Paris, February 22, 1802.
The variety of matter which crowds itself on the mind of a man who attempts
to describe this immense capital, forms such a chaos, that you will, I trust,
give me credit for the assertion, when I assure you that it is not from neglect
or inattention I sometimes take more time than may appear strictly necessary to
comply with your wishes. Considering how deeply it involves the peace and
comfort of strangers, as well as inhabitants, I am not at all surprised at the
anxiety which you express to acquire some knowledge of the
POLICE OF PARIS.
In the present existing circumstances, it might be imprudent, if not
dangerous, to discuss, freely openly, so delicate a question. I shall take a
middle course. Silence would imply fear; while boldness of expression might
give offence; and though I certainly am not afraid to mention the subject, yet
to offend, is by no means my wish or intention. In this country, the
Post-Office has often been the channel through which the opinion of individuals
has been collected. What has been, may again occur; and in such critical times,
who knows, but the government may conceive itself justified in not considering
as absolutely sacred the letters intrusted to that mode of conveyance? Under
these considerations, I shall beg leave to refer you to a work which has gone
through the hands of every inquisitive reader; that is the Tableau de
Paris, published in 1788: but, on recollection, as this letter will,
probably, find you in the country, where you may not have an immediate
opportunity of gratifying your curiosity, and as the book is become scarce, I
shall select from it for your satisfaction a few extracts concerning the
Police.
This establishment is necessary and useful for maintaining order and
tranquillity in a city like Paris, where the very extremes of luxury and
wretchedness are continually in collision. I mean useful, when no abuse
is made of its power; and it is to be hoped that the present government of
France is too wise and too just to convert an institution of public utility
into an instrument of private oppression.
Since the machinery of the police was first put in order by M. D'ARGENSON,
in 1697, its wheels and springs have been continually multiplied by the
thirteen ministers who succeeded him in that department. The last of these was
the celebrated M. LENOIR.
The present Minister of the Police, M. FOUCHÉ, has, it seems, adopted, in a
great measure, the means put in practice before the revolution.
His administration, according to general report, bears
most resemblance to that of M. LENOIR: he is said, however, to have improved on
that vigilant magistrate: but he surpasses him, I am told, more in augmentation
of expenses and agents, than in real changes.[1]
In selecting from the before-mentioned work the following widely
scattered passages, and assembling them as a piece of Mosaic, it has
been my endeavour to enable you to form an impartial judgment of the police of
Paris, by exhibiting it with all its perfections and imperfections. Borrowing
the language of MERCIER, I shall trace the institution through all its
ramifications, and, in pointing out its effects, I shall "nothing extenuate,
nor set down aught in malice."
If we take it for granted, that the police of Paris is now exercised on the
same plan as that pursued towards the close of the old régime, this
sketch will be the more interesting, as its resemblance to the original will
exempt me from adding a single stroke from my own pencil.
"D'ARGENSON was severe," says MERCIER, "perhaps because he felt, in first
setting the machine in motion, a resistance which his successors have less
experienced. For a long time it was imagined that a Minister of Police ought to
be harsh; he ought to be firm only. Several of these
magistrates have laid on too heavy a hand, because they were not acquainted
with the people of Paris; a people of quick feeling, but not
ferocious,[2] whose motions are to be divined, and
consequently easy to be led. Whoever should be void of pity in that post, would
be a monster."
MERCIER then gives the fragment by FONTENELLE, on the police of Paris and on
M. D'ARGENSON, of which I shall select only what may be necessary for
elucidating the main subject.
"The inhabitants of a well-governed city," says FONTENELLE, "enjoy the good
order which is there established, without considering what trouble it costs
those who establish or preserve it, much in the same manner as all mankind
enjoy the regularity of the motions of celestial bodies, without having any
knowledge of them, and even the more the good order of a police resembles by
its uniformity that of the celestial bodies, the more is it imperceptible, and,
consequently, the more it is unknown, the greater is its perfection. But he who
would wish to know it and fathom it, would be terrified. To keep up perpetually
in a city, like Paris, an immense consumption, some sources of which may always
be dried up by a variety of accidents; to repress the tyranny of shop-keepers
in regard to the public, and at the same time animate their commerce; to
prevent the mutual usurpations of the one over the other, often difficult to
discriminate; to distinguish in a vast crowd all those who may easily conceal
there a hurtful industry; to purge society of them, or tolerate them only as
far as they can be useful to it by employments which no others but themselves
would undertake, or discharge so well; to keep necessary abuses within the
precise limits of necessity which they are always ready to over-leap; to
envelop them in the obscurity to which they ought to be condemned, and not even
draw them from it by chastisement too notorious; to be ignorant of what it is
better to be ignorant of than to punish, and to punish but seldom and usefully;
to penetrate by subterraneous avenues into the bosom of families, and keep for
them the secrets which they have not confided, as long as it is not necessary
to make use of them; to be present every where without being seen; in short, to
move or stop at pleasure an immense multitude, and be the soul ever-acting, and
almost unknown, of this great body: these are, in general, the functions of the
chief magistrate of the police. It should seem that one man alone could not be
equal to them, either on account of the quantity of things of which he must be
informed, or of that of the views which he must follow, or of the application
which he must exert, or of the variety of conduct which he most observe, and of
the characters which he must assume: but the public voice will answer whether
M. D'ARGENSON has been equal to them.
"Under him, cleanliness, tranquillity, plenty, and safety were brought to
the highest degree of perfection in this city. And, indeed, the late king
(Lewis XIV) relied entirely on his care respecting Paris. He could have given
an account of a person unknown who should have stolen into it in the dark; this
person, whatever ingenuity he exerted in concealing himself, was always under
his eye; and if, at last, any one escaped him, at least what produced almost
the same effect, no one would have dared to think himself well-concealed.
"Surrounded and overwhelmed in his audiences by a crowd of people chiefly of
the lower class, little informed themselves of what brought them, warmly
agitated by interests very trifling, and frequently very ill understood,
accustomed to supply the place of discourse by senseless clamour, he neither
betrayed the inattention nor the disdain which such persons or such subjects
might have occasioned."
"FONTENELLE has not," continues MERCIER, "spoken of the severity of M.
D'ARGENSON, of his inclination to punish, which was rather a sign of weakness
than of strength. Alas! human laws, imperfect and rude, cannot dive to the
bottom of the human heart, and there discover the causes of the delinquencies
which they have to punish! They judge only from the surface: they would acquit,
perhaps, those whom they condemn; they would strike him whom they suffer to
escape. But they cannot, I confess, do otherwise. Nevertheless, they ought to
neglect nothing that serves to disclose the heart of man. They ought to
estimate the strength of natural and indestructible passions, not in their
effects, but in their principles; to pay attention to the age, the sex, the
time, the day; these are nice rules, which could not be found in the brain of
the legislator, but which ought to be met with in that of a Minister of the
Police."
"There are also epidemical errors in which the multitude of those who go
astray, seems to lessen the fault; in which a sort of circumspection is
necessary, in order that punishment may not be in opposition to public
interest, because punishment would then appear absurd or barbarous, and
indignation might recoil on the law, as well as on the magistrate."
"What a life has a Minister of Police! He has not a moment that he can call
his own; he is every day obliged to punish; he is afraid to give way to
indulgence, because he does not know that he may not one day have to reproach
himself with it. He is under the necessity of being severe, and of acting
contrary to the inclination of his heart; not a crime is committed but he
receives the shameful or cruel account: he hears of nothing but vicious men and
vices; every instant he is told: 'there's a murder! a suicide! a rape!' Not an
accident happens but he must prescribe the remedy, and hastily; he has but a
moment to deliberate and act, and he must be equally fearful to abuse the power
intrusted to him, and not to use it opportunely. Popular rumours, flighty
conversations, theatrical factions, false alarms, every thing concerns him.
"Is he gone to rest? A fire rouses him from his bed. He must be answerable
for every thing; he must trace the robber, and the lurking assassin who has
committed a crime; for the magistrate appears blameable, if he has not found
means to deliver him up quickly to justice. The time that his agents have
employed in this capture will be calculated, and his honour requires that the
interval between the crime and the imprisonment should be the shortest
possible. What dreadful duties! What a laborious life! And yet this place is
coveted!
"On some occasions, it is necessary for the Minister of Police to demean
himself like a true Greek, as was the case in the following
instance:
"A person, being on the point of making a journey, had in his possession a
sum of twenty thousand livres which embarrassed him; he had only one servant,
whom he mistrusted, and the sum was tempting. He accordingly requested a friend
to be so obliging as to take care of it for him till his return.
"A fortnight after, the friend denied the circumstance. As there was no
proof, the civil law could not pronounce in this affair. Recourse was had to
the Minister of Police, who pondered a moment, and sent for the receiver,
making the accuser retire into an adjoining room:
"The friend arrives, and maintains that he has not received the twenty
thousand livres. "Well," said the magistrate, "I believe you; and as you are
innocent you run no, risk in writing to your wife the note that I am going to
dictate. Write."
"'"My dear wife, all is discovered. I shall be punished if I do not restore
you know what. Bring the sum: your coming quickly to my relief is the only way
for me to get out of trouble and obtain my pardon."
"'This note,' added the magistrate, 'will fully justify you. Your wife can
bring nothing since you have received nothing, and your accuser will be
foiled.'
"The note was dispatched; the wife, terrified, ran with the twenty thousand
livres.
"Thus the Minister of Police can daily make up for the imperfection and
tardiness of our civil laws; but he ought to use this rare and splendid
privilege with extreme circumspection.
"The chief magistrate of the police is become a minister of importance; he
has a secret and prodigious influence; he knows so many things, that he can do
much mischief or much good, because he has in hand a multitude of threads which
he can entangle or disentangle at his pleasure; he strikes or he saves; he
spreads darkness or light: his authority is as delicate as it is extensive.
"The Minister of Police exercises a despotic sway over the mouchards
who are found disobedient, or who make false reports: as for these fellows,
they are of a class so vile and so base, that the authority to which they have
sold themselves, has necessarily an absolute right over their persons.
"This is not the case with those who are apprehended in the name of the
police; they may have committed trifling faults: they may have enemies in that
crowd of exempts, spies, and satellites, who are believed on their word.
The eye of the magistrate may be incessantly deceived, and the punishment of
these crimes ought to be submitted to a more deliberate investigation; but the
house of correction ingulfs a vast number of men who there become still more
perverted, and who, on coming out, are still more wicked than when they went
in. Being degraded in their own eyes, they afterwards plunge themselves
headlong into all sorts of irregularities.
"These different imprisonments are sometimes rendered necessary by imperious
circumstances; yet it were always to be wished that the detention of a citizen
should not depend on a single magistrate, but that there should be a sort of
tribunal to examine when this great act of authority, withdrawn from the eye of
the law, ceases to be illegal.
"A few real advantages compensate for these irregular forms, and there are,
in fact, an infinite number of irregularities which the slow and grave process
of our tribunals can neither take cognizance of, nor put a stop to, nor
foresee, nor punish. The audacious or subtle delinquent would triumph in the
winding labyrinth of our civil laws. The laws of the police, more direct, watch
him, press him, and surround him mose closely. The abuse, is contiguous to the
benefit, I admit; but a great many private acts of violence, base and shameful
crimes, are repressed by this vigilant and active force which ought,
nevertheless, to publish its code and submit it to the inspection of
enlightened citizens."
"Could the Minister of Police communicate to the philosopher all he knows,
all he learns, all he sees, and likewise impart to him certain secret things,
of which he alone is well-informed, there would be nothing so curious and so
instructive under the pen of the philosopher; for he would astonish all his
brethren. But this magistrate is like the great penitentiary; he hears every
thing, relates nothing, and is not astonished at certain delinquencies in the
same degree as another man. By dint of seeing the tricks of roguery, the crimes
of vice, secret treachery, and all the filth of human actions, he has
necessarily a little difficulty in giving credit to the integrity and virtue of
honest people. He is in a perpetual state of mistrust; and, in the main, he
ought to possess such a character; for, he ought to think nothing impossible,
after the extraordinary lessons which he receives from men and from things. In
a word, his place commands a continual, and scrutinizing suspicion."
February 22, in continuation.
"Even should not the Parisian have the levity with which he is reproached,
reason would justify him in its adoption. He walks surrounded by spies. No
sooner do two citizens whisper to each other, than up comes a third, who prowls
about in order to listen to what they are saying. The spies of the police are a
regiment of inquisitive fellows; with this difference, that each individual
belonging to this regiment has a distinct dress, which he changes frequently
every day; and nothing so quick or so astonishing, as these sorts of
metamorphoses.
"The same spy who figures as a private gentleman in the morning, in the
evening represents a priest: at one time, he is a peaceable limb of the law; at
another, a swaggering bully. The next day, with a gold-headed cane in his hand,
he will assume the deportment of a monied man buried in calculations; the most
singular disguises are quite familiar to him. In the course of the twenty-four
hours, he is an officer of distinction and a journeyman hair-dresser, a shorn
apostle and a scullion. He visits the dress-ball and the lowest sink of vice.
At one time with a diamond ring on his finger, at another with the most filthy
wig on his head, he almost changes his countenance as he does his apparel; and
more than one of these mouchards would teach the French Roscius
the art of decomposing himself; he is all eyes, all ears, all legs; for
he trots, I know not how, over the pavement of every quarter of the town.
Squatted sometimes in the corner of a coffee-room, you would take him for a
dull, stupid, tiresome fellow, snoring till supper is ready: he has seen and
heard all that has passed. At another time, he is an orator, and been the first
to make a bold speech; he courts you to open your mind; he interprets even your
silence, and whether you speak to him or not, he knows what you think of this
or that proceeding.
"Such is the universal instrument employed in Paris for diving into secrets;
and this is what determines the actions of persons in power more willingly than
any thing that could be imagined in reasoning or politics.
"The employment of spies has destroyed the ties of confidence and
friendship. None but frivolous questions are agitated, and the government
dictates, as it were, to citizens the subject on which they shall speak in the
evening in coffee-houses, as well as in private circles.
"The people have absolutely lost every idea of civil or political
administration; and if any thing could excite laughter in the midst of an
ignorance so deplorable, it would be the conversation of such a silly fellow
who constantly imagines that Paris must give the law and the ton to all
Europe, and thence to all the world.
"The men belonging to the police are a mass of corruption which the Minister
of that department divides into two parts: of the one, he makes spies or
mouchards; of the other, satellites, exempts, that is, officers,
whom he afterwards lets loose against pickpockets, swindlers, thieves, &c.,
much in the same manner as a huntsman sets hounds on wolves and foxes.
"The spies have other spies at their heels, who watch over them, and see
that they do their duty. They all accuse each other reciprocally, and worry one
another for the vilest gain."
I cannot here avoid interrupting my copious but laboriously-gathered
selection from MERCIER, to relate an anecdote which shews in what a detestable
light mouchards are considered in Paris.
A man who appeared to be in tolerably good circumstances, fell in love, and
married a girl whom the death of her parents and accumulated distress had
driven to a life of dissipation. At the end of a few months, she learnt that
her husband was a spy of the police. "Probably," said, she to him, "you did not
take up this trade till after you had reflected that in following that of a
thief or a murderer, you would have risked your life." On saying this, she ran
out of the house, and precipitated herself from the Pont Royal into the
Seine, where she was drowned.—But to resume the observations of
MERCIER.
"It is from these odious dregs," continues our author, "that public order
arises.
"When the mouchards of the police have acted contrary to their
instructions, they are confined in the house of correction; but they are
separated from the other prisoners, because they would be torn to pieces by
those whom they have caused to be imprisoned, and who would recognize them.
They inspire less pity on account of the vile trade which they follow. One sees
with surprise, and with still more pain, that these fellows are very young.
Spies, informers at sixteen!—O! what a shocking life does this announce!"
exclaims MERCIER. "No; nothing ever distressed me more than to see boys act
such a part.... And those who form them into squads, who drill them, who
corrupt such inexperienced youth!"
Such is the admirable order which reigns in Paris, that a man suspected or
described is watched so closely, that his smallest steps are known, till the
very moment when it is expedient to apprehend him.
"The description taken of the man is a real portrait, which it is impossible
to mistake; and the art of thus describing the person by words, is carried to
so great a nicety, that the best writer, after much reflection on the matter,
could add nothing to it, nor make use of other expressions.
"The Theseuses of the police are on foot every night to purge the city of
robbers, and it might be said that the lions, bears, and tigers are chained by
political order.
"There are also the court-spies, the town-spies, the bed-spies, the
street-spies, the spies of impures, and the spies of wits: they are all called
by the name of mouchards, the family name of the first spy employed by
the court of France.
"Men of fashion at this day follow the trade of mouchards; most of
them style themselves Monsieur le Baron, Monsieur le Comte,
Monsieur le Marquis. There was a time, under Lewis XV, when spies were
so numerous, that it was impossible for friends, who assembled together, to
open their heart to each other concerning matters which deeply affected their
interest. The ministerial inquisition had posted its sentinels at the door of
every room, and listeners in every closet. Ingenuous confidences, made from
friends to friends, and intended to die in the very bosom where they had been
deposited, were punished as dangerous conspiracies.
"These odious researches poisoned social life, deprived men of pleasures the
most innocent, and transformed citizens into enemies who trembled to unbosom
themselves to each other.
"One fourth of the servants in Paris serve as spies; and the secrets of
families, which are thought the most concealed, come to the knowledge of those
interested in being acquainted with them.
"Independently of the spies of the police, ministers have spies belonging to
themselves, and keep them in pay: these are the most dangerous of all, because
they are less suspected than others, and it is more difficult to know them. By
these means, ministers know what is said of them; yet, of this they avail
themselves but little. They are more intent to ruin their enemies, and thwart
their adversaries, than to derive a prudent advantage from the free and
ingenuous hints given them by the multitude.
"It is entertaining enough to consider that, in proper time and place, spies
are watching him who, at his pleasure, sets spies to watch other citizens.
Thus, the links which connect mankind in political order are really
incomprehensible. He who does not admire the manner in which society exists,
and is supported by the simultaneous reaction of its members, and who sees not
the serpent's tail entering its mouth, is not born for
reflection.
"But the secrets of courts are not revealed through spies; they get wind by
means of certain people who are not in the least mistrusted; in like manner the
best built ships leak through an imperceptible chink, which cannot be
discovered.
"What is interesting in courts, and particularly so in ours," says MERCIER,
"is that there is a degree of obscurity spread over all its proceedings. We
wish to penetrate what is concealed, we endeavour to know till we learn; thus
it is that the most ingenious machine preserves its highest value only till we
have seen the springs which set it in motion.
"After having considered the different parts which form the police of the
capital, we still perceive all the radii reaching from the centre to the
circumference. How many ramifications issue from the same stem! How far the
branches extend! What an impulse does not Paris give to other neighbouring
cities!
"The police of Paris has an intimate correspondence with that of Lyons and
other provincial cities: for it is evident that it would be imperfect, if it
could not follow the disturber of public order, and if the distance of a few
leagues skreened him from researches.
"The correspondence of the Parisian police is not therefore limited to its
walls; it extends much farther; and it is in towns where imprudent or rash
persons would imagine that they might give their tongue greater freedom, that
the vigilant magistrate pries into conversation, and keeps a watchful eye over
those who would measure their audacity by the degree of distance from the
capital.
"Thus the police of Paris, after having embraced
France, penetrates also into Switzerland, Italy, Holland, and
Germany;[3] and when occasion requires, its eye is open
on all sides to what can interest the government. When it wishes to know any
fact, it is informed of it to a certainty; when it wishes to strike a serious
blow, it seldom misses its aim.
"It may easily be conceived that the machine would be incomplete, and that
its play would fail in the desired effect, did it not embrace a certain extent.
It costs but little to give to the lever the necessary length. Whether the spy
be kept in pay at Paris, or a hundred leagues off, the expense is the same, and
the utility becomes greater.
"Experience has shewn that these observations admit of essential differences
in the branches of the police. Weights and measures must be changed, according
to time, place, persons, and circumstances. There are no fixed rules; they must
be created at the instant, and the most versatile actions are not destitute of
wisdom and reason.
"Of this wholesale legislators are not aware: it is reserved for
practitioners to seize these shades of distinction. There must be a customary,
and, as it were, every-day policy, in order to decide well without
precipitation, without weakness, and without rigour. What would be a serious
fault at Paris, would be a simple imprudence at Lyons, an indifferent thing
elsewhere, and so on reciprocally.
"Now this science has not only its details and its niceties, it has also its
variations, and sometimes even its oppositions.
Ministers must have a steady eye and great local
experience, in order to be able to strike true, and strike opportunely, without
espousing imaginary terrors; which, in matters of police, is the greatest fault
that can be committed.[4]
"LYCURGUS, SOLON, LOCKE, and PENN! you have made very fine and majestic
laws; but would you have divined these? Although secret, they exist; they have
their wisdom, and even their depth. The distance of a few leagues gives to
matters of police two colours, which bear to each other no resemblance; and
there is no principal town which is not obliged, in modeling its police on that
of Paris, to introduce into it the greatest modifications. The motto of every
Minister of Police ought to be this: The letter of the law kills, its spirit
gives life.
"The safety of Paris, during the night, is owing to
the guard[5] and two or three hundred mouchards,
who trot about the streets, and recognize and follow suspected persons. It is
chiefly by night that the police makes its captions."
The manner in which these captions are made is humorously, gravely,
feelingly, and philosophically described by the ingenious MERCIER. Long as this
letter already is, I am confident that you will not regret its being still
lengthened by another extract or two relative to this interesting point; thus I
shall terminate the only elucidation that you are likely to obtain on a subject
which has so strongly excited your curiosity.
"The comic," says our lively author, "is here blended with the serious. The
fulminating order, which is going to crush you, is in the pocket of the
exempt, who feels a degree of pleasure in the exercise of his dreadful
functions. He enjoys a secret pride in being bearer of the thunder; he fancies
himself the eagle of Jove: but his motion is like that of a serpent. He glides
along, dodges you, crouches before you, approaches your ear, and with down-cast
eyes and a soft-toned voice, says to you, at the same time shrugging his
shoulders: 'Je suis au désespoir, Monsieur; mais j'ai un ordre, Monsieur,
qui vous arrête, Monsieur; de la part de la police, Monsieur.'----'Moi,
Monsieur?'----'Vous-même, Monsieur.'----You waver an instant between
anger and indignation, ready to vent all sorts of imprecations. You see only a
polite, respectful, well-bred man, bowing to you, mild in his speech, and civil
in his manners. Were you the most furious of mankind, your wrath would be
instantly disarmed. Had you pistols, you would discharge them in the air, and
never against the affable exempt. Presently you return him his bows:
there even arises between you a contest of politeness and good breeding. It is
a reciprocity of obliging words and compliments, till the moment when the
resounding bolts separate you from the polite man, who goes to make a report of
his mission, and whose employment, by no means an unprofitable one, is to
imprison people with all possible gentleness, urbanity, and grace.
"I am walking quietly in the street; before me is a young man decently
dressed. All at once four fellows seize on him, collar him, push him against
the wall, and drag him away. Natural instinct commands me to go to his
assistance; a tranquil witness says to me coolly: 'Don't interfere; 'tis
nothing, sir, but a caption made by the police.' The young man is handcuffed,
and he disappears.
"I wish to enter a narrow street, a man belonging to the guard is posted
there as a sentinel: I perceive several of the populace looking out of the
windows. 'What's the matter, sir?' say I.----'Nothing,' replies he; 'they are
only taking up thirty girls of the town at one cast of the net.' Presently the
girls, with top-knots of all colours, file off, led by the soldiers of the
guard, who lead them gallantly by the hand, with their muskets clubbed.
"It is eleven o'clock at night, or five in the morning, there is a knock at
your door; your servant opens it; in a moment your room is filled with a squad
of satellites. The order is precise, resistance is vain; every thing that might
serve as a weapon is put out of your reach; and the exempt, who will
not, on that account, boast the less of his bravery even takes your brass
pocket-inkstand for a pistol.
"The next day, a neighbour, who has heard a noise in the house, asks what it
might be: 'Nothing, 'tis only a man taken up by the police.'----'What has he
done?'----'No one can tell; he has, perhaps, committed a murder, or sold a
suspicious pamphlet.'----'But, sir, there's some difference between those two
crimes.'----'May be so; but he is carried off.'
"You have been apprehended; but you have not been shewn the order; you have
been put into a carriage closely shut up; you know not whither you are going to
be taken; but you may be certain that you will visit the wards or dungeons of
some prison.
"Whence proceeds the decree of proscription? You cannot rightly guess.
"It is not necessary to write a thick volume against arbitrary arrests. When
one has said, it is an arbitrary act, one may, without any difficulty,
infer every possible consequence. But all captions are not equally unjust:
there are a multitude of secret and dangerous crimes which it would be
impossible for the ordinary course of the law to take cognizance of, to put a
stop to, and punish. When the minister is neither seduced nor deceived, when he
yields not to private passion, to blind prepossession, to misplaced severity,
his object is frequently to get rid of a disturber of the public peace; and the
police, in the manner in which the machine is set up, could not proceed, at the
present day, without this quick, active, and repressive power.
"It were only to be wished that there should be afterwards a particular
tribunal, which should weigh in an exact scale the motives of each caption, in
order that imprudence and guilt, the pen and the poniard, the book and the
libel, might not be confounded.
"The inspectors of police determine on their part a great many subaltern
captions; as they are generally believed on their word, and as they strike only
the lowest class of the people, the chief readily concedes to them the details
of this authority.
"Some yield to their peevishness; others, to their caprice: but who knows
whether avarice has not also a share in their proceedings, and whether they do
not often favour him who pays at the expense of him who does not pay? Thus the
liberty of the distressed and lowest citizens would have a tarif; and this
strange tax would bear hard on the very numerous portion of prostitutes,
professed gamblers, quacks, hawkers, swindlers, and
adventurers, all people who do mischief, and whom it is necessary to
punish; but who do more mischief when they are obliged to pay, and purchase,
during a certain time, the privilege of their irregularities.
"We have imitated from the English their Vauxhall, their Ranelagh, their
whist, their punch, their hats, their horse-races, their jockies, their
betting; but," concludes MERCIER, "when shall we copy from them something more
important, for instance, that bulwark of liberty, the law of habeas
corpus?"
Footnote 1: The office of Minister of the
Police has since been abolished. M. FOUCHÉ is now a Senator, and the machine of
which he was said to be so expert a manager, is confided to the direction of
the Prefect of Police, who exercises his functions under the immediate
authority of the Ministers, and corresponds with them concerning matters which
relate to their respective departments. The higher duties of the Police are at
present vested in the Grand Juge, who is also Minister of Justice. The
former office is of recent creation. Return to
text
Footnote 2: Voltaire thought otherwise;
and he was not mistaken. Return to text
Footnote 3: I shall exemplify this truth
by two remarkable facts. About the year 1775, when M. DE SARTINE was Minister
of the Police, several forgeries were committed on the Bank of Vienna; Count DE
MERCY, then Austrian ambassador at Paris, was directed to make a formal
application for the delinquent to be delivered up to justice. What was his
astonishment on receiving, a few hours after, a note from M. DE SARTINE,
informing him that the author of the said forgeries had never been in Paris;
but resided in Vienna, at the same time mentioning the street, the number of
the house, and other interesting particulars!
A circumstance which occurred in 1796, proves that, since the
revolution, the system of the Parisian police continues to extend to foreign
countries. The English Commissary for prisoners of war was requested by a
friend to make inquiry, on his arrival in Paris, whether a French lady of the
name of BEAUFORT was living, and in what part of France she resided. He did so;
and the following day, the card, on which he had written the lady's name, was
returned to him, with this addition: "She lives at No. 47, East-street,
Manchester-square, London." Return to
text
Footnote 4: The same principle holds good
in politics. Return to text
Footnote 5: The municipal guard of Paris
at present consists of 2334 men. The privates must be above 30 and under 45
years of age. Return to text