At page 371. of Vol. iii. I addressed a Query as to the best mode of
reaching Iceland. I have since ascertained that the principal
communication with Iceland is from Copenhagen; whence during the season
sail a monthly packet, sundry trading-vessels, and sometimes a Danish
frigate. Danish vessels also call at Hull and Liverpool to load with
salt for Iceland. The Norwegian trade thither has ceased since 1814, and
it has now scarcely any intercourse except with Denmark.
A few
dirty smacks of fifty or sixty tons, from the Thames and another place
or two, resort there to fish, they do not go into port. There is no
further mode of reaching that interesting and remarkable island, except
per yacht, or by one of the steam-excursions which are occasionally
advertised in The Times. The Danish steamers mentioned in Murray's
Guide-book have discontinued running.
Murray gives but little respecting, Iceland, but that little is good.
The best book on it that I have met with is, An Historical and
Descriptive Account of Iceland, Greenland, and the Faröe Islands, with
Illustrations of their Natural History, by James Nicol: Oliver and
Boyd, Edinburgh, 1844. It embodies the substance of all the best
information in small space. The last published English visit to Iceland
seems to be that of Barrow in 1835 but a much more recent account has
been published in German by that enterprising lady Ida Pfeiffer, of a
voyage she made there. An interesting statement of the diseases and
sanatory condition of Iceland is found in the British and Foreign
Medico-Chirurgical Review for 1850, vol v., being a notice of a work
entitled, Island undersögt fra lægevidenskabeligt Synspunct, by Dr.
Schleisner, Fellow of the Royal Medical Society of Copenhagen, who went
to Iceland purposely to examine into its medical condition.
Of works on Norway, Murray's Hand-book is the best, and contains a
list of books on Scandinavia published up to 1848. Besides these, there
are the following:—
1. Scandinavian Sketches; or, a Tour in Norway. By Lieutenant Breton,
R.N.
2. Wittich's Visit to the Western Coast of Norway: London, 1848.
Contains accurate physical descriptions of the country.
3. Forester's Norway in 1848 and 1849: London, 1850. Conveys to the
mind an excellent and very complete picture of Norwegian scenery,
travelling, manners and customs, &c., and gives much valuable
information. The plates are very truthful and characteristic.
4. Ross's Yacht Voyage to Norway is not worth much; and
5. Jones's Angler's Guide to Norway is worth less.
6. Barrow's Visit to Iceland by way of Trondhjem in 1834 contains much
about some parts of Norway.
Written in Norwegian, and published in Christiania, is a fine work
entitled, Norge Fremstillet i Tegninger, 1848. The "Tegninger" are
lithographs, eighty-two in number, and well executed and the
descriptions are highly interesting. There is also now publishing a
series of coloured plates of the Norwegian costumes, denominated Norske
Nationaldragter tegnede efter Naturen af forskjellige Norske kunstnere,
og ledsagede med en oplysende Text: Christiania, 1850. The plates are
highly coloured, and the letter-press is in Norsk, German, and English.
Mr. Schirmer of Christiania is also publishing a series of magnificent
architectural drawings of the old cathedrals of Norway. There are
several excellent maps of Norway, of which Munch's is the best but the
only geological map is a very large and complicated one in many sheets,
I think by Professor Keilhau. On the botany of Norway there are,
Hartmann, Handbok i Skandinaviens Flora: Stockholm, 1843, and Lund,
Haandbog i Christianias phanerogame Flora: Christiania, 1846. The
Danish pharmacopœia is still employed by the Norwegian apothecaries.
On the dreadful disease found in the Bergen-Stift, called Elephantiasis
Græcorum, or Spedalskhed, Doctors Danielssen and Boeck have put forth
a work in French and Norwegian, embodying an immense deal of research
and information, accompanied with an Atlas of twenty-four coloured
plates. They consider this disease to be identical with the leprosy of
Scripture. Their book was published in 1847; and contains references to
every known account of the disease up to that date, in a bibliographical
list of great length. An article upon it, comprehending a short but
complete account of the disease, may be found in the British and
Foreign Med. Chir. Review for 1850, vol. v.
Of Norwegian national songs and music, there are, besides Lindeman's
Norske Field-Melodier, the following publications:—
1. Folke Sange og Melodier, Fædrelandske og Fremmelse, udsalte for
Pianoforte, 1844.
2. Sangsamling for Norske Selskabskredse: udgiven af det Norske
Studenter-samfund: Christiania, 1839. The students of the Christiania
University have much taste for music, and are very fond of singing in
parts and choruses.
3. Scandinaviske Folkesange udsalte for Pianoforte af Niels W. Gade.
4. Norske Viser og Stev i Folkesproget. Anden Udgave: Christiania,
1848. This contains forty-three national ballads, mostly in provincial
dialects, and consequently very difficult to translate but, in many
respects, extremely curious, referring to the manners, customs, and
superstitions of the peasantry. The new edition is edited by P. A.
Munch, Professor of History in the University of Christiania. The notes
of some national airs are added at the end.
Professor Munch also published in 1850, Symbolæ ad Historiam
Antiquiorem Rerum Norvegicarum. I. Breve Chronicon Norvegiæ. II.
Genealogia Comitum Orcadensium. III. Catalogus Regum Norvegiæ. E. Codice
quoad magnam partem hactenus inedito, et in orcadibus, ut videtur, medio
sæculo XVto conscripto. Appended to it is the following curious
genealogy:—
| "Stemma, originem celsissimæ principis LUDOVICÆ, futuræ Principis nostri
uxoris, nec non VICTORIÆ, augustissimæ Britanniarum reginæ, a Sancto
Olao, patrono Norvegiæ, illustrans." |
| "SANCTUS OLAUS, rex Norveg., ob. 1030, pr. kal. Sept. Uxor Astrida, filia Olai regis Sveciæ. |
| | | |
| Ulfhilda, mar. Ordulfus, dux Saxoniæ, ob. 1074. |
| | | |
| Magnus, dux Sax. ob. 1106. |
| | | |
| Ulfhilda, mar. Henricus Niger, dux Bavariæ. |
| | | |
| Henricus Superbus, dux Bavariæ et Saxoniæ, ob. 1130. |
| | | |
| Henricus Leo, id. ob. 1195. |
| | | |
| Wilhelmus, dux, ob. 1213. |
| | | |
| Otto Puer, dux Brunsvico-Luneburgensis, ob. 1252. |
| | | |
| Albertus Magnus, dux Brunsv. ob. 1279. |
| | | |
| Albertus pinguis, dux Br. Göttingen, ob. 1318. |
| | | |
| Magnus pius, dux Brunsv. ob. 1368. |
| | | |
| Magnus Torquatus, dux Brunsv. ob. 1373. |
| | | |
| ――――――――――――――――――――――――― |
| | | | |
| Bernhardus, dux Lun. ob. 1434. | Henricus, dux Br. ob. 1416. | |
| | | | |
| Fridericus pius, id. ob. 1478. | Wilhelmus victoriosus, dux Br. ob. 1482. | |
| | | | |
| Otto Magnanimus, id. ob. 1471. | Wilhelmus junior, dux Br. Guelferb. ob. c. 1500. | |
| | | | | |
| Henricus junior, id.ob. 1532. | Henricus malus, dux Br. Guelf. ob. 1514. | |
| | | | |
| Ernestus, d. Cellæ, ob. 1546. | Henricus junior, id. ob. 1575. | |
| | | | |
| Wilhelmus junior, d. Lun. ob. 1592. | Julius, id. ob. 1589. | |
| | | | |
| Georgius, id. ob. 1641. | Henricus Julius, id. ob. 1613. | |
| | | | |
| Ernestus Augustus, Elector Hannov. 1698. | Sophia Hedviga, ob. 1642, nupta Ernesto Casimiro, Com. de Nassau-Dietz. | |
| | | | |
| Georgius I. rex Brit. ob. 1727. | Wilhelmus Fridericus, com. de N.-D. vicerex Fresiæ, ob. 1664. | |
| | | | |
| Georgius II. rex Br. ob. 1760. | Henricus Casimirus, pr. de Nassau-Dietz, v. Fresiæ, ob. 1696. | |
| | | | |
| Fridericus Ludovicus, princ. Brit. ob. 1751. | Johannes Willelmus Friso, pr. de Nassau-Dietz, vic. her. Fresiæ, ob. 1711. | |
| | | | |
| Georgius III. rex Br. ob. 1820. | Willelmus Carolus Henricus Friso, pr. Arausionensis, vic. her. Bat. ob. 1751. | |
| | | | |
| Edwardus Augustus, dux Cantiæ,ob. 1820. | Willelmus V. pr. Arausionensis, vic. her. Bat. ob. 1806. | |
| | | | |
| VICTORIA, regina Britanniarum. | Willelmus I. rex Bat. ob. 1843. | |
| | | | |
| | ――――――――――――――――――――――――― |
| | | | | |
| | Willelmus II. rex Bat. ob. 1849. | Willelmus Fridericus Carolus, pr. Bat. |
| | | | | |
| | WILLELMUS III. rex Bat. | WILLELMINA FRIDERICA ALEXANDRINA, Anna Ludovica, nata 5 Aug. 1828." |
Further elucidating the ancient history of Scandinavia are the following
works:—
Fagskrinna. Kortfaltet Norsk Konge-Saga fra slutningen af det 12te
eller begyndelsen af det 13de aarhundrede. Udgivet af P. A. Munch,
Professor i Historie, og C. R. Unger, Stipendiat i Nordisk
Sprogvidenskab: Christiania, 1847. In Icelandic, with Norwegian
introduction and notes. C. M. Falsen, Geografisk Beskrivelse over
Kongeriget Norge og Udsigt over dets ældre Historie, som Indledning til
Norges udförlige Historie, 1821; and Norges Historie under Kong Harald
Haarfager og hans mandlige Descendenter, 1824, by the same author.
The various works and sources of information above mentioned will be
found to lead on to many others, so that it will not be difficult for
those who wish it, and can afford the time, to enter fully into the
highly interesting and curious history of the North—a subject which
once entered upon is not easy to quit. The literature of Scandinavia is
considerable: although that of Denmark and of Norway is less known,
distinctively, in this country, than the Swedish portion; partly, no
doubt, because the semi-barbarous Gothic character is still much used
instead of the clearer Roman type. English literature is much liked in
Norway, and they have translations of Scott, Bulwer, Laing, Washington
Irving, and some others.
I am very anxious to obtain information on the unanswered points
referred to at page 370.
WILLIAM E.C. NOURSE.
Postscriptum.—In enumerating recent works on Iceland and the North, I
omitted to mention Dillon's Winter in Iceland and Lapland, 2 volumes,
London, 1840 an excellent work not sufficiently known.
The trading vessels to Iceland are exceedingly rough and dirty. The
Dart, Madeira packet, a fine brig of 350 tons, will probably go thither
this summer with passengers.
W. E. C. N.
MR. BOLTON CORNEY having favoured your readers with "a notice of some of
the statements" contained in my article above-named, I deem it a duty
incumbent upon myself to make a few remarks upon these "notices," which
I shall do in the briefest manner possible.
The object of my paper was to call attention to a forgotten poet, and to
endeavour to obtain some information regarding the locality of his
manuscripts. Had I been writing the life of Hugh Holland, I should, of
course, have investigated the dates of his biography and works more
fully than it was necessary to do for a trifling article like that in
question. But, as it is, the facts and dates which I have given are all
derived from creditable and well-known sources and all the facts and
dates in question are the facts and dates of older writers than
myself, as will appear by the following.
1. "He was born at Denbigh in 1558." He was born at Denbigh, but not in
1558. In 1625 he thus expressed himself:
"Why was the fatall spinster so vnthrifty?
To draw my third four yeares to tell and fifty!"
Answer. Where are these lines taken from, and what do they mean? What
is the proof that they relate to Hugh Holland? "Hugh Holland, an
esquire's son of Denbighshire," was matriculated at Baliol College,
Oxford, anno 1582, aged twenty-four. My authority is Wood's Athenæ,
edit. Bliss, vol. ii. p. 560.
2. He did not quit Westminster school till 1589. If ever he pursued his
studies at Baliol College, it was some ten years afterwards.
Answer. Who says he did not quit Westminster school till 1589?—Joseph
Welch, or MR. BOLTON CORNEY? Allowing it to be the former, are all
Welch's dates correct? I have Wood's authority that Hugh Holland
matriculated at Baliol in 1582.
3. "About 1590 he succeeded to a fellowship at Trinity College,
Cambridge." In 1589 he was elected from Westminster to a scholarship
in Trinity College, Cambridge—not to a fellowship. At a later period
of life he may have succeeded to a fellowship.
Answer. My words are, "about 1590 he succeeded to a fellowship." MR.
CORNEY adds, "In 1589" he was elected to a scholarship. I must again
refer to honest old Wood, who expressly says that he was a fellow of
Trinity College.
4. "Holland published two works: 1. Monumenta Sepulchralia Sancti
Pauli, Lond. 1613, 4to. 2. A Cypress Garland, &c., Lond. 1625, 4to."
Hugh Holland was not the compiler of the first-named work: the initials
H. H. admit of another interpretation.
Answer. Why does not MR. CORNEY give your readers his interpretation
of the mysterious "H. H.?" One Henry Holland was the author of A Booke
of Kings, being the true Effigies of our English Kings, &c.: Lond.
1618, 4to. Is this the interpretation? If so, I ask for the proof.
5. The dates assigned to the Monumenta Sancti Pauli are "1613, 1616,
1618, and 1633." Here are three errors in as many lines. The first
edition is dated in 1614. The edition of 1633, which is entitled
Ecclesia Sancti Pauli illustrata, is the second. No other editions
exist.
Answer. The edition of 1614 was certainly the first, and that of 1633
certainly the second. In the preface to the latter the author says,
"My first collection of these Monumentall Epitaphs I published
anno 1614, full nineteen yeeres sithence." My authority, however, for
the "three errors in as many lines" is Cole's Collections for an Athenæ
Cantabrigenses. (See Brydges Restituta, vol. iii p. 215.)
6. "Holland also printed a copy of Latin verses before Alexander's
Roxana, 1632." No such work exists. He may have printed verses before
the Roxana of W. Alabaster, who was his brother-collegian.
Answer. My authority again is Cole's Collections in Restituta, vol.
iii. p. 215, where, under the head of "Hugh Holland, fellow of Trinity
College," is this line: "Has a copy of Latin verses before Dr.
Alexander's Roxana, 1632." I shall therefore leave the shade of Cole
and MR. BOLTON CORNEY to settle the question as to whether any such work
exists.
I have now disposed of the six statements, and have only to add, that
the authorities which I have consulted are those which I have named.
EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.
The suggestion of primzie is too ingenious, and too apparently happy,
to be passed over without adducing some reason for refusing to give it
the preference to Tieck's reading of precise.
The terminal adjuncts zie, sie, some, generally imply some playful
diminutive variation of the original word, certainly they never add
force or gravity to it: prim, in itself, is a diminutive of
primitive, and applies more to external appearance than to internal
character. I do not think, therefore that even prim would be a word
sufficiently dignified for the situation and context; much less is its
diminutive primsie.
It seems to me that the character of Angelo is generally mistaken; he is
too often looked upon as a mere hypocrite, whereas Shakspeare depicts
him, before his fall, as a rigid but sincere ascetic. This view of his
character accounts for his final condemnation of Claudio: he has no
mercy for the crime, even while committing it himself; and he was just
the man who, had he escaped detection, would probably have passed the
remainder of his life in the exercise of self-inflicted penance.
Viewing Angelo, therefore, as a man proverbial for rigidly virtuous
conduct; who stood "at a guard with envy;" who challenged scrutiny; and
who was above the tongue of slander; I do not think that primsie can
be looked upon as an appropriate designation in the mouth of Claudio. He
would use some word in the greatest possible contrast to the infamous
conduct Isabella was imputing to Angelo: primsie would be weak and
almost unmeaning, and, as such, I will not receive it as Shakespeare's,
so long as the choice of a better remains.
Does not Shakspeare, by his frequent repetition of precise, in this
play, seem purposely to stamp it with that peculiar signification
necessary to his meaning, that is, rigidly virtuous? Another example of
it, not, I believe, before noticed, is where Elbow describes his "two
notorious benefactors" as "precise villains," "void of all profanation
that good Christians ought to have."
The humour of this is in the contrast afforded by Elbow's association of
incongruous and inconsistent terms, causing Escalus to exclaim, "Do you
hear how he misplaces?" Precise therefore in this place also requires
a meaning as opposite as possible to villany, something more than
formal, in order that the humour may be fully appreciated.
With respect to Halliwell's quotation from Fletcher's poems, it
certainly confers upon prin a very different meaning from any that
prim is capable of receiving: the context requires prin to have some
signification akin to fleshless; like "bodyes at the resurrection,
just rarifying into ayre." Prin, in this sense, would seem to have
some relation to pine, since pin and prin were synonymous.
A. E. B.
Leeds, July, 1851
The earliest divisions of the Decalogue are those of Josephus (Ant.
Jud., lib. iii. c. v. s. 5.), the Chaldee Paraphrase of Jonathan, and
Philo-Judæus de Decem Oraculis. According to the two former, the 3rd
verse of Exod. xx., "Thou shalt have no other gods but me," contains the
first commandment, the 4th, 5th, and 6th, the second. Philo makes the
Preface or Introduction to be a distinct commandment, as do also St.
Jerome and Hesychius. The two latter make what we call the first and
second to be the second only; but Philo does not recite the words "Thou
shalt have no other gods but me;" and whether he understood them in the
first or the second, does not hence appear. The same uncertainty is
found in Athanasius in Synopsi S. Scripturæ.
It may however be inferred, from these two writers giving the
commencement only of the other commandments, that they made the
prohibition, "Thou shalt not make," &c., in the same manner the
commencement of the second; and therefore joined the other, "Thou shalt
have," &c., to the words "I am the Lord thy God."
Those which we call the first and second were united by St. Augustine.
The distinction made by Josephus and the Chaldee Paraphrast, separating
the two prohibitions, was adopted by the following early writers: Origen
(Hom. viii. in Exod.); Greg. Nazianzen
(Carmina, Mosis
Decalogus) Irenæus (lib. ii. c. xlii.); Ambrose (in Ep. ad Ephes. c.
vi.).
The Jews divide the Decalogue thus:
1. I am....
2. Thou shalt not have....
3. Thou shalt not take....
But in the field of speculation, the Jews have followed a variety of
systems for dissecting the Decalogue, as may be seen in Abarvanel in the
Pericope "Jethro," and in Voisin's Proœmium ad Martini Pugionem
Fidei.
The following authors may be consulted on the arguments which have been
adduced to support their respective divisions by the Church of Rome and
the Lutherans on the one side, and the Reformers or Calvinists and the
Church of England on the other.
1. Church of Rome.—Gother's Papist Misrepresented; Godden's
Catholics No Idolaters; Gotti Vera Ecclesia Christi.
2. Lutherans.—Salmuthi Theses; Winckelmanni Dissertatio, &c.;
Crameri de distinguendo decalogo, &c.; Franzii Disputatio; Weimari
Demonstratio; Opitii Dissertatio de usu accentuationis geminæ in
genuina divisione decalogi; Dasdorfii Dissertatio de decalogo, ex
fundamento accentuum examinato; Hackspanii Notæ Philologicæ in varia
loca S. Scripturæ; Pfeifferi Opera (cent. 1.).
3. Reformers.—Sam. Bohlii vera divisio decalogi ex infallibili
principio accentuationis.
In reference to this argument, which is used by both parties, I have
been favoured with the following remarks by a learned professor of
languages, of the Jewish faith:
"On the subject of your inquiry, the accents do not appear to me
to offer any decision. They show which words are to be connected
with each other to make up one proposition; but not how many
propositions shall go to make up one commandment."
4. The Church of England.—Ussher's Answer to a Jesuit (Images), and
his Sermon preached before the Commons House of Parliament, 1620;
Taylor's Ductor Dubitantium (where, in connexion with the Romish
controversy, this subject is exhausted); Stillingfleet's Replies to
Gother and Godden; and Forbesii Theologia Christiana.
T. J.
Though your correspondent MR. SYDNEY SMIRKE has brought to our notice
the existence of the republic of San Marino, and informed us of many
facts in connexion therewith, and though F. C. B. has enlightened us on
several points of interest in the history of this state, still I do not
find in either of these communications the following particulars of its
foundation, which are in Addison's Remarks on Italy, pp. 62, 63. (ed.
Talboys, 1830), and which may interest some of your readers.
"San Marino was its founder, a Dalmatian by birth and by trade a
mason. He was employed above thirteen hundred years ago in the
reparation of Rimini, and after he had finished his work, retired
to this solitary mountain as finding it very proper for the life
of a hermit, which he led in the greatest rigours and austerities
of religion. He had not been long here before he wrought a
reputed miracle, which, joined with his extraordinary sanctity,
gained him so great an esteem that the princess of the country
made him a present of the mountain, to dispose of at his own
discretion. His reputation quickly peopled it, and gave rise to
the republic which calls itself after his name.... The best of
their churches is dedicated to the saint, and holds his ashes.
His statue stands over the high altar, with the figure of a
mountain in its hands crowned with three castles, which is
likewise the arms of the commonwealth. They attribute to his
protection the long duration of their state, and look on him as
the greatest saint next the blessed Virgin. I saw in their
statute book a law against such as speak disrespectfully of him,
who are to be punished in the same manner as those who are
convicted of blasphemy."
WALTER MONTAGU.
After so much has "been said on both sides," in the pages of
"NOTES AND QUERIES," on the signification of eisill or esil in Hamlet, it
appears to me that the evidence requires to be carefully summed up. This
task I would willingly leave to other hands; but since no correspondent
attempts it, I will venture, if I may be allowed, to take it on myself,
and will strive to perform it to the best of my ability.
The question is, whether by the word under discussion we are to
understand vinegar (or some such liquid) or a river. It will be
proper, in taking a view of the matter, to "begin from the beginning,"
and to see, in the first place, what the earlier commentators have said.
1. What the critics before Theobald thought of the word, is not quite
certain; but Theobald states that it had, "through all the editions,
been distinguished by Italic characters, as if it were the proper name
of a river; and so," he adds, "I dare say all the editors have from time
to time understood it to be." But not being able to satisfy himself what
river could be meant, he preferred to understand it of vinegar, and
interprets the passage, "Wilt thou swallow down large draughts of
vinegar?"
2. Sir Thomas Hanmer, on the contrary, was so convinced that a river was
signified, that he actually altered the passage, arbitrio suo, to
"Wilt drink up Nile? or eat a crocodile?"
3. Johnson was silent, and left the explanation of the word to Steevens,
who, observing that Hamlet meant to rant (as he says he will), supposed
him to defy Laertes "to drink up a river, or try his teeth on an animal
whose scales are supposed to be impenetrable." The word, he thinks, may
be irrecoverably corrupted, but he finds plenty of rivers in Denmark of
a somewhat similar sound, any one of which should "serve Hamlet's turn."
4. Malone, in his first edition, deeming that Hamlet was not speaking of
"impossibilities," but merely of "difficult or painful exertions,"
decided on adhering to Theobald and his vinegar. But in his second
edition he repented, and expressed his conviction that "Mr. Steevens's
interpretation is the true one," remarking that "this kind of hyperbole
is common among our ancient poets."
5. Steevens, before he published his second edition, read the
observations in favour of vinegar given in Malone's first edition but,
though he allowed them to be "acute," was not moved by anything advanced
in them to depart from his opinion that a river was intended.
6. Boswell followed Malone's second thoughts.
7. Mr. Singer, in his edition printed in 1826, had so little notion that
vinegar could be signified, that he does not even advert to a single
argument in behalf of that opinion, attending only to the consideration
"what river, lake, or firth, Shakspeare meant."
8. Mr. Collier makes no decision, observing only that eyesel is
certainly the old word for vinegar, but that there is considerable
doubt whether that be meant here and that "some of the commentators
suppose Hamlet to challenge Laertes to drink up the river Yssell or
Eisell."
9. Mr. Knight favoured the river, remarking that "there is little doubt
that Shakspeare referred to the river Yssell, Issell, or Izel, the most
northern branch of the Rhine, and that which is nearest to Denmark."
Thus we have, on the side of vinegar, Theobald, and Malone's first
edition, on the side of the river, Sir T. Hanmer, Steevens, Malone's
second edition, Boswell, Mr. Singer in 1826, and Mr. Knight; six against
two. I say nothing of Johnson, whom, however, we may consider to have
been favourable to Steevens; or of the earlier editors, who, according
to Theobald, printed the word in Italics as a proper name.
So the matter remained; most readers, as well as critics, being, I
believe, of opinion that a river was intended, until MR. SINGER, in the
46th No. of "NOTES AND QUERIES," revived the notion that some kind of
drink was signified.
10. Let us now consider what testimonies are advanced by the various
critics on behalf of each of these opinions. That eysell (the 4to.,
1604, reads esil, and the folio esile) was used as synonymous with
one kind of drink, viz. vinegar, is apparent from the following
authorities. Malone observes that it occurs in Chaucer and Skelton, and
also in Sir Thomas More, Works, p. 21., edit. 1557
—— "with sowre pocion
If thou paine thy taste, remember therewithal
That Christ for thee tasted eisil and gall."
He also remarks that it is found in Minsheu's Dictionary, 1617, and in
Coles's Latin Dictionary, 1679.
Shakspeare himself, as Farmer was the first to point out, has, in his
111th Sonnet,
—— "like a willing patient I will drink
Potions of eysell 'gainst my strong infection;
No bitterness that I will bitter think,
Nor double penance to correct correction."
From Chaucer, Richardson's Dictionary supplies,
"She was like thing for hunger deed
That lad her life only by breed
Kneden with eisel strong and agre,
And thereto she was lean and megre."
and another passage thus:
"Then these wretches full of all frowardnesse
Gave him to drink eisel temp'red with gall."
Lamentation of Mary Magdalen.
Todd, also, in his edition of Johnson, says that the old English aysel
for vinegar is used by Wicliffe.
11. Next comes the consideration whether, if vinegar were intended,
the expression drink up could properly have been used in reference to
it. On this point Theobald says nothing, except intimating that "drink
up" is equivalent to "swallow down." Steevens denies that if Shakspeare
had meant Hamlet to say, "Wilt thou drink vinegar?" he would have used
"the term drink up," which means "totally to exhaust." Malone, in
his first edition, remarks on the subject as follows:
"On the phrase drink up no stress can be laid, for our poet has
employed the same expression in his 114th Sonnet, without any
idea of entirely exhausting, and merely as synonymous to drink:
'Or whether doth my mind, being crowned with you,
Drink up the monarch's plague, this flattery?'
"Again, in the same Sonnet:
—— 'Tis flattery in my seeing
And my great mind most kingly drinks it up.'
"Again, in Timon of Athens:
'And how his silence drinks up his applause.'
"In Shakspeare's time, as at present, to drink up often meant
no more than simply to drink. So in Florio's Italian
Dictionary, 1598: 'Sorbire, to sip or sup up any drink.' In
like manner we sometimes say, 'When you have swallowed down
this potion,' though we mean no more than, 'When you have
swallowed this potion.'"
In his second edition, however, Malone abandoned his first
interpretation, and his remarks on drink up then went for
nothing.
Discussion on this point has occupied some paragraphs in
"NOTES AND QUERIES." MR. SINGER, in his first paper (Vol. ii., p. 241.), asserts
that "to drink up was commonly used for simply to drink." MR.
HICKSON, too (No. 51.), affirms that "drink up is synonymous with
drink off, drink to the dregs," and observes that "a child taking
medicine is urged to drink it up. But H. K. S. C., or Mr. H. K. S.
CAUSTON, as he afterwards signs himself, denies that drink up can be
used of eysell, or any other liquid, unless a definite quantity of
it be signified; that is, you may say to any one, if you please, in
allusion to a definite quantity of vinegar, "Drink it up;" but if you
allude to vinegar in general, without limitation of quantity, you will
say merely, "Drink vinegar." So if you would ask your friend whether he
drinks wine or water, you would say, "Do you drink wine or water?" not
"Do you drink up wine or water?" which would be to ask him whether he
drinks up all the wine or water in the world, or at least all the
definite quantities of either that come within his reach. MR. SINGER
professes not to understand this doctrine, and refers MR. CAUSTON to the
nursery rhyme:
"Eat up your cake, Jenny,
Drink up your wine,"
"which," he says, "may perhaps afford him further apt illustration;"
but which supplies, MR. CAUSTON rejoins, only another example that
drink up is applied to definite quantity; a quantity which, in this
case, is "neither more nor less than the identical glass of wine which
Jenny had standing before her." The line in Shakspeare's 114th Sonnet
is, MR. CAUSTON adds, "a parallel passage." To drink up, therefore, he
concludes, must be used of "a noun implying absolute entirety, which
might be a river, but could not be grammatically applied to any
unexpressed quantity." In these remarks there seems to be great justness
of reasoning. MR.
CAUSTON might also have instanced the lines:
"Freely welcome to my cup,
Couldst thou sip, and sip it up:"
that is, "couldst thou go on sipping till thou hast sipped up, or
entirely exhausted, the whole definite quantity in the cup."
12. But MR. SINGER in 1850, differing so much from Mr. Singer in 1826
(who thought that a river was signified), supposes that though a sort of
drink is intended, it is not vinegar, but wormwood-wine. To this
purpose he cites the lines of Shakspeare's 111th Sonnet, which we have
already transcribed:
"Whilst like a willing patient I will drink
Potions of eysell 'gainst my strong infection;
No bitterness that I will bitter think
Nor double penance to correct correction."
"Here we see," he observes, "that it was a bitter potion which it was
a penance to drink." This does not seem to be clearly apparent from the
passage for it is not absolutely certain that the bitterness in the
third line refers to the eysell in the second. But he adds another
quotation from the Troy Boke of Lydgate:
"Of bitter eysell, and of eager wine."
After which he subjoins:
"Numerous passages in our old dramatic writers show that it was a
fashion with the gallants of the time to do some extravagant
feat, as a proof of their love, in honour of their mistresses;
and among others, the swallowing some nauseous potion was one of
the most frequent: but vinegar would hardly have been considered
in this light; wormwood might. In Thomas's Italian
Dictionary, 1562, we have 'Assentio, Eysell;' and Florio
renders that word [Assentio] by Wormwood. What is meant,
however is absinthites, or wormwood wine, a nauseously bitter
medicament then much in use; and this being evidently the bitter
potion of eysell in the poet's sonnet, was certainly the
nauseous draught proposed to be taken by Hamlet, among the other
extravagant feats as tokens of love."
The reader will judge with what justice the words "evidently" and
"certainly" are used. MR. SINGER then cites Junius, but to little
purpose; Hutton's Dictionary, to prove that absinthites meant
"wormwood-wine;" and Stuckius's Antiquitates Convivales to show that
absinthites was a propoma; but Stuckius, be it observed, mentions this
propoma only as a stomachic, quod vim habet stomachum corroborandi et
extenuandi.
It is not surprising, therefore, that LORD BRAYBROOKE (Vol. ii., p.
286.) should quote against MR. SINGER'S theory the following paragraph:
"If, as MR. SINGER supposes, 'Eisell was absinthites, or
wormwood-wine, a nauseously bitter medicament then much in use,'
Pepys's friends must have had a very singular taste, for he
records on the 24th of November, 1660:
'Creed, and Shepley, and I, to the Rhenish wine-house, and there
I did give them two quarts of wormwood wine.'
"Perhaps the beverage was doctored for the English market, and
rendered more palatable than it had been in the days of
Stuckius."
Two other correspondents of the "NOTES AND QUERIES" also, C. H. (Vol.
iii., p. 508.) and GOMER (ibid.), assert that eysell, if it means
any potion at all, must mean vinegar; C. H. referring to a MS. at
Cambridge (Dd. i. fol. 7.), date about 1350, in which occurs,—
"Þe iewis herde þis word wet alle
And anon eysel þei mengid wiþ galle:"
and GOMER relying on the support of the Welsh word Aesell, which
implies verjuice or vinegar. D. ROCK, too, adduces the 'Festival' in the
sermon for St. Michael's day:
"And other angellis with hī (St. Michael) shall bring all the
Instrumētis of our lordis passyon; the crosse; the crowne;
spere; nayles; hamer; sponge; eyseel; gall, &c."
There is therefore, it appears, ample testimony to show that eysell
was used for vinegar; but to prove that it meant wormwood-wine, MR.
SINGER'S instances seem insufficient.
13. Before we proceed further, let us, supposing that no bitter or sour
potion, but a river, is meant, advert to the consideration what river
may be intended? Theobald observed that there was no river of that name
in Denmark, nor any resembling it in name but "Yssel, from which the
province of Overyssel derives its name in the German Flanders."
Steevens, however, is well content to take this Yssel as that which
Hamlet had in his thoughts. "But," he adds, "in an old Latin account of
Denmark, and the neighbouring provinces, I find the names of several
rivers little differing from Esil or Eisill in spelling or
pronunciation. Such are the Essa, the Oesil, and some others.... The
poet," he further remarks, "might have written the Weisel; a
considerable river, which falls into the Baltic Ocean, and could not be
unknown to any prince in Denmark." MR. SINGER of 1826 suggests that the
Issel is perhaps meant, but that the firth of Iyze is nearest to the
scene of action. MR. KNIGHT has little doubt that the Yssell, Issell, or
Izel, the most northern branch of the Rhine, and that which is nearest
to Denmark, is signified.
MR. HICKSON, indeed, who favours
MR. SINGER'S wormwood-wine, says (Vol.
iii., p. 119.), that the word cannot mean a river, because the definite
article is omitted before it. But this is an assertion of very little
weight. H. K. S. C. (Vol. iii., p. 68.) very justly observes, that we
may as correctly say,—"Woul't drink up Thames?" without the article, as
"Woul't drink up Eisell?" without the article. Let MR. HICKSON call to
mind Milton's lines on English rivers:
"And sullen Mole, that runneth underneath
And Severn swift, guilty of maiden's death,"
ending with—
"And Medway smooth, and royal-tower'd Thame,"
and ask himself whether the names of rivers are not with perfect
propriety used without the article. Pope has—
"And sails far off, among the swans of Thames."
And is not Sir Thomas Hammer quite correct in expression, when he alters
the hemistich into "Wilt drink up Nile?" But to multiply examples on
such a point would be idle.
14. It is now to be considered whether, supposing that the word might
mean a potion (whether of vinegar or wormwood) or a river, the
potion or the river is the more applicable to the passage in which it
occurs. It cannot be denied that the whole passage is full of rant and
extravagance. Laertes begins to rant, and Hamlet answers him in a
similar strain:
"Now pile your dust (says Laertes) upon quick and dead,
Till of this flat a mountain you have made,
T' o'ertop old Pelion, or the skyish head
Of blue Olympus."
This is surely extravagant enough. Hamlet retorts, in correspondent
tone,—
"What is he whose grief
Bears such an emphasis? whose phrase of sorrow
Conjures the wand'ring stars, and makes them stand
Like wonder-wounded hearers?"
Then comes the struggles in which they are parted by the attendants
after which Hamlet cries out with like "emphasis:"
"Why I will fight with him upon this theme
Until my eye-lids can no longer wag.
...
I lov'd Ophelia; forty thousand brothers
Could not, with all their quantity of love,
Make up my sum—what wilt thou do for her?"
On which the king exclaims, with much reason,
Hamlet continues, as if to make his madness indisputable:
"Zounds! show me what thoul't do:
Woul't weep? woul't fight? woul't fast? woul't tear thyself?
Woul't drink up Esil? eat a crocodile?
I'll do't. Dost thou come here to whine?
To outface me with leaping in her grave?
Be buried quick with her, and so will I:
And, if thou prate of mountains, let them throw
Millions of acres on us; till our ground,
Singeing his pate against the burning zone,
Make Ossa like a wart! Nay, an thoul't mouth,
I'll rant as well as thou."
The queen justly observes:
Hamlet goes off, but maintains his extravagance of language to the last:
"Let Hercules himself do what he may,
The cat will mew, and dog will have his day."
If, then, a literary jury be required to decide this question, the point
on which they have to give a verdict is, whether to drink vinegar (or
wormwood-wine) or to drink up a river is more in consonance with the
tenor of Hamlet's speech. Theobald indeed says, that "Hamlet is not
proposing any impossibilities to Laertes, such as drinking up a river
would be, but rather seems to mean, Wilt thou resolve to do things the
most shocking and distasteful to human nature?" But on what ground does
this assertion rest? Laertes himself commences with what we may surely
call an impossibility:
And Hamlet speaks of more impossibilities, when he talks of throwing up
"millions of acres," to
"make Ossa like a wart." The drinking up
a river is certainly more in unison with these extravagant proposals
than a defiance "to swallow down (as Theobald has it) large draughts of
vinegar;" or, as Malone gives it, "to drink a potion of vinegar." Such a
proposition, Theobald admits, "is not very grand;" "a challenge to
hazard a fit of the heartburn or the colic, is," says Steevens, "not
very magnificent." But it is not only far from "grand" and
"magnificent," but, what is worse, it is utterly tame and spiritless, in
a place where anything but tameness is wanted, and where it is, quite
out of keeping with the rest of the speech. MR. HICKSON, it is true,
says (Vol. ii, p. 329.), that "the notion of drinking up a river would
be quite unmeaning and out of place;" but this assertion is as
groundless as Theobald's, and is somewhat surprising from a gentleman
who exhorts those who would be critics "to master the grammatical
construction of a passage, deducing therefrom its general sense," and,
we may presume, its general drift, "before they attempt to fix the
meaning of a doubtful word." Had MR. HICKSON looked to the general
drift of this passage, before he attempted to fix the meaning of
eisell, or to concur with MR. SINGER of 1850 in his attempt to fix it,
he would, we may suppose, have been less ready to pronounce the notion
of drinking up a river out of place. It would have been better for him
to have adhered to the judgment of Archdeacon Nares, as cited by MR.
SINGER (Vol. ii., p. 241.):—"The challenge to drink vinegar, in such
a rant," says the Archdeacon, "is so inconsistent, and even ridiculous,
that we must decide for the river, whether its name be exactly found
or not. To drink up a river, and eat a crocodile with his impenetrable
scales, are two things equally impossible. There is no kind of
comparison between the others."
15. Though examples of similar rant are quite unnecessary to support
this opinion, let us nevertheless conclude by noticing those which the
critics have adduced on this passage:
"This sort of hyperbole," says Malone, in his second edition,
"was common among our ancient poets. So, in Eastward Hoe, 1609:
'Come drink up Rhine, Thames, and Meander, dry.'.
"So also in Greene's Orlando Furioso, 1599:
'Else would I set my mouth to Tigris' streames,
And drink up overflowing Euphrates.'
"Again, in Marlowe's Jew of Malta:
'As sooner shalt thou drink the ocean dry,
Than conquer Malta.'"
To which Boswell adds:
"Our author has a similar exaggeration in Troilus and Cressida,
Act III. Scene 2.:
'When we (i. e. lovers) vow to weep seas, live in fire, eat
rocks, tame tigers,' &c.
"In Chaucer's Romaunt of the Rose, we find the following lines:
'He underfongeth a grete paine,
That undertaketh to drink up Seine.'"
Steevens notices King Richard II., Act II Scene 2.:
"The task he undertakes,
Is numb'ring sands, and drinking oceans dry."
But enough. The majority of readers, like the majority of critics, will
surely be for the river, in the proportion of at least six to two.
Verbum non amplius addam.
J. S. W.
Stockwell.
Eisell—Wormwood—Scurvy Ale.—Such of your readers who have not yet
made up their minds whether "eisell" and "wormwood" are identical, will
not object to be reminded that Taylor, the Water Poet, in his Pennyless
Pilgrimage, describing his hospitable reception at Manchester, when
speaking of the liquid cheer supplied to him, says:—
"... Eight several sorts of ale we had
All able to make one stark drunk, or mad.
...
We had at one time set upon the table
Good ale of hyssop ('twas no Æsop fable);
Then had we ale of sage, and ale of malt
And ale of wormwood that could make one halt
With ale of rosemary, and of bettony,
And two ales more, or else I needs must lie.
But to conclude this drinking aley tale
We had a sort of ale called scurvy ale."
It would seem that in most of these drinks, the chief object was to
impart an exciting but not disagreeable bitterness to the beverage,
groping as it were, by instinct, after that enduring and gratifying
bitter now universally derived from the hop. Wormwood, hyssop, rosemary,
sage, bettony, each furnished its peculiar temptation to the Manchester
drinkers, who some two centuries ago wanted an "excuse for the glass."
Can any of your correspondents state what were the components of the
scurvy ale spoken of by Taylor? This was, perhaps, a really medicated
drink.
It may not be generally known, that even at this day, In some of the gin
shops and taverns of London, gin, in which the herb rue is infused, is a
constant article of sale; and many, who assume a most respectable
blueness of physiognomy at the bare mention of "old Tom" in his
undisguised state, scruple not to indulge in copious libations of the
same popular spirit, provided it be poured from a bottle in which a few
sprigs of rue are floating. But what was scurvy ale?
HENRY CAMPKIN.
In the following passage (extracted from the Quarterly Review, No.
CLXXV., Dec. 1850, p. 143.) it is declared that the nation did "pay"
for this "munificent present." The writer is understood to be Mr. R.
Ford; and if his statement is not refuted, the business will henceforth
take its place as a sale which the nation was duped into regarding as a
gift:—
"The secret history," says the reviewer, "was this: King George
IV., having some pressing call for money, did not decline a
proposition for selling the library to the Emperor of Russia. Mr.
Heber, having ascertained that the books were actually booked
for the Baltic, went to Lord Sidmouth, then Home Secretary, and
stated the case; observing what a shame it would be that such a
collection should go out of the country: to which Lord Sidmouth
replied: 'Mr. Heber, it shall not!'—and it did not. On the
remonstrance of Lord Sidmouth, of whose manly and straightforward
character George IV. was very properly in awe, the last of the
grands monarques presented the books to the British Museum, on
the condition that the value of the rubles they were to have
fetched should be somehow or other made good to him by ministers
in pounds sterling. This was done out of the surplus of certain
funds furnished by France for the compensation of losses by the
Revolution. But his ministers, on a hint from the House of
Commons that it was necessary to refund those monies, had
recourse, we are told, to the droits of the Admiralty."
So that the books were not given, but paid for, out of public monies:
which ministers could not have made the object of a bargain, had they
been the king's, and not the nation's. And the inscription in the
Museum—like many others—"lifts its head and lies," i. e. unless the
Quarterly Review has been inventing a story, instead of telling a true
bit of secret history, decidedly worth noting if true.
V.
[We believe the Quarterly Reviewer has been misinformed as to the facts
connected with the transfer of the Royal Library to the British Museum.
We have reason to know that George IV., being unwilling to continue the
expense of maintaining the Library, which he claimed to treat, not as a
heirloom of the crown, but as his own private inheritance, entertained a
proposal for its purchase from the Russian Government. This having come
to the knowledge of Lord Liverpool (through Dibdin, from Lady Spencer,
to whom it had been mentioned by the Princess Lieven), the projected
sale was, on the remonstrance of the Minister, abandoned, and the
Library presented to the nation. The King thus got rid of the annual
expenses; and although we do not believe that any bargain was made upon
the subject, it is not unlikely that the Ministry felt that this
surrender of the Library to the country gave the King some claim to
assistance towards the liquidation of his debts, and that such
assistance was accordingly furnished. Even if this were so, though the
result might be the same, the transaction is a very different one from
the direct bargain and sale described in the Quarterly Review.]
In justice to Kind George IV., the letter which he addressed to the late
Earl of Liverpool, on presenting the books to his own subjects, should
be printed in your columns. I saw the autograph letter soon after it was
written, and a copy of it would be very easily met with.
Would it not have been both desirable and very advantageous, to have
converted the banqueting room at Whitehall into a receptacle for this
magnificent collection, which would doubtless have been augmented from
time to time?
Instead of concentrating such vast literary treasures at the Museum,
might it not have been expedient to diffuse them partially over this
immense metropolis?
To Peers and M. P.'s, especially, a fine library at Whitehall would be a
great boon. The present chapel was never consecrated, and its beautiful
ceiling is little suited to a house of prayer.
J. H. M.
For the information of your correspondent MR. BOLTON CORNEY, I beg to
inform him that there was an intermediate meeting of the subscribers to
the Caxton Memorial at the house of the Society of Arts between the
first meeting to which he alludes, and the last, held at the same place
the other day. Over that meeting I had the honour of presiding, and it
was determined to persevere in the object of erecting a statue in
Westminster to the memory of the first English printer; but the report
of the last meeting shows that the funds have not been so largely
contributed as might have been expected, and are now far short of the
sum, 500l., required for the erection of an iron statue of the
illustrious typographer. True it is that no authentic portrait of Caxton
is known, but the truthful picture by Maclise might very well supply the
deficiency; and I see the engraving to be made from that painting rather
ostentatiously advertised as "the Caxton Memorial." The original design
of the Dean of St. Paul's, for "a fountain by day, and a light by
night," was abandoned as more poetical than practical; my chief
apprehension being either that the gas would spoil the water, or that
the water would put out the light. The statue was therefore resolved
upon as less costly and more appropriate than the fountain.
The statue of Gutenberg at Mentz is a good example of what might be
erected in Westminster; yet I very much doubt whether any likeness of
the
great printer has been preserved. The expense necessarily
attendant upon MR. CORNEY'S Literary Memorial appears to me to be fatal
to its success; for, however dear to the bibliographer, I fear but
little public interest is now felt in the writings of Caxton. The
Typographical Antiquities contain copious extracts from his works; and
the biographies of Lewis and Knight appear to have satisfied public
curiosity as to his life. Besides, a memorial of this nature would be
hidden in a bookcase, not seen in a highway. I may add that the present
state of the Caxton Memorial is this: the venerable Dean of St. Paul's
is anxious to be relieved from the charge of the funds already
subscribed, and to place them in the hands of the Society of Arts, if
that body will receive them, and undertake to promote the object of the
original subscribers by all the means at its command.
BERIAH BOTFIELD.
Medically, the word nervous has the following meanings:—
1. Of or belonging to the anatomical substance called nerve, e. g. the
"nervous system," "nervous sheaths," "nervous particles," &c.
2. A predomination of the nervous system, when it is unusually active or
highly developed, which is what we mean in speaking of a "nervous
temperament," "a nervous person," &c.
3. Certain functional disorders of the nervous system are so termed, and
in this sense we speak of "nervous people," "nervous complaints," and so
forth.
4. Nervous is also used, more poetically than correctly, to signify
muscular, and as synonymous with brawny, sinewy, &c., thus conveying
an idea of strength and vigour. But nerve is not muscle, therefore
this inaccurate use of the word, though sanctioned by some good old
writers, must cease.
5. Nervous, in speaking of a part of the body, signifies a part in which
there are many nerves, or much nervous matter, or which is endowed with
extra sensibility.
These are the various ideas commonly attached to the word nervous.
They are too many for the word to be a closely accurate one, but we must
take them, not make them. We can, however, avoid the future inaccurate
use of the term alluded to in explanation 4., and all the metaphorical
derivations thereof, such as a "nervous style of writing," &c., and
adhere to those two significations which are physiologically and
pathologically correct, and which are obviously derivable from the
several meanings and explanations above enumerated, viz.—
1. Of or belonging to the natural structure or functions of nerve; and
2. The quality of functional disorder or weakness of the nervous system
in certain respects.
WILLIAM E. C. NOURSE.
Every one knows that instances of catachresis occur in all languages;
but I think this case may be more satisfactorily explained by
considering that the nerves consist of two very distinct and
independent classes of organs—nerves of sensation, which conduct
impressions to the sensorium; and nerves of volition, which convey the
mental impulse to the muscles. From this it necessarily follows that
when the former class are over-active (and redundancy is decidedly
the adjectival idea in the word nervous), a morbid excitability of
temper, with a perturbable anxious state of mind are produced (making
the "bad" sense of the word); while from a similar state of the nerves
of volition results a powerful and vigorous system of muscular action
and mental energy (making the "good" sense of the word).
EDWIN J. JONES.
I am anxious to acknowledge that SIR F. MADDEN has established, beyond
all doubt, the facts that several manuscript books were found on the
Duke of Monmouth when he was captured, and that the volume rescued from
oblivion by Dr. Anster, and now placed in the British Museum, is one of
these, and also in Monmouth's handwriting. I take this opportunity of
saying, that I, unfortunately, have not seen Dr. Anster's reply to my
communication; and it is to be regretted that it was not copied from the
Dublin University Magazine into "NOTES AND QUERIES," so that we (the
readers of "NOTES AND QUERIES") might have had the whole subject before
us. This is a course which I think our kind Editor may usefully adopt on
similar occasions.
Referring unsuccessfully to Lowndes' Manual for an answer to SIR F.
MADDEN'S question as to the date of the first edition of Welwood's
Memoirs, I was pleased, however, to find that my edition (the sixth,
published in 1718) possesses a value which does not attach to previous
editions, inasmuch as it contains "A short introduction, giving an
account how these memoirs came at first to be writ." From this it
appears that there are spurious editions of the work, for Welwood
writes:
"I have given my bookseller leave to make a sixth impression of
the following memoirs; and the [rather] that some time ago one
Baker printed more than one edition of them without my knowledge,
very incorrect, and on bad paper."
We may fairly assume, that the first edition was published at the
beginning of 1699, for [the] "epistle dedicatory" to King William is
dated
February of that year. If this be so, it must be taken as
a proof of extraordinary popularity that the work should have reached a
third edition as early as 1700, as stated by SIR F. MADDEN. The "account
how these memoirs came at first to be writ" possesses some interest. It
appears that Queen Mary used to hold frequent converse with the Doctor
on the subject of her great-grandfather's and grandfather's history,
and—
"At last she fell to regret the insuperable difficulties she lay
under (for I well remember that was her mind) of knowing truly
the history of her grandfather's reign; saying that most of the
accounts she had read of it were either panegyrick or satire, not
history. Then with an inimitable grace she told me, 'If I would
in a few sheets give her a short sketch of the affairs of that
reign, and of the causes that produced such dreadful effects, she
would take it well of me.' Such commands were too sacred not to
be obeyed; and when I was retiring from her presence, she stopt
me to tell me she expected I would do what she had desired of me
in such a manner, and with that freedom, as if I designed it for
the information of a friend, and not one of the blood of King
Charles I., promising to show it to none living without my
consent."
Welwood further states, that after Mary's death, King William—
"Sent me, by the late Earl of Portland, the manuscript I had
given his Queen, found in her cabinet; where, upon the back of
it, she had writ with her own hand the promise she had made me of
showing it to nobody without my consent."
In addition to the extract from Monmouth's Diary given in my former
communication, Welwood publishes a letter of the Duke's to the brave and
true Argyle, which is perhaps more creditable to Monmouth than any other
memorial he has left. The letter, as Welwood suggests, appears to have
been written shortly after the death of Charles II. I copy it; but if
you think this paper too long, omit it:—
"I received both yours together this morning, and cannot delay
you my answer longer than this post though I am afraid it will
not please you so much as I heartily wish it may. I have weighed
all your reasons, and everything that you and my other friends
have writ me upon that subject; and have done it with the
greatest inclination to follow your advice, and without
prejudice. You may well believe I have had time enough to reflect
sufficiently upon our present state, especially since I came
hither. But whatever way I turn my thoughts, I find insuperable
difficulties. Pray do not think it an effect of melancholy, for
that was never my greatest fault, when I tell you that in these
three weeks' retirement in this place I have not only looked
back, but forward; and the more I consider our present
circumstances, I think them still the more desperate, unless some
unforeseen accident fall out which I cannot divine nor hope for.
[Here follow sixteen lines all in cyphers.] Judge then what we
are to expect, in case we should venture upon any such attempt at
this time. It's to me a vain argument that our enemies are scarce
yet well settled, when you consider that fear in some, and
ambition in others, have brought them to comply; and that the
Parliament, being made up, for the most part, of members that
formerly run our enemy down, they will be ready to make their
peace as soon as they can, rather than hazard themselves upon an
uncertain bottom. I give you but hints of what, if I had time, I
would write you at more length. But that I may not seem obstinate
in my own judgment, or neglect the advice of my friends, I will
meet you at the time and place appointed. But for God sake think
in the mean time of the improbabilities that lie naturally in our
way, and let us not by struggling with our chains make them
straighter and heavier. For my part, I'll run the hazard of being
thought anything rather than a rash inconsiderate man. And to
tell you my thoughts without disguise, I am now so much in love
with a retired life, that I am never like to be fond of making a
bustle in the world again. I have much more to say, but the post
cannot stay; and I refer the rest till meeting, being entirely
"Yours."
Monmouth's ill-concerted and ill-conducted expedition following, at no
distant period, the prudent resolutions expressed in the above letter
places the instability of his character in a strong light.
C. ROSS.
Pope's "honest Factor" (Vol. iv., p. 7.).-The
"Honest factor who stole a gem away,"
to whom Pope alludes, was Thomas Pitt, Esq., (ancestor of the Earl of
Chatham), who was by Queen Anne appointed Governor of Fort St. George in
the East Indies, and purchased there for the sum of 20,400l., or
48,000 pagodas, a diamond weighing 127 carats, which he sold to the King
of France about 1717, and is now known as the Pitt diamond. I suppose it
is at present in the possession of the Republic of France.
DE H.
Temple, July 5. 1851.
—I am obliged by
your inserting my note on this subject. I can inform L.H. that the
present owner of the lead mines in Keswick is related, though
distantly, to John Banks the philosopher, who was born at Grange in
Borrowdale. Can any of your correspondents give any reason why the crest
of this branch of the family should be exactly similar in every respect
to that of the Earl of Lonsdale?
BAY.
— Although some time has elapsed since the Query on this hymn appeared, yet as no very
definite reply has been given, I send the following.
This hymn is one of the four "proses" or verses
without measure,
made use of in the services of the Roman Catholic Church. The invention
of these proses is attributed to Nolker, a monk of the Convent of St.
Gall, who wrote about the year 880; and who says in his work that he had
seen them in a book belonging to the Convent of St. Jumièges, which was
destroyed by the Normans in 841. Of the many proses which were composed,
the Roman Catholic Church has retained but four, of which the above is
one. Who the author really was, is very uncertain; the majority of
writers on the subject appear to concur in the opinion that Cardinal
Frangipani, a Dominican, otherwise called Malabrancia, a Doctor of
Paris, and who died at Pérouse in 1294, was the composer but it has also
been assigned to St. Gregory and St. Bernard. Bzovius, an. 1294, states
the author to have been either Cardinal Orsino or Cardinal Frangipani,
and other writers maintain it to have been the production of Agostino
Biella, who died 1491; or of Humbertus, General of the Dominicans. The
original consists of fifty-six lines, and may be found in almost every
book of Catholic devotion.
R.R.M.
In No. 84, for June 9th, the Roman Catholic hymn "Dies Iræ" is referred
to, and works cited as to its author. To these may be added the 39th No.
of the Dublin Review, where it will be found that Latino Frangipani,
nephew of Pope Nicholas III., and known under the name of the Cardinal
Malabrancia, was more generally considered the writer. The account there
given of it is not uninteresting, and is preceded by a cursory
advertence to the other hymns of the Middle Ages, including a Greek
version of some of the stanzas of Thomas Aquinas, the "Angelic
Doctor's," impressive "Lauda Sion."
J.R.
—I should inform Fm. that
there is an equestrian statue of the Earl of Hopetown in front of the
Royal Bank, St. Andrew's Square, Edinburgh. The earl, however, is not
mounted; he stands beside the horse.
S. WMSON.
—I have seen no answer to
Reader's inquiry. I have always understood that the kneeling figures
were the children who died in the lifetime of their parents (sometimes
they are even represented in the swaddling-bands of Chrysom children),
while those represented standing survived them. This of course is only
when some are represented kneeling and others standing, as in some
instances all are kneeling. I believe my supposition is grounded on
some better authority than my own fancy, but I cannot refer to any at
present.
H.N.E.
Bilton, July 3. 1851.
—R. W. B. will find some
information on the subject of organs in Staveley's History of
Churches in England, pp. 203. 207., a work replete with much
interesting matter connected with churches.
E. C. HARINGTON.
Exeter, July 1. 1851.
—Does not the passage—
"Dare we dream of that, I asked,
Which wrought us, as the workman and his work
That practice betters"—
simply mean, "Dare we dream of" the God who made us as of a finite
creature, who requires "practice" ere His work can be perfect, and whose
skill shall be progressive? In short, "dare we" think of Him as such an
one as ourselves?
SELEUCUS.
Information on this subject will be found in Hawkins's History of
Music, vol. i. p. 398. et seq.; Burney's History of Music, vol. ii.
p. 131. Busby's Dictionary of Music; John Gregory's Works
("Discourse declaring what Time the Nicene Creed began to be Sung in the
Church"), and in Staveley's History of Churches in England.
T. J.
"When late I attempted your pity to move,
Why seem'd you so deaf to my prayers?
Perhaps it was right to dissemble your love,
But—Why did you kick me down stairs?"
From An Asylum for Fugitive Pieces, in Prose and Verse, not in
any other Collection, vol. i. p. 15. London: Debrett, 1785.
The above has been inquired for: of the author I know nothing.
S. H.
St. Johns Wood.
—It is very difficult to strike
out the verse in Homer's Odyssey
(Υ, 302.). To suppose that in
him the word is derived from Sardinia, is exceedingly improbable, if
not, as Payne Knight says, quite absurd because, not only is Sardinia
not mentioned in Homer, but his geography, even where half-fabulous, and
with other names than the modern ones, does not extend so far west.
Payne Knight says the word is derived from
σαρδαίνω, but where
such a word is found I cannot learn. There is
σαρδάζω in
Suidas, "to laugh bitterly," but unluckily the very same words are given
as the interpretation of
σαρκάζω, and
σαρκάζω is a
perfectly established word. Sarcasm, sarcastic, are derived from it;
and its own derivation from
σάρξ "flesh," seems certain. This
makes it highly probable that the first word in Suidas is a mistake for
the other. All Greek writers borrowed so much from Homer that the
occurrence of the word in them, where obviously
meaning
Sardinian, seems to prove nothing but that they thought it had that
meaning in him.
C. B.
—The question is asked, "Has
the name of the lady of Lausanne, who wrote the epitaph on Voltaire,
'Ci gît l'enfant gâté du monde qu'il gâta,'
been ascertained?" It has; and the lady was Madame la Baronne de
Montolieu, who wrote a great variety of novels, of which by far the
best, and indeed one of the most interesting in the French language, is
her Caroline de Lichtfield, first published at Lausanne in 1786, two
volumes 8vo. Her family name was de Bottens (Pauline-Isabelle), born at
Lausanne in 1751, and there died in December, 1832. Her first husband
was Benjamin de Crouzas, son to one of Montesquieu's adversaries, after
whose death she married the Baron de Montolieu. It was Gibbon's most
intimate friend and literary collaborateur, Deyverdun, who published,
and indeed corrected, her then anonymous Caroline de Lichtfield.
Voltaire's friend and mistress, the learned Madame du Châtelet, had
prepared an inscription for his portrait, which may be considered an
anticipated epitaph:
"Post-genitis Hic canis erit, nunc canis amicis;"
but one of a very different tenor was written by J. J. Rousseau, we are
told by Lord Brougham:
"Plus bel esprit que grand génie,
Sans loi, sans mœurs, et sans vertu;
Il est mort comme il a vécu,
Couvert de gloire et d'infamie."
J. R.
—The inquiry,
"Where is Voltaire situated?" was answered in a late number, and
reference made to the Essays of an Octogenarian, a privately-printed
work, and therefore not generally accessible; but the subject will be
equally found elucidated in the Gentleman's Magazine for July, 1846,
p. 25. No such place ever existed, as there made clear; for it is the
simple anagram of his patronymic, Arouet l j (le jeune), framed by
himself though by Condorcet and other biographers, ignorant of the fact,
supposed to be a landed property. Voltaire loved not his paternal name,
as will be there found, and gladly changed it. The article embraces
various particulars of Voltaire's life, in refutation of Lord Brougham's
errors; some of them strange enough, and not inconsiderable in number,
so as to excite surprise in so accomplished a person.
J. R.
—See Quarterly Review, No.
xxix. vol. xv. p. 187., where Southey quotes Hakewill's Apology as
authority for an epitaph in Dunstable Church to a woman who had, at
three several times, three children at a birth; and five at a birth two
other times.
A. C.
"May 1.—I was looking out of the parlour window this morning,
and receiving the honours which Margery, the milkmaid to our
lane, was doing me, by dancing before my door with the plate of
half her customers on her head."—Tatler for May 2, 1710.
R. J. R.
"Heu quanto minus est cum aliis versari quam tui meminisse,"
is the end of an inscription at the Leasowes "to Miss Dolman, a
beautiful and amiable relation of Mr. Shenstone's, who died of the
small-pox, about twenty-one years of age," in the following words. On
one side:
"Peramabili suæ consobrinæ
M.D."
On the other side:
"Ah Maria
puellarum elegantissima
Ah flore venustatis abrepta
Vale!
Heu quanto minus est," &c.
Shenstone's Works, 1764, vol. ii. p. 356.
C. B.
This quotation is Shenstone's "Epitaph on his Sister."
J. O. B., however, has given it incorrectly: it should be—
"Heu quanto minus est cum reliquis versari quam tui meminisse."
Moore has done something towards giving the force of this strikingly
concentrated sentence, thus:—
"Tho' many a gifted mind we meet,
Tho' fairest forms we see,
To live with them is far less sweet,
Than to remember thee."
H. E. H.
—I think there can be
little doubt that the "Robert Passellew" of Waltham Abbey, and "John
Paslew," the last abbot of Whalley, belong to the same family. A
reference to Burke's General Armory proves the armorial bearings to be
the same, and also that the family was connected with the county of
Durham. The following extract from the Historical, Antiquarian, and
Picturesque Account of Kirkstall Abbey (Longmans, 1827), will show that
a century later the Paslews had obtained a footing in Yorkshire, and had
become benefactors of Kirkstall:
"Robert Passelowe, with King Richard II.'s licence, gave one
toft, five acres of land, and an annual rent of 2s. 6d. in
Bramley, with the reversion of nine messuages, seven oxgangs, and
six acres and a half of land,
after the decease of the
tenants, ..., all which premises were valued at £4 2s. 6d.
per annum."—P. 208.
T. T. W.
Burnley, Lancashire.
—"A E I O U." Do not these letters stand for
"αει ου"—non semper? alluding to the
resurrection from the tomb.
J. H. L.
May not the five vowels at the end of the Latin epitaph of Lady Petre's
monument mean,
"A Eternæ Ianua Obitus Uitæ?"
F. A.
Hampstead.
—Touching this subject
I can state that I am well acquainted with an admirable portrait of the
poet, bearing date 1593, in which he is represented as a man of not more
than middle age; so that, whether he died in 1596 or 1598, he may be
said to have died prematurely—immaturâ morte obiisse, as the monument
testifies.
VARRO.
—The priest of the
Greek church, in blessing with the hand, anciently held it with the
thumb crossing the third finger, the first finger being held straight,
the second and fourth curved, so as to represent altogether the Greek
letters I C X C, the first and last letters of "Jesus Christ." The same
letters are impressed on the bread used in their eucharist, the bread
being marked with the Greek cross, similar to our cross-buns, with the
letters I C and X C in the upper angles of the cross, and the letters N
and K in the two lower angles. The N K is the abbreviation of
νίκᾳ, and the whole phrase is "Jesus Christ conquers." This church
derived the expression from the standard (labarum) of Constantine,
ἐν τούτῳ νίκᾳ
= in hoc signo vinces. In Goar's notes on the
Greek rituals, especially that of Chrysostom's, much information may be
obtained on the symbolisms of Christianity.
T. J. BUCKTON.
Lichfield.
—This oratorio
doubtless received its name from the special occasion when it was
composed, viz. the suppression of the rebellion in 1745. It was
published by Tonson in Feb. 1746, at the price of 1s., together with
various poems, &c. relating to the same important event. The Oratorio is
divided into three parts: with the exception of the overture, four of
the airs, and two of the choruses, it contains little that can be
popular at the present day.
J. H. M.
—Francis Moore
was not a real personage, but a pseudonyme adopted by the author, Mr.
Henry Andrews, who was born at Frieston, near Grantham, Lincolnshire,
February 4, 1744, and died at Royston, Herts, January 26, 1820. Andrews
was astronomical calculator to the Board of Longitude, and for years
corresponded with Maskelyne and other eminent men. A portrait of Andrews
is extant; one is in my possession: they are now extremely scarce.
As to the date of the almanack's first appearance I can afford no
information; but it can be obtained of Mr. W. H. Andrews, only son of
the astronomer, who still resides at Royston, and is in possession of
his MSS., consisting of astronomical and astrological calculations,
notes of various phenomena, materials for a history of Royston, memoir
of his own life, his correspondence, &c.
FRANCIS.
—This saying occurs in
Browne's Britannia's Pastorals:
"'Tis supper time with all, and we had need
Make haste away, unless we mean to speed
With those that kiss the hare's foot. Rheums are bred,
Some say, by going supperless to bed,
And those I love not; therefore cease my rhyme
And put my pipes up till another time."
Brit. Past., Book 2., Song. 2.
This quotation may not be of much service as a clue to the discovery of
the origin of the saying; but it may be interesting to
MR. BREEN as a
proof that the saying itself must be considerably more than two hundred
years old, the second part of the Pastorals having been first
published in 1616.
C. FORBES.
Temple.
"BOMERIE, S. F. [terme de mer, prêt à la grosse aventure]
bottomry or bottomree."—Boyer's Fr. and Engl. Dict., ed.
London, 1767.
The leading idea in the term Bomerie, and its English equivalent, when
applied to borrowing money "on a ship's keel," is the hazarding all on a
single venture: hence it is not difficult to see its application to
other transactions, especially those connected with sea; such as
wholesale purchases of fish, in which a large risk is run, with an
uncertain prospect of return.
The meaning of the word, if it be really the same, when adopted by
confectioners, would probably be assignable either to the shape of the
pans, or the use to which they were applied.
I know not whether this is to be classed among the "unsatisfactory"
derivations already submitted to your correspondent, but should be glad
to hear his opinion on its soundness.
E. A. D.
—Had O. O. consulted the
"Life of Sheridan" which precedes Bohn's Collection of the Dramatic
Works of Sheridan (which, having the volume in his hand,
he
ought to have done), he would have seen that it is expressly mentioned
(p. 51.) that Sheridan, having become part proprietor of Drury Lane
Theatre—
"His first commencement as a manager was not of that brilliant
kind to give any promise of great improvement in the conduct of
the theatre. An alteration of Vanbrugh's play the Relapse was
the first production, under the name of a Trip to Scarborough.
It was brought out on February 24, 1777. This was an unfortunate
commencement: neither the public nor the actors were satisfied."
Further, it is printed at the end of Sheridan's Dramatic Works,
followed by Pizarro, printed in smaller type, so as to make them
appear like an appendix; and hence it could hardly be expected that any
one would think of attributing the Trip to Scarborough, altered from
Vanbrugh's Relapse, to Sheridan, any more than it could be considered
as intended to call him the author of Pizarro, because he altered
Kotzebue's Spaniards in Peru, and adapted it to, and had it
represented on, the stage.
A HERMIT AT HAMPSTEAD.
—This line of Plautus is followed by parallel quotations from
other writers. To these I may add the French version:
"Heureux celui qui pour devenir sage,
Du mal d'autrui fait son apprentisage."
J. R.
—Fuller,
in his Worthies of England, edit. London, 1662, "Staffordshire," p.
41., uses this expression, writing, of Cardinal Pole. It is as follows:
"Yet afterwards he (Pole) became 'Alterius Orbis Papa,' when
made Archbishop of Canterbury by Queen Mary."
J. N. B.
West Bromwich, June 28. 1851.
—In Fynes Moryson's
Itinerary, "printed by John Beale, 1617, part iii. booke i. chap. ii.
p. 21.," is the following passage:
"In hot regions, to auoide the beames of the sunne, in some
places (as in Italy) they carry Vmbrels, or things like a little
canopy, over their heads; but a learned Physician told me, that
the use of them was dangerous, because they gather the heate into
a pyramidall point, and thence cast it down perpendicularly upon
the head, except they know how to carry them for auoyding that
danger."
C. DE D.
—Quitard, a French writer on Proverbs, says,—
"On a regardé le cœur comme le siége de la Mémoire. De là les
mots recorder, se recorder, récordance, récordation, en
Latin recordari, recordatio; de là aussi l'expression
apprendre par cœur. Rivarol dit que cette expression, si
ordinaire et si énergique, vient du plaisir que nous prenons à ce
qui nous touche et nous flatte. La mémoire, en effet, est
toujours aux ordres du cœur."
J. M.
Oxford.
—I beg to refer your
correspondent M. D. to Cicero's De Claris Oratoribus, which is the
nearest parallel passage I can find: viz.
"Erat omnius tum mos, ut in reliquis rebus melior, sic in hoc
ipso humanior: ut faciles essent in suum cuique tribuendo."
In a note, an allusion to Justice is made: but my Cicero is a very old
edition, and is divided into four tomes. The above is from tome i. p.
305, letter F.
The only other parallel passage is from Liber II., "Ad Herennium," thus:
"Justitia est habitus animi, communi utilitate conservata,
suam cuique tribuens dignitatem."
J. N. C.
King's Lynn, June 28. 1851.
—I
must take leave to doubt the fact, mentioned in Vol. iii., p. 490., of
the introduction of frogs into Ireland first in the year 1696. They are
much too plentiful in the country districts, leaving out their abundance
in the county Dublin, to warrant any such supposition. In the Queen's
County, particularly, I have seen them in myriads. With regard to those
gentlemen who are pleased to import snakes into Ireland, I can only wish
them some worthier occupation.
There are two birds, the occurrence of which about Dublin I do not find
noticed by naturalists. One is the common skylark, the other is the
Royston crow, which, strange to say, is not a migratory visitor, but is
found there the whole year round.
Concerning Round Towers, mentioned at pages 353. and 428., I beg to
refer W. R. M. to the works of Wilkinson, Mr. and Mrs. S. C. Hall, and
Moore's History of Ireland, in addition to Petrie, Keating, &c. When
in Galway, in January, 1850, I noticed some remarkable instances of
resemblance to Spaniards amongst the peasant women and girls. It was,
however, by no means general; but only observable here and there, in a
few particular instances. Between Galway and Oughterard I passed a girl
walking barefooted along the dirty road, whose features were strikingly
beautiful, set off with long raven tresses and large dark eyes, signs
apparently of her Spanish origin. The town of Galway is full of
interesting memorials of its connexion with Spain, and well repays a
visit. Its ancient prosperity will now be probably revived
again, and, with its singularly advantageous position, and its future
intercourse with America, it cannot fail to rise once more from its
ruins and its dirt, unless prevented by the prevalence of political
agitation.
WILLIAM E. C. NOURSE.
—J. S. will find these lines
in print, in the "Poetry" of the Annual Register for 1764, vol. vii.
p. 247. They are said to have been stuck on the Temple gate.
J. K.
—A more correct
description will be found in Lysons' Cornwall: see "Town Seal of
Falmouth."
S. H. (2)
—In Poulson's Beverlac; or
History of the Antiquities of Beverley in Yorkshire, pp. 263, 264. et
seq., is an account of the expenses of the "Twelve Governors of Beverley
on a visit to the Earl of Northumberland at Leconfield Castle." Among
the presents made to the Earl (Henry Algernon Percy, fifth earl, born
Jan. 1477-8, died 1527) for so distinguished an honour are four
heronsewes, heronseu, hornsue, or hernshaw, for it is written in all
these ways. Was a young heron formerly esteemed a choice delicacy?
Chaucer, describing the feast of Cambisscan, says:
"I wol not tellen of hir strange sewes,
Ne hir swannes, ne hir heronsewes."
But even the full-grown bird was not too powerful for the digestive
organs in those days: it was termed viand royal, and heronries were
maintained for the purpose of food, as well as diversion. In the
Northumberland Household Book, these birds, with many others, are named
as then served up at table, but which are now discarded as little better
than carrion.
From hernshaw, still further corrupted, arose the proverbial
expression introduced by Shakspeare into Hamlet,—
"I am but mad north-north-west, when the wind is southerly, I
know a hawk from a hand-saw."
G. P.
—Do the
following passages from the "Version of the Psalms" in the Book of
Common Prayer throw any light upon the subject?
"And the foundations of the round world were
discovered."—Ps. xviii. 15.
"The compass of the world, and they that dwell
therein."—Ps. xxiv. 1.
"Thou hast laid the foundation of the round world, and all that
therein is."—Ps. lxxxix. 12.
"He hath made the round world so sure."—Ps. xciii. 2.
"And that it is he who hath made the round world so fast that
it cannot be moved."—Ps. xcvi. 10.
"The round world, and they that dwell therein."—Ps. xcviii. 8.
R. H.
—Coke is by
lawyers generally pronounced like the article which feeds our
steam-engines; but the late Earl of Leicester was generally, in Norfolk
and elsewhere, called Cook. The presumption is, that Cook was the
ancient sound given to the word Coke. Cowper is a similar instance:
I believe it has always been called Cooper. In an old electioneering
squib by the late Lord John Townshend, Cowper is made to rhyme to
Trooper. The passage alludes to an old county scandal, and I do not
therefore quote it.
J. H. L.
There can be no doubt (as it seems to me) that the poet's name ought
to be pronounced according to the spelling. I am enabled to state
decidedly that he himself pronounced his name Cowper, and not
Cooper. I venture to think that the same might also be said with
respect to Lord Coke's name; i. e. that the pronunciation Cook is only
a "modern affectation."
R. VINCENT.
—All English
chaplains on the Continent are licensed to their respective chaplaincies
by the Bishop of London, and are within his ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
This may have given rise to the notion of which your correspondent
speaks.
R. VINCENT.
—In reply to the question of your correspondent W. P., I beg
to inform him that the custom originated from that period of our history
when the Dutch admiral, Van Tromp, with his fleet appeared on our coasts
in hostility against England. The broom was hoisted as indicative of his
intention to sweep the ships of England from the sea. To repel this
insolence the English admiral hoisted a horse-whip, equally indicative
of his intention to chastise the Dutchman. The pennant which the
horse-whip symbolised has ever since been the distinguishing mark of
English ships of war.
JAMES CORNISH.
—Your correspondents N. and
C. H. may find some interesting passages of Godwin's life in his
Memoirs of Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin: Johnson, St. Paul's Church
Yard, 1798.
JAMES CORNISH.
—Bold may find some information
which will assist him in a pedigree and account of this family, showing
the descent of the manor of South and North Kyme in Lincolnshire, in
Creasy's History of Sleaford and the surrounding Neighbourhood, p.
274. The barony of Kyme appears to have passed into the
female
line by the death of William de Kyme without issue in 12 Edward III.
J. P. JUN.
"The belted plaid was the original dress. It is precisely that of
a savage, who, finding a web of cloth he had not skill to frame
into a garment, wrapt one end round his middle, and threw the
rest about his shoulders.... And it is little to the honour of
Highland ingenuity, that although the chiefs wore long pantaloons
called trews, the common gael never fell upon any substitute
for the belted plaid, till an English officer, for the benefit of
the labourers who worked under his direction on the military
roads, invented the fileah beg, philabeg, or little petticoat,
detached from the plaid, and fastened by a buckle round the
waist."
Although the above extract from the Quarterly Review, vol. i. p. 186.,
is not exactly a reply to the Query of A JUROR (Vol. iv., p. 7.), still
it may be of some use to him.
I would like also to learn how much of the reviewer's story is founded
upon fact, as I confess I am very much inclined to doubt the truth of it
in toto.
A LOWLANDER.
—The story referred to by
MR. CAMPKIN does not appear to be so apocryphal as he supposes. Southey,
who was an eye-witness of the illuminations, gives it as an indisputed
fact. His words are:
"We entered the avenue immediately opposite to M. Otto's, and
raising ourselves by the help of a garden wall, overlooked the
crowd, and thus obtained a full and uninterrupted sight of what
thousands and tens of thousands were vainly struggling to see. To
describe it, splendid as it was, is impossible; the whole
building presented a front of light. The inscription was 'Peace
and Amity:' it had been 'Peace and Concord,' but a party of
soldiers in the morning, whose honest patriotism did not regard
trifling differences of orthography, insisted upon it that they
were not conquered, and that no Frenchman should say so; and so
the word Amity, which can hardly be regarded as English, was
substituted in its stead."[2]
DOUGLAS ALLPORT.
—I can perhaps give D. X. some information respecting the ancient family of Basnet, being related to
them through my mother.
From papers in our possession, we have always considered ourselves
descended from Edward Basnet, the first married Dean of St. Patrick's;
and I drew up a pedigree of the family, which is in Berry's Berkshire.
But the proofs only go as far as Thomas Basnet, of Coventry, born in
1590. Lawrance Basset, otherwise Bassnet, of Bainton, in the fee of the
hundred of Hatton, in the parish of Budworth, in the palatine of
Chester, living in the 27th of Henry VIII., anno 1536, was descended of
a younger house of Sir Philip Basset, knight, &c. of St. Hillane, in the
county of Glamorgan. He had Piers Basnet, of Bainton aforesaid, lived in
the time of Henry VIII., anno 1547, purchased land in Bainton of Edward
Starkie, of Simondston in Lancashire, married Ann, dau. of Robert Eaton,
of Over Whitley, first wife, by whom he had two sons, Thomas and Henry.
The second wife was dau. of —— Stretch, of Leigh, had one son Robert,
of the city of Chester.
The second son of Lawrance Basset, or Bassnet, was Hugh, of Leigh,
living temp. Henry VIII., anno 1543.
The third son was Thomas, temp. Henry VIII., 1539, whose son (we
suppose) was Edward Basnet, Dean of St. Patrick's whose grandson was an
ensign in General Monk's own regiment, the Coldstream Guards, 1660. He
left the regiment in 1665.
In the Egerton Papers, Camden Soc., vol. xii., is this account:
"Amongst those appointed for the Privy Council for the better
government of Ireland, in the year July 1550, was Edward Basnet,
clerk, late Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin."
The arms of the present family are Argent, a cheveron gules, between
three helmets, close ppr. Crest: an arm, embowed, in armour, holding a
cutlas, all proper.
By applying to Charles Basnett, Esq., No. 3. Brock Street, Bath, D. X.
may have a full account of this family.
JULIA R. BOCKETT.
Southcote Lodge, July 17. 1851.