The pathetic story of a person sentenced to death for sheep-stealing,
winning the heart of the gaoler by a long course of good conduct, and
executed at last on the "death-warrant" being found in the office, is
utterly apocryphal. There has not been such a thing as a death-warrant
in England for centuries, except in London and Middlesex (where the
recorder communicated the pleasure of the crown to spare certain
prisoners, and leave others to their fate, in an instrument improperly
so called), and in the special case referred to hereafter. It was
necessary, when sentence was pronounced by Commissioners of Oyer and
Terminer, that a precept under their hands and seals should be made out;
but in the case of Commissioners of Gaol Delivery the entry on record of
the judgement of the court is sufficient; and though a calendar is now
made out, and delivered to the sheriff, specifying the several
sentences or acquittals of all the prisoners in gaol, yet it is not
necessary. Lord Hale says:
"Rolle would never subscribe any such calendar, but would
command the sheriff openly in court to take notice of the
judgments and orders of what kind soever, and command the sheriff
to execute them at his peril."
And, until a few years ago (when the law requiring murderers to be
executed the day next but one after sentence was repealed), murderers
were executed on verbal authority only, as no calendar was made out
until the close of the assizes, some time after the execution. The
special case above referred to is, when a person was tried by the Court
of Peers before the Lord High Steward, in which case that officer issued
a precept for execution. But if the trial be in parliament, a writ for
execution issues under the Great Seal, as in the case of Lord William
Russell.
Having demolished one story, I feel bound to give you another.
The Crown never directs execution, but respites it either to a day
fixed, or during her Majesty's pleasure, which last is what is commonly
called a reprieve. A late learned Baron is said to have respited an
unlucky criminal on whose fate he hesitated, once, twice, thrice, till,
having lost his reckoning, he wrote to this effect:
"I do not know whether John Smith's respite has expired; if it
has, it is no matter; if not, let the execution be further
respited until the —— day of —— next."
A. B.
I have seen in an Exeter paper an article taken from
"NOTES AND QUERIES," entitled "Execution under singular Circumstances," the writer
of which is in manifest error. There is no such thing as a warrant for
execution; I will venture to say it could not have happened as is
therein stated. I have been repeatedly undersheriff of Devon, and
therefore beg to state the mode in which executions take place.
At the end of the assizes the crown-bar judge and the clerk of assize
sit down quietly together, and go over the sentences of the prisoners,
after which they are classed, and a fair copy signed by the clerk of the
assize—not the judge—is delivered to the undersheriff, which is his
only authority for carrying the different sentences into execution. If a
man is to be hung, opposite his name is written, "Let him be hanged by
the neck," and an asterisk is added to draw the undersheriff's
attention. Should the man afterwards be respited, the judge, or the
clerk of assize, writes to the undersheriff, and also (ex abundanti
cautelâ) to the gaoler, to say so. Should the undersheriff hear nothing
further, he hangs the man at the end of the respite, as a matter of
course. A reprieve comes from the secretary of state's office. At the
end of the shrievalty this list of sentences is sent to the Court of
Exchequer, as forming part of what is called the Bill of Cravings, and
in which the sheriff is allowed a certain sum towards the expenses of
the execution. What may be the practice in London I do not know, but
the above would be the practice at Winchester.
P. J.
Exeter, Sept. 15. 1851.
Halliwell illustrates this word by a quotation from Nash's Pierce
Penilesse, 1592:
"A young heyre or cockney, that is his mother's darling, if hee
playde the waste-good at the innes of the court, or about London,
falles in a quarrelling humor with his fortune, because she made
him not king of the Indies."
Richardson gives the following quotation from Fuller's Worthies:
"I meet with a double sense of this word cockeney.... 1st, One
coaks'd or cockered, made a wanton or nestle-cock of.... 2nd, One
utterly ignorant of husbandry and housewifery, such as is
practised in the country...."
Webster gives the following derivation, &c.:
"COCKNEY, n. [Most probably from L. coquina, a kitchin, or
coquino, to cook; Fr. coquin, idle; Fr. cocagne, It.
cuccagna, an imaginary country of idleness and luxury.... Hence,
a citizen who leads an idle life, or never leaves the city.]
"1. A native of London, by way of contempt. Watts. Shak.
"'And yet I say by my soul I have no salt bacon
Ne no cokeney by Christe coloppes to make.'
"'At that feast were they served in rich array;
Every five and five had a cokeney.'"
Chaucer, in the above lines quoted by Webster, probably refers to any
substantial dish of fresh meat, which might be cut in collops; possibly,
however, to young roasted pigs, which, as every one knows, are
continually running about, all over the land of cockaigne, with knives
and forks stuck into them, crying, "Come eat me, come eat me."
Whether the word cockney be derived from the the land of cockaigne, or
the legend of cockaigne arise from cockney, it appears probable that
both words have their origin in the same root with the verb to cook,
and that the epithet originally conveyed the imputation to citizens, of
a superfluous consumption of cooked meat; inasmuch as the inhabitants of
large cities generally consider the daily use of fresh meat almost as a
necessary of life, while the provincial population is content to exist
on less nutritious food.
Whatever may be the original import of the epithet, the modern
application of it is, I believe, confined to the natives of the
metropolis, and it corresponds in use and signification with the
terms rustic and chaw-bacon, which distinguish the natives of the
provinces; the latter term being exclusively appropriated to
agriculturalists. Epithets, apparently of similar origin, exist in the
seaman's land-lubber, the landsman's jack-tar, the Englishman's
froggy, and the Frenchman's ros-bif.
Londoners themselves appear to have a theoretical notion that the
inhabitants of Belgravia, and other enlightened metropolitan districts,
are strictly entitled to the designation cockney, in virtue of their
birth and residence within the sound of Bow-bells; but practically limit
its application to those members of the lower, and more ignorant classes
of the community, who traditionally retain some of the obsolete idioms,
and other peculiarities of speech, of our Anglo-Saxon forefathers.
A LONDONER.
For the information of your correspondent
A TRANSATLANTIC READER, I beg
to inform him that Sir Edmund Plowden or Ployden was 2nd son of Francis
Plowden of Plowden, Salop, and Shiplake in Berks: a family which can
claim its descent from the Saxon kings of England; and by a Saxon
charter, granting lands in Salop to the family, that the family had
large estates in that remote period. The Saxon derivation of the name
(from the Saxon Plean deen, or kill the Dane) alone shows the great
antiquity of the family; and there are few, if any, families in England
who have retained their ancestral property so direct in the male line as
this family. It is also connected with some of the oldest and noblest
families in England—the Howards and Staffords are allied to this family
by intermarriages. In the reign of Richard I. Sir Roger de Plowden was a
crusader; and for his heroic conduct at the siege of Acre, was knighted,
and also permitted by the king to bear on his shield the royal arms, the
fleur de lis, which is retained to this day. In 9 Edward II., John de
Plowden was by parliamentary writ, signed at Clopstow 5th March, called
to parliament as one of the lords of the township of Plowden, Salop.
Edmund Plowden, the great lawyer in Edw. VI. and Elizabeth's reigns, who
was in those times called the oracle of the law, was enrolled among
Fuller's Worthies of England, with Camden's Latin verses on him: "Vitæ
integritati inter homines suæ professionis nulli secundus."
He was offered by Elizabeth, whose autograph letter was until recently
in the possession of the family, the Lord Chancellorship of England,
with a peerage, if he would give up his creed as Catholic and turn
Protestant; which he declined, preferring to abide by his moral
convictions of the truthfulness of what he deemed his faith to worldly
honour and aggrandisement. Sir Edmund died at Wanstead, county of
Southampton, in 1659; and in possession of large estates in eleven
parishes in England, besides his American province of New Albion. To
each of these parishes he leaves by his will of 1655 a sum of money to
be paid "eight days after his demise, and directs to be buried in the
chapel of the Plowdens at Lydbury, in Salop; a stone monument, with an
inscription in brass bearing the names of his children, and another with
his correct pedigree as drawn out at his house in Wanstead." He
appears to have gone to America about the year 1620, and remained there,
in Virginia and New England, till about 1630. While there, his sister
Ann was married to Sir Arthur Lake, son of Sir Thomas Lake, then
Secretary of State to James I.; and through whose influence, we presume,
on his return to England he was introduced to the great Lord Strafford,
with whom it is believed he proceeded to Ireland; for in the Heralds'
Visitation of Salop, 1632, (vide Sims' H. Vist., Brit. Mus.), he is
entered in the Plowden pedigree as being then in Ireland. By the
Strafford State Papers it appears that in this year he made petition to
Charles I. through Lord Strafford, then Lieut. and Capt.-General of
Ireland, for the colonising of New Albion:—
"Near the continent of Virginia, sixty leagues N. from James City,
without the Bay of Chesapeake, there is a habitable and fruitful
island, named Isle Plowden, otherwise Long Isle, with other small
isles between 30° and 40° of lat., about sixty leagues from the
main, near De la Warre Bay, where Your Majesty, nor any of your
Progenitors, were ever possessed of any estate, &c ... to enable
the petitioners, their heirs and assigns, for ever to enjoy the
said Isle, and forty leagues square of the adjoining continent, as
in the nature of a County Palatine or Body Politick, by the name
of New Albion, to be held of your Majesty's Crown of Ireland,
exempt from all appeal to the Governor of Virginia, and with such
other additions, privileges, and dignities therein, to be given to
Sir Edmund Plowden, like has been heretofore granted to Sir George
Calvert, Knight, late Lord Calvert, in Newfoundland, together with
the usual grants and privileges that other Colonies have for
governing, &c., and we agree to settle with 500 inhabitants."
The king's warrant was given at Oatlands 24th July, 1632, granting the
whole asked for, under the Great Seal of Ireland, signed by John Coke.
Between this period and 1634, Sir Edmund was engaged in fulfilling the
conditions of the warrant by carrying out the colonisation by
indentures, which were executed and enrolled in Dublin, and St. Mary's
in Maryland in America. In Dublin the parties were Viscount Musherry,
100 planters; Lord Monson, 100 planters; Sir Thomas Denby, 100 planters;
Captain Clayborne (of American notoriety) 50; Captain Balls; and
amounting in all to 540 colonisers, beside others in Maryland,
Virginia, and New England. The parties who joined in the petition were
Sir John Lawrence, Knight and Baronet, who died in America; Sir Bowyer
Worstley, Knight, and Charles Barrett, Esq.,—both died there in 1634;
George Noble, Gent., Thomas Ribread, Roger Packe, William Inwood, and
John Trustler. Having completed the conditions he was granted a charter,
bearing date Oatlands, 21st June, 1634; and enrolled in Dublin in 17
pages folio; and confirmed 24th July, 1634, in the eighth year of the
reign of Charles I., running thus:
"And according to the tenour and effect of certain of our letters,
signed with our proper hand, and sealed with our seal now enrolled
in the Rolls of our Chancery of the said Kingdom of Ireland, We
have given, granted, and confirmed, and by this our present
Charter, for Us, our heirs, and successors, do give, grant, and
confirm such the before said Sir Edmund Plowden, Knight, his heirs
and assigns, for ever, all that entire island near the continent
of Terra Firma of North Virginia, called the Island of Plowden, or
Long Island, and lying near and between the 39° and 40° of N.
lat.; together with part of the continent or Terra Firma aforesaid
near adjoining, described to begin from the point of an angle of a
certain promontory called Cape Cod, from thence to the westward
for the space of 40°, running by the river Delaware, closely
following its course by the N. lat. into a certain rivulet there
arising from a spring of Lord Baltimore in the lands of Maryland,
and the summit aforesaid to the south, where it touches, joins,
and determines in all its breadth, from thence takes its course
into a square leading to the north by a right line for the space
of 40° to the river and port of Reachu Cod, and descends to a
savannah, touching and including the top of Sand Bay, where it
determines, and from thence towards the south by a square,
stretching to a savannah which passes by and washes the shores of
the Plowden aforesaid to the point of the promontory of Cape May
above mentioned, and determines where it begins." And p. 4.
continues: "Therefore We, for Us, our heirs, and successors, do
give unto the aforesaid Sir Edmund Plowden, and his heirs and
assigns, free and full power graciously to confer favours and
honours upon the well-deserving citizens and inhabitants within
the province aforesaid with whatever titles and dignities he
shall choose to decorate them with (in such a manner as they may
but now be usurped in England), and to cut and stamp different
pieces of gold such as shall be lawful, current, and acceptable to
all the inhabitants; and We command all, and enjoin other things
to be done in the premises which to him or them shall be seen to
be proper, in as free and ample a manner and form as by the
Society of Newfoundland and East Indies, Island of Bermuda, Bishop
of Durham within the Bishoprick or County Palatine of Durham; or
Lord Baltimore within his lands and premises of Maryland and
Glastonbury; or James Earl of Carlisle within the island of St.
Christopher and Barbadoes; or any other Governor or Founder of a
Colony."
In fact, the powers granted were never exceeded by any former charter of
the Crown: they were all but regal. Under this charter a lease, enrolled
in Dublin, was granted by Lord Plowden in 1634 to Sir Thomas Danby for
10,000 acres, and a release, dated 20th Dec. 1634, sealed and signed at
St. Mary's, Maryland, and witnessed by Vall Havord and Richard Benham,
by R. Packe for 200 acres; T. Ribread, 100; W. Inwood, 100; and John
Trustler, 100; segregating 500 acres in trust for the "Earl of Albion,
when they deliver up their claims or trusts in consideration for this
grant of land; and confirmed unto Lord Francis Plowden, son and heir of
Sir Edmund Plowden, Earl Palatine, and George and Thomas Plowden, two of
the sons of the said Sir Edmund, Earl Palatine." Sir Edmund Plowden
resided with his wife and family as Governor of New Albion six years;
his eldest son, Francis, and Lady Plowden, returned to England to look
after his father's estates in his absence: but Francis so abused the
confidence reposed in him, as to oblige the Governor to return to
England (leaving his sons George and Thomas as his locum tenens). On
his arrival he was incarcerated in the Fleet Prison on a base charge
emanating from his son, from which he was released by order of the
Peers Committee, House of Lords; and likewise involved in a lawsuit to
recover certain estates sold by his son, which cost him 15,000l.
before he was clear. This unnatural and illegal conduct induced him to
disinherit his son Francis; for, in the 15th of Charles I., 1st June,
1646, Sir Edmund obtained license from the Crown to alienate from his
son the manors of Wanstead, Southwick, and many others in the county of
Southampton, as is enrolled in the Rolls Chapel. By his will, in the
Prerogative Court of Canterbury, London, Sir Wm. Mason was in trust for
Sir Edmund's second son and heir, Thomas Plowden; and also for the New
Albion colony. And the will proceeds:
"And I think it fit that my English lands and estates shall be
settled and united to my Honor, County Palatine, and Province of
New Albion, for the maintenance of the same; and again, that all
my lease lands in England be sold with all convenient speed by my
executors and overseers herein named, and with the money arising
therefrom to buy good freehold, to be settled and entailed as the
rest of my lands are settled on my second son Thomas Plowden, and
the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, or to be begotten;
also my County Palatine of New Albion, and Peerage as a Peer of
Ireland, as aforesaid, unto Thomas Plowden my son during his
natural life, and after his decease, to the heirs male of my son
Thomas, begotten or to be begotten; and again, I do enter and will
that my son Thomas Plowden, and, after his decease his eldest
heir in male, and, if he be under age, then his guardian, with
all speed after my decease do employ by consent of Sir William
Mason of Gray's Inn, Knight, whom I make a trustee of this my
plantation of New Albion; and if my son Thomas shall by fail,
defence, loose, agree, give, or alien any part of my
estates, lands, or rents in England to Francis my son, or
his issue, then my son shall forfeit and lose to his eldest son
all lands and estates and rents in England herein settled,
entailed, or given him, and to be forfeited during his life."
George either died, or was killed, in the massacres by the Indians; as
was also Francis, third son of Thomas, along with his wife and family,
as alluded to in his father's will, dated 1698.
These attacks on the infant colony were instigated by the Dutch and
Swedes of the New Netherlands, as they called New Albion, and who did
all they could to obstruct and thwart the Earl Palatine's plans, as is
alluded to in The Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain: Speed and
Basset, 1676, dedicated to James I.; and recommended as a most authentic
work by Sir Richard St. George, Norroy King of Arms.
"Moreover these proceedings, upon complaint made to his late
Majesty, and by whom represented to the State of Holland, were
absolutely disowned by them, and wholly laid upon the East India
Company of Amsterdam. The most northerly part towards New England
was by his Majesty granted by patent to Sir Edmund Plowden, by the
name of New Albion. The most southerly towards Virginia to Sir
George Calvert, now Lord Baltimore, by the name of Maryland. The
Dutch, upon some consideration agreed on, were forthwith to have
quitted the place; yet, for all this, as the custom of this people
is never to let go any opportunity that serves their turn, whether
by right or wrong, they took advantage of the unhappy dissentions
and cruel wars that soon after happened within this nation: they
not only stood upon higher demands than was at first agreed on,
but also contrived to stir up the natives against the English,
that they might have the better opportunity of fixing themselves.
In this state things remained till his present Majesty, after his
restoration, resolved to send three ships of war."
Charles II. most tyrannically, privately, without sanction from
Parliament, and without even alluding to his father's charter to Sir
Edmund Plowden, gave a charter of the Province to his brother James, at
the same time creating him Duke of Albany. Before James was duly clothed
with the powers of Governor, he sold a large portion of it to Lord
Berkely for 65,000l. For years afterwards, the Duke of York's title
was disputed, and many disturbances arose, and Chancery suits, as
entered in the American chancery suits of that period. Lord Sutherland,
as the colonial officer, disputed the validity of the Duke's claim. A
greater act of injustice could hardly be perpetrated than this virtual
abrogation of the original charter, after so many years of labour had
been expended, charges incurred, loss of estates and relations, and the
other evils attending planting this colony which absence from England
gave rise to. Sir Edmund Plowden was not inferior to any of his
co-governors in ability, fortune, position, or family. Though he made a
greater sacrifice than any, he never received the slightest compensation
like the other early colonisers. We conclude that family dissentions
connected with the disinheritance of Francis Plowden, must have tended
to facilitate Charles II.'s illegal conduct; for, in Thomas Plowden's
Will, 1698, in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, he alludes to his
son-in-law, Walter Hall, illegally and forcibly retaining papers
connected with the estates: Province of New Albion Charter, the Patent
for the Peerage of Ireland. The first cousin of the disinherited son was
a Col. Plowden of the Life Guards, who followed James II.'s fortunes,
and accompanied him on his leaving England, and died as his chamberlain
at St. Germains in France. These documents may have come into his hands,
and have been lost in France. It is quite clear that the only estate
which came to Thomas's eldest son James of Ewhurst was Lassam in
Southampton, and his son James also held it; he was married to Sarah
Chichely, daughter of Sir John Chichely, son of Sir Henry Chichely,
formerly Governor of Virginia, the lineal descendant of Thomas, Lord
Mayor of London, and brother of Archbishop Chichely, founder of All
Souls, Oxford. This family is now extinct in the male, but still exist
in the female line in the Plowden family, which is the nearest of kin of
any family, and consequently has a stronger claim to the Fellowships of
that college as founder's kin. There can be no question but that the
family have a legal claim against the government for the unjust
alienation of that province to James II.; but the loss of the charter,
and the ignorance of the family that it was enrolled in Ireland (now
found), prevented the heir and representative of Sir Edmund from
claiming compensation. Nothing but an act of parliament can nullify the
sacred rights of a charter; if it were not so, no public or private
right would be safe a day. As to his peerage, it was litigated at the
time, and decided in his favour; but the Commonwealth did not favour the
restoration of titles granted by Charles I., and on the Restoration, Sir
Edmund's papers were lost to those to whom they would have been useful.
Notwithstanding the sarcastic and bad spirit in which Beauchamp
Plantagenet's New Albion of 1648 was reviewed by Mr. Pennington of
Philadelphia, I trust that the Americans will treat the early pioneer of
one of the best portions of America in a more liberal spirit, and do
justice to his memory. We have now no new worlds to discover; and the
present race of men can hardly appreciate the labours, dangers, and
hardships our first colonisers had to endure—but they however know the
value of their exertions. They have secured for America one of the
finest countries in the world, which may one day be an empire of vast
power. Its separation from the mother country was the greatest national
calamity that ever befell her. How fatal has it been to France;
first for abetting clandestinely the Americans against England, and at
last throwing away the mask, openly assisting her with her arms. Since
then, what calamities have befallen her, and may even yet befall her.
Had we then, as Macaulay says, had a Clive at the head of our armies,
and a Hastings in council, that separation might either have been
deferred, or we might have parted friendly, instead of in enmity. Had I
time to glean it, I have no doubt I could furnish much important matter
connected with New Albion, derived from sources within my reach.
ALBION.
P.S. There are two seals attached to Sir Edmund Plowden's Will; his
private seal of the Plowdens, and his Earl's with supporters, signed
"Albion:" the same as is given in Beauchamp Plantagenet's New Albion,
1648 (King's Lib. B. Mus.).
He was born in a house now inhabited by the vicar, at Westerham, Kent,
on the 2d of January, 1727, and not, as the various notices of his life
state, the 15th of January, 1726 (see Penny Cyclopædia and other
works). His mother's Christian name was Henrietta, and she, I believe,
came from or near Deptford, to which place in the latter years of her
life, she again went to reside. Wolfe was an only child; the name is
still to be found in the neighbourhood of Westerham. Shortly after his
birth, his parents removed to a house at the extreme end of the town,—a
picturesque mansion it is, and is named after him Quebec House. Under
this roof Wolfe's happiest hours were spent.
Sir Jeffrey Amherst (a native of the same valley, Holmsdale), patronised
him, but where first engaged I never could discover. His body was
brought to England, and interred at Greenwich; monuments were erected to
him in Westminster Abbey, Squerries Park, Westerham, and Westerham
Church. The inscription on the marble tablet, erected in the latter, I
subjoin:—
JAMES,
Son of Colonel Edward Wolfe, and Henrietta his Wife,
Was born in this parish, January 2d,
MDCCXXVII.
And died in America, Sept. 19th,
MDCCLIX.
Conqueror of Quebec!
"Whilst George in sorrow bows his laurelled head,
And bids the artist grace the soldier dead;
We raise no sculptured trophy to thy name,
Brave youth! the fairest in the list of fame.
Proud of thy birth, we boast th' auspicious year,
Struck with thy fall, we shed a general tear,
With humble grief, inscribe one artless stone,
And from thy matchless honours date our own."
His sword is preserved in the United Service Museum, and was engraved
about two years since in the Illustrated London News. An old professed
portrait of him dangles as the sign of a beer-shop in Westerham. Wolfe
was ardently attached to Colonel Barré, whose portrait is introduced in
West's celebrated picture of the Death of Wolfe; another head in the
picture is, I have been told, a likeness of a person who had been
captured by the Indians, and was about to be scalped, when his life was
saved by the intercession of a chief Wolfe had formerly pardoned.
Wolfe was the youngest general ever entrusted with such a responsible
command; but his bravery, his great humanity, his love to his troops,
and above all, his glorious death, will render his name immortal in the
page of British history.
H. G. D.
The inclosed lines were given to me some years since by an old lady, who
stated that they came into her possession through some relatives of the
lady to whom they were addressed. I now much regret that I did not hear
(or if I heard it have forgotten) the lady's name. Perhaps in the last
letter of the series now in the hands of Ʒ , some allusion may be
found to one in whom the parting hero felt so deep an interest; at all
events the lines may be acceptable to Ʒ or others of your readers
desirous for some further knowledge of the private life of this
"faithful soldier." Might not the parish register of Westerham in Kent,
the birthplace of Wolfe, possibly supply his mother's maiden name, or
some other particular as to his family connexions? His father, also
General Wolfe, may perhaps have distinguished himself in "the 45," but
James Wolfe was then barely nineteen years of age, and I have never met
with any allusion to his taking part in that campaign. His appointment
to the American service is said to have been the result of his display
of military talent in Germany.
LINES WRITTEN AT PORTSMOUTH BY GENERAL
WOLFE, AND PRESENTED TO HIS LADY THE
EVENING BEFORE HIS EMBARKATION FOR THE
SIEGE OF QUEBEC.
"At length too soon, dear creature,
Receive my fond adieu,
Thy pangs, oh Love, how bitter!
Thy joys how short, how few!
No more those eyes so killing,
The melting glance repeat,
Nor bosom gently swelling,
With love's soft tumults beat.
"I go where glory leads me,
And dangers point the way,
Though coward love upbraids me,
Stern honour bids obey.
'Tis honour's boasting stories,
My anxious fears reprove,
And point to wealth, fame, glories,
Ah, what are these to love?
"Two passions vainly pleading,
My beating heart divide,
Lo, there my country bleeding,
And here my weeping bride.
But ah, thy faithful soldier,
Can true to either prove,
Fame fires my soul all over,
While every pulse beats love.
"Then think where'er I wander,
The sport of seas and wind,
No distance hearts can sunder,
Whom mutual truth has joined.
Kind heaven the brave requiting,
Shall safe thy love restore,
With raptures crown our meeting,
And joys ne'er felt before."
Poor Wolfe, but poorer bride!
YUNAF.
I am enabled to reply to the third Query of Ʒ from papers in my
possession. Wolfe's commission as second lieutenant in his father's
(Col. Edward Wolfe's) regiment of marines,[3] is dated 3d November,
1741; as ensign in Col. Scipio Duroure's regiment, 27th March, 1742; as
lieutenant in the same regiment, 14th July, 1743; as adjutant in the
same regiment, 22d July, 1743; as captain in Barrell's regiment, 23d
June, 1744; as major in Lord George Sackville's regiment,[4] 5th
January, 1748-49; as lieut.-col. of the same regiment, 20th March,
1749-50, and colonel by brevet, 21st Oct. 1757; colonel of the 67th
regiment, 21st April, 1758; brigadier in America, 23d July, 1758; killed
at siege of Quebec.
Wolfe's father, Edward Wolfe, was appointed brigadier-general, 25th
April, 1745; major-general, 27th May, 1745, and lieut.-general, 30th
Sept. 1747.
If Ʒ will communicate with me personally, I may be able to furnish
him with some other information relating to Wolfe.
ROBERT COLE.
The following memoranda from MSS. in my care, relative to this
distinguished man, may, perhaps, be of use to your correspondent Ʒ .
Feb. 1746, a petition (dated Feb. 1746) to the Duke of Bedford for his
interference relative to the pay due to him as Inspector of Marines.
Another letter, dated July 7, 1746, printed in the first volume of the
Bedford Correspondence.
Another letter, dated Feb. 16, 1747, on the same subject as the first.
Another letter, dated Feb. 19, 1757, also printed in the Bedford
Correspondence.
Another letter, dated July 22, 1767, relative to his embarkation of a
regiment in which he was lieut.-col.
Another letter, dated Jan. 26, 1788, printed in the Bedford
Correspondence.
Copy of a letter to Lord George Sackville, dated Halifax, May 12.
W. A.
Major-General Edward Wolfe resided in one of the villas in Montague
Walk, on the west side of Greenwich Park; afterwards the residence of
the Hon. Mr. Lyttelton, Henry Drax, Esq., Mr. Scott, and his widow.
In the register book of St. Alphege in Greenwich occurs this entry:
"Major-Genl James Wolfe,
buried Nov. 20th 1759."
His body was brought to England from Quebec, and laid by the side of his
father, Major-Gen. E. Wolfe, who was buried there on April 2, 1759.
His mother's Christian name was Henrietta; she bequeathed 500l. to
Bromley College at her death in 1765.
The short sword worn by General Wolfe at the time of his death is in the
United Service Institution in Scotland Yard. His military cloak is, I
believe, kept in the Tower.
MACKENZIE WALCOTT, M.A.
In the church of Westerham, the place of Wolfe's birth, as well as in
Westminster Abbey, is a cenotaph. Is it well known who was the author of
the pleasing lines inscribed at Westerham?
"While George in sorrow bows his laurel'd head."
May I also ask whether the packet of autograph letters in the possession
of your correspondent was ever shown to Southey, and whether an
intention was not entertained by him, at one period, of writing a memoir
of Wolfe? If these letters were unknown to Southey, I have strong
reasons for believing that another collection of General Wolfe's letters
exists. Would not your correspondent's collection or a selection from
it, form a very interesting publication?
J. H. M.
I am much obliged to your correspondents who have taken the trouble to
answer my Query respecting the lines in Childe Harold; but I am sorry
that you did not print one of the replies "at considerable length" to
which you allude in your note to MR. CROSSLEY'S brief one: for
MR. CROSSLEY'S settlement of the question will hardly, I think, appear so
satisfactory to all readers as it evidently does to him. Will you allow
me to explain the reasons for thinking so?
In his opinion it is quite transparent that Lord Byron meant to say,
speaking to the Ocean of its shores:
"Thy waters wasted them when they were free,
And many a tyrant since" (has wasted them).
But in my former letter I quoted a German translator's version of the
lines, and he did not understand them thus; and I have just referred to
a French translator's, and he also differs from
MR. CROSSLEY. In fact,
his view of the matter so completely tallies with mine, that I will,
with your permission, quote his words:
"Tes rivages sont des empires, où tout est changé, excepté
toi. Que sont devenus l'Assyrie, la Grèce, Rome, Carthage? Tes flots
battaient leurs frontières aux jours de la liberté, comme depuis
sous le règne de plus d'un tyran."
This passage is taken from the complete translation of Lord Byron's
Works, published at Paris in 1836, by
M. Benjamin de Laroche, vol. i. p. 754.
M. de Laroche was no doubt led to form his opinion of the real meaning
of these two lines from a careful consideration of those which
immediately precede and immediately follow. The theme of the poet is the
proud superiority of the ocean to human authority, and its insensibility
to human vicissitude. He rebukes the haughty assumption that "Britannia
rules the waves;" he refers in proof to the striking fact, that of the
two most memorable tempests recorded in the naval history of Spain and
England, the one aided our triumph, and the other tore the fruits of a
triumph from us.
"The oak leviathans, whose huge ribs make
Their clay creator the proud title take
Of lord of thee, and arbiter of war,
These are thy toys, and, as the snowy flake,
They melt into thy yeast of waves, which mar
Alike the Armada's pride, or spoils of Trafalgar."
And then he proceeds, according to my view of the passage, and according
to the French translator's view, to point out, that while the shores of
the ocean are changed, the action of the ocean continues the same; that
it wasted the empires of the ancient world when they were free, and
wasted them when they fell under the sway of tyrants:
"Thy shores are empires, changed in all save thee—
Assyria, Greece, Rome, Carthage, what are they?
Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
And many a tyrant since their shores obey."
Here there seems to be a logical sequence, which is surely not to be
found if the semicolon is kept, as
MR. CROSSLEY wishes to keep it, after
the word "since."
"Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
And many a tyrant since;"
meaning, as he declares, that many a tyrant since has wasted them. There
may be grammatical construction here, but what becomes of the meaning?
The direct force of the words would surely be, that the ocean was in the
habit of ravaging its shores in times of liberty, but that it left off
when the tyrants began. I suppose it will be admitted that this is not
exactly what the poet wished to convey. To his real meaning it will, I
hope, be allowed to be essential that the statement should be made, that
the ocean's ravages continue; and if this is not done in the fourth
line, it is done nowhere,—the chain of reasoning is left without a
link. To say that the ocean wasted empires once, and tyrants did it
afterwards, is as little to the purpose as it would have been to say, in
the preceding stanza, that the ocean destroyed the Armada, but that
Nelson won Trafalgar. The lines become incoherent.
I beg pardon for trespassing so long on your attention; but the question
seems to have excited some interest, and I think the occasion may plead
my excuse.
T. W.
There is no occasion to say any more on the subject of T. W.'s doubts
(Vol. iv., p. 223.) as to the construction of certain lines in the 182nd
stanza: but his remarks on the substitution of the word gush'd for
rush'd, in the 141st stanza, induce me to offer a suggestion, or
rather ask a Query, with respect to a word in another stanza (180th) of
the same canto, which I shall quote entire.
"His steps are not upon thy paths—thy fields
Are not a spoil for him,—thou dost arise
And shake him from thee; the vile strength he wields
For earth's destruction thou dost all despise,
Spurning him from thy bosom to the skies;
And send'st him, shivering in thy playful spray
And howling, to his Gods, where haply lies
His petty hope in some near port or bay,
And dashest him again to earth:—there let him lay."
The blot which disfigures the last line of this fine stanza, in the use
of the word lay for lie, has, I believe, been often observed; but
the question I wish to throw out for the consideration of your readers
is, whether it is quite certain that Lord Byron really wrote, or
intended to write, the word lay. The following reasons appear to me to
render it improbable that he did. 1. His lordship is admittedly, I
believe, a great master of the English language, and would therefore be
very unlikely to commit the somewhat vulgar blunder of writing lay for
lie, whatever might be the requirements of the rhyme. 2. This
improbability is rendered much stronger by his having used the word
lies in the line next but one preceding; and therefore his attention
could hardly have been averted from the distinction between the two
words. 3. Though not professing to be a critic, it does appear to me
that the sense itself of the line (taking the word lay in the sense of
lie) is weak and unmeaning, or at least far from worthy of the former
part of the stanza.
I am not perhaps bound to offer any emendation of the line, but
in default of anything better I will venture to suggest that his
lordship may have written, or intended to write, the word pray as the
concluding word of the stanza. The sense, with pray instead of lay,
would not, in my judgment, be inferior to that of the line in its
present form; nor would it be in itself inappropriate, as allusion has
just been made to man being sent "howling to his gods;" and, at all
events, by the adoption of pray, an almost unpardonable grammatical
error is avoided.
PRISCIAN.
I cannot agree with T. W. as to the stanza quoted from the Hymn to the
Ocean.
"Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
And many a tyrant since" (has wasted them),
is very good sense, and much more Byronic than the cacophonous inversion
T. W. proposes.
Blackwood's criticism of this hymn (probably by the Professor) is not
at all too severe. Noble as are some parts of it, it is full of
cockneyisms and platitudes. What can be worse than
Again:
"Roll on, thou deep and dark blue ocean, roll!"
is most magnificent in its sonorous march: but the next line is equally
absurd:
"Ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain!"
In vain! Why, did not Columbus discover a world? Did not Nelson make
England's fame eternal? Do not our tea, coffee, wine, and cotton cross
the surging seas?
As to the "Gladiator" stanza, nobody can doubt that rushed is the
right and most poetic reading. Rush is a strong word: gush a weak
one, much hackneyed by neoteric poetasters. Byron never used gush in
such a sense. Thoughts do not gush, though blood and water may. I
therefore venture to differ from T. W. and his two illustrious friends.
MORTIMER COLLINS.
The difficulty which your correspondent T. W. finds in Lord Byron's
celebrated Address to the Ocean is occasioned by his having taken up a
wrong notion of the construction at the first reading; and the solution
of his perplexity is so obvious, when this is once pointed out, that it
must have already occurred to many of your readers, and very probably,
by this time, to T. W. himself. The lines that puzzle him are—
"Thy waters wasted them while they were free,
And many a tyrant since; their shores obey
The stranger, slave, or savage."
"What!" exclaims T. W., "The waters wasted many a tyrant? How, in the
name of wonder?" How indeed! Probably more readers at once caught the
sense:—
"Thy waters wasted them while they were free
And many a tyrant since—has wasted them."
The word "wasted" is used in a somewhat different sense in the two
cases, but this is the price of the antithesis; and the result follows,
that their shores now obey the stranger, the slave, or the savage, as
exemplified in Greece, Asia and Africa respectively. And here we may
observe, that the writer in Blackwood's Magazine, whom T. W. quotes,
and who thinks the ocean appealed to is the world's ocean, and not the
Mediterranean, has been just as blind to the train of thought in the
other part as T. W. in this.
But in the way of doing something beyond the solution of this particular
obscurity, so far as there is any, I would remark, that Byron's efforts
at concentration and point not unfrequently give rise to an obscurity of
this kind; which for a moment produces a perplexity that seems laughable
as soon as the true sense occurs to us. For instance, on first reading
these verses in the Corsair,—
"Be the edge sharpen'd of my boarding brand,
And give its guard more room to fix my hand.
This let the armourer with speed dispose;
Last time, it more fatigued my arm than foes:"
I exclaimed, like T. W., "What! his sword fatigued his foes? What a
most absurd expression! To be sure, one may imagine that when Conrad was
killing his enemies one after another without stopping, they would say,
What a tiresome man he is! but this does not seem to be in the vein of
the narration." And then, reading the passage again, and considering
that the pirate complains of the guard of his sword being too narrow, I
saw plainly that, with whatever damage to the rhythm, the verse was to
be read—
"Last time, it more fatigued my arm than foes" (did).
My sword, by its not fitting to my hand, fatigued my arm more than all
the resistance that foes could offer.
I will give another example of the same kind, again taken from the
Pirate. In the enthusiastic description of a ship, he says:
"Who would not brave the battle-fire—the wreck—
To move the monarch of her peopled deck?"
"Who?" I exclaimed; "but who wants to move him? This monarch is, I
suppose, the captain; but why should men in general wish to move him?"
I suppose most of your readers see at the first what I saw at the second
glance, that Byron meant "to move as the monarch of this deck," that
is, to be the captain.
If I have satisfied T. W. and the rest of your readers of the
construction of the first passage, I have, I think, also shown that the
tendency to such transient mistakes in reading Byron is not uncommon.
W. W.
Cambridge, Oct. 10. 1851.
—For the information of W. S. W. I beg to notify that the
"mundane era" quoted by him is the Septuagint era of Venerable Bede,
who, in his chronology of the world, uses two eras; one of which he
calls "juxta Hebraicam veritatem," the other, "juxta septuaginta
interpretes."
He makes the concurrence of these with A.D. 1, at the birth of Christ,
to be respectively as follows:—
A.M. 3952.
A.M. Sep. 5300.
A.D. 1.
The two latter, as W. S. W. will perceive, are exactly in the same
relation as those in the MS. note.
I should also suggest that "S" may be the initial in the writer's name,
and not "T": in which case "q̱. T." probably signifies "quam tribuit."
A. E. B.
P.S.—Upon a second reference to the communication of W. S. W. I find
that the above dates are not consistent with those quoted by him, but
differ by exactly a hundred years: that this should be the exact
difference is very singular, and would lead me to suspect that there
might have been a mistake in transcription, were it not that in his
smaller work Bede has this sentence:
"Hujus anno Dominus nascitur, completis ab Adam annis
3952.—Juxta alios, 5199."
—Undoubtedly in Latin
naturalis is opposed to "adopted;" e.g. "P. Scipio ... naturalis
consulis Paulli, adoptione Africani nepos." (Livy, xliv. 44.) I
stumbled some time ago upon the following:
"The Act of Settlement by which Napoleon, Emperor of France, was
declared King of Italy, with the right of succession to his sons
natural or adopted, and male heirs.... He declared that he
accepted, and would defend, the iron crown; and that even during
his lifetime he would consent to separate the two crowns, and
place one of his natural or adopted sons upon the
throne."—Alison's History, chap. xxxix. §§ 38, 39.
I have no means of ascertaining whether this is a literal rendering from
the French document. If I may trust my Dictionnaire de l'Académie,
this sense of the word is unknown to the French language, as well as to
ours.
CHARLES THIRIOLD.
—The following method is given as
infallible by Mr. Stannard in the Art-Union for 1847, pp. 179. 261.:
"Immerse the print for an hour or so in a lye made by adding to
the strongest muriatic acid its own weight in water, and to three
parts of this mixture adding one of red oxide of lead, or black
oxide of manganese. A print, if not quickly cleaned, may remain in
the liquid twenty-four hours without harm. Indian ink stains
should in the first instance be assisted out with hot water.
Pencil marks, if carefully done, should be partially rubbed out
with India rubber or day-old bread; that is, if it can be safely
done, as rubbing an engraving is always hazardous. If the print
had been mounted, the paste on the back should be thoroughly
removed with warm water. The saline crystals left by the solution
may be removed by repeated rinsings with warm water."
ALTRON.
—My copy
of Don Quixote has the following note on the passage referred to by
Mr. C. H. COOPER:—
"Two old men appeared before Sancho, etc.—I believe this story
is told, for the first time, in some of the Talmudic writings; but
Cervantes, in all probability, took it from the Legenda Aurea
Jacobi de Voragine, in which monkish collection it occurs in
these words:
"'Vir quidam ab uno Judæo quamdam summam pecuniæ mutuo accepit,
jurans super altare Sancti Nicolai quod quam citius posset sibi
redderet. Tenente autem illo diu pecuniam Judæus expostulavit: sed
eam sibi reddidisse affirmat. Trahit ergo eum ad judicem et
juramentum indicitur debitori: Ille baculum cavatum quem auro
minuto impleverat secum detulerat, ac si ejus adminiculo
indigeret: Volens igitur facere juramentum Judæo baculum tradidit
servandum. Juravit quod plus sibi reddiderat etiam quam debet; et
facto juramento baculum repetiit. Et Judæus ignorans astutiæ eum
sibi reddidit. Rediens autem qui fraudem fecerat in quodam bivio
oppressus corruit somno: Currusque eum, cum impetu veniens,
necuit, et baculum plenum auro fregit, et aurum effudit.'
"The conclusion of the story is, that the Jew having received his
money, was earnestly entreated to acknowledge his sense of the
Divine interposition in his favour, by receiving baptism. He said
he would do so if Saint Nicholas would, at his prayer, restore the
dead man to life. The saint was, without much difficulty, induced
to do this, and the Jew became an edifying specimen of conversion.
See the chapter de Sancto Nicolao."—The History of the Ingenious
Gentleman Don Quixote of La Mancha; translated from the Spanish by
Motteux. A new Edition, with copious Notes, &c. Edinburgh, 1822,
vol. v. p. 334.
May not Jeremy Taylor, in the passage cited from the Ductor
Dubitantium ("NOTES AND QUERIES, Vol. iv., p. 208.), have been quoting
from memory, and confused the Talmudic(?) legend with a well-known
passage in Juvenal, Sat. xiii. 199-207.? Compare—
"The Greek that denied the depositum of his friend, and
offered to swear at the altar,"
with
"Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia vates;
Haud impunitum quondam fore, quod dubitaret
Depositum retinere et fraudem jure tueri
Jurando."
The Spartan's name was Glaucus. The story is told at large in Herodot.
vi. 86. See Stocker's note on Juv. Sat. xiii. 199. The use of
"sibi," in the extract from the Legenda Aurea, is new to me. Is it
common in monkish Latin?
C. FORBES.
Temple.
—MR. BREEN put another Query
besides "Where shall we find six good anagrams?" He asked, "How comes it
that a species of composition once so popular should have become
extinct?"
Let me venture to refer MR. BREEN to The Spectator for an answer to
this inquiry; where, in Addison's brilliant papers on "False Wit" (Nos.
58. &c.), he will find the whole family of ingenious
quibblings,—anagrams, acrostics, chronograms, puns, bouts-rimes,
&c.,—mown down to their just level. And
MR. BREEN cannot, I am sure, as
a man of taste, fail to be delighted, even although he may think the
following passage (which I quote chiefly as a warning against the rise
of an anagrammatric epidemic among your correspondents) a little severe
on his old friends:
"The acrostic was probably invented about the same time with the
anagram, though it is impossible to decide whether the inventor of
the one or the other were the greater blockhead."
It is a tempting folly I admit for an idle hour, and I must plead guilty
to having (in consequence of MR. BREEN'S letter) wasted nearly a whole
evening in discovering that
"NOTES AND QUERIES"
"Enquires on Dates!"
and also offers the following warning to its contributors—
while as an encouragement it observes (so an ingenious friend informs
us)—
HERMES.
—The Egils Saga describes
the duel between the armies of Olaf and Athelstan to have been fought in
a champ clos, inclosed with branches of hazel, upon a space called the
Vinheidi, or heidi of Vin, situate near (vid) or in (á) the
Vinskogr, or forest of Vin. Heidi is a rough open space, with scrubs
or bushes, such as furze, juniper, broom, &c. The heidi and the
skogr were distinct, the latter affording shelter to the fugitives
from the former, p. 290. The text, both Norse and Latin, says, "Then he
brought his army to the Vin-heidi. A certain town stood towards the
north of the heidi." But a various reading in the note says, "to the
town of Vinheidi, which was to the north of the heidi." But it seems as
unreasonable for the town to be called Vinheidi, as Vinskogr. Vin
should be taken for the name of the town, and the root of the other
phrases. The downs or brakes called Vinheidi were inclosed with hazel,
and lay between the forest, or skogr, and some river. The town, being
Olaf's head quarters, lay north of them. Athelstan occupied the nearest
town to the south of the heidi. [Query, whether south of the river?] The
northern town Vin is no doubt the Weon from which the Weon-dune (downs
of Weon, or heidi of Vin) was called. The other name given by Simeon
Dunelmensis to that space is curious, as showing how well the spot was
adapted for attack and pursuit, "eth-runnan-werc," that is,
"facilis-ad-opus-currendi." The name Brunanburg, probably signifying
"the town of bourns," or watercourses, is unequivocally that of a town.
Since Olaf or Arlaf had his quarters at Vin, it was probably at that
place where Athelstan was stationed. Find these two places, Vin the
northern-most of the two, and find the river. The heidi and the skogr
are probably grubbed and ploughed up.
A. N.
—Some three years ago I saw a
prospectus announcing that they would be published by Mr. Parker of
Oxford, under the direction of Mrs. Praed; but I believe nothing has
been done in the matter since.
W. J.
—Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, 191.
Piccadilly, have, or had recently, an original MS. of this eminent
lawyer and poet. Perhaps L. GYFFES would learn something of it by
communication with them, and, if curious, oblige your readers with an
account of it.
R.
—MR. TAYLOR appears
to me not altogether correct in his distinctions of these coins. The
name VAL. certainly generally denotes Constantius Chlorus, but there are
coins of Constantius II. also with VAL. It is impossible for a practised
numismatist to confound the coins of these emperors, not only from the
difference of lettering and workmanship, but from the change in the
size, thickness, &c. of the coins. I have coins of Constantius II. with
VAL. bearing the same reverse as others with
IVL. (PROVIDENTIAE CAESS)
in my cabinet. I have also several coins of Constantius II. with
P.F.AVG., which have A. behind the head. I refer above only to coins of
bronze, second and third sizes; but I should suppose the rules would
apply also to the gold coins. I see "NOTES AND QUERIES" only monthly, or
I should have written sooner, but I hope not to be too late.
W. H. S.
Edinburgh.
"Let fools the name of loyalty divide
Wise men and gods are on the strongest side."
I much fear your correspondent HENRY H. BREEN suggests an alteration in
Sir Charles Sedley's couplet more favourable to the witty
baronet's principles than facts will admit. It is too probable that he
conceived the sentiment just as it stands; for we must remember that he
belonged to that school of loose wits of the Restoration, who, "Regis ad
exemplar," made a mock of all which tended to place "virtue" above
"interest," or to make men "too fond of the right to pursue the
expedient."
Charles II. and his long train of licentious courtiers now stand at the
bar of history, and the verdict on him must be, that if he had a
principle in latter life it was this,—that he would never endanger
himself for any abstract rule of right; or as Sir W. Scott, in
Peveril, accurately says: "he had sworn never to kiss the block on
which his father suffered," when yielding to the current would save him
from it; hence, there is too good reason to think that, in his
estimation, and in the judgment of the school he formed, "loyalty" was
"folly," and to take the strongest side "wisdom."
The reference in Sedley's couplet to the line—
"Victrix causa Diis placuit, sed victa Catoni"—
is too obvious to need notice; and it is but too certain that in the
estimation of a courtier of Charles II., Cato dying for his country
would be but "a fool for his pains." It is painful to be obliged to
remind MR. BREEN that, in order to understand Sedley's meaning, we are
not to look for what would be "most consistent with truth," but for what
was most probably accordant with the lax morality of the author.
A. B. R.
Belmont, Oct. 6. 1851.
—This work was printed at Venice in 1538, in 4to. Münster
republished it in the next following year, with an epitome of its
contents in Latin. (G. B. de' Rossi, Dizionario Storico, &c., art.
"Levita.").
T. T.
Manchester.
—P. P.'s objection to Sir R. C. Hoare's
derivation of Stonehenge seems hardly justifiable. Surely the
horizontal stones there may be said to hang, μετέωροι, or
μετάρσιοι, sublime: as in the case of "Rocq Pendant" of
Alderney, the term "hanging" is loosely applied. That leans forth from
the cliff at a considerable angle out of the perpendicular, and is
"hanging," in another sense of the word, like the Leaning Tower of Pisa,
and as, in another acceptation, the famous terrace gardens of Babylon
are called the Hanging Gardens.
THEOPHYLACT.
—Referring
to this subject, allow me to add a Note I have from the will of Robert
Birkes, of Doncaster, alderman, proved at York, July 30, 1590, in
further illustration. The testator gives to his son Robert all "the
seeling work and portalls" in and about the house where he dwelt, "with
all doors, glass windows," &c., in full of his child's portion of his
goods; and then his house he gave to his wife for her life. If by
"seeling work and portalls" are meant what we now understand by those
terms, the above extract shows that other essential parts of a house
besides glass windows were formerly considered as moveable chattels.
C. J.
—The
explanation offered by a writer in the Magasin Pittoresque for 1850,
seems perfectly clear without the proposed transposition of the adverb
fort into fait of your correspondent D. C.
If the sentence be read according to the French explanation D. C. has
quoted, viz. by reading infortune as a verb, fort the adverb to it,
it must be plain that the reading of the sentence must be:
"Fortune fort infortune une."
(Fortune very much afflicts one.)
If we turned fort into fait, it would entirely spoil the sentence.
Query, But is "infortuner" to be found as a verb in any old
dictionary? We have the adjective "infortuné," which looks much like a
participle.
J. C. W.
Francis Terrace, Kentish Town.
—MR. SANSOM will
find the desired MS. in the British Museum, 14 C. vii. (Macray's Manual
of Brit. Hist., p. 26. Lond. 1845.)
R. G.
In the Cottonian library, Claudius D. vi. 9., will be found "Abbreviatio
compendiosa Chronicorum Angliæ, ab Ao 1000, ad A. 1255. Scripsit quidam
ad calcem, 'Hic desinit Mat. Paris Historia Minor, quæ est epitome
Majoris, quæ ad A.D. 1258 continuatur.'"
The Bibliothecæ Regiæ, 14 C. vii., contains "Historiæ M. Paris.
Continuatio ad A.D. 1273, alia manu. De possessione hujus Codicis multa
fuit altercatio." (See Warton's History of English Poetry, vol. i. p.
lxxxviii. edit. 1840.) There are also MSS. at Corpus Christi College
(No. 56.) and Ben'et College, Cambridge (No. 31.). Macray states, that
the Historia Minor was made out of the Historia Major by Paris, both
from Wendover to 1235, and his own large additions after that period.
J. Y.
Hoxton.
—The work of Hugo
Sanfordus, De Descensu Domini nostri Jesu Christi ad inferos, was
published as a separate work at Amsterdam in 1611, and its title is
inserted in the printed catalogue of the Bodleian Library. Can
ÆGROTUS
give a specific reference to the book, page, and edition of Gale's
Court of the Gentiles in which it is spoken of, and also his authority
for the statement that it was published in the works of a bishop
who survived him?
TYRO.
—MR.
NATHANIEL
ELLISON will find in
the Memoirs of Lady Hester Stanhope, vol. iii. p. 141., a passage
which pretty nearly confirms the account of the desertion of Pitt's
death-bed. She said that James, a servant, was the only person present
with Pitt when he died, and that she herself was the last person who saw
him alive except James. She also stated that Dr. Pretyman, who seems to
have been in the house, was fast asleep at the time; and that Sir Walter
Farquhar, the physician, was absent. The account of Pitt's last moments
in Gifford's life of him, where a prayer for forgiveness, &c. is put
into his mouth, she pronounced to be all a lie.
J. S. W.
Stockwell.
—In reply to the Query of your
correspondent H. L., I have to inform him that there have been published
two histories of Hawick, viz.,—
1. Robert Wilson's Sketch of the History of Hawick, a small 8vo.
printed in 1825. It contains a notice of the altercations between the
Abbot of Melrose and Langlands the Baron of Wilton, relative to the
arrear of tithes due to the abbacy of Melrose. A copy of this work can
be procured for about 5s.
2. James Wilson's Annals of Hawick, 1214-1814, a small 8vo. printed in
1850. This work, under date 1494-5, has a notice of the murder of the
chaplain by Langlands. This book can be had for 6s. 6d.
A notice of the trial of Langlands for the murder will also be found in
Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 20.
T. G. S.
Edinburgh, Oct. 6. 1851.
—J. R. says
that "the first edition of the Prophecies of Nostradamus is not only
in the National Library, but in several others, both in Paris and
elsewhere." Does J. R. speak from personal observation or at
second-hand? When I was in Paris I spent some hours in searching the
catalogue and shelves of both the National Library and that of St.
Geneviève, but I could find no edition of Nostradamus dated 1555 in
either. To convince myself that my search had been accurate, I turned to
Nostradamus, par Eugène Bareste, Paris, 1840, and there found it
distinctly asserted that there is no copy of the first edition of the
book (viz. that of 1555) in any public library in Paris, and that the
copy used in compiling that edition of 1840 was borrowed from a private
collection. I cannot give the exact words of M. Bareste, as I only made
a "Note" of their purport; but if J. R. will say upon what authority his
statement as to this rare little book is based, I will certainly some
day renew my search for it at the National Library.
H. C. DE ST.
CROIX.
—Monuments, with inscriptions,
to William Bourchier, Earl of Bath, 1623; Henry Bourchier, Earl of Bath;
many of the family of Bourchier-Wrey, and others allied to them, are in
the church of Tavistock, in the county of Devon; and the whole of them
have been carefully transcribed with notes of the heraldry.
S. S. S.
—Jenkins, the historian of
Exeter, in relating the prince's public entry into that city, states
that he was preceded by the Earl of Macclesfield and two hundred
horsemen, most of whom were English nobles and gentlemen. There is in
the Bodleian Library a fo. broadsheet entitled, A True and Exact
Relation of the Prince of Orange, his Publick Entrance into Exeter,
which, if I remember right, was reprinted in Somers' Tracts, but I do
not think any names of those gentlemen are therein mentioned.
S. S. S.
—Does not Herbert imply
in these lines—
"Take one from ten, and what remains?
Ten still, if sermons go for gains."
that the payer of tithes receives an equivalent in the ministrations
of the priest?
S. C. C.
Corfe Castle.
This passage alludes doubtless to the tithe of the parson, and maintains
that the tithe-payer is no loser if the sermons for which tithe is paid
produce their effects. In fact, it is a paraphrase of Proverbs, iii.
9, 10.:
"Honour the Lord with all thy substance, and with the first fruits
of all thine increase: so shall thy barns be filled with plenty,
and thy presses shall burst out with new wine."
J. A. PICTON.
Liverpool.
—This was
formerly the general practice in the South of England, and it has
occasionally been resorted to within the last thirty years. At
Chalvington, in Sussex, there once resided, according to a popular
tradition, the only honest miller ever known. About a century since,
this person, finding it impossible to succeed in business, hanged
himself in his own mill, and was buried in a neighbouring "crossways."
An oaken stake, driven through his body, taking root, grew into a tree,
and threw a singular shrivelled branch, the only one it ever produced,
across the road. It was the most singular tree I ever saw, and had
something extremely hag-like and ghostly in its look. The spot was of
course haunted, and many a rustic received a severe shock to his
feelings on passing it after nightfall. The tradition was of course
received by the intelligent as a piece of superstitious folk-lore, and
the story of the "only honest miller" was regarded as a mere myth,
until about twenty-five years ago, when a labourer employed in digging
sand near the roots of the scraggy oak tree, discovered a human
skeleton. This part of the history I can vouch for, having seen, when a
schoolboy, some of the bones. I must not omit to mention that the honest
miller of Chalvington owned the remarkable peculiarity of a "tot" or
tuft of hair growing in the palm of each hand!
MARK ANTONY LOWER.
—The coat of arms described by
F. I. B. is given by Robson and by Burke to the family of Kelley of
Terrington, co. Devon, and the crests are similar, but I can find no
authority for the coat in any work relating to that county. The ancient
family, Kelly of Kelly, in Devon, bore a very different coat and crest.
There is no such place as Terrington in that county, unless Torrington
be meant, but no family of note bearing the name of Kelley had
possessions there. I conclude, therefore, that there must be a mistake
as to the county.
S. S. S.
—No life of Cromwell was ever
written by "one Kember;" there is a Life of Oliver Cromwell, Lord
Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the
second edition (London, 1725) of which, greatly enlarged from the first,
is now before me, and which has the autograph of Malone, who has on the
fly-leaf asserted it to have been "written by Isaac Kimber, a Dissenting
minister, who was born at Vantage in Berkshire, Dec. 1, 1692. His son,
Edward Kimber, refers to it as the work of his father, in a history of
England in ten volumes, which he published."
Kimber's life is a much better one than Carlyle's; but the best
biography of that most extraordinary man is by Thomas Cromwell,
published some twenty or thirty years since, and of which there was a
second edition.
J. MT.
—In answer to
the inquiry of T. C. W., relative to a Bible (Reeves, 1802) in the
possession of his friend, I beg leave to state that the said Bible was
illustrated with original drawings by my father, J. Harris of Walworth,
who died seventeen years since, and that I am his only son surviving him
in his profession. Any further communication relative to him I shall be
most happy to give on a personal interview.
J. HARRIS.
40. Sidmouth Street, Regent Square,
Sept. 27. 1851.
—AN OLD BENGAL CIVILIAN is
informed that, no matter whom Byron may have intended to designate by
the above glorious appellation, there is but ONE to whom it properly
belongs. If your correspondent will consult the 110th Psalm, he will
find David representing God the Father as thus addressing God the Son,
the Lord Jesus Christ: "The dew of Thy birth is of the womb of the
morning."
G. L. S.
Pemb. Coll. Oxon., Sept. 20. 1851.
This seems to be an invocation to the personification of Light, Lucifer,
or φωσφορος, the "son of the morning," by which intellectual
light is indicated, through whose assistance we are enabled to discover
the true faith.
The poet enters a caveat that the latter do not act the part of an
Iconoclast, as has too often been her wont. At least this appears to me
to be the interpretation.
E. I. U. S. Club.
—Your Querist NAUTICUS
describes the vallum or ditch called "Grimsdyke, or Grimesditch, or the
Devil's Ditch," running from Great Berkhampstead, Hants, to Bradenham,
Bucks, and then puts two Queries.
NAUTICUS assumes that this ditch had, at some distant day, been an
artificial earthwork; but at the same time he points out that, "from its
total want of flank defence, it could hardly hold an enemy in check for
long; and that it does not seem to have been a military way." He asks,
"Are there other earthworks of the same name (Grimsdyke) in England?" I
find no trace of any other earthworks of that name in England; and it
may be very questionable whether this ditch be of ancient earthwork, or
of its original natural formation.
But there is, in Cheshire, a brook or rivulet in its pristine state,
called Grimsditch. This brook or rivulet is one of the contributory
streams of Cheshire to the great rivers, the Mersey and the Weaver; and
is described by the author of King's Vale Royal of England, or the
County Palatine of Chester illustrated, published in 1656, as follows:
"The Grimsditch cometh from the Hall of Grimsditch, by Preston,
Daresbury, Keckwith, and so falleth into the Marsey."
Here then we have the name of a place which gives the name of
Grimsditch to the brook or rivulet; and it is, moreover, shown by the
County History that the place (the hamlet or lands of Grimsditch) has
been in the possession of a family of the name of Grimsditch from the
time of Henry III.
From the words of the original grant this hamlet, by which Thomas
Tuschet, in 10 Hen. III. 1226, grants to Hugo de Grimsditch "totam
terram de Grimsdich pertinentem ad villam de Witeleigh"
(Ormerod's Chesh. i. 488.), it may be inferred that the place went by
the name of Grimsditch prior to the Norman Conquest. There can therefore
be but little doubt that the name is of Anglo-Saxon origin.
The present possessor of the property is Thomas Grimsditch, Esq., late
M.P. for the borough of Macclesfield.
The second Query of NAUTICUS applies to the etymology of the word
Grimsditch.
This is a very difficult question to solve. Take the first syllable:
Grim, grime, dirt, sullying blackness.
"She sweats; a man may go over shoes in the grime of
it."—Shakspeare.
Then the word ditch: this is derived from dic (Saxon), dük (Erse); but
whatever may be the true etymology of the word, it can scarcely be
doubted that it is of Anglo-Saxon origin.
I may however add that there is a tradition in the Grimsditch family of
Cheshire, said to have been handed down for many ages, as to the origin
of the name, to the following effect:
That in remote ages their first parents were warriors; that one of these
warriors was attacked by a griffin; that a fierce contest ensued; and
that the man was the conqueror of that fabulous bird or beast, the
battle-ground being a dyke or ditch.
Hence, says the tradition, emanated the family coat of arms, which are
certainly very singular, viz. Azure, a griffin or, about to tear, and
ramping upon, a warrior, completely armed in plate armour, in bend
dexter, across the lower part of the shield. Crest, a Talbot.
WILLIAM BEAUMONT.
In reply to your correspondent NAUTICUS, who inquires whether there are
any ancient entrenchments in England known by the name of Grimsdyke,
besides the one he mentions in Hants, I beg to remind him that the Roman
wall (or ditch and rampart) executed between the Firths of Forth and
Clyde during the reign of the Emperor Antoninus Pius, is popularly
called by the above name. To account for the name, it has been said that
it originated in the circumstance of a chieftain of the name of Graham
having been the first to force his way through it; but those who gave
such a derivation of the word could scarcely have been aware that it
bears this name in common with at least two others, viz., that mentioned
by NAUTICUS as existing at Great Berkhampstead, Hants; and the other
pointed out by W. S. G. as near Salisbury.
L. D. L.
—In reply to the inquiry of RUSTICUS, I
rather imagine the Cagots are the remains of the Paulician "Churches"
of Thoulouse Albi and Cahors (Charhagensis) of Maitland's Albigenes
and Waldenses, p. 428.; and that the Cretins are no other than
credentes (cf. Maitland passim), probably remnants of the same body of
heretics.
AJAX.
Is there any resemblance between them and Cretins? Are there any
families or races of Cretins ever heard of?
C. B.
—I send
you two instances of the serpent being represented with a human head;
the first occurs in the Arundel MS. No. 23., in this College, containing
the genealogical descent of King Edward IV., and apparently coeval with
that sovereign. The other is a beautifully executed sketch of Adam and
Eve in a MS., also in this College, of the time of Henry VII., at the
commencement of The Genealogy of the Saxon Kings from Adam. They are
both female heads, the latter, however, being the entire bust.
THOMAS
W. KING (York Herald).
College of Arms.
In the stained glass of the east window in the Lady Chapel, Wells
Cathedral (temp. Edw. III.), the serpent, which is entwined round a
tree, and holds an apple, has not only the head but the upper half of a
human figure. On a scroll is written in uncial letters, "Si comederitis
de ligno vitæ eritis sicut Dii scientis bonis et malis;" and in a
straight line below the subject, "Arbor cum Serpente."
T. WT.
—At the time when Leibnitz
wrote, curious references to accounts of savages were not infrequent.
All your readers will remember Locke's reference to some account of
savages who had neither idea of God nor of being superior to man. It may
be that narratives of tribes who did not use fire, who lived on dried
flesh or fish, for instance, may have given rise to an idea of their not
knowing fire. I think I remember to have seen it stated that some of the
savages of Australia did not know fire. On this, five-and-twenty years
ago, I made a note from Mr. Barron Field's Collection of Geographical
Memoirs of New South Wales. Two wrecked Englishmen passed some time
among the natives, and found they had no knowledge that water could be
heated; but the very story seems to show that they knew of fire. On
boiling some in a tin pot,
"The whole tribe gathered round them, and watched the pot till it
began to boil, when they all took to their heels, shouting and
screaming, nor could they be persuaded to return till they saw
them pour the water out and clean the pot, when they slowly
ventured back and carefully covered the place where the water was
spilt with sand."
These two Englishmen were treated with great attention by the natives,
they were painted twice a day, and it was quite their own faults that
they did not have their noses bored and their bodies scarified.
M.
—The following is an extract
from a periodical of 1848 or 1849:
"According to the Medical Times, Major Alvord has discovered on
the American prairies a plant possessing the property of pointing
north and south, and has given it the name of Sylphium
laciniatum."
G. P***.
—M. Lottin de Laval, "by a
new process," has produced the most accurate copies of cuneatic
inscriptions that have yet been published. It is said that he has copied
by his process (which must, I think, be some kind of heliography) 1200
inscriptions from the Sinaitic peninsula, the publication of which may
be speedily expected, so that MR. BUCKTON'S wishes on this point are
anticipated. These inscriptions have been already deciphered.
E. H. D. D.
—MR. CORNISH will find this statue at Mapledurham in Oxon, the living of the lady's son.
It remains there, it is stated, until an appropriate site can be
obtained.
W. A.
—I doubt that Sir Joshua
Reynolds ever painted a miniature, and I should say certainly not after
Mr. Burke "had passed the meridian of life." His sister, Miss Reynolds,
was a professed miniature painter, and I have little doubt must have
painted Mr. Burke, as she certainly did Johnson; but the description
given of this miniature is very unlike Mr. Burke. The name of the
possessor might, in some degree, enable us to ascertain whether the
portraits mentioned are really of the great statesman.
C.
—Martial's
distribution of hours and employments seems to me to be as
follows:—From 6 till 8 the visits of the "salutantes" are received;
from 8 till 9 the law tribunals are attended; from 9 till 11 the "varii
labores" occupy; from 11 till 12 the "quies." The expression "in
quintam" must bring us to the end of the 5th hour; and the "sexta hora"
must be that which concludes at 12.
Your inquirer A. E. B. might have further asked what is the difference
between the "quies" of the "sexta," and the "finis" of the "septima." To
understand this is to understand the difficulty which he propounds. I
apprehend the "quies" not to mean the "siesta," but that gradual and
perhaps irregular cessation or suspension of employments which precedes
the close of business for the day. The "siesta" is the "finis" of
Martial, which would thus fall between 12 and 1; that time of the day at
which A. E. B. fixes it rightly. I think he errs in identifying the
"siesta" with the "sexta hora."
To question 214 I may be allowed to reply, that the effect of moonlight
upon the face of those who sleep exposed to it in hot climates is very
severe indeed, producing an appearance not very unlike that of a swollen
and putrescent corpse. The Psalmist refers to it Ps. cxxi. 6.; and all
who have lived in the East Indies are well acquainted with the
phenomenon.
THEOPHYLACT.