clothing, at one’s meals...
still bold, vivid, ungovernable, unconquerable....
And now, after colour and gaiety—ambiguity,
gloom. Away to remote, neglected corners of
Paris; to the terrain vague—the waste ground—of
the Amazing City, which, this particular
afternoon, lies steeped in a damp fog, and strewn
with sodden newspapers and broken bottles,
and pots and pans without handles, hats without
brims, and battered old shoes. On the waste,
prowling about amidst the wreckage, a gaunt,
vagabond cat. Gathering together odds and
ends, the aged, bent chiffonnière—a hag of a
woman, half demented, with fingers like claws,
that go scraping and digging about in the refuse.
Then three ragged children—skeletons almost—also
interested in the rubbish, who are savagely
snarled at by the chiffonnière when they approach
her preserves. Fog, damp and puddles. Mounds
of overturned earth, subsidences, crevices. A
rusty engine lying disabled on its side. Quantities
of coarse, savage thistles. Gloom unrelieved.
The chiffonnière and the ragged children becoming
more and more ghostly and ghastly in the half-light.
The kind of scene depicted so tragically
by the great-hearted Steinlen, and sung of so
despairingly by the humane poet, Rictus. Sung
of, too, by lesser poets than the author of the
Soliloque d’un Pauvre. For terrain vague is
a favourite theme with the chansonniers of
Montmartre, and in their songs they are fond
of describing how they have passed from comfortable,
bourgeois neighbourhoods on to “waste
ground.” The bourgeois was dozing in his chair;
Madame la Bourgeoise was knitting a hideous
woollen shawl; Mademoiselles the three daughters
were respectively tinkling away at the piano,
pasting picture cards into an album, absorbing a
sickly novel. As a heartrending, an overwhelming
contrast, behold—after the snugness of the
bourgeoisie—the wretchedness, the misère noire
of the human phantoms poking about on the
waste ground!
“Would that I had a bourgeois here on this
terrain vague; a bourgeois I might terrify and
harrow!” declaim the realistic chansonniers of
the Montmartre cabarets. “‘Bourgeois,’ I would
cry, ‘what do you see? Bourgeois, look well,
look again, look always. Bourgeois, do you
understand? It is well, wretched, cowardly
Bourgeois—you tremble!’”
No less attracted by terrain vague are the frail,
wistful poets of Paris, the poets (as they have
been so admirably denominated) of “mists and
half-moons, dead leaves and lost illusions.” On
to the waste they bring Pierrot, their favourite,
eternal hero. Midnight has long struck. A half-moon
casts silvery shafts on to the wreckage—and
on to Pierrot, who, as he stands there forlornly
amidst the debris, proceeds to disclose the
secret: “Pourquoi sont pâles les Pierrots....”
Only the cheeks of the vulgar are rosy; for the
vulgar cannot feel. But the artist is stung day
after day by ironies, cruelties, bitter awakenings—and
so is frail, and so is pale. How he suffers,
how tragically is he disillusioned! There was a
blonde... but she was capricious. There was
a brune... but she, too, was fickle. There
was a rousse, an auburn-haired goddess... but
alas! she also was false. And Pierrot sobs. And
Pierrot goes on his knees to the half-moon. And
Pierrot prays. And suddenly a radiant figure
appears on the waste ground, and a sweet, melodious
voice murmurs: “Why sigh for the blonde?
Why grieve for the brune? Why weep for the
rousse? Am I not enough?” And Pierrot,
looking up with his pale, tear-stained face, beholds
his Muse, smiling down upon him—
“Sur ce terrain va—aa—gue.”
Farther away—away, this time, to one of the
environs of Paris, and down there, by the river-side,
the annual fête. Not an empty corner, not
a vacant space; nothing but booths, “side-shows,”
shooting-galleries, roundabouts, caravans—“all
the fun of the fair.” Confusion, exhilaration,
and a hundred different, frenzied sounds.
All this babel lasts a week; but at the end of the
week, departure and gloom. Gone the caravans
and their picturesque inmates. Gone the “distractions.”
There stood the shooting-gallery,
with its targets, grotesque dummies and strings
of clay pipes. One fired twice for a penny. If
successful, one was rewarded with paper flowers,
or a shocking cigar, or (in exceptional cases) a
strident alarm clock; if a bad marksman, one
was consoled with a slice of hard, gritty ginger-bread.
Farther on revolved the roundabout.
One rode a rickety steed, with only one stirrup.
One turned to the accompaniment of a husky,
exhausted old organ. What appalling liberties it
took with the Valse Bleue! Next, one visited
the palmist, inspected a seedy lion, stared at
optical illusions, shook hands with a dwarf,
bought sticks of nougat, rode again on the round
about, returned to——
But all over now, and nothing but memories
and souvenirs about: broken clay pipes, splinters
of bottles and wood, shavings, scraps of cloth,
hand-bills and rusty, bent nails, the eternal old
battered hat, the equally inevitable old boot, and
a hoof or two from the rickety horses that revolved
to the haunting tune of the Valse Bleue.
The usual mounds of refuse. Also, the turf
damaged with ruts, and burnt away in places by
the fair people’s fires. The annual fête over, not
a soul but myself loiters on this portion of the
Seine river-bank. Only gloom and desolation.
Nothing but waste. Again, terrain vague.
II IN A CELLAR
Bright things and sombre things, tarnished
things and threadbare things, frail things,
fast-fading things; things and things, and
all of them old things.... The past in this
cellar; in every nook and corner of it—the
past. Come here through a hole in the wall of
a narrow, cobbled Paris street—come down a
number of crooked stone steps—I now look curiously
about me, and wonder what to do next.
No one challenges me: the cellar appears to be
uninhabited. Yet above its crude, primitive
entrance, on a weather-beaten board, I discern
the name—Veuve Mollard.
An autumnal mist filled the street outside; and
the mist, pouring through the hole in the wall,
has invaded the cellar and made it chilly and
ghostly. It is a rambling, chaotic place—suggestive
of three or four cellars having been thrown
into one; for it twists and it turns, and it bulges
and recedes, and it slopes and ascends; and the
grimy brick ceiling—lofty enough at the entrance—suddenly
dips towards the middle, and almost
precipitates itself to the ground at the far end.
Here and there an unshaded lamp, of the kitchen
description, burns dimly. On a stool I perceive
a workbox, crowded with sewing materials—but
not a sign, not a sound of “Widow” Mollard. I
cough loudly. I advance farther into the cellar.
And, as I advance, I pass bright things and
sombre things, tarnished things and threadbare
things, frail things, fast-fading——
“Monsieur?”
An apparition, a spectre! There, in the background,
appears a tall, gaunt woman, with a pale,
wrinkled face, large, luminous dark eyes and
tumbled white hair. In the dim light from the
lamps Veuve Mollard looks a hundred years old.
There she stands, old and alone, in a rambling
old cellar, amidst old, discarded things.
“Monsieur?”
A deep, even a sepulchral voice—and then from
myself an explanation. I should like to examine
the old things—all of them, not knowing myself
what I want. I have a fancy for old things; like
to wonder over them; like, O most respectfully,
to handle them. No; unnecessary to turn up the
lamps; they give, just as they are, the very light
for old things. “Faîtes donc, faîtes donc,”
assents the deep voice. Retiring to a corner,
Widow Mollard seats herself on a stool and proceeds
to darn a rent in a faded yellow velvet
curtain.
Silence in the cellar. Shadows, ambiguities,
and the mist from the street.
Against the walls, boards have been laid on the
floor; and heaped on the boards are tapestries,
draperies, all kinds of stuffs. Then, tables, wooden
trays, and flat, open receptacles of wicker-work.
Also pegs, for gowns. Again, battered, lidless
boxes of odds and ends. Thus, embarras de
choix: which of the old things shall I examine
first? At last I decide on the tapestries. They
are of all shapes and sizes, but most of them
have been severed, are but parts—no head to this
horse, no top to the lance of this knight, and of
that saint only the half. Next, a circular piece
of tapestry representing what might be a throne—but
faded, faded; and the figure on the throne
as shadowy as a phantom. Gobelins? Veuve
Mollard no doubt knows: but I prefer to pursue
my researches alone, unaided; and then the
gaunt widow is darning and darning away at
the yellow velvet curtain.... Whose velvet curtain?
Where has it hung, what fine window has
it screened? Once, evidently, a rich, magnificent
yellow; now faded, crumpled, damaged. A
curtain from the Faubourg St Germain? from a
ruined château? even from the palaces of Versailles
or Fontainebleau? Again I glance at
Widow Mollard. Old, old. Her fingers tremble,
and a long lock of white hair has fallen over one
pale, wrinkled cheek.
Out of this tray a snuff-box, enamelled, oval-shaped
and delicate. A Watteau peasant girl on
the lid—but the pretty, pink-cheeked girl, fast
fading. Whose snuff-box? Then a shoe buckle.
Whose massive, old-fashioned silver buckle? And
of whom this miniature: blue eyes, sensitive
mouth, delicate eyebrows and powdered hair?
Then, a tiny Sèvres tea-cup; a gilt key; a chased
silver book-clasp; a string of coral; an ornament
of amethysts; bits of embroidery; stray pieces
of velvet and silk; lace, satins, furs, and spangled
and soft and transparent stuffs. Whose finery?
Perhaps a débutante’s, a débutante of years ago—now
old, like the things.
Graceful, charming débutante of the past!
Behold her dressing—or rather being dressed—for
her first, her very first ball, amidst what excitement,
what confusion! Her mother on her knees,
the maids also on their knees, putting the last
touches; and the débutante turned round and
round, and exhorted to keep still, and told to walk
a little, and ordered to return, and commanded to
remain “there,” and not to move, not to move!
Radiant, irresistible débutante of long ago. At
once dignified and shy, now flushed and now pale
when in the ballroom she made her first bow to
the world, received her first compliments, achieved
her first triumphs, and experienced, no doubt, her
first emotions, her first illusions, her first doubts.
Here in this cellar, in the half-light and the mist
from the street, here lies her first ball-dress; and
here too, perhaps, are the shoes in which she
danced her first official waltz, her first real cotillon—a
pair of small satin shoes which repose on the
top of a heap of other frail shoes.
Long, narrow shoes, tiny ridiculous shoes—some
of them with loose, dangling rosettes, others
showing a bare place where the rosette or a jewel
had once been fastened. High heels, and the soles
scarcely thicker than a sheet of paper. Sometimes
a rent in the satin, and the maker’s name
stamped in dim gilt letters. Shoes, no doubt,
that long ago stepped daring quadrilles at the bal
masqué of the Opera; the shoes of Mademoiselle
Liane de Luneville, a former blonde and brilliant
courtesan; and next to them remnants from
Mademoiselle de Luneville’s wardrobe. A white
satin dress, sewn with artificial pearls, dismembered
silken sleeves, spangled stuffs, daring gauzes, and
other extravagances and audacities. Courtesan
finery. Sold, no doubt, in the twilight of the
demi-mondaine’s career; or seized roughly by
the bailiffs when not a shadow of the beauty or
glory of Mademoiselle de Luneville remained.
Now does a moth fly out of a piece of tapestry
I have shaken. Now do I behold a black cat, with
lurid yellow eyes, perched motionless upon a pile
of draperies in a corner. Now do I perceive
gigantic cobwebs overhead. Thus, some life—but
life of an eerie nature—in the cellar.
“Je ne vous dérange pas, Madame?”
“Faîtes donc, faîtes donc,” replies the deep,
sepulchral voice of Veuve Mollard.
A cracked water-colour landscape signed, ever
so faintly, “R. E. F.” Disposed of, perhaps, for
a five-franc piece; and to-day the painter either
dead, or a shabby, lonely, struggling old fellow? or
a rich and distinguished “master”? A sword—used
in a duel? A small silver mug—from a god-father?
Pink, white and black dominoes: they
should have been placed amongst the courtesan’s
finery. The bâton of a chef d’orchestre, silver-mounted,
of ebony. A bunch of tarnished seals;
chipped vases and liqueur glasses; a cracked,
frameless mirror; a collection of old legal and
medical books; a heap of dusty, fantastic
draperies of the kind used extensively by the
students of the Latin Quarter. Deceptive
draperies that once turned a bed into a divan,
discreet draperies that hid the scars on the walls—the
draperies of Paul and Pierre, of Gaston and
René, sons of Henri Mürger, genuine, veritable
Bohemians, who, if they lived recklessly and
irresponsibly, were nevertheless full of generous
impulses, imagination, ideals, but who to-day are
become stout, bourgeois, double-chinned inhabitants
of such dreary provincial towns as Abbeville
and Arras.
Thus the past in this cellar; in every nook and
corner of this rambling, chaotic cellar, the past.
Changes and changes—but not one change for the
better. All around me evidence of somebody’s
indifference and faithlessness to old possessions.
On all sides, symbols of somebody’s downfall and
ruin.
“Je vous remercie, Madame.”
“C’est moi qui vous remercie, Monsieur.”
On my way out—on the crooked stone staircase
leading upwards to the hole in the wall—I look
back.
And down there, in the dim light from the
lamps, the gaunt, white-haired woman darns
away at the faded velvet curtain. Down there,
from its throne of draperies, the black cat watches
the widow with lurid yellow eyes. Down there
in vague disorder—in an atmosphere of shadows
and ambiguities, of moth, cobweb and mist—down
there, lie bright things and sombre things, tarnished
things and threadbare things, frail things, fast-fading
things; things and things, and all of them
old, discarded, forgotten things.
III IN A MARKET-PLACE
The market!... We holiday-keepers in
Moret-sur-Loing have been looking forward
to it, imagining it, scanning the spot
where it is held, recalling other French market-places,
ever since we first bowed before the amiable
patron and patronne of our hotel. Our immediate
inquiry was when is the market. “Tell
us,” we cried, “when we, like the villagers, may
go forth in our newest clothes, in high spirits,
as though to some fine ceremony, to view fruits
and vegetables, gigots and rôtis if we like, stalls
of chiffons and trinkets, patent medicines, soaps,
scents and——”
“A week hence, mon pauvre Monsieur,” interrupted
the patronne. “The market takes place
on Tuesdays only: as it is Tuesday night, you
have just missed it.”
“Then,” we replied, “the week will be empty,
sombre; the week will be a year, a century; but
for you, Madame, and your admirable hotel, the
week would be intolerable.” And the patronne
bowed and smiled; we bowed and smiled, “comme
dans le monde,” in fact, “en mondains.” Never was
there sweeter smiling, better bowing, in Moret....
Moret at the Market.—The time of day differs
in Moret-sur-Loing; differs, also, in neighbouring
villages. For miles around, the clocks strike independently,
instead of in chorus, so that it is ten
at the station, when it is ten minutes to, in our
hotel; a quarter to ten, inside the local bijoutier’s—but
all hours within. When these clocks have
done striking, the church clock starts; there is
no corroboration, no unanimity. However...
who cares, who worries? It is “almost” eleven;
“about” twelve; a “little past” four; that suffices.
We are late, or we are early. We get accustomed
to being strangely in three places at the very same
hour. Should a friend be pressed we can say:
“That clock is fast”; if he weary us, we need
not hesitate to declare it slow. And watches
vary; time is of no moment, in Moret. Farther
still from Fontainebleau, in the village of Grez,
the two or three hundred inhabitants rely chiefly
on the Curé for the hour. He alone controls the
church clock; but he, an irascible old gentleman,
often quarrels with the Mayor: and on these occasions
stops the clock immediately, revengefully.
Once the quarrel lasted three whole months: for
three whole months the hands of the clock remained
stationary. The Mayor protested: but
the Curé ignored him. When at last the Mayor
withdrew his objection to the point at issue, the
Curé allowed the clock to go again. And now, if
ever the Mayor and the Curé disagree, the Curé
stops the clock, the Mayor protests, the Curé
ignores him: and Grez has no church clock to tell
the time until the unhappy Mayor gives in.
Fortunately for us in Moret, the Mayor and Curé
are friends. We depend more or less on the
Curé’s clock—most dilapidated of dials—whose
solemn summons at ten on Sunday bids us attend
High Mass; whose brisker chimes at the same
hour on Tuesday set us hastening towards the
market. Indeed, in our hotel, disdainful of its
dubious timepiece, we wait for the ten strokes
and after counting them join the villagers outside:
knots of villagers, rows of villagers, solitary
villagers, but all of them fresh, immaculate.
Each woman wears a print dress, or a print skirt
and camisole, a spotted handkerchief tied in a
knot at the top of her head. Each man has drawn
on a clean cotton shirt and his newest coat, or a
blouse; his tie invariably is bright. Each girl
is clad lightly, charmingly, and has becomingly
arranged her hair. As for us... well, we do
not seem shabby beside a painter, a Parisian in
“le boating” costume: our scarf is as silken as
theirs, our waistcoat is equally white and piqué,
but our cane is undoubtedly handsomer, and we
think we dangle it more elegantly.
Over the cobble-stones, avoiding the ruisseau,
we go—smoking and chatting—the peasants
swinging their baskets, the girls giving a last
touch to their hair—an amazing spectacle.
At the end of the narrow street—the “Grande
Rue,” no less!—is installed the first market-woman,
with a vast basket of vegetables. And
she, a wizened old thing, wrinkled and bent in
half, appears to be reflecting over her poor
potatoes, her shabby cauliflowers. Still, she refuses
to bargain. She has but one price, and she
sniffs when a would-be customer turns over her
wares, inspecting them; and sniffs again when
she is told that they are “bien médiocres et bien
chères.” So she sells nothing: falls into reflection
again, quite forgets the would-be customer, who,
turning up the next street, faces a double row of
market-people established on either kerbstone, and
thus comes upon the chiefest commerce.
All Moret is present, all Moret is bargaining
and buying, and all the market-people are seamed
with wrinkles, browned, bent; and all of them
wear blouses or camisoles or print dresses, handkerchiefs
or peaked caps—old, old people all of
them; at all events seemingly old; weather-beaten,
of the earth. Each has his or her
basket, so that there are two uninterrupted lines
of baskets, of little piles of paper, of measuring
utensils. Every vegetable is available, every
fruit. There is crying, croaking, quarrelling;
there is laughter, the chink of sous. Above the
din one hears:
“Trois sous, Madame.”
“Non, Madame, deux sous.”
And: “Regardez ces raisins.”
“Voyez, voyez, les melons.”
And always: “Cinq sous, Madame.”
“Non, Madame, trois sous.... Sous, sous,
sous.”
Slowly we progress, meet the patronne of our
hotel, the postman, the garde champêtre, the barber
and, all of a sudden, a bevy of fair Americans,
daintily dressed, who inhabit a “finishing”
school near by. In the village it is hinted that
they are heiresses, all of them. Certainly their
clothes are rich, but they carry paper bags of
grapes, and eat the grapes, and dawdle... just
like Mesdemoiselles Jeanne and Marie, village
girls who “do washing” on the river bank every
other day of the week. Also, they utter little
cries:
“Isn’t that old woman the funniest thing that’s
ever happened!”
And: “My! Isn’t it all too quaint!”
Here a foreigner sketches. Farther on, by the
side of the church, a painter has established his
easel; next him, stands a group of village women
who have already done their shopping and bear
their spoil. And they compare their purchases,
gesticulating over this cauliflower, that salad;
and soon we hear much about a certain Madame
Morin who has gone home furious because Madame
Petilleau carried off an amazing melon she had
her eye on... just by a minute. But Madame
Morin is always like that; Madame Morin would
flush, lose her temper, over a single bean.
Now stalls rise—stalls of ribbons and jewellery,
stalls of cheeses, stalls of sheets, curtains, all
stuffs. And the stuffs are held up to the sun and
considered in the shade, and compared with a
complexion and wound round a waist, so that we
hear:
“Ça vous va bien.”
And: “Je trouve que c’est trop clair.”
And, of course: “Trois francs, Madame.”
“No, Madame, deux francs... francs, francs,
francs.”
Baskets become veritable burdens. Gesticulations
grow wilder, the cries louder, the exchange of
francs and sous quicker and quicker. Everyone
has vegetables and fruits; many have coloured
stuffs.
To and fro go the patronne of our hotel, the
postman, the garde champêtre, the barber, the
Americans. To and fro go the village girls—but
pause all at once before a ragged fellow whose
eyes are crossed, whose face is unshaven, whose
dirty hands clasp an accordion. The church
clock strikes eleven. But above all these sounds
rises suddenly and discordantly the voice of the
man with the accordion. As he sings he leers.
The village girls titter. To them, impudently
and grotesquely, he addresses his eternal refrain:
“Tu sais bien que je t’ai-ai-me.”
Still we linger; soon we admire a group of
women and children whose home is on the barges
of the river bank. Barefoot, with shining black
eyes and black hair, bright shawls and handkerchiefs,
they add to the picturesqueness of the
spectacle as they wander to and fro with wicker-work
wares. A graceful English girl presents the
children with grapes, and the children smile, displaying
the whitest teeth. The women pounce
upon stray slips of salad, broken atoms of
cauliflower, and are watched suspiciously by the
market-people. The foreigner sketches them;
the painter evidently intends to include them in
his scene—and we, also fascinated, would follow
them, were we not tempted to listen to a noisy
fellow who, flourishing a scrap of soap, boasts
that it will blot out every stain.
How simple, how easy is it to stain your coat,
he cries; then proceeds to point out stains on
various coats. Fear not, however. Be not cast
down. He is here, he, the enemy of stains—he
with “The Miraculous Tablet.”
And the “Miraculous Tablet” is held on high
and flourished to and fro, ready to render old
clothes new, and soiled hats fresh, in exchange
for two vulgar sous.
“Seize this surprising opportunity,” shouts the
man. “Take out your stains, all of you. The
Miraculous Tablet will away with them all...
except stains on your conscience. I swear it, and
I am honest.”
And then, continuing, he announces that the
“Miraculous Tablet” has made him famous
throughout the land; that clients return to him
in thousands to express their gratitude; that a
certain mother once shed tears of joy when he
took an ink-stain out of her little boy’s white suit;
that only yesterday, in Orleans, the inhabitants
cheered and cheered him and, rushing forward,
begged leave to shake his hand. “And,” he concludes,
“believe me, ladies and gentlemen, I had
not hands enough.”
Suddenly a tambourine sounds, and up the
street come a man and a woman with a dancing
bear, another woman with a monkey. The
monkey screams, the bear on its hind legs bobs up
and down, up and down, and the man encourages
him gruffly and the woman shakes the tambourine.
Of course a crowd assembles, and of course
cries go up. Cries rise everywhere: from the
market-place, from the crowd, from the enemy of
stains, from the man with the accordion, from the
group around the bear; all cries, the strangest
cries, all languages also—English, French, many
a patois, “bargee,” the unknown tongue of
the almost black people with the bear—and all
accents.
Then several nuns issue forth from church
and pause for a moment. The Curé appears.
A “Savoyard” with statues—as white as his
statues, for his clothes are white and his face
is covered with chalk-dust—approaches. And
all these different people, in all their different
costumes, with different accents and different
gestures, mingle together, elbow one another, and
all around them are the stalls of bright stuffs,
the vast baskets of vegetables and fresh fruits.
In the background—grey and quaint—stands the
church.
However, time is flying and luncheon hour is
near. The purchases have to be borne home,
washed, prepared, and so the inhabitants of Moret
raise their baskets, exchange adieux. Off starts
the patronne of our hotel; off go the postman, the
garde champêtre, the barber and the fair Americans—still
eating grapes—to their “finishing” school.
The village girls disperse, and here and there
the market-people are already dislodging their
baskets, counting up sous. Once again we hear
of the hot-tempered Madame Morin, the triumphant
Madame Petilleau. Other familiar sounds
reach us as we near the end of the street:
“This, then, is the Miraculous Tablet... and
only yesterday in Orleans...” and for the last
time, “Cinq sous, Madame,” “Non, Madame,
trois sous,” and the hour being told by the church.
In the far distance, the bear is evidently dancing,
for we faintly hear the tambourine. But his
audience must now be small: before us, up the
Grande Rue, moves a slow procession of men and
women with baskets, sometimes two baskets to
each person.
Still, the first market-woman does not appear
to have provided them with their spoil. She
alone has done no business, and sits, wizened and
bent in half, over her shabby cauliflowers, her
poor potatoes. Occasionally she sniffs.
But her sniff develops into a snort, when the
cross-eyed, unshaven fellow with the accordion
slouches up and, pausing for a moment, winks
... a fearful wink... leers, addresses her
impudently and grotesquely with his eternal
refrain:
“Tu sais bien que je t’ai-ai-me.”
IV BOURGEOISIE — 1. M. Durand at Marie-le-Bois — 2. Pension de Famille. The Beautiful Mademoiselle Marie, who loved Gambetta — 3. Pension de Famille. French and Piano Lessons. Les Saintes Filles, Mesdemoiselles Périvier — 4. The Affair of the Collars
A French friend, M. Durand, thus writes
to me:
“To-morrow morning at 11.47 my wife, myself,
the three children and our deaf old servant
Amélie, all leave for Marie-le-Bois; and to-morrow
night, whilst you, mon cher ami, are
eating the rosbif and drinking the pale ale of
la vieille Angleterre, the Durand family will be
dining off radishes, sardines, chicken, and cool
salad, in the garden of the Villa des Roses.
“I have taken the villa for a month—our holiday.
The Duvals and the Duponts occupy villas near
by; and we shall play croquet together, and be
amiable and happy. I, your stout friend, le gros
Durand, will wear white shoes and no waistcoat,
and I shall also smoke many pipes and enjoy long
siestas under my own tree.” (What an idyllic
picture—the large citizen Durand asleep in a vast
cane chair, under a tree!)
“But to-day, mon vieux, what anxiety, what
chaos, what despair, in our Paris home! We are
distracted, we are in peril of losing our reason, so
terrible, so sinister is the work of moving to Marie-le-Bois.
The packing, the labelling, the ordering
of the railway omnibus (it is engaged for ten
o’clock precisely, but will it—O harassing question—arrive
in time?), the emotion of the children,
the ferocity of my wife, the deafness of superannuated
Amélie—all these miseries have left me
as weak as an old cat. You, who have travelled,
will appreciate the agony of the situation. No
more can I say, for I hear my wife crying:
‘Hippolyte, Hippolyte, what are you doing?
You must be mad to write letters in such a crisis.’
“Adieu, therefore. Here, very cordially, are the
two hands of,
“Georges Auguste Hippolyte Durand.”
Excellent, simple M. Durand! From his letter
one would suppose that he is about to make the
long journey from Paris to the Pyrenees; and that
his luggage is proportionately considerable and
elaborate. But, as a matter of fact, Marie-le-Bois
lies humbly on the outskirts of Paris. A slow
train from the St Lazare Station covers the distance
in thirty-five minutes. And once arrived
there, one clearly perceives, from the top of a small
hill, the Sacré Cœur, the dome of the Panthéon,
the sightseers (almost their Baedekers) on the
Triumphal Arch! Only five and thirty minutes
distant from Paris—and yet Madame Durand is
“ferocious,” her husband is as “weak as an old
cat,” and the omnibus has been ordered one hour
and forty-seven minutes in advance, to drive over
the mile that separates M. Durand’s dim, musty
little flat from the station!
Luggage? As the Villa des Roses is let
furnished, only wearing apparel and little particular
comforts are required, and so the Durand
luggage consists of no more than a shabby large
trunk, two dilapidated valises, a bundle, and a
collection of sticks, umbrellas, spades for the
children and a fishing-rod for their father.
Why spades? There is no sand at Marie-le-Bois.
Why that fishing-rod? Not a river floweth
within miles and miles of the Villa des Roses.
And it must furthermore be revealed that the
“wood” of Marie-le-Bois consists in reality of a
few acres of shabby bushes, dead grass and gaunt
trees; that the villa itself is a hideous, gritty
little structure, rendered all the more uninviting
by what the estate agent calls an “ornamental”
turret, and that never a rose (never even a
common sunflower) has bloomed in the scrap of
waste ground joyously designated by M. Durand
a “garden.”
No matter; M. Durand, a simple, small bourgeois,
is happy, his good wife rejoices, the three
children run wild in the hot, dusty roads, deaf old
Amélie is to be heard singing in a feeble, cracked
voice in the kitchen; and the Duvals and the
Duponts—also of the small bourgeoisie—are
equally happy and merry in the equally hideous
and gritty villas named “My Pleasure” and
“My Repose.”
Between them they have hired a rough, bumpy
field, in which they play croquet for hours at
a time—the ladies in cotton wrappers and the
gentlemen in their shirt-sleeves. But not enough
mallets to go round and constant confusion as to
whose turn it is to play.
“It is Durand’s turn,” says Dupont.
“No, it is Madame Durand’s,” states M. Duval.
“No, it is my turn—I haven’t played for
twenty minutes,” protests the shrill voice of
little Marie Dupont.
“Apparently it is somebody’s turn,” says
M. Durand ironically.
And then do the three gentlemen respectively
declare that the “situation” is “extraordinary”
and “abominable” and—yes, “sinister”; and
then, also, do the three wives proclaim their lords
“egoists” and—Oh dear me—“imbeciles,” and
then (profiting by the dispute) do the many
children of the Duponts and the Durands and
Duvals kick about the balls, and hop over (or
dislodge) the hoops, and (when reprimanded)
burst into tears.
“It’s mad,” cries M. Durand.
“Auguste, you disgust me,” says Madame
Dupont to her husband.
“Mamma, Henri Durand has pulled my hair,”
sobs little Germaine Duval.
At length on goes the game. But ten minutes
later the same confusion, the same cries: “It’s
my turn,” and “No, it is the turn of Madame
Dupont,” and “I’ve only played once in the last
hour,” and “The situation is becoming more and
more sinister.”
Still, in the scraps of garden of the three villas
there is peace. The gentlemen doze a great
deal under their respective, their “own” anæmic
trees. Flies buzz about them—but, as M. Durand
observes, they are “country flies,” and therefore
“innocent.” In the late afternoon M. Durand
puts on his glasses, opens his Petit Parisien and
says: “Let us hear what is happening in Paris.”
As a matter of fact, M. Durand can almost hear
what is happening in Paris from his chair; but
he studies his paper deeply and gives vent to
exclamations of “Ah!” and “That dear, extraordinary
Paris—always excited, never tranquil!”
as though he were an exile in the remotest of
foreign lands.
As for M. Dupont, he is of the opinion that
although newspapers are out of place in the
country, “still a good citizen should keep in
touch with affairs.” And says M. Duval: “A
Parisian, wherever he be, should never altogether
forget that he is a Parisian. Therefore it is his
duty—I speak, of course, figuratively—to keep
one eye on the capital.” Figuratively, indeed!
M. Duval has only to mount upon his chair to behold
Paris with both eyes, most clearly, most vividly.
And now night-time, and a lamp burning on
a table in the garden of the Villa des Roses, and
around the table, covered with coffee cups, the
Durands and the Duponts and the Duvals.
Happily they lie back in their chairs. Now and
again the peevish, spiteful hum of the mosquito.
Odd green insects dash themselves against the
glass of the lamp.
“The air of the country, there is nothing like
it; it is exquisite, sublime,” says M. Durand
rapturously. “Breathe it in, my friends, breathe
it in, with all your might.”
“Durand is right,” assents M. Dupont. “Let
us not speak; let us only breathe.”
“Are we ready?” inquires M. Duval.
And the three M. D.’s and the three Madame D.’s,
lying back in their chairs, breathe and breathe.
As a consequence of the death, in her ninety-third
year, of Mademoiselle Marie Rosalie Losset,
many a successful French barrister, politician and
littérateur is recalling the early, struggling days of
the past. He sees the Rue des Poitevins, a narrow
little street in the heart of the Latin Quarter. He
remembers the board over one of its doorways:
“Pension Laveur. Cuisine Bourgeoise. Prix
modérés.” He can almost smell the strong evening
odour of cabbage and onion soup that assailed
him in the dim entrance hall when he returned to
the boarding-house exhausted, perhaps depressed
from his lectures at the Sorbonne, his studies in
the medicine schools, his first visits to the Law
Courts.
As I am nothing of a greybeard, I am only able
to write of Mademoiselle Marie Rosalie Losset and
of the pension de famille in the Rue des Poitevins
at second hand. It was as far back as 1838
that Mademoiselle Marie, then a jeune fille of
eighteen, came up to Paris from tranquil, beautiful
Savoy to help her sister and brother-in-law,
M. and Madame Laveur, to conduct their new
boarding-house. Tall, graceful, masses of golden
hair—the “Greek Statue,” the great Gambetta
called her, and the name clung. I must be excused
from stating names and events in chronological
order—so much has happened since the
year 1840! But I can give the precise terms of
the pension: five or six francs a day for full board,
including white or red wine. Also I am able to
record that whereas the sister and brother-in-law,
M. and Madame Laveur, were suspicious, severe
and close-fisted, Mademoiselle Marie Rosalie
Losset—“Mademoiselle Marie” for short—was
all gaiety and generosity, and sympathised with
the struggles, disappointments and financial
ennuis of the boarders.
Fortunately for the latter it was Mademoiselle
Marie who made up the bills and had charge of
the cash-box; the Laveurs occupied themselves
exclusively with the kitchen and the household
arrangements. Inevitably, the student boarders
lost their hearts to the “Greek Statue”; but she
laughed at their gallantry, and gaily wanted to
know how on earth they could keep a wife when
they couldn’t pay their own way. Bill of M. Paul
a month and thirteen days overdue. Laundry
account of M. Pierre five weeks in arrears, and
the washerwoman making persistent “inquiries.”
The washing-basin of M. Jacques, broken an
eternity ago, still standing against him in the
boarding-house ledger. And yet they wanted to
marry her, all of them—the foolish sentimentalists,
the dear, simple imbeciles! No, no; she would
try to keep the Laveurs in ignorance of the unpaid
bills; she would sew buttons on to M. Paul’s
shabby coat, and blot out the stains from M.
Pierre’s; she would say no more of the washing-basin;
she would reassure the angry blanchisseuse;
she would, in a word, do everything for
the student boarders except marry them. “Tant
pis,” cried the latter dramatically, “you have
broken my heart. I shall never do anything in
this world. You have ruined me!” Replied
the radiant Savoyarde: “Nonsense! Work
hard, and make a name for yourself. And when
you are famous come and see me, and I promise
not to remind you of the washerwoman, or the
basin, or your faded old coat.”
Their studies finished, away from the narrow
little Rue des Poitevins went the “heartbroken”
boarders to make a “name for themselves.” Not
so heartbroken but that they became either heroic
or distinguished “citizens” of France. At the
end of the plain, bourgeois dinner Mademoiselle
Marie came to Gambetta’s table for dessert, and,
amidst a cracking of nuts and the drinking of sour
wine, the future great and noble Gambetta tempestuously
held forth. A Republic for France
was his cry. How the glasses danced as he
thumped with his fist on the table! What cheers
from the boarders; what a blush and a flush on
the face of the “Greek Statue”! Gambetta
stirred that sombre, musty boarding-house as
later he roused the whole of France with his
eloquence, enthusiasm, his glorious patriotism.
His Republican programme was first conceived,
his famous social battle-cry—“Le Cléricalisme,
voilà l’ennemi”—was first sounded in that pension
of the narrow, obscure Rue des Poitevins.
Emotion, we may be sure, of the “Greek Statue”
whilst her hero was away with the Army of the
Loire. Gloom and hunger in the Pension Laveur
during the Siege of Paris; never a sniff of the
strong onion soup. Years later—1881—Gambetta
Prime Minister, accession of “le Grand
Ministère,”—and joy and pride of the “Greek
Statue.” But downfall of the “Grand Ministère”
after only two months’ power, and death of
Gambetta in the following year—and then, yes,
then, so, at least, I surmise, grief and tears of
the Savoyarde, the “Greek Statue,” now become
grey-headed, now a sexagenarian, now known to
her boarders as “Tante Marie.”
So have we arrived at the twilight of the once
radiant Savoyarde’s career. She is sixty, and
the golden hair has gone grey, and familiarly and
affectionately she is known amongst her boarders
as “Auntie.” Still, however, does she sew on
the missing buttons of the jeunesse of the Latin
Quarter, and allow the pension bills to stand over,
and overlook the matter of broken washing-basins,
and pacify the angry blanchisseuse, and encourage
her struggling boarders with the old words of
long ago: “Work hard, and make a name for
yourself, and come and tell me of your fame....”
Years roll on—and “Tante Marie” becomes deaf
and frail, and holds a hand to her ear when the
pensionnaires of the past return to the Rue des
Poitevins—elderly, many of them wealthy and
distinguished—and pay her homage, and thank her
emotionally for her kindnesses, and leave behind
them autographed photographs bearing, amongst
many other signatures, the names of Alphonse
Daudet, François Coppée, Waldeck-Rousseau
(Gambetta’s disciple), Reclus, the great physician,
Millerand (ex-Minister of War), Pichon, the actual
French Foreign Secretary, and a former President
of the Republic, Émile Loubet.... More years
roll by and “Tante Marie” becomes bent, shaky
and wizened—a nonagenarian. Against her will,
she is removed from the sombre, musty old
Balzacian pension to a small, modern, electric-lighted
apartment—where she dies. Dies, in spite
of her beauty, brilliancy, irresistibility, a spinster.
Dies with the admission: “It was Gambetta I
loved. Impossible, of course. But he called me
a Greek Statue!”
Three years have elapsed since Henri Rochette,
the dashing young French financier with the handsome
black beard, fell with a crash.
“Le Krach de Rochette. Arrest of the Financier.
Millions of Losses. Ruin of Small Investors,”
yelled the camelots on the boulevards. It was
another affaire, a gigantic swindle reminiscent of
Panama, in that the greater part of the victims
were small, thrifty people, who now stood in thousands
outside Rochette’s closed, darkened offices,
weeping, raging, pathetically or passionately demanding
the return of their savings.
“That Rochette, he came from nowhere—how
did he manage it?” asked the prudent bourgeois,
who had steeled himself against Rochette’s alluring,
rattling circulars.
Yes, Rochette had come from nowhere—or
rather, he had come from the country town of
Melun, where he was a waiter in a greasy hotel;
then he passed as clerk into a financial establishment;
next he opened spacious offices of his own
and successfully floated a dozen different companies.
I believe the chief factor in Rochette’s
success was the black beard he began to grow
and to cultivate assiduously, elaborately, after his
departure from Melun. With ambition, audacity
and, above all, an ornamental black beard, no
Frenchman should fail to make his fortune. Lemoine,
the alchemist, Duez, the liquidator of the
Religious Congregations, both of them had splendid
black beards; and the first lived in great style, at
the expense of even so astute a financier as Sir
Julius Wernher, and the second kept up costly
establishments on money belonging to the State.
True, MM. Duez and Lemoine were shorn of their
beards and sent to prison. But for a long while,
at all events, a really fine black beard in France
can excite admiration, inspire confidence, command
capital and make millions.
Well, Rochette fell with a crash—and so a panic,
so ruin in Paris. Cases of suicide. Other cases
of death from the shock. Bailiffs in possession of
small homes and dim shops, and the small people
expelled. Up with the shutters in Rochette’s
splendid offices; away to prison with the swindling
financier, and off with his beard. Victims and
victims—dazed, broken, distracted. Amongst the
forlornest victims, the two Mesdemoiselles Périvier.
“Saintly creatures,” the stout, red-faced Curé
of the church of St Sulpice used to say of the Mesdemoiselles
Périvier. For years and years they
had resided in his parish, attending a Low Mass
and High Mass every morning, and Vespers every
evening; for years and years they had subscribed
to M. le Curé’s “good works,” and provided his
favourite dishes of vol-au-vent and poulet-au-riz
upon those monthly occasions when he dined with
them in their dreary, six-roomed flat. It was the
most sunless, the most joyless of homes; and
the Mesdemoiselles Périvier were the frailest, the
simplest, the most frugal of old spinsters, with
scarcely a friend and not a relative in the world,
and with no experience of the shocks and hardships
of life until their small income was lost in
the Rochette crash.
Their eyes stained with tears, the two lonely
sisters sought out M. le Curé. He consoled them
as best he could; urged them to bear their loss
with resignation; exhorted them to seek relief
in prayer. And day after day, in shadowy St
Sulpice, the Mesdemoiselles Périvier prayed long,
earnestly, humbly. Never did a complaint escape
them. But they looked frailer and lonelier than
ever in their rusty black dresses, as they crossed
themselves with holy water on their way out of
St Sulpice to their sunless, stricken home.
A few thousand francs invested in French
rentes, but returning a sum insufficient to satisfy
even the Mesdemoiselles Périvier’s frugal needs,
was all that remained. Imperative, therefore,
to do something. And one morning the elder
Mademoiselle Périvier (aged sixty-three) and her
sister, Mademoiselle Berthe Périvier (three years
her junior) affixed a black-edged visiting-card to
their door. Under their joint names appeared the
intimation: “Pension de Famille. French and
Piano Lessons. Moderate Terms.”
Then, in the Paris edition of The New York
Herald, the Mesdemoiselles Périvier offered a
home to English and American girls desirous of
studying painting in the Latin Quarter; the six-roomed
flat, in the shadow of St Sulpice, being
also in the neighbourhood of Julian’s and Vitti’s
art schools. A few flower-pots for the flat. The
half-dumb, yellow-keyed old piano repaired. Far
into the night the Mesdemoiselles Périvier studied
French and English grammars; at intervals
during the day the elder Mademoiselle Périvier
was to be heard practising feebly on the piano...
against the arrival of pupils and pensionnaires.
“Saintly creatures!” repeatedly exclaimed
M. le Curé in the houses he visited. Earnestly he
recommended the pension. Warmly, too, was it
spoken of by kindly, well-meaning people.
But it was such a sunless, cheerless place, and
the Mesdemoiselles Périvier looked such dim, old-fashioned
spinsters in their rusty black dresses,
that the recommendations proved fruitless. After
a glance at the piano and flower-pots, intending
pensionnaires took their leave, and found attractive,
sociable quarters chez Madame Lagrange
(“widow of a diplomat”), or at the “Villa des
Roses,” or the “Pension Select,” where there
were “musical evenings,” five-o’clock teas, electric
light, comfortable corners and gossip and
laughter.
A year went by; another twelvemonth—and
then it became known round and about St Sulpice
that the Mesdemoiselles Périvier had been disposing
little by little of their Government stock.
Yet they were never heard to complain. When
dust had dimmed the visiting-card on the door,
the card was replaced, and the advertisements
still appeared in the Paris New York Herald.
It was noticed, however, that the eyes of the
Mesdemoiselles Périvier were often swollen and
red, that their cheeks showed traces of tears, and
that the two lonely spinsters were more assiduous
than ever in their visits to St Sulpice. At all
times, in all weathers, they made their way to the
church, and bowed their heads in prayer in the
half-light, amidst the shadows.
It was on her return home from St Sulpice,
one bitter afternoon, that Mademoiselle Berthe
Périvier, the younger by three years of the two
spinsters, contracted pneumonia, and died.
“Une sainte fille, une sainte fille,” reiterated
M. le Curé, himself sobbing by the bedside.
And to-day the black-edged visiting-card—“Pension
de Famille. French and Piano Lessons.
Moderate Terms”—appears no longer on the door.
With her last remaining French rentes passed
the elder Mademoiselle Périvier. Gone, without a
complaint, are the frail, frugal old spinsters. And
M. Henri Rochette, on the eve of his release from
prison, is growing a new beard.
It is a popular superstition that amongst the
smaller French bourgeoisie one day is like another
day, and all days are empty, colourless and banal.
None of the joys of life—none of its shocks and
surprises—up there in the Durands’ gloomy and
oppressive fifth-floor appartement. From morning
till night, infinite monotony, relieved only by
Madame Durand’s periodical altercations with
the concierge, the tradespeople, and deaf and
dim-eyed old Amélie, the cook. The family
newspaper is the Petit Journal, because of its two
feuilletons. In a corner a little, damaged piano,
upon which angular and elderly Mademoiselle
Durand laboriously picks out the Polka des
Joyeux and the Valse Bleue. In another corner
Madame Durand knits away at a pink woollen shawl.
And from a third corner M. Hippolyte Durand,
in huge carpet slippers, tells his wife what has
happened to him during the day.
The omnibus that took him to his office was
full; his lunch consisted of navarin aux pommes
and stewed pears; after leaving his bureau he
played two games of dominoes with Dupont in
the Café du Commerce, and the omnibus that
brought him home was even fuller than that in
which he travelled to business.
“There should be more omnibuses in Paris,”
remarks Madame Durand.
“And how odious are the conductors!” exclaims
elderly and embittered Mademoiselle
Durand from the piano.
Then lights out at eleven o’clock, and the dull,
dreamless sleep of the unimaginative, the worthy.
However, this popularly conceived idea of the
life and mind of the smaller French bourgeoisie is
something of a libel. Their existence is not eternally
uneventful, nor their temperament hopelessly
colourless. Now and again the dim, oppressive
fifth-floor appartements are shaken by “Affairs”
quite as exciting and incoherent in their own way
as those that have convulsed the Palace of Justice
and Chamber of Deputies. There was once a
Dreyfus Affair. There were also the Syveton and
Steinheil Affairs. All three caused the Parisians
(who dearly love imbroglios and incoherencies) to
exclaim: “C’est le comble!”—in colloquial English:
“It’s the limit!”
But, in the Montparnasse quarter of Paris, there
rages to-day an Affair that must be awarded the
first place amongst all other Affairs for sheer
confusion, dizziness and irresponsibility.
Thus:
Three weeks ago M. Henri Bouzon, a stout,
middle-aged bourgeois, bought a dozen new collars
from a “general” clothing establishment known
as “The Joy of the Gentleman.” In due course
the collars went to the laundry, but twelve other
collars were returned in their place, and these
M. Bouzon rejected. A second lot of collars—again
somebody else’s. Then a third wrong delivery,
and a fourth. By the time a fifth contingent had
arrived M. Bouzon was collarless and desperate.
“Once again, these are not my collars,” he
cried. “But as they fit me, I will keep them.”
Next day, appearance of Madame Martin, the
blanchisseuse, in a state of emotion. The fifth
contingent of collars belonged to a M. Aristide
Dubois, who was clamouring for them. He had
acquired them only recently at “The Paradise of
the Bachelor,” and was furious at their loss.
“Bother Aristide Dubois,” shouted M. Bouzon.
“Where are my own dozen collars from ‘The Joy
of the Gentleman’? Return them and I will give
up the Dubois collars—which I am wearing.”
Despair of the blanchisseuse. She searched and
searched for the Bouzon collars, but in vain; and
tearfully, then frantically did she implore Henri
Bouzon to be “amiable” and “gentil” and surrender
up the collars of Aristide Dubois.
“He is a terrible man—such a temper,” pleaded
the blanchisseuse. “I had to tell him you were
wearing his collars, and he threatened to call on
you and tear them off your neck.”
“Let him come,” cried M. Bouzon. Then,
following Madame Martin out on to the staircase
he shouted over the banisters: “And tell Dubois
from me that he is a brigand and a bandit.”
Inevitably, the concierges and tradespeople of
Montparnasse got to hear of the dispute. It was
discussed in doorways and at street corners, and
in her steamy blanchisserie Madame Martin held
little levees of the Montparnasse servants, who
took the story home to their masters and
mistresses, who in their turn became garrulous
and excited over the Dubois and Bouzon collars.
Then, one memorable afternoon, Aristide Dubois—another
stout and middle-aged bourgeois—called
upon Henri Bouzon. And the following
dialogue took place:—
“Sir, you are wearing the collars I bought
recently at ‘The Paradise of the Bachelor.’”
“Sir, I have no wish to speak to you, and I beg
you to withdraw.”
“Monsieur, vous aurez de mes nouvelles.”
That was all, but it caused a commotion in
Montparnasse. Aristide Dubois’ last words,
“Sir, you will hear from me,” signified nothing
less than a duel. Yes; Bouzon and Dubois
on the field of honour, sword or pistol in hand,
with doctors in attendance! “Both of them
are terrible men,” related Madame Martin, whose
blanchisserie now became a popular place of rendez-vous.
“Impossible to reason with them. They
will fight to the death.” Equally sought after were
the respective concierges of the Dubois and Bouzon
families, and the tradespeople who served them.
The discussion spreading, all Montparnasse
soon found itself indirectly and chaotically mixed
up in the Affair of the Collars. It was Collars
in a hundred bourgeois homes, in cafés, in the
shady Luxembourg Gardens, even amongst the
enormous, apoplectic cochers on the cab-ranks.
“I am for Dubois,” declared some.
“Henri Bouzon has my sympathy,” announced
others. “It is the most distracting of affairs,”
agreed everybody. Thus, fame of Henri Bouzon
and Aristide Dubois! After fifty years of obscurity,
there they were—suddenly—the Men of the
Hour. Such was their importance, their renown,
that when they appeared in the Montparnasse
streets people nudged one another and whispered:
“Here comes Henri Bouzon.”
And: “There goes Aristide Dubois.”
... Such has been the state of Montparnasse
during the last three weeks, and to-day that
usually tranquil neighbourhood is literally convulsed
by the Affair of the Collars. No duel has
taken place: but MM. Dubois and Bouzon exchange
lurid letters, in which they call one another
“traitors,” and “Apaches,” and “sinister assassins.”
Thus, shades of the Dreyfus Affair and of
the Affairs Syveton and Steinheil! Here, in the
Café du Dôme, sits M. Bouzon, surrounded by
Bouzonites. There, in the Café de la Rotonde,
M. Dubois and his own supporters are established,—and
in both places, night after night, hot controversies
rage, the marble tables are thumped,
and MM. Dubois and Bouzon are severally applauded
and toasted by their admirers. Become
celebrities, they have blossomed out into silk hats
and frock coats, and the waiters bow before them,
and the café proprietors actually address them
as “cher maître.” At times they dramatically
exclaim: “Ah, my poor head! This affair is
destroying me: but I will fight to the last,” and
there are murmurs of sympathy, which MM.
Bouzon and Dubois (always in their respective
cafés) acknowledge with the condescension of a
Briand or a Delcassé or a Clemenceau. For, most
indisputably, they are great public characters.
The post brings them letters of congratulation or
abuse; the policemen salute them: and “The
Paradise of the Bachelor” has named a collar
after Aristide Dubois, whilst “The Joy of the
Gentleman” has issued the intimation: “For ease,
chic, durability, wear the Collar Bouzon.” Then,
to live up to their renown as the Men of the Hour,
MM. Dubois and Bouzon go about with bulky
portfolios under their arms, and a grim, determined
expression. “They are doing too much.
They will certainly collapse. It is even worse
than the Dreyfus Affair,” says Montparnasse.
And, exclaims Madame Martin, in her steamy
and crowded blanchisserie: “Terrible men! I
have tried to make peace between them by
offering them all kinds of collars. I have even
declared myself ready to buy them collars out of
my own pocket. But they only go red in the face,
and shout, and won’t hear a word.”
And now—in the words of the journalists—a
“sensational development.” It is announced,
breathlessly, hysterically by Madame Martin,
that at last she has traced the dozen missing
collars, bought by M. Bouzon at “The Joy of the
Gentleman,” to the bourgeois fifth-floor appartement
of a M. Alexandre Dupont. He has been
wearing them all these weeks. And he refuses
to surrender them. And he, too, is a “terrible
man.” And he has called M. Dubois a “convict,”
and M. Bouzon “le dernier des misérables.”
And, if they come within his reach, he will hurl
both of them into the Seine.
“Le comble” [the limit], gasps Montparnasse.
All over the neighbourhood goes the
statement that M. Alexandre Dupont bought his
dozen collars at that other Montparnasse clothing
establishment, “The One Hundred Thousand
Supreme Shirts.”
“The man Alexandre Dupont is as great a
scoundrel as the man Aristide Dubois,” cries
M. Bouzon to his admiring supporters in the Café
du Dôme.
“It is impossible to determine which of the two
is the more infamous and diabolical, the creature
Bouzon or the lunatic Dupont,” shouts M. Dubois,
amidst the cheers of his followers in the Café de
la Rotonde.
“Bouzon and Dubois—I consign them to the
Seine and the Morgue,” storms Alexandre Dupont,
addressing his newly gathered partisans in the
Café du Repos.
Out comes that other “general” clothing
establishment, “The One Hundred Thousand
Supreme Shirts,” with the announcement: “The
Only Collar in Paris is the Collar Dupont.”
“All three of them are terrible,” affirms
Madame Martin to her audience in the stifling
blanchisserie.
“The collars of Bouzon, then the collars of
Dubois, and next the collars of Dupont—but
where have they all gone to? Where are we?
What is going to happen!” cries, emotionally and
distractedly, Montparnasse.
Nobody knows. Nobody will ever know. But
Bouzon, Dubois and Dupont, so obscure three
weeks ago, are the Men of the Hour in Montparnasse
to-day. And one of the three will, almost
indubitably, represent Montparnasse in the Hôtel
de Ville after the next Municipal Election,—then
be promoted to the Chamber of Deputies—then
will eloquently, passionately inform the Palais
Bourbon that Incoherency is the Peril of the
Present Age.
V ON STRIKE — 1. When it was Dark in Paris — 2. Birds of the State at the Post Office — 3. After the Storm at Villeneuve-St-Georges
Eight o’clock at night, and the electric
lights burning brightly, and the band
playing gaily, and the customers chatting
happily in this large, comfortable café. Although
it is the “dead” season, business is brisk. Here
and there an elegant Parisienne, eating an ice. In
corners, groups of card-players. And next to me,
three stout, red-faced, prosperous-looking bourgeois,
to whom the proprietor of the café pays
particular attention. He hopes they are well.
He hopes their ladies and their dear children are
well. He hopes their affairs are going well.
From their replies, I learn that the three bourgeois
are important tradesmen of the quarter.
Suddenly their conversation turns to strikes—and
naturally my three neighbours are indignant
with the strikers. The strikers spoil affairs; the
strikers should therefore be arrested, imprisoned,
transported. Half-a-dozen of them might be
executed, as an example. The Bourse du Travail
and the offices of the General Confederation of
Labour should be razed to the ground. No other
country but France would tolerate such anarchy.
One is on the verge of a revolution, and——
At this point the scores of electric lights jump
excitedly—turn dim—go out. And it is darkness.
“The strikers!” exclaims the first bourgeois.
“The electricians!” cries the second.
“Ah, the scoundrels, the brigands, the assassins!”
shouts the third.
Mercy me, the excitement! The three bourgeois
light matches, everyone lights matches,—and
in the light from the matches I see the proprietor
standing on a chair in the middle of the café.
Loudly he claps his hands; loudly he cries to the
waiters: “Candles.” Then, for some mysterious
reason, the customers also mount chairs. The
lights have gone out, so one mounts chairs! If
you don’t immediately mount a chair when the
lights have gone out, heaven only knows what will
not happen to you. And so I, too, stand on a
chair, and light matches, and join in the cries of:
“It’s a strike; it’s a strike.”
For my own part, I rejoice. I love the cries,
the confusion, the amazing aspect of Paris—when
it is dark. Here, in this café, the band is idle;
the card-players have stopped their games; the
proprietor is still clapping his hands and clamouring
for candles. However, no candlesticks: so,
vulgarly, as in low places, one uses bottles. A
bottle for every table and the grease (another low
spectacle) trickles down the bottles. The lady at
the desk, whose highly important duty it is to
keep the accounts, is given a dilapidated old
lantern. Very old and very dilapidated, too, are
the petroleum lamps brought up from the cellars
where they have remained hidden so long as to
acquire a sinister coating of verdigris. “It’s
deadly poison,” says one of the bourgeois next to
me. “I won’t have it. Fetch me a candle.”
So the waiter bringeth the bourgeois a candle,
and, no sooner has he placed the bottle on the
table than it topples over and falls against the
breast of the bourgeois.
“A cloth, a cloth!” he shouts. “I am covered
with grease.” And he storms. And he goes
purple in the face. And violently he rubs his
waistcoat, making the stains worse. And as he
rubs he cries furiously, of the strikers: “Ah, the
scoundrels, the brigands, the assassins.”
In the street, only gas. And as I make my
way to the grands boulevards, I perceive waiters
speeding about in all directions, and hear them
asking policemen for the nearest grocer’s shop.
The waiters are in quest of candles. The waiters
dare not return to their cafés without packets
and packets of candles. But most of the grocers
are closed: and so on speed the waiters, flushed,
breathless, through the gloom.
No theatres to-night. Out went the lights just
as the curtain was about to rise, and on to the
stage stepped the manager, lamp or candlestick in
hand—a sepulchral figure—to beg the audience
to disperse in good order. No telephones to-night.
Out went the lights in the Exchange, to
the confusion, to the terror of the ladies. They
are there in the darkness, waiting for candles.
Then, gloom in most of the newspaper offices.
Out went the lights, suddenly, unanimously.
“Lamps, candles!” shouted the editor. Thus,
office-boys also in desperate quest of candles.
And they come into collision with the waiters.
And there are tumultuous scenes in the grocers’
shops. And the grocers cry desperately: “One
at a time; one at a time. I shall faint. I shall
lose my reason. I shall die.”
Thousands and thousands of candles in the
handsome cafés of the grands boulevards, and all
of them in vulgar bottles. Thus, infinite candle
grease; also, more verdigris. But what a difference
between the tempers of the bourgeois and the
boulevardier! M. le Boulevardier laughs, jokes,
rejoices. He is in search of a friend,—and so
picketh up a bottle and makes a tour of the café.
“Clever fellows; they struck just at the right
hour,” he says, of the strikers. Amiable, too, are
the English visitors to Paris in Darkness. A
charming young girl near me produces picture
post cards and writes hurriedly by candlelight.
And I expect she is writing: “My Dear,—Such
fun, such excitement, I wish you were here. All
the electric lights have gone out and we’ve only
got candles. It’s too funny. I’ll tell you all about
it to-morrow. Best love from Ethel.”
On the terraces of the cafés strings of Chinese
lanterns are being put up by the waiters; down
the boulevards rush frantic hawkers with revolutionary
newspapers, The Social War and The
Voice of the People; along them, at a trot, comes
a detachment of cuirassiers. “The troops,” cries
a Parisian. “Clemenceau is at it again,” says
another. “A few years ago Clemenceau fiercely
denounced the practice of sending troops against
the strikers,” remarks a third. “But to-day M.
Clemenceau is Prime Minister,” replies a fourth.
Now, candles burn down and have to be replaced.
Now, too, theatrical managers, newspaper
men and all those most affected by the
darkness discuss the probable length of the strike.
“A couple of days at the most,” says a manager.
“Perhaps only twenty-four hours,” says his
friend. “Clemenceau is already taking measures
to——”
But even as he speaks the electric lights break
into a dull glow,—jump excitedly,—then flash.
The strike is over; it was but a two-hours’ strike,
intended as a protest against the killing of three
strikers by the troops at Villeneuve-St-Georges
and as a proof of what the Electricians’ Trade
Union can do.
So away go the candles and the old lamps.
The bands strike up; the card-players resume
their games; the newspapers go to press. “The
assassins had to give in,” says the bourgeois
exultingly. “The electricians will surprise us
again,” says the boulevardier, with a laugh.
“I’m so sorry it’s all over,” says the charming
young English girl, glancing at her post cards.
And so am I: for I love the cries, the confusion,
the amazing aspect of Paris, when it is dark.
From a very fascinating English girl, domiciled
in Yorkshire, I have just received the following
request:—“I hear you are having another postal
strike in Paris, and that carrier-pigeons are being
used. How charming! And what a lucky man
you are to be living in such an exciting country!
Down here nothing ever happens. So do be a
dear and send me a letter by a pigeon—it would
be lovely.”
Thus news travels slowly to my very fascinating
correspondent’s home in Yorkshire. The
postal strike, the general strike and all the other
strikes are over: and yet it is certain that if I
could but gratify Miss Ethel Grahame’s desire
I should rise considerably in her esteem. Strike
or no strike, she would dearly love to have a
pigeon, that had flown all the way from the grands
boulevards to Scarborough, come tapping at her
window. To her friends she would say: “Look!
A letter from Paris! And brought all that long,
long distance by a pigeon!” Naturally, cries of
astonishment from the friends. Then, great
headlines in the local papers: “Pigeon-Carrying
Extraordinary,” and “Pigeon as Postman,” and
“The Pigeon from Paris.” Next, consternation
of Miss Ethel Grahame’s innumerable admirers,
who would immediately proceed to fear and hate
me as a formidable rival. And finally, and best of
all, my letter put carefully away, and preserved
for ever and for ever, in a scented desk.
Dreams, only dreams! I know nothing about
pigeons; and then it has been stated that every
pigeon in France, who is anything of a carrier,
has been requisitioned by the Government. The
postal strike is over, but the carrier-pigeons of
Paris and of the provinces nevertheless remain at
the exclusive disposal of the Cabinet. They have
become State birds; they may fly only for the
Republic.
So, what a life! As I cross the Luxembourg
Gardens (the pleasantest of all the Paris parks),
this fine, sunny afternoon, I reflect bitterly over
the absurdity and irony of things. Gorgeous,
costly birds, such as the parrot or the peacock, I
could easily obtain; but a plain carrier-pigeon,
no! Since the French Government is responsible
for my predicament, may it fall! And may the
State birds (if ever employed) play M. Clemenceau
and his colleagues false! And——
A pigeon! Yes—there, on the path before me—a
fine, strong, handsome pigeon; the very
pigeon to make the trip from Paris to Scarborough.
And my heart beats. And my brow throbs. And
I am all excitement, all emotion, when—O bitter
disappointment!—it suddenly occurs to me that
this must be an ordinary pigeon, one of those idle,
good-for-nothing pigeons that hop about public
gardens in quest of crumbs. That is his life;
that is all he is capable of doing. O fool that I
was, to have thought for a moment that here
was the very bird to go tapping at Miss Ethel
Grahame’s window!
Yes, what a life! As I make my way to the
grands boulevards it dawns upon me that I have
never seen a carrier-pigeon, and that therefore I
have no idea what he looks like. Also, suppose
I wonderfully succeeded in securing one, what
should I say to him, what should I do with him?
In fact, how does one tell a carrier-pigeon where
to go? And——
Two pigeons on the steps of this church, but
of the before-mentioned greedy, good-for-nothing
kind. Then, more pigeons in this poulterer’s,
but dormant, dead. And next, on the menu of
a café, the intimation in bold, red letters: “This
Day: Braised Pigeon and Green Peas.”
In this café, in their accustomed corner, I find
M. Henri Durand and M. Marcel Bertrand, two
amiable, chatty, middle-aged little Frenchmen
with whom I am on cordial, confidential terms.
Thinking they may help me, I tell them of my
trouble, and extraordinary are their expressions
when I have finished.
“My admirable but unfortunate friend, you
are ill,” gasps M. Bertrand. “My excellent but
unhappy neighbour from Across the Channel, the
heat has disturbed you,” cries M. Durand. And
then (after I have denied that I am suffering
either from illness or from the heat) M. Bertrand
solemnly holds forth:
“You ask for a carrier-pigeon to take a letter
to a very adorable miss who lives in Yorkshire.
But, my poor old one, French pigeons have never
heard of Yorkshire,—and neither have I and
neither has our friend Durand here, and neither,
I am sure, has anyone in France. But I will
not insist: this Yorkshire is not the point. The
point is, every carrier-pigeon in France has been
proclaimed a bird of the State. In Paris, there
are 15,000; in the provinces, 150,000, thus
165,000 in all; and all of them have been
mobilised—yes, mobilised by order of the Government.
In fact, a carrier-pigeon to-day occupies
the same position as a soldier or a sailor. True,
he cannot fight; but upon command, he must
fly. And yet you ask for one of these State
birds! Unfortunate friend, you might as well ask
for a regiment or a military balloon, or a war-ship.”
But still more extraordinary revelations follow.
I hear, for instance, that the 15,000 carrier-pigeons
in Paris are housed in the various ministries—yes,
every ministry in Paris is a vast dovecot. Two
thousand pigeons for the Minister of War; three
thousand pigeons for the Minister of Justice,
and six thousand pigeons for the Prime Minister.
“He also keeps pigeons at his private residence,”
states M. Bertrand. “If he heard you
wanted one of his State birds, he would have you
arrested.”
“So,” I sigh, “there is nothing to be done.”
And sympathetically M. Bertrand replies: “Alas,
my poor, lovesick one, nothing. I regret it with
all my heart, but you must tell the blonde,
adorable miss that birds of the State may fly
only for their own country.”
Then up speaks M. Durand, and I learn that the
15,000 State birds in Paris are being wonderfully
looked after, even spoilt. Never such comfortable,
pleasant dovecots; never such plentiful,
excellent fare! “It is to be hoped,” concludes
M. Durand, “that they are not being overfed,
and that they are not contracting idle, luxurious
habits; for that would be disastrous.”
And here I rise. And after I have taken leave
of MM. Durand and Bertrand, I go to the nearest
post office and send Miss Ethel Grahame the
following expensive telegram:—
“Deeply sorry no pigeon available. Have
done my very best. Writing full particulars.
Can only say meanwhile that every pigeon in
France has been proclaimed a Bird of the State.”
Down here at Villeneuve-St-Georges, the sandpit
district ten miles away from Paris, there has
been a savage collision between the soldiers and
the strikers. The sandpit men—some five or
six thousand powerful navvies in all—raised
barricades in the narrow, cobbled streets. When
the dragoons and cuirassiers advanced, they were
met with shower upon shower of flints, bottles,
bricks. Revolvers, too, were fired at them. From
windows, guns were discharged. Rising in his
stirrups, an officer at last shouted forth the
terrible official ultimatum: “Retire! Let all
good citizens withdraw, for we are about to use
force and arms.” Then, three bugle calls: the
final warning. But still the officer hesitated to
give the order to open fire. Again, the three
bugle calls; and yet again. The horses plunged
and reared; now and again a soldier, struck by
a huge brick, was thrown from his saddle to the
ground. Fierce shouts of execration from the
strikers, the captain of the cuirassiers unsaddled
by half a paving-stone. For the last time, the
three bugle calls. And immediately after them
the command: “Fire!”
There were yells of agony, there were frightful
oaths—and there was a frantic retreat. The
strikers fled to the open fields, a few hundred
yards away. The troops demolished the barricades,
and occupied every street. When darkness
had descended upon Villeneuve-St-Georges
it was known that three strikers had been shot
dead, and nearly a hundred more or less seriously
wounded. Four officers and a number of soldiers
had been injured. At nine o’clock a group of
strikers, pushing a barrow containing the body
of one of the dead strikers, stopped before the
general commanding the troops, and said:
“Salute your victim.” The general gravely
saluted. Away went the strikers with their
barrow. All night long the cuirassiers and
dragoons patrolled Villeneuve-St-Georges and the
surrounding open country. In the town itself
no one could sleep for the clatter on the cobble-stones
of the horses’ hoofs.
Such were the scenes in the sandpit district
yesterday; but to-day—the day after—a comparative
calm has succeeded the storm. When
I enter Villeneuve-St-Georges, officers and soldiers
are walking and riding about the streets, and
now and again a patrolling party goes by. Here
and there, groups of strikers, in their baggy blue
trousers. And in the wine-shops, which are full,
long, animated conversations. Who was in the
wrong? No one denies that it was the strikers
who fired first; no one disputes the patience of
the troops, who remained imperturbable, motionless
in their saddles, amidst a storm of bricks and
bottles, for two whole hours. Then, most of the
soldiers fired in the air: had they fired on the
men the slaughter would have been terrific.
Here in this wine-shop, I hear all this, and not
only from the soldiers, but from the strikers,
who are present. Yes; the soldiers and strikers,
twenty-four hours after the conflict, are drinking
and conversing together: fraternising, resting
their hands on one another’s shoulders. Very
rough and very large are the hands of the navvies:
the hands that hurled the bottles and bricks.
And very grimy, very weary, very eyesore are the
dragoons and cuirassiers, after having patrolled
the district all night.
Extraordinary this “fraternising”! The
enemies of yesterday sit at the same table. The
men in uniform and the men in the baggy blue
trousers clink glasses together.
“Of course I have done my military service,
but I was never sent to a strike,” says one of the
navvies.
“You were lucky,” replies a dragoon, with a
laugh.
Who was at fault? “It is all the fault of
les patrons—the masters,” states a striker; and
he proceeds to relate how he and his colleagues
are underpaid and overworked: how they are
treated as slaves by the masters. It is also
“Clemenceau’s fault.” Why did he send troops?
There was no disorder: there was no need for
soldiers. “Clemenceau has treated us as he
treated the miners at Courrières.” And the men
in the blue trousers mutter angrily against the
French Premier.
Another wine-shop, and the same scene: strikers
and soldiers fraternising. Says one of the former:
“Let us have another coffee; for to-night we
may be fighting again.” Replies a cuirassier:
“One never knows. But remember we are the
stronger.” Officers passing down the street
glance into the open doors of the wine-shops,
and smile indulgently at the strange spectacle.
“The General!” suddenly cries a navvy. And
the General it is: a tall, slim man, keen-eyed,
grey-headed, dignified. After looking up and
down the street, he enters a café with three
officers. Coffee and a liqueur for M. le Général.
A penny cigar for M. le Général. A dozen navvies
crowd into the café, sit down, and scrutinise
M. le Général. He smiles, then resumes his
conversation with the officers. But he rises all
of a sudden to shake hands warmly with the
Captain of the cuirassiers who was thrown off
his horse by half a paving-stone in yesterday’s
conflict. The Captain’s head is bandaged; one
sees only his nose and his ears, and his left hand
is in a sling.
“Ça va mieux?” asks the General.
“Ce n’est rien, mon Général,” replies the
Captain.
“It was not his fault. And he saluted the
body of our comrade,” says a navvy, of the
General.
“He must suffer, but he does not show it.
And he looks sympathetic,” says another striker,
of the Captain.
Amazing this good-fellowship! Only in France
could it be witnessed, and for the reason that in
France every man is, or has been, a soldier.
The officers call their men “my children.” The
officers also call the strikers “my children”;
how often, down at bleak, tragical Courrières,
did I hear them implore the miners to retreat,
whilst the flints and bricks were flying savagely
about them; and how often were the three bugle
calls sounded, when, according to stern military
law, they should have been sounded but once!
“My children,” cried an old Colonel at Courrières,
“for the love of heaven, retire. It will break
our hearts to shoot. Once again, for the love
of heaven, retire.”
Such then is the condition, the temper of
Villeneuve-St-Georges to-day: twenty-four hours
after the battle. Nor will the battle be resumed.
The strike of the sandpit men—like all strikes in
France—has been quashed by the soldiers. Only
memories remain, and relics, and landmarks.
By the side of the street lies the debris of the
barricades. On the walls are dents, scratches,
holes made by the bullets. Now and again an
injured man, soldier or striker, more or less
bandaged, passes by. In the wine-shops and
cafés, the men in uniform and the men in the
baggy blue trousers continue to discuss yesterday’s
conflict over their coffee, and fraternise.
VI COTTIN & COMPANY
Here, under the shadow of the great Porte
St-Martin, congregate old actors and old
actresses, who are engaged either at vast,
shabby, outlying theatres (Batignolles, Ternes,
Belleville, Bouffes du Nord), or who are only
awaiting an engagement somewhere, anywhere.
Old actors and actresses on the kerbstone, old
actors and old actresses in this dingy little café,
with the hard benches, grimy windows and dusty
floor. Among the old actors, old Cottin.
How, as he stands dejectedly on the kerbstone
or sits gloomily before his glass of coffee, how, if
he liked, could old Cottin amuse and surprise us
with his tales! His Majesty King Edward VII.,
when Prince of Wales, was pleased to compliment
old Cottin on his humorous expression and wink
and grin; old Cottin who has lost that grin, and
whose expression is more tragic than comic, and
whose dim eye winks no longer. The name—“Cottin”—appeared
in gigantic characters on
the bills; the entrance of Cottin was the signal
for laughter and applause. But if ever the name
of Cottin again appear on a theatrical poster it
will be in some obscure, out-of-the-way theatre;
and if ever Cottin again addresses an audience it
will be feebly, unspontaneously, from a rough,
draughty old stage. And if we could witness the
awakening and rising of old Cottin in his chilly
little attic, we should not see him attended by a
valet as in former days: but assist at the spectacle
of old Cottin brushing vehemently away at his
threadbare clothes, and stitching up a rent with a
darning needle, and clipping the fray from off his
collars and cuffs with blunt, rusty scissors, and
generally aspiring to smarten himself up, with the
object of obtaining an engagement somewhere,
anywhere.
Under the shadow of the great Porte St-Martin,
on the kerbstone or in the dingy little café, in his
greasy hat and threadbare clothes, old Cottin
awaits the arrival of small suburban or provincial
managers. It is their practice to come
here when in need of an actor who will play innumerable
rôles, at forty or fifty francs a week;
and they pick out their actors brusquely, roughly,
and with many a coarse joke. But once old Cottin
dealt only with renowned, illustrious managers.
“Mon bon Cottin,” said the renowned, illustrious
managers.
“Mon cher directeur,” said the renowned,
illustrious Cottin.
“Epatant, étourdissant, extraordinaire,” was
the boulevardier’s enthusiastic appreciation of
Cottin.
Poor old Cottin, late of a boulevard theatre!
Let us not go prying into the secrets of Cottin’s
life; the cause of his gloom and downfall is not
our affair. Nor are we entitled to search the
careers of these other old actors and actresses who,
perhaps in their day, were almost as famous as
Cottin; and who, like him, have very much come
down in the world. Anyhow, there is genuine,
friendly sympathy between these shabby, clean-shaven
old fellows—and also between their
sisters, who are over-stout or over-thin, over-“made-up”
or over-pale, over-garrulous or over-still.
In this café, they are chez eux, they are en
famille. In this café, they speak frankly, easily
of themselves. Madame Marguerite de Brémont,
for instance: a woman of sixty, with great black
eyebrows, a powdered face, and a deep, deep voice.
Enormous is Madame Marguerite de Brémont,
who is cast for the part of chiffonnière, mad-woman,
hideous, unnatural mother, at the Batignolles
Theatre, at forty-five francs a week.
With her, a shabby black bag, and also, as a last
coquetterie, a black satin reticule, from which she
occasionally produces an old powder puff, and a
handkerchief edged (by her own hand) with
coarse yellow lace. Such a deep, deep voice, and
such sweeping, melodramatic gestures with, alas!
rough, large hands. Forty-five francs a week,
but, honour of honours, a benefit performance
this summer. And Madame Marguerite de Brémont
is telling a group of superannuated comedians
that, upon this glorious occasion, the manager will
allow her to have the pick of the Batignolles wardrobe.
She will appear in no fewer than five melodramatic
rôles, “created” by her twenty, thirty
years ago; and, in looking over the Batignolles
wardrobe, she has been particularly impressed by
a heavy, yellow velvet dress trimmed lavishly
with pearls.
“Yellow was my colour,” says Madame
Marguerite de Brémont, “and, for jewellery, I
always wore pearls.”
“Our Marguerite,” observes an emaciated old
fellow, “will have an extraordinary reception.
We shall all cry: ‘Vive la de Brémont!’”
“Ma chère,” puts in a faded, wrinkled woman,
with bright (and bad) gold hair, “I have always
said that yellow was your colour. All women
have their hair, but the actresses of to-day wear
any colour, and the result is deplorable.”
“Yes, yes,” says the de Brémont, “I shall
appear in yellow.” And she powders her face
feverishly, at the prospect of once again appearing
in yellow and pearls.
“C’est bien, ça”: exclaims old Cottin, at the
conclusion of an anecdote. A charming anecdote,
related thus, by a little imp of a man, with
the comedian’s large mouth and ever-changing
expression.... In an actor’s charitable home
the doyen of them all is an old fellow of eighty-four,
who was a favourite in his day. He passes
the time pleasantly enough, in toddling about the
garden on a stick, and in reading faded, yellow
Press criticisms of years and years ago that
describe him as “marvellous,” “incomparable,”
“irresistible.” But, one morning, he hears that
his sister-in-law—once a brilliant vaudeville
actress—is homeless and penniless, at the tragic
age of seventy-nine, and he becomes gloomy and
silent: and he asks to see the manager of the
home. “We are full,” replies the manager,
“and so we cannot receive your sister-in-law.”
The old fellow’s eyes become dim, and at last the
old fellow explains: “I wish to marry my sister-in-law.”
Gently the manager observes: “But
even if you marry her, there will be a difficulty.
Our rations are limited, and if you marry her
there will only be one portion for the two.” A
meeting between the old fellow of eighty-four and
the old woman of seventy-nine. And a marriage
between the old fellow of eighty-four and the old
woman of seventy-nine, attended by all the old
actors and old actresses of the Home, not one of
whom tells less than sixty, not one of whom can
toddle about without a stick. Bottles of champagne,
from the manager of the Home. An
address, from the aged inmates of the Home. And
to-day the old couple toddle about together in
the garden, and together read the Press criticisms
of years and years ago, and together recall the
days when the one was a brilliant vaudeville
actress, and the other was a “marvellous, an
incomparable, an irresistible” comedian.
A flashy-looking young man in a check suit
and pink shirt looks in, and tells old Cottin and
others that “there is nothing to-day”—an agent
for the suburban, the provincial theatres.
“By all means, yellow,” he says carelessly,
in reply to Madame Marguerite de Brémont’s
anxious question as to what colour she should
wear. Then, more amiably: “I subscribe for
twenty francs, and if you receive a bouquet of
roses, yellow roses, preserve it in memory of your
devoted Jules.”
“Ce bon Jules!” exclaims the de Brémont, as
Jules, the agent, hurries out of the café. “Il a
du cœur, celui-là.” And opens the black bag.
And scribbles down something—probably
“20 francs”—in a little greasy book, with a
stump of a pencil. And heaves a deep sigh of
satisfaction. And expresses the hope that she
will not be too émotionnée on the night of her
benefit.
At least thirty old actors and old actresses in
the café: and most of them with empty glasses.
A lull, during which many look vacantly before
them, while others tap with their boots on the floor
and drum with their fingers on the tables. Great
yawns, and occasional stretching of arms, and
often the exclamation: “Mais je m’ennuie, je
m’ennuie!” In a corner, a dingy waiter is
sprawled over a racing paper, and behind the
counter, the burly proprietor, in his shirt sleeves,
dozes. Outside, the hoarse shouts of the camelots,
selling the evening papers. Outside, the animation
of the boulevards.
“Messieurs, Mesdames.”
A quick, brusque voice, and a short, stout little
man, with a huge watch-chain, an umbrella, a
thick black moustache, a double chin and a great
swollen neck.
“Has Jules been here? What is the use of
Jules? What is the use of any agent? I call at his
office; he is not there. I ask where he is; no
one can tell. I come here—although I have not a
moment to spare.”
A manager; at last, a manager! And the
manager of one of the vast, shabby, outlying
theatres, who also sends companies out on tour.
“I have need of four men, two ladies, and a
child, for The Terror of the Fortifications. Tour
starts at St Quentin on Monday week, and lasts
twenty-one weeks. I want workers. Salary for
men, not more than fifty francs; for women, forty
to fifty; for the child, twenty-five.”
“Mais c’est bien, c’est très bien, Monsieur le
Directeur,” says old Cottin, say old Cottin’s
comrades. And old Cottin and three of his friends,
and the faded, wrinkled lady with the bright
(and bad) gold hair, and one of her friends, all rise
before Monsieur le Directeur.
“I will try to find the child,” says the faded
woman.
“Girl,” says the director. “Small, thin and
not over eleven. Come to see me to-morrow
morning at twelve.” And the stout director
waddles out.
“They say it is épatant, the Terror of the Fortifications,”
observes an old actor.
“Ah,” replies old Cottin absentmindedly: old
Cottin, late of a boulevard theatre.
“Au revoir,” says Madame Marguerite de
Brémont, picking up her reticule and bag. “Au
revoir, and good luck. I shall tell the director to-night
that I have chosen the yellow and pearls.”
Four old actors, and two old actresses, at one
table, with their heads together.
“The curtain rises in a hovel,” says one of the
old actors, and proceeds to narrate the plot of
The Terror of the Fortifications.
VII THE LATIN QUARTER — 1. Mère Casimir — 2. Gloom on the Rive Gauche — 3. The Daughter of the Students
“Il était une fois.”
After weeks of summer idleness the students
of the Latin Quarter return in October to
the Boul’ Mich’ more exhilarated, more
extravagant, more garrulous than ever. They
are delighted to be back; they are impatient
to conspuer certain professors; to parade the
streets with lanterns and guys; to disturb
the sleep of the bourgeois; to run into debt with
their landlords, to embrace the policemen—to
commit a hundred other follies. Clad in new
corduroys, covered with astonishing hats, they
call for big bocks—then question the waiter.
But ere he can give a recital of what has taken
place on the Rive Gauche during the holidays,
the waiter—ce sacré François—has to hear
how Paul (of the Faculty of Medicine) has been
bathing, Pierre (of the Law) bicycling, Gaston
(of the Fine Arts) gardening; and how all three
of them wore “le boating” costume (whatever
that may signify), with white shoes, pale blue
waistbands and green umbrellas; and how their
food was of the simplest, and their drink, pure,
babylike milk.
Adventures? Romances?
Well, for an entire month, Paul was as sad, as
lovesick, as pale as a pierrot. She was a blonde
... in a cottage... as sweet and fresh as a
rose... as modest as the violet... as innocent
as a child... who got up with the lark and
retired with the sun. And Paul rose equally early,
to peep over the hedge of her garden and to hear
her sing, as she fed greedy, speckled poultry; and,
from a lane, watched her window—then wandered
sentimentally and wistfully abroad—at night.
Suddenly, she vanished. And when Paul learnt
that she had departed for Normandy to become
the bride of a cousin, Paul of the Faculty of
Medicine—Paul, the gayest character in the Latin
Quarter and the hero of many an affair of the
heart—Paul, lost his appetite, Paul, experienced
the agonies of insomnia, Paul, aged at least a
hundred years all at once.
Thus Paul. No less reminiscent Pierre and
Gaston. So that their lady friends, Mesdemoiselles
Mimi and Musette—at once jealous and
impatient—proceed to relate their own experiences;
which, by the way, are but flights of
imagination, conceived with the idea of infuriating
the students.
He also was blonde—and wore an incomparable
suit of “le boating.” How he swam—far more
magnificently than Paul! How he bicycled—far
more swiftly than Pierre! How he gardened:
producing infinitely choicer flowers than Gaston’s!
“Enough! You have never left Paris. All
those wonderful friends of yours do not exist,”
cry the students. And the sacré waiter François
(who has been toying all this time with his
napkin) at last is permitted to relate what has
been happening in the Latin Quarter during the
summer holidays.
As a rule, however, he has little to say. Of
course, the Boul’ Mich’ has been dull. Tourists
from “sinister” Germany and from la vieille
Angleterre have “looked” for students and
amusements—naturally in vain. Mademoiselle
Mimi owes nine francs for refreshments. And
Mademoiselle Musette two francs eighty centimes
for a cab fare. That is all.
But when the students “ushered” in the
present autumn season, François the waiter had
important, solemn news to impart. And it was
with sincere sorrow that they learnt that death,
in their absence, had claimed the queer little old
woman who carried a match-tray in her trembling,
bony hands; who performed feeble, vague dances;
who piped old-time airs, and related old-time
anecdotes; and who had lived amongst Mürger’s
sons, ever since they could remember, under the
name of Mère Casimir....
No city but Paris could have produced the
little old woman: and no other community would
have put up with her. Were there a Mère
Casimir in London, she would be living in a work-house,
strictly superintended, constantly reprimanded,
and constantly, too, she would appear
in the dock of the police court, and the magistrate
would say: “I don’t know what to do with you.
You are perfectly incorrigible.” Then this headline
amidst the evening newspaper police reports:
“Her Seventy-Seventh Appearance. Magistrate
Doesn’t Know What To Do With Her. But She
Gets One Month All the Same.”
In Paris, however, Mère Casimir was free. A
shabby old creature, bent over her tray of matches,
no taller than your walking-stick. Like her
amazing friend, Bibi la Purée, she rarely strayed
from the Latin Quarter. Just as he spoke of
himself as “Bibi,” so she invariably referred to
herself as “la Mère Casimir.” But whereas
“Bibi” had ever led a vagabond life, Mère
Casimir had known luxurious times, triumphant
times: times when worldlings ogled and worshipped
her, as she posed on the stage of the
Opera and drove out in semi-state to the Bois.
And she laughed in a feeble, cracked voice, when
she described those brilliant days; and rubbed
her withered, trembling old hands; and nodded
and nodded her bowed, white head; and piped
the first line of that haunting, melancholy refrain:
“Il était une fois.”
Il était une fois. Once upon a time! But
the descent from luxury to poverty had neither
saddened nor hardened Mère Casimir. Deeply
attached to the students and to Mesdemoiselles
Musette and Mimi, she professed a greater affection
for them than ever she had borne M. le
Marquis or Monseigneur le Duc.
“Des idiots,” she said of the latter.
“Des cœurs—real hearts,” was her favourite
way of describing the kindly Bohemians of the
Latin Quarter.
Many years have elapsed since first I saw Mère
Casimir in the Café Procope—“le café de M.
de Voltaire,” now, also, no more. It was one
o’clock in the morning. The olive-man and the
nougat-merchant had paid their last call; the
flower-woman had said good-night; the next
visitor was Mère Casimir. So feeble was she that
she could scarcely push open the door: and when
a waiter let her in, she curtsied to him, then
curtsied to the customers. No one bought her
matches: but she was given bock. Sous were
collected on her behalf by a student; they were
to persuade her to dance. But Mère Casimir
had grown stiff with time. She could do no more
than hop and curtsy, bob and bend, smile and
crow, kiss and wave her withered old hand.
“Il était une fois,” she protested, at the end.
“Once upon a time.” Invited to seat herself
at my table, Mère Casimir told me how she had
shone at the Opera; how she had attended
notorious, extravagant suppers and balls; how
she had broken hearts; how Napoleon III. himself
had noticed her; how she used to sing
Béranger ditties.... She would sing one now
... one of her favourites.... “Listen.” Rising,
she piped feebly again.
Ah, the Elysée! Mère Casimir compared
it contemptuously to the Tuileries, and sighed.
What was a President to an Emperor? What
was the Opera to-day? and the Bois? and
the Jockey Club? “The vulgar Republic has
changed all that,” she complained. “It disgusts
me—this Republic.”
Suddenly the old woman became silent. Bent
in half behind the table, she was scarcely visible.
Minutes went by, but she remained motionless.
And at last the waiter, thinking her asleep,
called out:
“Eh bien, la vieille?”
Then, Mère Casimir started, and nodded her
head, and rose, and thanked the customers with
a last curtsy, and told them she hoped to dance
to them on another occasion; and, before going
out into the darkness, murmured again:
“Il était une fois.”
A few nights later I met her on the Boul’
Mich’ whilst she was passing from table to table
on the terrace of the Café d’Harcourt.
The students were kind to her; so were
Mürger’s daughters, Mesdemoiselles Musette and
Mimi. And she was given olives and nougat,
and a number of sous, and even a rose. And the
waiters were friendly also; and so was the stout,
black-coated proprietor.
In return, Mère Casimir sang her song and
danced her dance, and was applauded and
encored—even by the policeman at the corner.
At two o’clock in the morning, when the Latin
Quarter cafés close, the old woman disappeared.
No one knew where she lived. But she could
be seen feebly making her way up the Boul’
Mich’ and, turning, to pass the Panthéon. There
the streets soon become narrow and dim. Apaches
and chiffonniers abound. One or two sinister-looking
wine-shops remind one of those in the
Mystères de Paris. Through the grimy windows,
one can watch the customers, seated at rude
tables within.
And once, while exploring this neighbourhood,
I perceived Mère Casimir seated next to Bibi
la Purée behind one of those windows; with a
bottle of wine in front of them. And I entered
and approached them, apologising for my
intrusion.
Bibi was the host: Bibi, “the original with an
amazing past,” who in days gone by had been
Verlaine’s valet and friend: and who—after the
death of the “Master”—became obsessed with
an unholy passion for umbrellas; anyone’s
umbrellas—all umbrellas—new, middle-aged,
decrepit. Bibi, tall and gaunt, with sunken
cheeks, lurid green eyes, an eternal, wonderful
grin, and—— But Bibi cannot be described
in passing. Bibi deserves a chapter to himself,
and Bibi has had that chapter elsewhere.[1]
Well, Bibi was the host, and Mère Casimir his
guest. Several nights a week they met in this
manner. There in the grimy wine-shop they
exchanged reminiscences: Bibi, of Verlaine; Mère
Casimir, of M. le Marquis and other roués under
the Empire. There they drank sour red wine
and took pinches of snuff: Bibi provided the
wine, Mère Casimir the snuff. There they chanted
Béranger ditties: Bibi huskily, Mère Casimir
in her feeble, cracked voice. There they were
happy and at peace: an extraordinary couple.
At intervals rough-looking men slouched in
and out. Whispering went on in corners. But
no one heeded Bibi and Mère Casimir, and they
themselves paid no attention to the dubious
drinkers in the place.
“He is gay, isn’t he, my Bibi?” the old
woman would inquire.
“She is still young, isn’t she, la Mère Casimir?”
the old fellow demanded.
Then Mère Casimir laughed in her feeble,
cracked voice, and rubbed her withered old
hands, and nodded her bowed white head, and
piped the first line of the sad refrain:
Sometimes in the Latin Quarter come grave
moments, grim and gloomy moments—moments
when the students shun the cafés; when their
lady friends, Mesdemoiselles Mimi and Musette—Mürger’s
daughters, Daughters of Bohemia—look
pale and anxious, and whisper together as
though alarmed; when the spectator, observing
this depression, becomes himself depressed. At
such a time the women whose clothes are shabby,
whose faces are tragical (the faded Mimis, the
Musettes of years ago) come out of those corners
to which their unattractiveness has condemned
them; come out, and congregate—skeletons some
of them, swollen, shapeless creatures the rest—all,
considering their usual comparative obscurity,
ominous. When the temper of the Quarter is
blithe, they must look on forlornly from the background.
No one heeds them; no one invites
them to accept an olive or sip a bock. But when
the Quarter has been horrified by some tragedy,
some crime, they, on account of their memories
and experiences, on account, too, of their own
connection with tragedy—they, then, are sought
after; they, then, talk the most; they, then,
hold the longest and completest version of the
matter that has brought on the gloom.
Recently, at three o’clock in the morning, I
heard these shabby, solitary women chattering
more ominously than usual in Madame Bertrand’s
hospitable milk-shop. There, after the cafés
have been closed, the students assemble to
devour sandwiches, brioches, hot rolls; but upon
the occasion in question the only customers
present were Mürger’s elderly, unattractive
daughters. And whilst sipping hot milk or coffee,
and biting hungrily into a penny roll, they
listened to the tale of a woman—the palest, the
most wasted of this forlorn group of women,
whose coat and skirt were red, whose boots were
muddy, whose gloves betrayed stitching done
upstairs in her dim back room.
Occasionally her narrative was interrupted
by a short, sharp cough. She lost her breath;
pressed her hand to her breast; cleared her
throat.
“Continue,” said the others impatiently. “I
continue,” she replied.
And then, whilst listening also, I learnt that
a certain Marcelle played the chief rôle in the
story: Marcelle, blithest of Mürger’s younger
daughters, Marcelle the vraie gamine, Marcelle
the lively little lady who always wore a bicycling
suit, yet never bicycled; who appeared seventeen,
but in reality was twenty-two; who danced
down the Boul’ Mich’ arm-in-arm with the
students—she the gayest of the party, her step
the lightest, her Chinese lantern the largest; who
was liked by one and all, and to whom everyone
was mon cher.... Marcelle the Candid! A
brunette, she took it into her head to become
a blonde. “C’est chic d’être blonde,” she cried:
then some days later appeared on the Boul’ Mich’
with flaxen hair. And she drew attention to this
striking metamorphosis, exclaiming: “Inspect
me; stare at me! Am I not ravishing? Isn’t
it a success? Such a dye! Only five francs a
bottle—a large bottle—also perfumed!” And
drank a toast... “to the new colour!” And
vowed that, with it, began a new era. And afterwards,
when relating reminiscences, naïvely explained:
“That was in the days when I was
a brunette.” And constantly sang, in a shrill
voice, that favourite sentimental ballad, Les
Blondes.... Marcelle the Sympathetic! Each
student found in her a patient, a friendly listener.
She was ready to bear with chaotic, interminable
narratives of jealousies, worries, woes. She would
propose a drive, a long drive, in an open cab—the
grievance to be unfolded on the way. “Tell
the cocher,” she would say to the student, “to
choose a deserted route—so that you may rage
and despair, and weep as much as you please.
Open your poor heart, mon cher. Keep nothing
back. Allez, you can trust Marcelle.”...
Marcelle the Sentimental, the Nature-loving!
After a noisy luncheon-party in the country, she
would command an adjournment to the wood.
Childlike she sought for flowers, running hither
and thither, uttering shrill little cries of astonishment
and rapture. And lingered and lingered
in the wood. And vowed she would not return
to Paris before the departure of the very last
train. And asked naïve questions about the
moon and the stars. And murmured: “How
sweet is the country, how exquisite!”—shrinking
nevertheless from the bats and mosquitoes. And
went to bed immediately upon reaching Paris—so
as not to spoil “the impression” of the
country. And dreamt happily, dreamt as she
had never dreamt before—“mon cher!”
Bright Marcelle; and, in spite of her follies,
admirable Marcelle! The shabby, solitary
women—the faded Mimis, the Musettes of years
ago—had in her a friend.
Had?... Had; but have no longer.
“Murdered!” said the woman in the red
dress—huskily—in Madame Bertrand’s hospitable
milk-shop, of Marcelle the Blonde. Murdered;
but no matter how. Murdered; and lying in a
room, round the corner, with candles burning
by the death-bed.
“Tall, tall candles,” continued the woman.
“They burn brightly; and she is not alone.
To-day I have seen her three times. There were
only two wreaths this morning, but there must
be more than twenty now. To-morrow the
concierge will do nothing but take up wreaths.”
And the woman coughed, the other women
murmured; then the husky voice was heard
again:—
“They have telegraphed for her brother; her
parents are dead. He is a peasant. He has
never been to Paris. He is twenty-three. He
adored her. I have seen letters of his which
called her ‘ma petite sœur bien aimée.’ He
would have cut himself into pieces for Marcelle.”
A husky, husky voice. Gestures accompanying
each word, and now and again the short, sharp
cough.
As the hour advanced, Madame Bertrand’s
stout, bearded manager (installed behind the
counter) began to doze. The servant who distributed
the cups of milk and coffee settled herself
on a stool in the background and closed her eyes.
From the coffee urns, the urns of milk, arose
fumes; the urns of boiling water hissed. Past
the shop, crawled a market-cart, packed thick
and high with vegetables, and, on the top of
the vegetables, sat a sturdy peasant woman, her
head enveloped in a handkerchief. Through the
windows one might see two policemen gossiping
over the way; a vagrant limping by; the eternal
chiffonnier, stooping over the gutter in quest of
stumps of cigars and cigarettes. Only in the
milk-shop was there light, a pale, unbecoming
light from the lamp overhead. Only here was
there colour, the colours of the shabby women’s
dresses: faded blue, dingy yellow, red. Only
chez Madame Bertrand was there a group—a
group of frightened, haunted women, fifteen or
so. No woman went her way. None felt strong,
secure enough to endure the solitude of her dim
chambre meublée. Perhaps they remained there
until dawn. Perhaps they were still there, when
the first workman passed. And no doubt he,
after glancing through the windows, shrugged his
shoulders and soliloquised: “There they are, the
abandoned ones, making another merry night of it.”
Gloom, next day. Gloom, on the day after.
And greater gloom on the gloomiest day of all—the
day of the funeral.
A sombre day: clouds hanging close over the
Latin Quarter. A damp day; in the air, mist.
A day when the householders of a certain narrow
street came to their doors; when other residents
appeared at their windows; when spectators
assembled on the kerbstone; when a group of
shabby, forlorn women stood silently beside a
hearse—the shabbiest, the most wasted, a woman
in red.
She had no other dress. Those in faded blue
and dingy yellow, had no other dresses. In
Paris, black failing... “one does one’s best.”
The hearse had just received its light burden,
and the coffin was being covered—thrice covered—with
flowers: mere nosegays, bouquets, wreath
after wreath. By the doorstep, stood Marcelle’s
concierge—a stout woman—crying. Farther
away, three policemen—erect and motionless.
Few students to be seen. But they had sent
their tributes of affection, for the flowers continued
to come—came and came—accompanied
by cards and ribbons: one card bearing the
inscription: “To Our Blonde Marcelle.” Then,
after the last flower had been laid, Mürger’s
young and charming daughters, Mürger’s elderly
and tragical daughters, gathered behind the
hearse. Slowly it advanced, slowly it disappeared—the
policemen saluting, the concierge weeping,
the spectators removing their hats, the bourgeoise
householder crossing herself, the Daughters of
Mürger following immediately behind the hearse;
the woman in red, still the most noticeable.
The most noticeable, perhaps, because her arm
was drawn through the arm of a young man:
bareheaded, dressed in a coarse black suit: red-eyed,
red-eared, ungainly, uncouth: of the fields,
of the earth, unmistakably, a peasant. With
stooping shoulders and bowed head; stupefied,
wrecked; Marcelle’s peasant brother followed
his “petite sœur bien aimée” to her grave—in
the compassionate charge of the shabby, husky-voiced
woman in red.
Across the bridge, past Notre-Dame: past
theatres, banks, cafés and fine shops: past
hospitals, past hovels, past drinking dens. On
and on, on and on—the mourners silently and
sorrowfully following Marcelle. Still on: the
mourners accompanying Marcelle, once most
blithe of Mürger’s daughters, farther and farther
from Mürger’s land. Onward always, through
the gloom, through the mist, to Marcelle’s last
destination. Then back again, through the mist,
through the gloom, without Marcelle: and
Marcelle the Blonde, Marcelle the Vraie Gamine,
only a memory, only a name.
The month of July—eleven years ago. The
year was one of those dear, amazing years when,
in Paris, everybody has a foe, a feud and a fear;
everybody a flush on his face and a gleam in his
eye; everybody a little adventure with the plain
police, the mounted police or the Garde Républicaine.
We are on the march, on the run.
The Ministry of the moment is—well, who is
Prime Minister this morning? Never mind his
name; he is sure to be a swindler, a “bandit.”
Nothing but “bandits” among the public men.
No purity among the public men; they have all,
all “touched” money in the Panama affair.
No; M. Duval is not an exception. He is as
villainous as the rest. If you persist in your
declaration that he is an exception, you must
have some sinister, interested reason. You,
Monsieur, are no better than M. Duval. You,
too, are a bandit. I say it again, bandit, bandit,
bandit. Come out and fight. Come out and——
Such a tumult, such a panic in Paris! Houses
searched by the police, and hundreds of suspected
persons arrested. And in the midst of the panic
the good Bohemians of the Latin Quarter also
rise, and march with sticks and lanterns to the
house of Senator Bérenger, and smash his windows,
and groan, and call upon him to come out and be
slain on the spot.
Unhappy Senator Bérenger, who deemed that
the Quat-z-Arts ball—the great annual ball of
the students—was improper!
“It was Art,” shout the students.
“It was a shocking spectacle,” pronounces the
Senator.
“Come out and be slain,” shout the students.
“Arrest them,” orders the Senator. And then—O
then—a revolution in the Quarter; then, the
wild, terrifying “Seven Days’ Bagarre.”
There blaze bonfires; there, arise barricades;
there, lie omnibuses overturned on the Boul’
Mich’; there, march furious bands of students
who charge and are charged by the police. Mercy,
how we march and how we run! On the fifth
day, we are bandaged, and we limp, but we resume
our manifestations.
“Come out and be slain,” we yell, below the
Senator’s window.
“Arrest them,” orders the Senator. “It was
Art,” we almost sob, in the ear of the interviewer.
“It was a shocking spectacle,” declares the
Senator.
“You must, you shall be slain,” we cry in
frenzy. And then, in the Quarter, appears the
Army; and the Army goes for us; and before
such overwhelming odds, we fly; and twenty of us
who fly and fly find ourselves at last, dishevelled
and breathless, in a dim, deserted side street.
Not a sound; we are too much exhausted to
speak.
A moon and stars, silence and peace. Twenty
dishevelled and exhausted students, who sit on
the kerbstone, on doorsteps, to rest. And then,
all of a sudden, a Cry. A feeble, plaintive Cry
from a doorstep: and on the doorstep, a bundle.
Twenty exhausted, dishevelled students before
the bundle; a bundle—that cries. An amazing
discovery, a sensational surprise! The bundle
is a Child; the bundle is a Gosse; the bundle is
a bud of a Girl.
Twenty exhausted, dishevelled students
strangely in possession of a baby; and who nurse
the baby, and who seek to win her confidence,
with awkward caresses, and by swinging her to
and fro, and by assuring her that she is safe and
sound. And, finally, twenty good Bohemians
who resolve to adopt the Child, and introduce
her formally to their colleagues, and proclaim her
before all the good Bohemians of the Rive Gauche:
“The Adopted Daughter of the Students of the
Latin Quarter.” But, the name, the name?
The Saint for the day is Lucie: so, Lucie. The
gosse was found on the last night of the Bagarre:
so, Bagarre. Thus, with the polite prefix, we get:
Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre.
Does Paul buy books on the nursing of infants,
or the bringing up of children? And Gaston;
does he go blushing into a shop and stammer out
a request for a baby’s complete outfit? At all
events, awkwardness and unrest in the Quarter.
It is such a responsibility to have a Daughter;
it is such an anxiety to attend adequately to
her needs! And so, after infinite discussion, it
is determined that Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre
shall reside in the home of Enfants Trouvés, until
the best-hearted of foster-mothers in the whole of
France shall have been found.
Says Paul, gravely: “Country air is indispensable.”
Says Gaston: “Milk and eggs.”
Says Pierre: “Companions of her own age.”
Do the good Bohemians of the Latin France
go forth gravely in quest of foster-mothers? Do
they pass from province to province, comparing
foster-mothers, testing the milk and eggs, studying
local death-rates, wondering and wondering
which is the healthiest and most invigorating of
the various airs? At all events, Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre is ultimately taken to a farm.
Says Paul: “Nothing better than a farm.”
Says Gaston: “Fresh milk and eggs every
morn.”
Says Pierre: “Cows and ducks and hens to
marvel at.”
Says Aimery: “None of the pernicious influences
and surroundings of the city.”
Concludes Xavier: “We have done admirably.”
Thus, the Committee; a Committee of Five,
whose duty it is to deal with the foster-mother,
whose privilege it is to “look after the affairs”
of Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre. Always “sitting,”
this Committee; sitting before ledgers and
ink in the Taverne Lorraine, gifts and subscriptions
to be acknowledged; instructions to be sent
to the foster-mother; inquiries after the health
of Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre to be answered;
interviewers to be received; in fine, much business
in the Taverne Lorraine.
And then, all the students of the Latin Quarter
have a right to demand news of Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre; for all the students are her
fathers; and so, naturally enough, they are
anxious to know whether she has spoken her first
word, and cut her first tooth, and staggered her
first step. It is well that the Committee is patient
and amiable; it is fortunate that the Committee
rejoices in its work; else there would be cries of:
“Laissez-moi tranquille,” and “Fichez-moi la
paix” and “Décampe, ou je t’assomme.”
Now and then, the Committee visits Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre at her farm; and on their
return a general meeting is held in the Taverne
Lorraine—with Paul in the chair, Paul on the
health, appearance and pastimes of Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre. Paul on the foster-mother, on
the farm; Paul, also, on Mademoiselle Lucie
Bagarre’s diet. Paul, finally, on Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre’s approaching birthday. And,
indeed, on each of her birthdays, the students’
adopted Daughter receives gifts and an address;
and on Christmas Day and New Year’s Day, more
gifts; and upon every visit of the Committee, a
souvenir of some kind or another. Explains Paul
most wisely: “Children like that.”
Ah me, the responsibility, the anxiety of having
a Daughter! The moment comes when she
has measles and chicken-pox; and then, what
dark days for the father. And Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre is no exception; Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre has chicken-pox, has measles. In
the Latin Quarter, alarm and emotion. All
Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre’s many fathers
énervés and agitated. All the fathers suggesting
precautions and remedies. All the fathers trying
to remember what their parents did when
they had chicken-pox and measles. Does the
Committee study books on those diseases? At
all events, the Committee is in constant communication
with the farm. Also, the Committee
proceeds solemnly to the farm. The telegram to
Paris: “No complications. Malady following
its ordinary course.” Another telegram: “Think
it wiser to remain the night.” A third telegram:
“Good night. Took nourishment this morning.”
And in the Etudiant and the Cri du Quartier, the
brilliant organs of the Quarter, the announcement
in large type: “We rejoice to announce that the
adopted Daughter of the students of the Latin
Quarter is now allowed to take air in her garden.
To all her fathers she returns her warmest thanks
for their sympathy, messages and offerings. But
the quite unusual number of her fathers render
it impossible to thank each one of them individually.”
Follows Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre’s
signature, the scrawling letters, L. B., faithfully
reproduced. Says Paul: “I gave her a pencil-box.
Children adore that.”
However, four years have elapsed since Mademoiselle
Lucie Bagarre pained her many dear
fathers by having chicken-pox. To-day, she has
turned eleven, but she still resides far away from
“the pernicious influences and surroundings of
the city.”
Says Paul: “Country air is still indispensable.”
Says Gaston: “Always milk and eggs.”
Says Pierre: “Honest folk about her.”
Down to the farm goes the Committee: and
back comes the Committee with the report that
Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre can now dive her
hand into the pockets of the Committee’s dear
corduroy waistcoat. She has grown; she is
almost a jeune fille. How, by the way, stands her
banking account? Well: but since the occasion
for increasing it now presents itself, let the occasion
be used to the utmost. The fête of Mi-Carême:
the proceeds of the fête to be set aside
for “la fille adoptive des étudiants, la petite
Lucie Bagarre.” A grand bal masqué at Bullier’s.
Says Paul: “In order to attract the public, we
must be amazing.” All the fathers scheming
how to be amazing. All the fathers painting
themselves and donning fantastic costumes. All
the fathers calling upon Paris to swell their fund
by visiting Bullier’s. And Paris responds: Paris
flocks to Bullier’s.
An amazing spectacle, and an amazing night:
the good Bohemians have succeeded in being
entirely amazing. Bullier’s packed; Bullier’s all
light, all colour, all movement, when the Committee
of Five proudly surveys the scene.
Says Paul: “Gold.”
Says Gaston: “Bank-notes.”
Says Pierre: “A dot.”
Says Aimery: “A fortune.”
Says Xavier: “A veritable heiress.”
Say the innumerable fathers: “The richissime
Mademoiselle Lucie Bagarre.”
And then, toasts. And then, cheers.
And then, the resolution that an address,
signed by all her fathers, shall be presented to
their dear adopted Daughter: who, at this advanced
noisy hour, is lying fast asleep in her
farm.
VIII MONSIEUR LE ROUÉ
Wonderful, O most wonderful M. le
Roué—who could fail to admire him
for the constant, anxious endeavours
he makes, the innumerable secret devices he
employs to appear juvenile and sprightly! That
his figure may be elegant, he wears stays. That
the crow’s feet may not be conspicuous he (or
rather his valet) covers them over with a subtle,
greasy preparation. That his moustache may
not droop, he has it waxed to the extremest degree
of rigidity. And that people may not say:
“Old le Roué is a wreck” and “Old le Roué is
played out,” he goes about the Amazing City—here,
there and everywhere—with a glass in his
eye and a flower in his button-hole, like the gayest
of young worldlings.
However, it has to be recorded that despite all
his endeavours, despite all his artifices, M. le Roué
remains a shaky, shrunken old fellow, with scanty
white hair, a tired, pallid face and a thin, feeble
voice. Once upon a time—say forty years ago—he
was deemed one of the most brilliant, the most
irresistible ornaments of le Tout Paris; but to-day—forty
years after—he has attained that tragic
period in the life of a vain, superannuated viveur,
when no one, except his valet, is permitted
to see him until two o’clock in the afternoon;
and thus no one, save that faithful attendant,
could give us a picture of M. le Roué when,
after the curtains have been drawn and daylight
has been let into the room, the old gentleman is
served with his cup of chocolate and morsel of dry
toast.
Still, if we cannot witness his awakening, we
may assuredly assume that M. le Roué is not a
pleasant spectacle in the morning. And it is
equally safe to suppose that his temper is detestable,
his language deplorable, when the valet
shaves his wan cheek, and fastens his stays, and
helps him into his heavy fur coat; and thus, in a
word, turns him into the impeccable if rickety old
beau who lunches every day on the stroke of two
o’clock in Sucré’s white-and-gold restaurant.
“Monsieur se porte bien?” inquires the
maître d’hôtel, respectfully handing him the menu.
“Pas mal, pas mal,” replies M. le Roué, in his
thin, feeble voice. And although the old gentleman
has been advised to keep strictly to a diet of
plain foods and Vichy water, both the dishes and
the wines that he orders are elaborate and rich.
Once again I exclaim: “Wonderful, O most
wonderful M. le Roué,” and once again I demand:
“Who could fail to admire him?”
He declines to belong to the past, he refuses
to go into retirement; so long as he can stand
up in his stays he is heroically determined to lead
the life of a viveur, a rake. See him, here in
Sucré’s restaurant, revelling over his lobster;
behold him kissing his trembling, white hand to
the lady book-keeper, a handsome young woman
with sparkling diamond earrings; and hear him,
moreover, entertaining Joseph, the maître
d’hôtel, with an account of the lively supper-party
he presided over last night, at which Mesdemoiselles
Liane de Luneville and Marguerite de
Millefleurs (beautiful, brilliant ornaments of the
demi-monde) were present, and Mademoiselle
Pauline Boum, of the Casino de Paris, performed
her latest “eccentric” dance.
All this from a gentleman half-way through the
seventies! All this from a shaky, shrunken old
fellow who ought, at the present moment, to be
taking a careful constitutional in the Parc
Monceau on the arm of some mild, elderly female
relative—instead of rejoicing over lobster
and Château-Yquem in Sucré’s white-and-gold
restaurant.
“Monsieur is extraordinary,” says the maître
d’hôtel, by way of flattery.
“Monsieur is a monster,” says the handsome
lady book-keeper, shaking her diamond earrings.
And old le Roué the “Extraordinary,” old le
Roué “the Monster,” smiles, winks a dim eye and
laughs. But it has to be stated that his smile is a
leer and that his laugh is a cackle.
From Sucré’s restaurant M. le Roué proceeds
slowly, leaning heavily on his walking-stick, to a
quiet, comfortable café, where he meets another
heroic old rake—the Marquis de Mô.
But there is this striking difference between the
two: whereas old le Roué is delicately made,
frail, shrunken, old de Mô is enormous, apoplectic,
with flowing white whiskers, a round, bumpy bald
head, a fiery complexion and a huge gouty foot
which is ever encased in a wonderful elastic shoe.
Le Roué and de Mô rejoiced extravagantly together
in the latter brilliant days of the Second
Empire. And to-day, in the year of 1912, they
love to recall their past conquests, duels, follies,
and never tire of abusing the Republican régime.
“What a Government, what an age!” complains
le Roué.
“Abominable—odious—sinister,” declares de
Mô.
Also, our superannuated viveurs recall affectionate
memories of a dear, mutual friend, the late
Comte Robert de Barsac, who died last year, of a
vague illness, shortly after he had riotously celebrated
his seventieth birthday. The truth was,
old de Barsac could not keep pace with old le Roué
and old de Mô. His face became leaden in colour
and his speech rambling and incoherent. And
one night, he suddenly passed away in his sleep
from exhaustion.
“Ce pauvre cher Robert!” exclaims le Roué
sadly. “Ce pauvre cher Robert!” sighs de Mô.
Then there is another old friend, still living,
of whom le Roué and de Mô speak affectionately
as they sit together in their corner of the quiet,
comfortable café.
She is “Madeline”—who, once upon a time, was
the “star” actress at the Variétés theatre. In
truth, Marguerite de Prèsles (as she figured on the
bills) was something of a queen: the queen of the
half-world. The newspapers of that period, in
alluding to her wit, beauty and charm, called
her the “exquisite Madeline”; the “adorable
Madeline”; the “incomparable” Madeline de
Prèsles. Le Roué and de Mô worshipped at her
shrine. And to-day—forty years after—they
often visit her at Pichon’s gaudy night restaurant:
where the “adorable” Variétés actress of years
ago makes constant rounds of the place—with
tinselled boxes of chocolates and a basket of
flowers!
Yes; “Madeline” sells chocolates and flowers
chez Pichon! And the gold hair has turned white
and the slim figure has swollen, and the once
pretty, bejewelled little hands have become
knotted and coarse; and the old lady herself—the
former radiant “star” of the Variétés—lives in
a sombre hôtel meublé on the outskirts of Paris,
where she passes most of the day in making up
bouquets and button-holes for the painted, rackety
company that assembles nightly at Pichon’s.
Thus some romance is left in old le Roué and
old de Mô. They still seek out “Madeline.”
They make her presents on New Year’s Day;
nor do they ever fail to remember her birthday.
Once they offered her an annuity—but whilst
expressing her thanks and declaring herself
“touched,” she assured her old admirers that
she was content with the income she derived
from her speculations in flowers and chocolates:
although (so she added) she held but a scornful
opinion of the modern young worldlings—the
young worldlings of the “odious,” “sinister”
Republic—who were her customers chez Pichon.
And so, attached, by force of memories and by
reason of their long, constant gallantry, so
attached is “Madeline” to old le Roué, and old
de Mô, that when those two valiant old rakes
are seized with rheumatism or gout, and are
obliged most unwillingly and angrily to lie up,
she pays them daily visits; and refreshes and
embellishes their rooms with her flowers; and
reminds them vivaciously and wittily of the epoch—the
wonderful epoch—when all three of them
were gay, brilliant ornaments of the Amazing
City....
And now, night-time.
Behold M. le Roué dining royally, and
haunting the coulisses of the Opera, and playing
baccarat, with trembling hands, in the Cercle
Doré, and entertaining (as we have already recorded)
Mesdemoiselles Liane de Luneville and
Marguerite de Millefleurs, and the eccentric
Mademoiselle Pauline Boum, to supper in a
gilded, bemirrored cabinet particulier.
All this he does long after the innumerable
electric advertising devices (Fontain’s Perfumes—Carré’s
Gloves—Cherry Brandy of the Maison
Joyeux et Fils) have begun to blink and dance
on the boulevards; and long after M. le Roué,
with his five and seventy years, should have been
tucked up in bed—his old brain at rest and his
old head enveloped in a night-cap.
But M. le Roué declines to return home, M. le
Roué refuses to close his dim eyes, until he has
visited one of those modern rackety “American”
bars—the “High Life,” for instance—where the
young worldlings of to-day sit upon high stools,
and absorb cocktails, crème de menthe and icy
“sherry-cobblers.” And it is wonderful to witness
frail, shaky M. le Roué climb up on to his stool;
and the spectacle becomes still more wonderful
when apoplectic, gouty old de Mô laboriously
follows his example.
Thus M. le Roué goes to the “High Life,” goes
here, there and everywhere, like the gayest and
most adventurous of young worldlings. And
wherever he goes, the waiters and attendants
exclaim: “Monsieur is astonishing!” and
“Monsieur is extraordinary!” and their flattery
pleases the old gentleman.
“Pas mal, pas mal,” he replies in his thin,
feeble voice, and with his leer.
However, there come times when M. le Roué
is particularly shaky and shrunken, when he
looks peculiarly superannuated and frail; and
at these times he resents the obsequious compliments
of the waiters.
“No, no,” he cries shrilly. “I am a very
old man, and I am feeling very weak and very ill.”
After which confession, he buries his head in his
trembling, white hands, and mutters to himself,
strangely, beneath his breath.
The waiters then look at him curiously. And
old de Mô protests: “What nonsense, mon
ami; what folly, mon vieux. There is nothing
the matter with you. You are perfectly well.”
But old de Mô’s expression is nevertheless
anxious.
Is he about to lose his last remaining companion
of years ago? Is he shortly to sit in that corner
of the quiet, comfortable café—alone?
He cannot but acknowledge to himself that in
old le Roué’s face there is the same leaden colour
and in old le Roué’s speech the same incoherency
that manifested themselves in their mutual dear
friend and contemporary, the late Comte Robert
de Barsac, a short while before he vaguely passed
away.
IX FRENCH LIFE AND THE FRENCH STAGE — 1. M. Paul Bourget, the Reactionary Playwright, and M. Pataud, who put out the Lights of Paris — 2. M. Alfred Capus. “Nôtre Jeunesse” at the Française — 3. M. Brieux, “La Déserteuse,” at the Odéon — 4. Paris, M. Edmond Rostand, and “Chantecler”
In a boulevard café, over his favourite,
strange mixture of strawberry syrup and
champagne, a well-known Paris journalist
recently called my attention to the profusion of
playwrights of high, indisputable ability now
writing for the French stage.
“There are not enough theatres to accommodate
them all,” he said. “The papers inform us that
X—— has just finished a new chef-d’œuvre, but
often four, six, even ten months will elapse ere
the masterpiece can be produced. Why? Because
there is no room for X——. He must wait
his turn; and in his leisure—O admirable
fertility—he writes yet another play.”
“Nevertheless you have three important
répétitions générales this week,” I remarked.
“Capus to-morrow, Donnay at the Français
on Wednesday, and de Flers and Caillavet, the
Inexhaustible, on Friday.”
“Charming Capus, delightful Donnay, amazing
de Flers and Caillavet,” exclaimed my companion.
“Listen; we are free for an hour. Let us run over
the names of our leading playwrights—a formidable
list. Garçon, another glass”—and away went
the waiter in quest of more syrup and champagne.
Of course, no mere “running over” of the
great name of Rostand. Both of us soon found
ourselves reciting passages from Cyrano, Chantecler,
La Princesse Lointaine—my friend eloquently
and emotionally, myself alas! with the natural
embarrassment and self-consciousness of the
foreigner. “Au trot, au galop,” said my companion,
glancing at the clock. And rapidly we
proceeded to review the “formidable list” of
France’s leading dramatists:—Paul Hervieu, the
cultured, polished author of Le Dédale and La
Course au Flambeau. Violent, destructive Henri
Bernstein—La Griffe, La Rafale, Samson. Henri
Lavedan, brilliantly audacious in Le Nouveau Jeu,
delightfully ironical in the Marquis de Priola, but
serious, profound (a veritable tour de force) in
Le Duel. Then Capus, the tolerant, the sympathetic:
Nôtre Jeunesse, Les Passagères, Monsieur
Piégois. Émile Fabre, wonderful manipulator
of stage “crowds,” Les Ventres Dorés. Lively,
brilliant de Flers and Caillavet, Le Roi, L’Ane de
Buridan, L’Amour Veille. Worldly, cynical Abel
Hermant, Les Transatlantiques, Monsieur de
Courpière. Jules Lemaître, tender in La Massière,
tragical in Bertrad. Brieux: the amusing
Hannetons, sombre, harrowing Maternité. Georges
Porto-Riche, L’Amoureuse, perhaps the finest
modern comedy in the repertoire of the French
National Theatre. Sound admirable Donnay,
Amants, Le Retour de Jérusalem. Anatole France,
the incomparable Crainquebille. MM. Arquillière
and Bernède, with their masterly pictures of
military life, La Grande Famille, Sous l’Epaulette.
Romantic, vigorous Jean Richepin, Le Chemineau.
Sardonic, anarchical Octave Mirbeau, Les Affaires
sont les Affaires, Le Foyer. Humane, chivalrous
Pierre Wolff, L’Age d’Aimer and Le Ruisseau.
Georges Ancey, earnest investigator into the
hidden crafty practices of the Catholic Church,
Ces Messieurs. Gentle, elegant Romain Coolus,
L’Enfant chérie and Une Femme Passa. Grim,
lurid André de Lorde of the Grand Guignol.
Ardent, passionate Henri Bataille, Un Scandale,
La Vierge Folle, La Femme Nue.
“Formidable, formidable!” exclaimed our
Paris journalist, wiping his brow.
“There remains M. Paul Bourget,” I said.
“M. Paul Bourget is ponderous, prejudiced,
pedantic,” objected my companion. “I have
just seen his latest photograph, which shows him
seated at his writing-desk in a frock coat. Novels
of life in the Faubourg St Germain, such as
M. Bourget has produced, may possibly be written
in a frock coat—not plays.”
“No doubt the coat was only put on for the
visit of the photographer,” I charitably suggested.
“M. Paul Bourget’s plays convey the impression—no,
the conviction—that they were written
in the conventional, cramped armour of a frock
coat,” was the solemn, categorical retort.
Now for M. Bourget, on his side it would be
permissible to object that a gentleman who takes
thick strawberry syrup in his champagne commits
no less of an enormity than the dramatist
who writes his plays in a frock coat; and that
therefore, he, M. Bourget, considers himself untouched
by the allegations directed against him
from that hostile and eccentric quarter. Nevertheless,
an examination of M. Bourget’s dramatic
work—Un Divorce, L’Emigré, La Barricade—compels
the comparison that whereas his fellow-playwrights
adopt the theatre exclusively as a
sphere in which to hold up a vivid, faithful,
scrupulously impartial picture of scenes from
actual life—la vie vivante—M. Bourget uses the
stage, ponderously, as a platform or a pulpit.
His views on social questions—the dominant
ideas, the passions of the hour—are well known.
They are autocratic, severe: in the French sense
of the word, “correct.” But it unfortunately
happens that l’homme correct possesses none of
those indispensable attributes required of the
playwright—an open mind, imagination, a sense
of humour. A firm clerical and the irreconcilable
antagonist of divorce, M. Bourget naturally
maintains that in a spiritual emergency, women,
as well as men, are more efficaciously helped to
right conduct by priestly government than by
habits of self-reliance. Then his sympathies
have ever rested undisguisedly with the classes he
has portrayed in his novels—the languid worldling
of the Faubourg St Germain, the haute bourgeoisie,
the despotic châtelain.
“M. Bourget is not interested in humble people.
The vicissitudes, the amours, the miseries of the
lower classes, he deems beneath his notice. He
concerns himself only with the emotions of the
elegant and the rich,” bitter, sardonic M. Octave
Mirbeau makes one of his characters remark.
And, truly enough, it has to be affirmed that
however hard he may have tried to repress his
aristocratic proclivities and prejudices when writing
for the stage, the author of Un Divorce and
La Barricade has remained, despite his endeavours,
l’homme autoritaire, l’homme correct.
“Je ne connais pas des idées généreuses,” he
has announced. “Je ne connais que des idées
vraies ou fausses, et il ne vaudrait pas la peine
d’écrire si ce n’était pas pour énoncer les idées
que l’on croit et que l’on sait vraies.” And in
the press, in conferences, in prefaces, the “eminent
Academician” (as the clerical Gaulois monotonously
designates M. Bourget) has furthermore
declared that Un Divorce and La Barricade were
written in a rigorously impartial spirit. But
other critics maintain that the controversies that
have raged around M. Bourget’s dramatic efforts
(started with no little pretentiousness by the
author himself) establish nothing. The plays
speak for themselves.
M. Bourget’s observations have persuaded him
that the rebellious spirit prevailing amongst the
working classes is a menace to his country:
“C’est cette sensation du danger présent que
j’aurais voulu donner dans La Barricade sûr, si
j’avais pu y réussir, d’avoir servi utilement ma
classe, et par conséquent mon pays.”
But according to M. Pataud, the notorious
ex-Secretary of the Syndicate of Electricians,
M. Bourget carried away with him a totally false
impression of the men and places he professes so
closely, and also so impartially, to have studied.
A word about M. Pataud. It was shortly after
he had ordered the Electricians’ strike that
plunged Paris almost into darkness for two hours,[2]
and at the zenith of his fame, that the “Roi de
la Lumière” attended a performance of La
Barricade at the Vaudeville Theatre. It had
been reported that he had served M. Bourget as
a model for the character of Thubeuf, the professional
agitator in the play. This, M. Bourget
emphatically denied. “Let me see for myself,”
said M. Pataud. And he requested M. Bourget
to send him a ticket of admission to the theatre,
and humorously offered to return the compliment
by placing a seat in the Bourse du Travail at the
dramatist’s disposal.
Well, M. Bourget granted the request: but
ignored the invitation to the Labour Exchange.
And one night “King Pataud” seated himself,
amidst le Tout Paris in the most fashionable of the
boulevard theatres. He himself, in spite of his
pink shirt, red tie, and “bowler” hat, belonged
in a sense to le Tout Paris. Was he not “Le Roi
de la Lumière”? There were columns about
him in the newspapers; he was “impersonated”
in every music-hall revue, and his picture post
cards sold by the thousand. Then, pressing (and
sentimental) requests for his autograph; invitations
out to dinner and gifts of cigarettes and
cigars; and what a stir, what excited cries of
“There goes Pataud,” when the great man
swaggered down the boulevards with a fine
Havana stuck in a corner of his mouth, and the
“bowler” hat tilted rakishly over the right eye!
Nor in the Vaudeville Theatre was his triumph
less complete. The interest of the brilliant
audience was centred on “Fauteuil No. 159”;
not on the stage. There sat the man who had
but to give the signal and—out would go the
lights! So was every opera-glass levelled at him,
and so—at the end of the performance—were all
the reporters in Paris eager to obtain “King”
Pataud’s impressions of the play. “Not bad,”
he was reported to have said. “But M. Bourget’s
conception of how strikes are conducted is
ridiculous. And his strikers are equally absurd.”
I fancy M. Bourget must have regretted that
gift of “Fauteuil No. 159” at the time. But
to-day he has his revenge—for it was the free seat
in the Vaudeville Theatre that led to “King”
Pataud’s downfall! After the agitator’s visit
to La Barricade it became the fashion amongst
the managers to invite the “Roi de la Lumière”
to their theatres. Behold him, actually, at the
first performance of Chantecler—and at the
Gymnase, the Variétés, the Palais Royal. But
if the public rejoiced over “King” Pataud’s
presence at the theatre, his colleagues in the
labour world were to be heard grumbling. Pataud
(and it was true) was “getting his head turned.”
Pataud was neglecting the Bourse du Travail for
theatres and brilliant restaurants. But the “Roi
de la Lumière” paid no heed to these reproofs,
nor to complaints and warnings vigorously expressed.
And the crisis came, the storm burst,
when “King” Pataud and an electrician came
to blows on the boulevards, and were marched off
to the police station on a charge of breaking the
peace. At the station, the “Roi de la Lumière”
was searched. “Ah, you do yourself well, you
enjoy life, you have a gay time of it,” grinned the
police commissaire, after examining the agitator’s
pocket-book. It contained bank-notes for a large
sum, receipted bills from luxurious restaurants
and hotels, and (what of course, particularly
delighted the Parisian) the autographed photograph
of a certain very blonde and very lively
actress. So, indignation and disgust of the
Syndicate of Electricians, who had contributed
to their secretary’s support. He was called upon
to resign. And to-day M. Pataud is an agent for
a champagne firm; and the street gamins who
once cheered him, now—O supreme insult—apostrophise
him as “sale bourgeois.”
Two questions remain for those whose opinion
in the Amazing City counts. The first is: Does
an Eminent Academician, who, whether he writes
in a frock coat or no, professes the conviction that
it would not be worth while to produce plays only
to reveal the influence and power of men’s
emotions, passions and ideals in the shaping of
life, unless one had some ulterior clerical, social
or political object to serve, stand in the hopeful
ways of thought that distinguish the first order
of Dramatists? The answer to the question is
delivered with an emphatic decision. “Mais—Non”—“Mais,”—a
pause and a gesture by an
emphatic falling hand—“Non.” Second question:
Is a social agitator, who displays himself in a
pink shirt and bowler hat in the best seats of
fashionable theatres, and who enjoys himself at
fashionable restaurants with worldlings—whom
he affects to terrorise—a satisfactory Democrat?
Same answer, but the “Non” and the confirmatory
gesture is more emphatic. “Mais—Non.”
Through a novel published some years ago,
under the title of Qui Perd Gagne, I made the
acquaintance of a number of Parisians who committed
all manner of faults and follies, got into
all kinds of dilemmas; and yet compelled a
certain sympathy by reason of their good-heartedness
and good humour. Never a dull moment
in this novel; never, indeed, a moment when
there was not some anxious situation to face,
some formidable difficulty to overcome. The
leading personages were a retired blanchisseuse
and her husband. Their names I cannot recall—let
them be christened the Belons; and let it be
admitted that the atmosphere in which they lived
would most assuredly be condemned by the
orthodox English critic as “unsavoury.” Laid
bare before us in all its tawdriness, all its feverishness,
all its swift delirious ups and downs, was
the life of the adventurer. A good round dozen
of these gentlemen, but the most “enterprising,”
the most audacious, the most entertaining amongst
them was our friend Belon, who, before becoming
the husband of the blanchisseuse, and the master of
the money realised by the sale of the blanchisserie,
had been a seedy figure in shady newspaper
offices and suspicious gambling clubs. In his
unmarried days Belon rejoiced when a bet at
baccarat, or a successful operation in the line
of canvassing for advertisements, yielded him a
louis. He was always “hard up”—always (as
he described it) in a “crisis”—but adversity
neither disheartened him nor turned his temper.
“Times will change,” predicted Belon, when he
surveyed his shabby form in the mirror of a café.
“One of these days you will dine magnificently
at Paillard’s,” Belon murmured, when he issued
forth (his hunger still unsatisfied) from a greasy
restaurant.
“Paris,” he soliloquised, as he swaggered along
the boulevards, with a shocking little black cigar
in the corner of his mouth, and his hat tilted
rakishly on one side, “Paris, I know you well—know
your weaknesses, your failings, your vanities.
And with this precious knowledge to assist me,
I shall undoubtedly succeed.”
Certainly, Belon knew Paris thoroughly—or
part of it. He was full of anecdote and scandal.
He had amazing stories to tell of personages high
up in the grande monde, the monde d’affaires,
and the demi-monde, and he told them well. He
could be gallant—in a way. Also, when it served
his purpose, he could feign a seriousness that
inspired confidence. And it was his gaiety, his
gallantry, his flashy worldliness, that fascinated
the blanchisseuse—not a foolish woman by any
means, but a practical, amiable soul, still in her
thirties, still attractive, still (as the French
novelist has it) “appétissante,” who saw in her
marriage to Belon not only a means of escape from
the steamy, stifling atmosphere of her laundry,
but a position of importance, even of luxury and
brilliancy. Belon she believed capable of great
things; Belon, with his enterprise, his audacity,
his knowledge of the world, needed only a small
capital, such as the sale of the laundry would
provide, to become a master of affaires, and a
leader of men. And then—was not Belon
fascinating, and ardent, and tender? Thus,
half prosaically, half sentimentally, did the
blanchisseuse consider Belon’s eloquently worded
proposal; and the result of her deliberations
was good-bye to the blanchisserie. Affectionately
she embraced, liberally she rewarded,
Charlotte and Amélie, her assistants. Charlotte
and Amélie wept. The future Madame Belon
wept. Belon himself was moved to tears by the
scene.
“Adieu, mes filles,” sobbed the future Madame
Belon.
“Adieu, Madame,” sobbed back Charlotte and
Amélie.
“Allons-nous-en, allons-nous-en,” said Belon
huskily. And so—in this touching fashion—farewell
to the blanchisserie.
What changes, when next we beheld the Belons!
Madame dressed attractively; and Monsieur, when
he went a-gambling, was an ornament of brilliant,
if not exclusive, clubs, and a power in busy, handsome
newspaper offices. There were, as Belon
prophesied, “magnificent dinners” at Paillard’s.
There were constant visits to race-courses, theatres
and music-halls, and he played high, and he conceived
colossal “business” schemes, and he
mixed familiarly with personages high up in the
monde d’affaires, and in the demi-monde; one
even had des relations with certain personages in
the veritable monde. But the reader, as he
followed Belon et Cie here, there and everywhere,
still found himself in a whirl of adventurers, and
the adventurers (despite their display) were still
surrounded by difficulties. For Belon was too
audacious, too “enterprising.” Wonderfully ingenious
were his schemes, but their fate was
disastrous.
In a word, Belon, with all his knowledge of
Paris, overestimated the credulity of the Parisians,
and was brought face to face with that unimaginative,
relentless personage, the Commissaire de
Police. Happier had been Madame Belon in the
steamy days of the blanchisserie; happier had
been Belon when he surveyed his shabby form in
the café mirror, saying: “Times will change.”
In the Belon ménage, not only a constant dread
of M. le Commissaire de Police, but bitter,
domestic quarrels, even infidelities. But the
quarrels were “made up,” the infidelities were
pardoned—for, as the troubles thickened, as the
situation grew increasingly alarming, so did the
Belons become drawn closely together; so did
they display many, yes, admirable, yes—even
heroic qualities. And when at last the “crisis”
arrived, and when the practical, amiable, retired
blanchisseuse saved her husband from a disgraceful
fate, it was the good heart and good
humour that had lived through, and survived,
these difficulties which made the point—the very
un-English moral—of the story! Thus, after
discussing their short, stormy married career in
every detail, and with the utmost candour, the
Belons agreed that no great harm had been done,
since they were better friends than ever! But
Paris had become distasteful to them; what a
blithe, refreshing change, then, to take up their
abode in a quiet villa on the outskirts of the
city! A little villa with a porch! A little villa
with a garden! A little villa where one would
be entirely chez soi. “We will plant cabbages,”
cried Madame Belon enthusiastically. “We will
be happy,” responded Belon, with emotion. So,
another and a final change of scene. Behold—as
a last tableau—the Belons installed tranquilly,
comfortably and affectionately on the outskirts
of Paris in a neat, innocent little villa.
Thus, very briefly, the story of Qui Perd Gagne.
The author, I need scarcely say, was M. Alfred
Capus; for who but that inimitable dramatist
would have discovered good-heartedness and good
humour as underlying qualities in such shady
people as the Belons; and who but that genius
at clearing up awkward, anxious situations could
have got the retired blanchisseuse and her husband
so generously and unexpectedly out of their moral,
as well as their practical, scrapes?
Thus, a good many years ago, M. Capus, then
a comparatively unknown journalist, already
possessed those qualities which have made him
by far the most popular playwright of to-day: a
wonderful tolerance, a wonderful bonhomie, and
a wonderful and incomparable talent at finding a
way of carrying the treasure of faith in human
goodness safely through perilous circumstances!
As a consequence of these qualities M. Capus has
been called an “optimist.” We are always and
always hearing of the “optimism” of M. Capus;
but if I may be permitted to differ from the vast
majority of his admirers, I would suggest that, so
far from being an optimist, M. Capus is, from the
ideal point of view, a cynic. True, an amiable
cynic. He regards mankind with a smile—not of
mockery, because there is nothing unkind in it;
a smile of raillery at the idealist’s effort to take
the mote out of his brother’s eye and to afflict
himself too seriously in his endeavour to get rid
of the beam out of his own eye. From the point
of view of M. Capus, motes and beams, big faults
as well as little ones, belong to human nature. It
is a pity, but it cannot be helped. “C’est la vie”—and
so let us make the best of it.
And it might be worse! Mankind might be
cruel, whereas the average man, the average
woman, is kind—the hearts of average men and
women are in the right place. Thus, let mankind
not be judged too harshly. Since we are what we
are, it is inevitable we should commit follies.
But let us see to it that our hearts are in the right
place, and when the moment arrives we shall
know how to make atonement for those follies
and pass on undisgraced. “Amusez-vous bien,
soyez gais; mais soyez bons.” Such might be
M. Capus’ message to mankind; and that message,
indeed, he has delivered from the stage. For
amongst French playwrights who bring home to
us vividly, by means of illustration, French ways
of feeling and methods of judgment that are not
English methods, M. Alfred Capus stands out as
the efficient interpreter of the typical personage
recognised by general consent in France as
“l’homme qui est foncièrement bon.”
Do not, however, let us suppose that we are in
any way helped to a correct understanding of this
personage by makers of dictionaries, who tell us
that “l’homme qui est foncièrement bon” is a
“thoroughly good man.” No. If we leave the
thoroughly bad man out of account, no two more
opposite types of human character can be compared
with one another—no two worthy men can
be brought together more certain to quarrel, and
mutually to dislike and condemn each other than
the “thoroughly good man,” approved by the
English standard, and “l’homme qui est foncièrement
bon,” recognised as such by general consent
in France. Nor is this all. Not only have we
here two worthy human beings who, by reason of
the different directions wherein the special worthiness
of each of them displays itself, cannot agree
as friends, but for the services of friendship also
their qualifications are so different that upon the
occasions when one can help us the other will get
us into trouble; and in the moods when we should
cleave to the one, we should indubitably avoid
the other. The cause of this essential difference
is not entirely explained when the fact is stated
that righteousness constitutes the predominant
characteristic of goodness in England, and kindliness
the predominant characteristic in France,
because the Englishman is kind also—in his own
way. In other words, his righteousness does
exceed the righteousness of the scribes and Pharisees,
and the Frenchman who is foncièrement bon
has virtues also of his own; he has not merely the
good nature of the easy-going publican. What
these special virtues really are, and how, whilst
they do not make “l’homme qui est foncièrement
bon” a “thoroughly good man,” in the
English sense of the term, they do make him a
lovable and sympathetic human character, one can
discover by passing an evening in the society of
Chartier, Lucien Briant, Hélène and Laure of
Nôtre Jeunesse, Monsieur Piégois of the delightful
comedy of that name, and Montferrand—the
amazing Deputy Montferrand—of L’Attentat.
The bonhomie of M. Capus represents a life
philosophy as well as a dramatic method, that
might not be applied with equal success to British
institutions. But used among French social conditions,
it demonstrates how neglect of logic, and
force of good feeling, may help an intelligent and a
humane people to render faulty systems habitable,
and make good nature serve as a substitute for,
and even as a corrective of, a rigid, an unheroic,
an unchristian worship of “respectability” at
the expense of human kindness—that is to say,
a form of respectability which does not necessarily
mean a very ardent love of virtue.
The characters of Nôtre Jeunesse are essentially
French. Take Chartier, for instance, the bonhomme
philosophe par excellence. Chartier, at forty years
of age, amused by his own past; tranquil as to
the future; well satisfied, in the present, to make
the best of his life upon a moderate income—the
quarter of a once handsome fortune, considerately
left him by a former mistress, the then famous
“Pervenche,” who, after she had cost him a
million and a half, herself broke off their liaison,
in the amiable and reasonable fashion related by
the Forsaken One himself thus:
Chartier. One evening she said to me: “Mon chéri, I have
been looking into things. You have spent upon me three-fourths
of your fortune. It is as much as any woman should
expect from any gallant man. I am contented; and grateful to
you. I have come across a man who is in love with me; and I
am going to be married to him.”... She married an employé
at the Louvre. It is an excellent ménage.
Take Laure de Roine, Chartier’s sister, the
good genius of the play—bonhomie, not only
personified, but idealised, invested with all the
liveliness and fascination that belong to delightful
French womanhood. Laure, some years older than
her brother, left a widow, also with a quarter of
her handsome wedding portion, remaining through
the opportune decease, in the very hour when he
seemed bent upon ruining her, after himself, of a
husband given to gambling on the Stock Exchange.
Take Madame Hélène Briant, the very charming,
vivacious wife of M. Lucien Briant, a lady
approaching the perilous age—i.e. nearly thirty—reasonably
attached to, but not passionately in love
with, an amiable but despondent husband, who
has become despondent under the authoritative
rule of M. Briant père, a superior man, and master
of the “correct,” frock-coated attitude towards
life. Briant père is the tyrant of the Briant
household. Hear the charming Hélène in active
revolt against this insupportable father-in-law,
and her husband’s despondency, as a result of his
filial docility, exposing her own case, half playfully,
half seriously, to Laure de Roine, everyone’s
good genius:
Hélène. When I try to react against this general depression;
when, in spite of them both, I make it my task to find something
cheerful, and worth taking pleasure in, I find myself treated
by both Father and Son as a frivolous worldling. Add on to that
that I have no children, and live in this deadly provincial atmosphere,
full of spiteful gossip, scandal, and vanity. And then try, if
you can, to imagine my condition of mind—not forgetting that
I am an “honest” woman—and that I am beginning to realise it.
Laure. And when a woman begins to realise that she is
“honest”——
Hélène. Yes; the case is grave.
All these personages explain themselves to us,
and claim us, by reason of their vivid humanity,
as intimate acquaintances, in the play. Yet not
one of them has his or her exact counterpart in
English society, for the simple reason that their
choice qualities, and entertaining defects, not only
belong to the French temperament but are the
result of manners, conventions, prejudices and
sentiments that do not enter into our actual experiences,
although we are in a position to judge,
or at any rate correctly to appreciate them,
when we have studied them in this dramatic
picture....
And now for the situation of the play. It is
also essentially French; what the orthodox
English critic would probably describe as “disagreeable”
and “painful.” But with that
neither M. Capus nor ourselves are concerned.
Our playwright, true to the canons of his art, has
aimed at no more than selecting an episode from
la vie vivante, and revealing it in its most vital
and human moments, and the episode he has
chosen is one that has its counterpart, year in,
year out, in the gay, irresponsible land peopled
by the jeunesse of Paris and the provinces.
“Nôtre Jeunesse”—that period, in France particularly,
of extravagances and follies; “Nôtre
Jeunesse”—those years in the Latin Quarter
when irregularity of conduct does not appear
reprehensible even to the parental eye.
“C’est de leur âge,” says the bourgeois indulgently,
thinking, no doubt, of his own jeunesse,
when he meets a band of students rejoicing riotously
in their corduroy clothes, long, flowing capes
and amazing hats. And such wild figures were
Chartier and Lucien Briant some twenty years
before we meet them. And it is of those days
that they are speaking, when M. Capus introduces
them to his audience in the Chartier Villa at Trouville.
Chartier, of course, is in excellent spirits.
But Lucien is nervous and despondent, and
becomes still more troubled when his friend reminds
him of his liaison with Léontine Gilard,
a charming and light-hearted girl, whose pet
name Chartier forgets.
Lucien helps his memory; the name was
“Loulou.” Let me quote the passage:
Lucien [with emotion]. Loulou.
Chartier. That’s it! I can see Loulou now: fair hair, blue
eyes, very pretty hands. You made a charming couple, the
two of you! Well—there you have a memory which shouldn’t
be disagreeable, surely.
Lucien. Ah, mon ami, one never knows the end of adventures
of that sort!
Chartier. The end? Why didn’t the thing end naturally?
Lucien. What do you mean by ending naturally?
Chartier. When you left the Latin Quarter, you made Loulou
a handsome present? She took another lover? or, perhaps,
she got married? To-day, if you met each other in the street,
you wouldn’t recognise each other? That is what I call a
natural ending.
Lucien. Yes; that is the way things happen with you, and
with almost everybody. But not with me. I ask myself, What
may not still come of it?
Lucien’s forebodings are prophetic. Soon after,
Chartier is told by his sister Laure that a young
girl (très jolie, très convenable) has called to see
him. It turns out that the young girl visitor
(très jolie, très convenable) is Lucienne. In other
words, she is the visible and terrifying proof of
the unlucky Lucien Briant’s conviction that he
is not to be permitted, like other men, to bury
under the flowers of sentimental memories the
irregularities of his Latin Quarter days.
Still, Lucienne had no intention of troubling her
father. She was trained to believe that she had
no legitimate, no righteous claim on him. Poor
Loulou was true to the rule of the game that, for
her, had had lifelong seriousness. Even on her
death-bed she has kept faithfully to the terms of
the unequal bargain. She had told Lucienne
that her father had behaved “generously,” that
she has no further legitimate claim on him. But
she remembers Chartier’s kindness of heart and
recommends her daughter to apply to him for
advice and recommendations helpful in the way
of finding her honest employment. So that this
is the reason why Lucienne has sought out Monsieur
Chartier. She is now alone in the world—poor
“Loulou’s” savings nearly exhausted. Can
Monsieur Chartier, perhaps, amongst his friends,
find her a situation as secretary or companion,
where she may earn an honest livelihood?
Touched to the heart by Loulou’s good remembrance
and confidence in him is Chartier,
and at once interested in Lucienne’s case.
Chartier. Yes, yes, certainly—you did well, mademoiselle, to
come to me! I shall at once make inquiries amongst all my
acquaintances. We shall find you a charming post; I give you
my promise, to set about it at once.
Although the good Chartier is perfectly sincere
in his desire and resolution to find Lucienne a
“charming post,” he does not feel that there is
any need to distress and upset the nervous and
despondent Lucien by telling him about the
appearance upon the scene of Loulou’s daughter
(and his own) and of her need of assistance. But
he has no secrets from Laure, and he at once consults
his resourceful sister and confides to her his
charming and discreet plan of finding Lucienne a
pleasant situation as the companion of a lady
who travels a great deal; thus Lucienne will see
different countries, have a good salary and be as
happy as the day is long—also, she will be kept
out of the way of upsetting the nerves of the
timorous Lucien.
Laure, however, the “good genius,” takes
another view of the case. It is Lucienne’s homelessness,
not Lucien’s nerves, that appears to
her the chief question. She remembers, too, the
“grave” state of mind of Hélène Briant, the
result of her ineffectual efforts to react against
her depressing environment—most repugnant to
a charming woman still young but arrived at an
age when she is forced to realise that one is not
always going to be young and charming, and who
has no children, and no congenial companionship,
and who, nevertheless, is “honest”—so far,
Laure then forms her own plan. And the first
step is to make known the facts of Lucienne’s
identity, situation and presence at Trouville to
Lucien, and to Hélène also. This is how she
announces what, to him, at first appears a
desperately indiscreet proceeding, to Chartier,
who, ultimately, becomes a convert to her
scheme.
Laure begins by assuring her brother that an
excess of discretion condemns those who make it
their rule to fail in friendly services.
Laure [to Chartier]. Let me tell you what you should have
done, what you ought to have done. You should have taken
Lucien on one side, and, without worrying about the consequences,
have simply made him acquainted with the facts.
He had to be confronted with his duty. And since at heart
he is, in spite of everything, an honest man, and that the very
worst actions of his sort—and of your sort—don’t keep you
from being thoroughly kind-hearted, he would certainly have
found a happier and more consoling solution than to leave his
daughter in distress. That is what you ought to have done.
And as I saw you were not going to do it, that is what I have
done.
Chartier. What do you say? Good God! You have seen
Lucien?
Laure. Half an hour ago; after déjeuner.
Chartier. It is simply insane, what you have done! He must
have been utterly prostrated by such a blow, poor devil?
Laure. Yes. He turned very pale. Then he rushed off to
consult his father. Now what can happen to him, at the worst?
He will have to endure some hours of worry, of anxiety, perhaps
of remorse. What then? He deserves it. Lucienne is seventeen—she
has in front of her the promise of a long existence,
an existence conferred upon her by a light-hearted gentleman
in an hour of distraction. Well, it is Lucienne who interests
me. You will tell me that it is not my concern—that I am
interfering in a delicate matter which is no business of mine?
Chartier. Precisely. That was just what I was going to say.
Laure. And my answer is, that if one only occupied oneself
with one’s own concerns one would only accomplish selfish and
mediocre things.
How does Lucien act after he has received the
fateful news? All lamentations is he when he
bursts into the room after his interview with his
father. Chartier, Laure and Hélène wait to learn
what, by the counsel, no doubt, of Briant père,
Lucien proposes to do.
Lucien. Ah, mon ami [addressing Chartier], who would have
believed it? What a fatality! What a drama for my conscience!
Well, well—what one has to do is to occupy oneself
with the present and possible. You will tell Lucienne from
me that she has no longer any need to fear for the future: that
shall be my charge.
Chartier. Well done. Well done.
Lucien. Yes; but upon one condition—oh, a condition of
stringent importance. The condition is that she must return
immediately to this village, near Limoges. She has lived there
up to the present hour—she can quite easily go on living there.
I will send her every month, and I will guarantee to her in the
event of my death, a yearly pension, that will be sufficient for
her support. There. Do you find that I am acting very badly?
And you, madame [to Laure], do you think I am behaving
badly?
Laure. Well, not exactly bad.
Lucien. Well, that comforts me a little. But what a catastrophe!
Ah, if ever I have a son of my own, I shall try that
he may profit by my example.
But Lucien has not a son of his own. The only
child he has is the daughter he is going to bury
alive in the village near Limoges, without even
seeing her—this, of course, by the counsel of
l’homme correct, Briant père.
But here Hélène intervenes. She has walked
innocently into the trap prepared for her by
Laure. In other words, she has seen Lucienne,
and her heart has gone out to the motherless girl.
Thus she has come by her own path into Laure’s
plot and plan; she is resolved to adopt Lucienne.
She urges her case, which has the independent
advantage of upsetting the counsels of Briant
père, with warm generosity, but, at the same time,
with her usual vivacity.
Hélène. Lucien, you are my closest friend; and the object
of my dutiful affection, of course—but you can’t be my constant
companion and the confidante, whom I want, in sometimes
empty and tiresome hours. Understand that; and consent to
what I beg of you. Well, the companion I want is here; she
is your daughter. You have not given me a child; make me
the present of Lucienne. I am not a mother; but let me have
the illusion of maternity.
Firm in the belief that happiness lies before her
and her husband in the adoption of Lucienne,
Hélène will hear of no other solution to the situation.
And in this she has the good genius, Laure,
with her; and next the bonhomme philosophe,
Chartier; and finally the timid, despondent
Lucien himself, who, in the last scene, comes face
to face with his daughter.
All emotion is Lucien. And he breaks down
completely when Lucienne shows him a photograph
taken of him in the Latin Quarter, when he
was the lover of Loulou, a wild figure in corduroy
clothes, a long, flowing cape and an amazing hat.
Lucienne, who imagines she is going to be sent
back to the village near Limoges, and may never
possibly see her father again, does not wish to be
separated from the souvenir that stood for the
image of him, in his young days. She stretches out
her hand, asking for the return of the photograph:
Lucienne. You will not take it away? You will leave it
with me?
Lucien. No. I shall keep it. And that is not all, I shall
keep—I should be mad to fight any longer against my own
heart; against your youth and my own—I shall keep the
picture, and you as well!
Chartier, Hélène and Laure enter and behold,
with joy, Lucienne in her father’s embrace. But
now arrives the apostle of correctness, Briant
père. He is not so much astonished, not so much
shocked as filled with contempt, and lifted above
all contact with the irregular sentiments and ill-directed
sympathies of this emotional group of
people, whom he attempts to freeze, with his
superior disdain. And it is at this moment that
he utters the unforgettable sentence which is one
of the master-strokes in the play:
Briant père. It is quite sufficient to-day—and believe me,
when simply stating the fact, I do not allow myself to be the
least bit in the world disturbed by it—it suffices that a child
should be illegitimate in order to find itself the object of universal
sympathy; in the same way, it suffices that a woman is
not a lawful wife to render her immediately the object of
universal respect. Let married women, and children born in
wedlock, make no mistake about it: they are going to have
a bad time.[3]
Lucien attempts to mollify his high displeasure.
But Briant père (happily for his family’s welfare,
perhaps) insists that he must separate himself
henceforth from these offenders. He shakes
hands with his son and with Hélène—salutes,
stiffly, Laure and Chartier. Then, with a curt bow
to Lucienne and the one word, “Mademoiselle,”
he takes his departure.
Lucienne [to Hélène]. Qui est ce monsieur?
Hélène. C’est ton grand-père.
“Brieux at the Odéon? Brieux passing from
the grim playhouse of M. Antoine, to the calm,
placid, highly respectable Odéon?” Such must
have been the startled exclamations of hundreds
of playgoers when it was announced that the
“Second Theatre of France” had “received,”
and was actually rehearsing, a new drama by the
author of Les Avariés and Maternité.
Amazing tidings, certainly. And especially
amazing, even alarming, to the regular mature
patrons of the Odéon, whose peaceful way of life,
whose tranquil train of thought, could not but be
upset by the ardent, revolutionary M. Brieux.
They desire no disagreeable awakenings, and,
above all, no “social problems.”
I fancy the neighbourhood has affected our
mature ones! They live round about the Senate,
whose members, we know, are renowned for a
constant drowsiness. Is not the Upper Chamber
popularly described as the “Palace of Sleep”?
The alert, frisky Parisian cannot endure the Palais
du Sommeil. He wants emotions, excitement—and
he finds them in the Chamber of Deputies,
which never sleeps.
“A restful sanctuary” is Mr Bodley’s idea of
the Senate. “It does very little; it is not highly
considered. The idea sometimes suggested is
that of a retreat for elderly gentlemen.”
Well, the regular mature patron of the Odéon
may be likened to the Senator: his intellect is
impaired by the same constant drowsiness. And
the “Second Theatre of France”—most Parisians
dispute its right to that distinguished title—may
be likened to the Senate. It is not highly
considered; it renders but small services to
the dramatic art; and, at times, it presents
the appearance of a restful sanctuary.
But—arrives M. Brieux. Arrives, actually,
upon this tranquil, drowsy scene, the ardent,
revolutionary author of Maternité and Les Avariés.
What—oh, what—is in store for the regular
mature patrons? No doubt they were all anxiety,
all indignation, until it was understood that M.
Brieux had not arrived in their demure domain
alone. With him, M. Jean Sigaux. With him, a
collaborator who might be expected to exercise
restraint. Has M. Sigaux fulfilled those expectations?
Is M. Brieux of the Odéon the M. Brieux
of the Théâtre Antoine? Or, has M. Brieux been
intimidated by Odéon traditions?
Not unanimous on this point are the leading
French dramatic critics. Three or four of them
profess themselves disappointed with La Déserteuse,
because unable to recognise M. Brieux’s change of
attitude. They are still under the spell of Maternité,
where the author so vigorously and so ruthlessly
attacked the “established morality” and “dominant
passions.” The change of attitude is undeniable.
But La Déserteuse is a strong, generous,
human play; and all the more interesting from
our own special point of view, as students of the
French stage in its relation to French life, because
it does not represent a dramatic exposure of injustices
and impostures, prevalent (if we believe the
reformer) in all European societies, but a dramatic
illustration of universal passions and emotions,
as these manifest themselves under the influence
of traditional sentiments and habits of thought
and feeling that belong essentially to France.
The French bourgeois: wherein he differs from,
and as a type of humanity is superior to, the
English shopkeeper; the French jeune fille—and
the French sentiment about her—and wherein
this sentiment explains her jealously and tenderly
guarded inferiority in attractiveness, intelligence
and independence to her English prototype—here
are the secrets which La Déserteuse may assist
a foreign spectator to penetrate....
We are in the town of Nantes, in the home of
Forjot, music publisher, husband, father and confirmed
bourgeois. Forjot also gives concerts,
but he himself is nothing of a musician and would
regard music with contempt, were it not a means
of making money. Not so his wife, Gabrielle,
young, beautiful and vivacious, who has been
assured by the director of the local theatre that
she is possessed of a rare voice. Gabrielle sings
at little Nantais concerts and is admired and
applauded. Gabrielle is told that she would
triumph on the operatic stage—and sighs. She
loves excitement, she longs for fame, she is full of
dreams and ambitions and fancies—but she finds
no sympathiser in the music publisher, her husband,
who, looking up impatiently from his
ledgers, bids her pay more attention to her house,
her child and “the rest.”
Gabrielle. What do you mean by “the rest”? Do you want
me to write out the bills, for instance?
Forjot. Never mind the bills: my shopman does that. But
I see no reason why you should not stay in the shop and receive
clients, and, when there is a press of work, lend me a helping
hand with the correspondence.
Gabrielle. Don’t expect me to do anything of the sort.
It is the old story: the bourgeois husband and
the beautiful, dissatisfied, ambitious wife, who
rebels at her dull surroundings, who believes herself
“wasted,” who is tempted by a sympathetic
admirer; and who falls. Rametty, director of
the Nantes Theatre, is Gabrielle’s lover. His
ardent prayer that she should accompany him on
one of his tours and win the fame that inevitably
awaits her, rings constantly in her ears. She
resists, chiefly for the sake of her daughter, Pascaline.
But the temptation to fly becomes
irresistible when, on the night of one of Forjot’s
concerts, audience, friends, her lover, and even a
popular composer from Paris, delight, intoxicate
her with their praise. Forjot, however, stands
aloof; the eulogies of the popular composer—respectfully
known as Le Maître—exasperate him.
Le Maître. Madame Forjot has sung admirably. Let me give
my testimony. I do not know anyone, you mark me, I say anyone,
and I am not excepting the most celebrated vocalists—I do
not know anyone capable of singing this air with such mastery.
Forjot. Oh, you exaggerate, surely, her talent, Master. You
are too indulgent.
Le Maître. I am not indulgent. Madame is an incomparable
lyrical tragedian. But, madame, you must not remain en
province—it would be a crime.
In ecstasies is Gabrielle. In the heavens is
Gabrielle. But she soon comes to earth again,
when at last she and her husband find themselves
alone. Forjot has returned to his ledgers—is
making up his accounts. He has not a word to
say of his wife’s success. He is entirely absorbed
in the night’s receipts. He counts under his breath;
he rustles the pages of his ledgers; he is—to
Gabrielle—exasperating, maddening, intolerable.
And the storm bursts when Gabrielle, beside
herself with rage, dashes one of the ledgers to the
ground.
Now furious, now broken, now contemptuous,
now with hoarse, poignant emotion, Forjot
addresses his wife.
He knows her to be the mistress of Rametty.
His illness of three years ago was due to that
humiliating and horrible discovery, but he had
thought that she had sinned in a moment of
madness and was repentant; and so he resolved
to pardon her, generously, without even charging
her with her crime:
Forjot. After I had discovered your treachery, I had that
attack of brain fever, which nearly left you free. As a result
of being brought so near to death, thoughts came to me that
I might not have had otherwise, and they ripened in the long
hours of my convalescence. When I recovered, as I was touched
by the care you had taken in nursing me, and by your grief (which
I still believe was sincere), I thought you had only given way
to a mad impulse; and I forgave you in the silence of my
heart. Yes; I know well I am not like the husbands in the
novels you are constantly reading. Those husbands are idle
men of fortune; their child’s future causes them no tormenting
anxiety; they have not the incessant preoccupations of carrying
on a large business concern, where many interests of others,
as well as one’s own are involved. With men in my class, a
false wife does not mean killing someone; it means asking
for a divorce. Well, I did not want to make Pascaline the
daughter of a divorced woman; nor did I want to expose her
to the sense of disgrace of finding out her mother’s degradation.
And it is on Pascaline’s account that I am putting you to-day
in a position when you can make your choice—either become
again the wife and mother you ought to be; or else I shall ask
for a divorce. I don’t want to see again what I saw to-day,
Rametty embracing my child! Nor do I want that one of
these days, Pascaline may be told by some little playmate that
her mother is a wanton [which is true], and her father a man
who consents to his own dishonour—which is not true.
Gabrielle. Well, then, ask for a divorce. Adieu.
Forjot. What is your decision?
Gabrielle. To leave you.
Forjot. Think well of what it means. It means throwing over,
once and for ever, a regular life.
Gabrielle. It bores me to death this “regular” life. And
then, do you imagine I could endure to go on living near you
when I knew that you despised me enough to hold your tongue
about what you had discovered?
Forjot. If you stay, I promise that, by my attitude towards
you, you may be able to suppose that everything is forgotten.
Gabrielle. No! I refuse to lead here the life of eternal
humiliation you offer me. Good-night.
Forjot. Good-night. You have given me all the pain it was
in your power to give.
But even now the music publisher does not believe
that Gabrielle will desert him. Shortly after
she has left the room his little daughter enters and
asks for her mother. The servant is sent in quest
of Gabrielle, but returns to announce that she is
nowhere to be found. When Forjot realises that
his wife has left him he covers his face with his
handkerchief and trembles all over and sobs.
Pascaline [running up to him]. Father! Father! What is the
matter?
Forjot. Nothing, nothing. [He uncovers his face, which is tragic
with sorrow and stained with tears.] My child, your mother has
gone away from us on a long journey.
In a former paper[4] I spoke of the prodigious
importance of the child in France; the Child, the
great indestructible bond between the parents.
Of course, exceptions—as in Gabrielle Forjot’s
case. But, as we shall see, Gabrielle seeks to recover
Pascaline; and it is around this struggle that
the vital interest of the play centres. It is also
around this struggle, and in the feelings, language
and conduct of those engaged in it that we realise
the different conditions of sentiment, morals and
manners that characterise respectively the French
bourgeoisie and the lower English middle class.
Pascaline is the typical jeune fille. In the First
Act she is a child of thirteen; thirteen, l’âge ingrat,
for at that period the French jeune fille is
plain. It is considered right—imperative—that
she should be plain. If she be not so by nature
she is made so. See her in her convent dress,
her “Sunday best”—the one that most successfully
conceals her natural grace—when Mademoiselle
is most nearly a fright. Pascaline, for
instance, first appears before us shy, awkward,
with her hair dragged back from her forehead and
falling down her shoulders in depressing little
plaits, and arrayed in a dreadful white dress
which no English girl of her age would don without
a struggle and a tearful outburst. Nevertheless,
the jeune fille is adored, and she knows it.
She is strictly, terribly surveillée—but that, after
all, is a proof of her importance. She must be
protected from dangers, so precious is she. Has
she, at the age of fifteen, only to cross the street
the servant (I can see the indignant glances and
hear the expressions of pity of her English sisters)
must be close at her elbow. Plenty and plenty of
time to wear fine dresses and make the first exciting
bow to the world, and to be surprised, and to
wonder. Says the French mother, speaking from
experience: “It is delicious to be a jeune fille.
And I tell my Yvonne so, when she grumbles.”
But Yvonne’s grumblings do not betray a tragic,
desperate state of mind. As a matter of fact,
Yvonne, in spite of those dresses and that constant
strict, terrible surveillance, is delightfully
happy. And I expect her first bow to the world
will be made all the more exciting by that long,
rigid training, and that she will don her elegant
dresses with all the more rapture, and that she will
find life the more brilliant, exhilarating and extraordinary.
The parents preserve those old, ugly
dresses. When Cosette left her convent, and discarded
her depressing dress for tasteful finery, and
did what she pleased with her hair, and became
all of a sudden beautiful—Jean Valjean kept the
dress, and often brought it forth in secret, and
looked upon it with infinite tenderness and
emotion....
But to return to our particular jeune fille,
Pascaline. In the Second Act, she is seventeen and
charming. Nevertheless, it is still necessary to
hide from her all dangerous knowledge, all doubts
or suspicions, even of the existence of evil outside
her own experience. Father, governess, nurse,
family friends and all who approach her are in
league to keep from her the true history of her
mother’s desertion. The legend, as she hears it,
is that the brilliant, captivating mother she
recollects abandoned her home in order to follow
her vocation—to become a great and famous
singer. And this passionately interests Pascaline;
consequently, she is wild with excitement
when, after a four years’ absence, her mother
claims the right to see her daughter, and obtains
legal authorisation to do so. Then, trouble.
For, in the meanwhile, Forjot has married the
excellent, trustworthy governess, Hélène, chiefly
because she was so devoted to the little Pascaline
and would make her a second mother. Pascaline
at thirteen—dazzled and overawed by the brilliant
Gabrielle—had treated the kind and homely
governess as a confidante; but at seventeen—flattered,
fascinated and caressed by Gabrielle—she
sees in Hélène only the “Stranger,” who has
usurped her mother’s place.
Then begins the second struggle; that is once
again to make havoc of poor Forjot’s domestic
peace! The struggle of Hélène, on the one side,
to reconquer by patience and kindness, and sometimes
by affectionate reproaches, the confidence
of the child she loves, and has cared for as her
own; and of Pascaline, on the other side, to resist
these attentions and appeals to her feelings and
to remain true to her more brilliant mother, who,
she is convinced, has been harshly turned out of
her home, simply because she was too artistic to
make a good bourgeoise housekeeper of the usual
type.
The knot in the entangled situation is that
Pascaline must not be told the truth. So that
misunderstanding the position, she cannot, from
her own point of view, without disloyalty to her
admired and adored mother, recognise the interloper,
Hélène, as the rightful mistress of her
father’s home, and with claims upon herself,
Pascaline, for respect and gratitude, on account
of the care and affection she has shown one
whom she has robbed of her natural guardian.
Pascaline comes back from her first interview
with Gabrielle fascinated and enthusiastic, and
full of anger and disdain for the homelier, much
less outwardly demonstrative Hélène. This condition
of mind becomes aggravated later on, when
Gabrielle is in misfortune. Alas! her voice has
failed her. She is no longer able to follow her
artistic vocation, for the sake of which she sacrificed
her home. She now is directress of a
theatrical agency, and she is no longer so gay,
although still full of noble courage. All this
Pascaline confides to her old nurse, Marion, with
whom she is still able to talk about her mother.
Pascaline. Oh, Marion dear! When one thinks of mama
coming back; and of her having no right to enter this house,
and of someone else installed in her place! If you only could
have seen how sad she was when she left me, my poor mama,
who is generally so gay! And no wonder she is sad. All alone
there at Auteuil in a little pavilion, Rue des Martyrs, at her
office, a stuffy little place without sunshine, without air.
The Nurse. At her “office”?
Pascaline. Yes. You must know that, for some time, mama
has not been able to sing. It is all the trouble she has gone
through. You see to be constantly crying is not good for the
voice, so that now she is the directress of an agency for
theatrical tours. You can understand that, as I am no longer
a child, I have a right to know things. I do know now why
papa sent mama away.
Marion. Did your mother tell you?
Pascaline. Yes. Papa would not allow her to sing anywhere!
So then mama, who had an admirable voice, felt
obliged to follow an irresistible vocation.
This is the legend as Pascaline has received it
from her mother. Marion does not contradict it.
Nor yet do Forjot and Hélène ever hint at the
true facts of Gabrielle’s desertion. Hélène’s
reticence is heroic, for Pascaline becomes more
and more bitter against the good Hélène and
defies her to justify herself by some real fault
discovered in Gabrielle, worse than the noble
ambition of a gifted artist.
Pascaline [to Hélène]. Of course, you are burning to tell
me all about poor mama’s divorce. Well: let me show you
I know all about it already. I know that, in spite of my
father’s orders, mama would go on singing, and then she was
rather extravagant, and, well, she was not domesticated, and
chose to follow her artistic vocation. There you have the
whole story of her sins. Oh, if there is anything else, I invite
you, or rather, I require you to tell me. Was there anything
else?
Hélène [avoiding Pascaline’s eyes]. There was nothing else.
Pascaline [triumphantly]. There, you are forced to admit it!
Mama’s only fault was that she had an artistic vocation! Again
I beg you to contradict me, if you can. Was there anything
else against her?
Hélène. No; only that—nothing else.
However, one little awakening, one little shock.
In the Third Act Pascaline visits the theatrical
agency, sees the tawdriness of the place, hears
noisy laughter and is even addressed at length by
a shabby old comedian—a veritable cabotin—who
mistakes her for an ingénue, in quest of an engagement.
The comedian is delightful. He might
have stepped straight on to the Odéon stage from
one of those dim little cafés haunted by broken-down
actors in the neighbourhood of the Porte
St-Martin. He appals Pascaline with his grins,
grimaces and familiarity. Pascaline’s silence he
attributes to worry. And he seeks to console
her by declaring that one must always be gay,
always be smiling, even if one has eaten nothing
all day and the landlord has threatened to turn
one out into the street. He calls her mon petit
enfant, and mon petit chat, and he tutoies her.
Pure, irresistible comedy! The scene deserves
to be quoted in full, but we must hasten on to
the dénouement.
It is close. Life at the Nantais publisher’s has
become intolerable. Constant strife; day after
day, scenes between Pascaline and her step-mother.
And, at last, Hélène decides on a daring
step: to visit Gabrielle, tell her of Forjot’s unhappiness,
implore her to interfere no longer
between father and daughter. But she fails to
move Gabrielle, who is cold and impertinent. And
then, believing that if she herself disappeared,
Pascaline would be entirely restored to Forjot,
Hélène determines to leave Nantes and resume
her dull career of governess. And this determination
becomes all the stronger when she learns
that Pascaline has fled Nantes and taken refuge
with her mother. Poor Forjot has aged and
withered when next we see him. Pascaline’s
flight has been a bitter blow. But the music
publisher will not hear of Hélène’s sacrifice, and
is passionately bidding her remain, when Gabrielle
is announced. Hélène leaves the room. And
Gabrielle and Forjot find themselves face to face
again.
In the great scene that follows, Gabrielle begins
by saying that, as Hélène has determined to leave
Nantes, she, Gabrielle, no longer wishes to keep
Pascaline away from her father, and has brought
her home.
Forjot declares that Hélène shall not be
sacrificed; and upon this, Gabrielle proclaims her
intention of keeping Pascaline.
Now again we have the Bourgeois Forjot displaying
qualities of temper, character and moral
sense, of the very highest order: qualities of the chivalrous
sort. He does not fly into a passion. He
does not taunt this offender against maternal and
conjugal obligations. But earnestly and simply
he addresses the author of all this trouble; and
with a self-restraint that would certainly not have
been found in his English prototype, he invites
her to examine her own conduct; and to ask herself
whether it is Hélène and himself, or whether
it is Gabrielle herself, and Gabrielle only, who has
behaved cruelly and selfishly to Pascaline, as well
as to the husband she betrayed and the good woman
who has taken care of the child she abandoned.
Forjot. Gabrielle, just remember. You are the cause of all
this trouble. It only depended upon you to stay on here, and
never to be separated from your child. I never made your
life unhappy! I loved you; and you know very well I should
have forgiven you. I begged you to stay and you would not.
What harm you have done by obeying your caprice! Just now
I saw very well you hardly recognised me—so aged am I by
all this. For my part, I have never harmed you. Hélène has
never harmed you—what do you say? No, no; she has never
harmed you! And yet it is we who are punished. It is
because you behaved badly in the past that we are threatened
to-day with distress and loneliness. After having poisoned my
life, you wish then to hasten my death?
Gabrielle. You know very well that I regret having made
you suffer.
Forjot. Let me tell you this: a great many people would
not have acted as we have done. They might not have told
our child the real story of your desertion; but they would not
have invented excuses for you.
Gabrielle. Yes; I know you have been very kind, and I thank
you for it.
Forjot. I am not the only one you ought to thank. Hélène
has always respected you: she has taught Pascaline to love
you! It seems to me that should touch you. Give our child
back to us. Now, admit it, you have launched yourself upon
a new life. You have made yourself different from us. I can’t
well explain myself; and it is difficult to make you understand
my feelings because I don’t want to use words that might hurt
or irritate you; but I must put the facts before you plainly.
Always generous is Forjot. Not one brutal,
not one harsh word does he throw at his wife!
He promises that Pascaline shall continue to visit
her as often as she pleases, if Gabrielle, on the
other side, will promise not to poison Pascaline’s
mind against him and Hélène. Gabrielle is
touched. Rising, she opens the door, and brings
in Pascaline. And Pascaline, seeing her poor
father’s anxious, care-worn face, runs up to him.
Pascaline. Oh, father! father! advise me. I am puzzled,
bewildered. Something tells me I am acting badly; but I
don’t know what I ought to do. Oh, dear, I don’t know what
I ought to do!
Forjot. My little Girl, it all depends upon you whether I
am to finish my life in misery, or in peace. You can give me
happiness in the days I have still to live. But to do that, you
must come back to us; and you must try to treat Hélène with
the respect and gratitude you owe her. In her despair at
not being able to win back your affection, she wants to leave
us. She wishes to return once more to the lonely, uncertain
life of a governess. She wants to plunge herself into this
unknown, uncertain destiny. It is I who appeal to you to
have mercy upon her, and upon me.
Pascaline. Ah, if only I might love you without being false
to Mama!
Gabrielle [emotionally]. You can, you can, Pascaline! Yes,
my daughter, I am not the mother that you believe in! Since
I left you I have created for myself a new life, new habits, new
affections; and then, Pascaline, I am going to marry again!
Always, emotionally, Gabrielle tells how she
once had two paths to choose, and that she chose
the wrong one.
But Pascaline interrupts her with a cry of:
“What a calumny!” and vows that her mother
has never done wrong. And that she knows for
certain, as Hélène herself has often told her so.
Gabrielle. Eh bien, va embrasser Hélène pour cela. Je te
le demande. Je vous la confie, Hélène.
And so, the end. Not heroic, in accordance
with the English poetic sentiment, demanding
that Gabrielle should pass out sorrowing and penitent;
convicted in her child’s eyes, who flies for
safety to the virtuous bosom of Hélène, but à
l’amiable, in accordance with the French sentiment
expressed by Forjot: “Mon enfant, si l’on
n’avait pas d’indulgence les uns pour les autres,
la vie des plus braves gens ne serait pas possible.”
But what comes of it all? No argument for or
against divorce; no attack upon, no justification
of the French method of educating the jeune fille.
But a picture of the feelings and emotions bound
up with that method; and a picture also of the
generous reasonableness, sense of justice, and
human kindness that lie at the root of French
character—and that may to some extent compensate
for a lack of the absolutely sincere and
unadulterated love of decency and respectability
for their own sakes that are our own distinguishing
characteristics.
[3]Briant père. Il suffit aujourd’hui—et je le constate sans
en être le moins du monde troublé, croyez-le bien—il suffit
qu’un enfant soit naturel pour se voir l’objet de la sympathie
générale, comme il suffit qu’une femme ne soit pas légitime
pour être immédiatement entourée du respect universel. Que
les femmes et les enfants ne se le dissimulent pas, ils sont en
train de passer un mauvais quart d’heure.
[4] In a criticism of M. Paul Hervieu’s Le Dédale given in
The Fortnightly Review series of articles upon “French Life and
the French and the French Stage,” by John F. Macdonald. By
the kind permission of the Editor of The Fortnightly Review these
articles are reprinted here.—F. M.
Six years have elapsed since a Paris newspaper
announced that M. Constant Coquelin—dear,
wonderful Coquelin aîné—had suddenly taken
train to the south-west of France in the following
circumstances:—
“Yesterday morning the greatest of our
comedians received a telegram urging him to
proceed without delay to Cambo, the tranquil,
beautiful country seat, in the Pyrenees, of
M. Edmond Rostand. No sooner had he read
the message than M. Coquelin bade Gillett, his devoted
valet, pack a valise, hail a fiacre, and accompany
him to the Gare d’Orléans. Excitement
and delight were depicted on the face of the distinguished
traveller, whom we found smoking a
cigarette in front of a first-class compartment.
‘Yes,’ he joyously admitted. ‘Yes, I am off to
the Pyrenees—but that is all I shall tell you.’
Never, indeed, such indomitable discretion! In
reply to our adroit, persuasive questions regarding
the object of his journey, M. Coquelin made
such irrelevant observations as these: ‘The
weather looks threatening,’ and ‘Gillett is the
most admirable of valets,’ and ‘Ah, my friends,
has it ever occurred to you what an extraordinary
thing is a railway station?’ And then, as the
train steamed slowly away: ‘You may state in
your article that the cushions of this carriage are
exceedingly restful and sympathetic.’ Still, in
spite of M. Coquelin’s reticence, we are in a
position to acquaint our readers with the reason
of this sudden, this sensational visit to Cambo.
M. Edmond Rostand is engaged upon a new play,
and the leading part in it will be sustained by
M. Coquelin. Down there in the golden calm of
the Pyrenees—yes, even as we pen these words—the
most exquisite of poets is reading to the
most brilliant of actors... another chef-d’œuvre.
It will surpass the triumphant, the glorious
Cyrano de Bergerac! Parisians will certainly
rejoice, Parisians will assuredly be thrilled to hear
of the superb, artistic festival in store for them.”
Such, six years ago, was the very first—and
very florid—potin to be published on Chantecler;
and no sooner had it appeared than Paris, truly
enough, “rejoiced” and was “thrilled”—but
complained that it was maddening and heart-breaking
to know so little about the new masterpiece.
What was its theme? What, too, was
the title? And when—oh, when—would the first
performance take place? In order to satisfy the
Parisian’s curiosity, newspaper editors despatched
their Yellowest Reporters to Cambo with instructions
to force a statement out of the comedian
and the poet. With the Yellow Ones went alert,
sharp photographers. And then, what strange,
indelicate scenes in that once-tranquil and refined
spot in the Pyrenees! Since M. Rostand and his
guest refused to receive the invaders, the latter
set about performing their vulgar mission from a
distance. Outside the poet’s picturesque Basque
villa, cameras and cameras; and again and again
was the “golden calm” of Cambo disturbed by
shouts of “There’s Madame Rostand at that
window,” and “There’s her son, Maurice, picking
a flower,” and “There’s Rostand talking hard to
Coquelin on a bench.” Nobody, nothing in the
far-spreading grounds, escaped the photographers.
The gardener was “taken”; so were a housemaid,
a peacock, a mowing-machine, a dog and a hammock.
As for the reporters, they followed MM.
Rostand and Coquelin when the latter took their
afternoon walks, even hid themselves behind
bushes and hedges in the hopes of overhearing a
fragment of their conversation; and minutely
they described in their newspapers the gait and
the gestures of the comedian, and the smile, the
eyeglass and the extreme elegance of the poet;
and wildly they declared that insomuch as
MM. Rostand and Coquelin discussed naught but
the new masterpiece during those afternoon walks,
every step they took left a glorious, an historic
imprint in the dusty white lane. But the subject
of the play, the date of its production?—“mystery,
mystery!” admitted the reporters.
Nor was it until many months later, and until
after M. Coquelin had paid half-a-dozen visits to
Cambo, that Paris heard with amazement that
M. Rostand’s hero was a cock, his heroine a hen
pheasant, his chief scene a farm-yard, in which all
kinds of feathered creatures were to fly, strut and
waddle about. As Paris was marvelling at the
novelty and audacity of the idea, the poet fell ill.
A severe operation kept him an invalid a whole
year. The successive deaths of a relative and of
three close friends so shocked him that he had not
the heart to return to his work. But when in the
autumn of 1908 M. Coquelin made yet another
expedition to Cambo, the “glorious,” “historic”
walks were resumed. In M. Rostand’s study,
animated, all-night sittings. In the drawing-room,
extraordinary rehearsals—M. Coquelin the
cock, Madame Rostand the pheasant, M. Rostand
a dog, young Maurice Rostand a blackbird. Then
visits from wig-makers, costumiers, scene-painters,
electricians. And at last the official, stirring
announcement that M. Rostand and the play were
leaving for Paris, that the name of the play was
Chantecler, and that the first performance would
be given at the Porte St-Martin Theatre in the
spring of 1909.
It was in January of that year that M. Rostand
took up his abode in an hotel facing the Tuileries
Gardens. The corridor outside the poet’s suite of
apartments was guarded by footmen—so many
sentinels with instructions to let nobody pass;
and thus M. Rostand was secure from cameras
and Yellow scribbling pencils except when he
left the hotel, entered a motor car and sped off
to the pleasant little country town of Pont-aux-Dames,
where Constant Coquelin had founded
a home for aged and infirm actors. Of this
establishment Coquelin aîné himself was then an
inmate. Not that he was feeling old or infirm—“only
a little fatigued and in need of calm and
repose ere disguising myself as a proud, majestic
cock.” Kindly Coquelin was never so happy as
when playing the host to his score of superannuated
actors and actresses. He called them his
“guests,” and had provided them with easy-chairs,
a library, a billiard-table, playing cards,
backgammon boards and gramophones; and with
summer-houses in the garden where the old ladies
might gossip and gossip out of the glare of the
sun, and with a lake, too, in which the old fellows
might fish. Also, he invited them to relate their
theatrical experiences—the rôles they had played,
the successes they had achieved, the costumes
they had worn long, long ago; and, oh, dear me,
how the “guests” took their host at his word—yes,
heavens, how garrulously and lavishly they
responded! Withered old Joyeux (late—very
late—of the Palais Royal) described how emperors
and kings had been convulsed by his grins, winks
and tricks; swollen, red-faced Hector Duchatel
(slim, elegant, irresistible at the Vaudeville in
the seventies) declared that beautiful mondaines
had sighed, almost swooned, when he passionately
made love on the stage; wrinkled, haggard
Mademoiselle Giselle de Perle (once such a radiant
blonde at the Bouffes) narrated how she could
scarcely turn round in her dressing-room for the
corbeilles of flowers, in which jewels and billets-doux
from illustrious personages lay concealed.
Then, after all these reminiscences, the “guests”
produced faded, tattered newspaper cuttings,
that proclaimed Joyeux “extraordinaire de fantaisie
et de verve,” and Hector Duchatel “le roi
de la mode,” and Mademoiselle de Perle “the
most exquisite, the most incomparable of blondes”—“Cabotinville,”
if you like; the tawdry, flashy
talk of M. le Cabot and Madame la Cabotine.
But I like, nevertheless, to call up the vision of
Coquelin aîné, wrapped in a dressing-gown, a skull-cap
pulled down over his ears, listening patiently
and sympathetically to these confidences of the past,
and reading through the faded newspaper cuttings,
and saying to haggard Mademoiselle de Perle:
“I myself, like everybody else, was once madly
in love with you,” and to withered old Joyeux:
“Those winks and grins of yours were excruciating,”
and—— But an end to this digression. The
scene between Coquelin aîné and his superannuated
“guests” is cut short by the arrival, from the hotel
in the rue de Rivoli, of the author of Chantecler.
Well, Constant Coquelin was wearing a dressing-gown
and a skull-cap, because he felt a little
“fatigued.” But the visits of M. Rostand, and
of the wig-makers, scene-painters and costumiers,
as well as the impatience of the Parisians to
behold the new “masterpiece,” restored to the
comedian all his former energy, enthusiasm.
Final resolutions were made. The first rehearsal
at the Porte St-Martin Theatre was fixed for the
following week; the first performance would be
given, irrevocably, in the middle of May. “What
a triumph we shall have!” said Coquelin aîné to
the few friends he received in the Home. “Ah,
my admirable Gillett, what a work of genius is
Chantecler!” he exclaimed, when the devoted
valet lighted him to his bedroom. “Listen, I
will recite to you Rostand’s Hymn to the Sun.
And after that, my good Gillett, you shall hear me
crow.” Replied faithful Gillett: “To-morrow—not
to-night. It is wiser to go to sleep.” But
Constant Coquelin refused to sleep until he had
recited and crowed. Up and down the room, in
the dressing-gown and skull-cap, he strutted.
The superannuated actors and actresses were
awakened by his cry: “Je t’adore, Soleil!”
Five minutes later there resounded throughout
the Home a clarion, peremptory—“Cocorico.”
Said the old players: “The master is rehearsing.”
Said Gillett: “Your old servant insists upon
your going to bed.” Said Coquelin aîné: “When
I have played Chantecler I shall retire from the
stage, and you and I, my faithful Gillett, will pass
the rest of our lives down here, tranquilly, happily,
amidst our twenty old guests.” But next morning,
after Gillett had helped his master into the
dressing-gown, Constant Coquelin fell heavily to
the floor. Cry after cry from admirable Gillett,
cries from the superannuated players—then profound
silence and gloom. Gloom, too, in Paris.
The blinds darkly drawn in the windows of the
first floor of the rue de Rivoli hotel. The Porte
St-Martin—other theatres—closed. All kinds of
soirées, banquets and fêtes postponed. “What a
disaster, what a tragedy, mon ami; what a blow,
what a calamity, ma chère.” Gloom—dear,
wonderful Coquelin aîné was dead....
In the summer of 1909 M. Edmond Rostand,
after spending four months in seclusion at Cambo,
returned to Paris; a few days later the rehearsals
of Chantecler at the Porte St-Martin Theatre began.
“Should anything happen to me, you must
ask Guitry to play my part,” had said Coquelin,
to the poet. M. Guitry, therefore, was appointed
“Chantecler,” Madame Simone, ex-Le Bargy,
was made the Hen Pheasant. Gay, frisky M.
Galipaux was created Blackbird, M. Jean Coquelin,
the great comedian’s son, chose the rôle of the
Dog. “Irrevocably in November,” stated the
newspapers, “we shall hear ‘Chantecler’ sound
his first cocorico.” And Paris rejoiced once
again and was “thrilled.”
But, ah me, how that positive word, “irrevocable,”
was misused! No Chantecler in November,
no “Cocorico” in December—only multitudinous
newspaper potins that constantly announced the
postponement of the event, and described “life”
at the Porte St-Martin and in M. Rostand’s hotel
on the Champs Elysées. It was repeatedly stated
that the poet, after hot words with M. Guitry,
had taken “the 9.39 train back to Cambo.” It
was asserted that Madame Simone had thrown
her type-written rôle on to the stage, stamped
hysterically on the rôle, and left the theatre in
tears. It was furthermore reported that M.
Guitry was about to undergo an operation for
cancer; that lively Galipaux was suffering from
acute melancholia; that M. Jean Coquelin, distracted,
prematurely ancient and infirm, had
taken refuge in the Home at Pont-aux-Dames.
Then, the insinuation that Chantecler would
never, never “cocorico.”... Nor, according to
the same newspaper potins, was “life” in M.
Rostand’s hotel more serene. He was as closely
guarded as the Tsar of All the Russias. Nevertheless,
a waiter who served him was, in reality,
a Yellow Italian journalist; threatening letters
and telegrams from lunatics arrived by the
score; and wizened old cranks sent the poet
baskets of feathers, with the solemn warning that
unless these, and only these feathers, were worn
by the Cock and the Hen Pheasant, well, M.
Guitry and Madame Simone, and M. Rostand and
Chantecler would be ridiculed, ruined, and done
for.... In fine, what a November, what a
December—and what a January of the present
year! And when MM. Hertz and Jean Coquelin,
the proprietors of the Porte St-Martin Theatre,
themselves announced that the first performance
of Chantecler would be given on 28th January
“most irrevocably,” how delirious became the
potins, and how agitated the Parisians! The
great question was: Would Chantecler be a triumphant
success, or only a moderate success,
or a catastrophe? To determine this problem,
clairvoyantes—positively—were consulted. And
Madame Olga de Sonski, at present of the rue
des Martyrs, and late—so her card asserted—of
Persia, Budapest, Cairo and Bond Street—Madame
de Sonski declared she already felt the
Porte St-Martin, massive theatre that it was,
trembling, almost tottering, from applause. But
not so Madame Juliette de Magenta, of the rue
des Ténèbres, from Morocco, St Petersburg, Constantinople
and Broadway: “I hear [sic] the
silence, the coldness, the gloom of disappointment
and disapproval,” funereally she said. However,
in spite of Madame de Magenta’s lugubrious prognostications,
the news came that M. Rostand had
disposed of the publishing rights of Chantecler for
one million francs; that stalls and dress-circle
seats (for the box-office was now open) for the first
three performances were selling like wildfire at six
pounds apiece; that critics and millionaires from
America, and French Ambassadors and Ministers
from divers parts of Europe, and even dark-skinned,
dyspeptic merchants from Buenos Ayres,
were all hastening to Paris to hear the “cocorico”
of Chantecler. What excitement, what a whirl!
For the twentieth time it was rumoured that
M. Rostand had taken “the 9.39 train back to
Cambo.” Now M. Guitry had appendicitis; and
Madame Simone had injured herself by falling
through a trap-door. Nevertheless, the first performance
remained fixed “most irrevocably” for
28th January—on which day many a quarter of
Paris and most of the banlieue were flooded.
So, another postponement. Successively, and
always “positively irrevocably,” it was announced
that the great event would take place on 31st
January, 2nd February, 5th February and 6th
February. And thus the critics and millionaires
from America, the French Ambassadors and
Ministers from divers European capitals, the
merchants from Buenos Ayres (looking sallow
and bloodshot from the voyage) were detained in
Paris at much personal inconvenience and loss to
themselves. Nothing would move them until
they had heard the clarion cry of—“Cocorico.”
And M. Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs,
became uneasy at the prolonged sojourn of the
Ministers and Ambassadors. “Diplomatic relations
between France and many a foreign Power
are interrupted,” he cried tragically, “and all because
of a cock and a hen pheasant.” Social life,
too, was interrupted. Le Tout Paris refrained
from issuing dinner invitations lest they should
clash with the first performance, and countermanded
rooms engaged weeks beforehand in the
Riviera hotels.
A final rumour to the effect that M. Rostand
had returned to Cambo by the 9.39 train—a
train which, by the way, does not figure in
the time-table. Another canard stating that
M. Guitry had contracted typhoid fever through
drinking water contaminated by the floods. A
third Yellow potin reporting Madame Simone
to have “mysteriously,” “sensationally” disappeared.
What chaos, what incoherency! And
what a scene in the Porte St-Martin when at last,
on Sunday night, 6th February, Chantecler, in the
presence of the most brilliant audience yet
assembled in a Paris theatre, came, crowed and
conquered.
A new handsome curtain, new carpets, new
velvet fauteuils, programmes printed on vellum,
and red ribbons (also supplied by the management)
in the grisly hair of the middle-aged
ouvreuses. “I have been an ouvreuse for twenty
years, but never have I seen an audience so vast,
so animated, so chic,” said one of these ladies to
me as she bundled up my overcoat, pinned a
ticket to it and dropped it on to the floor. “Not
a peg left,” she continued. “Immediately beneath
your overcoat lies the overcoat of Prince
Murat. In the heap next to it is a Rothschild
overcoat. And as for that other pile of overcoats in
the corner, all fur-lined, all magnificent, well, they
belong to ambassadors, dukes, American millionaires,
English milords, famous writers, politicians,
jockeys—all the great personages in the world.
Thus, although it lies on the floor, your overcoat
is in illustrious company.” After warning me
that no one would be admitted into the theatre
when the curtain had risen, the ouvreuse showed
me to my seat, held out her hand, was rewarded,
and left me free to admire the jewels, feathers,
dresses and coiffures of le Tout Paris. All eyes—or
rather opera-glasses—on the box occupied by
Madame Rostand and her two sons. In another
box, M. Briand, the Prime Minister. In the stalls,
Academicians, generals, playwrights, critics, newspaper
proprietors, aviators, financiers, leading
actors and actresses. Everyone afoot, or rather
on tip-toe, gossiping, laughing, singling out
celebrities with their glasses. But at ten minutes
to nine o’clock the three traditional thuds made
by a mallet behind the curtain (the signal in
French theatres that the play is about to begin)
caused a hush. Everyone sat down. “Chantecler
at last,” said, emotionally, a lady behind me.
The curtain rose two or three inches. “Pas
encore, pas encore,” cried a voice. Consternation,
dismay of le Tout Paris; was the play again
to be postponed, was it true that M. Rostand had
taken that 9.39 train, and that Madame Simone
had “sensationally” disappeared, and that
M. Guitry—— “Pas encore, pas encore!” But it
was—thank heaven—only the voice of M. Jean
Coquelin who appeared in the front of the stalls
in a dress-suit, mounted a footstool and recited
the prologue to M. Rostand’s fantastic, symbolical
chef-d’œuvre.
It was a delightfully humorous description of the
feathered inhabitants of a farm-yard; and as M. Jean
Coquelin continued to harangue the audience
eloquently from his footstool, the animals were
heard becoming impatient on the hidden stage.
A crowing of cocks. A cackling of geese. The
stamping of a horse’s hoof. The creaking of an
old cart. The bray of a donkey. The miaow of
a cat. The hoot of an owl. The whistle of a
blackbird. Then—distinctly—three taps from a
woodpecker: “le bec d’un pivert a frappé les trois
coups”; and with a cry of “The woodpecker says
the play must commence,” M. Coquelin disappeared,
down went the lights: and up amidst
thunders of applause rose the curtain.
Before us, a farm-yard, not an inmate or an
object of which is wanting. White, black, grey
and brown hens strut hither and thither, sharply
discussing the powers, vanities, infidelities of
Chantecler, their lord and master. Ducks and
drakes, ganders and geese take sides for or against
the king of the yard. Now and again the lid of a
vast wicker-work basket opens, to reveal the head
of the Old Hen—a very old hen, the doyenne of
the place, and Chantecler’s foster-mother. In her,
of course, the cock finds an ardent defender; but
whenever the withered old head protrudes from
the basket the Blackbird, hopping about in his
cage, holds forth mockingly, ironically. For the
Blackbird, like every other feathered creature in
the play, is symbolical. He represents the smart,
shallow, cynical Parisian, who scoffs at principles,
ridicules genius, laughs at love, denies the existence
of disinterested friendship, and is enormously
pleased with his empty, impudent self. So he
makes fun of the Old Hen and of the white, black,
grey and brown hens whilst they pay naïve
tributes to the supreme genius of Chantecler—the
Cock of Cocks, the superb creature whose
clarion, peremptory call causes the sun to rise
and makes the world radiant, beautiful and
cheerful. Chantecler has betrayed the hens, but
they nevertheless admire and love him. As the
discussion continues, bees, butterflies, wasps fly
across the stage. On a pillar, a cat dozes tranquilly
in the sun. Two fluffy little chicks play at
getting in and out of a gigantic sabot. To the
right, a huge dog’s kennel; in the background
a gigantic cart, with its shafts in the air. In a
corner, a set of enormous harness. The birds
and beasts being of Brobdingnagian sizes, the
objects on the stage have been magnified in proportion.
But all is natural; never, from first to
last, a note of extravagance, grotesqueness. Well,
on and on goes the discussion, and, as the Blackbird
sneers and scoffs, it becomes heated and shrill.
“Silence; here he comes, here he comes,” cries a
pigeon. And not a sound is heard when Chantecler
appears, solemn, majestic, arrogant, on the
poultry-yard wall. The hens gather together,
look up at him with submission, admiration. The
two chicks stop their game. The cat wakes up.
Even the Blackbird ceases hopping about in his
cage. Magnificent, awe-inspiring, indeed, is
Chantecler in his dark green and light brown
feather dress—“the green of April and the ochre
of October.” He is, as on the top of the wall he
recites his Hymn to the Sun, Cyrano de Bergerac
in feathers. He represents the artist, the creative
genius, the dispenser of beauty and spiritual light.
If he be the lord over the other denizens of the
farm-yard, it is because they will have it so. They
believe the sun rises because Chantecler summons
it with his shrill, imperious “Cocorico.” And
Chantecler, the Superb, believes it himself—believes
it in spite of the sceptical Blackbird.
Chantecler, in fact, might stand for a great many
types besides the artistic; for example, the
statesman who fancies he is the creator of the
social reforms that are advancing with civilisation
like a tide. “I adore thee, O sun,” begins
Chantecler, his beak raised towards the skies.
Je t’adore, Soleil! ô toi dont la lumière,
Pour bénir chaque front et mûrir chaque miel,
Entrant dans chaque fleur et dans chaque chaumière
Se divise et demeure entière
Ainsi que l’amour maternel!
...
Je t’adore, Soleil! Tu mets dans l’air des roses,
Des flammes dans la source, un dieu dans le buisson!
Tu prends un arbre obscur, et tu l’apothéoses!
O Soleil! toi sans qui les choses
Ne seraient que ce qu’elles sont!
Night falls, and Chantecler sends his subjects
to bed. Then he and Patou, the dog philosopher,
discuss the situation in the farm-yard. Excellent
Patou might be Anatole France’s M. Bergeret.
He despises the pert, cynical Blackbird. He
denounces the snobbishness, the vanity, the
vulgarity of the age. He is for calm, for reflection,
for—— A shot is heard, the Hen Pheasant
flies in and implores Chantecler to protect her
from the hunter. She nestles under the Cock’s
wing; she looks up at him admiringly, tenderly—and
proud, gallant, idealistic Chantecler there and
then falls in love with the gorgeous black, gold
and red Pheasant. Majestically Chantecler struts
round and round her, his chest thrown outwards,
his beak in the air. Curiously, somewhat disdainfully,
the Hen Pheasant surveys the farm-yard.
It strikes her as poor, sordid, such an obscure little
corner of the world. How different from the beauty,
the spaciousness, the grandeur of her forest!
La Faisane.
Mais tous ces objets sont pauvres et moroses!
Chantecler.
Moi, je n’en reviens pas du luxe de ces choses!
La Faisane.
Tout est toujours pareil, pourtant.
Chantecler.
Rien n’est pareil,
Jamais, sous le soleil, à cause du soleil!
Car Elle change tout!
La Faisane.
Elle... Qui?
Chantecler.
La lumière.
Ardently, enthusiastically, then, Chantecler
tells the Hen Pheasant how daylight, as it changes,
floods the objects in the farm-yard with ever-varying
colours. That geranium is never twice
the same red. Patou’s kennel, the sabot stuffed
with straw, the rusty old pitchfork—not for two
successive moments do they look the same. A
rake in a corner, a flower in a vase, as they change
colour in the rays of the sun, fill idealistic
Chantecler with ecstasy.
Still, the Hen Pheasant is not very much impressed.
She consents, nevertheless, to pass the
night in Patou’s kennel, which the dog-philosopher
obligingly gives up to her. Owls, with huge,
luminous eyes, appear. Bats dash about in the
air. A mole creeps forth. As they love darkness
and detest light, they fancy if Chantecler
dies the night will last for ever. “I hate him,”
they say, one after another.—“Je commence
à l’aimer,” says the Hen Pheasant, womanlike,
when she thus hears that Chantecler is in
danger.
Owls, bats, the Cat, the Blackbird and strange
night creatures are assembled beneath the
branches of a huge tree, when the curtain rises on
the second act. The Big Owl chants an Ode to
the Night. “Vive la Nuit,” cry his brethren, at
intervals, in a hoarse chorus. It is determined
that Chantecler must die. At five o’clock in the
morning, when the Guinea-Fowl holds a reception,
a terrific fighting-cock shall insult, attack
and slay Chantecler. “Vive la Nuit,” cry the
night-birds, their eyes shining luridly in the darkness.
But when a “Cocorico” sounds in the
distance the night creatures fly away, and Chantecler,
followed by the Hen Pheasant, struts on to
the dim stage. “Tell me,” pleads the Pheasant,
“the secret of your power.” At first Chantecler
refuses, then hesitates, then in a glorious outburst
he declares that the sun cannot rise until
he has sung his song. It is perhaps the noblest,
the most exquisite passage in the play.
Here is the last verse:
Je pense à la lumière, et non pas à la gloire,
Chanter, c’est ma façon de me battre et de croire.
Et si de tous les chants mon chant est le plus fier,
C’est que je chante clair afin qu’il fasse clair.
“But if,” asks the Hen Pheasant, “the skies
are clouded and grey?”
Chantecler.
Si le ciel est gris, c’est que j’ai mal chanté.
La Faisane.
Il est tellement beau, qu’il semble avoir raison.
Majestically, Chantecler struts to and fro
beneath the branches of the trees. Humbly, admiringly,
the Hen Pheasant watches his perambulations.
Night has passed, daybreak is near;
the skies above the hillock on which Chantecler
is standing turn from black to purple, and next
from purple to dark grey. “Look and listen,”
says Chantecler. He digs his claws firmly into
the turf; he throws his chest out; he raises his
head heavenwards: “Cocorico... Cocorico...
Cocorico.” And gradually, delicately, the skies
light up; birds twitter, cottages stand out in the
distance, the tramp of the peasant on his way to
the fields tells that the day’s work has begun—shafts
of golden light fall upon the majestic
Chantecler and illuminate the plumage of the
graceful, beautiful Hen Pheasant.
And now, in a kitchen garden, the Guinea-Fowl’s
“five o’clock”—a worldly, fashionable
reception—at five o’clock in the morning! It is a
satire on elegant Paris salons; what tittle-tattle,
what scandalmongering, what epigrams, paradoxes
and puns! At a weather-stained old gate
stands the Magpie. One of the first guests he
ceremoniously announces is the Peacock—the
grande dame, to whom her hostess, the snobbish
Guinea-Fowl, makes a profound curtsy. (The
Peacock’s tail is a miracle of ingenuity; the
actress can spread it out fanwise, raise it, let it
drop, at will.) Then, one after another, arrives
an endless procession of cocks. “The Golden
Cock; the Silver Cock; the Cock from Bagdad;
the Cock from Cochin China; the Scotch Grey
Cock; the Bantam Cock; the Cock without
Claws; M. le Doyen of All the Cocks,” announces
the Magpie. Bows from these multitudinous
Cocks to the Guinea-Fowl, to the Peacock and to
the Blackbird. In all, forty-three amazing Cocks,
each of whom is jealous of Chantecler; who eventually
appears at the gateway with the Hen
Pheasant. “Announce me, simply, as the Cock,”
proudly says Chantecler. “Le Coq,” cries the
Magpie. And the trouble begins.
Coldness from the Guinea-Fowl, scorn from the
Peacock, mockery from the Blackbird, and insults
from the Prize Fighting Cock, who has been commissioned
by the uncanny, unwholesome Night
Birds to slay idealistic, sun-loving Chantecler.
Then, the duel, which ends in the victory of the
Cock, and the pain and humiliation of the prize-fighter.
All the Cocks, from M. le Doyen down to
the Cock without Claws, are dismayed. The Peacock
is disgusted; the Guinea-Fowl is dejected at
the wretched failure of her “five o’clock”—only
the smart, irrepressible Blackbird keeps things
going. But not for long. Contemptuously,
Chantecler turns upon him; taunts him with his
vain, miserable endeavour to imitate the true,
delightful wit, gaiety and genius of the Sparrow—the
gavroche—of Paris. The Parisian Sparrow
is flippant, but warm-hearted. He laughs, he
scoffs, he whistles, he swaggers, but he is faithful
and brave. But you, wretched Blackbird, are
a coward. You, shallow creature, are a sneak.
And then the line that would have rejoiced the
heart of Victor Hugo: “Il faut savoir mourir
pour s’appeler Gavroche.”
A month passes. The last Act represents the
Hen Pheasant’s forest, where she and Chantecler
are spending their honeymoon. For the bird has
enticed the Cock away from the farm-yard; and
thus, distress of his old foster-mother, and much
indignation amongst the white, grey, brown and
black hens.
Night in the forest, and how beautifully depicted!
Up in a tree sits a solemn woodpecker;
below him, around a huge mushroom, a number
of toads with glistening eyes are assembled.
Then, a gigantic cobweb, and in the middle of it,
a spider. Here and there, rabbits peep out of
their holes. Everywhere, birds. “It is time,”
says the solemn woodpecker to them, “for you to
say your prayers.”
Une Voix [dans les arbres].
Dieu des oiseaux!...
Une Autre Voix.
Ou plutôt—car il sied avant tout de s’entendre
Et le vautour n’a pas le Dieu de la calandre!
Dieu des petits oiseaux!...
Mille Voix [dans les feuilles].
Dieu des petits oiseaux!...
Une Autre Voix.
Et vous, François, grand saint, bénisseur de nos ailes....
Toutes les Voix.
Priez pour nous!
Une Voix.
Obtenez-nous, François d’Assise,
Le grain d’orge...
La Seconde Voix.
Le grain de blé...
D’autres Voix.
Le grain de mil...
La Première Voix.
Ainsi soit-il!
Toutes les Voix.
Ainsi soit-il!
At length, when Chantecler appears, we perceive
that there is something wrong with the Cock.
“Does not my forest please you?” asks the Hen
Pheasant tenderly. “Oh yes,” replies Chantecler
half-heartedly. The fact is, he pines after
the farm-yard. Every night in the forest he telephones
to the Blackbird, through the flower of the
bindweed, for news of his old foster-mother, the
hens, the chicks, the dog Patou. Then the Hen
Pheasant is jealous of his love for the sun.
Cruelly, she has insisted that he is to crow only
once every day.
But it is the Hen Pheasant’s design to make
Chantecler forget the dawn. He, of the farm-yard,
has never heard the song of the nightingale.
So glorious are her notes that Chantecler, the poet,
the idealist, will be enraptured by them—and lose
count of time.
And the nightingale sings; and Chantecler,
enthralled, listens attentively—and as he stands
there, spellbound, beneath the nightingale’s tree,—the
sun rises and lights up the forest.
A peal of mocking laughter betrays the presence
of the Blackbird. So it is not the imperious
“Cocorico” who summons the sun! So the day
breaks without Chantecler’s shrill crow! At
first the Cock refuses to admit it: “That is the
sun I summoned yesterday.” But when his
illusions are gone he returns, humbled but not
despairing, to the farm-yard. If he has not the
supreme power to create the day, at least he can
herald it.
When Chantecler has vanished, the Hen
Pheasant, out of love for the Cock, deliberately
flies into a trap set by the owner of the poultry
yard. She remembers Chantecler having described
the farmer as an admirable man:
Car le propriétaire est un végétarien.
C’est un homme étonnant. Il adore les bêtes.
Il leur donne des noms qu’il prend dans les poètes.
So the farmer, after releasing the Hen Pheasant
from the trap, will restore her to Chantecler.
More and more golden becomes the forest. A
strident “Cocorico” from the distance announces
Chantecler’s return to the yard. When footsteps
are heard, the birds stop singing. And the
curtain falls.
It falls on a chef-d’œuvre.
X AFTER CHANTECLER
More than a fortnight has passed since
I witnessed the dress rehearsal of
Chantecler: and what an odd, what an
exhausting fortnight it has been! First of all
dreams—or rather nightmares. Strangely, preposterously,
I am majestic, cock-crowing “Chantecler”
himself. A few minutes later, with wild,
delirious rapidity, I turn into the Blackbird.
M. Rostand’s Blackbird can hop in and out of
his cage, and mingle with the hens, the ducks,
the fluffy little chicks, and the other feathered
creatures in the farm-yard; but I—am a prisoner
in my cage—no one heeds my cries, no one releases
me, and to add to my panic huge owls with shining
eyes gather around my cage and hoot lugubriously
at me.
Nor is this all. I get hopelessly entangled in
the gigantic cobweb, which is one of the most
wonderful scenic effects of the Fourth Act (the
“Hen Pheasant’s Forest”) of Chantecler. Also
I stumble over the great toadstools, fall heavily
to the ground; and the gorgeous Hen Pheasant
herself appearing, I feel humiliated and ashamed
that so elegant and beautiful a creature should
find me sprawling thus awkwardly on the turf.
“What a nuisance these toadstools are,” I observe.
“What are you doing in my forest? Leave it
immediately,” commands the Hen Pheasant.
But I have sprained my ankle; impossible to rise,
even to move. And I burst into tears, and I
implore the beautiful Pheasant to pardon me, and
then a great bat gets caught in my hair, and——
Enough. Although my sufferings in these
nightmares have been acute, I have one thing to
be thankful for. Up to now I have not been
attacked, as “Chantecler” is in the Third Act, by
a fierce, bloodthirsty Prize Fighting Cock.
Gracious goodness, this Chantecler! Rising
unrefreshed from my troubled, restless sleep, I
find, on the breakfast-table, letters from London,
Birmingham, Manchester, which show that M.
Edmond Rostand’s masterpiece has interested
those cities as much as it has agitated and excited
Paris.
“My Dear Boy” (writes a frail, silver-haired
and very charming old lady who gave me half-crowns
in my schooldays),—“I live very much
out of the world, as old people should do; but
I confess to my curiosity having been aroused by
a very peculiar play now being acted in Paris.
I mean Chantecler, by a M. Edmond Rostand. It
seems that the characters in it—if one can call
them characters?—are animals. How very remarkable!
I wonder how it can be done! Such
things are seen, of course, in pantomimes (do you
remember my taking you to Drury Lane Theatre
many, many years ago to see Puss-in-Boots?).
But the newspapers here say that this play is
wonderfully natural, and full of true poetry and
feeling. When you can spare half-an-hour, pray
satisfy an old lady’s curiosity by giving her an
account of the piece.”
Then, with innumerable dashes, exclamation
marks, and words underlined, the following appeal
from fascinating, lovely, irresistible Miss Ethel
Tempest:—
“Of course, lucky man, you have seen Chantecler,
and if you don’t tell me all about it by
return of post I shall never write to you, and never
look at you, and never speak to you again. I
don’t want to know anything about the plot of
the play, as I have read all about that in the
papers. You have got to be a dear, and tell me
about the hat that Madame Simone wears as the
Hen Pheasant. It’s made of straw and feathers,
and it’s going to be the rage in London. Sybil
Osborne tells me chic Parisiennes are wearing it
already. No; on second thoughts, send me all the
fashionable illustrated papers that give sketches
of the hat. As you’re a man, you won’t understand
it. Mind, all the papers: you can’t send
enough. If you could get a special sketch done
by one of your artist friends in the Latin Quarter,
it would be lovely.”
Well, of course I write to the gentle, kindly
silver-haired lady who once took me to a Drury
Lane pantomime; and of course, too, I send
illustrated papers—thirteen of them—to exquisite
Miss Tempest, and ask Raoul Fauchois, a gay,
sympathetic art student, to “do” me a sketch
of the Hen Pheasant’s straw hat. He consents,
and I fancy he will keep his promise. “Naturally,
the sketch is not for you,” he says, at once wisely
and poetically. “It is for one of those blonde
English misses whose chevelure, so radiant, so
golden, lights up the sombre streets of old London.
You may rely upon me, mon pauvre ami. I
understand; I know exactly how you feel—for
I myself have had affairs of the heart.”
Again, always from London and the provinces,
requests for picture post cards of the principal
scenes in Chantecler; for gilt brooches (3 f. 50 c.
in the tawdry shops of the rue de Rivoli) representing
“Chantecler” crowing and crowing with
his chest thrown outwards and his beak raised
heavenwards; for the Porte St-Martin theatre
programme of Chantecler; and for—“if you
possibly can manage it”—the autograph of
M. Edmond Rostand.
And then a telegram:
“Wife and self arrive Gare du Nord Wednesday
5.45. Please meet us. Not understanding
French wish you accompany us see and interpret
Chantecler.”
What worry, what exhaustion!
“Monsieur would be kind to explain this
extraordinary ‘Chantecler’ to me. I am from the
country, and have had much to do with poultry;
but I have never seen a cock like Chantecler,”
says my servant, a simple, naïve soul from
Normandy.
Then my concierge, a practical lady: “But it’s
ridiculous, but it’s mad! Cocks and hens cannot
even speak, and yet this M. Rostand makes them
recite poetry. What is France coming to? What
will be the end of us all? Think, just think,
what has been happening since the New Year.
That sinister comet, the terrible floods, and now
Chantecler.”
Very unwisely, I explain to my servant and
to my concierge that M. Rostand’s glorious chef-d’œuvre
is symbolical.
Chantecler is a symbolic play in verse.
The feathered creatures in the farm-yard represent
human beings. “Chantecler” himself
is the artist, the idealist. The Hen Pheasant is
the coquettish, seductive, brilliant woman of the
world. The Blackbird——
But here I stop, silenced by the startled expression
of the concierge and the servant. It is
plain they think I have become irresponsible,
light-headed. “Monsieur is tired. Monsieur
should lie down and rest. Monsieur is not quite
himself,” says my servant.
“The comet—the floods—Chantecler, have been
too much for Monsieur,” sighs the concierge.
XI AU COURS D’ASSISES. PARIS AND MADAME STEINHEIL
It was not by reason of baccarat losses, duels,
matrimonial disputes, nor because of the
aches of indigestion nor of the indefinable
miseries of neurasthenia, worries and ailments
common enough in French Vanity Fair—it was
not, I say, for any of these reasons that fashionable
and financial Paris, sporting and theatrical
Paris, certain worldly lights of literary and artistic
Paris, and the extravagant, feverish demi-monde
of Paris, woke up on the morning of the 3rd
November[5] in an exceedingly bad temper. Nor
yet was their displeasure occasioned by the
weather—London weather—all fog, damp and
gloom. The fact was, at noon was to begin the
first sitting of the great Steinheil trial, to which
the above-mentioned ornaments of le Tout Paris
had been excitedly looking forward for many a
month. All that time they had been worrying,
agitating, intriguing to obtain the official yellow
ticket that would entitle them to behold with
their own eyes—O, dramatic, thrilling spectacle—the
“Tragic Widow’s” entrance into the dock,
and to hear with their own ears—O palpitating,
overwhelming experience—the secret history of
an essentially Parisian cause célèbre. The trial
would be the event of the autumn season, a
function no self-respecting mondain, mondaine
or demi-mondaine could afford to miss. And so,
as the accommodation in the Court of Assizes is
limited, the campaign to secure cards of admission
became ardent, fierce, and then (as the sensational
day of the 3rd November approached) delirious.
Off, by footmen, chauffeurs, special messengers,
went scented little notes to judges and famous
lawyers, and to deputies, senators and ministers,
imploring those distinguished personages to
“remember” the writer when the hour arrived
for the precious yellow tickets to be distributed.
“Mon cher ami,” wrote Madame la Comtesse de
la Tour, “if you forget me I shall never, never
forgive you.” Then, with a blot or two, and in
a primitive, scrawling handwriting, Mademoiselle
Giselle de Perle of the half-world: “Mon vieux
gros, I count upon you for the trial. If you fail
me, your little blonde Pauline will show her claws.
And the claws of this blonde child can be terrible.”
(It is shocking to think that blonde Giselle de
Perle should be on such familiar terms with
gentlemen in high places; but as a matter of fact
she and her sisters play a very important rôle in
the life of the Amazing City.) As for stout,
diamond-covered Baronne Goldstein (wife of old
bald-headed Goldstein of the Bourse), she invited
judges and deputies to rich, elaborate dinners,
at which the oldest, the mellowest, the most
comforting wines from her cellars were produced;
and when M. le Juge and M. le Député had been
rendered genial and benevolent by those rare,
warming vintages, she led them into a corner of
Goldstein’s vast gilded salon, and there besought
them, while breathing heavily under her breastplate
of diamonds, to procure for her “just one
little yellow ticket.” Naturally, all these State
officials replied with a bow: “I will do my
best. Need I say that it is my dearest desire to
oblige you?” And our ornaments of le Tout
Paris were satisfied; already regarded that ticket
of tickets as being safe and sound in their possession.
When October dawned, Madame la Comtesse,
lively Pauline Boum and stout Baronne
Goldstein ordered striking dresses and huge,
complicated hats for the Steinheil cause célèbre.
In their respective salons, over their “five
o’clock’s” of pale tea, sugared cakes, and crystal
glasses of port, malaga and madeira, they excitedly
described how they had driven to the tranquil,
ivy-covered villa in the Impasse Ronsin where
Madame Steinheil’s husband and mother had
been assassinated on the night of the 30th-31st
May eighteen months ago. And how, after
that expedition, they had proceeded to beautiful
Bellevue, seven miles out of Paris, to stare at that
other villa, the “Vert Logis,” where the “Tragic
Widow” received her lovers. How they gossiped,
too, over the intrigue between the accused woman
and the late President Félix Faure; and what
fun they made of certain high State dignitaries
who were said to be in a state of “panic” because
they had been habitués of the Steinheil villas!
“I would not miss the trial for the largest and
finest diamond in the world,” declared these
ladies. “It will be extraordinary, overwhelming,
supreme,” exclaimed the male guests at these
tea-and-madeira afternoon parties. “We shall
still be discussing it this time next year.”
Suddenly, however, consternation, indignation,
fury, hysteria, in le Tout Paris. In an official
decree, M. de Valles, the judge appointed to
preside over the Steinheil “debates,” intimated
that all those scented notes had been written, all
those elaborate dinners had been given, all those
striking dresses and complicated hats had been
ordered, and tried on I don’t know how many
times—in vain. “I have,” stated M. de Valles,
“received over 25,000 applications for tickets of
admission, and every one of them I have refused.
Only the diplomatic corps, the Bar, and a certain
number of French and foreign journalists will be
admitted. Let it be clearly understood that this
decision of mine is irrevocable.” Gracious powers,
the commotion! Le Tout Paris protested, raged,
until it wore itself out with anger and hysteria.
“I have made thousands of enemies. Even
my wife’s friends refuse to speak to me,” said
M. de Valles to an interviewer. True to his
word, the judge remained inexorable. Passionate
letters to him remained unanswered; to all visitors
he was invisible. Hence the exceedingly bad
temper of le Tout Paris on that foggy, gloomy
morning of the 3rd of November. And thus for
the first time on record the heroine of an essentially
Parisian cause célèbre entered the dock of the
dim, oblong, oak-panelled Court of Assizes, secure
from the laughter, the mockery, and the opera-glasses
of French Vanity Fair.
An extraordinary woman, Madame Steinheil.
Imagine Sarah Bernhardt in some supremely
tragical rôle—pathetic, threatening; tender,
violent; despairing, tearful; wrecked with indignation,
suffering and exhaustion, and you will
gain an idea of the “Tragic Widow’s” demeanour
during the ten days’ dramatic trial. Her voice,
like the incomparable Sarah’s, was now melodious
and persuasive, then hoarse, bitter, frenzied;
when she wept, it subsided into a moan or a broken
whisper. Never even in Paris (where a widow’s
weeds are perhaps excessively lugubrious) have I
seen deeper mourning: heavy crape bands round
the accused woman’s black dress, stiff crape bows
in the widow’s cap, a deep crape border to the
handkerchief which she clenched tightly, convulsively,
in her black-gloved hand. Then, under
her eyes, dark, dark shadows, which turned green
as the trial tragically wore on. Her face, deadly
pale, but for the hectic spot burning fiercely in each
cheek. Her eyes, blue. Her hair, dark brown.
Her ears, small and delicate; her mouth, sensitive,
tremulous, eloquent. Her only coquetterie, the
low, square-cut opening in the neck of her dress.
Wistfully, wretchedly, she glanced around the
court, after M. de Valles, the presiding judge, had
given her permission to sit down. Then her eyes
fell upon a grim table placed immediately beneath
the Bench: and she shuddered. It was grim
because it contained the pièces à conviction—the
alpenstock found near the late M. Steinheil’s
body, the coil of rope with which he and his
mother-in-law had been strangled, the famous
bottle of brandy with the innumerable finger-prints,
the wadding lying on the floor by the side
of Madame Japy’s bed. Then, M. de Valles, in
his rasping voice, asked the “Tragic Widow”
the usual preliminary questions concerning her
parentage, domicile and age. Almost inaudibly,
Madame Steinheil replied. And the trial began.
Unfortunately, I have neither the space nor the
time at my disposal to render even a tolerably
satisfactory account of this overwhelming cause
célèbre. “Impressions” are all I can offer, mixed
up with brief descriptions of what the French
journalist calls “incidents in court”; and even
these “impressions” and “incidents” must
necessarily be compressed and disconnected. For
the slightness of my recital, I beg the indulgence
of my readers.
“Messieurs les Jurés, I swear I am innocent.
Messieurs les Jurés, I adored my mother.
Messieurs les Jurés, do not believe the abominable
things the President is saying about me,” was the
“Tragic Widow’s” first passionate outburst.
Then, turning round upon M. de Valles: “You
are treating me atrociously.”
“I am treating you as you deserve,” was the
reply.
For the first two days, M. de Valles assumed
the office of public prosecutor, or rather of high
inquisitor—and the “Tragic Widow” was on
the rack. The judge in the black-and-red robes
sneered, stormed, threatened, bullied; and turned
constantly to the jury with a shrug of the shoulders
as though to say: “She denies everything.
She has never told anything but lies, and now
she is lying again.” Over again and again he
brutally accused Madame Steinheil of having
assassinated her mother, but never did the accused
woman fail to leap up from her chair with the cry:
“I adored my mother. Messieurs les Jurés, I
swear I adored her.” Another shrug of M. de
Valles’ shoulders, and another cynical smile at
the jury, when Madame Steinheil spoke of her
devotion to her eighteen-year-old daughter. “I
love her, and she loves me more fondly than ever—because
she believes in my innocence. She
has written me the tenderest letters and has
visited me constantly in prison. She helped to
make the black dress I am wearing.” And further
gestures expressive of impatient incredulity on the
part of M. de Valles when the “Tragic Widow”
shrieked: “Yes; I have been a bad woman.
Yes; I have been an immoral woman. Yes; I
made false, wicked accusations against Remy
Couillard and Alexandre Wolff. But I am not an
assassin, a fiend. And only a fiend could murder
her mother.” Here the shriek stopped. For
some moments the “Tragic Widow” cried bitterly.
Then, in Sarah Bernhardt’s melodious voice, she
thus addressed the jury: “Gentlemen, I am
deeply repentant for all the wrong I have done.
Please realise that I was mad—that I was being
tortured—when I made those false, atrocious
accusations. I was being tortured by the examining
magistrate and by the journalists who invaded
my villa and refused to leave it until they had
obtained sensational ‘copy’ for their papers.
These journalists told me that nobody believed in
my story, and that I had better tell a new one.
They said my villa was surrounded by a hostile
mob, come there to lynch me. It was they who
suggested that I should accuse Alexandre Wolff
and Remy Couillard. They tortured me until
they made me say what they liked. It was no
doubt splendid material for their papers: but the
result was disastrous for me. Do you know,
gentlemen of the jury, that it was actually in a
motor car belonging to the Matin that I was
driven to the St Lazare prison?” And the
“Tragic Widow” collapsed in her chair, covered
her face with her hand, sobbed convulsively.
At this point the two or three hundred barristers
in court murmured compassionately: and M. de
Valles called them to order by rapping his paper-cutter
on his massive silver inkstand. (M. de
Valles, by the way, was for ever rapping his paper-cutter,
for ever wiping his brow with a huge
handkerchief, for ever sinking back in his handsome,
comfortable fauteuil, and then suddenly
darting forward to hurl some savage remark at
the accused.) Irritated by the compassionate
demonstration of the barristers, unmoved by the
shaking and sobbing of the black-dressed woman
in the dock, M. de Valles pointed to the grim table
containing the pièces de conviction, and cried:
“Look at that horrible table, and confess; and shed
real, not crocodile, tears. You have stated that
on the night of the crime you were bound down
and gagged by three men in black robes and by a
red-headed woman, who entered your room with
a dark lantern and then—after they had bound
and gagged you, and after you yourself had lost
consciousness—assassinated poor M. Steinheil and
the unfortunate Madame Japy. Nobody believes
you; your story is a tissue of falsehoods. It was
you who, with the help of accomplices, murdered
your husband and your mother.”
But let us not be too hard upon M. de Valles for
his savage treatment of Madame Steinheil. He
had considerately protected her from the cruel
curiosity and impertinence of le Tout Paris; and
then it was his legitimate rôle to attempt by
continuous ruthless bullying to extract a confession
from his pale-faced, exhausted martyr.
For in France the word “judge,” as we understand
it, is a misnomer. The French judge is the
real public prosecutor, the chief cross-examiner;
save for the jury, he would be all-powerful. But
as the twelve men “good and true” are chosen
from the justice-loving French people at large,
M. le Juge’s drastic, brutal insinuations and
accusations cannot alone bring about a condemnation.
It is for the jury to decide. It remains
with the jury to condemn. And at one o’clock
in the morning of the 14th November the jurors
in the Steinheil cause célèbre—workmen, mechanics,
petits commerçants—demonstrated their inherent
love and sense of justice by——
But I am anticipating events. Let us return to
the crowded, stifling Court of Assizes; and then
take a stroll in the marble corridors of the Paris
Law Courts, where, throughout the Steinheil trial,
wooden barriers barred the way to all those not
provided with the precious yellow ticket; and
where groups of policemen, and of Municipal
and Republican Guards were discussing—like
every other soul in Paris—this incomprehensible,
amazing cause célèbre.
A change in M. de Valles on the third day of
the trial. Respecting her tears, refraining from
shrugging his shoulders at her repeated protestations
of innocence, the judge treated the “Tragic
Widow” as a human being; even with courtesy
and compassion. This metamorphosis was due,
I believe, to a hint received from high quarters,
where (so I have since been assured) the strong
protests of the Paris correspondents of the English
and American newspapers against the French
judicial system, had made an impression. But
in the opinion of Henri Rochefort, Madame
Steinheil’s savage assailant in the columns of the
Nationalist Patrie, the “judge had been bought.”
With his gaunt, yellow face, tumbled white hair,
angry grey eyes, the ruthless old journalist and
agitator was the most conspicuous figure in the
press-box. To his colleagues and to the barristers
around him, he also accused Madame Steinheil
of having murdered the late Félix Faure. “She
was in the pay of the Dreyfusards,” he said, in his
hoarse voice, “and the Dreyfusards knew that
so long as Faure lived there would be no revision.
So they commissioned the woman Steinheil, his
mistress, to assassinate him.” After which he
sucked lozenges (fierce old Rochefort is always
and always sucking lozenges in order to ease the
hoarseness in his throat), and next proceeded to
begin his article for the Patrie, in which he
referred to Madame Steinheil as the “Black
Panther”! I fancy, too, that it was Rochefort’s
bold design to magnetise—even to mesmerise—the
jury! At all events, when not writing or
accusing, he kept his angry grey eyes fixed hard
on the foreman. A good thing the “Tragic
Widow” could not see him from her seat in
the dock. Henri Rochefort’s gaunt yellow face,
when lit up luridly with hatred and vindictiveness,
is enough to make anyone falter and
quail.
But as M. de Valles was calm, Madame Steinheil
felt more at ease; and, apart from occasional tears
and comparatively few outbursts, the “Tragic
Widow” remained composed during the six long,
stifling afternoons occupied by the evidence of
the eighty-seven witnesses. Of these, of course,
I can take only the most important. Let us begin
with Mr Burlingham, an American painter and
journalist, aged twenty-eight.
Poor, poor Mr Burlingham! It will be remembered
that Madame Steinheil described the
assassins of her husband and mother as three
men in black robes, and a red-headed woman.
Well, just because Mr Burlingham had hired a
black robe from a costumier’s for a fancy-dress
ball a few nights before the murder, he was suspected,
shadowed and worried by the detective
police. One day the police stationed Madame
Steinheil outside his door, and when he sauntered
out and walked off, the “Tragic Widow” exclaimed:
“Yes, that is one of the assassins. I
recognise him by his red beard.” But as on the
night of the murder Mr Burlingham was far away
in Switzerland with two friends on a walking-tour,
he had no difficulty in establishing a decisive
alibi. Nevertheless, Mr Burlingham became
notorious. His photographs appeared in the
newspapers. He was followed here, there and
everywhere by Yellow Reporters: who described
him as the “enigmatic Burlingham,” and the
“sinister Burlingham”—and yet Mr Burlingham,
with his light red beard, gentle green eyes, low
voice and kindly expression is, in reality, the
simplest and mildest-looking mortal that ever
breathed. What humiliations, what indignities,
nevertheless, had Mr Burlingham to endure!
His landlord gave him notice, his tradespeople
ceased calling for orders; when out walking in
the neighbourhood he inhabited, concierges exclaimed:
“There goes the famous Burlingham,”
while little boys cried: “Here comes the sinister
Burlingham.” Once, after calling on a friend who
was out, he left his name with the concierge—and
the concierge, panic-stricken, fled her lodge, and,
rushing into the next house, breathlessly told her
neighbour that she had seen the “terrible Burlingham.”
In fact, an intolerable time of it for mild,
simple Mr Burlingham.
“I have narrowly escaped the guillotine,”
were his first words to the judge; and the Court
laughed. The American should have engaged an
interpreter: his French and his accent were deplorable.
“This Steinheil affair is not clear,”
he continued, naïvely, and everyone shook with
delight. “I am very sorry you have been so
badly treated,” said M. de Valles, “but you fell
under suspicion because you had eccentric habits,
and mixed with eccentric people.” M. de Valles’
idea of “eccentric” habits and “eccentric”
people was in itself eccentric. For Mr Burlingham’s
friends and associates during his sojourn in
Paris have been painters, sculptors, and journalists
of talent and honourable standing. As for his
habits, they have been those of a firm believer in
the “simple life.” Sandals for Mr Burlingham;
no hat; terrific walking-tours. Then a diet of rice,
grapes and nuts. (In the buffet of the Law Courts
Mr Burlingham, when invited to take a “drink,”
ordered grapes: he consumed I don’t know how
many bunches a day, to the stupefaction of the
waiters and customers.) Well, after having received
apologies from the judge, Mr Burlingham
received those of counsel for the defence and the
prosecution. “Excuses are scarcely enough,”
replied the witness; “I should like to say something
about the French judicial system.” At
which, M. de Valles, rapping his paper-cutter,
sternly requested simple, unfortunate Mr Burlingham
to “retire.”
Murmurs, exclamations, excitement in court
when M. Marcel Hutin, of the Echo de Paris, and
MM. Labruyère and Barby, of the Matin—the
three journalists who bullied and “tortured”
Madame Steinheil in the Impasse Ronsin Villa
on the night previous to her arrest—strode up
to the short wooden bar that takes the place,
in France, of a witness-box.
No confusion, no shame about them; and yet
their conduct in the drawing-room of the Steinheil
villa twelve months ago was despicable. Calmly
they admitted having advised the “Tragic Widow”
to “tell a new story,” as no one in Paris believed
in her account of how the double crime had been
committed. They also admitted having lied to
the wretched woman, when they had told her
that the villa was surrounded by a hostile mob,
“come there to lynch her.” Madame Steinheil,
they continued, was exhausted, out of her mind.
She called for strychnine, with which to poison
herself. Downstairs in the kitchen the cook,
Mariette Wolff, was discovered on her knees,
striving to cut open the tube of the gas-stove—to
asphyxiate herself. The cook then produced a
revolver, and cried: “Here is the only means
of salvation.” Later on, tea was served in the
drawing-room. M. Marcel Hutin and his two
colleagues continued to browbeat Madame Steinheil.
One of the Yellow Reporters cried: “I
shall not leave this house until I know the truth.”
Mariette Wolff entered the drawing-room and
tried to soothe her mistress. And——
“So you tortured Madame Steinheil in her
drawing-room. You drank her tea. You were
her guests, she was your hostess,” interrupted
M. de Valles, scathingly, indignantly. The
“Tragic Widow,” leaning forward on the ledge
of the dock, looked gratefully, thankfully, at the
judge. The three Yellow Reporters strode out
of court, each of them provoking angry exclamations
from the barristers as they importantly
passed by.
And then, the cook—Mariette Wolff, who had
been in Madame Steinheil’s service for over twenty
years; and who, according to the Yellow Press,
“possessed all the secrets of the palpitating
Steinheil Mystery.” Henri Rochefort, M. Arthur
Meyer (director of the Gaulois, very Jewish in
appearance, but a strong Anti-Semite and an
ardent Catholic in politics), Madame Séverine (the
famous woman journalist), four very charming
lady barristers, all their male confrères—everyone,
in fact, sprang up excitedly when Mariette made
her long-expected appearance. She has since been
described as a peasant out of one of Zola’s novels,
and as “the double of Balzac’s fiendish Cousine
Bette.” She has also been termed “a fury,” and
“a rat” and “a monster.” For my part, when
first I saw her through the open door of the witness-room,
sipping a steaming grog and chatting and
laughing with her son Alexandre, I summed her
up as the French double of a typical English
charwoman. She was wearing a battered black
bonnet and a seedy black dress, and came to me
more as a Dickensonian than a Zolaesque or
a Balzacien character. But Mariette, happily
drinking grog, and Mariette, facing a jury and
judge, are two very different persons. In court,
Madame Steinheil’s ex-cook was defiant, vindictive,
violent. As she defended her former mistress,
her beady, black eyes flashed, her chin and nose
almost met—her yellow, knotted hand beat the
air. Yes, she was a “fury”; yes—to use the
French journalist’s pet epithet—she looked
“sinister.” And, oh dear me, her abuse of the
Yellow Reporters! Mariette’s crude language
cannot be reproduced here. It became particularly
strong when she related how she had ordered
MM. Hutin, Barby and Labruyère out of the
Impasse Ronsin Villa. It grew even stronger
when she denied their allegations that she intended
first of all to asphyxiate herself, and then to blow
out her brains. She denied everything. “My
mistress is innocent,” she cried. “She accused
my son Alexandre of being a murderer, but it
was those —— journalists who made her do that,
and I forgive her: and so does Alexandre.” True,
Alexandre Wolff, a horse-dealer’s assistant, with
huge red hands and a neck like a bullock’s, told
M. de Valles he bore Madame Steinheil “no
grudge.” And the “Tragic Widow,” leaning
forward, murmured melodiously: “Thank you,
Alexandre.”
Full of incoherencies, contradictions, was the
evidence of Remy Couillard, the late M. Steinheil’s
valet, into whose pocket-book the “Tragic Widow”
had placed the incriminating pearl. “I bear her
no grudge,” blurted out the young man. “I beg
your pardon, Remy,” said Madame Steinheil,
always melodiously, when the valet (attired, since
he was accomplishing his “military service,” in
a cavalry uniform) withdrew. But, a moment
later, she fell back in her chair, closed her eyes;
and the black-gloved hands in her lap twitched
convulsively, madly.
M. Borderel had stepped forward to give
evidence: M. Borderel, the lover Madame Steinheil
had declared twelve months ago to the
examining magistrate to be the one and only man
she had ever truly loved.
A hush in court as the middle-aged, red-eyed,
broken-down widower from the beautiful country
of the Ardennes, related the history of his intrigue
with the “Tragic Widow.”
It will be remembered that the strongest point
for the prosecution was that Madame Steinheil
had murdered her husband in order to be free to
marry “the rich châtelain, M. Borderel.” In a
slow, solemn voice, M. Borderel stated: “Yes;
Madame Steinheil did mention marriage to me,
but I said it was impossible. I adored my late
wife, I adore my children, and I felt I could not
give them a step-mother; and Madame Steinheil
fully understood that my decision was irrevocable.
Therefore the assumption of the prosecution that
Madame Steinheil murdered her husband in order
to become my wife, is unwarrantable.” Here
M. Borderel broke down. “I loved her. I was a
widower. I was free. In becoming her lover, I
behaved no more wrongly than thousands of my
fellow-countrymen. It is a base lie that I ever
suspected her of being guilty of that awful murder.
On the morning after the crime, I was full of the
deepest pity for her; and when she was accused
in the newspapers I passionately told everyone
she was innocent.” Up sprang Maître Aubin,
counsel for the defence, with the cry: “Do you
still believe her innocent?” And loudly, vigorously,
whole-heartedly rang forth the answer:
“With all my soul, with all my heart, upon my
conscience.”
Even M. de Valles was moved by M. Borderel’s
emotion, sorrow, chivalry. The disclosure of the
“rich châtelain’s” liaison with the “Tragic
Widow” caused such a scandal in the Ardennes
that M. Borderel had to sell his estate; and he,
too, has been persecuted continuously by Yellow
photographers and journalists. Equally chivalrous
was the evidence of Comte d’Arlon (to whose
house Madame Steinheil was removed after the
night of the murder), of M. Martin (a State official),
and of other gentlemen who had been (platonic)
friends of the “Tragic Widow.” Then, more
chivalry from M. Pouce, an officer in the detective
police. “I have been one of the detectives in
charge of the Steinheil affair,” he cried. “But
I have always believed in the innocence of Madame
Steinheil. Had she told me she was guilty, I
should not have believed her. She is innocent.”
And finally, exuberant, fantastic chivalry on the
part of a young man named René Collard: who, to
the stupefaction of the Court, walked up to the
Bench and cried: “Madame Steinheil is innocent.
I myself am the red-headed woman who helped
to commit the double murder.” M. de Valles
then wiped his brow with his huge handkerchief,
rapped on the silver inkstand with his paper-cutter,
and cried: “Silence”—for the Court was
buzzing with excitement. Hesitatingly René
Collard (aged perhaps nineteen) related that he
had disguised himself as a woman, bought a red
wig, broken his way into the Steinheil villa (in
the company of two friends), sacked the place,
bound and gagged Madame Steinheil, strangled
her husband, suffocated her mother. “Take this
young man away,” said M. de Valles to a municipal
guard, “and lock him up.” Two nights in prison
brought young René Collard to his senses. He
had seen Madame Steinheil’s photographs in the
papers, had fallen in love with her: had resolved
to save her at the risk of being guillotined by the
awful M. Deibler! Said the examining magistrate:
“Little idiot, I shall now send you home in the
charge of a policeman, who will deliver you over
to your parents.” And so, amorous, over-chivalrous
young René Collard was conducted
back to a dull, bourgeois flat in the Avenue Clichy,
where his father and mother, after calling him a
“villain,” a “criminal,” and a “monster,” took
him into their arms, and hugged him, and called
him “the best and most adorable of sons”; and
then sent out Amélie, the only servant, to fetch
a cream cake and a bottle of sweet champagne
with which to celebrate the return home of the
“wicked” but “adorable” Master René.
And now, half-past ten o’clock at night on
Saturday, the 13th of November.—I have passed
over the address to the jury of M. Trouard-Riolle,
the Public Prosecutor—a mere repetition
of the judge’s savage cross-examination of the
“Tragic Widow” on the first two days of the trial;
and I have also passed over Maître Aubin’s long,
eloquent speech for the defence. And the last
scenes I have now to describe rise up so vividly
before me, that I adopt the present tense.
The jury have retired to an upstairs room
to consider their verdict. Madame Steinheil,
watched by municipal guards, is waiting—deadly
pale, green shadows under her blue eyes, exhausted,
a wreck—in the “Chambre des Accusés.” And
in the stifling Court of Assizes, and in the cold
marble corridors of the Palais de Justice, barristers,
journalists and a few ornaments of le Tout Paris
(who, somehow or other, have at last obtained
admittance to the Law Courts) are frantically
speculating upon the fate of Madame Steinheil.
Most barristers say: “There are no proofs whatsoever.
Therefore, acquittal.” The Tout Paris
cries: “She should be imprisoned for life.”
(And here, in yet another parenthesis, let us suggest
that the Tout Paris’ mocking, vindictive attitude
towards Madame Steinheil is provoked by malevolent
jealousy. Madame la Comtesse, lively
Pauline Boum, stout Baronne Goldstein cannot
forgive the “Tragic Widow” for having been
une femme ultra-chic—the favourite of the late
President Félix Faure. Yet, as we all know in
Paris, the life of these ladies is very far from
exemplary. How terrifically would our great,
kindly, satirical Thackeray have laid bare the true
causes of the bitter hostility directed against the
“Tragic Widow” by French Vanity Fair!)
Eleven o’clock; half-past eleven; midnight.
Twice, so we hear, have M. de Valles and counsel
for the prosecution and the defence been summoned
to the jurors’ room, to explain certain
“points.” The Tout Paris, and Henri Rochefort,
are jubilant. “When the jury sends for the judge
it usually means a conviction,” croaks Rochefort,
rubbing his hands, and still sucking his impotent
lozenges. We hear, too, that a crowd of thousands
has assembled in front of the Palais de Justice; that
the boulevards are wild with excitement, and——
“The judge has been summoned a third time to
the jurors’ room,” we are told at twenty minutes
past twelve.
“Five years’ imprisonment at least,” chuckle
the ladies and fatuous gentlemen of le Tout Paris.
“Ten years—fifteen—twenty, I hope. She
was in the pay of the Dreyfusards, and killed
Félix Faure,” mutters Rochefort.
“The Court enters; the Court enters,” cry the
ushers and the municipal guards, at half-past
twelve.
As the jury files into the box, barristers and
journalists mount their benches, and, upon those
rickety supports, sway to and fro. “Silence,”
shouts M. de Valles, rapping his paper-cutter for
the last time. His question to the foreman of the
jury is inaudible. But the reply rings out firmly,
vigorously:
“Before God and man, upon my honour and
conscience, the verdict on every count of the
indictment is: Not Guilty.”
For a few seconds, silence. Then a shrill cry
(from one of the brown-haired, blue-eyed, very
charming lady barristers) of “Acquitted!” And
after that, enthusiastic uproar. Rocking and
swaying to and fro on their rickety benches, the
barristers applaud, cheer, fling their black képis
into the air. Up, too, go the caps of their
fascinating, brown-haired colleagues, as they cry:
“Bravo.” More shouts and bravoes from the
journalists. (One of them—an Englishman—cheers
so frantically that half-an-hour later his
voice is as hoarse as Henri Rochefort’s.) And
so the din continues, increases, until the demonstrators
suddenly perceive the dock is empty.
Again, for a second or two, silence, followed by
exclamations of astonishment, alarm. M. de
Valles, the two assistant judges, and the jurors
lean forward. Maître Aubin looks anxious.
Where is the “Tragic Widow”? Is she ill? Is
she——? But at last the small door at the back
of the dock opens, and Madame Steinheil, livid,
held by either arm by a municipal guard, staggers
forward. She has not yet heard the verdict, but
the renewed wild cheering (which drowns the
judge’s voice as he addresses her) tells her what
it is. Dazed, half-fainting in the doorway, she
looks around the Court. For the first time
throughout the ten days’ trial she smiles—heavens,
the relief, the gratitude, the softness of
that smile! And then amidst shouts of “Vive
Madame Steinheil,” and of “Vive la Justice,” the
“Tragic Widow” falls unconscious into the arms
of the Gardes Municipaux and is carried out backwards
through the narrow doorway of the dock.
Paris, too, demonstrates excitedly. Cheers are
given by the vast crowd assembled outside the
Law Courts for Madame Steinheil, Maître Aubin
and the jury. M. Trouard-Riolle, the public
prosecutor, leaves the Palais de Justice by a side
door, followed by Henri Rochefort, yellower than
ever in the face, his eyes blazing with vindictive
fury. Almost encircling the Palais are the 60
and 90 h.p. motors of the Yellow Reporters, still
bent on pursuing and persecuting the “Tragic
Widow.” But she evades them; passes what
remains of the night in the Hotel Terminus;
speeds off in an automobile to a doctor’s private
nursing-home at Vésinet next morning.
Acquitted, yes; but by no means rehabilitated,
far less left in peace. Outside the nursing-home
at Vésinet, behold rows of motor cars, packs of
Yellow Reporters and photographers. A din in
this usually tranquil country place; a din, too,
outside the Impasse Ronsin Villa, and in front of
the Bellevue Villa, where inquisitive Parisians jest,
and laugh, and point and stare at the shuttered
windows. Over those “five o’clock’s” of pale
tea, port and sugared cakes, le Tout Paris declares
that Madame Steinheil was acquitted by order of
the Government. In the Patrie, Henri Rochefort
still calls her the “Black Panther,” and, alluding
once again to the death of Félix Faure, bids
President Fallières to beware of her. And on the
boulevards, swarms of camelots thrust under one’s
eyes “picture post cards” of Mariette Wolff; of
huge, bloated Alexandre; of mild Mr Burlingham;
of chivalrous Count d’Arlon; of M. Borderel;
of Mademoiselle Marthe Steinheil; and of the
“Tragic Widow.”
And the bourgeoisie?
“Acquitted, yes; but the Impasse Ronsin
crime, committed eighteen months ago, remains
a mystery,” says a Parisian angrily to me.
“The trial has elucidated nothing: but it has cost
enormous sums.” And then, as he is a thrifty,
rather parsimonious little bourgeois, the speaker
adds indignantly: “As Madame Steinheil has won,
it is the Treasury, in other words the unfortunate
taxpayer, myself, for instance, who will have to
put his hand in his pocket, and settle the bill.”
XII THE LATE JULES GUÉRIN AND THE DEFENCE OF FORT CHABROL
The month of May, 1899—how long ago it
seems!
At that time, up at Montmartre, in a
large house, overlooking a garden, resided M.
Jules Guérin, most savage of Anti-Dreyfusards,
and chief of the Anti-Semitic party.
A fine house, but an unlovely garden. A
gaunt tree or two; four or five gritty, stony
flower-beds; in a corner, a dried-up, dilapidated
old well. But this waste of a garden suited
M. Guérin’s purposes,—which were sinister.
“If my enemies attack me here, I shall shoot
them dead and bury them beneath this very
window—by that tree, in that flower-bed.”
“Oh!” I expostulated.
“Or I shall throw their infamous bodies into
that well,” continued M. Guérin, again pointing
out of the window. “I am prepared; I am
ready. You see this gun? Then look at those
revolvers. All are loaded.”
A long, highly polished gun rested in a corner
at M. Guérin’s elbow. Curiously then I glanced
at a collection of revolvers that bristled murderously
on the wall, and next at Jules Guérin, a
powerfully built man, with massive shoulders, a
square chin, lurid green eyes, a fierce moustache,
and a formidable block of a head on which a soft
grey hat of enormous dimensions was tilted
jauntily on one side. Thus, although he sat in
his study before a vast, business-like writing-table,
Jules Guérin wore his hat, or rather his
sombrero, and also an overcoat; but then (as he
explained) he might be called out at any moment
to take part in a political brawl, or to chastise a
journalist, or to arrange a duel—even to dig the
grave of an enemy; and so was dressed ready to
sally forth anywhere, and with ferocious designs
upon anyone, at the shortest notice. Vehemently,
he puffed at a cigarette. Now and again
he pulled at his fierce moustache. As he spoke
he gesticulated, thumped the writing-table
savagely, and, when he thumped, the ink-bottles
and penholders leapt and danced, and the gun in
the corner trembled.
“Downstairs I have twenty clerks and assistants.
All are armed with revolvers; all are devoted;
and thus my enemies are their enemies.
And so if the brigands attack us, into the earth
with them, or into the well, or into——”
“But who are these enemies?” I interrupted.
“These brigands?”
“The Government—Lépine, Chief of the Police—Loubet,
President of the Republic—a hundred
other traitors and assassins,” cried M. Guérin.
“But the garden is waiting for them. I desire
that this garden shall be their cemetery.”
Of course, an impossible ambition. But so incoherent,
so chaotic was the state of mind of the
Anti-Semites fourteen years ago, that I refrained
from suggesting that it was highly improbable
President Loubet or his Ministers would invade
M. Guérin’s bit of waste ground up there in the
rue Condorcet. Nor was my host a man to
stand ridicule. A flippant word from me, and
he would have shown me the door. So I listened
patiently to his wild, savage denunciations of the
Jews—of Captain Dreyfus in particular, who
was lying (burnt up with fever, broken and
battered in everything except determination) in
his cell on the Devil’s Island; whilst here, in
Paris, the Cour de Cassation was deliberating
whether there was sufficient “new” evidence to
justify the prisoner being brought back to France
and given a new trial. Rumours were flying
about to the effect that the Court had already
made up its mind to order the revision. Thus,
fury of the Anti-Dreyfusards; frenzy of the Anti-Semites,
and, in their newspapers, the statements
that the Cour de Cassation had been “bought”
by the Jews; that the Jews, being the masters
of France, had “sold” the country to Germany;
and that, therefore, the only thing to do with the
Jews was to hang them on the lamp-posts of Paris.
Particularly bloodthirsty and barbarous was M.
Guérin’s weekly journal, L’Anti-Juif, which stood
on the floor, in three or four stacks, of this extraordinary
study. In it were published the name
and address of every Jewish tradesman in Paris.
Each column was headed with exhortation:
“Français, N’achetez Rien Aux Juifs.” Then,
hideous cartoons depicting the flight of the Jews
along the boulevards and their panic and agony—and
their massacre.
“Now,” said M. Guérin, “you have seen the
official organ of the Anti-Semitic League, and I
could show you pamphlets and posters that are
equally powerful. No League in Paris is so
resolute, so strong, so efficiently organised. Such
is our success that I am shortly removing to more
spacious quarters. There we shall deliver Anti-Semitic
lectures, and give Anti-Semitic plays—open
to all, not a centime will be charged. Then, boxing
and fencing classes, pistol practice, a library,
a doctor and a solicitor on the premises—always,
no charge. The Parisians, being thrifty, will flock
to us. They will cry: ‘Here we get entertainment,
medical and legal advice for nothing; it
is admirable. Vive Guérin! Vive la France! À
bas les Juifs!’ The Government will be furious.
Loubet in the Élysée will shake in his shoes. And
Lépine will shout: ‘We must arrest that canaille
Guérin!’ But let him come. I shall be armed
more strongly than ever in my new quarters in
the rue de Chabrol.”
“A garden?” I ventured.
“There are no gardens in the rue de Chabrol:
but there are cellars,” grimly replied M. Guérin.
“Come and see me there. You will be astonished.
Au revoir.”
Out in the passage, and on the staircase, I
encountered four or five of Jules Guérin’s clerks and
assistants; coarse, powerful young men, with bull-dog
faces, who had been recruited by the chief of
the Anti-Semites from the ghastly slaughter-house
of Villette. In the garden I paused to inspect the
stony flower-beds and the dilapidated well.
“The future cemetery of my enemies. Ah, the
traitors, the brigands, the assassins! Let them
come.”
At an open window, in his sombrero and smoking
his eternal cigarette, stood fierce Jules Guérin.
“Lépine in that flower-bed,” he shouted, and
then closed the window. But reopened it, when I
reached the gateway, to cry:
“And Loubet, in the well.”
A month later, Paris in uproar. On the afternoon
of the 3rd June the Cour de Cassation
ordered the revision of the Dreyfus Affair; the
same night official arrangements were made for
the return to France of the shattered prisoner of
the Devil’s Island; next day, during the race-meeting
at Auteuil, President Loubet’s hat was
smashed over his head by the stick of a certain
Baron Christiani, a Royalist Anti-Dreyfusard.
Then, the fall of the Dupuy Ministry, and M.
Loubet in a dilemma. M. Poincaré, astutest of
statesmen, was summoned to the Élysée; but,
with characteristic shrewdness, declined the task
of forming a Cabinet in such unfavourable circumstances.
M. Léon Bourgeois (absent on a Peace
mission at The Hague) was telegraphed for, but
could not be persuaded to exercise a pacific influence
in his own country. M. Waldeck-Rousseau
was next requisitioned; and left the Élysée with
the assurance: “Monsieur le Président, I will do
my best to succeed.” Nothing could have been
more admirable than his subsequent exertions,
for, in making them, M. Waldeck-Rousseau, the
most distinguished and most prosperous lawyer
at the Paris Bar, had nothing to gain and everything
to lose; and he must have been dismayed at
the refusal, or the reluctance, of highly esteemed
politicians to serve their country by fighting a just
if an unpopular cause. Well, for a whole week
the most painstaking, the most level-headed and
truly patriotic Prime Minister who has yet worked
for the Third Republic, visited prominent statesmen
with the earnest desire to form a ministère
d’apaisement, founded on the principles of disinterestedness
and justice. Throughout that
week, he was hooted in the streets, and ridiculed
and insulted by MM. Rochefort, Millevoye,
Drumont and Jules Guérin, who triumphantly
predicted in their newspapers that “Panama
Loubet”—like “Père Grévy” before him—would
be compelled to resign for want of a ministry.
And biting was the satire, and more savage became
the contumely, when at last the Waldeck-Rousseau
Ministry was completed, by the inclusion
of such opposite, hostile personages as the “citizen
Millerand” and fierce, aristocratic and despotic
old General the Marquis de Galliffet. “After
this,” wrote Henri Rochefort, “the deluge.”
“At last,” declared M. Drumont, “Paris will
rebel; and the next events will prove fatal to this
unspeakable Republic.” The next important
event was the landing in France, in the middle of
the night, of a bent, prematurely aged figure:
Captain Dreyfus. How the musty old carriage
in which he sat, dazed, exhausted, shivering,
rattled over the cobble-stones to the Rennes
prison! How the prison gates clanged to when the
shabby vehicle had entered the dark, grim courtyard!
And how split and how cracked was the
voice of the prisoner from the Devil’s Island
when, at the court-martial a few days afterwards,
he protested his innocence and refuted the new
monstrous accusations of highly respected and
brilliantly uniformed Generals Gonse, de Boisdeffre
and Mercier! Solitary confinement had
left him almost inarticulate. But he defended
himself heroically: and, with an effort, straightened
his bent back when questioned by his judges.
Then how the trial dragged on; and what scenes
took place in the streets, hotels and cafés of
Rennes, which were crowded with le Tout Paris
and echoed with Parisian exclamations and disputes!
Brawls, duels, Henri Rochefort’s white
“Imperial” pulled; Maître Labori, Captain
Dreyfus’s brilliant counsel, shot between the
shoulders; a famous demi-mondaine expelled the
town; arrests, startling canards, alarms; hysteria,
chaos, and delirium enough for Paris itself; and
in Paris—whilst these exhibitions were occurring
in the Rennes streets, and Captain Dreyfus (in
the severe court-room) was stiffening his back and
straining his split voice until it rose to an uncanny
scream—what of Jules Guérin in Paris? and of his
guns and revolvers, his well and his flower-bed?
and of his assistants and clerks, the young men
with the bull-dog faces, whom he had recruited
from the ghastly slaughter-house of La Villette?
Well, first of all, came the dishevelled, dusty
confusion of a déménagement in the rue Condorcet.
The study walls were stripped of their revolvers;
the basement was cleared of the printing-press
that produced the murderous Anti-Juif; huge
packing-cases were passed into a number of
furniture vans; and so, farewell to the stony
garden—in which not an “enemy” lay buried; and
en route to No. 12 rue de Chabrol, a commodious,
massive building with large windows and a solid
oak door. The arrival of Jules Guérin and his
assistants caused consternation amongst the
peaceful, bourgeois inhabitants of the street.
Lurid Anti-Semitic posters were stuck to the walls
of No. 12; the din of the printing-machines
disturbed the neighbours—and Guérin’s voice of
thunder (execrating the Jews and demanding the
lives of his enemies) was to be heard through the
open windows, while his enormous sombrero was
another disquieting element in the orderly, dull
thoroughfare. The Anti-Semitic lectures and
plays were announced; a solicitor and a doctor
were engaged—and Paris was invited to visit
No. 12 rue de Chabrol and partake of its pleasures
and advantages. Then came the suggestion in
the Anti-Juif that Paris should fix a day and
an hour when the Jews should be hanged on the
boulevard lamp-posts. And then followed the
resolution of the Government—to have done
with Jules Guérin! A warrant was issued for his
arrest on the charge of “incitement to rebellion.”
Somehow or other the news reached No. 12; and
when the Commissary of Police (armed with his
warrant) rang at the oak door, the massive form
of Guérin appeared at a window. “Bandit,” he
shouted. “There are twenty of us in here: and
not one of us will be taken alive. Tell the Government
of Traitors we shall fight to the death.”
And he flourished a revolver, and his assistants,
assembled behind him in the window, cheered
wildly. Away went the Commissary of Police
for further orders. Up came MM. Drumont,
Millevoye and other leading Anti-Semites with
exhortations to surrender. But Guérin, from his
window, reiterated his determination to die heroically
at his post: and again the young men with the
bull-dog faces cheered enthusiastically. And there
were cries of “Mon Dieu, quelle affaire!” and
angry protests, lamentations and tears amongst
the shopkeepers and peaceful old rentiers of the
street. Many of them put up their shutters and
fled, when policemen and Municipal Guards
marched up and stationed themselves outside
No. 12. Jules Guérin greeted them with cries of
“Assassins!”; shook his great fist threateningly;
rushed from window to window, shouting forth
abuse. More cheering from his assistants, who
pointed guns at the authorities.
“It is a revolution,” cried the householders.
“Let us save ourselves quickly.”
Shutters were hurried up everywhere; cabs
carried off distracted rentiers and their smaller
belongings; policemen and Municipal Guards
barred either end of the rue de Chabrol, and
permitted only people who had business in the
street to pass them; and with the cutting off of
water and gas supplies, the siege of Fort Chabrol
began in earnest.
The Holder of the Fort—though the Parisian,
interested in “affaires,” studied him attentively—could
only be observed from a distance. The
curious, with the aid of opera-glasses, discovered
him sitting at an open window with rifles resting
on either side of him; or beheld him walking
about the roof amidst the chimney-pots—an
extraordinary figure in his sombrero. Now and
again he discharged revolvers at the heavens: a
proceeding that never failed to arouse the enthusiasm
of his fellow-prisoners. Then leaning
perilously over the parapet or out of a window,
Guérin would apostrophise the soldiers and policemen
below as “brigands” and “assassins”; and
throw down pencilled messages (addressed to the
“Ministry of Traitors” and the “Government of
Forgers”) inviting all State officials to come to
the rue de Chabrol and be shot through their
“infamous heads” or their “abominable hearts.”
When particularly indignant, Guérin would hurl
forth a cup, a bottle, a saucepan—but the missiles
invariably fell wide of the mark; and the Guards
and police (whilst smoking cigarettes) snapped
their fingers and laughed back mockingly and
sardonically at the rebel. It was weary work
for the besiegers; the air was stale and sickly
with disinfectants; and often it rained.
Guérin blessed the downpours. He was short
of water. When the skies were generous, he
brought up buckets and basins and a great bath
on to the roof—and shook his fist exultingly at the
watchers beneath as the rain pattered into and
filled those receptacles; and next, coming to the
edge of the parapet with a glass in hand, drank
to the death of the “Government of Assassins.”
Indeed, quite an orgy of water-drinking on the
roof of the Fort; for the ex-butchers, with the
bull-dog faces, uproariously proposed the health of
their chief, and then emptied their glasses into the
street to show that they had no fear of suffering
from thirst.
But what of provisions? The twenty-fifth
night of the siege—a dark, wet night—the police
fancied they discerned mysterious objects flying
far over their heads on to the roof of Fort
Chabrol. Much speculation, infinite straining of
eyes and stretching of ears, and suddenly a paper
parcel, falling from above, struck a Municipal
Guard. Shock of the Guard. The cry: “It is
a bomb!” But it was only a ham—a fine,
excellent ham. And a few minutes later the
Guards and police were searching the house from
which it had been thrown and examining numbers
of other paper parcels (carefully tied up) that
contained joints of meat, “groceries,” sugared
cakes, fruit and fresh salads; all of which luxuries
were obviously intended for the rebels over the
way. But where were Guérin’s friends and accomplices?
Not a soul in the house; so said a
policeman: “Try the roof.” And there, on the
roof, more paper parcels ready to be thrown
across to the Fort; and hiding behind the
chimney-pots, four or five men.
“Arrest them,” cried an officer. And then,
amidst the chimney-pots, much dodging and
slipping and catching as in the games of “hide-and-seek”
and “touch wood”; whilst over the
way on his roof, Jules Guérin raced about amidst
his chimney-pots, swinging a lantern and furiously
shouting: “Assassins. Assassins.” Thus, no
sleep for the few remaining householders that
night. When his friends had been removed from
the roof, and the police reappeared in the street
with their captives and laden with parcels, Jules
Guérin and his assistants discharged revolvers
at the heavy, dark clouds; and, next morning,
hurled fenders, fire-irons and a bedstead into the
street. No one was struck: the prisoners were
too excited to take aim.
Guérin’s harangues were still bloodthirsty, but
it was noticed that he looked pale and drawn when
he appeared at the windows, as though suffering
from want of nourishment and exercise.... Now
he was more subdued as he took air amidst the
chimney-pots; and he would sit up on the roof in
the moonlight, with a gun across his knees, for a
whole hour without moving. How the air reeked
with disinfectants, and how sombre was the Fort!
Apparently oil and candles were scarce, for only
a single candle was used at a time. One saw its
dim light passing from room to room—now on
the first floor, then on the second, the third; then
there was darkness. Upon two occasions Guérin
spent the entire night on the roof. A dishevelled
shivering object he was at daybreak, with his
coat-collar turned up and the sombrero dragged
down over his ears. Nor did his young assistants
with the bull-dog faces fare better. Their cheers
became faint: and they themselves were to be discerned
leaning moodily against the chimney-pots or
yawning with all their mouths behind the windows.
Moreover, it was suspected by the police that there
was illness in the Fort. One night a candle burned
steadily in the same room. Not a soul on the roof,
silence in the citadel. At daybreak Jules Guérin
hoisted a black flag; one of the young prisoners
with the bull-dog face was dying. In answer to
Jules Guérin’s call, an officer stepped forward, and
parleying ensued. An ambulance was brought up.
When the solid oak door of Fort Chabrol opened
and Jules Guérin appeared with the dying man in
his arms, the policemen and Guards stood gravely
at salute. Away, slowly, went the ambulance. And
no sooner had it vanished than Jules Guérin—livid
and trembling—banged to and bolted the
door: rushed back to his window, and there,
pointing dramatically to the black flag, hoarsely
shouted: “Assassins. Assassins. Assassins.”
On the 9th September, at five o’clock in the
afternoon, Paris heard from Rennes that Captain
Dreyfus had—O astounding judgment!—been
found guilty of high treason, “with extenuating
circumstances.” On the following Tuesday it
was announced—O amazing clemency—that the
“traitor” had been pardoned. And throughout
France there arose a cry of “N’en Parlons Plus.”
Up and down the boulevards on that Tuesday
rushed scores of hoarse, unshaven camelots with
their latest song. “N’en Parlons Plus,” they
shouted. Then (in some cases) the chorus was
chanted:
“Le cauchemar est fini; car la France est vengée,
Qu’importe que l’on a gracié Dreyfus?
La nation entière, heureuse et soulagée,
N’a plus qu’un désir—c’est qu’on n’en parle plus.”
But there remained Fort Chabrol. Neither
“sanity” nor “order” could prevail in Paris
whilst Jules Guérin was defying the Government
from his window, and hurling missiles at its public
servants, and discharging revolvers at the heavens.
As the camelots were selling their song on the
boulevards, as Paris was rejoicing in cafés that the
“Affaire” was now “buried,” Jules Guérin still
walked his roof, and his assistants leant dejectedly
against the chimney-pots: and M. Lépine, Chief
of the Police, was on his side preparing an attack
on the stronghold. A few journalists were let
into the secret. At ten o’clock on the night
of Tuesday, the 12th September—the thirty-seventh
and last night of the siege—MM. les
journalistes were permitted to penetrate through
the lines of policemen and of Municipal and
Republican Guards that guarded the dark, gloomy
rue de Chabrol. Not a light in the citadel. But
shadowy forms were to be distinguished on the
roof. And at a window, smoking a cigarette, stood
Jules Guérin, in his sombrero.
“Mon vieux Jules, it is for to-night. Be reasonable
and come out,” shouted a journalist; and
he was promptly pulled backwards and called to
order by a policeman. But M. Millevoye, the Anti-Semite
deputy and editor of La Patrie, was permitted
to converse with the rebel on the condition
that he urged him to surrender.
“He swears he will fight to the death,” stated
M. Millevoye to an officer. Very pale and agitated
was the deputy. Very excited were the journalists,
who had provided themselves with sandwiches,
flasks and strong oil of eucalyptus with which to
ward off contamination. Calm was the Chief of
the Police, when he appeared on the scene with
various officials and announced that the pompiers
and their engines were on the way.
It was a cold, disagreeable night. The clatter
of horses’ hoofs—up came a detachment of the
mounted Republican Guard. The hissing of
fire-engines; here were the pompiers. A distant
babel of voices, for now, at one o’clock in the
morning, all kinds and conditions of Parisians
had heard of the impending attack on the citadel,
and had hastened to the barriers—only to find
themselves refused admittance to the grim,
besieged thoroughfare. From my side of the
barrier I beheld—beyond it—stalwart market-people
from the Halles, Apaches in caps and
scarlet waistbands, ragged old loafers, revellers
from Maxim’s and the stifling, frenzied night-restaurants
of Montmartre.
“Impossible to pass,” declared the policeman.
An officer of the Municipal Guards facetiously
kept up the refrain: “Not President Loubet;
not his Holiness the Pope; not even the bon Dieu,
could I possibly allow to pass.” Songs from the
Apaches. Naïve exclamations from the simple
market-women.
“Please give this bouquet to Guérin. He is
a real man; he is épatant—do please send him
these flowers,” cried a brilliant demi-mondaine
from Maxim’s, holding forth a bouquet of weird
orchids. “Alas, madame,” replied the facetious
officer; “alas, not even a bouquet from paradise
could I possibly allow to pass.”
Ominous sounds in the rue de Chabrol. The
thud and the clanking of the firemen’s hose as it
was dragged towards No. 12; the increased
hissing of the steam-engines; the impatient clatter
of the horses’ hoofs; the bolting and barring of
doors, and the putting up of shutters in those few
houses where residents remained. Ominous, too,
the consultations (carried on in a low voice)
between M. Lépine and the various officials. Then
the flash of lanterns, the smoke pouring forth
from the funnels of the steam-engines, the stench
of the disinfectants, those shadowy figures still on
the roof of Fort Chabrol; and Jules Guérin still
at his window in his sombrero, still smoking
cigarettes unconcernedly, still calmly watching
the preparations for the attack.
“It is sinister,” cried a journalist.
“So all is ready,” rang out the voice of the
Chief of the Police. Briskly stepping forward,
M. Lépine thus addressed Jules Guérin: “It is a
quarter to four o’clock. If, at four o’clock, you
do not surrender, we shall use force.”
Jules Guérin smoked on.
Still nearer to the Fort came the pompiers,
dragging their hose. The plan was that they
should deluge the massive building with water,
while their colleagues with the shining hatchets
should break down the door. A last consultation
between M. Lépine and the officials. He held his
watch in his hand. Five minutes to four o’clock.
The neighing of a restive horse. Shouts and song
from behind the barrier. Again, the clanking of the
hose. Three... two... minutes to four. Jules
Guérin, striking a match, lighted a new cigarette.
“He means to fight. It will be appalling,”
exclaimed a journalist.
“Jules Guérin, it is four o’clock,” cried
M. Lépine, again stepping forward. Without a
word, the man in the sombrero banged down the
window, and a few moments later the shadowy
figures of his assistants disappeared from the roof.
“I thought so, but I wasn’t sure—no, I wasn’t
sure,” said M. Lépine—when the heavy oak door
swung open!
A third time he stepped forward—entered the
doorway—vanished—reappeared to give an order—again
vanished. Up with the hose, into the
gutter with the fire-engines; way for half-a-dozen
ordinary, shabby fiacres which came bumping
and lurching down the street, pulled up before
the oak door: and a few minutes later took Jules
Guérin and the young men with the bull-dog
faces ingloriously away to the Santé prison!
“N’en Parlons Plus,” said Paris, when the
Senate, assembled as a High Court, sentenced
Jules Guérin, Paul Déroulède, and other rebels
and conspirators against the safety of the Republic
to long terms of imprisonment and exile.
“N’en Parlons Plus,” reiterated Paris, when
the Amnesty Bill permitted the exiles to return
to their country.
Little more was heard of Jules Guérin. France,
having been restored to order and sanity, and
having made what reparation she could to Major
Dreyfus, would have no more of Anti-Semitism;
and on his return from exile, the rebel of Fort
Chabrol retired into the obscurity of a damp,
ugly little house in the valley of the Seine.
He still wore his sombrero; but his spirit was
broken, and he pottered about in his garden and
smoked cigarettes by the side of an evil-smelling
stove. Then, a year ago, came the devastating
floods. After saving his own scanty furniture,
Jules Guérin went to the assistance of his neighbours.
He was himself again, dashing hither
and thither, issuing orders, directing operations.
Many valiant feats he performed. He was rough,
but he was kind. It was through standing waist-deep
in the cold, murky water—whilst helping his
neighbours—that he contracted pneumonia.
“The death, at the age of forty-nine, is announced
of M. Jules Guérin: who had his hour
of notoriety.”
So—and no more—said the Figaro.
XIII DEATH OF HENRI ROCHEFORT [6]
It is with mixed emotions that I record my
own personal recollections of the late Henri
Rochefort. They go back fourteen years, to
the lurid, delirious summer of 1899, when Jules
Guérin, the leader of the Anti-Semites, evaded
arrest by shutting himself up in Fort Chabrol;
when Dreyfus, bent, shattered, almost voiceless,
was enduring the anguish of a second court-martial;
when the boulevards were being swept
of tumultuous manifestants every night by the
Republican Guard.
Rochefort was living in a little villa at the entrance
to the Bois de Boulogne: a retreat for a
sage, a poet, a dreamer; the very last abode, one
would have thought, for the most thunderous figure
in French public life. By rights, Rochefort the
Ferocious should have been living in a vast boulevard
apartment overlooking the nightly Anti-Dreyfusard
uproar. But there he was (when first
I met him) in that innocent maisonnette—in
dressing-gown and slippers, amidst flowers,
pictures and frail china—actually playing with a
fluffy toy lamb, of the kind hawked about for two
francs on the terraces of the Paris cafés. It was
only his snowy white hair, brushed upwards, that
made him picturesque. Pale, steely blue eyes,
that lit up cruelly, evilly at times; a face seamed,
sallow and horse-like in shape; a harsh, guttural
voice; large, yellowish hands, with long, pointed
finger-nails.
Upon the occasion of my first visit to the innocent
maisonnette, there was no cause for agitation. The
toy lamb was the attraction. A tube was attached
to it, and at the end of the tube was a bulb which,
when pressed, made the lamb leap. Again and
again, Rochefort the Lurid set the lamb leaping.
I too lost my heart to the lamb, and also made
it frisk. Amidst all this irresponsibility, my host
was pleased to pronounce me “sympathetic”
and “charming,” not like the “traditional”
Englishman with the bull-dog, the aggressive side-whiskers
and long, glistening teeth. Rochefort
saw me to the garden door; Rochefort actually
plucked me a rose; Rochefort’s parting words
were a cordial invitation to visit him and his lamb
again soon. So was I amazed to find myself
described in his very next article as “a sinister
brigand, in the pay of the Jews; in fact, one of
those diabolical bandits who are devastating our
beloved France.”
... A week later I approached him, and
mildly protested, as he was sitting on the terrace
of the Café de la Paix, drinking milk and Vichy
water, sucking his eternal lozenges—and still playing
with the lamb.
“Bah, that was only print,” came the reply.
“Let us resume our game with the lamb.” As
he made it leap about deftly amongst the glasses
on the marble-topped table, passers-by, recognising
his Luridness, stopped, stared and smiled at the
spectacle. “That’s the great Rochefort,” said
the maître d’hôtel to an American tourist: and
stupefaction of the States. Rising at last, and
stuffing the lamb into his pocket, Rochefort
remarked: “I must go off and do my article,
but you sha’n’t be the brigand. I feel amiable
to-night.”
Next morning appeared the notorious, atrocious
article demanding that walnut shells—containing
long, hairy spiders—should be strapped to the eyes
of Captain Dreyfus.
What was the reason of Rochefort’s abominable
campaign against the martyr from the Devil’s
Island? Since he styled himself a democrat, the
champion of liberty and justice, the enemy of
tyranny, one would have expected to see the
fierce old journalist fighting vigorously for
Dreyfus. The fact is, Rochefort was a mass of
contradictions: an imp of perversity: at once
brutal and humane; gentle and bloodthirsty;
simple and vain; the most chaotic Frenchman
that ever died. Search his autobiography, in
three portly volumes: not once do you find him
resting, smiling or reflecting—he is all thunder and
lightning, an everlasting storm. Exile, duels,
fines and imprisonment—wild, delirious attacks
upon the Government of the day. No one
escaped; for fifty years, in the columns of the
Figaro, the Lanterne, the Intransigeant, and
finally, in the Patrie, Rochefort pursued presidents
and politicians with his unique, extravagant
vocabulary. M. Jaurès, the Socialist leader, was
“a decayed turnip”; M. Georges Clemenceau,
“a loathsome leper”; M. Briand, “a moulting
vulture.” As for M. Combes, to the guillotine
with him, and into the Seine with M. Delcassé,
and a rope and a boulevard lamp-post for
M. Pelletan. Then President Loubet was “the
foulest of assassins”; President Fallières, “the
fat old satyr of the Élysée”; and Madame Marguerite
Steinheil, “the Black Panther.”
For the life of me I could trace nothing of the
“panther” in Madame Steinheil during the ten
terrible days that she sat in the dock of the dim,
oak-panelled Paris Assize Court. As for her
“blackness,” Rochefort was referring to her
clothes.
“Heavy crape bands round the accused woman’s
black dress, stiff crape bows in the widow’s cap,
a deep sombre border to the handkerchief which
she clenched tightly, convulsively, in her black-gloved
hand... under her eyes, dark, dark
shadows, which turned green as the trial tragically
wore on.”[7] Impossible, one might have thought,
not to sympathise with this prisoner who, with
all her follies and faults, was certainly not the
murderess of her husband and mother.
But what cared Rochefort for evidence and
arguments? Leaning forward in his seat in the
Press-box, his sallow face distorted with fury, he
fixed the “Tragic Widow” with his steely, cruel
eyes. (“I think he was trying to hypnotise me—certainly
to terrify me,” relates Madame Steinheil
in her Memoirs.) Again and again he cracked his
lozenges, gesticulated angrily with his large yellow
hands. During the adjournments, he held forth
violently in the corridors of the Law Courts. Not
only was Madame Steinheil the murderess of her
mother and husband, but she was also the assassin
of President Félix Faure. She poisoned him in the
Élysée, at the instigation of the Jews, who knew
that so long as Faure remained President there
would be no revision of the Dreyfus affair. So, a
triple murderess—and “crack, crack” went the
lozenges. Later, when it became certain that
Madame Steinheil would be acquitted, Rochefort
declared that judge and jury had been “bought,”
and that the Government had all along protected
the “Black Panther.” His hands were trembling,
the sallow face had turned livid, when at one
o’clock in the morning the jury filed into the dim,
stifling court and delivered their verdict: “Not
Guilty” on all counts. How Rochefort scowled
at the cries of “Vive Madame Steinheil!” and
“Vive la Justice!” How he sneered when the
barristers cheered, applauded and flung their
black képis into the air! With what disgust he
listened to the bravoes from the journalists and
the public at the back of the court. When
Madame Steinheil fainted, and was being carried
out of the dock by the Municipal Guards,
Rochefort’s ruthless hatred made the compassion
of the public loathsome to him. Shaking, speechless
with rage, he roughly pushed his way out of
court, cracking his lozenges with such savagery
that he must have very nearly broken his
teeth.
But there were two Henri Rocheforts, and the
virtues of the second almost made amends for
the vices of the first.
The second Rochefort revealed himself at the
age of twenty. He was a medical student.
Shortly after the adoption of these studies young
Rochefort harangued the surgeon and his fellow-students
upon the “iniquities” of vivisection:
and that ended his short medical career. Another
outburst at the Hôtel de Ville, when Rochefort
next accepted a petty clerkship at a pound a
week. His colleagues were underpaid and overworked;
a scarcity of light and utter lack of
ventilation in the dusty, shabby office-rooms
resulted in cases of acute anæmia and consumption.
“We must have light—floods of it. We
must have air—great, healthy draughts of it,”
shouted youthful Rochefort to a high official.
“I’m strong enough myself and don’t care; but
look at your clerks. Martyrs, victims! De l’air,
de la lumière, nom de Dieu!”
The high official, a pompous, apoplectic soul,
was struck dumb by Rochefort’s invasion of
his private sanctum. At last he gasped: “If
you were not the son of a marquis——” But
Rochefort interrupted: “My father died a fortnight
ago. But I have no predilection for titles.
My name is Henri Rochefort.”
Rochefort nevertheless was an aristocrat—“la
race” remained, in spite of his assumption of
democracy. He was, in fine, a democrat-aristocrat—most
chaotic of combinations. Therein lay
the secret of his turbulence and incoherency.
Like all French aristocrats, he was a militarist
at heart. He was the ally of Boulanger. He
was the hottest champion of Paul Déroulède
when that well-meaning but impossible “patriot”
attempted his celebrated coup d’état, on the
morning of President Félix Faure’s funeral, by
establishing General Roget as a military dictator
in the Élysée. He was, furthermore, an Anti-Semite.
“Pale, white blood,” he cried disdainfully
of the French noblesse. His own blood
was vigorously red, but tinged indelibly with
blue. Yes; “la race” remained, persisted—clashed
inevitably with the true spirit of democracy.
And hence the chaos, the thunder and
lightning; from out of which there nevertheless
shone tenderness, chivalry and a love of beautiful
things. He loved music, sculpture, pictures:
and whilst urging on France to declare war
against England over the Fashoda Affair, announced
in my hearing that he would rather
annex a portrait by Reynolds than a province
in the Sudan. He loved animals: and animals
loved him. Wild fury of Rochefort when a
bull-fight was advertised to take place at
Enghien-les-Bains.
When the Government declined to forbid it,
down to Enghien went Rochefort and a number
of friends. Sallow-faced old Rochefort seized hold
of the “impresario” who was organising the
bull-fight and shook him. “I and my friends
are going to wreck your arena,” he shouted.
Nor did he release the “impresario” until the
latter had promised that the bull-fight should
not take place.
If Rochefort had been all vindictiveness and
luridness, how did it come to pass that he was
the guest of the great-hearted Victor Hugo,
when both of them were exiles in Brussels? And
if the hoarse-voiced, steely-eyed old journalist
had been all venom, how did it come about
that he was the devoted, admiring friend of that
very noble, if disconcerting apostle of humanity,
Louise Michel, “the Red Virgin.”
Londoners may remember the frail, thin,
shabby little Woman who denounced social injustices
in a dingy hall in a back street off Tottenham
Court Road some ten years ago. In appearance
she was nothing—until she spoke. And
when Louise Michel spoke, ah dear me, how
one realised the miseries grimly and heroically
endured by the poor of this topsy-turvy world!
The shabby, frail little figure, with the big, inspired
eyes, became galvanised. From London
to Paris, from Paris to every European capital,
travelled the “Red Virgin”—incomparably eloquent—the
woes and sufferings of her fellow-creatures
at once crushing and supporting her.
Herself, she cared nothing for. The same old
threadbare black dress; eternal dim attics and
meagre food; the same old self-sacrifice, the pity
to the verge of despair, the same old breakdowns
from weakness and exhaustion.
Rochefort—Victor Henri Marquis de Rochefort-Luçay—sought
her out in her attic. When the
“Red Virgin” was travelling and lecturing
abroad, Rochefort instructed his foreign correspondents
to look after her. He bought her a
country house: which she promptly sold; he
gave her an annuity: which she mortgaged; he
arranged that his tradespeople should serve her
in his name; but house, annuity, provisions—everything
went to the poor.
“I can do nothing with her,” Rochefort
once told me. “She is at once sublime and
adorable and ridiculous! When I tell her she
is killing herself, she replies: ‘Tant pis, mon
petit Henri. But you yourself will die one of
these days.’”
A week later Louise Michel expired suddenly,
from exhaustion, at Marseilles.[8] Sallow-faced,
white-headed, red-eyed old Rochefort was the
chief mourner at the funeral. As he walked,
bent, trembling, behind the hearse of the “Red
Virgin”—crack, crack went the lozenges.
The month of June, 1912. Rochefort’s daily
article in the Patrie missing; and again missing
the next day, and the day after that—the
first time octogenarian Rochefort had
“missed” his daily lurid article for fifty-two
years!
On the fourth day there appears in the Patrie
the following intimation:—“I shall soon reach
my eighty-second year, and it is now half-a-century
since I have worked without a rest
even in prison or in exile, at the hard trade
of a journalist, which is the first and the most
noble of all professions—when it is not the
lowest. I think I have earned the right to a
rest. But it will only be a short one. My old
teeth can still bite.”
However, the “rest” in the country is prolonged:
and the teeth don’t “bite” again. Eyesight
becomes misty. Hearing next fails. Behold
Rochefort in a dressing-gown, stretched on
an invalid’s chair in a drowsy country garden,
whence he is transported, as a last hope, to Aix-les-Bains,—where
he dies.
The 30th June 1913. Day of Rochefort’s
funeral. All Paris lining the boulevards and
streets as the cortège, half-a-mile long, passes by.
A crowd of all kinds and conditions of Parisians.
Here is M. Jaurès, “the decayed turnip.” There
is M. Clemenceau, “the loathsome leper.” Over
there, M. Briand, “the moulting vulture.” And
their heads are uncovered; there is not the
faintest resentment in their minds as the remains
of lurid, yet not always unkind, old Rochefort are
borne away round the corner under a magnificent
purple pall.
Round the corner and up the steep hill to the
vast, rambling Montmartre Cemetery. Tombs,
shadows, silence, mystery within the cemetery
walls; but, beyond them, the hectic arms of the
Moulin Rouge, and the lurid lights of night
restaurants. In this mixed atmosphere Henri
Rochefort has an appropriate resting-place.
Whenever France is shaken by a
scandal, convulsed by a crisis, the
voice of the undiscerning prophet is to
be heard proclaiming the doom of the Republic.
The Affair of the Decorations in President Grévy’s
time, the Panama Affair, the Dreyfus Affair, the
Steinheil Affair, yesterday’s Rochette-Caillaux-Calmette
Affair; each of these delirious dramas
excited the assertion that the French people, disgusted
and indignant at so much political corruption,
were ready and eager for the restoration of
the old régime. True, these five scandals—and
many other smaller ones—shocked, saddened,
humiliated the French nation. But at no time
have they caused the average Frenchman—most
intelligent and reasonable of beings—to lose faith
in the Republic. Invariably he has maintained
that it is not the Republic that is at fault, but the
Republicans behind her; emphatically, he has
insisted that the remedy lies, not in the overthrow,
but in the reform, of the Republic—in
the honest enforcement of the principles and
doctrines of the Rights of Man. No Kings,
no Emperors for Twentieth-Century France!
Imagine, if you can do it, Philippe, Duke of
Orleans, the handsomest, the most brilliant, the
most irresistible of Pretenders. Suppose Prince
Victor Napoleon endowed with some of the
military and administrative genius of the Petit
Caporal, instead of having married and settled
down in comfortable, bourgeois little Belgium.
Picture a modern General Boulanger on a new
black charger—France would, nevertheless, remain
true to the Republican régime. “Ah non,
mon vieux, pas de ça,” one can hear the average
Frenchman say to the would-be monarch. “We
have had you before. We know better than to
try you again. Bonsoir.”
Still, in spite of their confirmed Republicanism,
the French people love Royalty—the Royalty of
other nations. How often, outside national
buildings that bear the democratic motto of
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, have I heard
shouts of: “Vive le Roi” and “Vive la Reine,”
and admiring exclamations of: “Il est beau”
and “Elle est gentille,” when a foreign monarch
and his consort have visited Paris! How brilliantly
has the city been adorned and illuminated;
what a special shine on the helmets and breast-plates
of the Republican Guard, and on the boots
of the little, nervous boulevard policemen; what
a constant playing of the august visitor’s own
national anthem! In all countries a neighbouring
sovereign is received cordially, elaborately.
But it is in Republican France that a Royal visit
is marked with the greatest pomp, circumstance
and excitement. For the fact is that France,
more than any other country, loves a fête—and
the arrival in Paris of a King means flags, fairy
lamps, festoons of paper flowers, fireworks. (The
mere ascent of a rocket, the smallest shower of
“golden rain” will throw the Parisian into
ecstasies.) Also it delights the Frenchman to
behold the uniforms, and the Stars and Orders of
foreign nations—and he will stand about for hours
to catch only a glimpse of the monarch.
“Je l’ai vu, moi,” M. le Bourgeois declares
proudly. Probably he has discerned no more
than the nose, or the ear or the eyebrow of his
Majesty. But he “salutes” the ear and the
nose, he cheers the eyebrow: and the newspapers
are full of the “distinction” and “graciousness”
and “wit” of the visiting sovereign. Modern
French novels and plays also call attention to the
homage paid by Parisians to foreign Royalty.
In that brilliant comedy, Le Roi, the mythical
King of Cerdagne thus addresses a Parisienne:
“Le séjour à Paris, c’est une chose qui nous
délecte, nous autres pauvres rois, pauvres rois de
province! On est si riant pour nous, ici! Pour
aimer les rois, il n’y a vraiment plus que la
France.” And the lady replies: “Mais elle est
sincère, sire. Elle est amoureuse de vous. Elle
flirte, elle fait la coquette—elle aime ça. La
France est une Parisienne.” Most indisputably,
France “flirts” with Foreign Royalty. Vast
quantities of flowers, fresh and artificial, here,
there and everywhere. All official buildings blazing
and glittering with huge electrical devices.
About ten o’clock at night—amidst what murmurs,
exclamations, rapture!—fireworks on the ghost-haunted
Ile de France. Then Republican and
Municipal Guards massed on the Place de
l’Opéra; and a dense crowd assembled to witness
the arrival of his Majesty, M. le Président,
MM. les Ambassadeurs, and hosts of distinguished
personages, for the gala performance. All Paris
turns out: stout M. le Bourgeois, students from
the Latin Quarter, midinettes in their best hats
(I prefer them at noon, when Mesdemoiselles
Marie and Yvonne are bareheaded), workmen in
their Sunday suits, small clerks in pink shirts,
obscure, dim-eyed old Government officials,
Apaches on their good behaviour, cabmen and
chauffeurs (off their boxes), conscripts with permits,
concierges hastened from their lodges in
slippers, street gamins—Victor Hugo’s Gavroche—with
his inimitable sarcasms and repartee—all
turn out to behold the Royal guest of Republican
France pay his State visit to the Opera.
But what with the police and the troops and the
closed carriage of the sovereign, all these kinds
and conditions of Parisians do not behold even
so much as the eyebrow of his Majesty. They
remain there until the performance is over, but
with no happier success. Away goes the Royal
carriage, without affording the crowd the view of
an ear-tip, a chin or the nape of the neck. Still,
in spite of the crowd having seen nothing, what
cheers! I have heard them raised for the Tsar;
for the Kings of Greece, Belgium, Sweden, Norway
and Italy; for the late ruler of Portugal;
for the highly popular Alfonso of Spain; for the
greatest favourite of all, the idol of the Parisians—King
Edward the Seventh. King Edward’s State
visit took place eleven years ago. The result of
it, twelve months later, was the consummation of
the Entente. Thus the present month of April
will see Paris celebrating a “double” event:
the visit of King George and Queen Mary, and the
tenth anniversary of the Cordial Understanding.
And it is safe to affirm that when the cheers break
out afresh in honour of their Majesties, they will
not fail to surpass in spontaneity and enthusiasm
all the cheers of the past.
Royal visits to Paris never vary. They last
four or five days, and during that brief period the
foreign sovereign, the French President, the
Cabinet Ministers, the array of high State officials,
the troops, the police, the Press and the greater
part of Paris public have so much to do and to
see that at the end of the whirl they cannot but
confess to a condition of exhaustion. Both the
Royal visitor and the President hold brilliant
State banquets. Most probably there is a third
banquet at the Quai d’Orsay. The gala at the
Opera (or sometimes at the Français), a Military
Review, an expedition to Versailles, a reception
at the Hôtel de Ville, a special race-meeting, presentations
of Addresses: such are the traditional
items in the strenuous “programme.” Then,
speeches to make; and since they are eminently
“official,” they must be carefully considered, and
thoroughly mastered, beforehand. As, on the
other score, the “official” toasts and speeches
are invariably stereotyped in substance and
sentiment, they cannot demand much inventiveness
or exertion. They must be mutually
polite and complimentary—a repetition of one
another.
However, in spite of the polite and amusing
banality of the “official” speeches, Royal visits
to France can have far-reaching consequences.
Eighteen years ago the arrival in Paris of the Tsar
resulted in the Franco-Russian Alliance. After
that, King Edward and the Entente; and since
then the visits of the kings of Spain and Italy
have undoubtedly promoted a mutual friendly
feeling between those two countries and Republican
France. Then there have also taken
place, during the last five or six years, odd, amazing
Royal visits: that have caused the punctilious
French Protocol no end of ennuis and perplexities.
Behold black-faced and burly old Sisowath, King
of Cambodia, descending most indecorously upon
Paris, in a battered top-hat and gorgeous silken
robes: and with a party of bejewelled native
dancing-girls! Impossible to separate Sisowath
from his monstrous top-hat (which came from
heaven knows where) and his dancers; impossible,
therefore, to entertain his Cambodian
Majesty ceremoniously. Nor would he have
tolerated State banquets, the Hôtel de Ville, Versailles,
the Opera. No pomp for black Sisowath.
A great deal of his time he spent in going up and
down lifts; and in listening to gay songs from the
gramophone. When he drove through the streets
he kissed his great ebony hands at the Parisiennes.
He was, as a matter of fact, for kissing everybody:
even capacious President Fallières, even
sallow, petulant M. Clemenceau. As he did his
embracing, he hugged his victims in his huge,
massive arms. Still, he was a King—and so
official France had to overlook his eccentricities.
As for the Parisians, they revelled in Bohemian
Sisowath. Ecstatic, gay cries of “Vive le roi!”
and “Vivent les petites danseuses”:—to which his
merry old Majesty responded by standing up
in his carriage, and waving the disgraceful top-hat;
and blowing forth more and more kisses; and
shouting out messages in his own incomprehensible
language.... Then, after Sisowath, Mulai Hafid,
the ex-Sultan of Morocco, who before coming to
Paris passed a few days at Vichy. Nobody, however,
had reason to cheer or rejoice over this
Royal visitor: for his behaviour was intolerable.
Sisowath was expansive, affectionate, rigolo; Mulai
Hafid was violent, insolent, offensive.
“Grotesque, horrible machines” was “Mulai’s”
comment on the hats of the fashionable Frenchwomen.
The military bands, “they drive me
mad.” The actresses, “shameless and shocking”—they
should be veiled like the ladies of
Morocco. “Where is your sun?” demanded
the ex-Sultan, looking up at the grey skies. “I
am so bored that I am going to bed. What a
people, what a country!” All this, and more,
the Yellow journalists gleefully repeated in their
newspapers. Then, photographs of “Mulai”
scowling, of “Mulai” disdainful, of “Mulai”
contemptuous. So that when “Mulai” came
to Paris, still scowling, the Hippolyte Durands
were indignant at his bad manners. In France,
you mustn’t speak ill of anything French: especially
when you are in receipt of a pension of
350,000 francs a year.
But “Mulai” didn’t care. He was for ever
taking the Paris journalists into his confidence,
and more and more unflattering became his comments
on French life. As it rained every day, his
temper was detestable; and he has been seen to
shake his fist at the French skies. Then he
omitted to salute the French flag: he described
the French language as ridiculous; he yawned
in the Louvre: and he retired to bed through sheer
boredom a dozen times a day.
Also, “Mulai” was said to be furious because
the Press had compared him unfavourably with
Sisowath, the amazing ebony-black monarch of
Cambodia. “Sisowath,” said the papers, was
not only rigolo. When he came to Paris seven
years ago he wore brilliant robes, a multitude of
diamonds—as well as a battered old top-hat.
And he laughed and laughed all day long. Not
only did he kiss his great black hands at the
Parisiennes, but he showered silver amongst the
crowd. And he meant it kindly when he
hugged bald, portly State officials. In a word,
black, enormous Sisowath of Cambodia was an
unsophisticated, affectionate, merry old soul. But,
in “Mulai’s” estimation, Sisowath is a savage, and
furious, as I have said, is the ex-Sultan that he
should be mentioned in the same breath with him.
Socially, in fact, “Mulai’s” visit to France is
anything but a success. He has been raging
against French boots, because, after putting on
a pair, they pinched him. He has been cursing
French automobiles, because they travel so fast.
And he has hurled a French suit of clothes (especially
made for him) out of the window, because of
the buttons.
“Ah non, c’est trop fort,” cries Hippolyte
Durand, as he reads of “Mulai’s” outbursts in
the papers. And still greater becomes his indignation,
when he comes upon the following
statement:—“The situation in Morocco continues
serious. The Vled Bu Beker, of the Rehama
tribe, is active. The attitude of the Vled Belghina
and the Vled Amrane Fukania is threatening.
The Hiania tribesmen are gathered at
Safrata on the Wed Sebu. At Ben Guerie, Bab
Aissa, Suk-el-Arba and——”
“I will read no more; I understand nothing,
I am distracted!” cries M. Hippolyte Durand.
“Ah, nom d’un nom, what a sinister country is
this Morocco!”
Earlier in this paper, I observed that Royal
visits to Paris never “vary,” but in one respect
this statement requires correction. The most
delicate, the most anxious duty of the French
Government is to watch over the safety of her
illustrious guests. Paris, rightly or wrongly, is
alleged to abound with anarchists, fanatics and
lunatics. Ask M. Guichard, one of the chiefs of
the Criminal Investigation Department: and he
will tell you that a Royal visit, if a delight to the
public, is a misery and a nightmare to the detective
police. The extent, the depth of the misery
depends upon the nationality of the monarch.
Of course, no fears as to old Sisowath’s safety;
and peril for Mulai Hafid, who was nearly always
in bed, caused even slighter apprehensions.
The kings of Belgium, Sweden and Norway—well,
the detective police, although watchful,
“breathed” freely and slept of nights when their
Majesties came to Paris. But the King of Italy,
a hundred thousand precautions; the King of
Spain—extraordinary vigilance: and even then
a bomb fell within a few yards of the Royal
carriage; the Tsar—a state of panic and siege
that still haunts me after the interval of eighteen
long years. Weeks before his Imperial Majesty’s
arrival, Russian detectives descended upon Paris.
Together with their French colleagues they
searched for conspirators and bombs—even forcing
their way into the rooms of the poor Russian
girl students of the Latin Quarter, seizing their
correspondence, subjecting them to offensive cross-examinations.
Still rougher methods with the
male students: with Russian plumbers, clerks and
mechanics; many were arrested on no evidence
as “revolutionaries” and imprisoned (without
being allowed to communicate with their friends)
until after the Imperial Visitor’s departure.
Often, as a result of the raids of the detective
police, the poorer Russian residents in Paris were
given congé by terrified concierges, and had to
take refuge in stifling, common lodging-houses,
or seek for shelter on the outskirts of Paris.
Meanwhile, Paris was decking herself out with
flowers and flags, rehearsing coloured electrical
“effects,” setting the supports for the panoramic
fireworks, buying up the photographs of the Tsar
of All the Russias. But it was a pale, uneasy,
harassed-looking Emperor that drove through
the splendidly decorated thoroughfares; it was
a beautiful, but a sad-faced, Consort who accompanied
him; it was cheers all the way; but it was
also a detective in plain clothes at one’s elbow,
more detectives in corners and doorways, still
more detectives on roofs and—I dare say—up
chimneys; it was festoons and illuminations and
fireworks: but it was also bayonets and sabres;
it was the democratic Marseillaise of France and
the National Anthem of despotic Russia; it was
“Long live the Emperor”; and “Long live the
Republic”—but it was an ironical, a pitiable
spectacle: this Imperial guest, come on a visit to
a friendly country, protected and surrounded by
an illimitable, armed bodyguard, as though he
were entering—not Paris—but the Valley of the
Shadow of Death.
Numbers of Russian decorations for the Paris
detective police, when the Tsar had departed
in safety! Out of prison came the perfectly
innocent “revolutionaries”: the Russian girls were
permitted to resume their studies in the Latin
Quarter... not the silliest little bomb had
spluttered, not a seditious cry had been raised... and
a high police official of my acquaintance
was granted by a grateful Government a prolonged
holiday on increased pay. He deserved
it. Dark shadows under his eyes, hectic spots
in his cheeks, dyspepsia, insomnia, acute neurasthenia:
such was his plight after the glorious
visit to Paris of the Tsar of All the Russias. To-day,
eighteen years later, my detective friend has
risen to one of the highest positions at the Sûreté,
and he can produce many a decoration or gift
awarded him by foreign Royalty, and is particularly
proud of a gold watch presented to him by
King Edward the Seventh. The late King was
so popular in Paris that he was known familiarly
and affectionately as “Edouard.” Nevertheless,
he was watched over by the private detective
police. “Mais oui, we had even to attend to
the safety of ‘Edouard,’ the most admirable of
kings; he often gave me cigars, and you have
already seen the gold watch,” my detective friend
recently told me. “We were concerned about
the Indians in Paris. Oh, nobody else would
have assailed Edouard. As for the Indians, they
were kept under observation day and night.”
The detective was alluding to the notorious
Krishnavarna, who “ran” a scurrilous little
newspaper in a house off the Champs Élysées.
Odd, sinister-looking Indians (I am still quoting
my police friend) called frequently at the place.
They remained there for hours and hours: what
were they doing? But the police have their eye
on them—especially closely and keenly fixed on
them now that King George and Queen Mary are
about to make their entrance into Paris. Also—so
I am informed by the same high detective
official—the police have been instructed to beware
of the militant Suffragettes. Miss Christabel
Pankhurst “under observation”; the comings
and goings of her visitors watched and recorded;
the lady passengers on the Havre, Dieppe and
Calais steamers carefully scrutinised on their
arrival; the police actually taught to shout
“Votes for Women” in order that they may
promptly distinguish that cry in the event of its
being uttered! Dear Paris—dear, excitable,
incoherent, wonderful, incomparable Paris—into
what difficulties as well as delights, into what a
whirl of pleasure and confusion, does a Royal visit
plunge you!
But, never mind the difficulties, tant pis for the
confusion; vivent the more than compensating
thrills of emotion and delight. This evening, as
I close this paper, Paris is once again shouting:
“Vive le Roi” and “Vive la Reine”—shouting
herself “hoarse,” so the French and English Press
unanimously declare; and the decorations and
illuminations of the past have been triumphantly
eclipsed, and the State banquets, the reception
at the Hôtel de Ville, the gala performance at the
Opera, the race-meeting and the military review
have surpassed in brilliancy and splendour even
the golden ceremonies that solemnised the visit
of the Tsar of All the Russias. Very remarkable,
too, the State speeches delivered by the President
of the Republic and the King of England in the
banqueting-hall of the Élysée. Both speeches
of unusual length: the old, banal, stilted phrases
superseded by a note of eloquent and vigorous
sincerity.
As a matter of fact, the reception of his son has
excited even higher and livelier enthusiasm than
did the official visit of King Edward the Seventh—because
he is his son: because, since the year 1904,
the entente cordiale has matured and strengthened.
At all events, unprecedented things have happened.
Until to-day, the French newspapers could scarcely
contrive to publish an English word, or name, or
sentence without misspelling, mangling or otherwise
distorting it. Our Prime Minister used to
be “Sir Askit,” whilst our ex-Home Secretary,
Mr “Winsy Churkil,” was frequently and severally
described as Chief of the Police and—Prefect
of the Thames. Vanished, to-day, all those inexactitudes
and incoherencies of recent times.
Before me, almost surrounding me, spread and
bulge a mass of French newspapers of all opinions.
But every one of them has become “correct,”
impeccable in its English, and right across the
top of the front page of Gil Blas, in gigantic
characters, the familiar, cordial invitation:
“Shake hands, King George.”
XV AT THE ÉLYSÉE. MESSIEURS LES PRÉSIDENTS — 1. M. Loubet and Paul Déroulède — 2. M. Armand Fallières. Morocco and the Floods — 3. M. Raymond Poincaré and the Record of M. Lépine
On 16th February 1899, President Faure
(known familiarly and gaily in Paris as
“Félix”) died suddenly. Two days later
the Upper and Lower Chambers, solemnly assembled
at Versailles, proclaimed M. Émile Loubet
his successor. And now, after seven years in the
Élysée, M. Loubet makes way for the eighth
President of the Third French Republic and retires
into a tranquil, simple appartement.
Seven years ago! But it seems only yesterday
that I found myself, one cold, misty afternoon, before
the St-Lazare station, where the newly elected
President was to arrive. I was eager to witness his
début in Paris as Chief of the State. Eager, too,
to “receive him” were thousands of Parisians.
But as I surveyed the dense, excited crowd, I
gathered at a glance that the reception it reserved
for M. Loubet was to be very far from friendly.
Here, there and everywhere chattered and whispered
the followers of MM. Edouard Drumont,
Lucien Millevoye, Henri Rochefort and Jules
Guérin. In full force, too, were the paid hirelings
of those notorious agitators; collarless, shabby,
unshaven fellows, “Messieurs les Quarante-Sous.”
And present again was the “Emperor
of the Camelots,” a striking-looking man with
long hair, bold, brilliant eyes and a humorous
expression; not only the composer and seller
of “topical” songs, not only the indefatigable
electioneering agent and the ironical pamphleteer,
but the ingenious, the illustrious, the incomparable
organiser of “popular demonstrations.”
Often did agitators say to the “Emperor”:
“I want So-and-so hissed,” or “I want So-and-so
cheered.” Obligingly and genially the “Emperor”
replied: “Nothing is easier.” And in
truth, the operation was simple. The agitator
provided the money: and the “Emperor” called
together a fine army of manifestants.
Thus the crowd before the St-Lazare station
looked threatening on that memorable winter’s
afternoon. Of course those garrulous, gesticulating
bodies, the “Ligue de la Patrie Française”
and M. Paul Déroulède’s “League of the Patriots,”
were strongly represented. Inevitably, too, the
little, nervous, impetuous policemen of Paris
figured conspicuously in the scene. And everyone
was restless, everyone was impatient, save
the “Emperor of the Camelots,” who, making his
way urbanely and imperturbably through the
crowd, occasionally spoke a word to his subjects,
his army: the shabby, unshaven fellows, Messieurs
les Quarante-Sous. No doubt he was asking
them whether their voices were in good condition,
and whether their whistles were handy. And
most probably he was instructing them how to keep
out of the clutches of the alert, watchful police.
“À bas Loubet!”
The cry came from the interior of the station.
No sooner had it been uttered than the crowd
excitedly exclaimed: “He has arrived.”
And then, what a din of shouting, of hissing,
of hooting! And then, what a blowing of shrill,
piercing whistles! And then, as the Presidential
carriage drove away (with M. Loubet seated by
the window, pale, grave, dignified, venerable),
what a hoarse, violent uproar of “À bas Loubet!”
and “Mort aux traîtres!” and “Panama!
Panama! Panama!”[9] Not one hat raised to him.
Not one cheer given him. Not one courtesy paid
him. It was to the ear-splitting notes of whistles,
it was to a chorus of calumny and abuse, it was in
the midst of a howling, hostile mob, that the new
Chief of the State made his début in Paris.
What, it may be asked, was the reason of
M. Loubet’s unpopularity? Well, the Dreyfus
days had begun: those wild, frenzied days of
feuds, duels and hatreds; of frauds, riots and
conspiracies, when Parisians allowed themselves
to be governed and blinded by their passions and
prejudices. M. Loubet was notoriously in favour
of granting the unhappy prisoner on the Devil’s
Island a new trial. Paris, on the other hand,
misled, intimidated, deceived by the Nationalists,
was Anti-Dreyfusard. And hence the tempestuous
reception—at once spontaneous and “organised”—accorded
the new President on his return
from Versailles.
However, in the present paper, it is not my
intention to examine the political situation in
France during the tumultuous winter, summer
and autumn of 1899. My aim is to portray
certain scenes and to record certain incidents
which may convey an idea of the state of Paris in
that epoch, and of her attitude towards M. Loubet.
And here let me return without further ado to
the crowd before the St-Lazare station, where,
after the President’s departure, there appeared
yet another amazing agitator in the person of
M. Déroulède.
He has been likened to—Don Quixote. And it
has also been good-humouredly agreed that in his
devoted lieutenant, M. Marcel Habert, he possesses
an admirable Sancho Panza. For M. Déroulède
is an exalté. M. Déroulède is extravagant,
theatrical, often absurd: yet with a noble sincerity
in him and an attachment to the idea. And as he
stood in the thick of the St-Lazare crowd, with
his official Deputy’s sash, with his decoration in his
button-hole, with fire in his eye, with a flush on his
cheeks and with burning “patriotic” utterances
on his lips—as he stood there haranguing and
gesticulating, M. Paul Déroulède held everyone’s
attention. At that moment, he was passionately
inviting his hearers to follow him to Joan of Arc’s
statue, there to hold a “patriotic” demonstration.
Often, he made such a pilgrimage. Often,
too, he made pilgrimages to the Strasbourg monument
on the Place de la Concorde: and to the
cemeteries where rest the “heroic victims” of
Germany. There were many who laughed at
him, but his courage and honesty no one, not even
his adversaries, doubted. He had fought valiantly
in the Franco-Prussian War, and ever since
that appalling campaign he had looked after the
interests of the scrubby little soldier—le pioupiou—and
composed songs and poems in his honour.
“Vive l’Armée!” and “Vive la France!” were
the eternal, emotional cries of M. Déroulède.
At his bidding, Paris echoed those cries. And
Paris also “supported” him enthusiastically
when he made his pilgrimages to the Place de la
Concorde, and the cemeteries, and Joan of Arc’s
statue; for in what is essential and fine in him, his
noble sincerity and devotion to the idea, even when
in the wrong, M. Déroulède stands as the outward
and visible type of a quality that belongs to
the soul and the genius of France.
Well, upon the present occasion, M. Déroulède’s
audience was particularly responsive. “Then
follow me!” he shouted triumphantly. And so,
behold him leading a long, animated procession
from the St-Lazare station to the rue de Rivoli.
And behold him again, a few minutes later, standing
against the railing that encircles “La Pucelle”
astride of her horse. And behold his followers—hundreds
of them—closely surrounding him, and
the police—scores of them—ready to “charge”
the crowd at the first outbreak of disorder. But
M. Déroulède, unlike the Anti-Semitic Jules
Guérin, was no lover of brawls. He wished only
to “defend” the “honour of the Army” (which,
by the way, had never been assailed). He desired
only to point out that France was governed by
a number of men who dreamt day and night,
dreamt night and day, dreamt always and always
of “selling their country to the enemy.” Ah,
these abominable, these infamous traitors! Even
as he, Paul Déroulède, stood there, at the foot of
Joan of Arc’s statue, this sinister, this diabolical
Government was plotting the “réhabilitation” of
a man—no, a scoundrel—convicted by his own
colleagues of treason.
“Citizens, our France, our beloved France, is
in danger. Citizens, do your duty. Citizens,
drive away the traitors who govern you. Citizens,
show your execration of these traitors by crying
with me: “Vive l’Armée!” “Vive la France!”
“Vive la patrie!”
And again the crowd was responsive. This
time, indeed, there were shouts of “Vive Déroulède!”
Parisians came running up from
neighbouring streets, so that the crowd grew and
expanded. On the tops of the omnibuses passengers
cheered encouragingly. At every window
and on every doorstep stood spectators. In fine,
much animation around Joan of Arc’s statue.
“En avant!” cried, martially, our Don
Quixote. Warned by the police to be “prudent,”
he replied that he was a “patriot,” and hotly demanded
that his Deputy’s sash should be respected.
Then, placing himself at the head of his followers,
he led them triumphantly towards the grands
boulevards. Again, “patriotic” cries. Again,
fierce denunciations of the “Government of
Traitors.”
And, in M. Déroulède’s organ, Le Drapeau,
next morning, what an exultant account of
M. Loubet’s tempestuous début in Paris, and
what a glowing recital of the “grandiose” and
“glorious” manifestation held at the foot of
Joan of Arc’s gilded statue.
After this we had daily, almost hourly, manifestations.
Very affairé, but always urbane and
imperturbable, was the “Emperor of the Camelots.”
Very active and zealous were Messieurs
les Quarante-Sous. And very garrulous, excited
and nervous were the Parisians. In cafés they
emotionally agreed that the situation was
“grave.” In cafés, also, they whispered of plots
against the President and the Republic—sensational
plots that greatly agitated the Chief of the
Police. Yes, M. Lépine was alarmed; M. Lépine
had lost his appetite; M. Lépine could not rest
at night for thinking of the shoals and shoals of
conspirators then present in Paris. A veritable
plague of conspirators!
Here, there and everywhere, a conspirator.
Who knew: perhaps one’s very neighbour in
cafés, trains, omnibuses and trams was a dangerous
conspirator? And so, when we spoke of conspirators
and conspiracies, we lowered our voices
and glanced apprehensively over our shoulders,
and were altogether very uneasy, suspicious
and mysterious. Heavens, what rumours! And
mercy, what an effervescence! Now it was the
“agents” of the Bonapartists who were “active.”
Anon it was the Orleanists who were “at work.”
Next it was the Clericals who were conspiring.
And, finally, it was the Militarists, who had
actually appointed the day and the hour when
they would give a Dictator to France. Already
it had been arranged that the Dictator should
appear in Paris on a splendid black charger,
surrounded by a brilliant, dashing staff. And
the Dictator, from his saddle, was eloquently to
address the populace. And when the Dictator
spoke the sacred name “France,” he was to draw
and flourish his sword. And the brilliant staff
was to cheer. And the dashing staff was to
cry—— No matter: the approaching arrival in
Paris of the Dictator and retinue was a secret;
only whispered timidly and fearfully amongst us
when we felt ourselves secure from conspiring
eavesdroppers. Such was the gossip; such was
the nervousness. Little wonder, then, that the
Chief of the Police passed restless, unhappy
nights. Never a moment’s peace, never a
moment’s leisure for poor M. Lépine. All around
him, conspirators. And before him, at the
same time, the task of making preparations for
M. Félix Faure’s funeral, which was to be solemn,
imposing and magnificent.
And magnificent it was. Almost interminable
was the procession that left the Élysée for Notre
Dame, to the tragic strains of Chopin’s Funeral
March. All along the route, soldiers and policemen.
And behind the soldiers and policemen, the
people of Paris—men, women and even children—who
murmured their admiration at the plumes, at
the flowers and at the brilliant uniforms in the
cortège. Each foreign Power was imposingly represented.
But most imposing of them all were
the Emperor William’s envoys: three Prussian
officers, veritable giants. Then, mourners from
the French Army; mourners from the Chambers;
mourners from the Corps Diplomatique; mourners
from the Academy and Institute; mourners from
every distinguished official, social and artistic
sphere. And at the head of all these grand
mourners the homely, plainly dressed figure of
M. Émile Loubet.
However, one mourner was missing: a friend
of the late M. Faure: none other than M. Paul
Déroulède. And yet he had deeply deplored the
death of the late President, and fiercely denounced
the advent of his successor.
But—M. Déroulède was busy. Think: at
that moment the Élysée had no master. So,
what an opportunity. And as the funeral procession
proceeded slowly and solemnly from
Notre Dame to the cemetery, M. Déroulède
might have been seen in a distant quarter of Paris
with his hand on the bridle of General Roget’s
horse.
“À l’Élysée, Général; à l’Élysée.”
Only think of it. There was General Roget
with soldiers under his command, who would
follow him wherever he led them. And the
Élysée—practically—was empty. And thus it
was the moment of moments to achieve a brilliant
coup d’état.
“À l’Élysée, Général; à l’Élysée.”
But General Roget refused to turn his horse’s
head in the direction of the Élysée. He preferred
to return to the barracks with his men, and therefore
begged M. Déroulède to release his hold of the
bridle.
Manqué, M. Déroulède’s conspiracy. In vain,
his tremendous coup d’état. Behold our Don
Quixote and his devoted Sancho Panza, in dismay
and despair. Behold them some time later
on their trial for conspiracy. But behold them
acquitted by the jury amidst a scene of the wildest
enthusiasm. And hear the joyous, triumphant
proclamations that their acquittal was yet another
bitter humiliation for M. Loubet.
What insults and what calumnies followed!
Every Nationalist organ began a fierce campaign
against M. Loubet, accused him of corruption,
of every conceivable meanness and crime, and
exultantly related how his name was constantly
being conspué in Paris. Since it was “seditious”
to cry “À bas Loubet,” they cried “Vive
l’Armée!” and “Mort aux traîtres,” which
M. Lucien Millevoye, Édouard Drumont, Henri
Rochefort and Jules Guérin declared to be the
same thing.
Those were the only cries that greeted M. Loubet
when he drove out in the Presidential carriage—pale,
grave, dignified, venerable. From his
native place, the village of Montélimar, came a
message imploring him to resign. More hissing
and hooting in the streets, but always a calm
smile on the President’s kindly face; always that
determined, imperturbable expression.
Other “incidents”? Well, for months there
was incident after incident: and when Émile
Loubet drove to the Longchamps Races surrounded
by cavalry, it was stated that he feared
assassination. At Longchamps up rushed an
elegant young aristocrat with a stick in his hand,
and the stick was aimed at the President’s head.
It only smashed the President’s hat: but the
Nationalists rejoiced. And the elegant young
aristocrat was regarded as a hero, and caricaturists
always portrayed Émile Loubet with his
hat smashed over his head. Came another
message from Montélimar, inviting him to accept
the public verdict: but came, also, messages of
sympathy and esteem from all the Courts in
Europe.
And here, passing over other incidents, let me
arrive at once at the day when the man in the
street began to admire Émile Loubet’s patience,
tact, determination, and when he was delighted at
the calm, kindly smile; and when—day of days—he
said: “Ce bon Loubet,” and then—moment
of moments—cried, “Vive Loubet.” A change,
a change! Through the streets drove the President,
saluting, saluted. Parisians rejoiced to
learn that the Tsar had a veritable affection for
Émile Loubet, and Parisians were pleased to see
him drive across Paris with the King of England,
chatting, smiling, laughing. Cordial the shouts
of “Vive Loubet.” Cordial the newspaper appreciations
of Émile Loubet. And the streets lined
to see him take train to London.
In London, scores of journalists accompanying
him, and also scores of camelots. Yes, real Paris
camelots in Soho, and in the public-houses and
little restaurants of Soho, the camelots loud in
their praises of Émile Loubet.
Here, there and everywhere the motto: “Entente
Cordiale.”
I remember the King of the Camelots telling me
in Soho that he and his men had taken a great
fancy to Englishmen.
His appreciation was worth having, for he was
no enthusiast. Indeed, he had done a great
trade some time ago in Anti-English caricatures,
toys and post cards. He drank to the entente in
a bottle of Bass. He vowed that Bass was better
than bock. He paid tributes to roast beef, apple
tart and kippers; indeed, regretted with veritable
emotion that there were no kippers in France.
So kind and affable and flattering was the King
of the Camelots that I could write of him for hours.
However, I must leave him on the kerbstone in
Holborn, shouting: “Vive Loubet,” and waving
his hat and receiving (so, at least, he declared
afterwards) a special salute from the smiling,
delighted President.
Everyone charmed with Émile Loubet, and
Émile Loubet charmed with everything. Of
course, King and President held little private conversations;
it is certain that Lord Lansdowne
and M. Delcassé met often and talked long.
Then, Paris again—and crowds in the street
once more to shout: “Vive Loubet.” Heavens,
what a change since the February afternoon four
years ago! To-day, nothing but sympathy and
esteem for the President, part author of the
Anglo-French Agreement. To-day, nothing but
sincere pleasure at the Agreement, which brings
together two naturally friendly and sympathetic
countries. “Perhaps the most important Treaty
ever signed in time of peace,” said an enthusiastic
Parisian to me. And then, with equal enthusiasm:
“Vive Loubet!”
[9] M. Loubet was Premier and Minister of the Interior at the
time of the exposure of the Panama scandal. In November,
1892, he was forced to resign, but retained his post of Minister
of the Interior under M. Ribot, the new Premier. Two months
later, disgusted by the calumnies of their adversaries in the
Chamber, both M. Loubet and his colleague M. de Freycinet
(Minister of War) retired.
A day or two ago, in the Presidential palace of
the Élysée, M. Armand Fallières celebrated his
seventy-second birthday. I do not know whether
there were gifts, flowers, a birthday cake, champagne
and speeches: but, according to an incorrigible
gossip in a boulevard newspaper, M. le
Président stated that this was the blithest birthday
he had known for seven years. “I breathe
again,” he is reported to have said. “This time
next year, I shall pass my anniversary, not in a
frock coat and varnished boots, but in a dressing-gown
and carpet slippers.”
I believe this is the “mood” that would obsess
anyone who had passed seven years of his life
as President of the French Republic. It was
M. Émile Loubet’s mood. Nothing in this world
would have induced him to accept a second Septennat;
and to-day M. Loubet lives in a quiet
little flat on the Rive Gauche, where (in his
slippers) he has often exclaimed: “Ce pauvre
Fallières!” And then gone to bed tranquilly
and comfortably; whilst his successor at the Élysée
was in consultation with the Minister of Foreign
Affairs over the miseries of Morocco. President
Casimir-Périer endured just six months of Presidency.
“On m’embête; je m’en vais,” said he.
He was too elegant to care for slippers. But a
day or two after his resignation he was discovered
stretched in an easy-chair in the garden of a Bois
de Boulogne restaurant, in white duck trousers.
“I breathe again,” he stated—just as President
Fallières has now declared on his seventy-second
birthday.
Thus it would miraculously appear that one
stops breathing upon being appointed President
of the French Republic, and doesn’t regain one’s
breath until one’s martyrdom at the Élysée has
expired. Certain it is that the President of the
French Republic, living as he does in the most
amazing city in the world, must experience and
endure amazing tribulations and adventures.
President Loubet went through the Dreyfus
Affair; President Fallières through the Floods.
Up and down the Seine in a barge sailed
M. Fallières, and because of his bulk and lest
the barge might capsize, the boatmen had to
implore M. le Président not to move. He was a
heroic, but not a dignified, figure as he sat, massive
and motionless, in that barge. Nor could he ever
look other than bulky in the Presidential carriage
(which, when he entered it, nearly tilted over) as
he drove forth to meet foreign sovereigns, or to
attend the great military review or gala performances
at the Français and Opéra. That vast bulk
has always been against him. Not a Parisian
that has not commented on it, not an illustrated
newspaper that has not depicted it, not a
theatrical revue that has not exaggerated it.
Although M. Armand Fallières has left Paris
for his country residence at Rambouillet, the
French “Presidential Holiday” has not yet
begun. To start with, Rambouillet is a State
château, almost another Élysée, in that Cabinet
meetings are held there, the Ministers motoring
down from Paris with their portfolios and wearing
their official, inscrutable expressions. Outside
in the park, flowers, birds, winding paths, shady
trees, hidden, tranquil corners; but within the
Council Chamber, the old, eternal complications
and miseries of politics.
No doubt, when the Ministers have left, M. le
Président seeks to lead the simple, the ordinary
life. But, as Rambouillet is a State residence,
flunkeys abound, and not only gardeners, but
detectives, haunt the park. Impossible, to put
it vulgarly, to be “on one’s own.” Worse than
that, how the majestic, powdered flunkeys wink
and grin when M. Armand Fallières has turned his
back upon them in his slippers, alpaca jacket and
vast gardening hat! For M. le Président is burly,
with a formidable embonpoint; and when he
enters a carriage, it tilts; and when he steps into
a rowing boat, it very nearly capsizes, and
when——
“I am the most inelegant of Presidents,”
M. Armand Fallières himself has admitted.
“Heavens, how my servants despise me!”
At Rambouillet M. Fallières’ predecessor, most
admirable M. Loubet, also aroused the disdain of
the flunkeys by reason of his simplicity—and his
real holiday did not begin until he had reached
his native town of Montélimar, where he was
treated—and liked to be treated—as un enfant
du pays—a son of the soil. Because Montélimar
is famous for its nougat, M. Loubet was
dubbed by fierce, lurid old Henri Rochefort—“Nougat
the First.” But Republican France
liked to hear of her President hobnobbing with
the people of Montélimar and gossiping with the
peasantry of neighbouring villages, and leading
forth on his arm a little brown-faced and wrinkled
old lady, in the dress and cap of a peasant woman—his
mother.
But those are all memories. We have nothing
to do with Montélimar; we are only concerned
with the wine-growing districts of Loupillon,
where M. Fallières (released from official Rambouillet)
will be amiable, pottering and peering
about amidst his vineyards in a few days. Behold,
just as last year, M. le Président, not only
in slippers, but in his shirt-sleeves; and behold,
too, the peasantry stretched over hedges and
perched high up in trees, that they may view the
burly Chief of the State inspecting and admiring
his grapes. They are his hobby, his pride, his
exquisite joy: and yet it is notorious that they are
a very sour, a very inferior, one might almost say,
a very terrible little grape.
Ask the Loupillon peasants and they will exclaim:
“It is extraordinary, it is unheard-of
that a Son of this Soil, and a President of the
President, should produce such a grape! Look at
it! Cré nom d’un nom, what a sad little thing!”
Ask those privileged, intimate friends who lunch
en famille at the Élysée, and they will cry: “Ah,
the white wine of Fallières! Ah, the Presidential
grape from Loupillon! It makes one shudder to
mention it.”
But, M. le Président ignores these criticisms
and mockeries. After Morocco and Proportional
Representation, his dear little grapes! In spite
of their smallness, their sourness, how he loves
them!
Six weeks of his grapes—then the Élysée,
Morocco, once again; and then, in February
next, nothing but holidays for the Chief of
the State. For February will see the end of
M. Fallières’ seven years’ Presidency, and, like
his predecessor, he will not seek re-election. Like
M. Loubet, too, his next Paris residence will be
a comfortable, bourgeois third-floor appartement—its
site, the Boulevard St Germain, within a few
minutes’ walk of M. Émile Loubet’s flat in the
rue Dante. No flunkeys, no detectives in plain
clothes—and no telephone. Moreover, no
pianolas, no gramophones, no parrots, no poodles,
for M. Fallières (who owns the building of flats in
which he has decided to reside) has warned his
tenants that no such nuisance will be tolerated
when he moves to his new quarters. The simple,
the ordinary life! Morocco, etc., etc., etc.—only
memories. Never ceremonious banquets, with
Château Yquem, and Morton Rothschild, and
Lafite, and the finest of Extra Secs. Modest
luncheons and dinners en famille. And for
wine, nothing but the sour, little white grape of
Loupillon.
It has been said that the best rulers are those
who feel an extreme disinclination to rule, and
who only consent to accept authority under a
strong sense of duty. If this be true, then unquestionably
M. Émile Loubet and M. Armand
Fallières were good and loyal presidents, who,
without personal ambition and at the cost of
their own tastes, as well as of their own interests,
served the Republic—for seven years, each of
them—to the very best of their knowledge and
power. And upon this question of power one
has to keep in mind that M. le Président, though
he holds the title of Chief of the State, is very
much in the hands of his ministers. He forms
ministries? Yes; but here, too, it is not always
the most competent and disinterested men, in
France particularly, who are most eager for office.
Nothing can be more unjust than to make admirable
M. Émile Loubet, excellent M. Armand
Fallières, responsible for everything that happened,
and especially for everything that went
wrong, during the two periods of seven years these
patriotic French citizens devoted to the service
of their country.
The difficulties of M. le Président, the impertinent
disregard of his rank in the State shown by
the very men he has called to power, is a favourite
theme of playwrights and novelists. In L’Habit
Vert, the brilliant, satirical comedy by MM. de
Flers and de Caillavet, just produced at the
Variétés theatre, a Cabinet Minister submits an
important political telegram for the President’s
official approbation. “Yes, that will do; send
it off immediately,” says M. le Président. “That’s
all right; it was sent half-an-hour ago,” replies
the Minister. Then, in that famous comedy, Le
Roi, which so rejoiced the heart of King Edward
the Seventh, the French Premier to one of his
colleagues: “Cormeau, the Minister of Commerce,
has just resigned. Nearly a Ministerial
Crisis, but we have escaped it. Telephone the
name of Cormeau’s successor, and that all is well,
to the Press, the Chamber, the Senate, the Palace
of Justice, and—ah yes, I forgot—to the President
of the Republic.”
On the top of all this, M. le Président, although
practically in the hands of Messieurs les Ministres,
is held responsible by the public for the possible
blunders and follies and sins of the Cabinet.
Salary, £40,000 a year, with all kinds of substantial
“perquisites.” Residences: the Palace
of the Élysée and the Château de Rambouillet.
Ironical official title: Chief of the State.
Result: Morocco, Floods, or the Dreyfus Affair,
helplessness and worry, collapse of the respiratory
organ. But, thank heaven! M. le Président recovereth
his breath when the time comes for
another to take his place: and he himself may
drift into a dressing-gown and carpet slippers
and exclaim of his successor, by the tranquil,
unofficial fireside: “Ce pauvre——!” Successor
at the Élysée. Who will he be? Of course,
after the lofty and admirable statesmanship he
has exhibited throughout the Balkan conflict,
M. Poincaré, the Prime Minister, is hailed by the
man in the street as the future Chief of the State?
But elegant M. Paul Deschanel, of the French
Academy, President of the Chamber of Deputies,
and a would-be President of the Republic for
the last fourteen years, is also mentioned; and
impetuous, despotic, sallow-faced M. Georges
Clemenceau, in spite of his recent delirious ups and
downs, has hosts of followers. Solid M. Ribot
is stated to be an eager candidate. M. Léon
Bourgeois (who did such fine work at The Hague
Peace Conference) would probably be elected, were
there a Madame Bourgeois to “receive” officially
at the Élysée. After that, M. Delcassé, M.
Lépine, M. Briand, Madame Sarah Bernhardt,
M. Dranem the comic singer, “Monte Carlo
Wells.” But I am anticipating events. I am also
in peril of appearing incoherent; so let me hasten
to declare that the last-named candidates for the
Presidency of the Third Republic are but the gay
“selections” of that inveterate gossip in a certain
boulevard newspaper. And, that made clear, let
us for the moment leave the emptiness of political
ambition and share in the dressing-gown and
carpet-slipper mood of M. Armand Fallières.
Last February (1913) must be accounted an
important month in the history of the Third
French Republic. Away, after his seven years’
official tenancy of the Élysée, went M. Armand
Fallières to a comfortable bourgeois appartement,
there, no doubt, to recall, in dressing-gown and
carpet slippers, the rare joys and successes and
the many shocks and miseries of his Septennat,
and to speculate upon the destiny reserved for
his successor, ninth President of the Republic,
M. Raymond Poincaré.
No commonplace destiny—that was certain.
M. Fallières took possession of the Élysée amidst
general indifference; M. Émile Loubet assumed
office amongst eggs, threats, vegetable stalks,
shouts of “traitor” and “bandit”: but M. Poincaré
found Paris en fête—flags flying, hats and
handkerchiefs whirling, the crowd in its Sunday
best—on the day that he became Chief of the
State.
A vast popularity, M. Poincaré’s! Exclaimed
M. le Bourgeois: “At last we have got a strong
man for a President! For the first time, there
will be a master at the Élysée.” On all sides,
indeed, it was agreed that M. Poincaré’s election
to the Presidency signified the collapse of the
tradition that the Chief of the State should be a
figure-head, a mere signer of documents, placed,
none too ceremoniously, before him by his
Ministers.
Thus, a new régime had dawned. Poincaré
was “going to wake things up”; Poincaré was
also “going to do things”; what precisely Poincaré
was going to do nobody could explain; but
“Vive Poincaré,” was the cry of the hour; and
not only in luxurious, radiant Paris, but in grim,
industrial centres, dull, provincial towns, and
remote, obscure hamlets. Such a popularity that
into the shop windows came Poincaré Pipes,
Poincaré Braces, Poincaré Walking Sticks, the
Poincaré Safety Razor. Then, on restaurant
menus: Consommé Poincaré—Poulet Poincaré—Omelette
Poincaré. More Poincaré, smiling and
bowing, on dizzy kinematograph films and in the
music hall revues; and imagine, if you can, the
sale of Poincaré photographs in the flashy arcade
of the rue de Rivoli! “Poincaré and Gaby
Deslys—that’s what we are selling,” the shopkeepers
stated. “But Poincaré is surpassing
the blonde, elegant Gaby.”
In a word, nothing but Poincaré, only Poincaré,
until the announcement that M. Lépine, Chief
of the Paris Police, had tendered his resignation,
that his decision to retire was “irrevocable.”
Then M. Lépine leading in the photographic
commerce of the rue de Rivoli: and M. Poincaré
a poor second, and the blonde Mademoiselle
Deslys a remote third. Elsewhere and everywhere,
M. Lépine and his resignation superseded
M. Poincaré and the New Régime, as the one and
only topic of conversation. For twenty years
the Chief of the Police had governed his own
departments of Paris with extraordinary skill.
Throughout that period he had practically lived
in the streets: repressing riots, scattering
criminals, dispersing Royalist conspirators, controlling
fires, directing all manner of grim or
poignant or delirious operations—a short, slender,
insignificant-looking figure, in ill-fitting clothes,
a dusty “bowler” hat, and square, creaking
boots. With him, a shabby umbrella or a stout,
common walking-stick, the latter the only weapon
he ever carried. Never more than four or five
hours’ sleep: even then the telephone placed at
his bedside.
It was all work with M. Lépine—all energy, all
courage. The most familiar figure in the streets,
he soon became the most famous and most popular
of State servants. Cried M. le Bourgeois, whilst
out walking with his small son: “Voilà—regarde
bien—voilà Lépine!”
Everyone “saluted” him, all political parties
(except the United Socialists, who admire no
one) applauded him. There was (with the same
solitary exception) general rejoicing when the
dusty, intrepid little Chief of the Police received
the supreme distinction of the Grand Cross of the
Legion of Honour.
Yes; a popularity even vaster than M. Poincaré’s.
Gossips remarked that it was curious
that the Presidency of the one should synchronise
with the resignation of the other. Critics agreed
that if France had gained a strong Chief of the
State she had lost an incomparable Chief of the
Police. Alarm of M. le Bourgeois, who had got
to regard M. Lépine as his special protector.
Once again, and for the hundredth time, M. Lépine
became the hero of the hour. And, as I have
already recorded, there was a rush for Lépine
photographs—Lépine side and full face, Lépine
gay or severe, Lépine with Grand Cross or shabby
umbrella, and a decided “slump” in Poincarés
and blonde, bejewelled Gaby Deslys’ in the rue
de Rivoli arcade.
Impossible, in the space at my disposal, to give
more than an idea of M. Lépine’s amazing record.
Born at Lyons in 1846, he is now sixty-seven years
of age—a mere nothing for a Frenchman of
genius. At thirty he was already Under-Prefect
of the Department of the Indre. Successively
he was Prefect of the Seine-et-Oise, General Secretary
of the Préfecture de Police, Governor-General
of Algeria, and Chief of the Police. From a biographical
dictionary that devotes pages and pages
to Louis Lépine, I take the following passages:—“Actif
et ferme, il parvint à rétablir les relations
rompues entre le Conseil Municipal de Paris et
la Préfecture de Police, et opéra d’importantes
réformes.... Nommé Gouverneur-Général de
l’Algérie, il apporta en plan de grands travaux
publics et de réformes.... Nommé Conseiller
d’État, il prit de nouveau la direction de la
Préfecture de Police. Il s’est occupé de refondre
tous les règlements administratifs relatifs au
service de la navigation et de la circulation dans
Paris, et un vaste Répertoire de Police a paru sous
sa direction.” Thus it will be seen that M. Lépine
was always “reforming,” for ever reorganising,
unfailingly “active” and “firm.” He it was
who “reformed” the nervous, excitable Paris
police in the delirious Dreyfus days of 1899.
To their astonishment he preached calm.
“Mais oui, mais oui, mais oui, du calme, nom
d’un nom,” he expostulated. “You charge the
crowd for no reason. You thump the innocent
bourgeois on the back and tear off his collar.
You exasperate the Latin Quarter. You are
making an inferno of the boulevards. You are
bringing ridicule and discredit on the force. In
future, I myself shall direct operations.”
Dreyfus riots every day and every night, and
M. Lépine in the thick of them. Short and
slender, he was swept about and almost submerged
by the Anti-Dreyfus mob. He lost his hat, his
umbrella, but never his temper. He was to be
seen swarming up lamp-posts, that he might
discover the extent of the crowd and whether
reinforcements of agitators were coming up side
streets, and from which particular windows stones,
bottles and lighted fusées were being hurled. His
orders he issued by prearranged gesticulations.
Not only the police, but the Municipal and Republican
Guards, had been taught to understand
the significance of his signals. A wave of the
arm, and it meant “charge.” But it was only
in desperate extremities that M. Lépine sent the
crowd flying, battered and wounded. Pressure
was his policy; six or seven rows of policemen
advancing slowly yet heavily upon the manifestants,
truncheon in hand and the formidable
horses and shining helmets of the Republican
Guard in the rear. When, upon a particularly
tumultuous occasion, the “pressure” was resisted,
and a number of boulevard kiosks were
blazing and heads, too, were on fire, M. Lépine
implored assistance—from Above.
“Send me rain,” he begged audibly of the
heavens, “send me torrents of rain.” And the
heavens responded, so people affirmed. A few
minutes later the heavens sent M. Lépine thunder,
lightning and a deluge that reduced the blazing
kiosks to hissing, sodden ruins; cleared the
frantic boulevards; allowed police, soldiers and
even M. Lépine to go to bed. But, on the other
hand, caused Jules Guérin and his fellow outlaws
and conspirators against the Republic to exult
wildly and grotesquely on the roof of Fort Chabrol.
For Guérin was short of water. The supply had
been cut off and Guérin’s only salvation was
surrender or rain. And it rained, and it poured
and it thundered. The heavens were equally
kind to Rebel, and Chief of the Police. Up there
on the roof of conspiring Fort Chabrol assembled
Guérin and his companions with baths, buckets
and basins; with jugs, glasses and mugs; all of
which speedily overflowed with the rain. Down
there in the street, the soldiers in occupation of
the besieged thoroughfare stared upwards, open-mouthed,
at the amazing spectacle on the roof—Guérin
and Company joining hands and dancing
with glee amidst their multitudinous rain-catching
vessels; Guérin bending perilously over the parapet
and roaring forth between the explosions
of thunder and the flashes of lightning: “We
have got enough water for months. Tell Lépine
we defy him.” Another jig from Guérin et Cie.
Guérin once again at the edge of the parapet,
mockingly drinking the health of the soldiers
below, and then emptying baths full of water into
the street and bellowing: “Voilà de l’eau,” and
performing such delirious, dangerous antics that
it was deemed necessary to telephone an account
of the scene to the Chief of the Police. “Let him
dance his jigs all night in the rain; it will cool
him,” replied M. Lépine. “Je le connais: he is
too clever to fall over the parapet.”
Nor did Guérin capsize. Nor yet did M. Lépine
put an end to the jigs on the roof—to the rest
of the Fort Chabrol farce—until Paris had been
appeased by the Rennes Court Martial verdict,
and the acutest stage of the Anti-Dreyfusard
agitation died out amidst exclamations of: “C’est
fini! Quelle sacrée affaire! Quel cauchemar!
Enfin, n’en parlons plus.”
After the lurid autumn of 1899 came a particularly
bleak, cheerless winter. So bitter was the
weather that fond mothers kept their children
indoors, and thus Edouard and Yvonne yawned
with boredom in their nurseries, and quarrelled,
and exchanged blows, and gave way to tears.
“Toys are not what they used to be,” complained
a mother to M. Lépine. “They are
stupid or vulgar, and children get tired of
them.”
This set M. Lépine thinking. Like all Frenchmen,
a lover of children, the Chief of the Police
realised that the arrival of winter was a grief and
a blow to Edouard and Yvonne. If they couldn’t
rejoice in the open, they must be enabled to rejoice
in their homes; and the way of rejoicing at
home is with toys. But toys, so said that mother,
had deteriorated: and this grave state of affairs
M. Lépine resolved to investigate. Behold him,
therefore, gazing critically—officially—into the
windows of toy-shops, and hear him declaring, as
the result of his inspections, that the toys, truly
enough, were old-fashioned, and vapid, and banal—poor
things to play with in the nursery after
the Guignol and roundabouts of the Luxembourg
Gardens, and the other delights and surprises
to be enjoyed in summer en plein air. Thus
“reforms” were imperative.
In a long, official circular M. Lépine informed
the toy manufacturers of Paris that, with the consent
of the Government and with the approval
of the President of the Republic, an annual Toy
Exhibition was to be held, and that prizes and
diplomas would be awarded to those manufacturers
who displayed the greatest originality
in their work. However, not ungainly, ugly
originality. “Pas de golliwogs.” Messieurs les
Apaches also prohibited; and a stern, official
reprimand to the toy-maker in whose window
M. Lépine had discovered a miniature guillotine.
Toys to amuse and also to quicken Edouard
and Yvonne’s imagination and intellect. Well,
the Paris toy-makers responded brilliantly. The
first exhibition was an overwhelming success, and
to-day it has become a State Institution. Not
only is there the “Prize of the President of the
Republic,” but M. le Président himself visits the
show. Then prizes from the Presidents of the
Chamber and Senate, prizes from every Cabinet
Minister, prizes from the Judges of the Paris Law
Courts, and more prizes from scientists, men of
letters, the leading newspapers, the haute bourgeoisie,
the grand monde. Thus, what an inducement
for the toy manufacturers to do their
utmost! This winter’s Exhibition I missed, but
a letter from a French father of five informed me
that it had “surpassed” itself. Continued my
friend: “Des choses épatantes, merveilleuses,
inouïes! I confess, mon vieux, that I go there
all by myself; yes, without my five children.”
Thus M. le Bourgeois (to which excellent category
of society my friend belongs) goes to the
Lépine Exhibition “on his own.” Surely only
a Frenchman could find pleasure in that? And
surely only a French Chief of the Police—fancy
suggesting such a thing to Scotland Yard!—could,
in the midst of his grim, poignant or delirious
duties, evince so charming and tender a consideration
for children as to realise that it is a
question of interest to public order that children
shall have toys “original” enough to marvel
at and rejoice over, during the bleak months of
winter. But, inevitably, as in all admirable
works, in all excellent reforms, there are drawbacks;
and in this particular case they are
obvious. For instance, a whole “set” of the
First Act of Chantecler: innumerable chicks and
chickens, the Blackbird in his cage, the dog Patou
in his kennel, proud, majestic Chantecler on the
hedge of the farm-yard, the radiant Hen Pheasant,
the lurid-eyed Night Birds, trees, haystacks, a
pump... price 300 francs.
“Papa, do please buy me all this, immediately,”
demands Yvonne tremulously, passionately, her
eyes shining, her cheeks aflame.
“Papa, I want all this,” shouts Edouard,
pointing to a vast array of soldiers, cannon,
ambulances, aeroplanes and air-ships engaged in
military manœuvres. Price 420 francs.
“But you have only five francs each to spend.
For the love of heaven, be reasonable. Ah, nom
d’un nom, all the world is looking and laughing
at us,” cries the unfortunate father.
Scowls and sulkiness from Edouard; tears and
shrill hysterics from Yvonne. When informed of
these tragic scenes, M. Lépine exclaims: “Poor
little dears! But what can I do? Impossible
to buy a whole farm-yard or an army with a
piece of five francs.”
After toys, let me take pictures—the incomparable
Monna Lisa, who, when She vanished, disturbed
even the proverbial calm of M. Lépine.
All France sent him “clues.” Every post brought
him shoals of letters that strangely and severally
denounced a Woman in a Shawl, Three Men in
Blue Aprons, a Man with a Sack, a Negro with a
Diamond Ring, a Turk in a Fez, and a Man
Dressed as a Woman, as Monna Lisa’s base
abductor. In each case these singular beings
were said to have been seen carrying an object of
the exact dimensions of the stolen picture. Also,
their demeanour “was excited,” their “hands
trembled” as they clutched the precious masterpiece,
and they jumped into a passing cab or
hurled themselves into a train just as it was
steaming out of the station. “Believe me, M. le
Préfet,” concluded M. Lépine’s incoherent informants,
“believe me, I have given you an exact
description of the culprit.” Then, letters of
abuse, threatening letters, letters from practical
jokers, letters demanding interviews—all of which
had (under French law) to be considered and
classified. Again, telegram upon telegram, and
the telephone bell always ringing.
“If I cannot speak to M. Lépine himself, I
won’t speak to anyone. And then the picture
will be lost for ever,” stated a voice through the
telephone.
“Well, what is it?” demanded M. Lépine, at
last coming to the machine.
“Ecoutez-moi bien, M. le Préfet. My name is
Charles Henri Durand. I am forty-seven years
of age. I am a papermaker by profession. And
I live on the third floor of No. 16 rue de Rome,”
related the voice through the telephone.
“After that, after that! Quickly! Au
galop!” cried M. Lépine.
“Monsieur le Préfet, my information is grave
and I must not be hurried,” continued the voice.
“At the very hour of the theft of the picture I
was passing the Louvre. Suddenly, a man jostled
me. He was carrying what was undoubtedly a
picture in a sack. He hastened down a side
street, casting suspicious glances about him. He
was a Man with a Squint and——”
“Ah, zut,” cried the Chief of the Police,
hanging up the receiver.
And on the top of all this incoherency, light-headedness.
Always and always, when Paris is
shaken by a sensational affaire, some light-headed
soul loses what remains of his reason. On to the
Place de la Concorde came a pale-faced, wild-eyed
man, with a chair. After mounting the
chair, he folded his arms across his chest and
broke out into a fixed, ghastly grin. As he stood
motionless on his chair, always grinning, a crowd
inevitably assembled, and M. Lépine appeared.
“What are you doing there?” demanded the
latter.
“Hush! I am Monna Lisa,” replied the Man
with the Grin.
“Then at last we have found you!” exclaimed
the Chief of the Police. “All France has been
mourning your loss. Come with me quickly.
You must return immediately to the Louvre.”
“Yes, yes,” assented the light-headed one,
descending from his chair and confidently passing
his arm under the arm of M. Lépine. “Take me
home to the Louvre.”
A wonderful spectacle, the Man with the Grin
disappearing on the arm of the Chief of the Police,
relating, as he went, that he had escaped from his
frame in the Louvre in the dead of the night.
A wonderful spectacle was M. Lépine a few
nights later, when “directing operations” at a
disastrous fire on the Boulevard Sebastopol. In
the sight of the crowd he struggled into oilskins,
and next was to be seen stationing the
engines, dragging about hose, pushing forward
ladders, signalling and shouting forth encouragement
and patience to the occupants of the blazing
house. On this, as on all similar occasions,
M. Lépine was blackened and singed when at last
the fire had been mastered. But never have I beheld
him so blackened, so dishevelled and battered,
so courageous and capable as when he came to
the rescue of the “victims” of the devastating
Paris floods. Up and down the swollen, lurid
river he careered in a shabby old boat. At once-pleasant
river-side places, such as Boulogne and
Surèsnes, he was to be found chest-deep in the
turbid, yellow-green water—always signalling,
always “firmly” and “actively” “directing
operations.” He climbed into the upper windows
of tottering, flooded houses; briskly made his
way across narrow plank bridges; distributed
here, there and everywhere blankets, medicaments,
provisions—the mud and slime of the
river caked hard on his oilskins. As he passed
by in his boat, the most bedraggled figure in
Paris, loud cries of “Vive Lépine” from the
bridges and quays; and, indeed, wherever he
went, M. le Préfet de Police excited respect and
admiration. I see him, in top hat and frock coat,
“receiving” the late King Edward VII. in the
draughty Northern Station. I see him pointing
out the beauties of Paris to the present Prince of
Wales. I see him surrounded by the turbulent
students of the Latin Quarter, whither he has
been summoned to check their demonstrations
against some unpopular professor. I see him
examining (in the interests of the public) the
clocks of motor cabs, the cushions of railway
carriages, the seating conditions in theatres, the
very benches and penny chairs in the Bois de
Boulogne. Finally, I see him as he is to-day;
no longer Chief of the Police, but a private
“citizen,” established in a spacious, comfortable
appartement, which, to the admiration and excitement
of naïve, bourgeois Parisians, is equipped
with no fewer than two bathrooms.
“With two bathrooms our admirable Lépine
will have plenty to do,” states M. le Bourgeois.
“They are a responsibility, as well as a pleasure;
but, of course, they will not prove too much for a
man like Lépine.” Then up speaks a primitive
soul: “One is free to bathe and free not to bathe.
But to have two bathrooms is scandalous: and
I should not have thought it of Lépine.”
However, in the opinion of a third critic,
M. Lépine should be permitted to have ninety-nine
bathrooms if he likes. Twenty-two years Chief
of the Police, he is now entitled to do as he
pleases. So leave his two bathrooms alone.
“When a man has retired, he must have distractions
with which to occupy his mind and his
leisure.”
But if, as reported, M. Lépine loves his pair of
bathrooms, he loves the streets better. As in his
official days, behold him here, there and everywhere.
A brawl or a fire, and there he is. Now
in an omnibus, next in the underground railway,
up at Montmartre, down on the boulevards,
amidst exclamations of “Voilà Lépine!” and
the salutes of the police. Only a private
“citizen,” but he is still addressed as “M. le
Préfet.” Merely the master of a comfortable
appartement, of a couple of bathrooms—but is that
enough for a Frenchman of action and genius?
Gossips predict that M. Lépine will next be seen
in the Chamber of Deputies, or that he will help
M. Georges Clemenceau to wake up the Senate—the
“Palais du Sommeil.” For my own
part I fancy that, should a crisis arrive, the ex-Chief
of the Police will be requested to “direct
operations” again.
“There is a telephone in my new home,”
M. Lépine is reported to have said. “If the
Government should want me back, it has only to
ring me up.”
XVI MADAME LA PRÉSIDENTE, M. GEORGES CLEMENCEAU AND THE UNFORTUNATE M. PAMS
There is an important reason for the
popularity of M. le Président: there is
Madame la Présidente.
Less than a month ago Madame Raymond
Poincaré, wife of the President of the French Republic,
was the hostess, in Paris, of King George
and Queen Mary; to-day, as I write, she is helping
to entertain, with almost similar brilliancy,
their Majesties Christian and Alexandrine of Denmark.
In the interval between these two Royal
visits, Madame Poincaré has spent a few days
on the Riviera, but it wasn’t a holiday. Madame
la Présidente was accompanied to the south of
France by the most punctilious, the most rigid,
the most terrible of all tutors—a high official of
the French Protocol. And instead of enjoying
the drowsy charms or the worldly delights of the
Riviera, it was Madame Poincaré’s duty to
master a few elegant phrases from the difficult
Danish language; to acquaint herself with the
brightest episodes in Danish history; to discern
the subtleties and intricacies of Danish etiquette;
and incidentally (and always under the respectful
but intense eye of the high Protocol official) to
discover which kinds of flowers grow in Denmark;
what the climate is like; at what hours the
Danes rise and retire; and whether they are
particularly fond of music, literature, the drama,
pictures, sculpture, dancing, needlework, and so
on, and so forth.
Although an extremely clever and accomplished
woman, it is probable that Madame Poincaré
experienced hardships and even miseries in
“getting up” her Denmark: for it is a country—and
a language—that does not easily accommodate
itself to an emergency. (You, reader, could
you gossip, here and now, glibly and elegantly,
even in your own language, about Danish
national characteristics?) Moreover, it must be
remembered that, when she left for the Riviera
to acquaint herself with Denmark, Madame Poincaré
had only recently finished “getting up” her
England: the latter, of course, a less arduous,
but nevertheless a strenuous, task. Two
languages, two countries; two Kings and two
Queens; banquets, gala opera performances,
military reviews, special race-meetings, drives in
State carriages across Paris, ceremonious greetings
and adieux at the gaily decorated Royal
railway station—decorations, illuminations,
soldiers and soldiers, the National Anthems of
England, Denmark and France—all this brilliancy,
and excitement, and hard labour in the short
space of one month! Such, nevertheless, has been
the duty of Madame Raymond Poincaré as hostess
of the Presidential Palace of the Élysée: and yet
even here in England, and even there in Denmark,
one hears scarcely a word about the personality
or the functions of Madame la Présidente!
An ungrateful, even an ironical position, that
of a French President’s wife. She is the hostess
of foreign Royalty: but never, in her turn, their
guest. The rigid French Protocol forbids, for
some reason or other, that Madame la Présidente
shall accompany her husband on his State visits
abroad. She may drive through the streets of
Paris by the side of Queen Mary: but she must not
drive, officially, through the streets of London,
or Copenhagen, or St Petersburg. In a word,
Madame la Présidente must suffer all the
anxieties and responsibilities of the arduous,
proud position of hostess to Royalty: and is left
behind in Paris when her husband goes away on
visits of State to receive almost Royal honours.
Yes: an ungrateful, an ironical position, that of
Madame la Présidente. Particularly so, when
one remembers that, upon social occasions at
all events, she is almost invariably more tactful,
sympathique and ornamental than M. le
Président.
Well, the French Chief of the State goes almost
royally abroad. In his own country, when he
opens exhibitions or “inaugurates” monuments
and statues and lycées at Lyons and Marseilles,
he is very nearly a king—and Madame la Présidente
stays at home. She “counts” only in
Paris; her powers are confined within the walls
of the Élysée, where she is for ever dispensing all
kinds of hospitalities—hospitalities that demand
infinite skill and tact. For instance, one of those
dinners upon other occasions—“eminent” Academicians,
leading barristers, men of letters, and
clericals, and anti-clericals, and militarists, and
pacifists, and ambiguities, enigmas, and “dark
horses” (so far as their political opinions are
concerned)—many of whom are the bitterest of
enemies, and all of whom Madame la Présidente
has “placed” around the dinner-table, with such
incomparable tact and discretion that not a guest
can see more than the nose or the chin of his
particular foe. Also, Madame la Présidente has
often reconciled enemies—to the advantage of
M. le Président—whose own endeavours to obtain
the same reconciliation have proved vain.
Furthermore, it is on record that, during an acute
Cabinet crisis, Madame la Présidente stopped one
of France’s leading statesmen, as he flung out of
the Élysée, by grasping his arm and putting a
rose in his button-hole, and the Cabinet Minister,
exclaiming: “Ah, madame, vous êtes exquise!”
allowed himself to be led by Madame la Présidente
back to the Council Chamber.
Has Madame la Présidente been once again
working miracles? What is this we hear in
the month of June, 1913? A reconciliation, an
alliance, even, between M. Raymond Poincaré
and M. Georges Clemenceau.
When, in February last, M. Raymond Poincaré
was elected President of the French Republic,
Parisians exclaimed excitedly, with one voice:
“This means the end of Clemenceau. He is
dying; he is dead; he is already buried.” For
it will be remembered that M. Georges Clemenceau,
the “Smasher of Cabinets,” also “The
Tiger,” had savagely attacked M. Poincaré’s
candidature; had even called upon him to withdraw
in favour of an obscure Minister of Agriculture,
in business life a maker of cigarette
papers, of the unfortunate name of Pams. Cried
M. Clemenceau here, there and everywhere: “I
vote for Pams.” In the lobbies of the two
Chambers he ordered his followers to “vote
solidly for Pams.” The “Tiger” had sent
M. Loubet to the Élysée; he would do the same
for his dear Pams. The manufacturer of cigarette
papers was a true democrat—M. Poincaré was a
despot. Pams, indeed, had all the virtues; Pams
at the Élysée would raise the prestige of the
Republic, but heaven help the poor Republic if
M. Poincaré were elected.
So fierce was the “Tiger’s” antagonism that,
on the very day of the Presidential election, and
in the Palace of Versailles, M. Poincaré appointed
“seconds” to demand an explanation from
M. Clemenceau. The affair was “arranged.” But
up to the last moment the “Tiger” canvassed
and canvassed for M. Pams in the lobbies of the
Versailles palace. And he was sallower than
ever; he did not attempt to conceal his anger
and indignation when M. Poincaré was proclaimed
Chief of the State by a handsome majority. Said
a Deputy: “Versailles has been Clemenceau’s
Waterloo. In Poincaré he met his Wellington.”
But the “Tiger” wasn’t tamed. A few weeks
later he “smashed” the Briand Cabinet. Then
he started a paper—L’Homme Libre—and therein,
as in the lobbies of the two Chambers, he renewed
his attacks upon the new President. So has Paris
been amazed, staggered, almost petrified to read
in the newspapers the following official announcement:
“Sur le désir que le président de la République
lui en avait fait exprimer par son secrétaire général
civil, M. Clemenceau s’est rendu aujourd’hui
à l’Élysée, pour conférer avec M. Poincaré.”
Or: “At the desire of the President of the Republic,
expressed through his principal private
secretary, M. Clemenceau has called at the Élysée
and conferred with M. Poincaré.”
Mortal enemies—nearly a duel—three months
ago: but now is M. Clemenceau invited most
politely to call at the Élysée, where he remains
shut up with President Poincaré for a whole hour!
Never such gesticulations on the boulevards, such
excitement in the French Press. “Even the
weather has been bouleversé by the interview at
the Élysée,” writes a Paris journalist. “M.
Clemenceau’s visit to M. Poincaré is undoubtedly
responsible for the sudden heat wave.” Asks
another journalist, somewhat cruelly: “What
does M. Pams think of it? Also, where is
M. Pams? We have sought for M. Pams at both
his Paris and country residences, but in vain.
No news of M. Pams either at the cigarette paper
manufactory. We are becoming uneasy about
M. Pams.” And declares a third journalist:
“Versailles is forgotten and forgiven. Behold
the President and Clemenceau hand-in-hand.
But it is the triumph of the ‘Tiger.’”
And so, most indisputably, it is. It was
M. Poincaré who “desired” the famous interview,
and this was made clear (at M. Clemenceau’s request)
in the official communication to the Press.
Why did he “desire” it? What induced
M. Poincaré to forget all about M. Clemenceau,
M. Pams and Versailles? The truth is, M. Poincaré
has need of the “Tiger’s” support, not only in
the Chambers, but in his new paper. It is also a
fact that, in spite of the Pams episode, M. Clemenceau
is far and away the most powerful journalist
and politician in France. If M. Clemenceau
doesn’t agree with you, he “smashes.” “He
assassinates you in the Chamber and then buries
you in his newspaper,” once said a Deputy. To
come to the point: the President of the French
Republic, disturbed by the hostility to the Three
Years Army Service Bill, sees in the “Tiger” the
only statesman powerful enough to cope successfully
with the situation. In other words, the next
French Premier will be M. Georges Clemenceau.
And, according to many a reliable French
politician, the fall of M. Barthou, the actual
Prime Minister, is near. A kindly, admirable man,
M. Barthou: but no “leader.” I remember him,
as Minister of the Interior, attending the funeral of
the victims of the Courrières mining catastrophe—eleven
hundred lives lost. Tears ran down his
face; he was literally a wreck, pale, red-eyed,
almost inarticulate, when the special train took
him back to Paris. Six weeks later, during the
subsequent strike, down to Courrières came
M. Georges Clemenceau, the new Minister of the
Interior. Not a trace of emotion about the
“Tiger” as he visited the stricken mining villages.
He spoke sharply to the strikers. He promised
that, if order were preserved, the troops would
be withdrawn. Next day three—precisely three—windows
of an engineer’s house were broken.
Then trainful after trainful of troops, until there
were ten soldiers to every striker—and that broke
the strike.
A man of iron, M. Clemenceau—when in power.
No pen so eloquent, so stirring as his in French
journalism, and his pen he has now taken up in
favour of M. Poincaré and the new Army Service
Bill. Throbbing, thrilling phrases, as always.
Here is a passage of his appeal to the French
Army: “Athens, Rome, the greatest things of
the past were swept off the face of the earth
on the day that the sentinels hesitated as you
are beginning to do. And you—your France,
your Paris, your village, your field, your road, your
stream—all that tumult of history out of which
you come, since it is the work of your forerunners—is
all this nothing to you?”
All this may be very sound, very lofty, very
noble. But all this, by arrangement with President
Poincaré, will lead to the next Premiership.
And all this leaves me unhappy, for the reason
that I can’t help thinking and worrying about
M. Pams.
What is the “Tiger,” the future Premier, going
to do for him?
There’s a cynical, sinister rumour on the boulevards
that M. Clemenceau has shrugged his
shoulders and said: “Don’t speak to me about
Pams. I’ve had enough of him. Let him go on
making cigarette papers.” So things stand at
the Élysée on the 2nd of June 1913.