E-text prepared by Melissa McDaniel and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team ( http://www.pgdp.net ) from page images generously made available by HathiTrust Digital Library ( https://www.hathitrust.org/ ) — CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. — ERRATA. — PERU AS IT IS. — CHAPTER I.
Project Gutenberg has the other volume of this work. Volume I: see http://www.gutenberg.org/files/59062/59062-h/59062-h.htm
PERU AS IT IS:
A RESIDENCE IN LIMA,
AND OTHER PARTS OF THE PERUVIAN REPUBLIC, COMPRISING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THAT COUNTRY.
BY ARCHIBALD SMITH, M.D.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,
Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty.
1839.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,
Dorset Street, Fleet Street.
CHAPTER I.
Site, population, and climate of Cerro Pasco.—Houses.—Coal,
and other kinds of fuel.—Timber for use of the mines,
&c.—Where brought from.—Fruit and provisions.—Mines.—Mantadas.—Boliches.—Habilitador.—Mint.—Returns
of the mines.—Banks of Rescate.—Pasco foundery.
Descent from Pasco to Huanuco.—Succession of works for
grinding and amalgamating silver ore.—Quinoa.—Cajamarquilla.—Huariaca.—San
Rafael.—Ambo.—Vale of
Huanuco; its beauties and advantages.—State of agriculture
in this vale, and traffic with Pasco.—The College named
La Virtud Peruana.—Steam navigation on the river Huallaga,
and civilization of the wild Indians of the Montaña.—Natural
productions of the Montaña.
The Department of Junin.—The river Marañon.—General
sketch of the form of internal Government of Peru.—Particular
account of the Prefectorate or Department of
Junin.—Mines.—Agriculture.—Manufactures.—Public Instruction.—Hospitals
and Charitable Asylums.—Vaccination.—Junta
of Health.—Public Baths.—Police.—Pantheons.—Roads.—Posts.—Public
Treasury at Pasco.—Administration
of Justice.—National Militia.
Missionary College of Ocopa.—Its foundation, utility,
downfall, and decree for its restoration.—Introduction of
Christianity along the rivers Marañon, Huallaga, and Ucayali,
&c. by the Jesuits and Franciscans.—Letter from
Friar Manuel Plaza, the last great missionary of Ocopa, to
the prefect of Junin.
War of Independence.—Unsettled state of the country at the
close of 1835 and early in 1836.—Gamarra’s Government.—Insurrections.—Guerilla
and Freebooters.—Foreign Marines.—Lima
invaded from the castles of Callao, under
command of Solar.—Orbegoso enters Lima.—Castles of Callao
taken by assault.—Battle of Socabaya.—Salaverry taken
prisoner.—Execution.—Public tranquillity hoped for under
the protection of Santa-Cruz.
for polverilla and massisa read polvorilla and maciza.
128,
”
17,
and in all other instances, for Pozuro read Pozuzo.
187,
”
2,
for realise read realize.
239,
”
6,
for the aborigines read those.
Transcriber’s Note: The errata have been corrected but otherwise the
original spelling (in both English and Spanish) has been preserved.
CHAPTER II.
Site, population, and climate of Cerro Pasco.—Houses.—Coal,
and other kinds of fuel.—Timber for use of the mines,
&c.—Where brought from.—Fruit and provisions.—Mines.—Mantadas.—Boliches.—Habilitador.—Mint.—Returns
of the mines.—Banks of Rescate.—Pasco foundery.
The town of Cerro Pasco, about fourteen
thousand feet above the level of the sea, has
its site in an irregular hollow on the northern
side of a group of small hills, which commence
at Old Pasco on the north-east limit
of the high table-land of Bombon.
Cerro Pasco is thus situated at nearly
equal distances, or about twenty leagues,
from Tarma on the south and Huanaco on
the north, both after their kind fertile and
productive. It has the fine lake of Chinchaycocha,
near old Pasco on its south; and, on
the north, the outskirts of the town almost
reach to a funnel-mouthed gullet which leads
with a rapid descent to the village of Quinoa,
three leagues distant. Its eastern and western
aspects are bounded in the view by the
respective ridges of the eastern and western
Cordillera; and the intervening spaces between
this bed of Peruvian treasure, and
the stupendous barriers presented by these
commanding summits, forming a grand amphitheatre,
are enlivened throughout much
of their extent by the innumerable herds of
sheep and folds of cattle that roam and flourish
upon them. Here and there are seen
groups of the tame llama and shy vicuña;
whilst the whole landscape is variegated
with lakes, rivulets, and marshes, whose
surfaces are ever rippled by the fluttering
flocks of geese, ducks, snipes, plovers, water-hens,
herons, yanavicas, flamingos, &c. which
at their proper and appropriate seasons animate
and adorn this wide expanse. Nor
should we omit to mention that far towards
the west, and skirting the limits of the great
plains, are seen from the surrounding heights
strange fragments of rock, as in the neighbourhood
of Huallay, that assume to the distant
eye the appearance of dark pine-trees
rising under the shade of the adjacent
mountains.
The waters of this mineral district are
partly carried off by the famous Adit of Quiullacocha,
and a considerable portion of these
naturally percolate northward into the hollow
of Rumillana near to Cerro, from whence
starts the spring Puceoyaco, the source of the
river Huallaga.
The population of Cerro Pasco is in a
great degree migratory, for it increases and
diminishes according as the mines are highly
productive, or in a state of poverty and inundation
for want of proper drainage: were the
drainage perfect, the treasure that might be
extracted would be incalculable. The number
of inhabitants is never, perhaps, under four
or five thousand, and it has been known to
swell up to thrice this amount,—the most
active hands happily finding accommodation
under ground. When the mines were thus
productive, the abode of the master-miner
rang with the clink of hard dollars, as the die
was kept in constant motion; and the fair
sex crowded from the more genial vales, and
enlivened the miners’ home with the song,
guitar, and dance.
The climate of Cerro Pasco is for nearly
one half the year, or from the end of November
to May, exceedingly gloomy and
variable. In the course of a few hours, the
wind is often observed to take the round
of the compass; and in the same time it
changes from fair to rain, from rain to sleet,
snow, hail, and rain again. The lanes, for
streets they merit not to be termed, are
during the greater part of these months
wet and miry. The thermometer of Fahrenheit,
during this period, rarely rises above
44° in the shade, and seldom falls so low as
the freezing point.
But during the dry season, which reigns
from May to November, it is much otherwise;
and then, though the sun at noon
shines forth with great power in the face
of a cloudless canopy, the frosts at night are
intense, and the evenings and the mornings
are keenly piercing and cold. In the course
of the month of August the air is so remarkably
dry that the nose and fauces become
parched and painful. The writer suffered
so much from this troublesome affection as
to find it necessary to seek a more temperate
air a few leagues off, when the ailment
disappeared immediately.
The severity of the climate of Cerro Pasco
had little to mitigate its effects in the manner
wherein houses were constructed in the
time of the Spaniards. The dwellings are
covered with thatch, and this is the unfortunate
cause of frequent and destructive fires
breaking out in the town. To avoid such
accidents, one or two houses have been lately
covered with lead.
It was not until the arrival of the Peruvian
Mining Company, in December 1825,
that the inhabitants were taught how to mitigate
the evils of their inclement home
by the construction of chimneys and proper
fire-places, as well as glazed windows; and
for the introduction of these comforts to the
dwellings and firesides of the miners we
have heard the company blessed, long after
its agents had to forsake those regions of
subterranean wealth. Though this rich district
has not the natural advantages of a
favourable climate, yet it possesses that by
which its rigour may be softened and its
effects meliorated; it has abundance of coal.
Within five miles or thereabouts of Cerro
Pasco, is a coal-mine of rather inferior
quality, from which Captain Hodge, a distinguished
miner from Cornwall, used to
supply his customers. The coal burnt at
the steam-engine was conveyed about five or
six miles from the coal-mine, near the pueblo
of Rancas, called “La mina de las Maquinas,”
and is of very superior quality. The
fuel, however, which is most common in
Cerro Pasco, as well as all over the frigid
districts of the Sierra, is “champa” a turf
(not peat) cut from the surface of the marsh-land.
Charcoal becomes very expensive; and
the large braseros or pans, in which the
rich miners once used to burn it, (though
not always with impunity, because of the
deleterious effect of the carbonic acid gas
evolved,) are fortunately out of fashion since
the advantages of the chimneys and grates
have become known.
For smelting purposes, at different mining
situations in the Sierra, the ordure of quadrupeds
is collected on the plains in the dry
season, and used as fuel with rushes and
long grass which grow on the pasture-grounds.
Heavy timber for the use of the mines
and mineral haciendas, and lighter timber
for house-building in Cerro Pasco, is dragged
a distance of sixty miles, and over bad
and uneven road, by men and oxen, from
the woods of Paucartambo, at the entrance
into the Montaña, to the south-east of
Pasco.
Fodder is sometimes exceedingly scarce
and dear in Cerro Pasco. It frequently takes
six reals, or one dollar (3s. or 4s.), daily, to
feed a mule or horse with “alcaser” or barley-straw
cut down when green, and conducted
on beasts’ backs from the small villages in
adjoining glens; and it is therefore customary
for those who come to Pasco on business,
and have several mules or horses, to send
them away to the nearest convenient pastures
until required to renew their journey. Indeed,
in Cerro Pasco itself are to be seen in
the wet season small patches of barley which
never ripens, and is cut down green; but the
quantity grown is too trifling to deserve
notice, except in so far as it goes to show
the sort of climate in this locality. Potatoes
and “alcaser” are the principal productions
of Quinoa; for, though its pastures
are good, the temperature of the place is too
cold to produce maize: but a league or two
lower down, at a village called Cajamarquilla,
wheat may be grown, but in small
quantity for want of sufficient arable land.
At this place are numerous little gardens
carefully cultivated, whence onions, cabbages,
lettuces, and flowers for the use of
churches and chapels, &c. are taken, and
sold in Pasco market-place, which throughout
the year is well supplied with a variety
of fruits, plenty of good fresh meat and
other provisions in abundance, from the
warm and temperate valleys beneath, and
lakes and plains around the mines.[1]
“No one is ignorant,” says the intelligent
and active prefect, Don Francisco
Quiros, in his report to the departmental
junta of his jurisdiction of Junin, assembled
in Huanuco in 1833,—“No one is ignorant
that the richest fountain of our national
wealth this day is concentrated in the immense
treasures of the mineral of Pasco.
Its works, conducted with intelligence and
managed with economy, would be more than
enough to spread abroad abundance in all
the republic, enough to draw towards us
the productions of the whole universe, and
to increase incalculably the delights and
comforts of life. But the fatality which
too often persecutes what is good, has
plunged us in misery. Avaricious hands,
desiring to enrich themselves in a moment,
have for years back paralysed our best exertions;
and by the indiscreet liberality
of our mineral statute, ‘ordenanza,’ permitting
the labouring miners to be paid in
ore, and thereby violating more and more
the principles of subterranean architecture,
it would seem that instead of supporting the
ample domes with solid pillars, pains had been
taken to bring them down. There, as in a
sepulchre, our most flattering hopes will
be interred, if with a strong hand abuses
so enormous shall not be checked,—if a
wholesome severity may not be able to restrain
the scandalous practice of thieving,
as well as the irregular mode of subterranean
labour.”
The mine labourer can choose for himself,
by the laws of the mineral district, one of
two sorts of payment. He can have four
reals, or two shillings, daily as a fixed hire;
or he may choose to retain a certain proportion
of the ore, which he breaks down
from the mine and carries, (panting loudly
under his burden, contained in a leathern
bag or capacho,) to the surface, where the
division takes place by established measure;
and the women, with a pot of chicha in
hand, eagerly grasped at by the overheated
and half-exhausted capachero or carrier,
commonly stand by the mouth of the mine
to carry home the miner’s share,—a bundle
of ore called “mantada.” A common workman’s
daily share of metal may be worth a
great deal of money, or it may be worth
little or nothing. When the former is the
case, the mine is said to be in “boya” or
“bolla,” namely, a state of rich production,
when the common labourer naturally insists
upon being paid in metal; and again, when
the mine does not produce good ore, or such
as pays well, the labourer, who throws away
his all on the pageantry of religious festivals
and processions, claims his four reals per
day’s work, and will have no share in his employer’s
bad bargain.
At the mouth of the great mine, called
the King’s mine,—“La mina del Rey,”—which
rendered the family of Yjura so famous
and so wealthy,—a labourer has been
known in our own day to refuse eighty
dollars for his mantada, which abounded in
pieces of polvorilla and maciza, or ore rich
in native and nearly pure silver. Native and
massive silver is, however, necessarily rare,
and only occurs in small and scattered portions
among other metals of good quality. The better
the quality of the ore, so much greater
is the damage and loss from robbery sustained
by the mine and master miner;
and it often happens that the cost of raising
the ore, extracting the silver, paying
government and local duties, the repair of
the underground works, supply of salt and
quicksilver, together with all the expense
of major-domos, and wear and tear of
mining utensils, loss on cargo-mules and
llamas, &c. exceed the whole returns of the
mine. Hence, we have known a most intelligent,
active, and distinguished master
miner of Pasco, four or five of whose mines
yielded mostly all the rich ore extracted
from that mineral in the years 1827 and
1828, declare that, after having put about
two millions of dollars in circulation from
the produce of these mines, he himself was
rather a loser than a gainer, notwithstanding
such abundant returns.
The number of mines at Cerro usually at
work since they have fallen into the hands of
the Patriots are comparatively few: though in
the different districts or sections of this place,
known under the names Santa Rosa, Yauricocha,
Caya, Yanacancha, Cheupimarca, and
Matagente, there are several hundred well-known
mines from which silver has been, and
yet may be, plentifully dug out, provided a
perfect drainage should ever be effected. The
mines of late actually productive in Cerro
Pasco may be said generally to amount to about
thirty in number, and to be at work for about
eight months in the year. Some of these are
of course of inferior quality; but the metals
which, by assay or experiment on the small
scale, only yield six or seven marcs per cajon
or box, (the marc being eight ounces, and the
cajon twenty-five mules’ load of ten arrobes,
or two hundred and fifty pounds each,) are
found to be worth the working, provided the
ore be not very difficult to extract, either on
account of the character of the vein, or the
depth of the workings. The metals of Santa
Rosa, when they yield ten marcs of silver per
cajon, and when quicksilver is at a moderate
price, pay the miner better than richer ores,
because they do not tempt the cupidity of
the labourers, who are therefore contented
with the fixed sum of four reals wages per
day, instead of the mantadas or bundles of
metal already mentioned.
These mantadas are purchased by a class
of men called bolicheros, or owners of boliches.
This boliche is, to the common grinding-mills
on the mine-estates or haciendas,
what the hand-mill of the Israelites was to
the modern corn-mills moved by machinery:
it is a kind of rocking-stone, placed on
the concave surface of a larger stone well accommodated
underneath. Metal, in comparatively
small quantities, is ground between
these two stones by a man who, with the
help of a long pole, balances himself on the
upper roundish and heavy stone, which by
the weight and motion of his own body
he keeps rocking incessantly. The metal, or
ore, thus ground, is the very richest; poor or
ordinary ore could not pay on this small
scale: but the ore bought of the labouring
miners usually enriches the bolichero, who,
tempted by the prospects of a ready fortune,
does not hesitate to encourage the
thieving practices complained of in the
departmental report of our friend the prefect
of Junin, himself a native of Cerro
Pasco.
The town of Cerro Pasco—of which the
very “adobes,” or unburnt bricks, partly
used in some of the houses, contain silver—is
itself so burrowed under, that one is really
in no small danger of inadvertently, and
especially at night, falling into old mines,
or rather pits,—sometimes superficial, sometimes
deep and fathomless, and half filled
with water. The mines are irregularly
wrought under ground; and the experienced
hands burrow like rabbits through holes not
commonly known, and so come at rich
metals by stealth, to be immediately exchanged
for dollars at the bolicheros. The
best way to prevent such plunder would be
to prohibit boliches. While this species of
robbery goes on, Cerro Pasco, though removed
from the sphere of the earthquakes
that infest the coast, is in risk of being
swallowed up by the falling-in of the
arches of the mines, supported on pillars
frequently consisting of rich ore. The
thieves pilfer from these pillars, and so
weaken the supports of the whole underground
fabric, that now and then entire
arches fall in, sometimes producing a sacrifice
of lives or other disastrous consequences.
We see the Pasco miners always in the
midst of riches, and always embarrassed:
they are kept in a state of continued tantalization.
The miner, it is true, sometimes has
immense and rapid gains, in spite of rogues
and plunderers everywhere about him, at
comparatively little expense of time or money;
and this occasional success leads others
to indulge in a hope of similar good fortune,
which hurries the majority of speculators in
this channel into pecuniary difficulties: for,
as we have seen, the necessary outlay is often
great without any compensation; and when
the capital is too limited, though in the main
the undertaking be a good one, ruin is near.
Shopkeepers and dealers in plata-piña are
tempted, by prospects of commercial advantage,
to lend money to the harassed mine-owner
to enable him to forward his works,
and to repay the loan in piña[2] at so much
per marc. Such a lender is called “habilitador:”
but it unluckily happens for this
capitalist that, by the custom and usage
of the miner, the last “habilitador” has
a claim to be first paid, which leads to
the worst practical results. The miner is
generally a reckless gambler, who spends
money as fast as it comes to him, not in
improving his mines, but in indulging his
vices; and in this manner the interest of the
first habilitadors may be successively postponed
to the claims of the most recent, who
frequently is disappointed in his turn; while
the difficulties of the miner are not removed,
but merely prolonged, and he is involved in
everlasting disputes and litigation.
The risk, expense, and delay occasioned
at all times, and more particularly in days
of civil broil, by the necessity of forwarding
the bars of silver from Pasco to Lima for
the purpose of coinage, are felt as so many
real grievances by the miner; and it is known
that these causes, with the desire to avoid
the payment of the established duties, have
led to a contraband trade across the by-ways
of the mountains to the coast, which
no number of custom-house officers could
prevent, even on the extravagant supposition
of their being proof against bribery and
corruption. The evils attendant on the existing
arrangements led the legislature to pass a
law for the establishment of a mint at the
mines of Pasco; but this desirable object has
not yet been carried into effect in a proper and
efficient manner, though we understood that
the prefect Quiros employed a native tradesman
to erect some rude machinery by which
a few hundred dollars were thrown off daily.
An extract from a memoir presented in the
year 1832 to the congress in Lima by Mr.
Tudela, the Peruvian minister of “Hacienda”
or home affairs, may give an idea of the
returns of the mines. “To animate mining
industry,” says he, “one most essential thing
is the convenient supply of quicksilver, with
which our metals are generally extracted from
their ores; because smelting is not suited for
the greater number of these, neither is it used
for those ores to the refining of which it is
adapted.[3] The price of the quicksilver determines
the profit or loss on the poorer metals;
and neither exemption from duties of
cobos[4] and tithes, nor any other protection
which the law dispenses to the mining corporation,
compensate for the expense of this
article.
“In Huancavelica, Peru possesses one of
the richest quicksilver mines on earth,—a
mine which comprehends forty-one hills, examined
and found intersected with veins, of
which one part alone, that of Saint Barbara,
called the “Great,” yielded five thousand
quintals of quicksilver per annum for two
centuries. It was, therefore, a matter of
importance to inquire if it could be conveniently
worked; and it has been found that,
with moderate support and certain arrangements,
quicksilver may be procured at sixty-five
dollars per quintal.[5]
“The operations of the mints concur in
proving the necessity of banks: for, granting
the mint of Lima has stamped in the
last three years 4,902,762 dollars, and the
mint at Cuzco, in the years 1829 and 1831,
969,939 dollars, the augmentation of coinage
does not correspond to that which should
result from the abolition of the duties of cobos
and tithes since the 26th February 1830,
and the increase in the coinage at Cuzco proceeds
from other causes. When these duties”
(viz. cobos and tithes) “were yet exacted, in
the Lima mint alone, in the year 1827, more
than 2,700,000 dollars were coined; but in
that year, in addition to the beneficial drainage
of the Pasco mines, the contraband trade
had not extended itself as afterwards it
did. To diminish the evils produced by contraband
trade in mining places or in their
immediate environs, funds, in addition to
banks of ‘Rescate,’ are necessary in the
houses of coinage; with which being provided,
neither the holders of bullion shall
be deterred from presenting it because of
the delay they experience in being paid its
value, nor, if this delay be shortened, shall
the treasury suffer the severe losses to which
it is actually subjected. One hundred thousand
dollars in the Lima mint, and fifty
thousand in the mint of Cuzco, should prove
sufficient to meet all difficulties.”
We may remark, that the want of such
mint deposits as are alluded to by Mr. Tudela
is one of the principal sources of mistrust
in revolutionary times; as the possessor
of bullion will rather run the risk of smuggling,
than the chance either of losing all
his capital, or of being long deprived of its
value in hard dollars, if he carries it in the
regular channel to the Lima mint. The
banks of Rescate to which Mr. Tudela refers,
now so much desired in Peru, are only
funds deposited in certain situations, and
under proper superintendence, for the miner
to be thereby enabled to exchange his piña
at a fixed and just value in current money,
by which he is put in possession of dollars
as soon as his piña is ready for the market.
And this, we may venture to say, is the
only sort of bank calculated to be of real
service to the dissolute miner; as it encourages
his industry, without putting it
in his power to outrun his credit with the
bank, or of ruining himself and family, and
kindling the worst of passions in consequence
of forfeiting his mines, which would
frequently be the case if these were accepted
in security for cash advances, to be
spent probably in feasts, frolics, cards, and
dicing, instead of being applied to the professed
purpose of working his mines or improving
his property.
The number of marcs[6] of silver reduced
to bars, in the foundery at Cerro Pasco, from
the year 1825 to 1836 inclusive, is, according
to the best information, as follows:—
Years.
Marcs.
1825
56,971
1826
163,852
1827
221,707
1828
201,330
1829
82,031
1830
95,265
1831
135,134
1832
219,378
1833
257,669
1834
272,558
1835
246,820
1836
237,840
2,190,555
CHAPTER III.
Descent from Pasco to Huanuco.—Succession of works for
grinding and amalgamating silver ore.—Quinoa.—Cajamarquilla.—Huariaca.—San
Rafael.—Ambo.—Vale of
Huanuco; its beauties and advantages.—State of agriculture
in this vale, and traffic with Pasco.—The College named
La Virtud Peruana.—Steam navigation on the river Huallaga,
and civilization of the wild Indians of the Montaña.—Natural
productions of the Montaña.
Some of the valleys in Peru, like that by
Obrajillo and Canta, extend from the coast
to the Cordillera: some are only a few leagues
of rapid descent from the puna or lofty table-land,
as Tarma, for example, from the heights
of Junin; but others sink deeply into the bosom
of the central Andes, or dip under the
brow of the Montaña, as, for example, Guarrigancha
and Huanuco, of the latter of which
we purpose to offer a more particular account.
Huanuco is not to be confounded with the
ancient town called Leon de Guanuco, of
which the remarkable remains are still well
worth visiting on the high pasture-land of
Huamalies: for the city now called Huanuco,
or, as some write it, Guanuco, is in a
delightful valley, twenty-two leagues in a
north-easterly direction from the mines of
Cerro Pasco, with a descent of about seven
thousand feet; thus situated, as nearly as may
be, half-way in respect to altitude between
Cerro Pasco and the ocean.
In the first three leagues of our descent
from the mines to the vale, we pass by a
number of mills for grinding metal, preparatory
to its being mixed with salt and
quicksilver for the purpose of amalgamation.
These are situated in a narrow rocky glen;
the rugged road through it lying often along
the bed of the stream that wanders down it,
putting a great many mills successively in
motion as it is directed into troughs or canals
leading to the clumsy machinery of the haciendas,
to which the ore is conducted at great
trouble and expense, on the backs of mules,
donkeys, and llamas.
From the village of Quinoa, only three
leagues from Cerro, and once celebrated for
its gold mine, to the village of Cajamarquilla,
two leagues lower down, the road
is furrowed, deep, and miry during the wet
season; but the pasture-grounds are good,
and upon these the cattle of the miners are
sent to feed at small expense. From two to
three leagues below Cajamarquilla, of which
we took notice in our account of Cerro Pasco,
is Huariaca, a small town with a large plaza,
or square, and very good houses. This town
is the centre of a curacy and seat of a governor,
with a climate analogous to that of
Obrajillo on the road between Lima and
Cerro, or Cerro Pasco, formerly noticed. Its
artificial productions are also the same as
we formerly mentioned, viz. maize, wheat,
beans, potatoes, &c.; but here natural vegetation
is more luxuriant, and the air exceedingly
benign: the frosts are seldom so keen
as to blight or wither the parks of lucern, and
troublesome heat is unknown. Huariaca is
endeared to the memory of many a Cornish
miner, who lost his health in Cerro Pasco,
and at this rendezvous for convalescence rejoiced
in the smiling aspect of nature, and
enjoyed the delightful feeling of returning
health. The writer, in common with several
of his countrymen, has to lament the
premature death of the curate of this place,
Dr. Don Pablo de Marticurena; whose intelligence,
hospitality, and amiable disposition
rendered him an object of love and
respect, while his house was the home of
the traveller, and the abode of charity, without
distinction of creed or country. A league
below Huariaca, we cross a bridge placed
over the small river of Cono or Pallanchacra,
a short distance above which is the famous
tepid mineral well of Cono; to which, as it
is in a temperate little glen, the sick have
frequent recourse. On the banks of this
stream we have peaches in perfection and
plenty; and as we approach towards the
village of Saint Rafael, a few leagues lower
down, we are amused by looking up at heights
topped with Indian hamlets, and at little
flats and declivities under crop of wheat and
potatoes, &c. and, near the river, maize.
The temperature of Saint Rafael is delicious,
and this locality is free from any endemic
disease.
From Saint Rafael to Ambo is a distance
of several leagues of hard road, sometimes
running close to the river’s edge, often
running along the steep, and with its rocky
staircases and narrow passes subjected in
time of rains to be blocked up by large
stones and small trees, carried down by the
mountain torrents. Where the glen expands
towards the hill-tops, but closes so narrowly
below as only to give room for the
channel of the river, we find the road at
certain narrows carried along the face of
the rock; and here the craggy projections
serve as supporters for poles or rafters extending
along the intervening gaps, and
covered with flags or brushwood laid on
and coated with a little earth, thus forming
an extremely awkward and narrow
bridgeway suspended over the stream. At
Ambo, nine leagues lower down than
Huariaca, the aspect of the country is
changed. Here the loud chirping (for it
cannot be called croaking) of little frogs
heard by night—the granadilla in elegant
flowering festoons seen by day on
the pacay and lucuma tree, tell the warm
and thirsty traveller that he has come
to the land of “guarapo,”[7] where he
may enjoy the cool of the corridor, and
cast off the load of his Sierra ponchos
and heavy clothing.
From Ambo to the city of Huanuco we
have five leagues of a charming ride; and
from Ambo downwards, the Vale of Huanuco
may be said to commence. In this
vale the writer resided for three years.
The year is, as usual, divided into the wet
and dry seasons, observing the same periods
of change as we have already noticed to
belong to the seasons on the high Sierra.
In this valley, however, snow never falls,
except on the summits of the highest hills;
and the thermometer of Fahrenheit is seldom
seen to rise above 72° in the shade of
the veranda, or wide-spreading fig-tree. In
the hottest day, when every little stone on
the surface of the newly-turned field glistens
in the sunbeams, so as to torment the
sight, the thermometer rises very high on
being exposed in the open air to the direct
rays of the sun; but, upon being removed into
the shade, it again falls to a very few degrees
above 70°; and scarcely ever throughout
the whole year is it seen to sink under
66° of the night thermometer placed within
doors,—thus manifesting an equability of
atmospherical temperature altogether as extraordinary
as it is benignant. So small,
then, is the range of the thermometer in
this fine locality, that the state of the
internal circulation of our frame is but
little disturbed by sudden changes induced
by vicissitudes of temperature. To the
uniform mildness of its atmosphere it may
be principally owing that pulmonary consumption
is as little a disease of this favoured
locality as ague;[8] for we never,
during the period of three years that
we resided here, had occasion to know
of a single instance in which this disease
originated in the valley; but those
who, by residing in other situations, had
their lungs nearly wasted by consumption
and spitting of blood, have, in different
parts of this valley, found a temporary
asylum which afforded a prolongation of
life when entire restoration to health was
physically impossible. The climate is sometimes
complained of as too dry, it being
only during the rainy months that the
perspiration commonly becomes sensible on
moderate exertion. During the greater
part of the year the reflected rays of
the sun on the sides of the valley would
render it intolerably hot, were it not for
the daily breeze that, from about 11 A.M.
to 3 P.M. comes with uniform regularity
from the Montaña, through the aperture
in the mountains along which the river of
Huanuco rolls towards the Huallaga and
great Marañon.
In August and September, no perceptible
dew falls; but during these months,
when vegetation among the small neighbouring
dales becomes scanty, the deer often
steal in herds to the thickets near the
river; and we have stalked them at midnight
in the midst of the fields, without discovering
a trace of moisture on the alfalfa leaf.
The nights are always delightful; and the
sky, when it does not rain, is pure, bright,
and beautiful. The hills on the eastern
side of the valley are clothed with pastures,
have perennial springs and wood in
their dingles and corries, and are capable of
grazing cattle all the year: but opposite
to these, on the western side, the hills, like
those of the coast, are dull arid masses for
nine months in the year, only furnishing a
sparse growth of flowering shrubs and weeds
on their sides; whilst their elevated tops
alone throw forth a denser crop of sweet
herbage, on which folds of cattle regale
themselves in the months of January, February,
and March,—at a season, as we have
seen, when the uncultivated heights near
the coast are scorched, and stripped of all
vegetation except cacti and some bulbous
plants. But the plains that spread round
the base of the hills and mountains that
go to form the Vale of Huanuco, are never
allowed to take upon them the withered
face of winter. By the aid of rivulets from
the mountains, sometimes diverted from their
natural channels by art, and carried, by circuitous
aqueducts of many miles in extent,
the numerous flats among the recesses of
the heights and slopes, frequently elevated
much above the lower plains, are kept ever
verdant and productive, in like manner as
the fields and enclosures in the bottom of the
vale are fertilized by canals from the river.
The best sugar-cane comes to maturity in
about eighteen months or two years, and
yields several cuttings of after-growth. The
lucern or alfalfa, without the aid of top-dressing,
gives six crops annually for an indefinite
number of years; and in some favoured
spots it yields a cutting in six weeks,
and therefore gives eight crops yearly. The
writer had a plot that yielded, at this
rate, alfalfa of about a yard in height, and
in good flower. The plantain, both long
and short, and the richest tuna, or Indian
fig, grow in abundance; the finest pineapples
are brought from the neighbouring
Montaña, where vegetation is much
more rapid and vigorous than in the Vale
of Huanuco. In this vale, however, the
palta and cheremoya mellow on the branches
in their native soil. The maguey, coffee,
cotton, and vine, the pomegranate and
orange, the citron, lemon, and lime, &c. flourish
here; and the meanest villager, as well
as the humblest lodger under a cane-roofed
shed, inhales with every breath the odours
of never-failing blossoms. As the morning
sun gilds the high ridges of this happy
valley, its inhabitants are animated to the
daily labours of the field by the cheerful voice
of the prettily-plumaged inmates of their
well-shaded bowers. Such, then, are some
of the more prominent beauties and natural
advantages of the Vale of Huanuco: and
we may here mention, that the city of Huanuco
is the principal seat of recreation for
him who wastes his strength and frets his
temper in the too often delusive pursuit
of wealth in Cerro Pasco, and other inclement
mining localities in the neighbourhood.
In spite of their vexations and
misfortunes, few can have invested themselves
with a mood so sad or so cynic as
not to enjoy and partake of the enthusiastic
glee and antiquated gambols of a carnival
feast in Huanuco.
The agriculture of Huanuco,—though
alluring to the eye of the ordinary traveller,
who only glances at its rich and
waving fields, enclosed within tapias or
fences of mud, and hedges of the Indian
fig, and aloe or maguey plants,—is in every
way defective as a branch of industry. The
fields owe their luxuriance to nature rather
than to man, except in the single advantage
of water, which he often directs and
supplies to them. Manure is a thing never
thought of; and the ground seldom
requires it, though we see the same spot
year after year under crop: but much of
the soil which is considered poor might be
rendered fertile, in so favourable a climate,
if the people would only take the trouble
of cleaning out their large cattle-pens once
a year; but this would be to diverge from
their accustomed routine, which they dislike
to forsake. The implements of husbandry are
of the rudest kind. The plough, which
is slight and single-handed, is constructed
merely of wood, without mould-board, which
we have seen a one-handed person manage
with perfect dexterity. The ploughshare
is a thick iron blade, only tied when required
for use by a piece of thong, or lasso,
on the point of the plough, which divides
the earth very superficially. Where the
iron is not at hand, as frequently happens,
we understand that the poor peasant
uses, instead, a share made of hard iron-wood
that grows in the Montaña. Harrows
they have, properly speaking, none: if we
remember well, they sometimes use, instead,
large clumsy rakes; and we have seen them
use a green bough of a tree dragged over
the sown ground, with a weight upon it to
make it scratch the soil. In room of the
roller, of which they never experienced the
advantage, they break down the earth in the
field intended for cane-plants, after it has
got eight or ten ploughings and cross-ploughings,
with the heel of a short-handled hoe
which they call “lampa;” a tool which they
use with great dexterity in weeding the cane-fields
and clearing aqueducts. For smoothing
down the clods of earth, we have seen
some Indians use a more antiquated instrument.
It consisted of a soft, flat, and
round stone, about the size of a small cheese,
which had a hole beaten through its centre
by dint of blows with a harder and pointed
stone. To the stone thus perforated they
fixed a long handle, and, as they swung it
about, they did great execution in the work
of “cuspiando” or field-levelling.
Lucern or alfalfa is daily cut down, and
used green, as scores of cattle and the working
oxen for the plough and sugar-mills are
to be fed by it; yet the scythe is not in use
among the great planters, who find it necessary
to keep two or three individuals at the
sickle to cut down food for herds, in the daytime
fed on irrigated pastures, but at night
fed in corrals or pens.
Potato-ground they are accustomed to
break up on the face of steeps with deep
narrow spades, to which long handles are
attached, that afford good leverage. In the
same manner the soil is turned up by those
who have neither plough nor oxen, but who
yet sow maize on the temperate flats on the
hill-sides, and in the midst of thickets by
mountain streams, where the soil is usually
fertile, and materials for fencing are at hand.
People thus circumstanced make holes in the
ground with a sharp-pointed stick, where
they bury the seed secure, that it may not be
taken up by the fowls of the air; and that,
when dropped in virgin soil, it may yield a
luxuriant crop and plentiful harvest. The
Indian sows the white-grained maize in preference
to the yellow, (morocho,) as he considers
that when toasted it makes the best
“cancha,” which the poor Indian everywhere
uses instead of bread; and that when boiled
it makes the blandest “mote,” for so they
call the simply boiled maize: it has moreover
the credit of making the most savoury
chicha, or beer, which they home-brew whenever
they have a little surplus grain at their
command. They also, as we were given to
understand, make a kind of beer from the
fermented juice of the maize-stalks compressed
between small rollers of wood moved
with the hand. The usual application of dry
maize-leaves and stubble is to feed cattle,
and for this purpose it is considered more
fattening than either alfalfa or sugar-cane
tops.
Agi, or pimento, is cultivated around the
little Indian houses and gardens in the Vale
of Huanuco; and without this condiment the
natives hardly relish any kind of food.
The sugar-mills in this valley are, the
greater number of them, made of wood, and
moved by oxen. On the larger estates
small brass rollers are used; but with a
single exception, on the estate of Andaguaylla,
where we were concerned in erecting
a water-mill for the purpose of grinding
sugar-cane, the proprietors adhere to the old
practice of working with oxen by day and by
night throughout the year, barring accidents,
and feasts or holy-days.
The beautiful hacienda or estate of Quicacan,
Colonel Lucar’s, is a model of industry
and method after the fashion of the country;
and the most distinguished family of Echegoyen
have, in Colpa-grande, the finest cane-estate,
as far as we know, in the interior of
Peru. It extends for nine or ten miles along
the fertile banks of the river, from the city of
Huanuco towards the ascents that lead into
the Montaña.
Respecting Huanuco, although the principal
city or capital of the department to
which it belongs, we have to observe, that
the consumption of its agricultural produce,
as well as its own internal prosperity, depends
on the mineral seat of Cerro Pasco.
When the population of the Cerro rises to
ten or twelve thousand, every article of
Huanuco produce is in high demand; but
when, from any cause, the mines are not
wrought, or when these are inundated from
defective drainage, and the hands employed
in working them are fewer in number,
the Huanuqueños and other neighbouring
agriculturists are greatly discouraged or actually
ruined; because, deprived of this outlet
for their produce, they cannot undertake the
expense of sending sugar and spirits on mules
to the coast. The consequence is, that they
are frequently poor in the midst of plenty;
like the owners of extensive herds of sheep
on the high pasture-lands, whose wool is of
little value to them, as it cannot pay for mule
or llama carriage to the coast; and the scanty
produce of the looms of the interior have
little estimation, as the ruined “obrages,”
or manufactories, now amply testify. The
shuttle is, moreover, nearly put at rest by
the cheaper articles of warm woollen as
well as cotton clothing continually introduced
from the stores of our English manufacturers.
A staple article of Huanuco commerce
with Cerro Pasco is the coca-leaf, from their
Montaña, only distant about fifteen leagues
from the city; an article of which they
have several crops yearly. The indigo
growers in the contiguous Montaña have,
we believe, forsaken their enterprise, for
want of funds to proceed with the manufacture
of what, from the samples produced,
was considered a good article.
Much of the fruit of the Huanuco orchards
is eaten at the tables of the Pasqueños,
or inhabitants of Cerro; and in the convents
are made excellent sweet preserves,
which are highly valued, and circulated in
the surrounding country as nice and most
welcome presents rather than as formal
articles of commerce.
Several lands formerly belonging to convents
are now appropriated as endowments
of the college of Huanuco, named La Virtud
Peruana, which is the only school of its
kind at present open in the department of
Junin. This temple of Peruvian virtue, for
so the Lyceum, which was formerly a convent,
has been emphatically called, was installed
in May 1829, under the rectorship
of Doctor Don Gregorio de Cartagena; and
the writer would now desire from his native
country to offer to this acute and enlightened
gentleman his grateful acknowledgments
for the generous hospitality of
which he was himself the object, when,
pilgrim and stranger as he was, he knocked
at the gates of the “Temple of Peruvian
Virtue.” Doctor Don Gregorio de Cartagena,
jointly with his distinguished relative
Doctor Don Manuel Antonio de Valdizan,
has the honour of being considered the
founder of this college in his native city, as
we learn from the speech of Doctor Don
Buena Ventura Lopez, delivered in the college
chapel on the day of installation, and
published, with other harangues made on
the same occasion, in the periodical then
commenced as the first-fruits of the Huanuco
press, under the very happy title of “The
Echo of the Montaña.”
In the speech of Dr. Lopez, he encourages
the rising generation to take the best advantage
of the new path to knowledge, virtue,
and honourable distinction now freely
opened to them by the meritorious exertions
of two of the most eminent natives of Huanuco.
He exhorts his young hearers never to
forget how much they owe to these patriots
and benefactors:
“And you,” says he, “fortunate young
men, in possession of advantages which were
denied to your forefathers, let the names of
your indulgent friends Valdizan and Cartagena,
coupled with the obligations of this
day, sink deep into your hearts: warmed
as they are with feelings of the purest delight,
they will readily receive the generous
impression, ay, and retain it for ever.”
The kind and affable inhabitants of this
city in the bosom of the Andes have their
imaginations excited with the hopes of their
rising glories, and their own happy valley
is too narrow for their expanding desires.
So full are their literati of the flattering
idea that an English colony on the river
Huallaga may extend its industry and
enterprise to the cultivation of the great
pampa del Sacramento, that they already
fancy proper depôts and harbours selected,
docks prepared, and ships building from
the timber of their own Montaña, to carry
them a voyage of pleasure and profit round
the world. They imagine little steamers
up to Playa-grande, or even to the falls
at Casapi, or the port of Cuchero on the
river Chinchao, within a couple of days’
journey of their city; and, when their
wishes are realized, they calculate that
their now useless and neglected copper
mines shall be more precious, and draw in
upon them more wealth than ever did brilliants
or diamonds on their distant neighbours
of Brazil. And no wonder that the
natives of this Elysian valley should be
overjoyed at such prospects; since their long-continued
communication with the canoe-men
of the Huallaga on the one side, and in former
times with those of the missionaries at the
port or settlement of Mayro on the other, familiarise
them with the notion of navigating
the Huallaga and Ucayali; while the intervening
plains of Sacramento they consider to
be naturally the richest and most capable of
improvement of any in the world. Even
the miner of Cerro Pasco finds his fancy
warmed when he reflects on the prospect of
a steam navigation on the Marañon. Don
Jose Lago y Lemus, one of the most distinguished
of the veteran miners of Pasco,
published in 1831 a pamphlet in illustration
of the advantages that might accrue
to the republic from this navigation. In
this pamphlet he endeavours to show that
the portions of Peruvian territory hitherto
occupied, and consisting of arid coasts and
rugged mountainous districts, are not to be
compared, in point of natural interest or
national importance, with the immense
plains and fertile Montaña or wooded deserts
on the eastern frontier; and he manifests
a laudable and patriotic zeal in endeavouring
to arouse the attention of his
countrymen to this most momentous subject.
Don Jose expresses himself thus:
“The undersigned, being convinced of
the truths he lays before the public, and at
the same time anxiously desiring, in virtue
of his appointment, both the welfare of the
department and the province which he represents,
he proposes to the most honourable
Junta,” (viz. the departmental Junta
of Junin, assembled in the city of Huanuco,)
“a project of the grandest magnitude,
capable of making the entire republic
prosper, and of placing her in the
rank and circumstances to compete with,
and be the envy of, the most powerful states
in the world. It will be said truly, that
we were not heretofore ignorant of the treasures
and riches of the actual productions
in the Montañas of the Peruvian territory;
it is equally certain that the want of hands,
capital, and men of enterprise, have been
powerful causes why we were unable to
enjoy these natural advantages. If this be
our state of weakness—if its commencement
be traceable to our colonial condition, and
that Providence has reserved the remedy
till the epoch of our freedom and an age of
intellectual light, let us make every effort to
reap such incalculable benefits. Commercial
relations are those that enlighten the
people; by this powerful magic friendships
are acquired, and with the most remote
inhabitants of the globe bonds of brotherhood
are established. Let, then, the
grand canal of the Marañon be rendered
navigable for steam vessels; so that, by the
diverse and lesser streams that form this
great river, we may procure them entrance
to the immediate environs of our cities,
towns, and villages, situated on the banks
of the Huallaga.
“Ah, gentlemen! What a sudden and extraordinary
emotion this idea excites in my
mind! My imagination already combines the
ideas that suggest themselves respecting this
privileged city of Huanuco. Now its spacious
fields are held worthy of higher cultivation
and care; its abandoned streets I see crowded
with useful citizens; the banks of its
ample river Huallaga present a varied and
charming perspective of shipping, newly
elevated towns, open tracts of woodland, and
cultivated lawns. Allured by the novelty of
this scene, innumerable tribes of the wild
Indians will unite themselves with us; they
are our brethren, and, when thus intimately
brought into contact with us, they may
frankly discover to our knowledge those
hidden treasures of our forests which their
ignorance and barbarism hitherto concealed;
and, as integral parts of Peru, they will
conduce to its grandeur and respectability.
Gentlemen, the most vivid imagination is
lost in this contemplation, and finds itself
overwhelmed by the number and vastness of
the objects which crowd into its thoughts.”
The above patriotic effusion, very worthy
of a departmental deputy of Junin, may appear
to the reader to paint in too glowing
terms the capabilities and importance of the
Montaña on the confines of Huanuco. But,
considering the extent and fertility of the
territory, the navigable nature of its principal
rivers, and the generally salubrious character
of its climate, we believe that he who
attempts to depict its various superiorities
and advantages is more likely to come short
of his object, than to overrate the reality
which in imagination he may desire to
trace.
Those regions in the Montaña which are
watered by the Huallaga, Ucayali, and Marañon,
with various subsidiary rivers interspersed
among the intervening grounds, have
as yet been but inadequately explored, and
therefore only a very imperfect account can
be offered of their aspect and natural productions.
From May to November the sun shines
very powerfully in the Montaña, and consequently
the soil, where it is cleared of
wood,—for example, in the valley of Chinchao—becomes
so parched that its surface
opens in chinks; but underneath it always
preserves humidity, and therefore needs no
irrigation. From November to May it rains
much, sometimes for six or seven days without
intermission.
In the rivers, alligators, tortoises, and a
variety of fish are found; and these also
swarm in the ponds or lakes formed during
the inundations of the rainy season. The
most remarkable inhabitant of these waters
is the manati, sometimes called pexebuey,[9]
from its supposed resemblance to the cow or
ox. Like the cetaceous family to which
it belongs, it suckles its young, and also
feeds among the grass on the banks of the
rivers.
The trees of the forest are inhabited by
parrots, tanagers, and a surprising variety
of birds, whose exquisite plumage vies with
butterflies and flowers in the beauty, delicacy,
and combination of their tints.
Monkeys are so numerous as to form a chief
article of animal food for the Indian hunter,
dexterous in the use of the bow and arrow,
or of the cerbatána, a long and hollow piece
of wood through which he blows a small
arrow, and hits his mark, at short distances,
with fatal precision. There are very many
venomous serpents. Wild-boars, deer, pumas,
bears, tigers, and tapirs, frequent these
forests, and are objects of the chase.
The vegetable productions of the Montaña,
here considered as articles of commerce, or
adopted for economical uses, are numerous.
Among the valuable woods are cedar, and
chonta or ebony, mahogany, walnut, and
almond-tree. Edible herbs and roots, except
the potato and yuca, are little cultivated;
but coffee, plantains, and sugar-cane,
of which a variety called the blue or
azul is very luxuriant, are reared with
some care, where nature indeed requires
but little aid from the hand of man. The
sugar-cane comes to maturity earlier than in
other parts of Peru, and yields an annual
crop at very little cost of production.
In the fertile vale of Chinchao, famous for
its coca plantations, a few proprietors of Huanuco
cultivate frijoles, or beans, for the use
of the coca-gatherers: rice is also grown by
the humid banks of the great rivers, and
maize is everywhere sown as a necessary of
life.
In the Montaña, chicha is made from
maize, as in other parts of Peru; but the
natives here make a drink called masata, not
known in more civilized parts of the country,
produced by chewing the yuca or maize, &c.
and then leaving it to ferment, when, according
to the quantity of water added to it, the
fermented juice will be found of greater or
less intoxicating power.
Indigo, as we have before noticed, is of
Montaña growth, as is also tobacco.
Cotton, spun and wove into cloths of
various texture by the Indians, requires no
artificial assistance for its luxuriant growth.
Lemons, limes, oranges, citrons, and other cooling
fruit, are also productions of those parts.
The pine-apple is very abundant, as well as
of delicious flavour, though it grows wild:
and among the articles of spontaneous growth
in the Montaña contiguous to Huanuco we
may enumerate cacao or cocoa, cinnamon,
guaiacum, vanilla, black wax, storax, dragon’s
blood, oil of Maria, gum caraña, balsam of
copaiba, copal, and many other gums, balsams,
and resins. Cinchona and sarsaparilla
abound in great quantity.
For the following account of medicinal
plants, collected during a journey down the
river Huallaga, and through part of Maynas,
we are indebted to the kindness of Mr.
Mathews, an English botanist, formerly
mentioned.
1. Machagui huasca is a bejuco or climber,
the trunk and branches of which are intensely
bitter. It grows at Tarapoto, and is
used as a febrifuge.
2. Diabolo huasca[10] grows at Tarapoto,
and is used medicinally as a purgative.
3. Uchu sanango.—This is a species of
taberna-montana, which grows at Tarapoto
and Moyobamba. It is very piquant; produces
a sensible degree of heat, and is used as
a remedy in colds and rheumatic affections
of the joints.
It is also said to be used in the preparation
of the pucuna poison.—(See Humboldt.)
4. Chiri sanango.—Said to be contrary in
its effects to the above; the natives hold it
in some dread.
5. Calentura huasca, or shiyintu.—This
is violent in its effects: it swells the gullet;
produces quick, full pulse, and high fever;
and in twenty-four hours after the fever the
skin begins to peel off.
This remedy is taken for various complaints.
The patient generally retires to his
chacra, or country-house, to take medicine,
where he is not liable to be molested; generally
keeps his bed for eight days, and on
the fifteenth day bathes. For four months
it is necessary for those who take this remedy
to diet themselves. On some men it
produces no sensible effects.
The part of this plant used medicinally is
the stem, which is roasted, pounded, and
then taken in warm water or guarapo.
6. Zuquilla.—This is a thick-rooted variety
of sarsaparilla.
7. Guaco grows about Tarapoto.
8. Piñon, or croton tiglium.—Three seeds
of it eaten act as a drastic medicine.
9. Carpuña.—A few leaves (two or three)
of this plant, put into warm spirit and water,
act as a sudorific, which is employed in colds
and rheumatic pains.
10. Huyusa.—The leaves of the huyusa
are also used in small quantity, in form of infusion;
and this remedy has the same virtues
with the carpuña.
11. Tapia bark.—This is pounded into
powder, and taken in cold water. It acts as
a powerful emetic.
12. Yerba de San Martin.—The infusion
from this plant is used for the same purpose
as cubebs, or balsam of copaiba.
OF THE OFFICE OF PREFECTS AND GOVERNORS, &C. — DEPARTMENTAL JUNTAS. — MINES. — AGRICULTURE. — MANUFACTURES. — PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. — HOSPITALS AND CHARITABLE ASYLUMS. — VACCINATION. — JUNTAS OF HEALTH. — PUBLIC BATHS. — POLICE. — PANTHEONS OR CEMETERIES. — ROADS OF JUNIN. — POSTS. — PUBLIC TREASURY AT PASCO. — OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. — NATIONAL MILITIA. — CHAPTER IV.
The Department of Junin.—The river Marañon.—General
sketch of the form of internal Government of Peru.—Particular
account of the Prefectorate or Department of
Junin.—Mines.—Agriculture.—Manufactures.—Public Instruction.—Hospitals
and Charitable Asylums.—Vaccination.—Junta
of Health.—Public Baths.—Police.—Pantheons.—Roads.—Posts.—Public
Treasury at Pasco.—Administration
of Justice.—National Militia.
Of the three inland departments of Peru,
namely, Cuzco, Ayacucho, and Junin, the
latter is peculiarly distinguished by its mineral
riches, and the rise of the great river Marañon,
in the lake of Lauricocha, in the neighbourhood
of Cerro Pasco. The length of this
river, all its windings included, has been reckoned
not less than one thousand one hundred
leagues, of which nine hundred have been
found to be navigable; and, at the distance
of several hundred miles before it reaches
the ocean, (where its mouth is one hundred
and seventy or eighty miles wide,) the effect
of the tides may be distinctly marked on its
banks. For a very long way—some say two
hundred miles or more—after it has entered
the sea, it still continues fresh to the taste,
or, at least, to a great degree unmingled
with the retiring waters of the ocean, which
it rolls back before the unsubdued force of its
own mighty stream.
The provinces of this department are
Jauja, Tarma, Pasco, Cajatambo, Huari,
Huaylas, Huamalies, Conchucos, and Huanuco.
Besides the precious metals, (and
quicksilver, which for some time back has
been regularly extracted from the mines of
Jonta in Huamalies,) these provinces yield
a great variety of cattle and vegetable
produce. Huanuco, the principal city of
the province of the same name, though
no longer the seat of opulence or aristocracy,
was once one of the chief cities of
Peru under the ancient conquerors, and
is at present chiefly distinguished as the
capital of the whole department of Junin.
The prefect of this jurisdiction extends his
authority as far as the country of Maynas
on the north, and to the banks of the river
Paro, or Beni, on the east, passing through
the intervening wilds of the Pajonal and
pampa del Sacramento, &c. along windings
of the forest best known to holy fathers
and half-converted Indians. These
wilds are inhabited on the south, and in
the environs of the rivers Apurimac, Mantaro,
Pangoa, Perene, Camar, and Sampoya,
&c. by Campas, Piros, Mochobos, Ruanaguas,
and other Indian tribes no longer invited
to share of the blessings of Christianity;
and to the north-east of the plain, or
pampa of Sacramento, is the very important
missionary settlement of Sarayacu, still annexed
to the department of Junin. Neither
of these outskirts of an ill-sustained civil jurisdiction,
nor the territories which thus lie
very wide and uncultivated to the east of
the main provinces, ever appear to have
constituted a part of the ancient empire
of the Incas. And not only by the rugged
barriers of the eastern Cordillera, but by
a difference of language, the untutored
Indians of the Montaña are to this day
separated from the true children of the
Sun, whose common language, as the reader
knows, is the Quichua, while the savages
hitherto discovered speak almost as many
tongues as there have appeared distinct
tribes among them, except on the banks of
the Ucayali, and in the vicinity of the chief
missionary settlement there, where the Pano
is the general or prevailing language of the
somewhat christianized natives.
The government of Peru is, by its constitution,
pronounced to be a popular, representative
government; and in theory at least,
though not in fact, the sovereignty emanates
from the people, who are supposed
to delegate its exercise to the legislative,
executive, and judicial powers of the republic.
It is not, however, now our intention
to enter upon an account of the general
government, as we only desire to enumerate
some of the more important functions of
the internal government.
The superior political government of every
department is vested in a prefect, under immediate
subordination to the president of the
republic; that of every province is entrusted
to a sub-prefect, who is immediately subordinate
to the prefect; that of the districts
to a governor, who acknowledges the sub-prefect
as his superior; and in every town,
or Indian village, there is a still humbler
officer called alcalde, who acts under the
orders of the governor of his district, and
is entrusted with the ordinary routine of
local police.
To fill the appointment of prefect, sub-prefect,
or governor, it is required that the
candidate should be an active citizen, not
under thirty years of age, and a man eminent
for his probity.
The duties of such functionaries are,
1. To maintain public security and order
in their respective territories.
2. To cause the articles of the political
constitution, the laws enacted by congress,
and the decrees and commands of the executive
power, to be duly carried into effect.
3. To enforce the completion of sentences
pronounced by the different tribunals and
courts of justice.
4. To take care that the functionaries
subordinate to each of them shall faithfully
discharge their proper duties.
The prefects are also charged with the
economical administration of the affairs of
state within their respective departments.
But they are restrained,
1. From interfering with, or in any degree
interrupting, the course of popular
elections.
2. From preventing the reunion of the departmental
juntas, or interfering with these
in the free exercise of their functions.
3. From taking any cognizance in judicial
cases; but, should public tranquillity urgently
require that any individual should be taken
up, a prefect may command his immediate
arrest,—transferring the delinquent, accompanied
with the grounds of having taken
him into custody, to the judicial magistrate
or judge, within the precise term of forty-eight
hours.
In the capital of every department there
is a junta, composed of two members from
each province. The object of these juntas
is to promote the interest of the provinces
in particular, and of the departments in general.
The members are elected after the
same manner with those of the Congress or
Chamber of Deputies.[11]
The prefects of the departments have to
open the annual sessions of the juntas, to
report to them in writing on the state of
the public affairs of their respective jurisdictions,
and to suggest such measures as
appear to them calculated to promote the
general advantage of the departments.
Among the functions of this political body
we may enumerate—
1. To propose, discuss, and agree about
the best means of promoting the agricultural,
mining, and other branches of industry
in their respective provinces.—2. To forward
public education and instruction according
to the method approved by Congress.—3.
To watch over and promote charitable
institutions; and, in general, all that
relates to the interior police of the departments,
except that of public security.—4. To
proportion among the provinces the amount
of the assessments of each department; and
to ascertain, in case of complaint, the exact
amount raised in the particular towns by
their respective municipal authorities.—5.
To determine the number of recruits
for the service of the army and navy which
each province and district should provide.—6.
To take care that the chiefs of the
national militia keep up good discipline in
their corps, and have them always ready
for service.—7. To see that the municipal
corporations discharge their duties, and
to inform the prefects of any abuses they
may detect in them.—8. To examine the
accounts which it is incumbent on the
municipalities to render annually respecting
the particular funds of the towns and
villages.—9. To draw up every five years
a statistical report of the departments.—10.
To provide for the reduction and civilization
of the indigenous tribes on the
frontiers of any particular department, and
to make it an object of special concern to
allure them within the pale of civilized
society by soothing and persuasive means.—11.
To take cognizance of the imports
and exports of the departments, and to
transmit their observations thereon to the
Minister of the Home Department, or Hacienda.—12.
To apprise the Congress of
any infraction of the constitution; and further,
to elect senators from the lists presented
by the provincial electoral colleges.
But, to mention no more of the peculiar
functions of the departmental juntas, we
may conclude by observing, that such of
their proceedings as hinge on the exercise
of the powers or functions now enumerated,
are transmitted through the medium and
with the remarks of the prefects to the executive
power, by whom again they are forwarded
to the Congress as matters of legislative
deliberation.[12]
Having premised the above articles relative
to the internal government of the country
in general, we shall now make some observations
on the state of the very important department
of Junin in particular; being able to
do so, partly from personal knowledge, and
partly from the report presented by the prefect
of Junin, upon opening, in 1833, the
session of the departmental junta in Huanuco;
an official document whence we consider
it incumbent upon us to draw much
of the substance of the following observations,
since they refer to topics with which
none can be supposed to be more conversant
than the head of the local government.
We shall here pass over the subject of
mines, regarding which we have said enough
under the head of Cerro Pasco; though there
is no province in the whole department in
which silver and even gold mines are not
to be found; but the chief source of production
at present is Cerro Pasco.
Of the agriculture of the Vale of Huanuco
we have already treated; and, from what
has been said, enough may be conceived
of the general state of agriculture in the
Sierra. We have also alluded to Jauja, in
the preceding pages, as most productive in
wheat; and abounding, as it does, in maize,
lucern, peas, beans, &c. it is considered not
only as the granary of the department to
which it belongs, but also of all the central
Sierra of Peru between the two great
chains of the Andes. In the Vale of Jauja,
as on the plains of Cajamarca,[13] vegetation
is subject to blight from hoar-frost, which in
some years is much more destructive to the
crops than in others; but, upon the whole,
the average wheat crops are very good and
abundant. Huaylas, again, like Huanuco,
produces excellent sugar; nay, that of Huaylas
appears to be the finer-grained and
purer of the two; for, though the sugar-refiners
in Huanuco are generally brought
from Huaylas, yet, in the hands of the
same workmen, the sugar of the former
locality does not equal that of the latter
in the beauty of its crystallization.
The manufactures, we may cursorily remark,
are in a very backward state; and
though the natives, especially of Huanuco,
have shown no small share of ingenuity in
some of their mechanical contrivances, yet
they want proper masters; and, however we
may admire the progress they have made
with such slender means of instruction, we
cannot compare their performances with
those of Europeans in the same line. In
Tarma they make ponchos, or loose cloaks,
of great beauty and fineness; and, on the
colder table-lands, warm but coarse blankets
and ponchos, &c. are still made by the Indians.
In the valleys, goat-skins are made
into cordovans; cow-hide is made into saddle-bags,
and almofrezes, or travelling-cases for
bed and bedding; mats too are manufactured
from rushes, and are very generally used as
carpeting under the name of esteras. But the
work of silversmiths is generally in a rude
state even in Pasco; for the fine filigree
work, for which inland Peru is celebrated,
is made, not in the department of Junin,
but at Guamanga, in the department of
Ayacucho,—where the natives have also
shown a decided talent for sculpture,
though their works cannot be said to
exhibit, as yet, much elegance or expression.
Without the aid of science, the arts of
active life cannot duly advance in the career
of improvement, and thus society remains
a stranger to the higher refinements of civilization:
hence, as the prefect of Junin
well observes, the education of youth becomes
a leading object of national interest
and desire. But though in the department
of Junin there are three colleges, that of Huanuco
alone fulfils its purpose of instruction
to a limited number of pupils; and there
is reason to fear that it will soon share
the fate of the other colleges in Huaras
and Jauja, and be shut up for want of the
necessary funds to defray its very moderate
expenses. We are assured that the masters
and professors of this recent institution,
upon the foundation of which such bright
hopes have been raised, are badly remunerated
for their services; and have to contend
against the perverseness of young persons
whose early habits of self-indulgence
while under the parental roof, ill prepared
them to submit to the necessary restraints
of a college, where the conscientiousness of
the teacher, less pliant than parental fondness,
will not sacrifice useful education to
idle or vicious amusement, by imprudently
winking at the errors and misdemeanors of
the scholar.
Such being the inauspicious account of
the only college of the department at present
in exercise, the schools of elementary instruction
do not seem to be in a more flattering
position, though official measures have
been taken to diffuse instruction among
every class of the community. To the credit
of the chief of the department, commands
were issued by him for the erection
of schools of elementary instruction in all
the provinces, with orders that proper reports
concerning their condition should be
regularly forwarded to the prefectorate at
Pasco.
To these important subjects the prefect in
the mensage, or report, to which we have
already alluded, endeavoured to awaken the
attention of the departmental junta assembled
in the city of Huanuco; when it was
declared that the method of mutual instruction,
adopted in that capital of local jurisdiction,
in no way corresponded in its advantages
or results to the time devoted to it
by the pupils, or to the hopes at first entertained
of its higher practical utility as a
system.
The failure implied on this occasion may
possibly have been less the fault of the system
than of those who offered to apply it;
for it was remarked as very worthy the consideration
of the honourable junta, that, in
reference to many of the schools intended
for the improvement of the indigenous or
Indian race, wherein they were merely
taught a jargon of Spanish which they
could not comprehend, it were better for
them to be left in an untutored state of
mind than to be placed under the melancholy
influence of such teachers as presided
over them. These were represented
to be so imbecile, and so unacquainted
with the merest rudiments of reading, or
so abandoned and drowned in vice, as to
be persons utterly unfit to guide the mind
of infancy and innocence into a proper
path. The junta were therefore called
upon by their prefect to appoint some
better means of instruction, which might
at once serve to improve the virtuous feelings
of the individual, and promote the national
cause of civilization.
It is affecting to think that, notwithstanding
the wealth of which this department is
the seat, the sick and invalid in general
cannot find a home or place of assistance
under their sufferings.
In Huaras, as well as in Huanuco, there
were formerly well-endowed hospitals, but
these are now fallen into such decay for
want of funds for their support, that few
indeed are the sick who can be accommodated
or relieved in them; and, consequently,
those in charge of these once useful establishments
are daily put to the pain of refusing
admission to a great many distressed persons,
who are induced to seek their protection in
the hope of being cured of their ailments, or,
if not, at least to breathe their last in the
bosom of kindness and charity.
We are told by the prefect that an asylum
or house of relief for the distressed poor
never existed in the department: but, in his
report to the departmental junta, he urges
with an earnestness honourable to his feelings,
that humanity calls for the immediate
institution of establishments of this
kind on behalf of the wretched victims of
misfortune, whose very misery plunges them
into despair. He also holds it to be a matter
of public expediency to find a fixed
home, and steady occupation, for those
abandoned objects of compassion, who make
traffic of their degradation and a boast of
their debasement.
In the year 1832, it was found that the
small-pox had just left dismal traces of its
ravages in the department: fathers mourned
their children now dead, or so disfigured
and mutilated as to become unfit
for the active business of life; the widow,
too, wept for her lost husband, and the offspring
of a mutual affection were left to feel
the want of a father’s care.
Curates, and municipal bodies, most particularly
intrusted with the frequently repeated
charge of preserving the vaccine fluid,
unhappily neglected a trust so important;
and the heads of families, who joined in
the same carelessness, did not consider, until
the fatal epidemic swept their children from
their arms, that they were ever to taste the
bitter fruit of their own improvident indifference.
But to avoid the recurrence, on any
future occasion, of so dreadful and destructive
a malady, the prefect caused a supply of
the precious vaccine matter to be procured
from Lima; which, if carefully propagated,
may yet save victims without number from
adding to that depopulation which incessant
warfare has, of late years, caused among his
fellow countrymen.
It has been proposed by the same active
and intelligent prefect, Don Francisco Quiros,
that juntas of health should be established
in the capitals or principal towns of
the provinces of his jurisdiction, with a view
to prevent the spread of contagious diseases;—to
ascertain, and if possible correct, those
physical causes and sources of disorder
which are hostile to the healthy operations
of the vital functions, and destructive to the
growth of population.
It is, as we have seen, the duty of the departmental
deputies to create these institutions,
to frame rules for their regulation,
and appoint fit persons for their management;
while it would be the proper business
of the prefect to see the resolutions of the
junta carried into execution.
We only point to such proposals as the
present, to show the reader how much such
institutions are really wanted in Peru: not
at all to mislead his judgment by inducing
him to believe that there is the least
appearance of their being established for
a long time to come, unless, indeed, public
tranquillity be soon restored; but people
must perceive their wants before they desire
to remove them, and the agitation of
questions of civil amendment may ultimately
lead to real improvement in their
social condition.
In the dry and equable climate of Huanuco,
bathing is not so necessary either to
cool or to refresh the body as it is found to
be in more humid and warm situations;
for there is a bracing property in the dry
air, which carries off the natural perspiration
almost as rapidly as it is produced, and
prevents that languor and discomfort experienced
in a sultry atmosphere, where
one perspires more than the air readily
absorbs.
The inhabitants of this interesting province,
and especially of the town of Huanuco,
feel so little desire for the cold bath,
that it is proverbial among them, that they
only bathe in the river, or the canals of
their delightful orchards, once in every year,—that
is, on the day of San Juan, the
24th of June, the same on which the inhabitants
of Lima celebrate their annual
festival of Amencaes.
In the jurisdiction of Junin, however, natural
warm and hot springs are exceedingly
common, as well on the mountain plains,
(which are in many places, as at Hualliay,
covered with a saline incrustation,) as in the
warmer valleys; and of these none are more
resorted to, by invalids and convalescents,
than the ferruginous and tepid waters of
the well-known baths of Cono, near Huariaca,
and the still more celebrated sulphurous
waters of Villo, in the district of Yanahuanca.
Here there are two streams, of
which the one is cold and the other hot;
and being received into a reservoir in due
proportions, baths may be always provided
easily and cheaply, of any degree of temperature
desired.
To make the medicinal waters of Villo—situated
in a mild climate about one
day’s journey from Cerro Pasco on the one
hand, and the city of Huanuco on the
other,—as available as possible to the
public, the patriotic prefect has recently
taken measures to fit up convenient baths
at this place. The well-known efficacy of
the sulphurous waters in numberless instances
of impaired health, the benignity
of the climate in which nature has placed
them, and the vicinity of this favoured
spot to Cerro Pasco, have been the chief
inducements to undertake this public work;
which must prove of the utmost importance
to the neighbourhood at large, and
especially to miners and residents in the
rigorous climate of Cerro, where health is
more easily lost than regained, and where
good medical attendance is rarely found.
Few of the municipalities of the department
possess public rents and revenues calculated
to answer the purpose to which they
should be applied. But, in the absence of
adequate funds and resources to forward all
the objects of a general and well-regulated
municipal police, there exists a valuable
decree, which is very worthy of proper observance;
for, in virtue of it, blasphemers,
and those who, by their habitual indulgence
in vice and vicious language, insult the
better feelings of the community, are consigned
to labour at public works, or compelled
to sweep the streets, as the penalty
of their infamous conduct. With further
view to public order, the prefect has resolved
to stigmatize, when he cannot hope
at once to remove, the vice of drunkenness,
in which the lower orders in general freely
indulge in days of religious processions
which are consecrated to sanctifying ends;
but which the poor miner and uneducated
villager think well observed by hearing mass
in a morning, and contributing to the decoration
of the saints clothed in tinselled
and showy dresses, and surrounded by
waxen lights without number.
On great religious days pavilions are not
unfrequently erected in convenient situations
for the reception of the effigies of the
Virgin, our Saviour, and Cross, around which
all sorts of silver and other ornaments are
placed in fanciful confusion. The entrances
into the churches and chapels, even in the
rigid climate of Cerro and the adjacent
haciendas, are lavishly adorned with beautiful
lilies conveyed from the valleys; and
wreaths and festoons of flowers hang over
and around the doors of the pavilions and
churches, which, when good metals are
abundant, display a richness which only
a mining country can be supposed to put
within reach of the very humblest of the
people. On such occasions the labouring
miner often exhibits his person bedecked in
the most gorgeous and expensive fashion;
while he farcically dances, ankle-deep (if it
happen to be the wet season) in mud, as gay
and as merry as a London chimney-sweep on
a May morning.
So marked is the taste for flowers among
the poorest tenants of a mud-and-cane booth
in the Vale of Huanuco, that on the festival
of Corpus Christi,—a day of joy to the
agricultural Indian, who always eats meat
on this day, even should he have passed the
rest of the year, like an anchorite, on vegetable
diet,—the poor women and children
on the sugar estates approach the house of
their patron with hats, hands, and mantles
full of the sweetest blossoms, which they
strew before his door, and along his hall
and corridor, as a sign of respect and rejoicing.
To such expressions of good feeling
he courteously responds by ordering the
tinaja, or large jar of guarapo, to be placed
at their disposal, under the direction of a
major-domo or corporal of the field; and
then with guitar and harp they engage in
festive frolics.
But however desirous of enforcing a stricter
observance of the days devoted to the service
of the church, it has not been the aim of the
prefect to check or discontinue the more innocent
amusements of music and dance, or
those of bull-fights and fire-works, in which
the Indian also delights. He has struck at
the principal cause of alienation from the
house of God, namely, drunkenness, by condemning
all those who are convicted of rioting
or breaking the peace to sweep the streets
for three successive days; or, should this be
considered too light a correction, to labour
for the same number of days in some other
work of public utility.[14]
Idle vagabonds, without useful occupation
or property, and even without country,
are pronounced by the civil authorities to be
found in all parts disseminating immorality
and disorder; and seeing that to temporise
with obnoxious characters of this sort is, in
effect, to promote the cause of libertinism
and idleness, it has been resolved at the
prefectorate of Junin to persecute and exterminate,
if they cannot amend, all such
vicious intruders on society.
It has been long an established practice
in Peru to bury the dead within the
churches; a practice which, on the coast
more especially, gave rise to a heavy exhalation,
which very naturally rendered the
incense burnt on the altar, independently of
its mystical virtue, an agreeable and seasonable
corrective for the sepulchral vapours
of the rich and well-adorned temples of the
metropolis.
This very unwholesome and improper
custom has ceased in Lima since the erection
of its Pantheon, and the example of
the great capital has been followed in the
remote departments. With few, if any, exceptions,
cemeteries are now formed in all
the provinces of Junin. But in Cerro Pasco,
however, the burying-place was so very circumscribed
and neglected, that, on the arrival
of Don Francisco Quiros as chief of
the department in the year 1832, there
was not earth enough to cover the dead
within the Pantheon walls, which altogether
presented a very loathsome appearance. He
caused the cemetery to be sufficiently enlarged,
so that there should be nothing to
render this place of rest offensive. Indeed,
he expresses himself strongly on the urgency
there was for the execution of this work:
and though the stinted flowers of Pasco
common do not always furnish a supply of
fresh blossoms to be daily renewed over the
graves of the departed,—and though no
acacia, cypress, nor willow, no yew nor
myrtle, can endure its elevated site,—Mr.
Quiros enjoys the praise and the pleasure of
having raised, in this inclement region of
silver beds, a place of rest for his countrymen,
which not even avarice can disturb;
and glad would he be to see the children of
the deceased steal to the graves of their
fathers, there to pray over the remains
of their kindred, and thus habitually cherish
feelings of piety, humility, and hope.[15]
Regarding the roads of the Sierra in general,
enough has been said in the preceding
pages; but of Junin, in particular, it remains
for us to observe that very laudable efforts
have been lately made for improving the
roads of this department: yet no regular
post-houses, with suitable accommodations
for the traveller, are anywhere established;
and the communication between the more
remote provinces and Pasco is exceedingly
bad. This is a great hinderance to commerce,
and leads to inevitable delay and
inconvenience in the transport of goods.
However discreditable the fact may be to
the corporation of miners, so little enterprise
have they shown for the improvement
of a place from which so much specie has
been sent all over the world, that it is not
without great difficulty, and loss of time
and cattle, that they are able to convey the
ore from the mines to the mills in the
environs of Cerro; and all because of the
miserable tracks which they use as roads. By
the stream of Sacrafamilia alone, in the immediate
neighbourhood of the mines, there
are no fewer than eighty-eight ingenios or
mills for grinding ore, some of which during
the dry season are at a stand-still on account
of the scarcity of water, and others at
all seasons are interrupted in their work
from the irregular supply of ore consequent
on the bad means of conveyance. To obviate
these great drawbacks on the industry of
the miners, and general resources of the department,
the prefect, some time since, commenced
a cart-road, over which the ore might
be conducted by oxen from the mines to the
mills specified, through a tract neither extensive
nor precipitous; but the undertaking
was a great and a novel one for that part of
the world in the year 1833, so little had
such works of general advantage hitherto
called up the attention and energies of the
inhabitants.
The inhabitants of Cerro Pasco have the
advantage of a weekly post between their
town and the capital of the republic; and a
direct correspondence twice a month with
Huanuco, the capital of the department. By
these arrangements an immediate communication
is also held with the government, and
the spirit of mercantile enterprise is thereby
increased; Cerro being, as the reader may
readily imagine, when the mines are highly
productive, a most stirring place, visited by
men of all climes, and full of traffic and speculation.
The prefects in general are, as we have
seen, not only entrusted with the maintenance
of public order and security, but they
are also at the head of financial affairs in
their respective departments. In times of
intestine warfare it has always happened
that the Patriot government has exceeded
the natural resources of the country, crippled
as they are in all their branches by want of
security, and consequently of capital. Thus
there were, at the commencement of the year
1834 particularly, heavy arrears owing to
the army, navy, and civil list. The supplies
from the mint and custom-house were deeply
pledged for sums advanced to the government;
demands for payments, beyond what
they could liquidate, were made upon the
local treasuries of all the departments:[16] and
the treasury of Junin had to bear its share
of all the demands of a needy government.
By the report of the prefect to the departmental
junta, of session 1833, it appears
that, while in office for the previous year, he
removed several abuses, regulated the accounts,
and struck a fair balance of the ingress
and egress of the Pasco treasury. He
does not, however, state the amount of the
departmental funds in this report, or present
any data by which we are to form an
estimate of the separate or aggregate revenue
arising from the different provinces. All
data of this sort the Patriot government is
deficient in; and the real rental of the state
can hardly at any time be clearly ascertained.
A natural result of this fundamental
defect in their statistics is, that, not knowing
the precise extent of the population or pecuniary
resources of the departments, the annual
contributions cannot be laid in a well-regulated
and just proportion to the means
of each town, parish, and province. The
difficulties and obscurities in which every
branch of the public revenue, and especially
of his own department, was involved, led the
prefect of Junin publicly to declare his doubts
concerning the integrity of the officers of the
executive intrusted with the collection of
imposts; and he broadly hints, that, in gratifying
their self-love and interest, they forget
the higher duties of the citizen. He
therefore exhorts the honourable junta to
discountenance all favouritism, to exercise a
stern patriotism, and by fair inquiry to
resolve the important questions,—namely,
Whether or not more be annually exacted of
the provinces than they, without injury to
themselves or the state, have the power to
contribute? Whether or not they do really
pay more than can be legitimately required
of them?
Justice, in all the departments, is administered
in the name of the republic; and in
every town there are justices of the peace,
whose business it is to hear both sides of the
question at issue, and to endeavour to bring
about an amicable termination without going
formally to law: no demand, civil or criminal,
save fiscal cases and others excepted by
law, being admitted, unless this essential preliminary
attempt at reconciliation has been
put into practice.
In some of the provinces of the Junin
department, as those of Huaylas and Huamalies,
they have not judges duly learned
and qualified in judicial proceedings; and
consequently, in those parts, the office of the
judge devolves upon the sub-prefects, who
are alike ignorant of the law and its forms
of application. Hence we may suppose they
must be very unfit surrogates in such delicate
matters as affect the person and property of
individuals, and the good order of society.
Justice in the civil department is ill administered
in Cerro Pasco, for which the
prefect assigns a good reason; namely, that
here criminal suits continually occur to engross
the time and attention of the judge,
so that it is impossible for him without
assistance to attend to the ready despatch
of merely civil causes, which are less urgent.
The public are great sufferers from this imperfect
judicial arrangement; and not only
an additional judge, but several more notaries
public, are required for Cerro in these
times, when through the excellent management
of Mr. Quiros in superintending the
drainage of the mines and general interests
of the place, rich ore shows itself more and
more abundantly. The concourse of people
being increased, a greater number of interests
clash together, and civil as well as criminal
suits crowd into court.
By the articles of the political constitution
of Peru, there are supposed to be in every province
bodies of national militia as the guarantee
of the internal order of the state; but,
by the same constitution, the armed force of
the nation has no power of political deliberation,
as it is declared to be essentially obedient.
Happy, indeed, might the state be, if its
army of the line and naval squadron were
always obedient to the laws, and were proof
against the influence of corruption, the wily
leaders of faction, and the evils of frequent
insurrection!
But in the greater part of the provinces
a national militia can hardly be said to exist,
except in name; though men titled captains
and colonels of such corps are scattered
about the country, and strut with their insignia
of military importance in hamlets and
villages.
In a neighbourhood where the writer resided
for several years in the department of
Junin, there was a villager of no small local
pretension, who held at one time, in his own
person, the offices of governor and captain of
militia of his district, and, if we remember
well, of alcalde also (he being alcalde on the
death of the governor whom he succeeded);
and in this way he became invested with all
the authority of a petty dictator. The province
was that of Huanuco, where, through
the praiseworthy zeal of Colonel Lucar and
Don Pepe (now Colonel) Echegoyen, a
troop of cavalry was always kept up in
some sort of military order: and the workmen
of the different larger estates and little
farms around, were called upon to assemble
on Sundays under their respective captains;
and, at assigned places, to go through some
of the simplest military evolutions, using,
however, no arms or particular uniform.
These Sunday exercises were generally ill
attended; and, of ten or twelve young men
on an agricultural estate, it would be usually
enough if two or three appeared at one
time in the ranks. Upon one occasion,
however, when the captain of local militia
in the village of Ambo had the honour of
having the additional appointment of governor
conferred on him, he called upon the
writer when indisposed and in bed, and, with
great appearance of sympathy and confidential
cordiality, congratulated himself upon
his promotion, because it would afford him
the power, as he had the will, to serve his
neighbour. With many such smooth expressions
and assurances of kind and honest
intentions, calculated to put even a misanthrope
off his guard, he ended his visit by
requesting that, as it was most desirable to
keep up the military spirit of the district, he
would expect of the writer that he should
use his influence in persuading the young
men on his hacienda to attend regularly at
the military exercises in the adjacent village;
a proposition to which he readily acceded, as
it was agreeable to the established laws of
the country. On the first or second Sunday
following, six fine young men went to attend
the exercises at Ambo; and were seized and
put into prison, with many others, under
strong guard, to be marched off next day
as recruits for the line.
The provincial prisons of Peru are in
general very bad and insecure, and they are
less frequently used than they should be for
any better purpose than that already mentioned,
viz. confining the useful and industrious
husbandman—thus diminishing a race already
too scanty, and yet a race on which
the prosperity of the country mainly depends:
“Princes and lords may flourish or may fade,
A breath can make them, as a breath has made.
But a bold peasantry, their country’s pride,
When once destroyed can never be supplied.”
Upon this occasion, we are glad to say, that
the new governor’s deceitful conduct towards
us did not serve his turn as he wished.
The writer galloped to the capital of the
department, where he found Colonel Lucar
reviewing and selecting the recruits to be
sent off from Huanuco to fill up the vacancies
in the army of the line; and he must ever feel
obliged to the politeness of the colonel, who
instantly despatched a peremptory order to
the said captain and governor to put our
men of Andaguaylla at liberty, and to replace
them from the list of idle vagrants,
and not of useful husbandmen, within the
term of a very few hours,—an order more
easily given than executed, as by this time
the rumour of imprisonment and seizure for
the army had gone abroad, and young men,
alarmed for their fate, fled to their woods
and lurking-places.
Thus it appears that the real use of this
mock militia is not to guarantee the internal
order of the department, (which would
be best secured by the absence of all
troops, as the Indian population are never
so well managed as by their own local magistrates
of Indian family,) but to serve as
a mask, under which to facilitate the means
of raising soldiers for the general service.
The governor’s wily attempt to deceive us
under the assurances of friendship is not
peculiar, for such unworthy conduct does
not disgrace one of these petty tyrants in
the eyes of his countrymen.
CHAPTER V.
Missionary College of Ocopa.—Its foundation, utility, downfall,
and decree for its restoration.—Introduction of Christianity
along the rivers Marañon, Huallaga, and Ucayali, &c.
by the Jesuits and Franciscans.—Letter from Friar Manuel
Plaza, the last great missionary of Ocopa, to the prefect of
Junin.
Could the department of Junin boast of
no other advantages than those which arise
from the quantity of precious metal which it
annually furnishes, it would be sufficient to
substantiate its superior claim to the attention,
not of the Peruvian government alone,
but to that of all other countries in friendly
and commercial relations with Peru.
Higher sympathies, however, than such as
emanate from mere pecuniary considerations,
must be awakened when it is remembered,
that from a corner of this department the
voice of Christianity has penetrated into vast
regions of heathen and savage tribes, and
reached the unsettled wanderers among the
thickest entanglements of the woods, which
occupy a great portion of the widely extended
missionary territory of Peru. From Ocopa
issued forth those zealous, persevering, self-denying,
and enduring men, the great object
of whose lives it has been, in the midst of
danger, and in the name of the Saviour, to add
to the faith of the church—and to civilized
society—beings whose spirits were as dark
and uncultivated as the woods they occupied
from the confines of the rivers Mantaro and
Apurimac on the south, to the river Marañon
or Amazons on the north, and from the
frontier provinces of the department of Junin
on the west, to the great river Ucayali
on the east. The missionary college of
Ocopa is situated in latitude 12° 2´ south, in
the province of Jauja, and at the distance of
about twelve leagues to the south-east of
Tarma. It was founded in the year 1725
by the commissary of the missionaries, Frater
Francisco de San Joseph, with the intention
of establishing missions for the conversion
of the Indians, who ranged the wild
frontier-land we have just alluded to. In
the years 1757-8, it was erected by a bull
of his Holiness Clement XIII. and schedule
of his Majesty Ferdinand VI. into a college
De Propagandâ Fide.[17]
This college has attached to it a church
built of stone; and we are told that great
numbers flocked there in former days, when
its altars were decorated with rich donations,
and its ecclesiastics celebrated for
their saintly character. The missionaries of
this college had subordinate religious settlements,
or asylums, in other provinces of
the department; as, for example, Huaylas,
Huanuco, and also Tarma, at a place called
Vitoc, at the entrance of the Montaña. The
college was originally constructed to accommodate
forty monks, and towards the close
of the eighteenth century, when it was under
the guardianship of R. P. Fr. Manuel Sobreviela,
their number was eighty-four; part of
them being distributed in the different settlements,
and also in the villages of the neophytes
among the wilds beyond the eastern
summits of the Andes. The seminary, being
under royal protection, was allowed from
government six thousand dollars a-year as a
charity. The great revolution, which wrested
the country from the hands of the Spaniards,
also deprived the college of its best support.
The Patriots, in the midst of war, proscriptions,
confiscations, and persecutions, spared
not even this useful institution; the monks
dispersed when deprived of government support,
and only a few hoary brethren can now
be traced among the number of these fugitive
fathers. One of them, barefooted and bareheaded,
we sometimes visited in his humble
cell at San Francisco in Lima. His thoughts,
abstracted from the scenes around him,
usually dwelt among the tribes of the Huallaga
and Ucayali; and with an enthusiasm
which brightened up the eye of venerable
age, he would point out, in the aisles
and cloisters of this great conventual church
of his order, the paintings that commemorated
the martyrdom of such of his brotherhood
as fell victims to the violence of savages
whom they piously laboured to turn to
Christianity.
The Patriots having at length seen the
national loss likely to result from neglecting
the territory of the missions, and allowing
the half-converted Indians to glide back
again into their former savage and independent
condition, for the want of officiating
priests or zealous monks to continue the
work of civilization, in which the Spaniards
had engaged with so much spirit and success,
it was resolved by the government of Peru,
in March 1836, to annul the decree which,
in November 1824, was passed to convert
this religious college into a common school
or academy of general instruction; which,
however, was never established on a permanent
footing. Besides other reasons of less
moment which were assigned in the preamble
of the decree for restoring the college to
its ancient functions, it was stated that the
civilization of the savage tribes of the interior,
and their conversion to the holy Catholic
faith, was an enterprise worthy of the intellectual
light of the age we live in, and acceptable
in the sight of the Almighty; that
only for this purpose was the college intended
at the period of its foundation; that measures
had actually been taken by the government
to induce missionaries to come from Europe
for the re-establishment of this pious institution,
and that therefore it was decreed
that the missionary college of Ocopa should
be placed precisely on the same footing as
before the revolution, or the decree of the 1st
of November 1824; that all its rents and
property should be restored, and that whatever
sums were assigned for the academy
alluded to should be transferred to this missionary
college; that the Archbishop should
appoint a fit person to take charge of the college
and receive all its revenues, and to pay
from this fund the expenses of repairing the
buildings and the passage-money of the expected
European monks, whose arrival the
Very Reverend Archbishop was required to
encourage, while he superintended the necessary
repairs of the college, and made
such reforms in its regulations and rules
as should best harmonize with the republican
form of government. Nothing can
better prove the decay of the missionary
cause, and, we might perhaps add, the decay
of practical religion in Peru, (since its
own clergy want zeal and enterprise to act
as missionaries,) than this document; and
though the invitation be more immediately
addressed to Spanish ecclesiastics, yet the
decree is in that spirit which seems to open
the door to any company or association, who,
adhering to the Catholic form of religious instruction,
may be pleased to extend their benevolence
and Christianity to the fertile regions
of the Amazons, where they may fulfil
their mission far removed from the scenes of
political anarchy or misrule, and far beyond
the pale of all hostile influence which could
impede the exercise of their sacred calling.
Experience has long since sufficiently shown
that these Indians of eastern Peru are neither
incapable of intellectual improvement,
nor deficient in those moral elements which
form the groundwork of the social edifice;
and if ever they should be instructed, and
guided, and disciplined in the way of life,
according to the Gospel, by active, honest,
and enlightened teachers, who know that
faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the
Word of God, there may yet be exhibited
on the banks of Ucayali, and on the fine
plain del Sacramento, a great and virtuous
people, concerned to know and to do their
respective duties, where now cruel barbarism
and savage superstition hold their cheerless
sway.
To give a full historical account of the
transactions of the missionaries of Ocopa,
their various expeditions by different routes
and with varying success,—or to enter into
the interior economy of their college, and
details of its discipline,—would be too copious
a matter for the narrow space we have
allotted for this subject, which in itself is
one of no ordinary interest. And, to detach
the history of the missionary exertions
of the Jesuits of Quito and San Borja from
the labours of the Franciscans of Lima and
Ocopa,—to define the precise limits of the
conversions by each of these religious orders
independently of the other,—would not be
free of intricacy; nor does it appear to be
necessary to establish the degree of honour
due to each, for they both toiled in the
same thorny vineyard, and the latter creditably
continued what the former had happily
commenced. But, to give an idea of the
origin of these missions, it may be well to
refer back to the discovery of those regions
in which they were planted.
The mouth of the Marañon was discovered
by Vicente Yanes Pinzon, at the close of
the fifteenth century; but Orellana, the
Lieutenant-general of Gonzalo Pizarro, Governor
of Quito, was the first to sail down
its stream, from the point where the Napo
joins it, to the ocean, in an armed vessel
built at the place of embarkation on the
latter river by order of Pizarro, who had
himself undergone great hardships, and sacrificed
most of his followers on an expedition
of inland discovery. Orellana commenced
this voyage in the year 1540 or
1541.
Some of the natives were friendly towards
him, and others in canoes opposed his progress;
and, as the men of one particular
tribe were aided by their women in the
combat, the Spanish captain gave their female
warriors the name of Amazonas,—whence
the appellation “Amazons,” which
this great river still retains.
Another expedition, under Pedro de Ursua,
was undertaken in 1560; but he and
most of his followers fell victims to an ambuscade
laid for them by the Indians. In
1602, Father Rafael Ferrier, a Jesuit missionary,
descended the Marañon to the
river Napo, which Orellana had navigated
about sixty years before; and on his return
to Quito, communicated his discoveries, and
his ideas concerning the natives he had seen.
In the year 1616, some Spanish soldiers,
stationed on the frontiers of Quito, pursued
some Indians into their canoes on the Marañon;
in the pursuit they descended this
river till they came to the Maynas,—a
tribe of Indians who showed such a disposition
to amity and to become Christians,
that, on the return of the soldiers to the
frontier station of Santiago de las Montañas,
so favourable a report was made of them to
the Viceroy of Peru, that in 1618 he appointed
Don Diego Baca de Vega as Governor
of Maynas and Marañon; who was the
first to subdue the people of these territories,
and subject them to the dominion of
Spain.
In 1638, according to Alçedo, the Jesuit
fathers, Gaspar Cuxia and Lucas de la Cueva,
settled several missions in the country of
Maynas on both shores of the Marañon,
which continued to flourish until the abolition
of the useful society of Jesuits in
1767.[18]
At first the capital of Maynas was San
Francisco de Borja, which, according to Ulloa,
is situated in latitude 4° 28´ south, and 1° 54´
east, of the meridian of Quito. In this city
an insurrection of the native Indians took
place in the year 1635, which was happily
quelled by the indefatigable Jesuits: but
afterwards the town of Laguna on the east
bank of the Huallaga, in latitude 5° 13´
south, became the principal seat or capital
of the missions of Maynas, which extend
from St. Borja along both sides of the river
Marañon, embracing many villages or settlements,
to the frontier possessions of Brazil
at Tabatingo. From the Marañon the patriarchal
government of the missionaries extended
southward along the river Ucayali,
and among several of the tribes on its banks,
or in the adjacent woods, such as the Cocamas,
Piros, and Conibos or Conivos Indians,
whom the Jesuits of Quito had in a great
measure converted to the faith; but they
again revolted, and returned to their original
wandering and savage mode of life, having
put their pastors to death. After this unfortunate
event, several fruitless efforts—especially
in the year 1695, and also in
1764,—were made to reconvert these tribes,
till at length the Franciscan missionaries of
the college of Ocopa succeeded to a great
extent in this hazardous undertaking.
But long before the establishment of this
college of their order, two Franciscans,—the
Fathers Andres de Toledo and Domingo
Breda, both bent on making converts to the
faith,—left Quito in the year 1636, and,
having surmounted the greatest hardships
by land and water, arrived at Para. They
reported their arrival and discoveries to
Santiago Raimundo de Noroña, Governor of
San Luis de Marañon, in the united service
of Spain and Portugal, for both countries
were then under the sovereignty of the
crown of Spain. The result of the intelligence
thus derived was a further survey
up the river, under the command of the
Portuguese captain, Texera: and an account
of the whole of these proceedings being transmitted
from the Audiencia at Quito to the
Count of Chinchon, Viceroy of Peru, he in
the year 1639 sent back the flotilla of Texera
to Para, conveying thither the Fathers Christoval
de Acuña, and Andres de Artieda,
Jesuits of Quito, and other able men, commissioning
them, among other things, to survey
minutely the river Marañon and its
banks, and, having done so, to embark for
Spain, and lay their account before the Council
of the Indies; all which they accomplished
in a creditable manner.
As early as the year 1631, Franciscan
missionaries visited the environs of the river
Huallaga, made converts, and entered the
country of the Panataguas. Contiguous to
Huanuco, and probably within the territorial
limits of this ancient tribe, is situated at
present the important and civilized Indian
town called Panao, which is included
in the curacy of Santa Maria del Valle.
From the Panataguas are supposed to
have sprung several other tribes of distinct
denominations, which had spread over the
adjacent country, wherein Christianity had
made but slow progress.
From the city of Huanuco the fathers of
Ocopa penetrated, by Panao, Muña, and Pozuzo,
to the port on the river Mayro, where
they formed one of their earliest settlements:
from this place they appear to have descended
in canoes to the rivers Pachitea and
Ucayali. This course is well marked on the
map of those parts, published in Lima, in
the year 1791, by the literary society entitled
“Sociedad de Amantes del Pais de
Lima.” This excellent map of the territory
of the missions in Peru was dedicated to his
Catholic Majesty, Charles the Fourth, Emperor
of the Indies, by the said society, and
the reverend fathers of the missionary college
of Ocopa; whose superior or guardian,
Fr. Manuel Sobreviela, enriched it with a
plan of the rivers Huallaga and Ucayali, and
of the pampa del Sacramento. In the above
route from Huanuco, the Franciscans from
the time they left their last christianized settlement,
Pozuzu, (some years ago depopulated
by the small-pox,) had to contend with the
Amajes, Carapachos, Callisecas, and other
savage tribes, occupying the territory between
Pozuzo and the mouth of the Pachitea.
From this spot, namely, where the
Pachitea joins the Ucayali, to the river
Sarayacu, which enters the Ucayali in latitude
6° 45´ south, several streams descend
from the plains of Sacramento to join the
Ucayali,—such as the Aguaytia, De Sipivos,
and Manoa, the environs of which are
inhabited or frequented by various tribes of
Indians known by the names Sipivos, Conibos,
Manoas, and Serebos, &c. Among
these they made some converts; but the
principal nation are the Panos, who inhabit
the neighbourhood of the Sarayacu, and form
a great part of the population of the town
of the same name, which is the superior, or
rather, at present, the only seat of the Franciscan
missions on the Ucayali. This mission,
founded by the Franciscan, Father Girbal,
in 1791, was visited in February 1835
by Lieutenant W. Smyth and Mr. F. Lowe,
in their journey “undertaken with a view
of ascertaining the practicability of a navigable
communication with the Atlantic by
the rivers Pachitea, Ucayali, and Amazon.”
They found it under the guardianship of the
venerable Father Manuel Plaza, whose account
of these parts forms an interesting
document in the Mercurio Peruano. The
climate of Sarayacu is described by this excellent
missionary as more free from ague and
dysentery than the settlements in low, sultry,
and humid situations on the banks of the
river Marañon; and Lieutenant Smyth and
Mr. Lowe, who give an interesting account
of the actual state of the mission, observe that
“the climate seems very much like that of
the island of Madeira;” and, like the city of
Huanuco on the Huallaga, it is refreshed in
the dry season by breezes that blow along
the river.
All the other missionary settlements in
these parts having been abandoned since the
downfall of the college of Ocopa, the consequence
has been, that the Indians of those
settlements have collected round their only
remaining spiritual father and friend, Padre
Plaza, at Sarayacu, where the population has
thus been swelled to the number of about
two thousand; and these semi-barbarous
tribes honour their faithful pastor, and are
very attentive to the service of their church,
which is performed partly in the Latin and
partly in the Pano tongue. Lieutenant
Smyth and Mr. Lowe not being able to
realize the object of their expedition by entering
the Montaña at Pozuzo, and descending
by the Mayro, returned to Huanuco,
and descended by the river Huallaga, till
they arrived at the river Chipurana, in the
province of Maynas, which, according to the
missionaries, enters the Huallaga in latitude
6° 30´ south. They ascended the Chipurana
as far as they found it navigable;
and thence, partly by land and partly by
water, they proceeded to Sarayacu, in expectation
of being able, through the guidance
of Padre Plaza, to effect their expedition up
the Pachitea,—an undertaking in which they
unfortunately did not succeed, on account of
the inundation of the rivers during the wet
season, which lasts from November to May,
and also for want of a sufficient supply of
effects to exchange for the provisions necessary
for the support of an escort of the mission
Indians, without which the enterprise
is not safe, nor indeed practicable, at any
season. Nevertheless, Padre Plaza, before the
visit of Lieutenant Smyth and Mr. Lowe,
wrote to advise the government of his
opinion regarding the communication with
the district of his mission by the port of
Mayro; and his letter on this subject was
published at Cerro Pasco, after accounts had
been received of the failure of the expedition
undertaken by the gentlemen now mentioned,
in company with the Peruvians,
Major Beltran and Lieutenant Azcarate.
It is to be feared that this reverend monk
is too much stricken in years to be much
longer able to preserve his usefulness; and,
what is yet more to be lamented, at his
death it is probable that all the labours of
himself and his predecessors in the same
field of conversion and civilization will have
been thrown away. Friar Manuel Plaza is
not likely to have a successor from the school
of Ocopa, notwithstanding the decree respecting
its restoration, while Peru continues to
exhaust its best resources in war, either civil
or defensive, against neighbouring states. To
enable that country to consolidate its internal
strength, and attend to the practical improvements
of civil and religious institutions,
it must have what the majority of
its citizens sincerely long for,—an interval
of quiet. Until domestic peace be
acquired, the peace of the Gospel is not
likely to be sent forth afresh to subdue the
turbulent spirit of the Cashivo, or to replant
and renew the settlements and friendships
that were formerly established by the emissaries
from Ocopa; friendships now for the
most part forgotten, and settlements no longer
to be traced, except on the map of their
wide-spreading mission-land, already alluded
to as dedicated by their order and the literati
of Lima to the King of Spain. But since
then the dynasty of kings has been destroyed;
and zeal for the missionary cause, except in
name and speculation, has almost vanished
from the land, where it would appear that
patriotism can only thrive on the ruins of
all the best institutions of former days: and
when the writer of the following letter shall
be no more, the name of king and Saviour,
if not also of friend[19] and patriot, may soon
cease to be heard or honoured among the
woods and glades in the now isolated and
forlorn mission of the Ucayali.
“Peruvian Republic.—Mission of the Ucayali.
”Sarayacu, 14th December 1834.
“To the Sub-prefect of Huanuco.
“On the 20th of November last, I replied
to the prefect, D. Francisco Quiros,
regarding the project of the Supreme Government,
which was sent to me by you,
24th September of this present year; and
I answered, with the least possible delay,
by the Moyobamba post. But, lest that
letter should have been in any way mislaid
or lost, I think it advisable, as it related
to an affair of so much importance, to forward
a duplicate of the same, which is as
follows:—
“RESPECTED SIR,
“This very day came to my hands your
note of the 18th of September of the present
year; and having carefully perused it, I have
to inform your honour, (Vuesa Señoria,)
with the greatest sincerity, that the project
adopted by the Supreme Government, of penetrating
to the river of Pachitea by the
port of Mayro, is the best and safest plan, because
of the advantages that would accrue to
the republic from opening the navigation of
that river; for, from its junction with the
Ucayali, up the stream to Mayro, is only a
passage of seven or eight days; and from the
latter place to Pozuzo, by land, is but an
intermediate distance of fourteen leagues.[20]
But there is one obstacle which, as long as
it exists, will almost certainly interfere with
the enjoyment of a safe traffic on the river
Pachitea; namely, that on its banks are
situated the pagan Cashivos, cruel cannibals
who live on human flesh,—sometimes availing
themselves of much cunning and artifice
to deceive passengers; and at other times,
with all the fierceness of the wild beasts
of the forest, fearlessly attacking them, as
was proved in two expeditions undertaken
from this place by Father Girbal, who the
first time only advanced to the nearest huts,
when he was compelled to return on account
of the scarcity of arms, and the small escort
given him by the government. He afterwards
advanced to their last encampments
(rancherias), whence he returned without
having realized his purpose of striking the
Mayro, where people waited his arrival with
provisions and whatever else was required:
and since this last expedition, which was
made in the year 1797, no further active
measures have been attempted.
“The neighbouring nations of Conivos and
Sipivos, who reside by the inland streams
of the Ucayali, though they constantly endeavour
to drive away these cruel enemies,
have never succeeded; for so far is it otherwise,
that they suddenly break into the
houses, and, not satisfied with putting their
inmates to death, carry off the dead bodies
to celebrate their banquets with, for the
Cashivos have an innate appetite for human
flesh.[21] The project of entering by the Mayro
is the most attainable of any other, because,
in descending the water, the vessels keep the
centre of the river, so that they cannot be
reached by the arrows from the banks at
point-blank shot: besides, by merely discharging
a few fire-arms, they disperse; and as,
happily, they do not use canoes, they cannot
intercept the passage, or do us material injury.
And further, the descent to this point is accomplished
in two days only; for which reason
it is very necessary that I should have
seasonable advice, the time being as nearly
as possible fixed, to prevent any disappointment
as to our meeting; when, according to
the plan proposed by the commissioners, an
expedition may be made with every precaution
from this point, for the purpose of
clearing the passage of so destructive and
indomitable a people; and in this way the
frontier towns may be able to proceed in
extracting from the Montaña its precious
productions.
“Actuated by this desire, and that of rendering
happy the inhabitants of the Ucayali,
I have now, for the space of thirty-four
years, felt it my duty to live in these missions;
and God grant that my eyes may
yet see the prosperity of these regions,
since my expedition to the Pangoa failed
of producing the advantages expected from
it.[22]
“This expedition I undertook merely
to please the fathers of Ocopa; but that
the intercourse thus commenced would be
of short duration, it was easy to conjecture
from the great distance which separated
the mission from the college; the
difficult and dangerous navigation of the
head-streams—cabezeras—of the Ucayali;
and lastly, the discordant opinions of the
European fathers.
“But the day has now arrived when my
wishes will be verified through the skilful
arrangements of the Supreme Government;
and to the best of my power I will contribute
to the success of the enterprise,
not only by assisting the commissioners,
but also by accompanying them on the
expedition, old as I am.
“All the above considerations I submit
to your notice for your information and
government.—God protect your Honour!
“As the letter which I have alluded to
may possibly have miscarried, it will give
me great satisfaction to know that this has
come to your hands.
“God protect you!
“Fray Manuel Plaza.”
CHAPTER VI.
Christianized Indians of the Interior.—Their condition and
character.—Hardships imposed on them.—Desire of
revenge.
Tangur, in the curacy of Caina, and department
of Junin, is one of those villages
so common on the elevated slopes which
overlook temperate valleys in the interior of
Peru. In this small village, as we are informed
by a gentleman who for several years
visited it in the character of curate, there are
two distinct municipalities, each possessing
its separate church and magistrates.
These separate people, who speak the same
Quichua language, do not associate together,
nor do they even hold their religious
festivals on the same day. The origin of this
separation of interests, tradition informs us,
is as far back as the time of the Incas, when
some convicts, ordered from Quito, settled at
this place, and formed a distinct family;
which has here subsisted since that remote
period, without ever mingling its blood with
that of its neighbours, or entering into communion
or alliance with any other people.
This is the more remarkable, as it is the
ordinary practice in other remote villages of
the interior for the whole body of men to
co-operate in any great work, such as constructing
bridges for their common good, or
building houses for the convenience of individuals;
on which occasions one party conducts
stones and turf, another builds the
walls, a third conveys timber from the distant
woods,[23] and a fourth cuts and lays on
the thatch &c. The unanimity in this case,
and the want of it in that of Tangur, are
equally characteristic of that love which the
Indian entertains for the usages of his predecessors
in all things. In nothing does he
approve of innovation; in his condition he
has not yet known any durable or real amelioration,
and in nothing does he desire
change. In his local prejudices, habits, and
daily pursuits, he only thinks, feels, and acts
just as others did before him. If the general
revolution has been in any degree useful to
the poor uninformed Indian of Peru, who
has already sunk from the short-lived excitement
of patriotic enthusiasm into the dejection
of a military despotism,—if it has
really improved his prospects, it has been by
rousing him, for a while at least, from his
wonted apathy to the general concerns and
conveniences of life; opening to his view a
wider range of imitation and desire, and
thus breaking in upon the hereditary routine
of his customs and habits, to which,
till now, he has adhered with the unvarying
constancy of mere instinct.
The christianized Indians of the Inca dynasty,
whose native tongue is Quichua,—for
we do not at present speak of the savage, or
half-christianized Pano, and other yet unsettled
tribes of the Montaña,—are said to
be an indolent race; but we have had the
opportunity of knowing that their exertions
will increase as the prospect of bettering
their condition expands, and that in general
their labour is only conducted in a
slothful manner when it is compulsory, or
to themselves unproductive. We have had
ample opportunity to know, that when they
labour by “tarea” or piece-work, and are
sure of their wages, they work remarkably
well. On their own little farms they
are truly hard labourers; and, if they were
not so often pounced upon by enemies to
industry, the fruit of it would be seen in
their growing prosperity. It is those who
tyrannize over them who accuse them of laziness,
duplicity, and natural perverseness of
disposition. Of such persons we may be allowed
to ask, Have they ever afforded the Indian
any rational encouragement to honesty
and industry? Have they ever, by fair dealing,
persevered in the experiment of deserving
the confidence, of conciliating the affections,
or of calling forth the kindly sympathies of
these humbler sons of the soil? What virtue,
except patience, were they permitted to disclose
under Spanish oppression—(would
it were mitigated under the patriot system!)—when
their masters supplied them with
the necessaries of life just on what terms
they pleased, and when the Indians could
realize no property, however much they redoubled
their toil, for in general the fruit of
their labour was not their own?
The Indians for the most part are an
agricultural people, for more live by tillage
than mere pasturage or any other occupation.
Many of the modern villages in the
temperate climate of the interior were, not
many years ago, large farms, possessed by
Europeans or their creole descendants; but
the labourers, set free at the revolution in
consequence of the confiscation of the goods
and property of their fugitive or ruined masters,
have continued to cultivate the land
for their own maintenance, till by degrees
their families have swelled into villages, and
at length assumed the important character of
municipalities. With a few years of undisturbed
peace, and exemption from undue
exactions, small villages may thus arise and
become considerable towns, wherever the
locality happens to afford sufficient scope
for cultivation. But as it often occurs that
the Indian hamlet is erected on a pinnacle,
or on the brow of a hill, around which
there is but little suitable soil for the
spread of agricultural industry, the consequence
is that the father divides and subdivides
the same piece of ground among the
rising members of his progeny, till at length
the means of subsistence become too scanty
for the support of the whole family, and,
the supernumeraries must seek employment
in the mines or elsewhere, as they best may.
The mechanic arts are little needed by
Indians who construct their own huts, and,
with the exception of their coarse felt-hats,
shape their own dress, which in warm
situations consists of sandals of raw hide,
wide trowsers or breeches open at the knee,
a shirt, vest, and sometimes a jacket, and
over all a poncho. In cold exposed localities,
as Cerro Pasco, they always wear
warm woollen stockings and a jacket; not
omitting the poncho, which is the indispensable
covering by day as well as by
night throughout the Sierra. Besides such
drawbacks on the growth of Indian population
as arise from the want of efficient
medical assistance, and the occasionally destructive
effects of epidemic diseases, other
causes have been frequently assigned, and
especially an excessive passion for intoxicating
liquors. This propensity operates strongly
with the miner, stationed, as he is, in
high and frigid localities, where he is much
exposed to wet under ground, and to nocturnal
frost or snow above it. Here the
action of intoxicating drink, particularly
when indulged in by those not born in very
elevated regions, superadded to the usual
effects of a highly rarefied atmosphere, and
other causes of a less general character, tend
greatly to shorten human life. But in the
warm and temperate valleys which intervene
between the coast and the Cordilleras this
vice is by no means so prevalent as at the
mines, where money circulates freely, and all
manner of temptation is to be encountered.
For though agua-ardiente, guarapo, and
chicha usually abound in such places, yet it
must not be forgotten that the peones or
day-labourers of these favoured climates seldom
have reals to spend; and that, when
they have no money, their credit does not
usually extend so far as to enable them to
be often intoxicated. For about three years
we had seldom less than a score, and frequently
as many as fifty or sixty of these
Indians, working under the eye of a major-domo;
and, except upon some saint-day
or festival, we do not recollect having any
complaint made to us on the score of drunkenness.
Licentiousness is usually stated as
a further source of depopulation among all
classes and castes in Peru: but, whatever be
the true explanation of the fact, we think
that evils springing from such fountains of
impurity show themselves comparatively little
in the Indian constitution; and though
strict regularity of conduct cannot be claimed
on the part of the Indian family, yet
the modesty of their ancient mamaconas is
still remembered among them; and it is a
characteristic which to this day honourably
distinguishes the Indians from their more
cultivated masters, that with them conjugal
infidelity is discouraged, punished, and felt to
be a crime.
Incessant warfare and intestine broils, by
keeping up continued agitation, are at this
day as destructive and desolating to the aborigines
of Peru, and to the general industry
and prosperity of the country, as was formerly
the compulsory system of working in
the mines, and manufactories or “obrages,”
under the Spanish conquerors. The factious
and seditious spirit which has gone abroad
in the republic is an excuse for a standing
army, which in its turn becomes the fertile
nursery, or, at least, frequent instrument of
faction; and, what is worse, military licence
is rapidly pervading all classes of society,
and destroying the only true sources of population,
which are domestic virtues, domestic
habits, and simplicity of life. We shall
dwell no longer on such causes, already too
well known as principal sources of depopulation
in Peru; but, before we quit the
subject, it occurs to us to mention that during
a litigation, in which the question at
issue was to be partly determined by the evidence
of tradition and ancient usage, a number
of witnesses of the most advanced age
in the Vale of Huanuco were called in to
give their testimony, of whom several were
from seventy to ninety years of age, and,
with only one exception, in which the blindness
of age came on in an European by
birth, all of them were hale old people,
and generally of Indian race.
We would remark of these Indians, that
although for centuries they have endured
oppression with the mute meekness of the
lamb bound for sacrifice, they are by no
means dead to feelings of domestic tenderness,
or insensible to the natural ties of kindred
or of country, whence they are violently
torn when led away as recruits. Wanderers
from their native soil, wherever the public
service or the will of an usurper leads, they
brood over the loss of the genial freedom,
simple habits, and peaceful enjoyments that
once were their own, when they herded their
flocks or cultivated their corn and pumpkins.
In an hospital, on the coast, we have seen
some of these poor fellows unable to speak a
sentence of Spanish to the physician who
prescribed for their relief; and, in a few
extreme instances, despair sunk the powers
of life, and a hopeless love of home exhausted
their spirits. We have seen one
very young lad thus affected who refused
food and medicine, until in silent sorrow he
expired, a victim to nostalgia, or a love of
home, and a broken heart. These hapless
beings, whose devotedness to early attachments
and associations bespeaks the warmth
and fidelity of their affections, though cherished
under a cold and apparently a passionless
exterior, we found to be indeed reserved,
but sagacious; and, when not under
any unusual excitement, their minds, though
not cheerful, were serene. Their exterior
mien always struck us as solemn, and even
sad; but this may be partly the effect of
the awfully grand and sublime scenery so
familiar to their view, which imparts a solemn
and contemplative turn to the thoughts
of the mountaineer, and influences his moral
feelings in such a manner as stamps a
certain air of mental gravity on his general
deportment and expression. As an individual,
the Indian is timid, and he will sooner
take a cuff than give one; but, when they assemble
for mutual support, then indeed they
are seen to fight most valiantly, and like
tame oxen, when the blood of one of their
number is shed, they all become fearfully
courageous. Bold and bloody battles we
have seen between strong parties of the
native miners in Cerro Pasco, armed for
the combat with slings, stones, and clubs.
At festivals, too, when roused by drink or
enraged by jealousy, they lacerate and maul
each other: and the meek-looking, dumpy,
Indian woman becomes equally exasperated
and vehement if in her quarrels any one
should cut away a tress of her long and
coarse black hair; for the cutting of these
tresses is an odious mark of female dishonour,
to which women of every caste in
the land,—except the woolly-headed blacks
and mulattas, on whom nature has not bestowed
these ornaments,—are most acutely
and painfully sensitive.[24]
From the beagle-courage of the Indian,
who, like these gentle animals, fights better in
company with others than singly, his military
character stands very high; and a regiment
of Indians when conducted by gallant officers,
as was the case during the war of Peruvian
independence, are sure to prove indomitably
brave and hardy. The dark and zambo
soldier of the coast, when urged forward on
a rapid Sierra march, is very apt to sink
under the pressure of fatigue, conjoined with
pinching cold and inevitable privations, to
which he has been little accustomed in the
warm and humid “potreros” or enclosures
near the sea. But the Indian foot-soldier
is superior to such obstacles; and with only
the support of a pouch of coca, and a bag
of toasted maize, he will continue his march
wherever the llama can keep its footing
over ledges of rock, and rugged recesses so
wild and so land-locked, that, as the dwellers
in these solitudes say, it would seem difficult
for the birds of the air to escape from them.
But though, when engaged on long and
forced marches over savage mountains and
glens, one of these all-enduring and active
natives hardly ever falls behind from mere
fatigue, yet he has not so far forgotten the
shade of his fig-tree in the bosom of the
vale, or his airy home on some distant eyrie,
from whence he was dragged in bonds,
as not secretly to pant for his native nest;
and, on long inland marches, the general
or commander who is not singularly vigilant,
or uncommonly beloved, has more to fear
that the Indian may desert him on the
journey than when engaged with the enemy.
In every village of the intermediate valleys,
the white vagabond and roguish mestizo
have “padrinos,” or protecting friends
of their own caste in petty authority, holding
the commission of captain of volunteers,
governor, or alcalde, or something more
subordinate still; but the more industrious
Indian, who tills his own piece of ground,
and peaceably labours to rear his little group
of helpless children, is constantly the victim
of oppression. This useful citizen, who
happens not to owe a dollar to any man
of influence whose interest it may therefore
be to interpose with the colonel or sub-prefect
of the district in his behalf, has, to
use his own pathetic expression, no “arrimo”
or powerful support, neither friend nor protector
to plead his cause with the local authorities,
who, though they are enjoined by the
government to enlist none but idle and vicious
characters, are daily seen to sacrifice,
with insolence and impunity, justice and
duty to malice and caprice. The native inhabitants
are therefore searched out and
dragged from their houses, or from the caves
and fastnesses where they have sought concealment.
Torn from their forlorn and destitute
families, carried away as recruits on
every new levy of conscripts, they are bound
like galley-slaves, and then driven along, a
spiritless crew, hopeless and helpless, from
the recesses and glens of the interior to the
coast, or elsewhere, as circumstances may require,
there to die of ague or dysentery, or, if
they survive the usual effects of great changes
of climate and diet, to be harshly trained for
the exercise of war.
It is a law of the country, contained in
article 6th of the Constitution, that the common
rights of citizenship be suspended towards
the notoriously vagrant, the gambler,
the drunkard, and the married man who
without cause abandons his wife, or who is
divorced on account of his own misconduct.
The rich and influential can, when they please,
easily evade such laws as these; but, among
the peculiar hardships imposed upon the
Indian of the interior, it is not the least that
he may be seized for a soldier on the alleged
ground of his being “mal-casado,” or habitually
cohabiting with a woman to whom
he has not been previously bound by the
bonds of regular marriage. It is not impartial
justice that he should be punished in
this manner for a delinquency which is almost
authorized by the practice of his superiors.
These poor people pair together naturally,
and at an early age; and would, we think,
frequently render their union more binding
by marriage, if they could afford it. That
this may be understood, it is necessary to
say that the curate’s fees for the performance
of matrimonial and burial service vary in
amount with the caste and complexion of the
parties. The fee for marrying an Indian is
lower than that assigned for the marriage of a
mestizo, and the white man pays more than
either. One consequence of this arrangement
is, that it is often difficult to ascertain
the class of the proposed bridegroom; and
the curate may sometimes be induced to
raise the beardless Indian to the rank of
the scanty-bearded mestizo, and the latter
has in his own person great ambition to
be thought an “hombre blanco” or white
man. The poor agricultural Indian of the
Sierra has commonly enough to do to provide
himself with his coca,[25] a hoe, and a
chopping-knife, the tools that he usually
works with; and seldom indeed has he got
on hand as many dollars as would enable
him to pay even the lowest rate of marriage
fees. Now, he who cannot pay without
difficulty the priest for marrying him in
a Christian manner, thinks it can be no great
harm to imitate others around him whose
example ought to be worthy of imitation;
and, ignorant of the language which Scripture
addresses to his conscience, he contracts
a marriage sanctioned by custom, though not
by religion.
Another hardship in the Indian’s situation
is, that he has often great trouble to pay
the customary tribute or capitation tax, from
which even the superannuated are not always
exempt, though the Treasury professes not to
receive contributions from the aged. When
we resided in the Vale of Huanuco, men
have come to us from the distant province
of Conchucos, imploring work, to be paid for
not in produce but in money, which is scarce
in Conchucos, that they might be enabled
to return with a few dollars to satisfy the
collector of revenue, not less inexorable in
his demands than the corregidor used to be
in exacting the royal tribute, of which this
vestige yet remains. On the coast, a day-labourer’s
wages may be six reals or a dollar,
according to circumstances; but in remote
parts of the interior, as in the province
to which we have referred, wages are very
low,—for example, a real or sixpence per
day. In Huanuco, wages are nominally three
reals a day: but here the native planters
usually run accounts with their workmen,
whom they supply with such articles
as clothes, spirits, maize, coca, and perhaps
tobacco; though the cigar is more used
by the natives of the coast, and such as use
not the coca, than by the agricultural Indian.
By this mode of management the poor
man is commonly precipitated, before he is
aware of it, into his employer’s debt, and
very often remains involved, and virtually
a slave, for the remainder of his life; while
his sons after him are made to take upon
themselves the burden under which the father
sank to his grave. But the same grinding
system involves even the better sort of men
who are looked upon with respect in their
own humble sphere, and permitted to prefix
Don as a shining handle to their name,—they
also are victims to ruinous custom and
superstitious rites; for they are called upon
in their turn to bear the expense of being
the major-domos of the feasts which are celebrated
in honour of the tutelar saint of the
village to which they belong.
To defray the expense of these public
entertainments, the major-domos have in
most instances not only to spend all their
savings, but to borrow, and to run up their
credit with the sellers of fruit and preserves,
the butcher, the baker, the distiller, and chicheras,
or women that make the country
beer, and sell the malt, called jorra, made of
maize. In short, a major-domo of a festival
in a village of any consideration gets well off
if one hundred and fifty or two or three
hundred dollars, pay his share of the anniversary
feast and procession. To sustain the pageantry
of one day of drunken and profligate
religious enthusiasm in honour of a favourite
saint, these men foolishly entangle themselves
and families in the miseries of debt
and embarrassments that destroy both ease
and independence, and lead to a multitude
of evils naturally arising out of such degraded
circumstances. We have ourselves
employed in weeding our cane-fields an honest
and industrious family thus reduced to great
privation; from which the children could
never expect to emerge, after the death of
an industrious father, except by the utmost
prudence, perseverance, and industry on their
own part, and friendly support on the part
of their employer.
To conclude these remarks on the Indian’s
condition, we have shown that evil example
in high places, religious abuses, the exactions
of the collector of revenue, and also of the
priest, (whom, by the by, the state should
deliver from this degrading necessity, by
giving him an adequate income out of the
tithes which it has appropriated to itself,) the
arbitrariness of petty governors, alcaldes, and
village captains, together with the restless
and overweening ambition of military despots
that allow their country no repose,—we
have shown that these causes, collectively,
tend to render the Indian race—which forms
the bulk of the Peruvian nation—insecure in
their persons and property, distrustful and
cringing in their character, degraded in their
morals, and heirs direct to civil and religious
bondage.
The curates who reside in the mountain
glens and deep corries feel assured, from
the well-known feelings cherished by their
flocks, that when the day arrives when these
uneducated men of the hills shall understand
what are their own political rights
and physical strength, and shall be commanded
by bold and sagacious leaders of
their own blood and kind, they will fearfully
and cruelly avenge their wrongs on all
“advenedizos,” all exotics!—on their white
oppressors and sable interlopers![26]
CHAPTER VII.
War of Independence.—Unsettled state of the country at the
close of 1835 and early in 1836.—Gamarra’s Government.—Insurrections.—Guerilla
and Freebooters.—Foreign Marines.—Lima
invaded from the castles of Callao, under
command of Solar.—Orbegoso enters Lima.—Castles of Callao
taken by assault.—Battle of Socabaya.—Salaverry taken
prisoner.—Execution.—Public tranquillity hoped for under
the protection of Santa-Cruz.
Having in the preceding chapters attempted
to give a correct idea of the general
aspect of Peru, and of the social condition
of its inhabitants, we will subjoin a brief
sketch of the anarchy into which it fell about
the close of the year 1835 and beginning of
1836.
From the year 1810, when first the Patriot
flag was triumphantly carried into upper
Peru by the spirited Buenos-Ayreans, the
natives of lower Peru, or that which is
now called the Peruvian Republic, had
the path to freedom boldly pointed out
to their view. But in Lima, where Spanish
influence and loyalty were strongly concentrated,
it was not until 1819, when Lord
Cochrane appeared with a liberating squadron
on the shores of Peru, and the Chilean and
Buenos-Ayrean forces in the year following
landed on the same coast under the command
of General San Martin, that the
national spirit of the Peruvian people declared
itself in that joyful welcome, and
effective support of their proposed deliverers
and fellow patriots, which struck dismay into
the councils, and confusion into the operations
of their proud oppressors. Then,
indeed, were kindled all the horrors of civil
strife and warfare in this once opulent and
peaceful country; and these sanguinary struggles
never ceased, until, aided by the Colombian
troops, and the directing mind of the
great Liberator Bolivar, the Peruvians were
at length enabled to throw off the chains of
despotism which for more than three centuries
they had submissively worn,—chains
of which they will long bear evident marks
on their national and domestic character;
for the battle of Ayacucho, which was gloriously
fought and won by the Patriots on
the 9th day of December 1824, and which
terminated the great liberating campaigns
of Peru, has not yet secured prosperity to
that distracted country. But the Peruvians,
having thrown off the tameness of bondage,
and assumed the name of freemen, have yet
harder work before them than the expulsion
of the Spaniards: they have to finish their
own work of regeneration; to surmount all
the intestine difficulties and reconcile all the
discordant elements which originate among
themselves; they have to free their community
of noisy demagogues that poison the
public press, and discontented agitators who,
affecting the purest zeal for the commonwealth,
have an eye only to their own interest,
and whose object is change—they
care not what, so long as it may benefit
themselves. How far they are yet from having
realized the final advantages they proposed
to derive from their great, and, so far, successful
revolutionary struggle, is plainly discovered
in times of public disturbance, when
all classes suffer more or less severely from
grinding contributions and wanton exactions.
The wealth of the “hacendado,” or landed
proprietor, is dissipated in every turmoil; and
the less affluent farmer, or “chacarero,” is
arrested in his labour, and has his arm paralysed
by indigence and violence. Predatory
troops, as well as government hirelings, seize
and drive off his cattle, lead astray his slaves,
press or frighten away his free labourers,
destroy his crops, and pillage his granaries;
and should the spoliated countryman, or
country gentleman, be able to rally his spirits
and renew his exertions so as to recover the
shock of one year’s depredation, the repetition
of the like violence, or an aggression yet
more destructive, on the following year, consigns
him to hopeless beggary. The miners
likewise, though a greatly privileged corporation,
are for the most part destitute of real
capital; yet, in these times, misnamed patriotic,
they are a prey to unjust collectors of
tribute, who, on fixing any particular miner’s
contribution at a certain sum in current
money, which he is unable to pay, take care
to recover the amount in piña. Now, the
extortioner asserts that the miner’s piña,
though truly excellent, is very badly purified,—that
it is of “mucha merma,” or sustains
great loss of weight in fusion; and, under
this false pretence, again comes upon the
miner, and obliges him to make up the alleged
deficiency: this, in fact, is a surplus,
over and above the demands of the government,
which swaggering colonels, or other
such commissioned pilferers, appropriate without
scruple to their own unworthy purposes.
Such acts of violence and villany in times of
petty revolutions lead to the worst consequences;
for they not only occasion great
private distress, but create such a general
distrust in the government and its rapacious
agents, as frequently prevents the miners
from remitting silver bars to Lima, when
otherwise it might be their interest to do so;
and this oppression causes a contraband trade,
for which, indeed, the open coasts of the
country afford all imaginable facility. Nor
should it be here overlooked that, as a common
consequence of the frequent public broils in
this republic, the small merchant or retail
dealer often feigns, on the convenient plea
of bad times, an utter incapacity to pay the
wholesale foreigner in Lima who credits him
with goods. Should a person of this character
once get into the interior with a respectable
stock on hand, he is sure to play the part
of a gentleman in feasting and dancing, &c.;
and it may take some trouble not only to
get him to render fair accounts, but to hunt
him out of the town or village where, under
the pretext of transacting business, he is
pleased to locate himself. In short, so great
is the disorder in every department of the
social and political system in Peru, that, to
express the sentiments of a friend of ours,
and a distinguished Peruvian statesman, “In
Peru there cannot for a long time to come
be any other than a military government;
every state pretends to regulate itself by a
moral government; but, as we have little or
no morality in our land, the bayonet must
inevitably direct us. Here we have no industry;
there is not more than one man in
ten that labours for his bread: and putting
out of the question the ‘empleados,’ or
those who fill public stations under government,
and who are supported at the cost of
the state, there is not one in thirty of those
mannikins who are daily seen loitering about
the streets that live by their own proper industry.
Give to the Indian, in whose arm
rests our physical strength, an idea of his
wants; let him know the conveniences of
civilized life; in short, enlighten the mass of
our people so as to let them understand
something at least of the nature and end of
government, and then we shall not have
daily revolutions. But, situated as we are at
present, we have neither capital, industry,
nor private security. All is insecure; all is
loose and common, unhinged, unprotected,
and without order. Good men have nothing
to hope for: the few individuals who have
access to our rulers are guided by none but
the most sordid motives. It is the ruin of
my lacerated country, that no man looks
beyond his personal interest; that no one
attaches himself to the government with
sound intentions, or with any view except
that of plunder.”
The mountain Indian in particular, whose
knowledge and usefulness our patriotic friend
would fain improve and enlarge, long inured
to servitude, and only acquainted with the
rudest arts of life, has never arrived at a
correct idea of the extent of his privations,
or of the nature of those primary political
rights which, by skilful combination and
promises, (though himself too ignorant to
reason on the merits of the cause,) he was at
length goaded forward to assert, and for
some time to sustain with manly energy.
Thus have the meekest and most submissive
of men, through vigorous exertions on the
part of the few who conceived and originated
the plan of their independence, been stirred
up to despite their unjust rulers, and trained
to the use of fire-arms, at the very sight of
which they formerly trembled. The effect
of such education must for some time be productive
of disorder; for, to apply a homely
illustration, the fire that is lit by the husbandman
to destroy overgrown and noxious
weeds, cannot always be checked before it
scorches the cane or the corn field; and
so it is with hostile passions, which when
once excited, though for a good and patriotic
purpose, cannot always be quelled at pleasure,
or at once restrained within the limits of
perfect order and rational liberty. Of this
the recent history of Peru affords ample
evidence, for, since the close of General Gamarra’s
troubled government, there has
scarcely been a lull of temporary peace in
that ill-fated country.[27] It is asserted by
those who best knew this influential man’s
counsels, that, during his four years’ rule, he
crushed no fewer than fourteen conspiracies
more or less matured against his person or
government: yet at the expiration of his
lawful term of presidentship, to which dignity
his artful schemes conducted him on the
ruin of his predecessor, the beloved General
La Mar, he had scarcely relinquished his
high office in January 1834, when he was
seen to rear the standard of rebellion, and
hasten the downfall of his country by authorizing
insurrection with his example. Although
frustrated in this shameful revolt, in the
year following he was again at the head of
an armed faction, and in open and sanguinary
rebellion. But finally, after the disastrous
battle of Yanacocha, and total dispersion of
his surviving partisans, he came to Lima for
refuge against the united and victorious force
of his legitimate foes, the Peruvian president
Orbegoso, with his Bolivian ally,
Santa-Cruz. And here in the capital, while
receiving the condolence of his mortified
friends, and mourning the loss of his heroic
wife, the renowned Panchita,[28] whose heart
in his utmost adversity was presented to him
by a confidential female friend, enclosed in
a glass,—he had little leisure to weep over it.
Ere his awakened sorrow was soothed, he
was arrested on a rough military warrant,
and, in company with several of his friends
or adherents, once more hurried away into
banishment by the stern orders of the impetuous
General Salaverry, a rival leader, less
artful and wary, but more active and daring
than himself.
Lest anything should be wanting to crown
the accumulated miseries of a distracted
and afflicted people, his excellency the provisional
president of the republic, Don Jose
Louis Orbegoso, in his address to the Peruvians,
dated Tarma, January 4th, 1836, and
published in the Redactor of Lima on the
9th day of the same month, solemnly affirmed
and promulgated that “the very laws, dictated
with the pure intention of securing
happiness to the commonwealth, had concentrated
within themselves the elements of
her destruction. These laws had proved a
safeguard to the seditious, and had been
the bulwarks of rebellion. Through their
operation the executive had been forced
to feel the volcano at its feet, though
unable to prevent an eruption. Yes, under
the overseeing eye of the government,
the revolutions had been hatched and
brought forth, reared and strengthened into
maturity.”
This acknowledgment, from a president
duly invested with extraordinary or dictatorial
powers, renounced every rational idea of government,
and virtually declared the incapacity
of the supreme authority to protect the
person, property, or rights of the citizen,
or to sustain the necessary subordination
of society. By this government, which so
frankly declared its own imbecility, men
either faithless or inept were, perhaps for
want of better, appointed to fill offices of
high trust and power; and in this way
was kindled the train of that sanguinary
revolution, which, in the year 1835, burst
forth like the flaming combustibles and
poisonous eructations of an overwhelming
volcano; spreading consternation, outrage,
and desolation over the wide range of its
fearful sweep. But, during the whole of this
tumultuous period, the Limenian mob, made
up, though it be, of mixed and most variegated
castes, illustrated by their example how
slow the mind is to cast off early and deeply
rooted habits; for, after the lapse of so many
years of civil dissension, they showed that, as
a whole, they still retained the feelings of
public subjection (unfortunately not turned to
account by any steady government) to which,
in olden times, they were habituated under the
jurisdiction of the Spaniards. For several
days during this period there was no sort of
police in the capital. The government and
garrison had abandoned it, and shut themselves
up within the fortress and castles of
Callao; but yet the populace showed a singular
measure of forbearance, and the instances
of outrage and pillage committed in
the streets were exceedingly few.
At this conjuncture of danger and uncertainty,
foreign property in the capital was
guarded by marines, English, French, and
American, from their respective vessels of
war on the station: but, for several months
previously to these days of general panic and
dismay, the capital had been the theatre of
daily broils; the banditti and soldiery being
engaged in ceaseless though irregular contest
for the mastery both within and without
the walls. The inhabitants were affected
with a sort of nervous infirmity, or morbid
susceptibility of impression, proceeding from
the unsubdued feeling of impending danger.
E l’aspettar del male è mal peggiore
Forse, che non parrebbe il mal presente:
Pende, ad ogn’aura incerta di romore,
Ogni orecchia sospesa ed ogni mente;
E un confuso bisbiglio entro e di fuore
Trascorre i campi e la città dolente.
Tasso.
A pillar of dust rising in the distance, or
the smoke of burning weeds in the neighbouring
farms, were sure to be attributed by
the anxious spectator in the city to the less
harmless fire of musketry and skirmishers.
On the appearance of any such sign, notice
was immediately given from the lofty steeple
of La Merced, or the arcade of the bridge
opposite the palace balconies. If a playful
black boy was seen to gallop on his donkey
by the trees of the old Alameda, or suburbs
of Malambo, then some mercachifle or pregonero[29]
would instantly give the alarm, which
was conveyed by the vocal brotherhood with
the rapidity of lightning—and “Hay viene
el negro Escobar y los ladrones!” (Here
comes the negro Escobar and the robbers!)
was soon ringing through all parts of the
city—whereupon in every direction would
follow the running tumult of “Cierra puertas!”—shut
doors!—and then the creaking
and heavy clash of massy doors, and
the jarring of chains and bolts, as every
street and area entrance were closed and
barricaded. During these moments of self-imprisonment,
suspense, and anxiety, the
streets were entirely abandoned by the unarmed
populace; and the noise from the pavement,
caused by the gently progressive motion
of an ambling hack, was exaggerated
in fancy, so as to imitate the clang and
tread of a hundred horses. It produced the
same startling effect in the over-excited
imagination of those within, (who, to see what
passed without, hardly ventured to peep
through a key-hole, or from the corner of a
latticed balcony,) as the unwelcome rattling
of a wheeled carriage or the dull Pantheon
car, on the morning succeeding a desolating
earthquake, never fails to produce
on sensitive frames while under the still
abiding influence of recent alarm. Under
such circumstances of general consternation
it was that the timely arrival of irregular
troops, “montonera,” under the
command of a Patriot general, Vidal, delivered
Lima out of the hands of a formidable
band of freebooters under the celebrated
negro Escobar, who had already begun the
work of depredation, and whose sanguinary
disposition, if excited by drink or excess,
threatened to realize the worst anticipations
of the dismayed citizens. In this very condition
of infuriated exultation and inebriety,
being in the act of plundering a house in
open day, he was surprised, and in less than
an hour afterwards shot in the plaza; where,
only the day before, he had showed off very
proudly under the balconies of the archbishop’s
palace, mounted on a magnificent
black steed, which he had taken by force
from the prelate’s own stable. But now in
his last moments his only intelligible prayer
was said to be that he might receive forgiveness
from the archbishop, whose sacred dignity
he had so recently insulted; and, probably,
of all the unhappy Peruvians who are
brought to suffer death at the “banquillo,”
there falls not one but shows some mysterious
respect for the church; and the greatest
criminal among them is never, perhaps,
entirely forgetful of his tutelar saint.
Whatever their career of life may have been,
their faith, well or ill founded, yields them
hope at the last hour; and it is allowed by
those who witness their tragic end, that they
generally die the death of the wicked with
the composure of martyrs.
On the day that General Vidal, with his
orderly montonera, entered at the invitation
of the municipality—“cabildo,”—for
the protection of the terrified city, it was
interesting to observe the contrast presented
by the negro Cimarones, when arrayed
in the cathedral square of the capital
by the side of the freemen of Huamantanga,
and the poor but independent Indians of
Yuyos, who, of all their tribe and fellow
aborigines, are the least passive under political
oppression. In the laughing negroes,
the perpetual motion of their long and
dangling limbs, never at rest in the saddle,
betokened an exuberance and locomotive
waste of nervous energy; while, on the other
hand, the contemplative-looking and compact
little Indian, mounted on his hardy nag, just
emerged from the solitary and rugged wilds
of the mountains, though surrounded with
the novelty and excitement of a great city in
confusion, never for a moment lost the composure
and serenity of his countenance and
demeanour.[30] These highland bands, together
with a few other brave but undisciplined
volunteers, inspired the lower orders of the
Limenians with that transient enthusiasm to
which, on extraordinary occasions, they have
more than once shown themselves capable of
being raised; and simultaneously they rushed
to arms as the bells from every spire tolling
the solemn “llamada a fuego,” or the alarm
of conflagration, summoned them to the defence
of their beloved Lima, which was menaced
and ultimately attacked by a formidable
sortie from the castles of Callao. The
assailants were led on by Solar the governor,
and cousin to the spurious president, Salaverry,
whose illegitimate cause, now on the
eve of being lost for ever, his less energetic
relative but faintly sustained. It is worthy
of remark, that even on this momentous
occasion, the spirit-stirring 6th of January
1836, the patrician youth—“los hijos de
familia”—took no active part. Educated
with the utmost tenderness of indulgence,
they are more inclined to love than arms.
In short, the business of their life is pleasure.
Until the last memorable rally and sanguinary
struggle at Socabaya, near Arequipa,
under that Limenian lusus naturæ, General
Felipe Santiago Salaverry, the military name
of the Patriot officers of Peru had been rapidly
sinking into utter contempt. By far the
greater number of their spirited and intelligent
country-women decried the turncoat fraternity,
and regretted that they themselves
were not born to carry arms, that they might
redeem the fallen honour of their country.
These degenerate officers seemed to take
pleasure in calling every now and then the
attention of the public to their vile “pronunciamientos,”
or open abjuration of honourable
allegiance to those placed in just authority
over them. Such vain and faithless
vaunters, whose proudest achievements were
but to forsake their duty, bind their chiefs,
and desolate their native land, became the
objects of public scorn, and were despised
even by the softer sex, as being fitter to wield
the distaff than the sword.
But Salaverry, a man of vast though ill-directed
energy and reckless spirit, made the
sky re-echo to his shout of war to the
death! And such complete ascendency did
he acquire over the minds of his countrymen,
by his almost insane impetuosity and
appalling executions,[31] that he not only
constrained them to a state of awe and submission,
but, what is more remarkable, inspired
them, when he pleased, with martial
ardour, and made them emulate the deeds
of Zepita, Junin, and Ayacucho. During
the gloomy reign of the black banner, and
continuance of the revolution of Salaverry,
the Limenian women, uneasy beneath the
accumulating evils of political oppression,
made their way into the ranks of the insurgents.
Disguised in their mysterious “mantos,”
they circulated patriotic proclamations,
and whispered abroad the low and solemn
murmur of public opinion; until at length, on
the famous 6th of January 1836, when the
populace rushed to the walls, it was shouted
aloud from every mouth,—ay, the cannon’s
mouth,—to the confusion of rapacious upstarts
struggling for ascendency. And still
the women played their part—as they raised
the whirlwind, so they rode on it; for,
without any metaphor, they were to be
seen armed and on horseback amidst the
crowd.
Two days after this display of popular
feeling so unusual in Lima, the provisional
president made his entrance into the city
amid loud rejoicings that nothing could exceed.
A few weeks after this event, the
eminently brave General Moran by a gallant
assault forced the castles of Callao,
then under the command of the insurgent
Solar, to capitulate; and, on the 7th of
February, General Salaverry lost the hard-contested
battle of Socabaya, also called
Altos de la Luna, or Heights of the
Moon, a name singularly in character with
that high and lunatic excitement which
hurried to his doom this enthusiastic child
of ambition. He escaped from the field of
action with many of his officers, and the
remainder of his wearied troops; and, when
nearly in sight of their shipping at Islay,
they were taken prisoners by our countryman,
General Miller, under circumstances
which demanded on the part of this very
distinguished officer the exercise of that
active vigilance, coolness, intrepidity, and
self-possession, for which he has been so
remarkable throughout his honourable military
career.
On Thursday, February 18, 1836, General
Salaverry, and eight of his principal officers,
were by sentence of court-martial condemned
to death; and, accordingly, were publicly
shot in the great square of Arequipa. This
event, though lamented by a few, was matter
of rejoicing to the many, who now looked
forwards to the re-organization of the political
state of Peru under the protection of General
Santa Cruz, the President of Bolivia.
APPENDIX — ON THE ZOOLOGY OF WESTERN PERU. — TRANSLATION. — INDIGENOUS QUADRUPEDS. — FOREIGN QUADRUPEDS. — BIRDS. — INSECTS. — EXTINCT ANIMALS. — GEOGNOSTIC DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY IN THE ENVIRONS OF AREQUIPA, WITH AN ANALYSIS OF THE MINERAL WATERS IN THE VICINITY OF THE SAME CITY. — TRANSLATION. — GEOGNOSTIC DESCRIPTION. — ANALYSIS OF THE MINERAL WATERS OF YURA. — THE FERRUGINOUS WATER. — MEDICINAL VIRTUES OF THE FERRUGINOUS WATER OF YURA. — THE SULPHUROUS WATER. — PECULIARITIES OBSERVABLE IN THE SULPHUROUS WATER BATHS. — MEDICINAL EFFECTS OF THE SULPHUROUS WATER. — STEAM NAVIGATION. — ECCLESIASTICAL JUBILEE. — LANCE’S ADIEU TO LIMA. — FOOTNOTES
On Climate and Disease.—Panama, Guayaquil, Peru, and
Chile.
For those who propose to cross the Isthmus
of Panama, or visit the shores of the
Pacific, it may be interesting to be made in
some degree acquainted with the influence
of particular climates, and the sort of illness
which they are most likely to experience at
the principal commercial ports, particularly
to the south of the line. On this account
the author now offers some general hints on
these subjects, having it in view to publish
as a separate treatise a practical account of
the diseases of Peru, described as they occur
at different altitudes, in the diversified climate
of that country.
The seasons at Panama are divided into
wet and dry: the rainy season begins towards
the latter end of May, and continues
till November; and from November to June,
or the latter end of May, is the dry season.
At Panama, agues, fevers, bilious and gastric
complaints are common in the wet season;
but the yellow fever, or “Vomito negro,”
very rarely has been known to pass the
mountain barriers which separate the Atlantic
from the Pacific. At Cruces the traveller
may enjoy a better and safer climate,
during the wet and unhealthy months,
(when the thermometer never, perhaps,
falls below 90°,) than either at Panama or
Chagres.
To the north of the Isthmus, along the
shores of Central America and Mexico, as
far at least as the northern tropic, the climate
is considered “malsano,” or exceedingly
unhealthy; a fact well known to those
who trade with Realejo, San Blas, and Mazatlan,
where very dangerous remittent fevers
prevail.
To the southward of the Isthmus on the
shores of Colombia, in about 2° south latitude,
we find the port and city of Guayaquil,
of well-known commercial importance. Here,
the climate is considered unhealthy during
the wet season, when the air is sultry and
oppressive; but in the dry season Guayaquil
is not reckoned particularly sickly. The rain
commences in light showers in December, is
very heavy in February, and dwindles away
in April. From May to December is the
dry season.
The wet season, being the hottest, would
naturally be considered as summer; but
here, as in other places of seasonal or periodical
rains, the wet season is called “invierno,”
or winter, and the dry season “verano,”
or summer; yet the latter is cooler than
the former, and allows one to wear warmer
clothing than would be agreeable in the rainy
months.
In the rainy season the thermometer ascends
to 90° or 96° Fahrenheit; but, during
the dry season, it ranges from 65° to 85°, being
65° at night, and rarely exceeding 80°,
though it sometimes reaches 85° during the
day. The rain usually falls in the afternoon
or night, seldom in the forenoon, when the
sun is often so powerful as nearly to dry up
the pools and streets before the evening rain
comes on again; however, there are days
when no rain falls. The houses being covered
with tiles, and furnished with arcades,
are sufficiently defended against sun and
rain. The plain extending between mountain
and sea is, for ten or twelve leagues
inland, well wooded, and intersected here
and there with smaller rivers which the
natives call esteros or lakes, in allusion probably
to their appearance during the wet
season, when, teeming with alligators, they
inundate the beautiful meadows round
about; so that the term “river” is only
applied, by way of distinction, to the great
navigable river of the city, which is so
influenced by the tide, at least in the dry
season, as to be quite briny to the taste.
Here the natives bathe all the year round,—a
practice, we believe, which conduces
not a little to the general health and fair
and stately form of the Guayaquilenian
ladies, who are said to be fonder of town,
and the ease of their hammocks, than of
country air and exercise. The streets of
Guayaquil, being steeped in rain, become
contaminated for want of police; insects
swarm on every side, and vegetable and
animal emanations pollute the atmosphere:
malaria abounds; and fevers, dysenteries,
and various gastric disorders attack the inhabitants,
and especially the imprudent
stranger, who, trusting in his youth and
strength, and not considering that difference
of climate demands corresponding difference
of life, perseveres in the same habits
under every parallel of latitude through
which he passes from one temperate zone
to the other.
In warm and humid situations, such as
Guayaquil, surrounded by rivers, stagnant
pools, lagoons, and exuberant vegetation,
atmospherical heat may operate in causing
disease, not merely by promoting the production
of miasmata, but also by increasing
the irritability of the organs of the body,
so as to predispose to severe attacks of illness.
The affection of the skin commonly
known under the name of “prickly heat” is
very likely to arise from profuse perspiration
while in Guayaquil; and all excess in the
cuticular secretion should be avoided by
every proper means, such as suitable clothing,
temperate living, and moderate bodily
exertion, &c. The contrary practice, of encouraging
sweat by heating drinks, has a
bad tendency, both moral and physical:—physically,
it produces, sooner or later, gastric
and hepatic diseases;—morally, it furnishes
a pretext and excuse for deep potations;—and
the end of all is a broken down
constitution, and a mind impaired in its noblest
powers. In another point of view,
without supposing that the fevers which on
the shores of the Pacific are termed putrid
arise from the want of a due quantity of
saline ingredients in the blood, it is not
improbable that, when perspiration is excessive
and too long continued, it may indeed
carry off from the circulation more
of these saline portions than can be quite
compatible with a state of perfect health.
We have sometimes observed horses, when
hard pressed on a hot day along the sandy
plains of Peru, lie down exhausted and
overcome by excessive sweat and muscular
exertion; and, on being unsaddled and allowed
to cool, the poor animals on such
occasions would appear as if covered with
hoar-frost, from the quantity of saline matter
left behind from the fluids perspired and evaporated.
Moderate transpiration, however, is a
cooling process, and a necessary one to the
natural condition of the system, when the
circulation of the blood is much increased,
as is the case under high atmospherical temperature,
though at the same time muscular
vigour usually becomes much diminished
under such circumstances. The functions of
the stomach often grow languid as the relaxation
of the skin has been great and long
continued; but, while the appetite is thus
diminished, the flow of bile is apt to be increased,
and the bowels often become irregular,—sometimes
too lax and irritable, at
other times torpid and costive.
In one we may observe that, when the
bowels are lax from an overflow of bile, the
skin is dry, and that for months together;
while in another, exposed to the same
changes of climate, the skin is always soft,
while the secretion from the kidneys is
scanty, and the intestines appear to lack
their wonted moisture, and become sluggish,
as if deprived of their muscular power of
healthy action. But it more usually occurs,
on being transported from a cold to a warm
and humid climate, that a very notable
alteration and increase is observed in both
secretions—the biliary and cutaneous, of the
liver and of the skin. The state of the
bowels therefore requires to be attended to
very particularly in all great transitions of
climate; because, from undue accumulations
in the intestinal passages during warm and
sultry weather, irritation and fever may
ensue, and a bilious disorder of the bowels,
if neglected, or ill-treated, will too readily
decline into a fatal dysentery.
Having in the first chapter of the first
volume of this work given a sufficiently
minute account of the climate of the Peruvian
coast, it will now be enough for us to
remark that, at its northern extremity,
though bordering on the verdant country of
the Equatorial Republic, the air of the coast
of Peru is less humid than it is at its southern
limit, where it joins the desert of Atacama.
The peculiar dryness of the province of
Piura is not explained by the fact that in this
part of the coast the Andes retire farther
inland than in many others; for, from Piura,
we have only to pass the river Tumbez,
when, as formerly mentioned, the face of
nature is quite changed, and the plains of
Guayaquil, though at their lower and more
maritime parts far distant from the inland
piles of mountains, are nevertheless deluged
in rain during the wet season; whereas
Payta, the sea-port of Piura, has (as we have
been informed by a native of those parts, our
enlightened and public-spirited friend, Don
Santiago Tabara,) not unfrequently, for years
in succession,—sometimes as many as ten or
twelve years,—not a shower to give life to a
single blade of grass.
At Truxillo, again, the capital of a Peruvian
province, situated on the coast in lat.
8° 8´ south, the air is much drier than at
Lima or Callao in 12° 2´ of south latitude:
yet Truxillo is in the vicinity of lofty mountains
which run parallel to the coast; and
Huanchaco, its sea-port, is situated at the
foot of the lofty Bell Mountains. But, to
enumerate no more particulars, we think it
will be found true as a general proposition
that, from the desert of Atacama to the
landing-place of Pizarro on the banks of the
Tumbez,—from the southern tropic to close
upon the line,—there is a progressive diminution
of atmospherical humidity.
The difference thus marked in the state of
the air appears to influence very materially
the character of several diseases, as intermittent
fevers or tercianas, which on the
northern coast of Peru, or what is called
costa de abajo, and more particularly in the
eminently dry province of Piura, are of
milder type than along the shores of the
southern and maritime departments of Peru,
known under the name of los intermedios.
The Indian population of Piura are a
hardy and healthy race of people, naturally
inclined to corpulency; and, indeed, the Indians
of Peru in general are constitutionally
disposed to a sleek rotundity of form, which
it would only require ease and good generous
diet to call into full developement, so as to
render the bulk of this race as fat as Caciques.
Most of the chronic diseases of the
Piuranos are said to result from leaving all
to nature in the earlier stages of their complaints;
and, among these northern provincialists,
phthisis, dysentery, tercianas or agues,
and typhus mitior,[32] are endemic. The same
sort of complaints, varying however in
the intensity of attendant symptoms, are
met with all along the maritime valleys of
the coast; and in the list of prevalent diseases
at Lima and elsewhere, visceral obstructions,
intestinal hæmorrhage, disorders
of the heart, and asthma, deserve particular
notice. There are also a variety of cutaneous
eruptions and nervous diseases of frequent
occurrence, upon the nature and cure
of which it is not at present our purpose to
enlarge.
In consumption, which, in all its various
forms, is a common disease on the coast of
Peru, a portion of the lungs becoming by degrees
ulcerated and destroyed, there is consequently
an interruption to the proper discharge
of the pulmonary functions, accompanied
with nocturnal increase of fever and
excessive perspiration. But, even in this advanced
stage of the disease, changing the air
of the coast for that of the mountains or
temperate valleys of the Sierra, is found to
produce great relief and prolongation of
life.
Spitting of blood from the lungs seems in
most instances to depend on the presence of
tubercular phthisis, or on an inherent constitutional
tendency to this disease; and any
accidental excitement, as that from cold or
undue exposure to atmospherical vicissitudes,
may hurry on cases of pulmonary hæmorrhage
to a fatal termination. Suckling, in particular,
is known to be apt to occasion spitting of
blood, which, if not cured in time, usually
ends in those symptoms which characterise
consumption of the lungs.
It is curious to observe that, in the warm
climates of the coast, cold is the exciting
cause of most of the diseases which present
themselves, such as catarrh, phthisis, bowel
complaints, rheumatism, and even the intermittent
and remittent fevers; for we
believe that the baneful influence of malaria
would not be nearly so often experienced,
were its operation in the developement of
fever not aided by some check to the perspiration,
or what the natives call resfrio.
It is a subject of remark on the sugar
estates of Cañete, and other parts of the
coast, that the slave population, though they
work in the humid cane-fields, are yet by no
means so liable to ague as either the white
man or Indian. One reason for this difference
appears to be that the sebaceous glands
of the dark races, and especially the negro,
keep their skin smooth and soft with a supply
of unctuous or oily matter, of rather
offensive odour, but admirably fitted to guard
against the evil effects of atmospherical
vicissitudes.
As black surfaces radiate heat better than
those of lighter tints, it might be expected
that the body of the negro would be excessively
chilled when exposed to the night air:
but the negroes of the coast of Peru often
sleep in the open air, without interrupting
the healthy action of the dermal system.
This is a fact which we are disposed to refer
to the preservative effect of the unctuous
exudation, because all oily matters being
bad conductors prevent the excessive radiation
of internal, and the too rapid communication
of external heat; and therefore, by
this natural inunction of the negro and
zambo skin, nature provides a remedy against
the extremes of cold or heat under ordinary
circumstances.
We thus learn that flannels or woollens,
being bad conductors, are, when worn next
the skin, very valuable as preservatives of
an equal circulation, and therefore of general
health, particularly for the European of
finer and unanointed skin when subjected to
the influence of tropical climates.
During the hot months of January and
February, on the coast of Peru, the irritability
of the whole system is increased, and
particularly of the mucous membrane of the
alimentary passages; and cholera morbus
thus becomes an exceedingly common disease,
for which the standard remedy is ice,
or iced water.
The privilege of selling ice in the capital
of Peru belongs to the government, who
usually let it out for a term of years to the
highest bidder. The empresario, or lessee,
conveys the ice on mules from the nearest
snow-clad mountains at the back of Lima;
and is bound to have always on hand a sufficient
quantity for the supply of the capital,
and be ready to deliver it at all hours of the
day and night. In form of frescos, or cooling
drinks, every one uses ice in warm summer
weather; and it is considered not merely
a luxury or a remedy, but a necessary of
life, indispensable for the due preservation of
the public health.
The facility of procuring ice renders cholera
morbus a disease of easy cure, according
to the popular practice of the natives. In
the first stage of this malady they administer
diluents, such as warm water, linseed or
mallow water, with or without a little seasoning
of cream of tartar or tamarinds; and
these simple drinks they continue to give
until they consider that the patient has vomited
and voided enough, that is, until all
undigested matters be thrown off, and the
bowels well unloaded; and then they administer
iced water, which produces a powerfully
sedative effect.
The death-like coldness of the patient
deters neither the vulgar nor the regular
practitioner (who sometimes conjoins opiates
and iced drinks) from giving this remedy
with confidence; and the general consequence
of the seasonable use of ice and iced
water in this fearful disorder is, that the
stage of external coldness is shortened by
the early removal of internal heat; and thus
the exhausting career of the disease is quickly
arrested.
Under this vulgar but satisfactory and
long-established treatment of cholera morbus
in Lima, where the disease is endemic,
though more prevalent in the hot months,
vomiting, hiccup, and cramps disappear;
reaction is so mild and favourable as never to
require the lancet: yet recovery is almost
always certain, though cases appear from
time to time so intense as to assume the
aspect of what is called Asiatic cholera,
during which, as a native physician expresses
it, the patient is a horrid image of
death.
At Ica and various other points to the
southward, where vineyards abound, it is
observed in vintage-time that to eat freely
of the grape on an empty stomach, or without
eating bread with the fruit, is one of the
most frequent causes of dysentery, which
disease is more appalling and fatal on the
shores of the Pacific than the cholera morbus
to which we have just alluded. It is, however,
gratifying to know that, in the form of
dysentery which commonly prevails, the
calomel and opium plan of treatment, when
discreetly conducted, is assuredly the safest
and best yet adopted, whether in Lima or
in the interior of the country.
Moquegua, which lies a considerable way
inwards towards the mountains behind the
sea-port of Ilo, is not less famous for its
wine and its grapes, than for its dysenteries
and violent agues; but Tacna, on the other
hand, about seven leagues inward from the
port of Arica, is so healthy as to be a place
of resort to the people of the port during the
terciana, or aguish season, which, over all
the coast, is about the vernal and more particularly
the autumnal equinox.
The salubrity of climate for which Tacna
is distinguished is considered to be partly
owing to its vicinity to the cold of the mountains,
(for the snowy pass of the Cordillera,
which leads to upper Peru, is within four
hours’ ride of this town,) and still more to a
fine dry plain between it and the sea, which
only wants water to become rich in agricultural
produce.[33] But in its present state
it is free from that malaria which the humidity
attendant on irrigation would not fail
to engender here as well as in other parts of
the coast. In its environs cotton grows
spontaneously; and the native women collect
it, and make thread from it by means of the
spindle, just as we have often seen done in
some of the warmer inland valleys, where the
cotton is indigenous. It is a fact, not perhaps
undeserving of notice, that a bud cut off a
cotton-tree in the neighbourhood of Arica or
Tacna was hung up in the cabin of an English
merchant-ship, preserved its vitality in the navigation
round Cape Horn, and opened when
about half-way between Peru and England.
The whole coast of upper Peru—now
called Bolivia—is arid and desert; so much
so, that the celebrated president Santa Cruz—who,
much to the prejudice of Arica,[34] made
Cobija a free port for the introduction of
merchandise,—found that he could not, by
sinking pits in the deep sands of Cobija,
come at a supply of good water.[35] For want
of water and lucern, mules from the interior
of Bolivia often die at the sea-port of Cobija;
for there is no vegetation within a great
distance from this place. The little water
that is obtained at Cobija is brackish, like
that in the pozo or well of the great castle at
Callao,[36] which has invariably been observed
to give disorder of the bowels to the soldiers,
who, during the sieges which that fortress
has sustained, were obliged to drink of it.
The same has been observed at Cobija, and
therefore there are boats kept there for the
purpose of conveying water to it from Paquisa
and other distant parts, which makes
it an expensive necessary of life.
On several parts of the coast of Peru,
water, even for domestic uses, is very scarce;
and in the dry season wells are often dug in
the beds of dried-up rivers, or in other places
in the neighbourhood of irrigated lands. At
Port Bermejo and Casma, between nine and
ten degrees of south latitude, we are told by
the Spanish coasting pilots that, dig where
you will, at ten or twelve paces from the
sea, you are sure of finding water at the
depth of half a fathom that is not very
brackish. Wells or pits, however, thus
opened in different parts of the coast, are
often found to dry up as they do in Lima
(where they are common enough) during the
dry season, which is the time when they are
most required.
In northern Peru the practice of digging
pits for water in the beds of rivers is very
common; and such is the scarcity of fresh
water at the sea-port of Payta, that it is
carried to the city on mules, from the distance
of several leagues. But on the contrary,
at the sea-port of Arica, in southern
Peru, good water is found wherever a pit is
dug for it; and within two leagues of this
port is the fine vale of Asapa, abounding in
vines, olives, lucern, corn, &c. and affording
a more convenient and copious supply
of fresh provisions for shipping than either
Payta or Cobija. These facts are of value
not only in an economical but medical point
of view; since on the quality of the water,
as well as of the condition of the atmosphere,
in any particular situation, must
greatly depend the health of its inhabitants.
Thus, in Arequipa, of which Quilca was the
old, and Islay the present sea-port, the river-water
is said to contain some salts in solution,
which render it unwholesome until it is
boiled; and this is known to be one of the
causes of dysentery, which is a prevalent
disease in that city.
The peasantry, who travel with asses between
Bolivia and Chile across the deserts of
Atacama, pitch their tents by day, to avoid
the extreme heat of the sun reflected from
the burning sand, and proceed on their
journey by night; carrying with them all
the water and provisions necessary for the
journey. And it may be remarked that the
soldiers, sent by order of General Salaverry
to invade Cobija, had to march from the
landing-place at Iquique over desert sands
like these, when under their gallant leader
Quirroga they took by surprise the port of
Bolivia. These coast marches usually fall
to the lot of the Indian infantry, and these
hardy natives of the mountains generally
prefer performing them between sun-down
and sun-rise; for not being constituted, like
the sable races, to live in very warm climates,
they are more liable to fever when
posting over sandy plains during the noon-tide
heat; and, if they do but meet with
musk or water-melons on their way, they
devour them so greedily that they are sure
to fall victims to sundry disorders—as intermittents,
remittents, dysentery, &c.
In Chile, Nature puts on a different appearance
from what she wears in Peru and
Bolivia; there, however, as in these countries,
the year is divided into wet and dry—the
winter and summer. But in Chile it
rains, as in Colombia and the Equatorial
Republic, at the same season on the mountains
and coast; in which respect it differs
altogether from Peru and Bolivia. In the
southern extremity of this republic, at about
40° of south latitude, the rains are heavier,
and of longer continuance, than in the northernmost
part, where it joins the great desert
of Atacama. On the coast of Chile very
severe gales are experienced, when the coast
of Peru is only refreshed by light and gentle
breezes.
During summer, the sun at noon is felt
very powerfully at the capital of Chile, and
it is requisite to guard against the risks of
insolation; just as happens in Lima in the
month of May, when the mornings and
evenings are cool and cloudy, but the mid-day
so excessively hot that it has become
proverbial, and children and others are at
this season warned by the older and more
wary Limenians to keep out of the sun in
these words, “Quitese de este sol que madura
duraznos!”—Get out of this sun, hot
enough to ripen peaches! an expression probably
used in reference to the mode of
ripening fruit of various sorts in Lima, by
having it stoved. We understand that this
is done chiefly to prevent the birds from
eating the fruit, which they would not fail
to do if it were left to ripen naturally on
the tree. The cheremoya is the fruit most
commonly stoved.
In July and August the snow sometimes
falls around Santiago, when the native of
Lima who visits this Chilean capital is peculiarly
struck with the novel appearance of
the orange-trees in the “patios” or court-yards
of the houses, bending under the
double weight of fruit and congealed snow;
the green leaves forming a remarkable contrast
with the sparkling crystals, like the
jewel garden of the Incas.[37] It rarely snows in
the valleys; but in the winter of 1834, as we
were told, a postman and his horse perished
in the snow on the road between Santiago
and its sea-port Valparaiso,[38] where in the
months of June, July, August, and September,
it rains a great deal. But during the
dry season, though sometimes foggy in the
morning, the sky upon the whole is clear,
and the climate healthy and agreeable.
In giving an account of the climate and
progress of vegetation on the coast of the
middle provinces of Chile, it is stated, on
good authority, that “the rainy season, as
already mentioned, begins in May, and continues
to October; the heaviest rains are in
June and July. After a few days of rain,
there is an interval of fine weather for at
least one or two weeks; and the quantity
that falls during the season is small, varying
from twelve to sixteen inches. In summer
the atmosphere is excessively arid, and
there is little or no dew. The temperature
at noon, in the middle of the rainy season, is
generally about 60°; at night, seldom under
40°, though there is occasionally a little frost.
In summer the thermometer at noon stands
between 70° and 75°; but, during the night,
in clear weather, it frequently falls more
than 20°.
“During the latter part of summer, vegetation
is almost dormant, and scarcely a plant
of any kind is to be seen in flower; but, in
a very few weeks after the first rains, every
part of the country is clothed with verdure.
“In the south of Chile the heavy rains
render the road almost impassable; and, as
vegetation does not advance so rapidly there
as in the north, he” (the naturalist) “can
botanise in October, November, December,
and January.”[39]
The following observations on atmospherical
vicissitudes and miasmatous matter, with
the rationale of their effects in the production
of disease among the inhabitants of
Santiago of Chile, we have pleasure in being
able to offer in the form of a translation from
an essay in Spanish,[40] published in the year
1828, by Doctor William C. Blest; upon
whom, though an Englishman, the Government
of Chile conferred the highest professional
honours, by nominating him to the
protomedical chair, which he fills with credit
in that republic.
Dr. Blest, in endeavouring to rouse the
attention of those functionaries who preside
over the destinies of the republic, to the
neglected state of its municipal police, says
of Santiago that “The streets, with a few
exceptions, have either very bad pavement,
or none at all. The canals or water-courses,
(las acequias,) which, without doubt, were
originally intended to refresh and purify the
city, are at present receptacles of every sort
of nuisance; and, not having free exit, they
terminate in stagnant pools around the city,
which are so many laboratories of putrefaction.
The cross streets are left in so shameful
a state of neglect, that it is impossible to
pass along their narrow foot-paths without
being shocked at every step.
“The suburbs, where the poorer and more
numerous class of the community reside, are so
full of dirt and mud, that even on horseback
it is difficult to pass through them. In almost
every street there are small and confined
apartments, without air or light, except
that which enters at the door, and
these are occupied by whole families of artisans;
so that it is not uncommon to see
seven or eight persons crowded together in
one wretched abode, where dogs and cats
add to the nuisance, and still further crowd
the family group.
“Such is a true picture of the police of
Santiago; and, to convince the curious reader
of its accuracy, we need only refer to
the aqueducts which pass through the streets
and houses,—to the heaps of putrid matter
in the cross streets,—to the deep deposits
of mire and marshes,—and to the crowded
and unventilated dwellings of the poor and
labouring classes....
“It is too well and generally known that
at all seasons, and for days together in every
week, the aqueducts which pass through the
houses are so completely blocked up with the
quantity of vegetable matter and dead animals
collected in them, that they cannot
transmit even the smallest stream of water.
The subordinate or cross streets, and many
of the principal ones, are not less filthy;
and any stranger who visits Santiago will be
inclined to believe that, of all the towns of
South America, it is the dirtiest.[41]
“Sad experience, and especially in recent
times, has taught, that during the decomposition
of organized matter, whether animal
or vegetable, under the action of heat and
moisture, certain exhalations take place,
which possess properties in the highest degree
injurious to the health of man. This
is a truth which is attested by a multitude
of medical authors. It is the good fortune
of the inhabitants of Santiago, that the atmosphere
in which they breathe does not
so readily absorb, or act upon substances
undergoing the process of putrefaction, as to
engender those dreadful epidemics, which
have carried off millions of lives, and are
still reaping their harvest of mortality in
various parts of Spain, North America,
India, Mexico, Panama, Vera Cruz,[42] and
many other regions of the Old and New
World.
“Were they not thus favoured by the
natural salubrity of their atmosphere, the
church-bells of the Chilean capital would
be daily heard to toll the mournful knell
of death, and every home would present
the tearful scene of grief and lamentation.
“But although in Santiago the action of
the atmospheric air on substances in a state
of putrefaction is not so active as to produce
such epidemics as those alluded to, yet it
cannot be denied that it is capable of acquiring
such properties as make it exercise a
most baneful influence on the public health:
inducing attacks of dysentery, typhus and
other fevers, which, from time to time, appear
epidemically. In truth, to some general
cause of this nature we must attribute
those violent and fatal dysenteries which
were so very prevalent in the year 1826,
and which recurred in the months of March
and April of the present year (1828). To a
similar cause must be referred that vexatious
sort of puerperal fever which in the year
1827 attacked such a number of women;
and also those cases of typhus or chabalongo
which abound, with few exceptions, every
year.
“Reasoning on the generally received
principle that air at a high temperature
occasions a greater degree of exhalation
from bodies than cool air does, and from
what we know the influence of summer
heat to be in other countries, we should
suppose that diseases caused by miasmatous
matter should be here more common
in summer than in winter; but our acquaintance
with this climate induces us to
think differently on this subject.
“Here, in summer, the air of the atmosphere
is uniformly clear and cloudless;
and the emanations from the earth’s surface,
meeting neither clouds nor mists to
impede their ascent, mingle with the other
atmospherical ingredients, and diffuse themselves
freely through the regions of space.
The opposite of this takes place in winter.
The heat of the sun is always very considerable,
or at least sufficient to disengage
from heaps of nastiness and rubbish the
noxious vapours which putrefaction has generated
in them. At sunset these vapours
come in contact with the clouds that gather
around us, and soon meet the cold
air of the approaching night; the consequence
of which is, that they are precipitated
into the lower strata of the atmosphere,
and wafted on the nocturnal breeze
into the interior of our habitations. Thus a
satisfactory and rational explanation is given,
why there should be more sickness in winter
than in summer; and by associating this
view of the matter with the bad ventilation
in the houses of the poor, who from their
inability to provide themselves with fuel[43] and
warm clothing, are compelled to exclude the
free admission of air, we may perceive the
reason why at this season the poor are more
obnoxious to disease than those whose pecuniary
circumstances enable them to protect
their homes from the severities of winter
by better means than the utter exclusion
of the air.
“The generality of persons, overlooking
the course of atmospherical changes, imagine
that the diminution in the number of cases
of sporadic fever observable in summer is
owing to the abundant consumption of the
fruits of this season. We will not deny
that the use of fruit may improve to a considerable
extent the health of those persons
who in winter and spring have been nourished
with strong and stimulating aliment,
such as is calculated to disorder the digestive
functions; but we are far from thinking
that to the use of fruits alone are to be
assigned all the good effects which the vulgar
fancy they derive from them. We know
that in other countries not less bounteously
supplied with fruit than Chile, though not
favoured with so benign a climate, epidemic
diseases prevail more in summer than in
winter. For these, and many other reasons
which it would be superfluous to detail, we
consider ourselves authorized to dissent from
public opinion on this subject, and to assign
the diminution in the diseases of the character
alluded to, during the summer months,
to causes more in conformity with medical
philosophy: namely, the benign state of the
atmosphere in summer; the bodily exercise
which the different classes of the community
indulge in every summer evening;
and the wholesome ventilation which they
enjoy at this season, their doors being constantly
open, and many of them choosing
to sleep even in the open air.”
Under the head of the zoology of western
Peru we beg leave to present to the reader a
translation of a chapter on the influence of climate
on animals, especially on domestic animals, taken
from the work of the late Dr. Don Hipolito Unanue,
entitled “Observaciones sobre el Clima de
Lima.”
Dr. Unanue was an ornament to society, and
honoured by his country, as well under the
Spanish as the Patriot government: by the
former, as the reader already knows, he was
appointed chief of the medical tribunal of Peru;
by the latter, president of that republic.
The horrid picture of America which has been
drawn by some ultramarine philosophers does
not apply to Peru, and can only be viewed as the
production of their own excited imaginations.
Where else, indeed, could they have found those
dark and unfriendly dies which enabled them to
depict these happy regions under a repulsive
aspect?—as so many dark spots in the creation
denied the blessing of Providence,—as the dismal
abode of serpents, crocodiles, and venomous
monsters.[44]
Quale portentum neque militaris
Daunia in latis alit esculetis;
Nec Jubæ tellus generat, leonum
Arida nutrix.
Hor.
The learned Count Buffon laid down and
wished to establish the four following propositions:
1st, that of the animals common to the old
and new continents, the breed is larger in the
former than in the latter; 2d, that the animals
indigenous to the new are less than those
of the old hemisphere; 3d, that the species
of domestic animals which have been transplanted
from Europe, have degenerated in America;
4th, that this part of the earth furnishes
but few races of animals peculiar to itself. But
the inaccuracy of these propositions has been
demonstrated by the illustrious President Jefferson[45]
in comparative tables of the existing animals
on both continents. This, however, seems
to be certain, that, as animals depend for their
support on the productions of the vegetable
kingdom, their number and growth will be in
proportion to the luxuriance of vegetation; and
therefore, there being in the one hemisphere as
well as in the other very extensive plains covered
with abundant pastures, and likewise poor and
sterile regions that yield little or no nutriment,
either hemisphere will exceed the other in the
size, number, and beauty of its animals, wherever
it happens to exceed the other in the fertility
and extent of its woods and meadows.
Peru is by no means well fitted to maintain the
numerous species of indigenous animals which
inhabit the forests of North America, nor calculated
for the multiplication of those which may
be transplanted from Europe, to that prodigious
extent which is observed on the broad plains and
exuberant pastures of Chile and Parana. Still,
however, this country, in its coast, its mountain
ranges, and Montaña, comprises upon the whole
a vast and beautiful variety, with which the
pages of natural history will be one day enriched;
but it is only our object at present to offer observations
on some of the most remarkable of
these, as they appear to be influenced by our
climate.
Of the families of quadrupeds found in Peru at
the period of its discovery and conquest, the
following are the chief.
Paco.[46]—Camelus Peruvianus, Linn. Syst.
Nat.;—Molina, Histor. de Chile, Part I.
Alco.—Canis Americanus, Linn.; Kiltho,—Thegua,
Mol.
Puma.—Felis puma, Linn.; Pagi, Mol.
Uturuncu.—Felis onsa, Linn.; Felis gigna, Molin.—is
found in the west of Peru; and by the
same name is designated the yaguar of Azara,
plate IX. which inhabits the woods and thickets
on the eastern side of the country.
Ucumari.—Ursus Americanus, Linn.
Tarúca.—Elaphus, Linn. ast corpore minor.
Providence, which has everywhere supplied its
rational creatures with means of maintenance, and
of executing the labours to which they are by
nature destined, conferred on the native of the
Andes an inestimable boon in the paco; by whose
wool he is clothed, by whose flesh he is nourished.
The fleet huanaco and the timid vicuña
afford him amusement and pastime in the chase;
and the llama and alpaca convey his goods with
safety through the rough and narrow pathways
of his native mountains. The long and upraised
neck of these animals, their full and expressive
eyes, the urcu, or tuft which adorns their foreheads,
and the dignified air with which they look
around them, as with composed and solemn step
they march along in a right line like disciplined
troops, form altogether a picture of such peculiar
and striking beauty as must always be admired,
and never can be forgotten.
The alco is the most faithful companion of the
Indian: it is of middle size; and its body is
commonly covered with black wool, all except
at the breast and tail, where it is grey. These
dogs are endowed with singularly acute powers of
perception, their bark never fails to give notice
of anything new that happens about the hut or
dwelling, and they also attack strangers with
great ferocity. Of this race there is a small
breed like our lapdogs, which the Indian women
carry on their quipes,[47] and cherish in their
bosoms; and, as these pet-dogs are taciturn,
this peculiarity has made some persons suppose
that the alcos do not bark, and therefore belong
not to the dog species.
The pacos and alcos inhabit the Sierra or highlands.
Such of them as are domesticated descend
with their masters to the coast, where they stay
but a short time, and then return; for in the
heat of the coast they soon fall victims to the
caracha or itch,—the consequence of increased excitement
and circulation on the surface of the
body, and a want of perspiration occasioned by
the thickness of the skin. Not more remarkable
for their beauty are the eyes of the llamas and
tarúcas in the Sierra, than are the aborigines of
the same mountains for the smallness of their
eyes and their inclination outwards towards the
external angle: an useful structure, for it adjusts
their sight to their situation, and, by giving
them a side-long view of objects, often prevents
them from falling over precipices when crossing
the wild passes of the mountains. The same peculiarity
of structure also defends them from the
bad effects of the sun’s reflection from the snow,
which in white people and the natives of the
coast, whose eyes are full and large, induces
zurumpe, which is a troublesome ophthalmia.
The tarúca or deer, and the puma or lion, being
fitted to endure the temperature of the Sierra
and of the coast, pass backwards and forwards
from one climate to the other: the deer go about
in flocks; but the little lions wander in solitude,
apart from others of their kind. The deer
are of a middle size, and have pretty horns.[48]
They are fleet, and afford amusement to those
who are fond of coursing. The otorunco or tiger,
and the ucumari or bear, do not frequent this
side of the Andes, but they inhabit the regions
eastward of these mountains, where there are many
other animals of prey.
The sheep transported from Europe have increased
to an amazing degree on the great commons
or pastures of ichu[49] which abound in the
heights of the Andes; and in the wide-spreading
provinces of Collao the quality of the wool is
particularly superior.
In the high and Cordillera ranges, horses,
asses, and black cattle are, like man, of small
size, because their growth is stinted by cold:
they are covered with hair which has the softness,
length, and consistence of wool; by means of
which Nature protects them against the inclemency
of those bleak and frozen wastes, even as she
does the flowers of such shrubs[50] as grow on the
same frigid heights.
On the other hand, in the valleys and on the
coast, where the heat is sufficient to enable the various
members of the body to develope themselves
freely, those very quadrupeds are of good size,
spirited, and showy. The donkey[51] is strong, and
in Lima the most serviceable of the domestic animals;
as he is also at the sugar-works, where he
carries on his back a great weight of cane from
the field to the mill: the horse is graceful and
spirited: the bulls are powerful; and in the valleys
of Chincha and Cañete, where a certain wild
breed are carefully reared for the bull-ring, these
animals are most ferocious.
The black cattle of the Sierra do not endure
the climate of the coast: immediately that they
descend from their native mountains, to use the
vulgar expression, they become touched; that is,
they become stupified, and die with amazing
rapidity. On examining the entrails of cattle
thus cut off, the liver, which has a broiled appearance,
is observed to be indurated. I conceive that
these animals are affected by transition of climate
in the same manner as the human species; for, as
soon as bullocks from the high and cold regions of
the Andes arrive on the warm coast, the circulation
of their blood is unusually accelerated and
directed to the surface; but, as the skin which
covers them is too thick and unyielding to allow of
proper transpiration, the consequence is that there
arises an ardent fever which destroys them. In
beeves this fever is more violent and burning than
it is in the paco or alco, because the skin of the
latter, being of thinner texture than that of oxen,
offers less resistance to the outlet of the humours;
so that in the animals of finer skin there comes
out a salutary eruption, which saves them; while
in black cattle nothing of this sort occurs, and
therefore they perish with incredible celerity.[52]
The butchers have not yet found out a remedy
for this disorder. They only know from experience
that the mortality among the cattle is
greater in summer than in winter: a fact confirmatory
of our conjectures as to the nature of
the distemper: and therefore it is during the
winter, or misty season on the coast, that cattle
are driven down from the mountains to supply
the Lima market.
Should we compare the dogs reared in this
city with those allowed equal freedom in the
cities of Upper Peru, it will be found that
the former are most indolent and indifferent to
everything, so that any one, though an entire
stranger, may step over them without the least
molestation; but the latter surly curs it is necessary
to approach with caution, because they
attack all persons with whom they are not well
acquainted and on friendly terms.
These animals are subject, especially in spring,
to catarrhal epidemics which are peculiar to themselves;
and they are also liable to influenzas
by which mankind are affected, it being among
them that the fatal epidemic commenced in the
Trojan army.
Neither in Peru, nor in the neighbouring
sections of South America, were dogs ever known
to be attacked by hydrophobia prior to 1803; but
about this time the malady broke out, during the
heat of summer, in the valleys of the northern
coast, from whence it extended southward along
the maritime plains; having arrived at the city of
Arequipa in the spring of 1807, while in Lima it
was observed between the summer and autumn of
the same year.
Having collected all the necessary data for
disclosing the origin of this disorder, and consulted
in writing the physicians and well-informed
persons who had witnessed its symptoms, I have
clearly learned,—1st. That this disease arose spontaneously
from the increased atmospherical temperature
of the years 1803 and 1804. It commenced
on the northern coast, commonly called
Costa Abajo, where the air was so heated that
Reaumur’s thermometer indicated the temperature
of 30° in some of the valleys: the calms were extreme,
without the lightest breeze that could ripple
the surface of the ocean; animals rushed into
lakes and pools of still water to relieve themselves
from the sensation of excessive heat; so that the
season described by Horace was fully realized:
Jam Procyon furit,
Et stella vesani Leonis:
... caretque
Ripa taciturna ventis.
2. This disorder affected every sort of quadruped
without distinction: and such was the degree
of phrensy excited by it, that some animals
in their fury bit and tore themselves to pieces;
and, in situations where the heat was extreme,
several men fell ill with all the symptoms of hydrophobia
without having been bit.
3. The malady attached itself more especially
to dogs, and some of them suffered so mild an attack
that their bite was not mortal; but the
greater number were severely affected, and propagated
the infection to their kind, to other quadrupeds,
and to man.
The mean and niggardly overseer of a sugar-estate
had distributed among his negroes, though
advised not to do so, some head of cattle that
died rabid; which he did under the impression
that they were only tocado, or touched with that
disease which in hot weather usually affects cattle
from the mountains: and the result was, that of
the poor negroes who had partaken of this meat,
many died with symptoms of hydrophobia.
4. In the towns of Ica and Arequipa the
number of individuals who died, after having
been bit by mad dogs, was greater, and their
cases less equivocal than the preceding.
In Ica a single rabid bitch bit fourteen persons
in one night, of whom eight were in one house;
some sleeping al fresco, or in the open air; others
were variously occupied; and the remaining six
were among those who, on hearing the alarm, ran
to assist in killing the bitch. The surgeon of the
place, Don Mariano Estrada, wished to persuade
them to submit to be cured; but they rejected his
proposal, saying the will of God should be done;
and all died with the exception of two men, the
one twenty-eight and the other fifty years of age,
who agreed to be placed under medical treatment.
The physician cured them, happily, on the safest
plan; which consists in applying a blister on the
part bitten, with a view to promote suppuration
from it, and in exciting salivation by means of
mercurial inunction.
In the city of Arequipa it was much disputed
whether or not the malady was a legitimate hydrophobia,
and very learned papers pro and con
were written by the Doctors Rosas and Salvani.
In this paper-war much time was lost that should
have been taken advantage of for resisting the progress
of the malady. True it is, that in many cases
those disorders, which by frightened imaginations
were represented to be real examples of hydrophobia,
were, in point of fact, no such thing; and
the alarming misconceptions thus induced were
soothed down and removed by persuasive means.
Hence, this circumstance, which was the natural
consequence of the general panic existing at the
time, led Professor Salvani to think that it was
precisely the same in all instances, until at length
a succession of melancholy results declared the
real nature of the disease. Immediately upon being
made acquainted that the epidemic hydrophobia
approached the capital, the Viceroy of Peru,
Abascal, ordered all the dogs in the place to be
killed,[53] by means of which he liberated Lima
from the impending scourge; for though a very
few hydrophobic patients entered, during this period,
into the hospitals, they were not inhabitants
of the city, but some individuals who had come in
from the neighbouring farms and valleys.
5. When this calamitous epidemic commenced
in the valleys of Costa Abajo, Don Jose Figueroa,
Bachelor of Arts, wrote me to say, that “the
dogs went about with their tails between their
feet; they slavered much; hid themselves from
human sight; howled lustily; and presently they
fell down and moved no more:—as remedies in
these cases, cutting off the ears and giving oil
were tried in vain. The cats, with their hair on
end, ran about the house-tops. Horses and asses
got enraged the one against the other; they threw
themselves on the ground, rolled about, and instantly
on being dead they swelled and putrefied.
Black cattle—roaring and lowing—bounded
about, fought with each other, in the contest even
broke their horns, and they died quickly.”
6. Professor Estrada confidently stated, that
of forty-two individuals who died in the city of
Ica, after having been bit by mad dogs, the
greater number were cut off from twelve to ninety
days after the accident. The symptoms which
followed the ingraftment of the poison disclosed
themselves in the form of convulsions, oppression
at the breast, sighs, sadness, laborious breathing,
horror at liquids and shining objects, fury, vomiting
of dark bilious matter, and an incessant urgent
call on the part of the patients that the assistants
should depart from them, because they felt
themselves impelled to attack, bite, and tear them
to pieces: none in this state survived beyond the
term of five days.
Since the year 1808 this terrible epidemic has
been disappearing. From time to time, however,
a dog may be seen running violently hither and
thither, and biting all whom he may happen to
meet, in the same way as is done by the really
mad dog.—But, in the examples wherein no bad
results arise from the bite, they may be considered
of the same character with the disorder observed
by Mr. Colombier, which attacks dogs,
renders them furious, and excites them to bite,
but has, nevertheless, nothing at all of hydrophobia
in it;—still, however, the safest way is to
kill the dogs thus affected, and to implore the
Father of mercies that these regions may never
again experience so severe a visitation.
Canis ore timendo,
Ore vomit flammam.
German Arat.
The shores of the South Sea are covered with
myriads of birds, among which are distinguished,
for their incalculable number, the Huanaes; from
whose ordure, as some believe, is produced that
red-coloured earth or manure (huano[54]), of a penetrating
and alkaline smell, which enriches the
land so much as to make it yield triple or quadruple
the produce it could do without this dressing:
a discovery made by the ancient Indians,
who were most skilful agriculturists.
Gulls, herons, ducks, and some other families
of the feathered class, descend during autumn
from the mountain lakes to the coast, where they
remain until the commencement of summer, when
they again return to the Sierra.
In undertaking this journey, they take their
flight in the morning in large flocks; and, as
they soon come in contact with lofty barriers of
mountains which oblige them to change their
course, they ascend the higher regions in a winding
and spiral manner, till, after numberless evolutions
and gyrations, they have risen above the
loftiest peaks of the Cordillera, and find themselves
again at liberty to pursue their journey
in a direct line.
The condor[55] often stations himself in the
middle of the spires,[56] either as acting the part
of a guide, or to boast in proud display the
strength of wing by which the most vigorous
and powerful of birds can soar above all the rest
of the feathered race.
In his outward aspect the male bird bears
upon him many marks of dignity which distinguish
him from the female: such is the
crest which serves him as the emblem of monarchy,—a
crown; the blackish and loose skin
which in folds covers the head, and gathering up
behind, after the manner of curls or frizzled
hair, resembles a wig; and the white of the
wings, when the bird stands erect, gives his
shoulders the appearance of being covered with
a mantle or cloak.—See the excellent Memoir
of Messrs. Humboldt and Bonpland on the Natural
History of the Condor, printed in Paris in
the year 1807.
Santiago Cardenas, better known by the name
of Santiago el Volador, or Flier, for many years
watched the flight of the condor, with the intention
of imitating him; and he left a quarto
volume written on this subject, which I have
deposited in the library of the College of San
Fernando. In this work he describes three different
kinds of condor.
1. Moromoro with ruff (golilla) and mantle of
the colour of ashes.—It has of “embregadura,”
or length, from the point of one wing to that of
the other, from thirteen to fifteen feet.
This, of all the condors, is the strongest;
and he takes ostentatious delight in combating
against the wind, and balancing himself on extended
but flutterless wing in the most imposing
and majestic manner. It has been said of the
moromoro, that, seizing the newly-born lamb,
he throws it over his shoulder, where he keeps
it steadily fixed; and, having thus secured his
prey, rises on the wing, and betakes himself to
flight.[57]
2. Condor of ruff and mantle of the colour of
clear coffee.—He has of embregadura from eleven
to thirteen feet, and he is swift and daring.
3. Condor with white mantle and ruff.—He
has expanse of wing, or embregadura, from nine
to eleven feet; and this is the most abundant
and beautiful species. The condor inhabits the
steep rocks of the Andes; and, according to the
observations of Santiago, he makes every day
two journeys to the coast in search of food, which
shows his prodigious velocity.
In our dissection of this bird, we met with
no air-vessel which could maintain a communication
between the lungs and the spongy substance
of the clavicles, nor any communication
between the crop and windpipe. The internal
cavity of the chest is lined by a fine and transparent
membrane or pleura, which forms various
little cells; the lungs descend as low as the abdomen,
and adhere, at their posterior extremity, to
the spine and ribs, which have perforations at the
points of adhesion, communicating with the interior
of their spongy body. The texture of the
lungs is porous, so that, as soon as they are blown
into and inflated through the windpipe, they
freely supply with air all the recesses or concealed
crevices, great and small, that are about
them; and they also fill with air the cavities of
the ribs and sternum.
Condor-grease is considered excellent for resolving
and dissipating hard glandular tumours
of the breast and other parts of the body; and
the Peruvians attribute to it as many other virtues
as the Europeans do to the kid, of which it
is said by one of their physicians that totus est
medicamentosus—all is medicinal.
It is well known that warm and humid countries
are infested with swarms of small insects,
as flies, mosquitos, zancudos, fleas, &c.; and a
certain traveller has asserted that, on this account,
Lima was insupportable as a place of residence:
but the statement is erroneous, for such insects do
not flourish in the midst of population and cleanliness.
Notwithstanding the mildness of winter in
Lima, it is sufficient to annihilate the flies and
zancudos: mosquitos are not within doors at any
season of the year. The flies and zancudos multiply
in summer; and the latter are very annoying,
especially at night, for they prevent sleep by the
buzzing of their wings. But by taking care that
no water be left in the house till it become nearly
putrid, this little insect will not be allowed to grow
troublesome; for the zancudos are the offspring
of the animalcules which are produced in water
tending to a state of decomposition: neither do
the flies prove troublesome by their numbers in
the houses where cleanliness is not neglected.
The pediculus may be said to be sterile on the
coast, but most highly prolific in the Sierra: insects
of this and the cimex kind persecute man
wherever he sojourns, and Lima does not appear
to be more infested or overstocked with such vermin
than certain European cities. In Paris alone
there are seventy-seven species of the cimex.[58]
The most intrusive, the most vexatious insect of
the torrid zone, is the pique or chigre, which in
other parts is known by the name of nigua. Uncleanly
in the extreme, it searches the corrales, or
pens, where pigs are enclosed, and multiplies infinitely
in dirty situations. The heaps of rubbish,
or sweepings and refuse from streets and
houses, &c. are, as it were, in a state of effervescence
with piques, which also follow the footsteps
of man, pursuing relentlessly those with overgrown
nails, and others who neglect cleanliness. Less
than the flea, but of the same colour, it contrives
to introduce itself inside shoes and stockings, and
to lodge in the tenderest part of the foot,—in
the sole, or under the nails: there it fixes itself,
causing as much pain as would be occasioned
by the point of a needle, and it secures its
position so well as to render it very difficult of
being detached. In attempting to remove it, the
soft parts are often ill-treated by the instrument,
which is either a needle or pin, commonly used
for its extraction; and when, during the operation,
the part acted upon becomes tinged with
blood, the end of the matter is, that the pique,
instead of being removed entire, is lacerated, and,
the one-half only being taken away, the other is
still left inserted under the skin, and there occasions
more pain than at first. For this reason,
those persons who are accustomed to piques keep
very quiet when they observe that one of them
has fixed itself under the epidermis or outer
skin, and leave it undisturbed for a day or two:
here it forms its nest; and is gradually metamorphosed
into a white globe, of the appearance
of a moderately-sized pearl. It holds on fast
to the skin, by its mouth, at the point where it
first adhered. Having attained maturity, it is in
fact nothing else than a group of innumerable little
eggs united by a white glutinous matter, and
covered by a common envelope which encloses the
whole. While growing, the pique scarcely causes
inconvenience; but instantly it has acquired its
due size, if not extracted, it gives rise to very
stinging pain. Two or three days after its introduction
it will have attained a sufficient growth
for being removed. In the performance of this
operation the negroes are most expert, on account
of the constant practice they have in operating
on themselves. With the point of a pin
they carefully separate the epidermis under which
the nigua is fixed, leaving it still attached by its
reddish mouth; and then they thread or transfix
it, and extract it in its globular form. Great care
should be taken not to burst the bag or envelope
of the insect at the time of extracting it, for
otherwise several ova, equivalent to so many
parasitic insects, are left to infest the foot;
and besides, should part of the bag be left
behind, pain and inflammation will supervene,
followed by suppuration to cast off the foreign
body. The hollow left after the pique is abstracted,
is to be filled with snuff or the ashes
of a cigar; as it stops any oozing of blood from
the little wound, and assists in promoting the
separation, or absorption, of any fragments of
the envelope of the insect that may have remained
behind; and by this means the pain is avoided
which otherwise might arise if these parts were
left to themselves, and allowed to slough off.
Without having recourse to the process of extraction,
the piques may be destroyed by rubbing
the spot where they nestle with mercurial ointment,
or with a mixture of soap and oil: in either
way they are killed, and consequently fall off in
form of crust. Tepid oil applied to the parts injured
during the extraction of the pique or nigua
affords relief; and it is requisite that the person
who has been operated upon take great care not
to put his feet in cold water until the incision
made in the skin be entirely healed; for otherwise
there would be risk of inducing that fearful
disease—locked jaw.
Notwithstanding the vast distance from one another
at which different nations of the earth have
been planted, it may yet be traced in their traditions
that one great and glorious object had been
seen in common by their forefathers, the image of
which had been so impressed on their minds, that,
when placed in analogous circumstances, it often
recurred to their thoughts, and was always referred
to, though under different appellations. Thus,
in midst of the solemn and sublime apparatus of
thunder and lightning, Jehovah descends to the
summit of Sinai to give law to the Hebrews.
This august and majestic image of the greatness
of Divine power is soon after applied to
Jupiter darting thunderbolts from the peak of
Ida against the armies of Greece; and the Great
Man[59] appears in like manner on the mountains
of Ohio to exterminate with his darts a fierce
animal, which desolated the fertile plains. So
also, in former times, the Heavenly Angel came
down to the summit of Santa Helena in Southern
America, to crush and overwhelm a fierce and
polluted race of giants, who, having entered these
harbours from some unknown clime, devastated
the land.[60]
The Indians of the one and the other hemisphere
corroborate the truth of their traditions
by being able to present the great molar teeth,
or grinders, which are found under the surface
of the earth in the places alluded to. In Peru,
these teeth, with other bones of enormous magnitude,
are found in the province of Chichas,
near the tropic of Capricorn; and in Chile there
are not wanting vestiges of the same sort of organic
remains.
I have had in my possession four of these
molar teeth, of which I yet preserve one in the
library of the Medical College of San Fernando.
When compared among themselves, I have judged,
from their configuration, that they did not belong
to the same fossil elephant; but, rather, that three
pertained to the mammoth, and that one had belonged
to the mastodonton of Cuvier: from which
it is to be inferred that those very bulky animals,
which in remote ages lived in Siberia and North
America, had penetrated into Southern America,
where they have left the natives, in the relics of
their destruction, or fossil remains, a memorial
of the existence and punishment of antediluvian
giants.
The bony fragments which are considered to be
parts of this gigantic race, may they not rather
consist of earthy petrifactions in water impregnated
with lime? Between the villages of Chorrillos
and Miraflores, in the locality named Calera,
water impregnated with lime is observed
to percolate at the foot of the barranco, or broken
bluff-land; and it deposits on the stones, over
which it drips or passes, certain crusts or laminæ,
which have the same appearance with the bony
laminæ of the human skull.[61]
According to the “Guia Politica, Eclesiastica,
y Militar del Peru,” edited by Dr. Unanue of
Lima, the city of Arequipa is situated at 16° 13´ 20´´
south latitude; and it stands at the distance
of about thirty leagues from its present sea-port,
Islay. In making from seaward to the port of
Chule, the burning mountain of Arequipa, (which
now emits no smoke,) described as resembling a
sugar-loaf with the top broken off, used to be
taken as a landmark by the Spanish pilots on
the South-Sea coasts. The population is estimated
at about twenty thousand, among whom
there are exceedingly few negroes or pardos.
Towards the end of the twelfth century, Maita
Capac, fourth sovereign of Peru, colonized the
valley of Arequipa with three thousand families
chosen from the neighbouring provinces; and
some refer the origin of the name Arequipa to
this early period, as in the Indian language the
word Arequipa means, “Remain as you are, if
you like it,”—in allusion to the permission given
by the Inca to such of his captains as were inclined
to settle in this garden in the midst of the
desert.
By order of Don Francisco Pizarro, the city
was founded in the year 1540. It suffered severely
from the great earthquakes of the years 1582,
1600, 1604, 1687, 1715, and 1784.[62] All about
Arequipa is a volcanic country, of which the
natural history is very interesting, as may be
learned from the following account, taken from
an essay originally written and published in Spanish
by Don Mariano Rivero, director-general of
the mining department in Peru. This essay is
deficient in minute chemical analysis; but it has
the recommendation of being the only one, so far
as we know, that has been written by a native
Peruvian on the subjects which it embraces.
All the environs of the city of Arequipa are composed
of volcanic products; so much is this the
case that its edifices are constructed of a white and
very light rock, rough to the touch, which contains
pieces of pumice-stone and lava. It is called in
the country piedra sillar, and, in fact, is a real
trachyte (traquito). It is met with in different
places, at the distance of several leagues from the
city,—as, for example, in the glen through which
passes the road of Islay. In the route which leads
to the glen of Yura, over and above the loose
pieces and sand, we meet the trachyte porphyry,
not only in large detached masses, but also forming
portions of the soil. The principal mass is
compact, of a greyish black colour, with crystals
of white vitreous felspar, and spangles of bronzed
mica; it passes by decomposition into an ash-coloured
trachyte, less hard than the first, and
very rough to the touch: the crystals of felspar
and mica suffer no decomposition.
The adjacent hills are formed of rocks such
as these, without presenting a decided stratification.
At various points there appears a rock which,
from its grain, its little hardness, the pieces of
trachyte it contains, and its reddish colour, would
seem to be a conglomerate of aqueous formation.
The waters which run through rocky passes
give rise to deep excavations, and with much good
reason these parts (along which there is a road)
are denominated narrows,—for they are only a
yard and a half broad. The way is intersected at
various points by ravines, (quebradas,) through
which several small streams descend from the
snowy mountain called Chachani. About a league
before we reach Yura, and on the opposite side
of the glen, there is an horizontal stratification
which extends towards the west, presenting an interesting
contrast with the Cordillera on the east,
and the hills on the side of the valley along which
we pass to Yura.
It is not less worthy the admiration of a geologist
to behold, amid so much arid nakedness, the
bottom of the deep glen of Yura clothed with pure
green and cheering verdure, which comforts the
pilgrim, and serves as a soothing restorative to
the sick who, sacrificing their domestic comforts
and the pleasures of society, go in search of health
to the baths situated in this solitary spot.
The glen of Yura, which stretches in the direction
of from east to west, is in many parts extremely
narrow, as at the site of the baths: but
towards the Calera it opens up; and its inhabitants
take advantage of this space to cultivate
lucern, and collect the sub-carbonate of soda, improperly
called saltpetre, which they use in manufacturing
the soap consumed in Arequipa.[63]
Having passed the distance of one thousand
yards, the glen again becomes narrow, until it joins
with the ravine of the river of Yura, which flows
from the north-east to south-west. From this
place it becomes deeper and narrower, and immediately
follows a westerly direction. A rivulet
formed by the junction of the smaller streamlets
which arise in the hill called Horqueta irrigates
some land in the strath beneath; and, pursuing
its course to the baths, passes them at a yard’s
distance, (now ceasing to be pure water,) to unite
itself with the many jets that spring up a little
above the baths, as I have seen in a ditch recently
opened. This rivulet follows the course of the
glen; and its waters, being impregnated with
saline ingredients, irrigate the lucern fields, and
contribute to increase the supply of the carbonate
of soda. It at length joins the river of
Yura, which during the periodical rains is in the
highest degree dangerous to ford, on account of
its strong current, and the many stones it carries
along its impetuous stream. In the glen of Yura,
as well as in the ravine alluded to, the different sorts
of earth are of volcanic and transition formation:
the first extend to a hundred paces beyond the
ferruginous baths; the prevailing rock is trachyte,
of a light ash-colour, with pieces of white
felspar half decomposed, pumice-stone, and scales
of black mica.
In some detached masses are seen in globules
the substance called perlita, (little pearl,) and
black pieces, which, from their general appearance
and concavities, look like lava. Ascending a little
higher than the sulphurous baths, porphyry is
met with; the principal mass of which is compact
and black, its fracture conchoidal, and it contains
crystals of white felspar. By decomposition it
has partly become an ash-coloured rock, less
hard and more asperate, in which is found the conduit
which emits sulphurous vapours; and in my
opinion it is an ancient crater. On the walls of
this crater, sulphur is deposited in well-defined,
acute, octahedral crystals; and, in some pieces in
my possession, the pure sulphur exists in its massive
state. These rocks cover a sandy ground, which
from its coarse grain, composition, reddish colour,
and the fragments of volcanic rocks which it
contains, appears to be a sandy conglomerate; it
is sufficiently consistent to admit of being cut,
and to serve for architectural purposes: there are
certain places, as in the Calera, and near the
baths, where it is many yards thick: this earth
reposes on the transition series.
The earths, or mineral substances last mentioned,
occupy all the parts to the north and west:
they are composed of gres, (a stone abounding in
sand,) semi-compact in some layers, and in others
it has a fine grain; its colour is a dirty white,
inclining to green, and it passes to a lightish
black when it is near to the layers of the black
“esquito hojoso,” (foliated schist,) with which it
alternates: it contains small spangles of mica.
The natives extract laminæ of this gres of more
than a yard in length, and of a quarter in
breadth, which serve to line the upper part of
the boilers wherein soap is made. The black
“esquito” also divides itself into laminæ of good
size; but, for the most part, it breaks very
easily, forming small pieces which fall down
to the bottom of the glen. A heavy substance
of dark colour, which separates in large pieces,
and effervesces when brought into contact with
the acids, is found in the “esquito,” and near
to the layers of gres: it appears to be a carbonate
of iron, (carbonato de hierro litoideo,) like
that which is met with in the coal-mines of England
and France. In the “esquito” I have observed
impressions of plants, vestiges of coal,
crystals, and small plates of gypsum.
The transition formation extends to the north
and to the west, at great distances. I am also
assured that coal is met with near to the village
of Yura. Over the horizontal bed of gres, the
direction of which is from east to west, with
an inclination northward, may be observed the
white, compact, fibrous gypsum of Synchita, distant
six leagues from the glen, which, as I conceive,
belongs to the gypsum of the vale of
Vitor.[64]
On the south side of the river Yura, in the
locality called Calera, is found in layers or coats
of considerable thickness, but of little extent, a
limestone of a cellular and porous structure, composed
in a great degree of very small and delicate
tubes: their colour is a dirty white, and by all
their signs and characters they appear to owe
their origin to infiltration. From this stone is
made the lime which is consumed in Arequipa
and its neighbourhood.
Mineral waters are distinguishable from common
water by their taste, particular smell, colour,
temperature more or less raised, and by their not
being applicable to domestic purposes. They are
found in different parts of the world in springs
and wells: sometimes they are of the same temperature
with the soil through which they pass,
and at other times their temperature rises to the
boiling point of water,—and then they are called
thermal waters. In the countries where these
waters appear, they had attracted the attention
of the inhabitants since very remote times, and
were medicinally employed internally as well as
externally; but, since their component parts were
but imperfectly known, they were often applied
injudiciously, and they did not always obtain the
reputation they merited, for their effects were
sometimes contrary to those which the physicians
desired to produce.
At the close of the seventeenth century chemists
began to discover the substances to which mineral
waters owed their peculiar properties; and, since
this happy era, they have made such rapid progress
in science, that in the present day we are acquainted
with many of these substances. This knowledge
we owe to simple and more exact methods
of analysis. Nature appears to have favoured in
an especial manner the environs of Arequipa
with thermal springs to cure those maladies to
which its inhabitants are subject. This is, however,
no more than might be expected, considering
the variety of medicinal ingredients with which the
waters become impregnated as they slowly percolate
through beds of lava, or issue from the deep
recesses of burning mountains.
The baths of Yura are situated in a small and
narrow glen, several leagues to the N.N.W. of
the city, and only one league from the village of
the same name,—which, according to my measurement,
is one hundred and seventy Spanish
yards (varas) above the square of Arequipa.[65]
The road to the baths is very bad, and, above
all, the declivities are so; for the number of
stones and narrow windings render it in the highest
degree disagreeable, to which the dull uniformity
of the landscape also contributes. To
the right, all that presents itself to the traveller’s
view is the lofty volcano, the contiguous
hills being denuded of every blade of vegetation
except the cactus Peruvianus, of melancholy
aspect, seen here and there along the surrounding
slopes; and, if he turn his eye to the
left, he looks upon sterile plains cut up by
mountain torrents, or a group of hills perfectly
arid, of greater or less elevation, and in parts
covered with white sand.
The analysis of the waters of Yura was attempted
by the celebrated naturalist Haenk in the year
’96; but, this philosopher not having ascertained
their constituent parts, I have now the honour of
presenting to the public the result of my investigations
regarding these waters, and several others
which are used by the inhabitants of the city. In
the narrow glen of Yura there are two situations
in which springs of thermal water present themselves,
and the one is distant from the other about
one hundred and fifty yards. The first, called
agua de hierro, or ferruginous water, is on the
left-hand side of the road as we come from the
Calera; and those springs which are higher up
are denominated agua de azufre, or sulphurous
water. I will begin by giving an account of the
agua de hierro.
From a little plane covered with grass, distant
from the rivulet three yards, and four from the
ash-coloured trachytic rock, water bubbles up
at various points, forming large globules, as
if boiling. Its temperature is 94° of Fahrenheit,
that of the air being 68°. In the corner
where these jets are found, there are at short
distances small wells of equal temperature, except
one at 67°, which is found at the distance
of a yard from the principal jet; and it is
the more worthy of notice, as it happens to be
very near to the water which indicates higher
temperature. All these little wells render tribute
to the principal one, and to the rivulet;
their banks, and the bottom of one of the baths,
contain a very fine yellow substance, which is
the true oxide of iron. These waters are very
transparent, without smell, and with taste half
acidulated and astringent; they disengage a gas
which, passed through lime-water, or a solution
of the acetate of lead, throws down precipitates
soluble with effervescence in acetic acid. They
redden the tincture of violets and blue paper,
which loses its colour on drying, and this proves
the existence of a free acid; being agitated, an
air is disengaged with noise: all the acids, weak
and strong, produce effervescence with these waters.
The prussiate of potash, when a little of
any acid is added to it, causes in the ferruginous
water a blue precipitate, which is the prussiate of
iron. Iron-water being boiled, it loses the property
of effervescing with the acids, of forming
a precipitate with the prussiate of potash, and
also its astringency. A bottle of water being
evaporated affords, during the operation, a light,
white precipitate, and its surface becomes covered
with a most delicate film. The operation, if
continued to dryness, yields sixteen grains of salts,
which I have analyzed. It appeared from the
analysis that the iron-water is composed of the
following ingredients and proportions.
One bottle, or a pound and a half, of water afforded
Carbonic acid
10½
grains.
Muriatic acid
2
Sulphuric acid
¼
A hundred grains of the salts were composed of
Carbonate of magnesia
26
grains.
Carbonate of lime
6
Muriate of soda
15
Bicarbonate of soda
40
Sulphate of iron
3
Insoluble matter, consisting of silex and sulphate of lime
8
98
This water greatly resembles, in its contents,
that of Selz, Spa, and Carlsbad. The exact quantity
of carbonic acid which it disengages could
not be ascertained, for want of proper instruments
for the purpose. The carbonic acid of
the saline parts is sufficient to saturate the lime,
magnesia, and soda.
The ferruginous waters are stated by Mr. Rivero,
on the authority of Haenk, and of Dr.
Vargas of Arequipa, to be tonic, deobstruent,
laxative, diuretic, &c.; and, therefore, well calculated
to remove general debility, certain forms
of hypochondriasis, dyspepsia, and weakness consequent
on debauchery.
The jets (los ojos) of this water, as we formerly
noticed, are placed above the ferruginous
baths, situated in a narrow part formed by the
trachyte rock on one hand, and on the opposite
side by the gres, or sandy soil, which furnishes
the carbonate of soda. An oblique fissure, extending
to the base of the trachyte rock, serves
as a conduit to this thermal water, which unites
itself with that which flows from the bottom of
the bath named Tigre. A short way from this
jet there are others which flow from other clefts,
at almost the same degree of temperature.
It is observed that the source of these waters is
at some distance in the interior of the rock, and,
according to my notions, they hold communication
with the crater, which emits sulphurous
vapours, situated a few paces from the water underneath
the very house where the sick repose.
With respect to the water, having filled a small
well situated at the base of the rock where people
drink from, the chief object is to have it conducted
to the bathing-pits, or basins. The superfluous
water not needed for the baths flows out
from them by a small channel; and it goes to
join the rivulet, which passes within three yards
of the bathing apartment.
The sulphurous water flows out in good quantity,
making a peculiar noise, and emitting a
smell of sulphuretted hydrogen gas, like that of
rotten eggs; which is perceptible at the distance
of many paces from the place, when the winds are
from the east and west. The disengagement of
carbonic acid gas occasions the noise alluded to,
through the innumerable bubbles which rise on
the surface; and at the same time it occasions a
shower of aqueous particles, mixed with sulphuretted
hydrogen and carbonic acid gas; its colour
is whitish, transparent; and on the walls and canals
of the baths, it leaves a whitish substance,
somewhat dirty, very fine, which when examined
proves to be impure sulphur; its taste is at the
same time sweetish and acidulated, but it leaves
on the palate the taste of rotten eggs.
In the bathing apartment there are four large
reservoirs, or basins, constructed with stone and
lime; they are equal in size, communicate the one
with the other, and are named Tigre, Sepultura,
Desague, and Vejeto: in these reservoirs, however,
the temperature of the water is not equal:
the first indicates on the thermometer of Fahrenheit
90°, the second 89°, the third 88°, and the
fourth 87°; the air of the habitation being
70°. In the place where this water was first discovered,
it at present indicates as many as 90°:
Haenk, in the year in which he instituted his
analysis, observed that it was only 86°, which
proves that the temperature has since then increased.
The gas which arises from this water, when
collected, extinguishes flame; produces in lime-water
a precipitate which dissolves in acetic acid
with effervescence; and it precipitates the acetate
of lead, of a dirty yellow colour. The water reddens
blue paper; but, on drying, it recovers its
original colour, a circumstance which proves that
there is a free acid: turmeric paper it does not
change the colour of, unless its volume has been
decreased by evaporation. A few drops of any
acid produce effervescence. The nitrate of silver
gives a violet-colour precipitate, the acetate of
lead a dirty yellow, the muriate of barytes a
white, but it is necessary to add to it a few drops
of acid; the prussiate of potash produces a blue
precipitate, using the precaution to reduce the
water, and of adding to it some drops of nitric
or muriatic acid. Liquid ammonia renders it
turbid, which shows that it contains magnesia;
corrosive sublimate produces a half obscure precipitate,
which afterwards effervesces with an acid;
it instantly coagulates milk, renders wine and
the water of peaches or pears turbid, giving rise
to effervescence with the three last. A piece of
clean silver, if placed in it for some minutes, becomes
somewhat black; when agitated, it disengages
carbonic acid with precipitation, and all
the water is filled with bubbles; when boiled, it
loses its smell, it disengages all the free acid, and
it no longer reddens blue paper.
Four bottles of this water, when evaporated,
have given forty-three grains of salts: during
the evaporation the surface became coated with
a white film, and a light white substance was
precipitated, which consisted of the carbonate of
magnesia and lime, abandoned by the carbonic
acid which had held them in a state of solution.
One hundred grains, obtained by evaporation,
yielded
Insoluble matter composed of silica and sulphate of lime
10
grains.
Carbonate of magnesia
28
Muriate of soda
14
Carbonate of lime
7
Sulphate of iron,—indications of Bicarbonate of soda
39-98
The sulphuretted hydrogen gas, and the carbonic
acid disengaged, could not be ascertained,
for want of proper apparatus.
The water of the four baths fitted up for the sick
is of the same quality with the one here analyzed;
with the difference that in the three last its temperature
is less, and that it does not disengage in
such quantity the sulphuretted hydrogen nor the
carbonic acid.
The new water of Haenk, and that from another
jet or source which has been more recently
discovered, possess the same qualities with those
of the baths; differing, however, in this respect,
that they do not disengage sulphuretted hydrogen
gas. The water recently discovered, of which the
temperature is 91°, contains more iron, but not
in such quantity as the waters of the ferruginous
bath. It is of a somewhat sweetish acidulated
taste, and it leaves a certain asperity on the palate.
Reagents act upon these in the same way as they
do on the sulphurous water.
Shortly after having entered the bath, the whole
body becomes covered with numberless air-globules
of a pearly appearance. Some degree of heat
and pungency is felt all over the skin; and, soon
after immersion in the water, the smell from it
ceases to be perceived. It occasions a slight
degree of uneasiness in respiration, arising from
the large quantity of carbonic acid and sulphuretted
hydrogen which arises from its surface.
According to Dr. Don Jose Maria Adriasola y
Arve of Arequipa, it has been found by experience,
that, since times of remote antiquity, the
baths of the sulphurous waters of Yura have produced
the most salutary and specific effects in a
great variety of cutaneous diseases. In various
instances of chronic disorder of the bowels, and
dysentery attended with intestinal ulceration and
wasting of the general system, or what has been
improperly termed intestinal consumption, Dr.
Vargas found that these waters restored the healthy
action of the digestive organs, kept up a proper
cuticular discharge, and radically cured such apparently
hopeless cases.
This same water is also allowed to be excellent
for the cure of chronic rheumatism, certain deep-seated
pains, and contracted joints, &c.
Mr. Rivero gives the following method as that
by which invalids are to profit by the use of the
sulphurous baths of Yura.
The first four or six baths must be taken in
the bathing-places named Desague or Sepultura,
which emit less gas and are of lower temperature;
for by entering the bath called Tigre, which is
the most active, the body experiences a very disagreeable
sensation, and at the same time the
breast is peculiarly affected.
To be in a fit condition for enjoying the advantages
of the bath, the individual must have
the stomach empty, be free from fatigue, perspiration,
as well as mental emotion of every sort.
The bath should not be continued above three
quarters of an hour, and in the Tigre one should
not remain above twenty or thirty minutes.
Should the nature of the disease so require, the
invalids may bathe twice a day. A purgative of
cream of tartar or Epsom salts should be taken as
a preparative for bathing in these baths. Strict
attention to diet, daily exercise to favour perspiration,
and great care to avoid exposure to
damp or chills during the time of taking exercise,
or coming from the bath, are requisite precautions.
The effects of these waters are slow of manifesting
themselves, and, for this reason, their
continued use in many cases is necessary; to
their perseverance and constancy in this respect
many individuals, now in the enjoyment of perfect
health, owe their recovery.
We have in Vol. I. p. 173, alluded to the prospects
of a Steam Navigation along the shores
of the Pacific Ocean; and we are now happily
able to subjoin a few statements on this subject,
for the perusal of such of our readers as may not
have seen the report of the British merchants and
residents at Lima and Callao, upon the subject
of opening through Panama a direct communication
between Great Britain and the western
coast of South America.[66]
The first meeting on this interesting subject
was held in Lima on the 12th of August 1836;
and on the 7th of September, at a public meeting,
the report of the British Merchant Committee was
unanimously approved, and ordered to be printed
and circulated in English and Spanish. From a
pamphlet, accompanied with documents which detail
the general plan of the intended operations of
the Pacific Steam Navigation Company, printed
by J. M. Masias, in Lima, we extract the following
authentic information regarding the “Statistics
of Trade, and the favourable influence of Steam
Navigation.”
“It is only since the dynasty of Spain ceased
to exist in South America, that the shores of the
Pacific have been thrown open to foreign commerce;
and, when it is considered how much these
countries have suffered from continued revolutionary
convulsions, the rapid advance of commerce
and trade is somewhat extraordinary. The
following statement of imports is from the best
data which could be obtained.
British
12,000,000
dollars.
North American
2,500,000
French
1,500,000
Peninsular
1,000,000
Germany, and other places on the continent
1,250,000
China, Bengal, and Manilla
750,000
Brazil and Buenos Ayres
300,000
Total
19,300,000
dollars.
“Of which there is consumed
In Chile
4,500,000
dollars.
Peru and Bolivia
7,500,000
Equador and New Granada
1,500,000
Central America
2,000,000
Mexico and California
3,800,000
Total
19,300,000
dollars.
“The whale fishery of the Pacific may be estimated
as follows:
North American
12,500,000
dollars.
British
5,000,000
French
3,000,000
Total
20,500,000
dollars.
“The whole interest involved, including the
Pacific whale fishery, amounts to nearly forty
millions of dollars.
“The beneficial influence of steam navigation
along the shores of the Pacific, and the opening a
communication with Europe and North America,
viâ Panama, are subjects of deep interest, not only
to those engaged in commerce with the Pacific,
but also to the whole commercial world.
“The present state of communication is long
and tedious between Peru and Great Britain; it
may be averaged at about four months; while, by
the proposed route, it will be reduced to little
more than one-third that period, viz.
Lima to Panama
6
days.
Pacific to Atlantic
1
Isthmus to Jamaica, by steam,
3
Jamaica to England
36
Total number of days
46
“By substituting steam navigation between
Jamaica and England, the voyage from Great
Britain to Peru could be performed in little more
than a month.
“The security which will be given to commerce
by this prompt communication, the facilities
afforded to merchants in realizing the proceeds
of their shipments, the consequent increase
of trade, the regularity of advices along the
shores of the Pacific, so desirable for British commerce,—are
points of universal interest. To the
squadrons stationed in those seas an immense advantage
will also be gained by the facility of communication
and the increased efficiency of their
operations. The moral influence to be effected
will tend to strengthen and sustain the governments
of the respective states against the usurpation
of revolutionary demagogues.”
We further beg leave to add, on the same very
good authority, the following valuable remarks
for the information of those who are unacquainted
with the localities of Panama, and the difficulties
and facilities to be met with in crossing the
Isthmus.
“The seasons are distinguished by rainy season
and dry season. From June to November constitutes
the former; from November to June the
latter. During the rainy season, the journey from
the Pacific to the Atlantic can be performed in
two days; while, in the dry season, twenty-four
hours only are necessary: from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, during the rainy season, three days are
required; and in the dry season it can be accomplished
in two days. This difference is owing to
the swelling of the river produced by rains. The
journey from Panama to Cruces is performed on
mules, being a distance of twenty-one miles, over
a bad but not a dangerous road. In Cruces, there
are canoes of all sizes always in readiness, in which
passengers embark, and descend the river to Chagres,
the sea-port of the Isthmus, where they re-embark
on board the first vessel which suits their
convenience.
“The transit of the Isthmus during the dry season
is neither inconvenient nor unpleasant: the
canoes are covered; provisions, fruits, &c. are
abundant along the banks of the river; the temperature,
though warm, is perfectly healthy, and
there is always personal security. During the
rains you are subject to great exposure and consequent
illness; but were a good road once opened,
and a steamer on the river, there would be no danger
at any season, and the journey from sea to
sea could be accomplished in eight or nine hours,
without the slightest inconvenience.”
The following authentic document we have
carefully translated from the Spanish; and, having
already referred to it, (vol. i. p. 132,) we now
offer no comment on its contents.
We, Dr. Don Jorje de Benavente, Archbishop
Elect of Lima, &c. to our clergy, religious
communities, and all the faithful residing
in and inhabiting this our diocese.
Forasmuch as our most holy father Gregory
XVI, Roman Pontiff, and visible head of
the Universal Church, moved by the pastoral vigilance
and paternal love becoming a successor
of St. Peter, has condescended to grant a general
jubilee to the whole Catholic world, with a view
that the common penitence and prayer of the
faithful may obtain from the Father of Mercies
and God of all consolation the cessation of the
weighty ills that affect the spouse of J. C.; the
supreme government of this republic, always
zealous for the exact observance of the holy
religion which we profess, has given the corresponding
pass to the Brief, which with this
object his Holiness has despatched, of which
the tenor is as follows:
The Pontiff Gregory XVI. to all the faithful
Christians who shall see the present letters,
health and apostolical benediction.
After having taken solemn possession of the
pontificate in the Basilic of the Lateran, we
have written many times to our venerable brothers
the patriarchs, archbishops, and bishops,
concerning the calamities of the Church; encouraging
them to oppose with all their might,
like walls of Israel, those snares with which, to
our great sorrow, she is beset. For the same
purpose, also, we have admonished them that
they should raise their eyes and hands to the
mountain from whence we expect assistance;
certain that, with the favour of Him who governs
the winds and the sea, tranquillity will be
procured, and that the divine mercy descends
when the humble prayer ascends to God.
But seeing that the conspiracy of the wicked
everywhere gains ground, and that the tempest
even increases, we have resolved that in all the
Church prayers be publicly offered; by this
means opening up the treasure of celestial gifts,
to the end that the consciences being regulated
and purified in a holy manner from the uncleanness
of transgressions, prayers themselves may be
rendered more agreeable and acceptable to God,
ascending to his presence as a delicate perfume.
It has been an ancient custom of the Romish
Church, observed by our predecessors, not only
in the commencement of their supreme pontificate,
but always when the Lord chastened his
people, to resort to the prayers of the community,
and to rouse all to penitence by freely
opening for them the sacred treasury of the indulgences;
with a view that, detesting their iniquities,
and humbly making confession of them,
they should with confidence draw near to the
Throne of Grace, that is to God, who is magnanimous
to pardon, and refuses not his mercies
even when he is provoked. With this example
before us, we, after calling on the Father of
Mercies with constant and fervent prayer, promulgate
throughout the whole Catholic world
an indulgence in the form of a general jubilee;
cheerfully hoping that the Author of all comfort
shall shorten the days of tribulation, so that,
the storm having entirely ceased, the peace of
the Church may be firmly established, and public
happiness everywhere restored.
Hence, confiding in the mercy of Almighty
God, and in the authority of the blessed Apostles
St. Peter and St. Paul,—and exercising the power
to bind and unbind, which, though of ourselves
unworthy, the Lord conceded to us,—we have resolved
to concede, and we do grant by the tenor
of these presents, full indulgence (such as it has
been customary to concede on the year of jubilee)
of all their sins to all and to each of the Christians
of both sexes residing in and entering into
this our capital (Rome), who in the term of three
weeks current from the fourth Sunday of Advent,—that
is, from the 23rd day of this month,
December, till the 13th inclusive of the following
January, on which falls the first Sunday after
the Epiphany,—and on the eighth day of the
same, shall have twice visited the Basilics of St.
John of Lateran, of the chief of the Apostles,
and of St. Mary la Mayor, or one of these at
least, and there will have devoutly prayed for
some time, and fasted Wednesday, Friday, and
Saturday of one of the said weeks; and within
the same period, having confessed their sins, will
have received the most holy sacrament of the
Eucharist, and may have given the poor some
charity, as to each individual his devotion may
dictate: moreover to all the faithful Christians
existing in all parts without our capital we concede
plenary indulgence, provided they shall have
twice visited all or some one of the churches,
which may be assigned to them by the local
ordinaries, or their vicars or officers, or others
under their orders; and, in their default, by
the curates of souls, after these our letters
may have reached their notice;—it being further
required that they should have practised
with devotion the other foresaid works in the
space of three weeks, to be fixed upon by the
churches.
In like manner we concede that voyagers
and travellers may enjoy the same indulgence
immediately that, on returning to their homes,
they put in practice the above-named works, and
visit twice the cathedral church, either the greater
or parochial, of the place of their residence. We
also grant to the regulars of both sexes who live
in perpetual seclusion, and all laical persons who,
from being in gaols or prisons, or on account of
corporeal infirmity, or any other impediment,
shall not be able to practise all or any of the
works mentioned, that a confessor of those actually
approved by the local ordinaries may commute
these works into others of a pious kind, or
prorogue them to some other early period, and
impose on them those which the penitents themselves
can exercise; and that he may also dispense
the communion to children who shall have never
communicated.
We further concede licence and authority to
all and to each of the faithful Christians, seculars
or regulars, of whatever order or institute,
though the particular denomination should be
specified, that they may choose, for the expressed
object, any confessor, secular or regular, of those
actually approved by the ordinaries, (as also
to the nuns, who may choose any confessor of
those approved for them, whether the nun be
a novitiate or a profesa,) who can absolve them,
and liberate them at the tribunal of conscience,
and for this time only, from the censures of
excommunication, suspension, and other ecclesiastical
penalties, for whatever reason enjoined
or imposed, either jure vel ab homine; and also
from all their sins, excesses, crimes, and delinquencies,
however grave and enormous they may
be, even when they shall have been especially
reserved to the local ordinaries, or to us and
the apostolical chair, and whose absolution on
the other hand should not be considered as
granted in the most ample concession; moreover,
they may commute into other pious
and salutary works all manner of vows, though
these may have been made with an oath, and
the power of dispensation regarding them reserved
to the apostolic chair,—always excepting
the vow of religion and chastity, and
the bonds (obligatorios) accepted by a third
person, or from the commutation of which an
injury would follow to another, as also those
penal acts which are called preservatives from
sin,—unless the future commutation be presumed
to be not less sufficient to separate from sin than
the first matter of the vow, imposing salutary
penance in the above-said cases, and such other
particulars as the confessor may be pleased to
enjoin.
But not on this account is it our pleasure to
give dispensation by these presents in any other
public or private irregularity, nor in any defect,
stigma, incapacity, or ineptitude, in whatever way
contracted; or to confer authority of dispensation
therein, or to qualify and restore such delinquents
to their former state, even in the tribunal of conscience;
nor to derogate the constitution, sacramentum
penitentiæ, published with its corresponding
explanation by our predecessor of happy memory,
Benedict XIV; nor that these letters can
or ought to avail in any way those who by us and
the apostolic chair, or by any prelate or ecclesiastical
judge, may have been expressly excommunicated,
suspended, interdicted, or publicly denounced
as liable to spiritual animadversion,—unless
within the term of the three specified weeks
they give satisfaction to, or come to an understanding
with, the parties concerned.
Thus then, by the tenor of these presents, and
the ineluctable obligation of holy obedience, we
strictly enjoin all our venerable brethren, the patriarchs,
archbishops, bishops, and all other prelates
in the churches, and all ordinaries wheresoever,
their vicars and officers, and failing of these,
the curates of souls, to the end that when they receive
transcripts of these letters, or printed copies
thereof, and moved by circumstances of time and
place, find it convenient in the Lord to publish
the same, they may so publish and cause them
to be published in their churches, dioceses, provinces,
cities, towns, territories, and places; and
having, as far as in them lies, prepared the minds
of the people by the preaching of the divine word,
may designate the churches and the time whereat
and wherein this jubilee may be obtained; all constitutions
and apostolical briefs to the contrary
notwithstanding,—especially those in which the
power of absolution in the cases therein expressed
is reserved to the R. P. for the time being,—so
that the concessions of such like indulgences and
powers, or of any other kind, may be of use to no
one, unless express mention or special derogation
be made thereof: notwithstanding, moreover, the
rule of not conceding indulgences after the manner
of this letter, and the statutes and customs of
any order, congregation, or institute whatsoever,
although the same should be corroborated by oath
and apostolic confirmation, or any other form of
stability whatsoever; notwithstanding, moreover,
the privileges and pardons in whatever way conceded,
approved, and renewed by apostolic letters
in favour of the said orders, congregations, institutes,
and individuals thereunto belonging. For
as much as touching all and each of the above, (and
notwithstanding that express and special mention
should be made thereof and the tenor thereof, and
not by general expressions to the same effect, or
that some other particular form ought to be used
with regard to them,) holding their tenor to be
sufficiently expressed in these letters, and the
prescriptions thereof duly observed, we do for this
particular time nominally and expressly annul and
derogate them, as well as everything that may appear
to the contrary, to the end that the foregoing
concession may have its due effect.
And with a view that these letters, which cannot
be forwarded to every situation, may yet
easily reach the notice of all, we desire that to
their transcripts, or printed copies, provided they
be signed by some notary public, and sealed with
the seal of some person constituted in ecclesiastical
dignity, may be given in all parts, and by all, the
same credit as to the originals, if these shall be
shown to them.
Given at St. Peter’s in Rome, sealed with the
ring of the Sovereign Pontiff, on the 2nd December
1832, the second year of our pontificate.
For Cardinal Albano,
A. Pichoni, Substitute.
Lima, September 5th, 1834.—Examined with
the exposition of the council of state on the 3rd
instant. If the Metropolitan doubts not the authenticity
of this brief, he shall cause it to be
published in this diocese and the other bishoprics,
with this express qualification, namely—without
prejudice of the jurisdiction and innate
powers of the episcopate.—To this effect let
it be returned, retaining a certified copy.—A
rubric of his excellency P. O. and of the secretary
of state—Leon.
For the reasons expressed,—satisfied of the authenticity
of the said brief, and in fulfilment of
what is therein ordained, we order it to be published,
and in effect we do publish it with due solemnity,
as well in this capital as in all the curacies
or parishes of our diocese; and we ordain
and command that from the 2nd of October
first, till the 7th of December, spiritual exercises
shall be successively performed in the churches
of Santo Domingo, San Pedro, San Agustin,
La Merced, San Francisco, San Lazaro, and
Santuario de Cocharcas, the distribution of which
will be separately assigned, so that the faithful
may be prepared to gain the holy jubilee according
to and in the manner expressed in the
proclaimed brief.
The jubilee will be opened and commence on
the second Sunday of Advent; on which occasion
will be said in this holy cathedral church a solemn
mass, with a sermon, at which all the clergy and
religious community will assist; after the conclusion
of which the hymn, Veni Creator, will be
sung: and from this day to the 27th of December
inclusive, will expire the three weeks designated
by his Holiness for gaining the jubilee, which
shall be concluded with a solemn mass as an act
of thanks, which will be said in the same manner
as the first; and the same will be practised
in the other churches as best may be.
To gain the jubilee in this capital, we fix upon
the churches of the Cathedral, Santo Domingo,
San Francisco, San Pedro, San Agustin, La
Merced, and La Parroquia de San Lazaro, which
the faithful shall visit twice, or at least one of
the said churches, during the three weeks indicated;
at the same time putting in practice
whatever else the brief requires.
In the suburbs the jubilee will be published,
and it will be gained on the same days as in
this capital.
In the other parishes of this archbishopric, the
three weeks of the jubilee will run from Passion
Sunday to Saturday in Albis inclusive, of 1835;
in consideration that this is the most proper time,
for, during it, all the faithful congregate in the parochial
capitals to comply with the annual precept
of the Church.
To gain the jubilee in the suburbs and other
parishes of the archbishopric, we assign the parochial
churches, which the faithful shall visit twice,
taking care to do whatever else his Holiness
prescribes.
With respect to the religious communities of
either sex, the sick, imprisoned, voyagers and
travellers, it will be according to the literal tenor
of the brief cited. And that it may come to the
notice of all the faithful of this archbishopric,
this our edict shall be fixed on all the doors of
the churches; and the necessary copies shall be
remitted to all the prelates and parish priests
of the archbishopric.
Given in Lima, sealed with the seal of our
office, and countersigned by our secretary, on
the 26th September 1834.
Signed,
Jorje (George), Archbishop elect, of Lima.
Dr. Manuel Garate, Secretary.
The following lines, with the notes annexed,
were written under circumstances of great bodily
and mental suffering in the year 1833, when the
learned and very accomplished gentleman who
penned them proposed to return to his native
country. They were inscribed by him to his
friends, among whom it has long been the author’s
happiness to have occupied a favoured
place. The notes are not only illustrative of the
“Adieu to Lima,” but also of several incidental
remarks contained in the preceding pages—especially
of the interesting ruins of Pachacamac
alluded to in vol. i. page 144.
[1] Wheat and flour are principally supplied from Jauja, and
barley from Tarma; fruit from Huanuco, and sugar from Huanuco
and Huaylas.
[2] Plata-piña, or simply piña, is the name given to silver not
entirely purified from the mercury which adheres to it in the
process of amalgamation. Amalgamation is effected by mixing
the ore, after it has been ground, with salt and quicksilver;
treading the whole together by men or cattle; then allowing it
to repose in cerco, or in the enclosure in which it has been trodden,
for a month or six weeks. At the expiration of this time
the quicksilver is supposed to have combined with all the silver
in the mass, and to have formed a perfect amalgam, called pella,
which is separated by washing away the mud and refuse of the
ore. The pella, thus procured, is white, and so liquid that, by
putting it into a strong bag a considerable quantity of the mercury
is made, by pressure, to escape, leaving the amalgam of a
solid consistence. It is decomposed by a red heat; and the mercury
being distilled, it may again be applied to the same purpose
as before. In this process, however, there is usually a great
waste of quicksilver on account of the bad apparatus employed;
and the fixed metal or silver which remains is what is
called piña. This piña is usually sold by the miner in round
masses larger than cannon-balls; and these balls of silver are,
by the trader who does not venture on smuggling, carried
to the government smelter stationed at the mines, (an office
for many years back honourably filled at Cerro Pasco by a
learned and good man, Don Toribio de Oyorzabal,) by whom
they are cast into the foundery, and, being there melted down
and sufficiently purified, are now cast into bars, which are
stamped as being of a proper ley or standard purity: after
which they may be conveyed to the mint for coinage.
[3] At Huallianca, Hualliay, and several other parts of the
rich department of Junin, smelting is used for the extraction
of silver: but in Cerro Pasco smelting is little practised.
In the district of Yauricocha, and especially in the great or
King’s mine, the ores are found to contain a considerable
portion of the sulphuret of lead; and, also, of the sulphurets
of copper, of iron, and of silver.
Such is the quantity of sulphuric acid distributed among
the mines of Cerro Pasco, which are placed among limestone
hills, that the water which they contain is observed to corrode
the iron machinery exposed to its continued action.
[4] “Cobos.”—This was a duty of one and a half per cent. on
the metals extracted from the mines. Its origin, as we are informed,
was a grant to this amount, made by the Spanish government
in favour of an individual of the name of Cobo. This
became a permanent tax which, like the tithes of the metals,
afterwards fell into the hands of the government, until both were
abolished a few years ago, as alluded to in the text.
[5] We have lately learned that during the years 1837 and
early in 1838, quicksilver became so scarce in Peru, that it cost
200 or 220 dollars per quintal. The consequence has been
that a private company, under the auspices of the Protector,
Santa Cruz, was formed by the enterprising General Otero and
others, to clear out the Socabon, or adit, and re-work the long
neglected and abandoned mines of Huancavelica—which are distant
from Cerro Pasco sixty-six leagues, by the route of Tarma,
Jauja, and Iscuchaca. This company has made some progress in
the works; but the quantity of quicksilver yet extracted by them
cannot be said to have had any sensible influence on the price
of this valuable metal, which, in consequence of the large shipments
lately made of it, has fallen to about one-half the above
enormous price. During the period referred to,—though the
drainage and works at Cerro were considerably improved,—no
mines of second or third rate could cover the expense of amalgamation;
and, therefore, the metal extracted from them was
allowed to accumulate in heaps, (constantly guarded by Indian
watchmen, called “tapacos,”) to the estimated value of three
millions of dollars.
[6] The product of a marc of silver of standard purity is
eight dollars four reals, or 1l. 14s. sterling.
[7] “Guarapo” is the name for the fermented cane-juice
used as drink.
[8] “Coto,” or goitre, is common among the inhabitants of
Huanuco; but it is a disease very rarely seen on the western
side of the Andes.
[10] Though Mr. Mathews omits to mention its botanical character,
it is probable from the name huasca (which means rope)
that this, like the former plant, is a pliable bejuco. The bejucos
are commonly used in Peru as cordage, for the purpose
of constructing bridges and fences.
[11] The Chamber of Deputies is composed of representatives
elected by the electoral colleges of provinces and parishes.
The parochial electoral colleges are composed of all
the citizens resident in the parish, congregated according to
law. For every two hundred individuals in a parish an
elector is nominated; and in every village whose numbers
entitle them to name an elector, or have a parochial college,
a municipal body is established with a right to superintend
its own local interests, consistently with the laws and public
good,—and subject to the approbation of the departmental
juntas. The electoral colleges of provinces are composed of
parochial electors constituted according to law, and they elect
deputies to Congress in the proportion of one for every
twenty thousand inhabitants, or for a fractional number which
exceeds ten thousand. But the province in which the whole
population does not come up to ten thousand inhabitants,
will nevertheless name a deputy.
[12] See “La Constitucion Politica de la Republica Peruana,”
published in 1828.
[13] Cajamarca lies to the eastward of the city of Truxillo, in
northern Peru, and, by the post-road, about forty-five leagues
inland from the shores of the Pacific. It is the principal
town in the province of Cajamarca, and is remarkable in the
history of Peru as a seat of the Incas; their baths and palace
are yet to be seen, though in ruins. Here the magnanimous
Prince Atahualpa, who had purchased his freedom
by an immense ransom of gold and silver, fell a victim to the
insatiable cupidity and treachery of Pizarro.
[14] In dry weather sweeping the streets can hardly be considered
as a serious punishment; but in the rainy season,
when it is customary for the inhabitants to walk with wooden
clogs, called zuecos, the scavenger’s task could not fail to be of
very difficult performance in the Cerro.
[15] The practice, common among Catholics, of visiting the
tombs of their family, and honouring the spot where the remains
of their relatives or friends rest, is not an ostentatious
ceremony, but an humble act of devotion, in which we must
believe that the heart of the supplicant is deeply engaged. In
the niches of the Pantheon at Lima, the renewal of flowers
week after week, and even year after year, bears witness
that filial or conjugal affection is still cherished in the heart
long after the object of endearment has been removed from
those who only survive to deplore their own loss, and with tender
sorrow pray for the spirit of the departed. Whoever has visited
the cemetery of Père la Chaise, in Paris, must have been struck
by the attention of the living to the dead,—the daily decorations
of the grave, and the prayer offered up by pious
friends; nor can we suppose any person capable of viewing
with cold indifference the flowery neatness which surrounds
those monumental tombs, which in Père la Chaise seem to
triumph over the silence of the grave.
[16] See Memoria, por Jose Villa, Ministro de Hacienda;
Lima, 1834.
[18] One of the greatest Jesuit missionaries was Father Samuel
Fritz, a German, who, in 1686, preached the Gospel,
and converted many tribes in Maynas. He drew a map of
the Marañon and its tributary rivers, which was published
in Quito in the year 1707.
[19] “Amigo” or friend, is the first word of Spanish which
the mission Indian is taught to speak.
[20] The road which formerly existed between Pozuzo and
Mayro is now so overgrown with brushwood as to render it
impassable without the aid of the chopping-knife, with the use
of which the Indians of Huanuco are well acquainted. By
this road the journey from Mayro to Pozuzo was usually performed
in two days, and the journey from Pozuzo to the
city of Huanuco in three: in all, five days from Mayro to
Huanuco.
[21] It might be imagined that this custom of carrying away
and eating the dead was a good reason for the ancient
practice, still in use among the Indians of the Ucayali, of burying
their dead in their houses, as affording some protection
against this rage of cannibalism; but among the Inca race of
Indians the practice also appears to have existed of old, though
without reference to so shocking a cause.
[22] As a comment on this part of Friar Plaza’s letter, we cannot
do better than introduce a passage illustrative of the allusion
here made, translated from a paper of his own in the
Merc. Per. and cited by Lieutenant Smyth and Mr. Lowe in
the Introduction to their Narrative of a Journey from Lima to
Para.
“The three entrances to this district (Ucayali) are by Huanuco
and the port of Mayro, by Tarma and the river Chanchamayo,
and by the Jauja and Andamarca, taking the direction of
Pangoa, which is passable, and has been so since the year 1815,
when I crossed from the plains of Sacramento to Pangoa,
where I formed a friendship with various nations on the way;
and by this route for seven years the mission has received all
its supplies. In this expedition I explored all that was remarkable
from Sarayacu, which is fifteen days’ distance up the
river from the Marañon, and ascended from thence as far as
the river Pachitea, in twenty days more.” It may be remarked,
that the communication with Sarayacu by the rivers Huallaga
and Chipurana is so circuitous, that Fr. Plaza does not even
mention it as one of the routes to the mission; though this was
the route pursued by the late expedition in 1834-5, after the
attempt to enter by the Mayro had failed. The Sub-prefect’s
letter, too, took near three months to reach the mission
through the country of Maynas.
[23] As trees of sufficient size for the purposes required are
not always at hand, we have seen near a hundred men exhaust
their strength in dragging a tree by the means of lazos from
deep ravines and hollows. This waste of power might be
easily avoided by the help of the pulley, with which they are
unacquainted; but they show great skill in the application
and management of the lazo, and, when arranged for the tug,
their efforts are roused by a song of which the chorus is
“Huasca runa!”—Men, to the lazo!
[24] It was a punishment which in certain cases the law of
Spain inflicted upon female delinquents, to cut off their hair,
and sometimes shave their eyebrows. This, we understand,
was done by the common executioner,—hence the sense of
disgrace.
[25] The coca leaf is to the Indian of the interior a necessary
of life, which he uses from time to time, to renovate his
energy for renewed muscular exertion; and in the intervals
of labour he often sits down to chaccha or to refresh himself
by masticating coca seasoned with quick-lime, which he always
carries about his person in a little gourd. The lime is used
in very small quantity at a time, but in a pulverulent and
escharotic state. According to the Indian it counteracts the
natural tendency of the coca to give rise to visceral obstructions.
Used in moderate quantity, the coca, when fresh and
good, increases nervous energy, removes drowsiness, enlivens
the spirits, and enables the Indian to bear cold, wet, great
bodily exertion, and even want of food, to a surprising degree,
with apparent ease and impunity. Taken to excess, it is said
to occasion tremor in the limbs, and what is worse, a gloomy
sort of mania. But such dire effects must be of rare occurrence;
since, living for years on the borders of the Montaña,
and in constant intercourse with persons accustomed to frequent
the coca plantations, and with Indian yanacones or labourers,
all of whom, whether old or young, masticated this
favourite leaf, we never had an opportunity of witnessing a
single instance in which the coca-chewer was affected with
mania or tremor.
[26] The whites have already had a foretaste of this retribution
in La-paz, where, as we have been informed, every white
man was massacred. The Indians are said to indulge in the
hope of yet seeing a prince of their own race on the throne;
and such has been their well-founded and now habitual mistrust
of the whites, that they have never revealed where all their
own treasures and those of the Incas, which were buried after
the death of Atahualpa, are to be found. This is a secret to
every one but a chosen few of the caciques. A few years
before the commencement of the war of independence in Peru,
a rising took place among the Indians of some of the inland
provinces, under a cacique named Pomacagua: but this
insurrection was soon suppressed. The fact of Pomacagua’s
being acquainted with the hiding place of the regal treasure
alluded to, and his offer to reveal it to save his life, was not
believed by the unrelenting Ramires, and he was shot.
[27] Gamarra resigned the government into the hands of the
National Convention, which, it appears, was not duly authorized
to nominate a president. Under all the circumstances,
had Gamarra acted boldly and openly—had he said from the
first that he would remain in the government until a congress
should assemble, before which he would account for his proceedings,
he would have acted not only legitimately, but, as
good judges and patriots believed, even wisely: since, by so
seasonable an exercise of moral courage, he might have saved
his country from anarchy. But, having voluntarily left the
government, and publicly as well as solemnly acknowledged
the authority of the Convention and the Presidentship of
Orbegoso, his conduct afterwards, in taking up arms with
the insurgent followers of Bermudes, was unfortunate for
himself, discreditable to his party, and ruinous to his country.
[28] This lady united with a vigorous constitution a bold and
energetic mind. She was feared by her enemies, but sincerely
beloved by her friends. In consequence of the rebellion of her
husband, and jealousy of the government that succeeded that
of Gamarra, who, but for her talents and influence, could not
have governed so long as he did, this ex-presidentess, usually
called Panchita, was banished to Chile, where she died of a
disease of the heart, which on her death-bed she ordered to
be sent to Gamarra after her death.
[29] The mercachifle is a licensed pedlar, and the pregonero a
news-crier.
[30] Ever since Europeans became acquainted with the Indian
race, self-possession has been noticed as one of their most
striking characteristics. Atahualpa was unmoved in the midst
of every danger: and Santa-Cruz (of Cacique blood) has, in
our own day, signally illustrated the same high feature of character
in the Inca family. Finding himself for a moment isolated
on the field of battle, and on the point of being pierced
through by a trooper, he called out in a commanding voice—“Alza
esa lanza y sigue me!”—raise that lance and follow
me! Thus, his presence of mind saved his life; for the mysterious
power of a superior mind triumphed over the hostile
arm of the infuriated soldier—who, now, as we are told, occupies
a place in the body-guard of Santa-Cruz.
[31] Only three weeks before he made his revolution, he
had suppressed another in the castles of Callao, and shot every
fifth man engaged in it. His own treason, while successful,
he called patriotism: but he was doomed to suffer the punishment
of a rebel.
[32] It has been remarked, by those who have happened to
be in Payta during rain, that the soil on these occasions emits
a suffocating and oppressive smell. This is probably owing
to the quantity of animal and vegetable matter which, during
a long continuance of dry weather, accumulates and is left
to dry in the sun; and is partially dissolved by the rain, and
absorbed by the circumambient air. It would be worth
ascertaining by accurate observation whether the typhus of
Piura ever becomes aggravated in type in rainy seasons. We
never heard of its being contagious.
[33] The valley of Nasca, though situate in the midst of an
extensive desert, is rendered very productive in vines, &c. by
means of subterraneous aqueducts constructed by the aborigines.
Thus, the ancient Peruvians had fertilized the most
arid plains, and left monuments of agricultural industry on
the coast not less remarkable than their terraced gardens in the
Sierra.
[34] This was once the port where the silver from the mines of
Potosi used to be embarked in Spanish treasure-ships.
[35] At what is considered the watering-place of Cobija, so
sparingly does the fresh water percolate from the rock, that we
are informed by an intelligent navigator, well acquainted with
these coasts, that it takes a whole night to fill a small cask
placed under the precious drop, by the favour of which grow
two palm-trees, the only vegetable productions to be seen on
the coast of Bolivia.
[36] This fortress was lately dismantled by order of General
Orbegoso’s government.
[37] The Incas had a garden in the neighbourhood of Cuzco,
where all the trees were of gold and silver, and the fruits and
leaves of precious stones.
[38] Valparaiso is sometimes called the Vale of Paradise; yet
there is anything but a look of Paradise in Valparaiso and its
immediate environs. It has been said that the Elysian vale of
Quillota, a few leagues distant, is the Paradise alluded to in
this appellation, which is a corruption of Va-al-Paraiso, i.e.
This is the road to Paradise—namely, Quillota.
[39] See Letter from Alexander Cruckshanks, Esq. to Professor
Hooker, inserted in Part iv.-v. of the Botanical Miscellany
for March 1831.
[40] Ensayo sobre las causas de las Enfermedades que se padecen
en Santiago de Chile. Por el Doctor Guillermo C. Blest.
[41] This being written in 1828, it is but fair to suppose that,
as the general police of Chile has been vastly improved since
that time, the evils here alluded to by Dr. Blest may have been
removed.
[42] According to Humboldt, the farm of Enciero, near Vera
Cruz, 3,043 feet above the level of the sea, is the superior limit
of the vomito or yellow fever; and strangers who come by sea,
and therefore pass through a gradual change of atmospherical
temperature, are observed to be less liable to contract the yellow
fever than the whites and mestizoes who inhabit the
table-land of Mexico, (of which the mean temperature is
about 60° or 62° of Fahrenheit,) when they descend during
the wet season to the port of Vera Cruz. The rains begin in
May and end in October, when the “nortes” or north winds
set in; and during the prevalence of these winds the yellow
fever or vomito disappears.—Translator’s Note.
[43] The translator understands that chimneys and stoves have
of late years become common in the houses of the higher
classes in Chile; such, however, as still want these conveniencies
make use of the old-fashioned brasiers, or pans of
live charcoal. Over these though people may toast their legs
if they please, still their backs and shoulders are suffering from
cold, as the heat of the brasero or brasier is not sufficient to
support a proper degree of general temperature in the air of
the apartment in which it is placed. These pans are very
properly denounced by Dr. Blest as most unfit, and even
dangerous, in the close and ill-ventilated dwellings of the
poor.
[44] Western Peru, from the peaks of the eastern Cordillera
to the shores of the Pacific, has hardly any venomous animal
except the scorpion, which exists in the warm intermediate
valleys (in some of which a small black and white snake is
also found, which is said to be highly venomous): but alligators,
as we have seen, abound about Guayaquil; and the
coast of central America is famous for its venomous snakes,
as well as for the antidote to their poison, or the bejuco guaco,
which in infusion makes an agreeable bitter, something like
quassia. The same antidote Providence has planted in the
neighbourhood of Tarapoto, on the eastern frontiers of Peru,
where venomous snakes also abound. The popular story in
Peru respecting the discovery of the properties of the guaco is,
that an Indian happening to be present when a condor, or
some strong hawk of the numerous species which inhabit the
Cordillera, was engaged in mortal combat with a tremendous
snake, observed that as often as the bird was wounded he retired
to a thicket of guaco, broke off the bark with his beak,
dressed his wounds and pruned his feathers with the sap, and
returned to the fight with confidence and spirit, till at length
he killed the snake, and carried it away in triumph. From
this the Indian inferred, that in the juice of the guaco resided
the property that counteracted the poison of the snake;
and it is vulgarly believed that if you rub your hand and arm
with the juice of this bejuco, you may grasp the deadliest
serpent with impunity. But, however that may be, the fact
is never disputed, that the guaco is a quick, powerful, and
certain antidote against the poison of the serpent.—Translator’s
Note.
[46]Paco: so called (in the Indian language) because its
wool is long and of a bright reddish colour. Alppa-co, sheep
of the country, has the wool long and very smooth; and, though
coming under the denomination of Peruvian camel, is not very
well fitted to carry a burden. Llama llamscanni, or the
working sheep (of the Indian) has the wool short and rough;
and is the tallest, strongest, and best adapted for the cargo.
EXTERIOR PROPORTIONS OF THE LLAMA.
Feet.
In.
Lines.
From the crown of the head to the extremity of the sacral bone
6
5
0
The coccyx or tail has of length
1
0
0
From the upper lip to the crown of the head measures
1
1
0
Length of the ear
0
6
6
Length of the neck from its first to its last vertebra
2
5
0
Anterior height, measured from the base of the fore-foot to the edge of the shoulder-blade parallel with the spine
5
5
0
Posterior height, measured from the base of the hind-foot to the spine of the sacral bone
3
6
0
[47]Quipe: bundle of clothes which they carry on their
shoulders.
[48] The antelope, by the account of the Indians, sometimes
looks over the tops of the eastern chain of the Cordillera, in
the Vale of Huanuco. In this vale the tiger-cat has been seen;
the mucamuca, probably a species of skunk, as it emits a
most offensive stench, is common; and here too armadilloes
may be found among the thickets of the pasture-grounds,
and they are considered by the Indians to be good eating.
Rats are as common as guinea-pigs in all the agricultural
valleys of the interior: the fox ranges all over the high
hills and table-lands of the Sierra; and among the crevices
of the rocks, in high situations, the traveller meets the long-tailed
bizcacha, which burrows like a rabbit, and is valued
chiefly for its fur.—Translator.
[49] Jarava foliis involutis, spica panicul.—Flor. Per. et
Chil. t. i. p. 5, icon vi. fig. b. As these pasture-grounds are
found at twelve or fourteen thousand feet above the level of the
sea, they do not admit of the cultivation and population of
the lofty plains of Anahuac or Mexico, which are only six or
eight thousand feet above the ocean.
[50] The shrubs, as Dr. Unanue remarks in another part of
his work, which grow at the altitude of from twelve to fifteen
thousand feet above the Pacific, are of a woody fibre, resinous,
and covered with firm bark, to enable them to resist the effects
of the piercing cold to which they are naturally exposed.—Translator.
[51] Not only is the ass of Lima the useful quadruped here
described, but one of the most ungratefully dealt with by the
natives, who seem to have forgotten how honoured this animal
had been in ancient times. The saddle-ass is goaded on at a
nimble pace by the sharp point of a rib torn from some of the
numerous skeletons of mules and horses, &c. which are scattered
on the mounds of rubbish, or in the lanes around orchards,
within and without the city-walls; and the donkey-driver
grins his smile of savage complacency as he swings about his
heavy lash, and nicely hits some raw and bleeding spot, the
effect of former and frequent inflictions of the same sort at the
hands of cruel men.
Ayanque, in his picture of Lima, correctly says,
Veras borricos de alfalfa
Y borricos capacheros,
Borricos cargando harina,
Piedra, cal, ladrillo y yeso.
Veras borricos volar
Al son del latigo huyendo.—Translator.
[52] In travelling from the inland country to Lima we have
had occasion to observe, that when the horse reared on the
cold table-lands, and not accustomed to any warmer climate,
was taken from the Sierra to the coast in the hot months, he
pined away almost as fast as a common fowl on the high seas
when confined in a coop, and exposed to the spray in rough
weather. But the pony, thus affected by the climate of the
coast, will with surprising readiness recover his spirits and
health as he returns, and ascends the tortuous and shelving
paths that lead to his native element near the glacial peaks of
the Cordillera.—Translator.
[53] The slaughter thus commenced has passed into a custom
of annually destroying these confiding companions of man,
when the howl or piteous death-cry of the poor animals rings
upon the ear, on fine summer mornings, as the watermen
are employed in knocking them down with their iron-pointed
sticks in all the streets, and even at the very doors or gates
where the persecuted creatures seek protection in vain.
To see them dragged along the streets, bound together by
the waterman’s lazo, leaving a bloody track behind them,
and then heaped up in the public squares, where they are
often allowed to lie for days, is truly one of the most painful
and disgusting sights which Lima presents, and to which the
bloody scenes of the bull-ring are comparatively nothing.—Translator.
[54] This earth or “huano,” as the translator has been informed,
is an article of commerce at the port of Ilo;
whence it is conveyed to the neighbourhood of Arica, the
Vale of Tambo, and Arequipa, and sold at so much per
quintal. When rubbed between the fingers, it emits an
insufferable stench. Tithes are paid upon this valuable manure,
which are always put to one side in a heap, and, like
the rest, carried away on asses. At Huacho, to the north of
Lima, birds’ ordure abounds, and is, we believe, used as
manure. But, in general, the soil in Peru receives no top-dressing;
though about Arequipa, in particular, the agricultural
industry of the ancient Indians has always been
followed by their successors, who, by means of the huano,
compel the same piece of ground to yield several crops
annually.
[55] Cuntur de Ccuncuni—to smell ill—so called because
the condor emits an offensive smell. This name and that of
“puma” were celebrated among the ancient Peruvians: they
were used as appellatives or surnames in many illustrious
families, whose descendants yet live, occupying the rank of
Indian nobility or caciques. According to the meaning of
these words, it appears that there were two orders of superior
dignity in the empire of the Incas,—that of the Condor and
Lion; and hence the origin of the surnames, Apucuntur, or
Great Condor, as if we were to say, Great Eagle; Cunturpusac,
or chief of eight Condors; Cuntur-canqui, Condor,
by way of excellence, or Great Master of the Order; Colquipuma,
or Lord of the Silver Lion. Cuntur-apachecta is the
distinguishing epithet applied to the loftiest peaks of the
Andes; denoting that these are sites among which only the
Condor, of all the tenants of the air, can take up his abode.
[56] Here the translator would beg leave to remark, that the
common carrion vulture, or gallinaza, is a tame and useful
scavenger, very fond of taking up his station on spires, high
walls, and house-tops: but, as for the bold and soaring condor,
he never saw him frequent crowded cities, or sit on spires,
as if this king of vultures had come in the spirit of pride
imagined by Dr. Unanue.
[57] That this belief in the moromoro’s strength and courage
is founded on fact, is not very improbable; and that the condor
was believed in ancient times, before sheep or lambs
were known on the Andes, to carry off young infants, appears
from the small drinking-cups which are sometimes dug from
guacas, in which the stone is so cut out as to represent the
condor carrying off an infant in its talons. The pieces of
silver usually found in guacas are representations of natural
objects.—Translator.
[58] See Letter of Iturre to Mr. Muños: zancudos, flies, and
mosquitos are most troublesome in Andalusia.
N. B. The translator would not venture to decide the question,
whether the cimex be more abundant in the metropolis
of France or of Peru; but he considers it not unimportant to
state, from his knowledge of the fact, that the only effectual
means of destroying these insects in Lima, where they are
certainly a great nuisance, is to brush over the bed with an
infusion of the bruised seeds of the anona (of Lambayeque)
in lime or lemon juice. For another set of tormentors, fleas,
the natives on some occasions use traps, consisting merely of
a piece of bayeta or baize, which is placed on the part where
the enemy is felt to bite; and, as soon as the fleas get into
it, they become so entangled in its meshes, that they are
caught and executed at once,—for even the fairest hand can
show them no mercy. It is curious to observe that, when one
is affected with a paroxysm of ague, no fleas come near him:
either the aguish blood or perspiration offends them.
The locust is one of the insects sometimes seen in multitudes
on the aroma trees of the warm valleys, which they strip of every
leaf in a very short time; just as the cauliflowers are devoured
by caterpillars and swarms of butterflies of great beauty. The
glow-worm often shines among the groves and avenues in a
warm and dark night; and at Tarma, celebrated for the fine
texture and beautiful tints of its ponchos, the cochineal insect
is reared on beds of cacti, planted for the purpose, all round
the town.—Translator.
[59] The Indians of North America called God the Great Man.
See Jefferson’s note on Virginia, page 56.
[61] It is evident, from the concluding query and remark of
Dr. Unanue, that he suspected some speculators in the science
of geology of no small share of credulity; and it also appears
that he had not himself examined the bony fragments to which
he alludes. Had these come to his hands, it is probable that
he might have been able to ascertain such specific and distinct
characters as should have served to satisfy him that the teeth
in his possession were not only by report, but in fact, parts
of those skeletons from among which they appear to have been
picked up. We may believe that they were conveyed to
Lima chiefly on account of their more portable size; while
the other more unwieldy bones would have been considered
too heavy for being removed so far, by persons who may not
have known their scientific value to the geologist.—Translator.
[62] The periods of the great earthquakes of Peru are thus recorded
by Dr. Hipolito Unanue.
Arequipa.
Lima.
Quito.
In the year
1582
1586
1587
1604
1630
1645
1687
1687
1698
1715
1746
1757
1784
1806
1797
The same author also mentions the following epochs of volcanic
explosions.
In Quito.
Cotopaxi,
1534, 1742, 1744.
Pichincha,
1539, 1566, 1577, 1660.
In Arequipa.
Quinistacas,
1600.
[63] Each “topo,” that is, an extent of 5,000 square yards of
this soil, is valued at 1,000 dollars; and every six weeks a
harvest of “salitre,” or the sub-carbonate of soda, is reaped
by the owners.
[64] Vitor, here alluded to by Mr. Rivero, is one of the chief
valleys in the vicinity of Arequipa. It extends from inland, in
a north-west direction, to the large and well-watered valley of
Quilca on the coast, and to the north of Islay: on the other
hand, to the south-west, is the extensive, rich, and populous
valley of Tambo.
Between the vales of Vitor and Tambo there is a sandy, hot
desert, (intensely cold at midnight,) with a gradual ascent,
through which passes the road from Islay to Arequipa; and
on the scorched plain, great numbers of wearied and exhausted
cattle are let loose to perish for want of water and pasture;
so that along the way-side are to be seen the skeletons
and hides of animals sun-dried, and in different grotesque attitudes.
Travellers have remarked that along this arid plain,
which extends about twenty leagues inland, there are numerous
moveable sandhills of regular figure like a half-moon,
with the convex side always looking to the sea.—Translator.
[65] Arequipa is above the level of the sea, according to Mr.
Rivero’s observations, 2704 yards; but he considers that Mr.
Pentland has been more exact in estimating its altitude, with
the barometer of Fortin, at 2697 yards.
[66] Some months ago, the attention of the public had been
called to this subject by the Hon. P. Campbell Scarlett, in a
work entitled South America and The Pacific; and, only a
few weeks since, a prospectus of a new steam-packet company,
under the denomination of Pacific Steam Navigation Company,
has been circulated in London. Mr. William Wheelwright
has, we believe, the merit of being the zealous projector
of this very important undertaking, which now promises to be
crowned with success.
[67] “Huascar’s chain of gold.”—See Garcilaso de la Vega.
Huascar, in Quichua, signifies ‘chain;’ and that Inca was so
called from an immense chain of gold which was made in his
honour. If I remember well, Garcilaso tells us that it required
eight hundred men to support the weight of it. It
remains buried to this day in a lake not far from Cuzco.
[68] “Let Indian pipe.”—The Indians of Alto Peru mourn
the Incas in “tristes,” which they play upon a kind of pipe.
In the time of the Spaniards, at one time they were forbidden
to tune these mournful airs, from political motives.
[69] “And Indian maid.”—Many of the Indian women wear
a dark drapery suspended from the left shoulder, and falling
down to the mid-leg, as mourning for their Incas.
[70] Who is insensible to the sad wild note of the cuculi, the
nightingale of this country?
[71] Let any one see the snow-capt mountains at the back of
Lima, and that city of spires lying among the dark orange
groves at their feet, at daybreak from Callao, and he will say
the sight is worth a stave at least; and yet I wish I had never
seen it.
[73] The famous Temple of Pachacamac, whose mighty ruins
form a beautiful object from Buena Vista. Pachacamac, like
the Temple of Cholula on the plains of Mexico, is a sort of
made mountain or vast terraced pyramid of earth. It would
be difficult to produce any evidence more conclusive to the
benignity of the climate than that which is exhibited on
the interior walls of this temple, whereof the mud plaster,
though exposed for centuries to the action of the atmosphere,
remains to this day with its rude paintings of red and yellow
ochre as inviolate and fresh as if it were the work of yesterday.
By the bye, it may not be impertinent to mention,
that, among these paintings, we find what is called the Grecian
Scroll, which, if I am not mistaken, the Grecians borrowed
from the Egyptians. This may serve to throw some light
upon the origin of Pachacamac. Like that of Mexico,—nay,
with still more emphatic gesture,—the gigantic architecture
of Peru points to the Cyclopian family, the founders of
the Temple of Babel and of the Egyptian Pyramids. I believe
(see Garcilaso) that the Temple of Pachacamac was standing
when that part of the coast was conquered by the Incas, so
that there is no knowing its age.
[74] Old Green’s Nonpareil, where the Hearts of Oak meet.
[75] “Like stars,” &c.—The milky way, which, by the bye,
is far grander in the southern than in the northern hemisphere,
seems to have been formed by the mutual gravitation of myriads
of stars. The dark spots which follow the course of
that magnificent nebula, on each side of it, are probably the
spaces which the stars have left vacant and lustreless.—See
Herschel on Nebulæ.
THE END.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,
Dorset Street, Fleet Street.