No such oath as that given in page 274. of "N. & Q." is taken by
Presbyterian ministers. Immediately previous to the ordination of a
minister of the church of Scotland, the Moderator—that is, the member
of Presbytery who presides upon the occasion—calls upon him to answer
certain questions, acknowledging the Scriptures to be the word of God,
the doctrines of the Confession of Faith to be the truth of God;
disowning certain doctrinal errors; declaring his belief that the
Presbyterian government and discipline of this church are founded on the
word of God, and agreeable thereto; expressing the views with which he
enters the ministry, and his resolution faithfully to discharge its
duties. Having answered these questions satisfactorily, he is set aside
to the work of the ministry by prayer and imposition of the hands of the
Presbytery (the local Ecclesiastical Court).
At the conclusion of the service he is called on to sign what is called
the Formula, an abstract of the first portion of the questions put to
him. It is as follows:—
"I, A. B., do hereby declare, that I do sincerely own and believe
the whole doctrine contained in the Confession of Faith, approven
by the General Assemblies of this national church, and ratified
by law in the year 1690, and frequently confirmed by divers acts
of parliament since that time, to be the truths of God; and I do
own the same as the confession of my faith: as likewise, I do own
the purity of worship presently authorised and practised in this
church, and also the Presbyterian government and discipline now
so happily established therein; which doctrine, worship, and
church government, I am persuaded, are founded upon the word of
God, and agreeable thereto: and I promise that, through the grace
of God, I shall firmly and constantly adhere to the same; and to
the utmost of my power, shall, in my station, assert, maintain,
and defend the said doctrine, worship, discipline, and government
of this church by Kirk Sessions, Presbyteries, Provincial Synods,
and General Assemblies; and that I shall in my practice conform
myself to the said worship, and submit to the said discipline and
government, and never endeavour directly or indirectly the
prejudice or subversion of the same: and I promise that I shall
follow no divisive course from the present establishment in this
church: renouncing all doctrines, tenets, and opinions
whatsoever, contrary to or inconsistent with the said doctrine,
worship, discipline, or government of this church.
"Signed, A. B."
No oath is taken, and no obligation come under but the above. In the
Confession of Faith, under the head Church, the supremacy of the Pope is
denied; but neither in that, the Questions, or the Formula, is there any
other reference to any other form of church government.
H.
As there has been, from time to time, much written in your very
interesting publication on the subject of the "Old Countess of Desmond,"
it may, perhaps, not be unacceptable that I should give you a
description of an old family picture in my possession, said to be of
that person, to which allusion has been made by some of your
correspondents, especially by A. B. R., in your paper of Saturday, 14th
February. The painting in question has been for a great number of years
in the possession of my family, and from my earliest childhood I have
heard it designated as that of the old "Countess of Desmond," although
there is no mention of her name thereon. My father for a long time
thought it was a work of Rembrandt; but on a close examination there was
discovered the name of "G. Douw," low at the left-hand side; and since
the picture has been cleaned, the signature has become more distinct. It
is painted on board of dark-coloured oak, of eleven inches by eight and
a half. The portrait, which reaches to below the bust, and represents a
person sitting, is eight and a half inches in length; the face
about two and three quarter inches. It is admitted by the best judges to
be a painting of great merit. It represents, as well as it is possible,
extreme old age, with an extraordinary degree of still remaining vigour,
and in this respect certainly fits exactly the character of its subject.
The dress is correctly described by your correspondent A. B. R. The
forehead is not very high, but square and intellectual—deeply wrinkled;
the nose is rather long, and very well formed; the eyes dark; the mouth
compressed, and denoting quiet firmness; the expression altogether
pleasing and placid, and the face one that must have been handsome in
youth. Should any of your correspondents wish to see this picture, I
shall leave it for a short time in the hands of my bookseller, Mr.
Newman, 3. Bruton Street, Bond Street, who has kindly consented to take
charge of it, and to show it to those who feel an interest in such
matters.
It must, at first sight, appear strange that such men as G. Douw, the
painter of the picture in question, or Rembrandt to whom are attributed
other portraits of this old lady, should have condescended to copy from
other artists, (for the respective dates render it quite impossible they
could have painted from life in this instance): however, it is natural
to suppose that this extraordinary instance of longevity made great
noise at the time of, and for some time after, her death, and that a
correct representation of such a physical phenomenon, although the work
of an inferior artist, may well have afforded a fitting study for even
such eminent painters as Rembrandt and G. Douw.
As I am on this subject, I shall further trouble you with a circumstance
in connexion therewith, which has recently come to my knowledge. My
friend, Mr. Herbert, M.P., of Muckross Abbey, Killarney, has also an old
family picture of the same lady, with a very curious inscription, which,
while it would appear to go far towards establishing several of her
characteristic attributes, has also its peculiar difficulties, which I
shall presently point out, in the hope that some of your correspondents
who are learned in such matters may explain them. The inscription, which
is on the canvass itself, is as follows:
"Catharine, Countesse of Desmonde, as she appeared at ye court
of our Sovraigne Lord King James, in thys preasant A.D. 1614, and
in ye 140th yeare of her age. Thither she came from Bristol
to seek relief, ye house of Desmonde having been ruined by
Attainder. She was married in ye Reigne of King Edward IV., and
in ye course of her long Pilgrimage renewed her teeth twice: her
Principal residence is at Inchiquin, in Munster, whither she
undoubtedlye proposeth (her Purpose accomplished) incontinentlie
to return. LAUS DEO."
Now, as to the authenticity of this picture, there can, I should think,
be no question. It has not been got up for the present antiquarian
controversy; for it is known to have been in existence in the family of
Mr. Herbert for a great many years. It could not well be a mystification
of the intervening "middle age," for in that case it would doubtless
have been brought forward at the time, to establish a particular
theory as to this lady. I think, therefore, it is only reasonable to
suppose that it was painted at the time it professes. It may also be
mentioned, in corroboration, that a connoisseur who examined this
picture for Mr. Herbert attributed it to the hand of Jamieson, the
Scotch painter, who lived at a time that would render it quite possible
for him to have painted it from life. So far so good. The main
difficulty is that of the dates given in the inscription. If the
Countess was 140 in 1614, and therefore born in 1474, she could have
been but eight or nine years old at the death of Edward IV., and
therefore could not have been married in his reign. It is difficult to
account for this discrepancy, except by supposing that the old lady sank
ten years of her age (and there are statements in existence of 1464
being the year of her birth); or else by supposing that the story of her
marriage in the reign of Edward IV. was not her own, but communicated,
at second-hand and erroneously, to the artist.
On this point I hope some of your more learned correspondents will
favour us with their opinion. There has also been recently sent me by a
friend an extract from the "Birch Collection," British Museum (Add. MSS.
4161.), being transcripts of a Table Book of Robert Sidney, second Earl
of Leicester, which contradicts the inscription in some particulars:
but Lord Leicester writes in a loose and apparently not very authentic
style. He states, on the authority of a "Mr. Harnet," that the Countess
of Desmond came to petition "the Queen" (Elizabeth), and not King James;
and quotes Sir W. Raleigh (on memory) as saying that he (Sir W. R.) saw
her in England in 1589. He also talks of her death as occurring at the
end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and as being caused by a fall from
a "nutt-tree." I do not think, indeed, that much weight should attach to
these notes of Lord Leicester; but it is fair to give all that comes to
light, whether it makes against or for the authenticity of what one
wishes to establish.
P. FITZGERALD,
KNIGHT OF KERRY.
Union Club, London.
I undertake to answer C. W. B.'s Query with the greater readiness,
because it affords me an opportunity of upholding that which has ever
been the leading object in every amendment of Shakspeare's text
advocated by me, viz., the unravelling and explaining, rather than the
alteration, of the original. Perhaps it is with a similar aim that C. W.
B. wishes to investigate the value of "siclus;" if so, he must pardon me
if I forestall him.
I see no difficulty in the passage which he asks to have construed; its
meaning is this:
"The sacred sickle (or shekel) was equivalent to an Attic
tetradrachma, which Budæus estimated at 14 Gallic solidi, or
thereabouts; for the didrachma was seven solidi, since the single
drachma made three and a half solidi, less a denier Tournois."
Which is as much as to say, that the sickle equalled fourteen solidi,
less four deniers; or 13-2/3 solidi.
But owing to the rapid declension in the value of French coin after the
tenth century, it is manifestly impossible to assign a value to these
solidi unless the precise date of their coinage were known. A writer
may, of course, allude to coin indefinitely precedent to his own time.
In the present case, however, we may, as a matter of curiosity,
analytically approximate to a result in this way:—
The drachma is now known to have contained about 65 grains of pure
silver, consequently the tetradrachma contained 260 grains. The present
franc contains about 70 grains of pure silver, and consequently the sol,
or 20th part, is 3-1/2 grains.
This last, multiplied by 13-2/3, produces about 48 grains. But the
weight of the tetradrachma is 260 grains; therefore the sol with which
the comparison was made must have contained upwards of fivefold its
present value in pure silver.
Now, according to the depreciation tables of M. Dennis, this condition
obtained in 1483, under Charles VIII., at which time Budæus was actually
living, having been born in 1467; but from other circumstances I am
induced to believe that the solidus gallicus mentioned by him was coined
by Louis XII. in 1498, at which time the quantity of pure silver was
fourfold and a half that of the present day.
So much in answer to C. W. B.'s Query; now for its relation to
Shakspeare's text, with which however the "siclus" in question has
nothing in common except the name; since the "sickles," so beautifully
alluded to by Isabella, in Measure for Measure (Act II. Sc. 2.), were
sicli aurei, "of the tested gold."
But I have designedly used the word sickle as the English
representative of the Latin siclus (Gallicè cicle), because it is
the original word of Shakspeare, which was subsequently, most
unwarrantably and unwisely, altered by the commentators to shekels in
conformity with the Hebraicised word of our scriptural translation.[2]
Hence it is that "sickles" has come to be looked upon as a corruption
of the text; and "shekels" as a very clever conjectural emendation!
We retain sickle, Anglicè for sicula, a scythe; but we refuse it to
Shakspeare for a word almost identical in sound—siculus, or siclus!
The real corruption has been that of Shakspeare's commentators, not his
printers'; and I hope that some future editor of his plays will have the
courage to permit him to spell this, and other proper names, in his own
way. For how can his text continue to be an example of his language, if
his words may be altered to suit the précieuse fashion of subsequent
times?
A. E. B.
Leeds.
By the aid of Dr. Adam Littleton and your correspondent A. N., all
future editors of Chaucer and glossarists are helped over this pons
asinorum: the word being evidently nothing more than the adoption of
the Arabic DHU 'LKARNEIN, i.e. two-horned; and hence, as the reputed
son of Jupiter Ammon, Alexander's oriental name, Iscander Dhu
'lkarnein, i.e. Bicornis.
The legend of the building of the wall, in the fabulous Eastern lives of
Alexander, is to be found in the 18th chapter of the Koran; and it is
related with variations and amplification by Sir John Mandeville. The
metrical as well as prose romances on the subject of Alexander also
contain it; and those who wish for more information will find it in the
third volume of Weber's Metrical Romances, p. 331.
I cannot say that I am quite convinced of the truth of the ingenious
supposition of your correspondent, that "Sending to Dulcarnein is merely
an ellipsis of the person for his place, i.e. for the rampart of
Dulcarnein." It appears to me more probable, that as, according to St.
Jerome and other writers of the Middle Ages, the Dilemma was also
called Syllogismum Cornutum, its Arabic name was Dhu 'lkarnein; and
we know how much in science and literature the darker ages were indebted
to the Arabian writers. Wyttenbach, in his Logic, says "Dilemma
etiam Cornutus est; quod utrimque veluti Cornibus pugnat." At any
rate it is clear that the enclosure had another name:
"En Ynde si naist uns grans mons
Qui est une grans regions
C'on apiele Mont Capien.
Illuec a unes gens sans bien,
Qu' Alixandres dedens enclost,
Et sont la gent Got et Magot."
Extrait de l'Image du Monde, par Le Roux de Lincy, Livre des Légendes, p. 208.
It does not appear to me that to be at Dalcarnon is equivalent to
being sent to Coventry, or to Jericho, as your correspondent A. N.
supposes; or that the word flemyng, in this passage, means
banishing, but rather defeating, daunting, dismaying, in which
sense it occurs more than once in Layamon; thus, vol. ii. p. 410.:—
"Thine feond flæmen
& driven hem of londen."
The general sense of the word is, however, to expel, to drive out,
and not to enclose, as Alexander is said to have done the Gog and
Magog people, by his iron, or rather bituminous, wall. Now those who
were at Dulcarnon, or in a Dilemma, might well be said to be defeated
or dismayed.
Let us hope that some oriental scholar among your correspondents may be
able to indicate where the word is to be found in some Arabian expositor
of logic or dialectic, &c., and thus set the question entirely at rest.
Are we never to have an edition of Chaucer worthy of him, and creditable
to us? Had our northern neighbours possessed such a treasure, every MS.
in existence would have been examined and collated, and the text
settled. His language would have been thoroughly investigated and
explained,[3] and every possible source of elucidation made available.
May we not hope that the able editor of Layamon and Wickliffe will yet
add to the obligation every lover of our early literature owes to him,
an edition of our first great poet, such as his previous labours have
shown that he is so well qualified to give?
S. W. SINGER.
I have, as most of the readers of "N. & Q." are aware, for a
considerable time past turned my attention to the subject of English
Surnames, and the sale of three editions of my work under that title
shows that such a book was a desideratum. Chapters on the origin of
surnames exist in Camden's Remaines, Verstegan's Restitution, and
elsewhere, and there are detached notices in the Gentleman's Magazine
and other periodicals; but my work is the first, and as yet the only
independent treatise on the subject. Any one who will be at the trouble
to compare my first and third editions will at once see how this inquiry
has grown under my hands; but although I have collected and classified
6000 names, much still remains to be accomplished. Under this
conviction, I am now engaged in the compilation of a Dictionary of
English Family Names, which I hope to complete within the present year.
My plan will include:
I. The name.
II. The class to which it belongs. The classes will be about twenty in
number.
III. The etymology of each name when necessary.
IV. Definitions and remarks.
V. Illustrative quotations from old English authors.
VI. The century in which the name first occurs.
VII. The corruptions and most remarkable variations which the name has
undergone.
VIII. Proverbs associated with family names, e.g.:—
"All the Tracys
Have the wind in their faces,"
in allusion to the judgment of heaven which is said to have befallen the
posterity of Wm. de Traci, one of the assassins of Thos. à Becket.
IX. Anecdotes and traditions.
My object in making this statement, is to solicit from the numerous and
learned correspondents of "N. & Q." contributions of surnames and
suggestions in furtherance of my undertaking; and from the Editor,
permission to query from time to time upon the origin, date, and history
of such surnames as I am unable satisfactorily to elucidate without
assistance. A field so large requires the co-operation of many
labourers. I have already secured the friendly aid of some of the most
competent antiquaries in England; and I confidently anticipate for the
forthcoming collection a degree of success proportioned to the amount of
labour and research bestowed upon it.
Of local surnames few will be introduced; for, as nearly every landed
property has given a name to the family of its early proprietor, it
would be impossible to include all the names so derived. Only the more
remarkable ones of this class, which would appear at first sight to come
from a totally different source, will be admitted. Blennerhasset,
Polkinghom, Woodhead, Wisdom, Bodycoat, and Crawl, for example, are
names of places, and surnames have been derived from them, although few
except the persons resident in the particular localities are aware that
any such places exist. Most of the names that baffle all historical and
etymological acumen are probably of this class.
I wish it to be understood that my dictionary will only include
family, that is, hereditary surnames. Merely personal sobriquets which
died with their first possessors (and which are found in large numbers
in ancient records) will be passed by, unless they should illustrate
some appellative which has descended to our times.
In conclusion, this work is by no means intended to supersede my
English Surnames, which contains much matter unsuited to dictionary
arrangement, and is intended to convey information on a neglected
subject in a popular form. The illustrations in the Dictionary will
for the most part be new, with references to the English Surnames for
others.
The foregoing announcement was intended to be sent to "N. & Q." some
weeks since. I am now induced to forward it without further delay,
because I see the subject of surnames introduced in to-day's number by
two different correspondents. COWGILL, the first of these, could, if so
disposed, render me efficient help. As to the remarks of J. H. on the
works of "Lower and others" (what others?), they clearly show that he
has never read what he so summarily condemns, or he would not now have
to ask for the supposed number of surnames in England, which is given in
my third edition, vol. i., preface, p. xiii. Though I am, perhaps, more
fully aware than any other person of the defects and demerits of my
English Surnames, I think the literary public will hardly deny me the
credit of "some study and research," praise which has been awarded me
by better critics than J. H. It is not my practice to notice the
censures of anonymous writers, but I cannot forbear adverting to two
points in J. H.'s short communication. In the first place his desire for
a work giving all the names used in England, and "showing when they
were first adopted or brought into this country," shows his entire want
of acquaintance with the existing state of the nomenclature of English
families. A glance at a few pages of so common a book as the London
Directory, will convince any competent observer that there are hundreds
upon hundreds of surnames that would baffle the most imaginative
etymologist. Secondly, J. H. proposes that an author treating on the
subject of family names, should begin "with the Britons." Does he really
suppose that the Celtic possessors of our island bore family names
according to the modern practice? If so, "Lower and (many) others" can
assure him that his antiquarian and historical knowledge must be of a
somewhat limited kind.
MARK ANTONY LOWER.
Lewes.
Since the Notes, kindly transmitted from Holland in answer to my Query
respecting the family of the Rev. John Paget, appeared in "N. & Q.," I
have discovered that the Pagets to whom my Query related, as well as the
others alluded to by your correspondents, were all of the family of
Paget of Rothley, Leicestershire, of whom a (partially incomplete)
pedigree is given in Nichols's Leicestershire, vol. iv. p. 481. I was
led to this conclusion by finding that Robert Paget (the writer of a
preface before alluded to "from Dort, 1641") mentions in his will
Roadley (Rothley) in Leicestershire as his birthplace, and speaks of his
brother George as residing in his "patrimoniall house" there: he is
probably the Robert, son of Michael Paget, and great-grandson of the
Rev. Harold Paget, vicar of Rothley in 1564, who is mentioned in the
pedigree as born at Rothley in 1611: he died at Dordt in 1684. The
pedigree gives him an uncle named Thomas, born in 1589 (two indeed of
that name, and both born the same year!); this will do very well for the
Rev. Thomas Paget, incumbent of Blackley, and rector of Stockport; and
another named John, who died, aged seven, in 1582: still I cannot help
believing that John Paget, the writer, was this Robert's uncle, and feel
mightily disposed to metamorphose one of the two Thomases into John. The
Rev. Thomas Paget died in October, 1660, leaving his property to his two
sons, Nathan M.D., and Thomas a clergyman. What relation was he to that
Mr. Paget to whom Dee, the astrologer (see his Diary, p. 55. Camden
Society, 1842), sold a house in Manchester in 1595? His son, Dr. Nathan,
in a Thesis on the Plague, printed at Leyden in 1639, describes
himself on the title-page as Mancestr-Anglus. According to Mr. Paget's
will, dated May 23, 1660, he was then minister at Stockport, Cheshire;
and I am inclined to think him identical with Thomas Paget, rector of
St. Chads, Shrewsbury, from 1646 to 1659, although Owen and Blakeway
(History of Shrewsbury, 2 vols. 4to. 1825) consider the latter to be
son of John (James?) Paget, Baron of the Exchequer, temp. Car. I.: this
descent is, I am confident, erroneous. Thomas Paget appears to have gone
to Amsterdam in 1639 on the death of the Rev. John Paget, and to have
returned to England in 1646, in which year his son John (who must have
been much younger than his two other sons, and is, moreover, not
mentioned in his will dated 1660) was baptized at Shrewsbury. Dr. Nathan
Paget was an intimate friend of Milton, and cousin to the poet's fourth
wife, Elizabeth Minshull, of whose family descent (which appears to be
rather obscure) I may, at another time, communicate some
particulars.
Whilst the subject of the Pagets (a very interesting one to me), I
cannot refrain from noticing, even at the risk of encroaching on your
space, a singular mistake of Anthony à Wood respecting another writer
(though of an entirely different family) of the name of Paget. Speaking
of the Rev. Ephraim Paget (Athen. Oxon., vol. ii. p. 51.) he says:
"One of both his names (his uncle I think) translated into
English Sermons upon Ruth, Lond. 1586, in oct., written
originally by Lod. Lavater; but whether the said Ephraim Paget
was educated at Oxon, I cannot justly say, though two or more of
his sirname and time occur in our registers."
Had Anthony ever seen the book in question, he would have been aware
that the title-page informs him that it was translated by Ephraim
Pagitt, a child of eleven years of age; and as, according to the said
Anthony's account, Ephraim was born in 1575, he would also at once have
seen that Ephraim himself—not that ideal personage, his "uncle of the
same name"—was the translator.
CRANMORE.
Your correspondent W. C. begins his letter modestly. "If," he says,
Thomas Lord Lyttleton wrote The Letters of Junius, and "if" Junius
wrote the "Letter to the Brigadier-General," then he sees a difficulty.
Why, of course he does: but as nobody but the writer in the Quarterly
believes that the said Thomas did write the Letters of Junius, and as
it has never been proved that Junius did write the "Letter to a
Brigadier," I must believe that something remains to be done before we
proceed a step farther either in the way of argument or inference.
Unless some such resolution be come to by inquirers, we shall never get
out of the mazes in which this question has been involved, by like
conditional statements, and the conditional arguments founded thereon.
As to the Lyttleton story, I shall dismiss it at once: it is not
entitled to the sort of respectability which attaches to a case put
hypothetically, nor to the honour of an "if;" and I must remind your
correspondent that in a Junius question "general belief" is no evidence.
Every story, however absurd, once asserted, is "generally believed,"
until some one (a rare and exceptional case) proves that it is not
true—probably that it could not be true. The general belief, for
example, that the "Letter to a Brigadier" was written by Junius, is not,
so far as I know, supported by a tittle of evidence. It is all assertion
and assumption, founded on the opinion of A., B., and C., as to "style,"
&c. Now, as some two dozen different persons have been proved, by like
confident opinions, on like evidence, to be the writer of Junius's
Letters, I may be excused when I acknowledge that the test is not with
me quite conclusive. In respect, however, to this "Letter to a
Brigadier," Mr. Britton and Sir David Brewster have proceeded somewhat
further. Having, with others, come to the conclusion that Junius was the
writer, Mr. Britton proceeds to show that Barré served in Canada under
Wolfe, and was the very man, from circumstances, position, and feelings,
who could, would, and did write that letter. Sir David endeavours to
show that Macleane was in like circumstance, stimulated by like
feelings, and was the veritable Simon; founding his argument mainly on
the belief that Macleane was also serving there as surgeon of Otway's
regiment. It has been shown in the Athenæum that Macleane never was
surgeon of Otway's regiment, and that in all probability he never was in
Canada: in brief, that the memoir is a mistake from beginning to end. As
all, however, that is urged by Sir David in favour of Macleane, as one
who had served under Wolfe, may be thought to strengthen, to that
extent, the claim of Barré, who certainly did so serve, and was severely
wounded, let us look at the facts.
Barré was wounded at the capture of Quebec; and, under date of Oct.
1759, Knox, in his Historical Journal, says, "Colonel Carlton and
Major Barré retired to the southward for the recovery of their wounds."
From his letter to Mr. Pitt (Chath. Corr.), we find that Barré was at
New York, April 28, 1760. He appears subsequently to have joined Amherst
before Montreal; and on the capture of Montreal, on Sept. 8, 1760, he
was appointed to convey the despatches to England, and arrived in London
on the 5th October. These are facts public and unquestioned—admitted by
Mr. Britton.
Now for a fact out of the "Letter to a Brigadier." I could give you half
a dozen of like character, but space is precious, and one, I think, will
be sufficient. The writer quotes in extenso a letter written by
Townshend, published in The Daily Advertiser, and dated "South Audley
Square, 20th June, 1760." Mr. Britton admits that the pamphlet must have
been published "some time before the 5th October, as on that day a
Refutation appeared;" it was, in fact, reviewed, or rather abused, in
the Critical Review for September. We have proof, therefore, that the
"Letter to a Brigadier" was written after 20th June, and founded, in
part, on facts known in London only on the 21st of June at the
earliest: the probabilities are that it was published in August or
September, certainly before the 5th October. How then could it have been
written by a man in America, serving before Montreal?
L. B. G.
I do not know why, because a man publishes maps of Africa at Gotha, they
should not be "fancy portraits," any more than why a man's book should
be a good one, because it is printed on a composition which nobody but a
German would have the effrontery to call paper.
I had seen Spruner's Map a few weeks after it came out, and the
conclusion I came to about it at the time was, that it was certainly a
fancy portrait. I shall be glad to be shown that I am in error; and, as
I am more sure of the fact that I did come to this conclusion after some
examination, than I am of the argument whereby I arrived at it—for my
memory is singularly gifted in this way—I should be obliged by E. C.
H., or any of your correspondents, informing me what grounds there are
for believing Spruner, or any one else, to have produced a map or maps
of the north coast of Africa between long. 5° west, and 25° east of
Greenwich, or any portion of the said coast,—said map or maps being the
result of actual survey. Moreover, if I further inquire when any survey
whatever took place of this coast at any time, and profess my utter
ignorance of the history of our present North African maps, and my
great doubts of their credibility, let not your correspondents imagine
that this is one of a few things that I ought to be acquainted with,
and really know nothing whatever about.
AJAX.
—To the numerous list of men
whose services to literature our English biographers have injudiciously
omitted to record may be added James Wilson, M.D. As editor of the
Mathematical tracts of Mr. Benjamin Robins in 1761, he has often been
noticed with commendation. Beyond that circumstance, all is obscurity.
He wrote, however, a valuable Dissertation on the rise and progress of
the modern art of navigation, which was first published by Mr. John
Robertson in his Elements of navigation in 1764, and republished by
him in 1772. The authors shall now speak for themselves:—
"This edition [of the Elements of navigation] is also enriched
with the history of the art of navigation; for with the author's
leave, I have published the following dissertation on that
subject, written by Dr. Wilson, believing it would afford the
most ample satisfaction on that subject."—John ROBERTSON, 1764.
"My enquiries into these matters [navigation] induced the late
learned Dr. James Wilson to review and complete his observations
on the subject, and produced his Dissertation on the history of
the art of navigation, which he was pleased to give me leave to
publish with the second edition of this work.... The second
edition of these Elements having also been well received by the
public, Dr. Wilson took the pains to revise his Dissertation,
which he improved in many particulars."—John ROBERTSON, Nov. 1,
1772.
"This Dissertation, written at first by desire, is now
reprinted with alterations. Though I may be thought to have dwelt
too long on some particulars, not directly relating to the
subject; yet I hope that what is so delivered, will not be
altogether unentertaining to the candid reader. As to any apology
for having handled a matter quite foreign to my way of life, I
shall only plead, that very young, living in a sea-port town, I
was eager to be acquainted with an art that could enable the
mariner to arrive across the wide and pathless ocean at his
desired harbour."
London. James WILSON, 1771?
The united libraries of Henry Pemberton, M.D., F.R.S., and James Wilson,
M.D., were sold in 1772. The sale occupied eighteen evenings, and
produced 701l. 17s. 6d. The learned writers, who were intimate
friends, died within seven months of each other in 1771.
BOLTON CORNEY.
—As a learned and lucid
account of the early commercial intercourse between Europe and the
eastern countries, I believe there is no work comparable to that
entitled Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et l'Europe depuis les
croisades jusqu'à la fondation des colonies d'Amérique, par G. B.
Depping. Paris, 1830. 8vo. 2 vols. This subject was proposed in 1826, as
a prize essay, by the Académie royale des inscriptions et
belles-lettres, and M. Depping was the successful competitor. The prize,
a gold medal of the value of 1500 francs, was awarded in 1828. M. le
baron Silvestre de Sacy, whose profound acquaintance with oriental
history and literature enabled him to detect some slight errors in the
work, thus concludes his review of it in the Journal des savants:
"Mais ces légères critiques ne m'empêchent pas de rendre toute justice à
un travail véritablement estimable, et digne de l'honneur qu'il a obtenu
de l'Académie des belles-lettres."
BOLTON CORNEY.
—There is a work on this
subject by I. E. T. Wiltsch, Handbuch der Kirchlichen Geographie and
Statistik, Berlin, 1846, 2 vols. 8vo., which, in so far as I have
looked at it, appears to be carefully done.
J. C. R.
—I read yesterday an article signed
COWGILL, asking information concerning the family of Butts, anciently of
Thornage, Norfolk. Sir William Butts, physician to Henry VIII., and Dr.
Robert Butts, my great-grandfather, formerly Bishop of Norwich, were of
that family, and if your correspondent will communicate privately with
me, I shall be happy to receive from him, and communicate to him,
any particulars of a public character concerning a family of
which I am nearly the only representative. My address is "Rev. Edward
Drury Butts, Camesworth, Bridport."
E. D. B.
—The story to which your
correspondent? refers may be found in a note to one of Fennimore
Cooper's sea novels; I do not remember which, and am unable at present
to ascertain by reference to the book itself. If my recollection be
accurate, the novelist speaks of it as an event of which he had personal
knowledge, and does not quote any earlier authority.
K. E.
It is a most curious circumstance connected with the superstition
sailors have regarding putting to sea on a Friday, which will now have
greater weight attached to it than ever, that I can inform your
correspondent, W. FRASER, that the ill-fated Amazon, Captain Symons, did
really sail on a Friday, as he suggested she might have done.
The day was January 2, 1852, by Lloyd's Lists, which is the day of the
month the West India mail always leaves this country.
J. S. O.
Old Broad Street.
—The
printed leaves inquired for by A SUBSCRIBER, are from the Irish Union
Magazine, No. 2., April, 1845, and are quoted at p. 182. of Wilde's
Closing Scenes of Dean Swift's Life, where may be found several
particulars of the snuff-box inquired about. The inscription within the
lid is curious, and is copied by Wilde.
E. D.
—M. tells us
that in the second clause of the 36th canon of 1603, the words quodque
eodem taliter uti liceat are translated "and that the same may be
lawfully used," the word taliter being altogether omitted in the
English. What authority is there for this statement? In all the copies
of the English Canons that I have examined, the translation is exact,
viz., "and that it may lawfully so be used;" and that the form now
presented for subscription at ordination agrees with this, may be
inferred from the fact that the words are so printed in Mr. Hodgson's
Instructions for the Clergy (6th edition, p. 8.).
It would seem that M. has confounded with the Canons of 1603 an older
form, which was prescribed by Archbishop Whitgift in 1584 (Cardwell,
Docum. Annals, i. 414.). The words of that form agree with your
correspondent's quotation; and it has also a bearing on his assumption
that the 36th canon was originally presented for subscription in Latin,
and that the English version has been wrongfully substituted. Not only
is there (as I believe) no proof of this assumption; but we have the
fact that a set of English articles, substantially the same with those
of the 36th canon of 1603 (or rather 1604), was subscribed for twenty
years before the body of the canons existed.
J. C. R.
—The pedigree of the noble family
of Dartmouth, given by Edmondson in his Baronagium Genealogicum, No.
197., contains an extraordinary instance of few descents through a long
period of time.
The stock of descent is Thomas Legge, Sheriff of London in 1343, and
Lord Mayor in 1346. He had a son, Simon, whose son, Thomas, had issue,
William, who had issue an only son, Edward. This Edward had thirteen
children, one of whom, John, is stated to have died in 1702, aged 109.
Supposing Thomas Legge to have been 46 years old at his Mayoralty
(i.e. born in 1300) these six lives would extend over more than 400
years. This is so extraordinary that I append a Query. Is Edmondson's
Genealogy correct, or are there any intermediate descents omitted?
The ages at death of four only of Edward's children are given, and they,
too, are remarkable: the before-mentioned John, aged 109 years;
Elizabeth (unmarried), 105 years; Margaret (married —— Fitzgerald,
Esq.), 105 years; and Anne (married —— Anthony, Esq.), 112 years. Can
any of your correspondents inform me the years when any of these died,
or where they are buried? to enable me to verify these facts by
certificates.
C. H. B.
30. Clarence Street, Islington.
—Looking over some of the back
numbers, I see under this heading a very tantalising announcement of a
rich store of venerable literature in an ancient mansion in a distant
part of Cornwall. It would be very desirable to know the habitat of
such an unique collection of books. Will FABER MARINUS gratify the
readers of "N. & Q." by allowing it to be known?
S. S.
—Has not your querist J. B. C.
mistaken the initial letter here,—read H for M? I have often met in
Court Rolls with Land Molland, viz., held by mill service.
G. A. C.
—In East Anglia the Hornbeam
(Carpinus betulus) is called Harber or Arber wood.
G. A. C.
—M. de Magnard, in the
opening chapter of his novel of Outre-mer, says the name of
"Martinique" is derived from that which the island had received from the
Caribs:
"Ce nom de 'Martinique' dérive par corruption de l'ancien nom
sauvage et indigène, Matinina."
HENRY H. BREEN.
St. Lucia.
—I beg to direct attention to the subjoined
extract from Mr. Trench's Lectures on the Study of Words, a most able
and interesting little work:
"'Bigot' is another word widely spread over Europe, of which I am
inclined to think that we should look for the derivation where it
is not generally sought, and here too we must turn to Spain for
the explanation. It has much perplexed inquirers, and two
explanations of it are current; one of which traces it up to the
early Normans, while they yet retained their northern tongue, and
to their often adjuration by the name of God, with sometimes
reference to a famous scene in French history, in which Rollo,
Duke of Normandy, played a conspicuous part; the other puts it in
connexion with 'Beguines,' often called in Latin 'Beguttæ,' a
name by which certain communities of pietest women were known in
the Middle Ages. Yet I cannot but think it probable, that rather
than to either of these sources, we owe the word to that mighty
impression which the Spaniards began to make upon all Europe in
the fifteenth century, and made for a long time after. Now the
word 'bigote' means in Spanish 'mustachio;' and, as contrasted
with the smooth or nearly smooth upper lip of most other people,
at that time the Spaniards were the 'men of the mustachio.' That
it was their characteristic feature comes out in Shakspeare's
Love's Labour's Lost, where Armado, the 'fantastical Spaniard,'
describes the king, 'his familiar, as sometimes being pleased to
lean on his poor shoulder, and dally with his mustachio.' [Act V.
Sc. 1.] That they themselves connected firmness and resolution
with the mustachio, that it was esteemed the outward symbol of
these, is plain from such phrases as 'hombre de bigote,' a man of
resolution; 'tener bigotes,' to stand firm. But that in which
they eminently displayed their firmness and resolution in those
days, was their adherence to whatever the Roman See required and
taught. What then more natural, or more entirely according to the
law of the generation of names, than that this striking and
distinguishing outward feature of the Spaniard should have been
laid hold of to express that character and condition which
eminently were his, and then transferred to all others who shared
the same? The mustachio is, in like manner, in France a symbol of
military courage; and thus 'un vieux moustache,' is an old
soldier of courage and military bearing. And strengthening this
view, the earliest use of the word which Richardson gives, is a
passage from Bishop Hall, where 'bigot' is used to signify a
pervert to Romanism: 'he was turned both bigot and physician.'
In further proof that the Spaniard was in those times the
standing representative of the bigot and the persecutor, we need
but turn to the older editions of Fox's Book of Martyrs, where
the Pagan persecutors of the early Christians are usually arrayed
in the armour of Spanish soldiers, and sometimes graced with
tremendous 'bigotes.'"—2nd edit. 80-82.
Mr. Trench's derivation of bigot is, I think, very preferable to those
you cite.
C. H. COOPER.
—LLAW GYFFES asks for a correct
description of the monument erected to Sir John Davys, Davis, or Davies,
in St. Martin's church. Perhaps the following will answer his purpose:
it is extracted from one of a series of MS. volumes in my possession, in
the autograph of John Le Neve:—
"On the 3rd pillar, on the south range, a plain white marble
monument, in memory of Sir John Davis, Knight. Inscrip.:
"D. O. M. S. Johannes Davys, Equestris Ordinis, quondam attornati
Regii Generalis amplissima Provincia regno Hib. functus. Inde in
patriam revocatus inter Servientes Domini Regis ad Regem primum
locum sustinuit, ob. 1626.
"Accubat Dignissimo Marito incomparabilis Uxorque illustre genus
et generi pares animos, Christiana Mansuetudine temperavit,
Erudita supra sexum mitis infra sortem, plurimis major, quia
humilior, in eximia forma sublime ingenium, in venusta Comitate,
singularem modestiam, in Fœmineo Corpore virales spiritus, in
Rebus adversissimis serenam mentem, in Impio seculo Pietatem et
Rectitudinem inconcussa possedit.
"Non illi Robustam animam ad res lauta laxavit, aut Angusta
contraxit, sed utramq; sortem pari animoq; non excepit modo sed
rexit. Quippe Dei plena cui plenitudini mundus, nec benig. addere
nec malignus detrahere potuisset.
"Talis Deum jamdudum spirans et sursum aspirans, sui ante et
Reip. fata præsaga, salutisq; Æterna certissima, ingenti lætoq;
ardore in Servatoris dilectissimi sinum ipsius sanguine totam
animam efflavit, rebus humanis exempta, immortalitate induit 3
nonas Quintilis, An. Kal. 1652.
"Arms; on a Lozenge; Argent a Heart Gules, on a Chief Sable 3
Mullets.
"Also at the bottom of the Monument, Sable a Fess Ermin between 3
Cinquefoils Argent."
EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.
—See Baker's
Northamptonshire, vol. i. p. 385-6., where the shield of the knightly
quarterings is noticed in describing the Manor house.
r.
—Your correspondent E. N.,
after quoting a passage from Mr. Tytler's Dissertation on Scottish
Music, says he has "never yet been able to meet with any of the ports
here referred to." I have the pleasure to inform him that several
curious ancient ports have been preserved, and may be found in the
Skene MS., and in Gordon of Straloch's Lute Book.
Port, in Gaelic, signifies an air, either sung or played upon an
instrument. Mr. Tytler correctly describes this species of composition
as of the plaintive strain, and modulated for the harp. All the
existing specimens answer to this character.
The Ports which are contained in the above-named MSS., are named as
follows: "Rory Dall's Port," "Port Ballangowne," "Jean Lindsay's Port,"
&c.
It may be necessary to say, that these tunes are written in an
obsolete notation called tablature. Translations, however, are in my
possession, and if E. N. wishes for copies, he is quite welcome to have
them if he will favour me with a communication.
EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.
29. St. Mark's Crescent, Regent's Park.
—The following note, from Withering's
Arrangement of British Plants, vol. ii. p. 341. ed. 1830, will perhaps
be acceptable to MELANION:—
"VINCA. PERIWINKLE. (From vincio, to bind; its runners trailing
round other plants. Or to those who prefer a more interesting
association, we would intimate that of such was formed in ancient
times the bridal zone, which none but the bridegroom was
privileged to untie. In modern Italy it is said to be
appropriated to a far different usage, that of enwreathing
deceased infants; and is hence called Fior di Morto.—E.)"
W. R. DEERE SALMON.
—If it be allowable to answer
one's own Query, and not too late to go back to Vol. i., I should like
to notice that the fragment therein referred to corresponds, as far as
it goes, with an edition "Empriented in Flete Strete the last daie of
Januarie, Anno Domini, 1548," by Edward Whitchurch, and is no doubt part
of that edition. In the Churchwardens' Accounts for this parish it is
thus mentioned:
"1589. Itm̅, pd. to Mr Vicar
wchhe layde downe
for
ye Englyshe Paraphrase
of Erasmus
ijs.
"Itm̅, chaynes for
two bookes
xijd.
"Itm̅, spent at chayninge
ye same
ijd."
J. EASTWOOD.
Ecclesfield Hall.
—I am not aware that
it was ever any secret, or, at any rate, that there is any occasion to
make it so now, that the satire Black Gowns and Red Coats was the
production of George Cox, M.A., and Fellow of New College, Oxford;
neither did I ever hear of its suppression. The satire is certainly
somewhat severe; but even those who fell under its lash could scarcely
deny its great ability, or the high poetical talent which it evinced.
Such as knew the marvellous promise of his youth can never cease to
lament that it pleased God to bring the author's life to a premature and
unhappy close.
I have a copy of the little book, which I would gladly lend to any one
making a proper application through the publisher.
C. W. B.
—The arms of Manchester (gules 3
hindlets enhanced or) are those attributed to the family of Grelle, De
Greslet, or Grelly, feudal Barons of Manchester under the Normans. The
town has used them for years; long before the charter of incorporation.
P. P.
—Thomas Frowyk was, in all
likelihood, of a family long connected with the government of London.
According to Fuller, he was born at Ealing in Middlesex, and was son of
Thomas Frowyk, Esq. [if I do not greatly err he was knighted in or
before the reign of Richard III.] of Gunnersbury, by the daughter and
heiress of Sir John Sturgeon, knight. He was "bred in the study of our
municipal law," and read on the statute Prerogative Regis (17 Edw. II.
stat. 1.), but in what inn of court, or in what year, I have not seen
stated. He was (with others) made serjeant-at-law, by writ tested 10th
September, 1496. The feast was kept on the 16th of November following,
at Ely House in Holborn, "where dined the King, Queen, and all the chief
lords of England." He was afterwards one of the King's serjeants. On the
11th July, 1502, he (with Mr. Justice Fisher and Humphrey Conyngsbye,
one of the King's serjeants) made an award between the University and
town of Cambridge adjusting disputes between the two bodies, and
defining in minute detail their respective jurisdictions. On the 30th
September, 1502, he was constituted Lord Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas, and was, at or about the same time, knighted. In 19 Hen. VIII. he
was, by Act of Parliament, appointed one of the feoffees to the use of
the King's will. He died 17th October, 1505, being, as it is said, under
forty years old. He was buried, with Joan his wife, in the church of
Finchley. He left a large estate to his two daughters, of whom Elah, the
eldest, was married to Sir John Spelman, Justice of the King's Bench,
"grandfather to Sir Henry, that renowned knight." Sir Thomas Frowyk's
arms (azure a cheveron between 3 leopards' faces or) were in a window of
the hall of Serjeants' Inn, Fleet Street; and the same coat (quartering
Sturgeon and another) was in a window at St. Dunstan's in the West.
(Fuller's Worthies in Middlesex; Dugdale's Origines Juridiciales,
47. 128. 328.; Chronica Series, 74. 76.; Bibliotheca Legum Angliæ,
ii. 192.; Excerpta Historica, 119. 121. 123.; Plumpton
Correspondence, 152, 153. 161. 165.; Cooper's Annals of Cambridge,
258. 260.; Rotuli Parliamentorum, vi. 522.; Collectanea Topographica
et Genealogica, iv. 107.)
C. H. COOPER.
Cambridge.
—John Goldesborough, or
Goldesburgh, was born 18th October, 1568, studied at Oxford, and went
thence to the Middle Temple, where he was called to the Bar. In or about
1613 he was constituted Second Prothonotary of the Common Pleas, which
office he held till his death, 9th October, 1618. He was buried
in the Temple Church, where there is, or was, a monumental brass to his
memory, having thereon his and his wife's effigies, with an inscription
in English. His Reports were printed several years after his death.
(Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses, i. 293. 369.; Dugdale's Origines
Juridiciales, 63. 178.; Bibliotheca Legum Angliæ, i. 236. 242., ii.
213.; Reports of Deputy Keeper of Public Records, Second Report,
Appendix, ii. p. 73.; Fourth Report, Appendix, ii. p. 37.)
C. H. COOPER.
Cambridge.
—I beg to offer a few
additions to mispronounced names of places:
| Rampisham | Dorset | Ransom |
| Beaminster | Do. | Bemmister |
| Portisham | Do. | Possum |
| Portishead | Somerset | Posset. |
In Sussex the names of places ending in ly are pronounced with the
accent on the last syllable; e.g. West Hoathly, Hellingly, &c. In
Gloucestershire, a place written Newland is unexpectedly called Newlànd.
C. W. B.
My memory enables me to make the following small additions to the list
of "Popular Dialects" requested by your correspondent P. M. M. The names
of the towns are derived exclusively from my native county, Essex:
| Spelling. | Pronunciation. |
| Bradwell | Bradell |
| Brentwood | Burnt'ood |
| Brightlingsea | Bricklesea |
| Chelmsford | Chensford |
| Coggeshall | Cockshall |
| Colchester | Cou'chester |
| Davenham | Dagnum |
| Kelvedon | Kelldon |
| Margaretting | Margretten |
| Mersy Island | Masy Island |
| Mount Nissing | Money's End |
| Toulleshunt Darcy | Toussent Darcy. |
M. W. B.
—Bramshall, Hants (of which
there are some views in Nash's Mansions), claims to be connected with
a Ginevra tradition, so that Rogers seems to be justified in stating
that "many" old houses in this country do so.
P. P.
—FLORENCE must be in
error as to the locality of one of her hermits. There is no place called
Marcham in Lancashire, nor any resident family of Powyss. The late Lord
Lilford certainly married a Lancashire heiress in 1797, and became
possessed of property near Warrington. Whether he had a hermit, I cannot
say but I never heard of a hermit in the Preston neighbourhood.
P. P.
—Mr. Tom Sheridan, the only child of
Richard Brinsley Sheridan by his wife (Miss Elizabeth Linley), is author
of the lines on Dr. Fell. They were written on the celebrated Dr. Parr,
under whose tuition he was. Why he gave to Dr. Parr the nomen "Dr.
Fell," I do not know. I have often heard my dear mother repeat the
lines:
"I do not like thee, Dr. Fell,
The reason why I cannot tell,
But this I know full well,
I do not like thee, Dr. Fell."
The metre of the third line would be more perfect by the addition of the
dissyllable; but the lines I have so often heard want this.
My mother was very intimate with the Sheridan family, and many years
agone she informed me that Miss Jane Linley (afterwards Mrs. Ward) told
her that young Tom Sheridan composed the foregoing lines on Dr. Parr.
E. F.
—Lists of the
prothonotaries of the Court of Common Pleas, from Henry VIII. to George
IV., may be collected from the Reports of the Deputy Keeper of Public
Records, Second Report, Appendix, ii. 67-88.; Fourth Report,
Appendix, ii. 30-52.
C. H. COOPER.
Cambridge.
—Since
I wrote to you I have seen my informant, and am now enabled to state,
that what your correspondent calls "the vellum-bound Junius," at Stowe,
was, as I said, printed on vellum, but was not bound in vellum.
V. B. J.
—The three following places, where
these stones of exchange were erected, have just occurred to me, and I
forward them to add to the desired list:—
At Derby the stone was known by the name of the Headless Cross; and it
has within the last few years been removed for preservation to the
Arboretum in that town.
A stone of a similar name existed at Shrewsbury.
At East Retford, in Nottinghamshire, was also one, called the Broad
Stone.
L. JEWITT.
—George Trehern, or Treheryon, was
Autumn Reader of Lincoln's Inn, 12 Hen. VIII.; Lent Reader there 16 Hen.
VIII.; and one of the Governors of that society 12 & 17 Hen. VIII. His
reading on Carta Forestæ appears to have been printed in 4to., but in
what year is not stated. (Dugdale's Origines Juridiciales, 251. 259.;
Bibliotheca Legum Angliæ, i. 24., ii. 191.)
C. H. COOPER.
Cambridge.
—I know not whether Mr. Drake's
explanation (referred to by E. A. H. L.) be the same as that given in
Sacred and Legendary Art, but the latter seems sufficiently
satisfactory.
"It was believed that in consequence of his prayer, those who
beheld the figure of St. Christopher were exempt during that day
from all perils of earthquake, fire, and flood. The mere sight of
his image, that type of strength, was deemed sufficient to
inspire with courage those who had to struggle with the evils and
casualties of life, and to reinvigorate those who were exhausted
by the labours of husbandry.... Hence it became a custom to place
his image in conspicuous places, to paint it of colossal size on
the walls of churches and houses, where it is sometimes seen
occupying the whole height of the building, and is visible from a
great distance, being considered as a good omen for all those who
look upon it. A mountain in Granada, which is first seen by ships
arriving from the African coast, is called San Cristobal, in
allusion to this poetical superstition."—S. and L. Art, p.
262.
J. EASTWOOD.
—The superstition, that a man or
woman who survives several wives or husbands has a white liver, is
common among the lower orders in Lancashire.
P. P.
—This rare
and valuable tract is reprinted in The Phenix, 1707, vol. i. pp.
96-113.
JOHN I. DREDGE.