Your correspondent ERYX inquires, in your paper of July 12, whether
Servius's interpretation of
"Viridesque secant placido æquore silvas."
Virg. Æn. viii. 96.
be correct. I beg to reply that it is not. The interpretations of
Servius are almost invariably incorrect; Servius was a very illiterate,
ignorant, and narrow-minded man, and totally unable to understand the
author whom he attempted to illustrate. His comments on Virgil resemble
those which we might expect a hedge schoolmaster in Yorkshire now to
make upon Milton. These comments, which are only valuable on account of
the mythological traditions which are preserved in them, have been very
injurious to the right understanding of Virgil.
The meaning of the passage in question is, that the Æneadæ row up the
river among the green woods, or (literally) "secant silvas," travel the
woods, "placido æquore," on the calm surface of the water, i. e. by
rowing up the placid stream of the river. This, and not that assigned by
Servius following Terentienus, is the true meaning. 1st. Because
secare with the objective case means constantly in Virgil to travel
along. Compare "viam secat ad naves," Æn. vi. 902.; "secuit sub
nubibus arcum," v. 658., &c. 2ndly. Because the Tiber is described only
as placid, not as clear; and as appears from Æn. vii. 31., was
actually very muddy,
"multa flavus arena." The immediately
preceding words, "variisque teguntur arboribus," have been pronounced by
a very learned critic (one who has often deserved well of Virgil) to be
idle, otiosa. (See Wagner ad Æn. i. 678.) And his opinion has been
sanctioned by the usually judicious Forbiger. But they are not idle; on
the contrary, they are necessary to convey the idea that the Æneadæ
passed up the river under the shade of the trees; and so are
supplemental to the statement contained in the words cited by your
correspondent, which inform us only that they went up the river. Hence a
confirmation of the correctness of the received interpretation.
JAMES HENRY.
34. Westland Row, Dublin, July 14. 1851.
Your correspondent ERYX wishes to know, whether in the passage (Æneid,
viii. 96.)—
"Viridesque secant placido æquore silvas,"
the word secant can legitimately convey the same idea that is
expressed in Tennyson's lines—
—— "my shallop ... clove
The citron shadows in the blue."
There can be little doubt that this well-known passage in the Æneid is
the original of Tennyson's image; that, in fact, it is an excusable
plagiarism on the part of the latter, who, in introducing, his image,
has, I think, missed the appropriateness, and therefore increased
beauty, belonging to it in the original passage of Virgil.
When Æneas is journeying up the Tiber to visit Evander, the river, in
order to lessen his labours—
"refluens ... substitit unda;"
but notwithstanding this, the journey was arduous as is shown in the
whole of the three lines 94-96.
"Olli remigio noctemque diemque fatigant,
Et longos superant flexes, variisque teguntur
Arboribus, viridesque secant pacido æquore silvas."
That is to say, "They labour at the oar till night is wearied out, and
day also is obliged to give place in its turn; they master one by one
the long serpentine bends of the river, and, though covered and inclosed
by the varied foliage above them, they cut their way through the
opposing woods, which lie, as it were, in their path in the shadowy
surface of the clear, still water."
The word placido is surely sufficient to prevent any one falling into
the common-place interpretation alluded to by your correspondent as the
one "usually given."
H. C. K.
—— Rectory, Hereford, July 14.
I feel much obliged for the information afforded by your Dutch
correspondent. When I sent you my Query on the subject more than a year
ago, I wrote principally from memory; but as I have now the work in
question lying beside me as I write, and as it seems to be rarer and
less known than I had imagined, you will perhaps find place for a more
minute description of it.
The Vine of St. Francis is a folio volume, containing 418 numbered
leaves, a "Prologhe" of one leaf (next to the title-page), and a "Tafel
vā dit boeck" at the end, of five leaves and a half unnumbered.
The title-page contains a full-length picture of the saint, with a
nimbus round his head, the knotted cord round his waist, and his palms
extended, displaying the sacred stigmata. Above the picture is the title
in red and black. I have written in Italics the words printed in red:
"Den wÿngaert vā Sinte Franciscus vol schoonre
historien legenden ende duechdelÿcke leerēnghen allen
menschen seer profÿtelÿch."
And under the picture "Cum gratia et privilegio." On the back of the
title-page is printed as follows:—
"Dit is die generael tafel vā dese wÿngaert dwelcke ghdeylt is
in drie boecken.
¶ Dat eerste boeck inhout
Sinte Franciscus grote legende
Sinte Franciscus oude legende
Den aflaet van portiunkel
Sinte Franciscus souter.
¶ Dat ander boeck inhoude
De legēde vā de .v. marte mind-brod's
De legēde vā de seuē mar. ooc mind'b.
Sinte bonauentura legende
Sinte lodewÿc biscop legende
Sinte anthonis vā paduen legende
Sinte bernardÿns legende
Sinte clara legende
Sinte puo priesters legende
Sinte lodewÿc coninex legende
Sinte elzearius graue legende
Sinte elizabets legende.
¶ Dat derde boec inhout
Een tractaet vā S. Franciscus oorden
Sinte Franciscus geselle leuen
Die geleerde en̄ edele vā S. Frāciscus oorden
Dat getal der broederē en̅ prouintien
De aflaet vā romē mittē aflaet des oordēs
De kalēdier mittē feestē des aflaets."
Under these tables of contents occur two stanzas, the first containing
five lines, the second containing seven lines. They commence:—
"¶ O salige wÿngaert seer diep gheplant
Groyende in duechden van vruchten playsant," &c.
The preface to the Grote Legende informs us that it is Saint
Bonaventura's life of Saint Francis, and mentions why it is called the
Great Legend. This life ends at folio 47.
The preface to the Oude Legende, which next follows, states that it is
"gathered from the
writings of his companions and the chronicles
of the order of the Brothers Minor;" and the "Prologhe" (which succeeds
the preface) mentions—
"Die legēde van zÿn drie gesellen den spiegel der
volcomēheyts der minderbroeders. Broeder Thomas oude legends
en̄ dē boeck der ghelÿcheden daer seer schoon besereuē
is. Hoe ghelÿck dat dese heylighe man Franciscus: Christo Jhesu."
These lives, I suppose, are—that joint narrative compiled by three
intimate associates of the Saint, "zÿn drie gesellen," that composed by
Thomas of Celano; and the Liber Conformitatum.
The 39th chap. of this Oude Legende, folio ciii., relates, as the
preface says—
"¶ Hoe dat S. F. woude reysen in verre lāden om dat vole te
bekeren en̄ te vermaenen en̄ vā die grote tribulacie die
hi leet int soldaēs lant en̄ hoe hi gerne martelaer hadde
geworden en̄ hoe die broeders te Antiochien sÿn oordē
aēnaemen."
On which Jewish-converting martyrdom-seeking journey Dr. Geddes (in his
curious little work on the Romish Orders of Monks and Friars, Lond.
1714) quaintly remarks:
"A Quaker's having gone from England to Rome to convert the pope
to his religion, is a mighty jest with some people, who are very
much edified with this story of Francis's going from Italy to
Egypt to convert the sultan, but these two adventures do to me
appear to be so much alike that I shall leave it to anatomists to
tell whether good wits that prompt others, have not their brains
either made of the same size, or much in the same posture."
The Oude Legende ends folio 44. Next follows:
"¶ Die historie van dē aflaet van Sinte Maria van dē
enghelen diemē portiūkel heet,"
as the preface hath it. Some of your readers may have seen an
advertisement respecting a series of Franciscan works (to be published,
I think, by Richardson of Derby), entitled the Portioncule Library;
and seeing in the above table of contents "Die aflaet van Portiunkel,"
or the Indulgence of the Portiunkel, they may be at a loss to know its
meaning, so I shall quote a note from Mrs. Jameson's highly interesting
and valuable work on the Monastic Orders, which is to the purpose:
"The term Porzioncula means literally 'a small portion, share,
or allotment.' The name was given to a slip of land, of a few
acres in extent, at the foot of the hill of Assisi, and on which
stood a little chapel; both belonged to a community of
Benedictines, who afterwards bestowed the land and the chapel on
the brotherhood of S. Francis. This chapel was then familiarly
known as the 'Capella della Porzioncula.' Whether the title by
which it has since become famous as the S. Maria-degli-Angeli
belonged to it originally, or because the angels were heard
singing around and above it at the time of the birth of St.
Francis, does not seem clear. At all events this chapel became
early sanctified as the scene of the ecstasies and visions of the
saint; here also S. Clara made her profession. Particular
indulgences were granted to those who visited it for confession
and repentance on the fifth of August and it became a celebrated
place of pilgrimage in the fourteenth century. Mr. Ford tells us,
that in Spain the term Porzioncula is applied generally to
distinguish the chapel or sanctuary dedicated to St. Francis
within the Franciscan churches. The original chapel of the
Porzioncula now stands in the centre of the magnificent church
which has been erected over it."
In the "Legende" of St. Anthony of Padua, chap. vii. fol. ccxx., we have
that saint's "sermo ad pisces" in the city of Rimini, die vol ketters
was, and the conversion therefrom of the said ketters or heretics.
The "Prologhe" to the narrative "van die vÿf Martelaren," fol.
clxxviii., commences, "Ego quasi Vitis fructificavi suavitatem odoris
alo cenē wÿngaert," &c.: here we learn why the work is called Den
Wÿngaert, or The Vine.
In the "tractat vā S. F. orden en̄ reghele," at fol. cccxxix., we
have an account of Brother Agnellus of Pisa his mission to England in
1224.
In the "Getal der broederē en̄ prouintien," at fol. cccci., we
learn that at that time (1518) England had 7 convents and 200 friars;
Ireland 15 convents and 400 friars; and Scotland 8 convents and 120
friars.
The "Kalendier" which follows this "Getal" is printed in red and black.
"Den aflaet vā romē" is the last tract in the book. Here is the
finis:
"¶ Hier eyndt bÿ de gratie gods dat derde boec vā desen
wÿngaert die mit groten arbeyt wt veel ductētelÿcke scriftē
wten latÿne vergadert en̄ nu eerst translateert is, ter eerē
des heylighe confessors Sinte Franciscus en̄ ten profÿte vā
allen gueden kenten menschen.
"¶ Hier na volcht di tafele."
After the "tafel" or index occur some verses containing seventy-three
lines, eulogistic of the saint.
I forgot to mention that in the Oude Legende some of St. Francis's
poems are given, translated from the Italian originals: at fol. cxxii.
is given the "Canticum solis," part of which Sir James Stephen quotes in
his sketch of the saint's life.
I have a Query to make, but must defer it to another time, as I have
already taken up enough of your paper.
JARLTZBERG.
An extraordinary mode of swearing, akin to the oaths already noticed,
is recorded by Ysbrant Ides in his Travels from Moscow to China
(London, 1705, and reprinted in the second volume of Harris's
Collection):—
"Two
Tunguzian hostages falling out, one accused the other before
the Waywode (or Viceroy) of having conjured his deceased brother
to death. The Waywode asked the accuser if he would, according to
the Tunguzian custom, put the accused to his oath? To this he
answered in the affirmative; after which the accused took a live
dog, laid him on the ground, and with a knife stuck him into the
body, just under his left foot, and immediately clapped his mouth
to the wound, and sucked out the dog's blood as long as he could
come at it; after which he lift him up, laid him on his
shoulders, and clapped his mouth again to the wound in order to
suck out the remaining blood. An excellent drink indeed! And this
is the greatest oath and most solemn confirmation of the Truth
amongst them; so that on credit of this the accused was set free,
and the accuser punished for his false accusation."
The dog, designed, as Cicero observes, for man's use, was doubtless
selected for his sagacity and faithfulness; and by Loccenius, in his
Leges W. Gothicæ, "tria canum capita" are stated to have been
"Hunnorum gentis insignia," the progenitors of the Tunguzians, p. 107.
In Northern Europe "sanguine Deos placari creditum; canibus etiam cum
hominibus permistè in luco suspensis." (Ibid. p. 105.)
Among the northern nations, not only their testimoniary oaths were thus
sanctioned by blood, but their confederative also, in which their
fraternisation was symbolised by reciprocal transfusion of blood.
"Dear as the blood that warms my heart."
Gray's Bard.
It was the custom of the Scythians "non dextras tantum implicare, sed
pollices mutuo vincire, nodoque perstringere; mox sanguine in artus
extremos se effundente levi ritu cruorem elicere, atque invicem
lambere." (Hanseanius De Jurejurando Verterum.) Quintus Curtius
remarks that among the Hindoos (between whom and the Scythians Sir W.
Jones and other ethnographers have observed various traces of affinity)
the joining of right hands was their usual mode of salutation; "dextra
fidei sedes."
En passant, I have elsewhere seen the opinion quoted by a correspondent
(Vol. ii., p. 464), "Sedem animæ in digitis ponunt," attributed to the
Hindoos. Query, Has not the profession of θεληται (see Dr.
Maitland on Mesmerism) prevailed among them? Their propensity to
conjuring is so proverbial, that, according to a writer in the Asiatic
Researches, that term is derived from one of their tribes. See also on
their witchcrafts, Acosta's East and West Indies, chap. xxvi.
Before I dismiss the subject of swearing, permit me to observe what
appears to me to be the origin of the apothegm "Fiat Justitia, ruat
Cœlum" (Vol. ii., p. 494.), which, with a slight change, was
afterwards adopted by Ferdinand, emperor of Austria.
May it not have originated in an oath similar to that of Chaganus, king
of the Huns, recorded by Otrokoesi, in his Historiæ Hungaricæ?—
"Abarico ritu jusjurandum ad hunc modum præstitit. Ense edueto et
in altum sublato sibi et Abaricorum genti dira imprecatus si
quid mali, &c. Cœlum ex alto ipsis et Deus Ignis qui in
cœlo est, irrueret."
More sententiously he may have said: "Fiat [a me] justitia, [in me] ruat
Cœlum, [si non].
On the inviolability of oaths among the heathens, in addition to the
works referred to in Vol. iii., p. 192., see Gentleman's Magazine,
vol. i. p. 415.; on the singular notion, in the fourteenth century, of
the harmlessness of colloquial and affirmative oaths, see Archæologia,
vol. xx. p. 43.; and on the opposition made by the Lollards to this
unchristian practice, Purvey's Remonstrance against the Corruptions of
the Church of Rome, edited by the Rev. J. Forshall, London, 1851.
T. J.
The querist on Hugh Holland and his works, must be content with a reply
of unvarnished brevity.
1. "Where are these lines taken from, and what do they mean?"—The lines
are from the Cypress garland of Hugh Holland, 1625. 4to. The meaning
is obvious. I assume that Holland may be trusted as to his own age, to
which Wood gives no clue.
2. "Who says he did not quit Westminster school till 1589?"—Wood says
he was bred in Westminster school, and "elected into Trinity coll. in
Cambridge, an. 1589." Welch, from official documents, gives the same
date. Wood nowhere states that he "matriculated at Baliol in 1582."
3. "My words are, 'about 1590 he succeeded to a fellowship.'"—Wood
says he was elected to Trinity college in 1589, "of which he was
afterwards fellow." It may have been some years afterwards.
4. "Why does not MR. CORNEY give your readers his interpretation of the
mysterious H. H.?"—He reserved it for another occasion, but now
consents to satisfy the curiosity of the querist and others.
In 1632 Henry Holland dedicated to Charles I. an English version of the
Cyrvpædia of Xenophon, made by his father Philemon Holland. In the
dedication, which is signed at length, he says:
"Also, when any unworthy selfe (anno 1620) offred mine owne
collections, entituled Herwologia Anglica, unto his highnesse
[James I.], he most graciously received it."
In 1614 appeared, under the initials "H. H.," the Monvmenta
sepvlchraria sancti Pavli, and in the address ad lectorem we
read:
"Et non solùm nomine bonus appellatus est [sc. Alex. Nowel], sed
etiam et in vita sua bonitas apparuit, et in morte bona sua opera
illum sunt sequuta, et uberiùs et fusiùs in Effigiebus nostris
et vitis illustrium Anglorum cum de Coleto tum de illo apparet:
(quæ nunc transmarino habitu vestiendæ sunt) quare hic illum
pluribus prosequi verbis non est opus."
Here is unanswerable evidence that Henry Holland was the compiler of
both works. In the catalogue of the Grenville collection of books, now
in the British Museum, both works are ascribed to Hugh Holland.
5. "The edition of 1614 was certainly the first, and that of 1633
certainly the second."—The querist adopts my correction of his
threefold error, and calls it an answer!
6. "I shall therefore leave the shade of Cole and
MR.
BOLTON CORNEY to
settle the question as to whether any such work exists."—The querist
did not perceive that the Roxana of Alexander was an error for the
Roxana of Alabaster—so he endeavours to draw off the attention of his
readers from this proof of critical obtuseness by a common-place
witticism.
I must describe the facile process by which our querist has obtained his
apparent triumph. Wood, at the close of his article on Hugh Holland the
poet, which is chiefly derived from the Worthies of Fuller, mentions
one Hugh Holland as admitted B.A. in 1570, and another Hugh Holland as
matriculated at Baliol college in 1582, aged twenty-four; with others of
that surname. He adds, "but whether any of them were authors, I cannot
yet tell, or whether the last was the same with the poet. Qu." Now,
with regard to the first and second articles, our querist omits the
sentence which proves the inapplicability of his quotations! and with
regard to the third article, he omits the word afterwards, which forms
the gist of the argument.
BOLTON CORNEY.
"Assertion is not proof," and it surely does require proof ere we
consent to brand a writer of unimpeached character with the charge of "a
shameless, heartless act of literary piracy."
It rests with ERZA to bring forward his or her proof that the lines in
dispute were written by Lady Flora. ERZA asserted that they were "never
before printed." I have enabled him or her to satisfy himself or herself
that they were in print nearly twelve years ago. I am disposed to
believe ERZA equally mistaken in the assertion as to the authorship of
the lines. If this prove so, the imputation cast upon Miss Barber will
revert upon her accuser, and will demand the most ample apology.
I do not know Miss Barber; her writings I have long admired; and having
been the means of drawing down upon her such an accusation, I am not
disposed to let the inquiry terminate here. Nor can I believe the Editor
of "NOTES AND QUERIES"
will desire that either a literary error or a
groundless slander should descend to posterity in his pages.
L. H. K.
ERZA cannot entertain a higher respect than I do for the memory of Lady
Flora Hastings; but I am sure no member of her family would countenance
any attempt to exalt her reputation at the expense of another's; and I
fear ERZA, however unintentionally, has fallen into this error. The
stanzas she attributed to Lady Flora, as L. H. K. stated (Vol. iii., p.
522.), were published as Miss M. A. S. Barber's in The Christian Lady's
Magazine for September, 1839, only two months after Lady Flora's death.
In the preceding number, as L. H. K. also correctly stated, is a brief
memoir of Lady Flora, in which it is said, that shortly before her death
she "delivered to her fond brother a little Bible, the gift of her
mother, requesting him to restore it to that beloved parent," &c.
ERZA
may be unacquainted with that publication, but I can assure her that
Lady Flora's brother, my esteemed and lamented patron, was not; for
shortly after the number appeared, I found it lying on his table, in his
own private room at Donington Park, and, while waiting to see him,
partly read it there myself for the first time. I know not whether he
ever read the lines in question in the succeeding number, but I know the
Magazine was regularly taken by some of Lady Flora's intimate friends,
and I cannot suppose they would allow any poem of hers to pass unnoticed
for twelve years, with the signature of Miss Barber attached to it.
Indeed the stanzas bear internal evidence of being written after Lady
Flora's death, and founded on the account given by Charlotte Elizabeth
in the preceding number. If, however, ERZA still persists in attributing
them to Lady Flora Hastings, she is in duty bound to give her authority,
and not bring such a heavy accusation against Miss Barber on the bare
assertion of an anonymous correspondent. If Miss Barber really composed
the stanzas, as I believe she did, she was doubtless actuated with a
desire to honour the memory and character of Lady Flora; and in such
case nothing could be more cruel and unjust than the conduct imputed to
her by ERZA. Unfortunately I do not know Miss Barber's address, or
whether she is still living; but if any of your readers do, I hope they
will name this case to her, or her friends, that her reputation may be
cleared from the imputation thus rashly cast on it. If the case cannot
thus be satisfactorily settled, I will obtain the desired information
from another quarter; but I hope ERZA will also offer the assistance in
her power towards this desirable object; and to
set the example
of candour and openness, I will subscribe my real name.
W. HASTINGS KELKE.
Drayton Beauchamp.
—In reply to one of your
correspondents, who inquires as to the correct pronunciation of the name
of the poet Cowper, I may mention, that some years ago, being on a
visit in the neighbourhood of Weston Underwood, I made particular
inquiries on this point in the village, and found that there the poet
had always been known as Mr. Cooper. The name of the noble family to
which he was related will be the best criterion.
By the way, was there not sometime since a proposal for erecting by
subscription a worthy monument to a poet whose memory every Christian
must revere? In whose hands was this project, and with whom does its
execution rest?
THOS. MCCALMONT.
Highfield, near Southampton, July 22. 1851.
In my humble opinion, Coke is the old English form of writing cook,
from A.-Sax. "cóc." See Chaucer's Coke's Tale, and Cock Lorrell's
Bote, where we read "Drouers, Cokes, and pulters;" and in this same
poem occurs the line, "Carpenters, coupers, and ioyners." See also
under Cooper in Pegge's Anecdotes of the English Language; the names,
as thus pronounced, are rendered significant.
Should it be asked how we ought to pronounce the name of another poet,
viz. Cowley, if Cowper be called Cooper, I answer that they are from
different roots: that Cowley is from cow, and ley, signifying cow
pasture, or place for cows; and that Cowper is only another form of
Cooper: not but that in the north they pronounce cow as coo, and,
therefore, they would call him Cooley.
THOS. LAWRENCE.
Ashby de la Zouch.
—JAMES C. will find the subject
of Vitrified Forts treated at considerable length in the fourth volume
of the Archæologia Scotica, by S. Hibbert, Esq, M.D., Sir George
Mackenzie, Bart., of Coul, and George Anderson, Esq., F.R.S., pp.
160-195.
T. B. J.
Edinburgh, July 18. 1851.
—The editorial note is
sufficiently satisfactory; but what is the etymology of gooseberry?
Clearly "gorseberry," the fruit of the prickly shrub or bush.
JAMES CORNISH.
—Whether Oldham or Dryden had the
prior claim to the thought, is a very interesting question, but very
easily settled in favour of the much greater poet of the two, for—
"The dedication to the Earl of Orrery was addressed to him in the
year 1664, when The Rival Ladies, which was Dryden's second
play, was first printed."—Malone's Dryden, vol. i. part 2. p. 3.
Whereas the poem of Oldham states itself to have been written in July, 1678.
C. B.
—TYRO will
find a notice of him in Sir James Ware's Writers of Ireland, p. 92.,
Harris's edition.
FABER-FERRARIUS.
Dublin.
—In No. 75. of
"NOTES AND QUERIES"
for April, 1851, inquiry is made "to whom William Penn, the
eldest son of William Penn (the founder), was married, and also to whom
the children of said son were married, as well as those of his daughter
Letitia (Mrs. Aubrey), if she had any?" William Penn (the son) married
Mary Jones, by whom he had three children, William, Springett (who died
without issue), and Gul. Maria. William had two wives, Christiana
Forbes, and Ann Vaux. By Miss Forbes he had a daughter, married to Peter
Gaskell, Esq.; and by Miss Vaux a son, Springett, who died without
issue. Mrs. Aubrey (Letitia Penn) had no children.
EDW. D. INGRAHAM.
Philadelphia, July 4. 1851.
—I have no doubt that this word is
derived, as so many of our market terms are, from the French, bonne
marée, fresh fish.
"Marée signifie toute sorte de poisson de mer qui n'est pas salé;
bonne marée, marée fraîche, vendeur de marée."—Dict. de
l'Acad. Franc., voce.
C.
—The indiscriminate use of "Miss"
and "Mrs." to unmarried ladies is often very perplexing. The "Mrs." was
not, as M. S. supposes, always accompanied by the Christian name for
unmarried ladies; and the custom lasted at least as late as the reign of
George II. Pope in his letters (about 1719) mentions "Mrs. Lepel" and
"Mrs. Bellenden," maids of honour. The examples are innumerable, but the
latest instance I remember is the Duchess of Queensbury addressing
Patty Blount in 1756 as "Mrs. Blount;" though, no doubt, Patty was, by
that time, entitled to what is called brevet rank.
C.
—MR. PARSONS, I
observe, confines his inquiry to English book plates. On that point I
cannot at present offer him any information but I can to a certain
extent confirm his views with regard to the use of them in foreign
countries, having
now before me the plate (a woodcut) of
Erhardus à Muckhenthall—probably in modern German, Erhardt von
Muckenthal—dated 1634. It consists of his armorial bearings, surmounted
by a helmet, &c., apparently indicative of nobility; but the tinctures
not being expressed, I cannot give the blazon. The charge on his shield
seems to be intended for a lamb salient.
F. S. Q.
In the Surrenden Collection there are several loose impressions of Sir
Edward Dering's book plate, bearing date 1630. It is a very elaborate
one, and of a size adapted only for a folio volume; one of them is now
before me, with the date most clearly and distinctly marked.
L. B. L.