Dick broke the silence at last, saying: “Guest, forgive
us for a little after-dinner dulness. What would you like
to do? Shall we have out Greylocks and trot back to
Hammersmith? or will you come with us and hear some Welsh folk
sing in a hall close by here? or would you like presently to come
with me into the City and see some really fine building?
or—what shall it be?”
“Well,” said I, “as I am a stranger, I must
let you choose for me.”
In point of fact, I did not by any means want to be
‘amused’ just then; and also I rather felt as if the
old man, with his knowledge of past times, and even a kind of
inverted sympathy for them caused by his active hatred of them,
was as it were a blanket for me against the cold of this very new
world, where I was, so to say, stripped bare of every habitual
thought and way of acting; and I did not want to leave him too
soon. He came to my rescue at once, and said—
“Wait a bit, Dick; there is someone else to be consulted
besides you and the guest here, and that is I. I am not
going to lose the pleasure of his company just now, especially as
I know he has something else to ask me. So go to your
Welshmen, by all means; but first of all bring us another bottle
of wine to this nook, and then be off as soon as you like; and
come again and fetch our friend to go westward, but not too
soon.”
Dick nodded smilingly, and the old man and I were soon alone
in the great hall, the afternoon sun gleaming on the red wine in
our tall quaint-shaped glasses. Then said Hammond:
“Does anything especially puzzle you about our way of
living, now you have heard a good deal and seen a little of
it?”
Said I: “I think what puzzles me most is how it all came
about.”
“It well may,” said he, “so great as the
change is. It would be difficult indeed to tell you the
whole story, perhaps impossible: knowledge, discontent,
treachery, disappointment, ruin, misery, despair—those who
worked for the change because they could see further than other
people went through all these phases of suffering; and doubtless
all the time the most of men looked on, not knowing what was
doing, thinking it all a matter of course, like the rising and
setting of the sun—and indeed it was so.”
“Tell me one thing, if you can,” said I.
“Did the change, the ‘revolution’ it used to be
called, come peacefully?”
“Peacefully?” said he; “what peace was there
amongst those poor confused wretches of the nineteenth
century? It was war from beginning to end: bitter war, till
hope and pleasure put an end to it.”
“Do you mean actual fighting with weapons?” said
I, “or the strikes and lock-outs and starvation of which we
have heard?”
“Both, both,” he said. “As a matter of
fact, the history of the terrible period of transition from
commercial slavery to freedom may thus be summarised. When
the hope of realising a communal condition of life for all men
arose, quite late in the nineteenth century, the power of the
middle classes, the then tyrants of society, was so enormous and
crushing, that to almost all men, even those who had, you may say
despite themselves, despite their reason and judgment, conceived
such hopes, it seemed a dream. So much was this the case
that some of those more enlightened men who were then called
Socialists, although they well knew, and even stated in public,
that the only reasonable condition of Society was that of pure
Communism (such as you now see around you), yet shrunk from what
seemed to them the barren task of preaching the realisation of a
happy dream. Looking back now, we can see that the great
motive-power of the change was a longing for freedom and
equality, akin if you please to the unreasonable passion of the
lover; a sickness of heart that rejected with loathing the
aimless solitary life of the well-to-do educated man of that
time: phrases, my dear friend, which have lost their meaning to
us of the present day; so far removed we are from the dreadful
facts which they represent.
“Well, these men, though conscious of this feeling, had
no faith in it, as a means of bringing about the change.
Nor was that wonderful: for looking around them they saw the huge
mass of the oppressed classes too much burdened with the misery
of their lives, and too much overwhelmed by the selfishness of
misery, to be able to form a conception of any escape from it
except by the ordinary way prescribed by the system of slavery
under which they lived; which was nothing more than a remote
chance of climbing out of the oppressed into the oppressing
class.
“Therefore, though they knew that the only reasonable
aim for those who would better the world was a condition of
equality; in their impatience and despair they managed to
convince themselves that if they could by hook or by crook get
the machinery of production and the management of property so
altered that the ‘lower classes’ (so the horrible
word ran) might have their slavery somewhat ameliorated, they
would be ready to fit into this machinery, and would use it for
bettering their condition still more and still more, until at
last the result would be a practical equality (they were very
fond of using the word ‘practical’), because
‘the rich’ would be forced to pay so much for keeping
‘the poor’ in a tolerable condition that the
condition of riches would become no longer valuable and would
gradually die out. Do you follow me?”
“Partly,” said I. “Go on.”
Said old Hammond: “Well, since you follow me, you will
see that as a theory this was not altogether unreasonable; but
‘practically,’ it turned out a failure.”
“How so?” said I.
“Well, don’t you see,” said he,
“because it involved the making of a machinery by those who
didn’t know what they wanted the machines to do. So
far as the masses of the oppressed class furthered this scheme of
improvement, they did it to get themselves improved
slave-rations—as many of them as could. And if those
classes had really been incapable of being touched by that
instinct which produced the passion for freedom and equality
aforesaid, what would have happened, I think, would have been
this: that a certain part of the working classes would have been
so far improved in condition that they would have approached the
condition of the middling rich men; but below them would have
been a great class of most miserable slaves, whose slavery would
have been far more hopeless than the older class-slavery had
been.”
“What stood in the way of this?” said I.
“Why, of course,” said he, “just that
instinct for freedom aforesaid. It is true that the
slave-class could not conceive the happiness of a free
life. Yet they grew to understand (and very speedily too)
that they were oppressed by their masters, and they assumed, you
see how justly, that they could do without them, though perhaps
they scarce knew how; so that it came to this, that though they
could not look forward to the happiness or peace of the freeman,
they did at least look forward to the war which a vague hope told
them would bring that peace about.”
“Could you tell me rather more closely what actually
took place?” said I; for I thought him rather vague
here.
“Yes,” he said, “I can. That machinery
of life for the use of people who didn’t know what they
wanted of it, and which was known at the time as State Socialism,
was partly put in motion, though in a very piecemeal way.
But it did not work smoothly; it was, of course, resisted at
every turn by the capitalists; and no wonder, for it tended more
and more to upset the commercial system I have told you of;
without providing anything really effective in its place.
The result was growing confusion, great suffering amongst the
working classes, and, as a consequence, great discontent.
For a long time matters went on like this. The power of the
upper classes had lessened, as their command over wealth
lessened, and they could not carry things wholly by the high hand
as they had been used to in earlier days. So far the State
Socialists were justified by the result. On the other hand,
the working classes were ill-organised, and growing poorer in
reality, in spite of the gains (also real in the long run) which
they had forced from the masters. Thus matters hung in the
balance; the masters could not reduce their slaves to complete
subjection, though they put down some feeble and partial riots
easily enough. The workers forced their masters to grant
them ameliorations, real or imaginary, of their condition, but
could not force freedom from them. At last came a great
crash. To explain this you must understand that very great
progress had been made amongst the workers, though as before said
but little in the direction of improved livelihood.”
I played the innocent and said: “In what direction could
they improve, if not in livelihood?”
Said he: “In the power to bring about a state of things
in which livelihood would be full, and easy to gain. They
had at last learned how to combine after a long period of
mistakes and disasters. The workmen had now a regular
organization in the struggle against their masters, a struggle
which for more than half a century had been accepted as an
inevitable part of the conditions of the modern system of labour
and production. This combination had now taken the form of
a federation of all or almost all the recognised wage-paid
employments, and it was by its means that those betterments of
the conditions of the workmen had been forced from the masters:
and though they were not seldom mixed up with the rioting that
happened, especially in the earlier days of their organization,
it by no means formed an essential part of their tactics; indeed
at the time I am now speaking of they had got to be so strong
that most commonly the mere threat of a ‘strike’ was
enough to gain any minor point: because they had given up the
foolish tactics of the ancient trades unions of calling out of
work a part only of the workers of such and such an industry, and
supporting them while out of work on the labour of those that
remained in. By this time they had a biggish fund of money
for the support of strikes, and could stop a certain industry
altogether for a time if they so determined.”
Said I: “Was there not a serious danger of such moneys
being misused—of jobbery, in fact?”
Old Hammond wriggled uneasily on his seat, and said:
“Though all this happened so long ago, I still feel the
pain of mere shame when I have to tell you that it was more than
a danger: that such rascality often happened; indeed more than
once the whole combination seemed dropping to pieces because of
it: but at the time of which I am telling, things looked so
threatening, and to the workmen at least the necessity of their
dealing with the fast-gathering trouble which the labour-struggle
had brought about, was so clear, that the conditions of the times
had begot a deep seriousness amongst all reasonable people; a
determination which put aside all non-essentials, and which to
thinking men was ominous of the swiftly-approaching change: such
an element was too dangerous for mere traitors and self-seekers,
and one by one they were thrust out and mostly joined the
declared reactionaries.”
“How about those ameliorations,” said I;
“what were they? or rather of what nature?”
Said he: “Some of them, and these of the most practical
importance to the mens’ livelihood, were yielded by the
masters by direct compulsion on the part of the men; the new
conditions of labour so gained were indeed only customary,
enforced by no law: but, once established, the masters durst not
attempt to withdraw them in face of the growing power of the
combined workers. Some again were steps on the path of
‘State Socialism’; the most important of which can be
speedily summed up. At the end of the nineteenth century
the cry arose for compelling the masters to employ their men a
less number of hours in the day: this cry gathered volume
quickly, and the masters had to yield to it. But it was, of
course, clear that unless this meant a higher price for work per
hour, it would be a mere nullity, and that the masters, unless
forced, would reduce it to that. Therefore after a long
struggle another law was passed fixing a minimum price for labour
in the most important industries; which again had to be
supplemented by a law fixing the maximum price on the chief wares
then considered necessary for a workman’s life.”
“You were getting perilously near to the late Roman
poor-rates,” said I, smiling, “and the doling out of
bread to the proletariat.”
“So many said at the time,” said the old man
drily; “and it has long been a commonplace that that slough
awaits State Socialism in the end, if it gets to the end, which
as you know it did not with us. However it went further
than this minimum and maximum business, which by the by we can
now see was necessary. The government now found it
imperative on them to meet the outcry of the master class at the
approaching destruction of Commerce (as desirable, had they known
it, as the extinction of the cholera, which has since happily
taken place). And they were forced to meet it by a measure
hostile to the masters, the establishment of government factories
for the production of necessary wares, and markets for their
sale. These measures taken altogether did do something:
they were in fact of the nature of regulations made by the
commander of a beleaguered city. But of course to the
privileged classes it seemed as if the end of the world were come
when such laws were enacted.
“Nor was that altogether without a warrant: the spread
of communistic theories, and the partial practice of State
Socialism had at first disturbed, and at last almost paralysed
the marvellous system of commerce under which the old world had
lived so feverishly, and had produced for some few a life of
gambler’s pleasure, and for many, or most, a life of mere
misery: over and over again came ‘bad times’ as they
were called, and indeed they were bad enough for the
wage-slaves. The year 1952 was one of the worst of these
times; the workmen suffered dreadfully: the partial, inefficient
government factories, which were terribly jobbed, all but broke
down, and a vast part of the population had for the time being to
be fed on undisguised “charity” as it was called.
“The Combined Workers watched the situation with mingled
hope and anxiety. They had already formulated their general
demands; but now by a solemn and universal vote of the whole of
their federated societies, they insisted on the first step being
taken toward carrying out their demands: this step would have led
directly to handing over the management of the whole natural
resources of the country, together with the machinery for using
them into the power of the Combined Workers, and the reduction of
the privileged classes into the position of pensioners obviously
dependent on the pleasure of the workers. The
‘Resolution,’ as it was called, which was widely
published in the newspapers of the day, was in fact a declaration
of war, and was so accepted by the master class. They began
henceforward to prepare for a firm stand against the
‘brutal and ferocious communism of the day,’ as they
phrased it. And as they were in many ways still very
powerful, or seemed so to be; they still hoped by means of brute
force to regain some of what they had lost, and perhaps in the
end the whole of it. It was said amongst them on all hands
that it had been a great mistake of the various governments not
to have resisted sooner; and the liberals and radicals (the name
as perhaps you may know of the more democratically inclined part
of the ruling classes) were much blamed for having led the world
to this pass by their mis-timed pedantry and foolish
sentimentality: and one Gladstone, or Gledstein (probably,
judging by this name, of Scandinavian descent), a notable
politician of the nineteenth century, was especially singled out
for reprobation in this respect. I need scarcely point out
to you the absurdity of all this. But terrible tragedy lay
hidden behind this grinning through a horse-collar of the
reactionary party. ‘The insatiable greed of the lower
classes must be repressed’—‘The people must be
taught a lesson’—these were the sacramental phrases
current amongst the reactionists, and ominous enough they
were.”
The old man stopped to look keenly at my attentive and
wondering face; and then said:
“I know, dear guest, that I have been using words and
phrases which few people amongst us could understand without long
and laborious explanation; and not even then perhaps. But
since you have not yet gone to sleep, and since I am speaking to
you as to a being from another planet, I may venture to ask you
if you have followed me thus far?”
“O yes,” said I, “I quite understand: pray
go on; a great deal of what you have been saying was common place
with us—when—when—”
“Yes,” said he gravely, “when you were
dwelling in the other planet. Well, now for the crash
aforesaid.
“On some comparatively trifling occasion a great meeting
was summoned by the workmen leaders to meet in Trafalgar Square
(about the right to meet in which place there had for years and
years been bickering). The civic bourgeois guard (called
the police) attacked the said meeting with bludgeons, according
to their custom; many people were hurt in the
mélée, of whom five in all died, either
trampled to death on the spot, or from the effects of their
cudgelling; the meeting was scattered, and some hundred of
prisoners cast into gaol. A similar meeting had been
treated in the same way a few days before at a place called
Manchester, which has now disappeared. Thus the
‘lesson’ began. The whole country was thrown
into a ferment by this; meetings were held which attempted some
rough organisation for the holding of another meeting to retort
on the authorities. A huge crowd assembled in Trafalgar
Square and the neighbourhood (then a place of crowded streets),
and was too big for the bludgeon-armed police to cope with; there
was a good deal of dry-blow fighting; three or four of the people
were killed, and half a score of policemen were crushed to death
in the throng, and the rest got away as they could. This
was a victory for the people as far as it went. The next
day all London (remember what it was in those days) was in a
state of turmoil. Many of the rich fled into the country;
the executive got together soldiery, but did not dare to use
them; and the police could not be massed in any one place,
because riots or threats of riots were everywhere. But in
Manchester, where the people were not so courageous or not so
desperate as in London, several of the popular leaders were
arrested. In London a convention of leaders was got
together from the Federation of Combined Workmen, and sat under
the old revolutionary name of the Committee of Public Safety; but
as they had no drilled and armed body of men to direct, they
attempted no aggressive measures, but only placarded the walls
with somewhat vague appeals to the workmen not to allow
themselves to be trampled upon. However, they called a
meeting in Trafalgar Square for the day fortnight of the
last-mentioned skirmish.
“Meantime the town grew no quieter, and business came
pretty much to an end. The newspapers—then, as always
hitherto, almost entirely in the hands of the
masters—clamoured to the Government for repressive
measures; the rich citizens were enrolled as an extra body of
police, and armed with bludgeons like them; many of these were
strong, well-fed, full-blooded young men, and had plenty of
stomach for fighting; but the Government did not dare to use
them, and contented itself with getting full powers voted to it
by the Parliament for suppressing any revolt, and bringing up
more and more soldiers to London. Thus passed the week
after the great meeting; almost as large a one was held on the
Sunday, which went off peaceably on the whole, as no opposition
to it was offered, and again the people cried
‘victory.’ But on the Monday the people woke up
to find that they were hungry. During the last few days
there had been groups of men parading the streets asking (or, if
you please, demanding) money to buy food; and what for goodwill,
what for fear, the richer people gave them a good deal. The
authorities of the parishes also (I haven’t time to explain
that phrase at present) gave willy-nilly what provisions they
could to wandering people; and the Government, by means of its
feeble national workshops, also fed a good number of half-starved
folk. But in addition to this, several bakers’ shops
and other provision stores had been emptied without a great deal
of disturbance. So far, so good. But on the Monday in
question the Committee of Public Safety, on the one hand afraid
of general unorganised pillage, and on the other emboldened by
the wavering conduct of the authorities, sent a deputation
provided with carts and all necessary gear to clear out two or
three big provision stores in the centre of the town, leaving
papers with the shop managers promising to pay the price of them:
and also in the part of the town where they were strongest they
took possession of several bakers’ shops and set men at
work in them for the benefit of the people;—all of which
was done with little or no disturbance, the police assisting in
keeping order at the sack of the stores, as they would have done
at a big fire.
“But at this last stroke the reactionaries were so
alarmed, that they were, determined to force the executive into
action. The newspapers next day all blazed into the fury of
frightened people, and threatened the people, the Government, and
everybody they could think of, unless ‘order were at once
restored.’ A deputation of leading commercial people
waited on the Government and told them that if they did not at
once arrest the Committee of Public Safety, they themselves would
gather a body of men, arm them, and fall on ‘the
incendiaries,’ as they called them.
“They, together with a number of the newspaper editors,
had a long interview with the heads of the Government and two or
three military men, the deftest in their art that the country
could furnish. The deputation came away from that
interview, says a contemporary eye-witness, smiling and
satisfied, and said no more about raising an anti-popular army,
but that afternoon left London with their families for their
country seats or elsewhere.
“The next morning the Government proclaimed a state of
siege in London,—a thing common enough amongst the
absolutist governments on the Continent, but unheard-of in
England in those days. They appointed the youngest and
cleverest of their generals to command the proclaimed district; a
man who had won a certain sort of reputation in the disgraceful
wars in which the country had been long engaged from time to
time. The newspapers were in ecstacies, and all the most
fervent of the reactionaries now came to the front; men who in
ordinary times were forced to keep their opinions to themselves
or their immediate circle, but who began to look forward to
crushing once for all the Socialist, and even democratic
tendencies, which, said they, had been treated with such foolish
indulgence for the last sixty years.
“But the clever general took no visible action; and yet
only a few of the minor newspapers abused him; thoughtful men
gathered from this that a plot was hatching. As for the
Committee of Public Safety, whatever they thought of their
position, they had now gone too far to draw back; and many of
them, it seems, thought that the government would not act.
They went on quietly organising their food supply, which was a
miserable driblet when all is said; and also as a retort to the
state of siege, they armed as many men as they could in the
quarter where they were strongest, but did not attempt to drill
or organise them, thinking, perhaps, that they could not at the
best turn them into trained soldiers till they had some breathing
space. The clever general, his soldiers, and the police did
not meddle with all this in the least in the world; and things
were quieter in London that week-end; though there were riots in
many places of the provinces, which were quelled by the
authorities without much trouble. The most serious of these
were at Glasgow and Bristol.
“Well, the Sunday of the meeting came, and great crowds
came to Trafalgar Square in procession, the greater part of the
Committee amongst them, surrounded by their band of men armed
somehow or other. The streets were quite peaceful and
quiet, though there were many spectators to see the procession
pass. Trafalgar Square had no body of police in it; the
people took quiet possession of it, and the meeting began.
The armed men stood round the principal platform, and there were
a few others armed amidst the general crowd; but by far the
greater part were unarmed.
“Most people thought the meeting would go off peaceably;
but the members of the Committee had heard from various quarters
that something would be attempted against them; but these rumours
were vague, and they had no idea of what threatened. They
soon found out.
“For before the streets about the Square were filled, a
body of soldiers poured into it from the north-west corner and
took up their places by the houses that stood on the west
side. The people growled at the sight of the red-coats; the
armed men of the Committee stood undecided, not knowing what to
do; and indeed this new influx so jammed the crowd together that,
unorganised as they were, they had little chance of working
through it. They had scarcely grasped the fact of their
enemies being there, when another column of soldiers, pouring out
of the streets which led into the great southern road going down
to the Parliament House (still existing, and called the Dung
Market), and also from the embankment by the side of the Thames,
marched up, pushing the crowd into a denser and denser mass, and
formed along the south side of the Square. Then any of
those who could see what was going on, knew at once that they
were in a trap, and could only wonder what would be done with
them.
“The closely-packed crowd would not or could not budge,
except under the influence of the height of terror, which was
soon to be supplied to them. A few of the armed men
struggled to the front, or climbled up to the base of the
monument which then stood there, that they might face the wall of
hidden fire before them; and to most men (there were many women
amongst them) it seemed as if the end of the world had come, and
to-day seemed strangely different from yesterday. No sooner
were the soldiers drawn up aforesaid than, says an eye-witness,
‘a glittering officer on horseback came prancing out from
the ranks on the south, and read something from a paper which he
held in his hand; which something, very few heard; but I was told
afterwards that it was an order for us to disperse, and a warning
that he had legal right to fire on the crowd else, and that he
would do so. The crowd took it as a challenge of some sort,
and a hoarse threatening roar went up from them; and after that
there was comparative silence for a little, till the officer had
got back into the ranks. I was near the edge of the crowd,
towards the soldiers,’ says this eye-witness, ‘and I
saw three little machines being wheeled out in front of the
ranks, which I knew for mechanical guns. I cried out,
“Throw yourselves down! they are going to
fire!” But no one scarcely could throw himself down,
so tight as the crowd were packed. I heard a sharp order
given, and wondered where I should be the next minute; and
then—It was as if the earth had opened, and hell had
come up bodily amidst us. It is no use trying to describe
the scene that followed. Deep lanes were mowed amidst the
thick crowd; the dead and dying covered the ground, and the
shrieks and wails and cries of horror filled all the air, till it
seemed as if there were nothing else in the world but murder and
death. Those of our armed men who were still unhurt cheered
wildly and opened a scattering fire on the soldiers. One or
two soldiers fell; and I saw the officers going up and down the
ranks urging the men to fire again; but they received the orders
in sullen silence, and let the butts of their guns fall.
Only one sergeant ran to a machine-gun and began to set it going;
but a tall young man, an officer too, ran out of the ranks and
dragged him back by the collar; and the soldiers stood there
motionless while the horror-stricken crowd, nearly wholly unarmed
(for most of the armed men had fallen in that first discharge),
drifted out of the Square. I was told afterwards that the
soldiers on the west side had fired also, and done their part of
the slaughter. How I got out of the Square I scarcely know:
I went, not feeling the ground under me, what with rage and
terror and despair.’
“So says our eye-witness. The number of the slain
on the side of the people in that shooting during a minute was
prodigious; but it was not easy to come at the truth about it; it
was probably between one and two thousand. Of the soldiers,
six were killed outright, and a dozen wounded.”
I listened, trembling with excitement. The old
man’s eyes glittered and his face flushed as he spoke, and
told the tale of what I had often thought might happen. Yet
I wondered that he should have got so elated about a mere
massacre, and I said:
“How fearful! And I suppose that this massacre put
an end to the whole revolution for that time?”
“No, no,” cried old Hammond; “it began
it!”
He filled his glass and mine, and stood up and cried out,
“Drink this glass to the memory of those who died there,
for indeed it would be a long tale to tell how much we owe
them.”
I drank, and he sat down again and went on.
“That massacre of Trafalgar Square began the civil war,
though, like all such events, it gathered head slowly, and people
scarcely knew what a crisis they were acting in.
“Terrible as the massacre was, and hideous and
overpowering as the first terror had been, when the people had
time to think about it, their feeling was one of anger rather
than fear; although the military organisation of the state of
siege was now carried out without shrinking by the clever young
general. For though the ruling-classes when the news spread
next morning felt one gasp of horror and even dread, yet the
Government and their immediate backers felt that now the wine was
drawn and must be drunk. However, even the most reactionary
of the capitalist papers, with two exceptions, stunned by the
tremendous news, simply gave an account of what had taken place,
without making any comment upon it. The exceptions were
one, a so-called ‘liberal’ paper (the Government of
the day was of that complexion), which, after a preamble in which
it declared its undeviating sympathy with the cause of labour,
proceeded to point out that in times of revolutionary disturbance
it behoved the Government to be just but firm, and that by far
the most merciful way of dealing with the poor madmen who were
attacking the very foundations of society (which had made them
mad and poor) was to shoot them at once, so as to stop others
from drifting into a position in which they would run a chance of
being shot. In short, it praised the determined action of
the Government as the acme of human wisdom and mercy, and exulted
in the inauguration of an epoch of reasonable democracy free from
the tyrannical fads of Socialism.
“The other exception was a paper thought to be one of
the most violent opponents of democracy, and so it was; but the
editor of it found his manhood, and spoke for himself and not for
his paper. In a few simple, indignant words he asked people
to consider what a society was worth which had to be defended by
the massacre of unarmed citizens, and called on the Government to
withdraw their state of siege and put the general and his
officers who fired on the people on their trial for murder.
He went further, and declared that whatever his opinion might be
as to the doctrines of the Socialists, he for one should throw in
his lot with the people, until the Government atoned for their
atrocity by showing that they were prepared to listen to the
demands of men who knew what they wanted, and whom the
decrepitude of society forced into pushing their demands in some
way or other.
“Of course, this editor was immediately arrested by the
military power; but his bold words were already in the hands of
the public, and produced a great effect: so great an effect that
the Government, after some vacillation, withdrew the state of
siege; though at the same time it strengthened the military
organisation and made it more stringent. Three of the
Committee of Public Safety had been slain in Trafalgar Square: of
the rest the greater part went back to their old place of
meeting, and there awaited the event calmly. They were
arrested there on the Monday morning, and would have been shot at
once by the general, who was a mere military machine, if the
Government had not shrunk before the responsibility of killing
men without any trial. There was at first a talk of trying
them by a special commission of judges, as it was
called—i.e., before a set of men bound to find them
guilty, and whose business it was to do so. But with the
Government the cold fit had succeeded to the hot one; and the
prisoners were brought before a jury at the assizes. There
a fresh blow awaited the Government; for in spite of the
judge’s charge, which distinctly instructed the jury to
find the prisoners guilty, they were acquitted, and the jury
added to their verdict a presentment, in which they condemned the
action of the soldiery, in the queer phraseology of the day, as
‘rash, unfortunate, and unnecessary.’ The
Committee of Public Safety renewed its sittings, and from
thenceforth was a popular rallying-point in opposition to the
Parliament. The Government now gave way on all sides, and
made a show of yielding to the demands of the people, though
there was a widespread plot for effecting a coup
d’état set on foot between the leaders of the two
so-called opposing parties in the parliamentary faction
fight. The well-meaning part of the public was overjoyed,
and thought that all danger of a civil war was over. The
victory of the people was celebrated by huge meetings held in the
parks and elsewhere, in memory of the victims of the great
massacre.
“But the measures passed for the relief of the workers,
though to the upper classes they seemed ruinously revolutionary,
were not thorough enough to give the people food and a decent
life, and they had to be supplemented by unwritten enactments
without legality to back them. Although the Government and
Parliament had the law-courts, the army, and
‘society’ at their backs, the Committee of Public
Safety began to be a force in the country, and really represented
the producing classes. It began to improve immensely in the
days which followed on the acquittal of its members. Its
old members had little administrative capacity, though with the
exception of a few self-seekers and traitors, they were honest,
courageous men, and many of them were endowed with considerable
talent of other kinds. But now that the times called for
immediate action, came forward the men capable of setting it on
foot; and a new network of workmen’s associations grew up
very speedily, whose avowed single object was the tiding over of
the ship of the community into a simple condition of Communism;
and as they practically undertook also the management of the
ordinary labour-war, they soon became the mouthpiece and
intermediary of the whole of the working classes; and the
manufacturing profit-grinders now found themselves powerless
before this combination; unless their committee,
Parliament, plucked up courage to begin the civil war again, and
to shoot right and left, they were bound to yield to the demands
of the men whom they employed, and pay higher and higher wages
for shorter and shorter day’s work. Yet one ally they
had, and that was the rapidly approaching breakdown of the whole
system founded on the World-Market and its supply; which now
became so clear to all people, that the middle classes, shocked
for the moment into condemnation of the Government for the great
massacre, turned round nearly in a mass, and called on the
Government to look to matters, and put an end to the tyranny of
the Socialist leaders.
“Thus stimulated, the reactionist plot exploded probably
before it was ripe; but this time the people and their leaders
were forewarned, and, before the reactionaries could get under
way, had taken the steps they thought necessary.
“The Liberal Government (clearly by collusion) was
beaten by the Conservatives, though the latter were nominally
much in the minority. The popular representatives in the
House understood pretty well what this meant, and after an
attempt to fight the matter out by divisions in the House of
Commons, they made a protest, left the House, and came in a body
to the Committee of Public Safety: and the civil war began again
in good earnest.
“Yet its first act was not one of mere fighting.
The new Tory Government determined to act, yet durst not re-enact
the state of siege, but it sent a body of soldiers and police to
arrest the Committee of Public Safety in the lump. They
made no resistance, though they might have done so, as they had
now a considerable body of men who were quite prepared for
extremities. But they were determined to try first a weapon
which they thought stronger than street fighting.
“The members of the Committee went off quietly to
prison; but they had left their soul and their organisation
behind them. For they depended not on a carefully arranged
centre with all kinds of checks and counter-checks about it, but
on a huge mass of people in thorough sympathy with the movement,
bound together by a great number of links of small centres with
very simple instructions. These instructions were now
carried out.
“The next morning, when the leaders of the reaction were
chuckling at the effect which the report in the newspapers of
their stroke would have upon the public—no newspapers
appeared; and it was only towards noon that a few straggling
sheets, about the size of the gazettes of the seventeenth
century, worked by policemen, soldiers, managers, and
press-writers, were dribbled through the streets. They were
greedily seized on and read; but by this time the serious part of
their news was stale, and people did not need to be told that the
GENERAL STRIKE had begun. The railways did not run, the
telegraph-wires were unserved; flesh, fish, and green stuff
brought to market was allowed to lie there still packed and
perishing; the thousands of middle-class families, who were
utterly dependant for the next meal on the workers, made frantic
efforts through their more energetic members to cater for the
needs of the day, and amongst those of them who could throw off
the fear of what was to follow, there was, I am told, a certain
enjoyment of this unexpected picnic—a forecast of the days
to come, in which all labour grew pleasant.
“So passed the first day, and towards evening the
Government grew quite distracted. They had but one resource
for putting down any popular movement—to wit, mere
brute-force; but there was nothing for them against which to use
their army and police: no armed bodies appeared in the streets;
the offices of the Federated Workmen were now, in appearance, at
least, turned into places for the relief of people thrown out of
work, and under the circumstances, they durst not arrest the men
engaged in such business, all the more, as even that night many
quite respectable people applied at these offices for relief, and
swallowed down the charity of the revolutionists along with their
supper. So the Government massed soldiers and police here
and there—and sat still for that night, fully expecting on
the morrow some manifesto from ‘the rebels,’ as they
now began to be called, which would give them an opportunity of
acting in some way or another. They were
disappointed. The ordinary newspapers gave up the struggle
that morning, and only one very violent reactionary paper (called
the Daily Telegraph) attempted an appearance, and rated
‘the rebels’ in good set terms for their folly and
ingratitude in tearing out the bowels of their ‘common
mother,’ the English Nation, for the benefit of a few
greedy paid agitators, and the fools whom they were
deluding. On the other hand, the Socialist papers (of which
three only, representing somewhat different schools, were
published in London) came out full to the throat of well-printed
matter. They were greedily bought by the whole public, who,
of course, like the Government, expected a manifesto in
them. But they found no word of reference to the great
subject. It seemed as if their editors had ransacked their
drawers for articles which would have been in place forty years
before, under the technical name of educational articles.
Most of these were admirable and straightforward expositions of
the doctrines and practice of Socialism, free from haste and
spite and hard words, and came upon the public with a kind of
May-day freshness, amidst the worry and terror of the moment; and
though the knowing well understood that the meaning of this move
in the game was mere defiance, and a token of irreconcilable
hostility to the then rulers of society, and though, also, they
were meant for nothing else by ‘the rebels,’ yet they
really had their effect as ‘educational
articles.’ However, ‘education’ of
another kind was acting upon the public with irresistible power,
and probably cleared their heads a little.
“As to the Government, they were absolutely terrified by
this act of ‘boycotting’ (the slang word then current
for such acts of abstention). Their counsels became wild
and vacillating to the last degree: one hour they were for giving
way for the present till they could hatch another plot; the next
they all but sent an order for the arrest in the lump of all the
workmen’s committees; the next they were on the point of
ordering their brisk young general to take any excuse that
offered for another massacre. But when they called to mind
that the soldiery in that ‘Battle’ of Trafalgar
Square were so daunted by the slaughter which they had made, that
they could not be got to fire a second volley, they shrank back
again from the dreadful courage necessary for carrying out
another massacre. Meantime the prisoners, brought the
second time before the magistrates under a strong escort of
soldiers, were the second time remanded.
“The strike went on this day also. The
workmen’s committees were extended, and gave relief to
great numbers of people, for they had organised a considerable
amount of production of food by men whom they could depend
upon. Quite a number of well-to-do people were now
compelled to seek relief of them. But another curious thing
happened: a band of young men of the upper classes armed
themselves, and coolly went marauding in the streets, taking what
suited them of such eatables and portables that they came across
in the shops which had ventured to open. This operation
they carried out in Oxford Street, then a great street of shops
of all kinds. The Government, being at that hour in one of
their yielding moods, thought this a fine opportunity for showing
their impartiality in the maintenance of ‘order,’ and
sent to arrest these hungry rich youths; who, however, surprised
the police by a valiant resistance, so that all but three
escaped. The Government did not gain the reputation for
impartiality which they expected from this move; for they forgot
that there were no evening papers; and the account of the
skirmish spread wide indeed, but in a distorted form for it was
mostly told simply as an exploit of the starving people from the
East-end; and everybody thought it was but natural for the
Government to put them down when and where they could.
“That evening the rebel prisoners were visited in their
cells by very polite and sympathetic persons, who pointed
out to them what a suicidal course they were following, and how
dangerous these extreme courses were for the popular cause.
Says one of the prisoners: ‘It was great sport comparing
notes when we came out anent the attempt of the Government to
“get at” us separately in prison, and how we answered
the blandishments of the highly “intelligent and
refined” persons set on to pump us. One laughed;
another told extravagant long-bow stories to the envoy; a third
held a sulky silence; a fourth damned the polite spy and bade him
hold his jaw—and that was all they got out of
us.’
“So passed the second day of the great strike. It
was clear to all thinking people that the third day would bring
on the crisis; for the present suspense and ill-concealed terror
was unendurable. The ruling classes, and the middle-class
non-politicians who had been their real strength and support,
were as sheep lacking a shepherd; they literally did not know
what to do.
“One thing they found they had to do: try to get the
‘rebels’ to do something. So the next morning,
the morning of the third day of the strike, when the members of
the Committee of Public Safety appeared again before the
magistrate, they found themselves treated with the greatest
possible courtesy—in fact, rather as envoys and ambassadors
than prisoners. In short, the magistrate had received his
orders; and with no more to do than might come of a long stupid
speech, which might have been written by Dickens in mockery, he
discharged the prisoners, who went back to their meeting-place
and at once began a due sitting. It was high time.
For this third day the mass was fermenting indeed. There
was, of course, a vast number of working people who were not
organised in the least in the world; men who had been used to act
as their masters drove them, or rather as the system drove, of
which their masters were a part. That system was now
falling to pieces, and the old pressure of the master having been
taken off these poor men, it seemed likely that nothing but the
mere animal necessities and passions of men would have any hold
on them, and that mere general overturn would be the
result. Doubtless this would have happened if it had not
been that the huge mass had been leavened by Socialist opinion in
the first place, and in the second by actual contact with
declared Socialists, many or indeed most of whom were members of
those bodies of workmen above said.
If anything of this kind had happened some years before, when
the masters of labour were still looked upon as the natural
rulers of the people, and even the poorest and most ignorant man
leaned upon them for support, while they submitted to their
fleecing, the entire break-up of all society would have
followed. But the long series of years during which the
workmen had learned to despise their rulers, had done away with
their dependence upon them, and they were now beginning to trust
(somewhat dangerously, as events proved) in the non-legal leaders
whom events had thrust forward; and though most of these were now
become mere figure-heads, their names and reputations were useful
in this crisis as a stop-gap.
“The effect of the news, therefore, of the release of
the Committee gave the Government some breathing time: for it was
received with the greatest joy by the workers, and even the
well-to-do saw in it a respite from the mere destruction which
they had begun to dread, and the fear of which most of them
attributed to the weakness of the Government. As far as the
passing hour went, perhaps they were right in this.”
“How do you mean?” said I. “What could
the Government have done? I often used to think that they
would be helpless in such a crisis.”
Said old Hammond: “Of course I don’t doubt that in
the long run matters would have come about as they did. But
if the Government could have treated their army as a real army,
and used them strategically as a general would have done, looking
on the people as a mere open enemy to be shot at and dispersed
wherever they turned up, they would probably have gained the
victory at the time.”
“But would the soldiers have acted against the people in
this way?” said I.
Said he: “I think from all I have heard that they would
have done so if they had met bodies of men armed however badly,
and however badly they had been organised. It seems also as
if before the Trafalgar Square massacre they might as a whole
have been depended upon to fire upon an unarmed crowd, though
they were much honeycombed by Socialism. The reason for
this was that they dreaded the use by apparently unarmed men of
an explosive called dynamite, of which many loud boasts were made
by the workers on the eve of these events; although it turned out
to be of little use as a material for war in the way that was
expected. Of course the officers of the soldiery fanned
this fear to the utmost, so that the rank and file probably
thought on that occasion that they were being led into a
desperate battle with men who were really armed, and whose weapon
was the more dreadful, because it was concealed. After that
massacre, however, it was at all times doubtful if the regular
soldiers would fire upon an unarmed or half-armed
crowd.”
Said I: “The regular soldiers? Then there were
other combatants against the people?”
“Yes,” said he, “we shall come to that
presently.”
“Certainly,” I said, “you had better go on
straight with your story. I see that time is
wearing.”
Said Hammond: “The Government lost no time in coming to
terms with the Committee of Public Safety; for indeed they could
think of nothing else than the danger of the moment. They
sent a duly accredited envoy to treat with these men, who somehow
had obtained dominion over people’s minds, while the formal
rulers had no hold except over their bodies. There is no
need at present to go into the details of the truce (for such it
was) between these high contracting parties, the Government of
the empire of Great Britain and a handful of working-men (as they
were called in scorn in those days), amongst whom, indeed, were
some very capable and ‘square-headed’ persons,
though, as aforesaid, the abler men were not then the recognised
leaders. The upshot of it was that all the definite claims
of the people had to be granted. We can now see that most
of these claims were of themselves not worth either demanding or
resisting; but they were looked on at that time as most
important, and they were at least tokens of revolt against the
miserable system of life which was then beginning to tumble to
pieces. One claim, however, was of the utmost immediate
importance, and this the Government tried hard to evade; but as
they were not dealing with fools, they had to yield at
last. This was the claim of recognition and formal status
for the Committee of Public Safety, and all the associations
which it fostered under its wing. This it is clear meant
two things: first, amnesty for ‘the rebels,’ great
and small, who, without a distinct act of civil war, could no
longer be attacked; and next, a continuance of the organised
revolution. Only one point the Government could gain, and
that was a name. The dreadful revolutionary title was
dropped, and the body, with its branches, acted under the
respectable name of the ‘Board of Conciliation and its
local offices.’ Carrying this name, it became the
leader of the people in the civil war which soon
followed.”
“O,” said I, somewhat startled, “so the
civil war went on, in spite of all that had happened?”
“So it was,” said he. “In fact, it was
this very legal recognition which made the civil war possible in
the ordinary sense of war; it took the struggle out of the
element of mere massacres on one side, and endurance plus strikes
on the other.”
“And can you tell me in what kind of way the war was
carried on?” said I.
“Yes” he said; “we have records and to spare
of all that; and the essence of them I can give you in a few
words. As I told you, the rank and file of the army was not
to be trusted by the reactionists; but the officers generally
were prepared for anything, for they were mostly the very
stupidest men in the country. Whatever the Government might
do, a great part of the upper and middle classes were determined
to set on foot a counter revolution; for the Communism which now
loomed ahead seemed quite unendurable to them. Bands of
young men, like the marauders in the great strike of whom I told
you just now, armed themselves and drilled, and began on any
opportunity or pretence to skirmish with the people in the
streets. The Government neither helped them nor put them
down, but stood by, hoping that something might come of it.
These ‘Friends of Order,’ as they were called, had
some successes at first, and grew bolder; they got many officers
of the regular army to help them, and by their means laid hold of
munitions of war of all kinds. One part of their tactics
consisted in their guarding and even garrisoning the big
factories of the period: they held at one time, for instance, the
whole of that place called Manchester which I spoke of just
now. A sort of irregular war was carried on with varied
success all over the country; and at last the Government, which
at first pretended to ignore the struggle, or treat it as mere
rioting, definitely declared for ‘the Friends of
Order,’ and joined to their bands whatsoever of the regular
army they could get together, and made a desperate effort to
overwhelm ‘the rebels,’ as they were now once more
called, and as indeed they called themselves.
“It was too late. All ideas of peace on a basis of
compromise had disappeared on either side. The end, it was
seen clearly, must be either absolute slavery for all but the
privileged, or a system of life founded on equality and
Communism. The sloth, the hopelessness, and if I may say
so, the cowardice of the last century, had given place to the
eager, restless heroism of a declared revolutionary period.
I will not say that the people of that time foresaw the life we
are leading now, but there was a general instinct amongst them
towards the essential part of that life, and many men saw clearly
beyond the desperate struggle of the day into the peace which it
was to bring about. The men of that day who were on the
side of freedom were not unhappy, I think, though they were
harassed by hopes and fears, and sometimes torn by doubts, and
the conflict of duties hard to reconcile.”
“But how did the people, the revolutionists, carry on
the war? What were the elements of success on their
side?”
I put this question, because I wanted to bring the old man
back to the definite history, and take him out of the musing mood
so natural to an old man.
He answered: “Well, they did not lack organisers; for
the very conflict itself, in days when, as I told you, men of any
strength of mind cast away all consideration for the ordinary
business of life, developed the necessary talent amongst
them. Indeed, from all I have read and heard, I much doubt
whether, without this seemingly dreadful civil war, the due
talent for administration would have been developed amongst the
working men. Anyhow, it was there, and they soon got
leaders far more than equal to the best men amongst the
reactionaries. For the rest, they had no difficulty about
the material of their army; for that revolutionary instinct so
acted on the ordinary soldier in the ranks that the greater part,
certainly the best part, of the soldiers joined the side of the
people. But the main element of their success was this,
that wherever the working people were not coerced, they worked,
not for the reactionists, but for ‘the rebels.’
The reactionists could get no work done for them outside the
districts where they were all-powerful: and even in those
districts they were harassed by continual risings; and in all
cases and everywhere got nothing done without obstruction and
black looks and sulkiness; so that not only were their armies
quite worn out with the difficulties which they had to meet, but
the non-combatants who were on their side were so worried and
beset with hatred and a thousand little troubles and annoyances
that life became almost unendurable to them on those terms.
Not a few of them actually died of the worry; many committed
suicide. Of course, a vast number of them joined actively
in the cause of reaction, and found some solace to their misery
in the eagerness of conflict. Lastly, many thousands gave
way and submitted to ‘the rebels’; and as the numbers
of these latter increased, it at last became clear to all men
that the cause which was once hopeless, was now triumphant, and
that the hopeless cause was that of slavery and
privilege.”