The main text of this book is a facsimile reproduction of printed
documents from around 1630, and include many printing errors from
those original documents. Spelling and punctuation are very
inconsistent. These issues have been left unchanged in this etext
to maintain the authenticity of the original works.
The character ſ (long-form s) has been replaced by the modern s.
The anchors for the eight footnotes are denoted by [number]; these
Notes have not been moved and can be found before the Index near the
end of the book. There is also one other footnote in the book with
the anchor [A] on page 53; this footnote has been moved and placed
after the eight numbered Notes.
Some characters and groups of characters have an overline,
similar to a macron. These will display on this device as mnou (m n o and u with overline) coosoemo (co os oe and mo with overline) con (con with overline)
Some minor text changes to the Introduction and the Index are noted
at the end of the book. These are indicated by a dashed blue underline.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION &c.
PUBLICATIONS OF
THE ESSEX BOOK AND PRINT CLUB
No. I
New-Englands
PLANTATION WITH
The Sea Journal and
Other Writings
By Rev. Francis Higginson First Minister of the Plantation atSalem in theMassachusetts BayColony
The Essex Book and Print Club SALEM MASSACHUSETTS
1908
ONE HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE COPIES
PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
FOR THE ESSEX BOOK
AND PRINT
CLUB
Introduction
“New-Englands
Plantation,”
a tract published in
London early in 1630,
contains the earliest
printed account of the
colony established by
Endecott in 1628, at Neihum-kek, now
Salem. A description of the natural conditions
surrounding the new settlement is
also preserved, the narrative presenting,
in the quaint phrase of the original, “a
short and true description of the commodities
and discommodities of that
countrey.” The tract was written by the
Reverend Francis Higginson, who came
in the emigration following Endecott,
and who was eminently fitted, both by
education and profession, to prepare for
the friends in England a faithful account
of the life in the new country, not only to
gratify a natural curiosity, but also to attract
a further emigration.
Francis Higginson probably was born
in Claybrooke Parish, Leicester, England,
in 1587-88. He received his degree
of M.A. in 1613 at Jesus College, Cambridge,
and two years later he was settled
over Claybrooke Parish, where he
preached with distinction until at last his
nonconformity brought him into danger
of imprisonment. About that time “The
Governor and Company of the Massachusetts-Bay
in New England” obtained
a charter from Charles I, and Higginson
was invited to join the party which was
being organized to make the first settlement
in the new country. As minister he
was to have equal political authority with
the members of the governing council.
He accepted the invitation, and with his
family landed safely at Neihum-kek, now
Salem, Massachusetts, on June 30, 1629,
and on the 6th of August following, was
ordained teacher of the church, with Samuel
Skelton as pastor. By virtue of his office
he became not only a spiritual guide but
a leader among his people, more especially
during the trying winter and spring
following the arrival of the ships. The exposure
and the privations endured during
that time proved too severe, and consumption
laid hold upon him. He died August
6, 1630, “in the prime of his life and on
the threshold of a great career,” leaving
a widow and eight children, one of whom
also became a minister and served the Salem
church for nearly fifty years.
The manuscript of “New-Englands
Plantation” probably was sent home to
England upon the return of one of the
vessels that had brought over the planters.
It was received in London before November
20, 1629 (see Young’s “Chronicles of
the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay,” pp.
107, 242). Higginson had not expected
that it would be printed, as it was written
for “the satisfaction of loving friends”
who had requested a letter upon his arrival,
giving some account of the voyage
across the Atlantic and of the newly settled
country. Only the latter part of this letter
was printed, the earlier portion, describing
the voyage, not being deemed of sufficient
importance to be thus preserved.
Three editions were published, all bearing
date of 1630. The author’s name appears
on the title-pages of the second and third
editions. In 1634 was published William
Wood’s “New Englands Prospect,” which
gave much detailed information regarding
the country and the settlements in the
Massachusetts Bay. This superseded the
earlier account by Higginson, and the
latter dropped out of sight and in time
became very rare. In 1792 it was reprinted
in the Massachusetts Historical
Collections. In 1836 it was included in
Force’s “Tracts,” and in 1846 in Young’s
“Chronicles of the Colony of the Massachusetts
Bay.”
The several editions may be described
as follows:
First Edition
New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short
and Trve | Description of the | Commodities
and | Discommodities | of that Countrey.| Written
by a reuerend Diuine now | there resident. |
[Printer’s ornament] | London, | Printed by
T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, | dwelling
at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor
in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |
Small 4to. 21 unnumbered pages. Collation:
Title (1), reverse blank; To the Reader, signed
M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands Plantation
(17); ends “Finis.” Signatures, B- (D
on last page).
Second Edition
New-Englands | Plantation. | Or, | A Short
and Trve | Description of the | Commodities
and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. | Written
by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now
there resident. | Whereunto is added a Letter,
sent by Mr. Graues | an Enginere, out of
New-England, | The second Edition enlarged. |
[Printer’s ornament] | London, | Printed by
T. & R. Cotes, for Michael Sparke, | dwelling
at the Signe of the Blew Bible in | Greene Arbor
in the little Old Bailey. | 1630. |
Small 4to. 27 unnumbered pages. Collation:
Title (1), reverse blank; To the Reader, signed
M. S. (1), reverse blank; New-Englands Plantajon
(23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures, B (beginning
with “New-Englands Plantajon”)-
D(4)
Third Edition
New-Englands | Plantation. | or, | A Short
and True | Description of the | Commodities
and | Discommodities | of that Countrey. | Written
by Mr. Higgeson, a reuerend Diuine | now
there resident. | Whereunto is added a Letter,
sent by Mr. Graues | an enginere, out of
New England, | The Third Edition, enlarged. |
[Printer’s ornament] | London. | Printed by
T. and R. Cotes, for Michael Sparke, dwelling
| at the Signe of the Blue Bible in Greene-Arbor,
1630. |
Small 4to. 23 numbered pages. Collation:
Title (1), reverse, To the Reader, signed M. S.
(2); New-Englands Plantation (3-17); [Ornament]
A Letter sent from New-England,
by Master Graues, engynere now there resident
(18-19); A Catalogue of such needfull
things as euery Planter doth or ought to Prouide
to go to New-England, etc. (20-21); The
names of the most remarkable places in New-England
(22-23); ends “Fjnjs.” Signatures,
A7; 1 leaf, B-D in 4s.
Copies of the several editions are preserved
in the following libraries:
First Edition.
Harvard University Library.
Essex Institute Library, Salem, Mass. (This
copy has title-page and last leaf in fac-simile.)
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
New York State Library, Albany, N. Y.
Library of Congress.
Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of Frederick R. Halsey, New York
City.
Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.
Second Edition.
Boston Public Library.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
Library of E. D. Church, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of a Collector, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of Henry Huth, London, Eng.
Third Edition.
Boston Public Library.
Massachusetts Historical Society Library.
John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I.
New York Public Library (Lenox Library).
Philadelphia Library Company. (This copy
has title-page of the first edition bound with
text of the third edition.)
British Museum Library.
Library of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago, Ill.
In the following pages the first edition
of “New-Englands Plantation” is reproduced
in fac-simile from a copy in the
John Carter Brown Library, at Providence,
R. I., through the courtesy of the
Librarian, Mr. George Parker Winship.
The third edition also has been reprinted
from a copy in the library of the Massachusetts
Historical Society for purposes
of comparison and to preserve the additional
matter that it contains. The account
of the voyage to Neihum-kek and
other writings of Higginson are from the
manuscript formerly in the possession of
Governor Hutchinson and now preserved
by the Massachusetts Historical Society.
CONTENTS
PAGE
“New-Englands Plantation,” by Rev. Francis Higginson, London, 1630. Fac-simile of the first edition
A SHORT AND TRVE DESCRIPTION OF THE COMMODITIES AND DISCOMMODITIES of that Countrey.
Written by a reuerend Diuine now there resident.
LONDON, Printed by T. C. and R. C. for Michael Sparke, dwelling at the Signe of the Blew Bible in Greene Arbor in the little Old Bailey. 1630.
To the Reader.
REader, doe not disdaine to read this
Relation; and looke not here to
haue a large Gate and no building
within; a full-stuffed Title with no matter
in the Booke: But here reade the truth, and
that thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasted
words, or any quaint new-deuised additions,
onely as it was written (not intended
for the Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now
there living, who onely sent it to some Friends
here, which were desirous of his Relations;
which is an Epitomy of their proceedings in
the Plantation. And for thy part if thou
meanest to be no Planter nor Venturer, doe
but lend thy good Prayers for the furthrance
of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all the
good designes both of them which are gone,
and of them that are to goe.
M. S.
NEW ENGLANDS PLANTATION . — Of the waters of New-England with the things belonging to the same . — Of the Aire of New-England with the Temper and Creatures in it . — Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is.
LEtting passe our Voyage
by Sea, we will now begin
our discourse on the shore
of New-England. And because
the life and wel-fare
of euerie Creature here
below, and the commodiousnesse
of the Countrey
whereas such Creatures liue, doth by the most
wise ordering of Gods prouidence, depend
next vnto himselfe, vpon the temperature and
disposition of the foure Elements, Earth,
Water, Aire and Fire (For as of the mixture
of all these, all sublunarie things are composed;
so by the more or lesse inioyment of the
wholesome temper and conuenient vse of
these, consisteth the onely well-being both of
Man and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable
measure in all Countreys vnder the Heanens)
Therefore I will endeauour to shew you what
New-England is by the consideration of each
of these apart, and truly endeauour by Gods
helpe to report nothing but the naked truth
and that both to tell you of the discommodities
as well as of the commodities, though as
the idle Prouerbe is, Trauellers may lye by authoritie,
and so may take too much sinfull libertie
that way. Yet I may say of my selfe as
once Nehemiah did in another case: Shall such
a Man as I lye? No verily: It becommeth
not a Preacher of Truth to be a Writer of
Falshood in any degree: and therefore I haue
beene carefull to report nothing of New-England
but what I haue partly seene with
mine owne Eyes, and partly heard and enquired
from the Mouthes of verie honest and
religious person, who by liuing in the Countrey
a good space of time haue had experience
and knowledge of the state thereof, & whose
testimonies I doe beleeue as my selfe.
First therefore of the Earth of New-England
and all the appurtenances thereof: It is a Land
of diuers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets
Bay, and at Charles Riuer is as fat blacke
Earth as can be seene any where: and in other
places you haue a clay soyle, in other grauell,
in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation
at Salem, for so our Towne is now named,
Psal. 76.2.
The forme of the Earth here in the superficies
of it is neither too flat in the plainnesse,
nor too high in Hils, but partakes of both in
a mediocritie, and fit for Pasture, or for Plow
or Meddow ground, as Men please to employ
it: though all the Countrey be as it were a
thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers
places there is much ground cleared by the
Indians, and especially about the Plantation:
and I am told that about three miles from vs a
Man may stand on a little hilly place and see
diuers thousands of acres of ground as good
as need to be, and not a Tree in the same. It is
thought here is good Clay to make Bricke
and Tyles and Earthen-Pots as needs to be.
At this instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on
worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the
building of our Houses. For Stone, here is
plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate Masathulets
Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone, and
Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone, and Marble-stone
also in such store, that we haue great
Rockes of it, and a Harbour hard by. Our
Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.
Of Minerals there hath yet beene but little
triall made, yet we are not without great hope
of being furnished in that Soyle.
The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired
at, as appeareth in the aboundance of Grasse
that groweth euerie where both verie thicke,
verie long, and verie high in diuers places:
but it groweth very wildly with a great stalke
and a broad and ranker blade, because it neuer
had been eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with
a Sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot.
It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine and
Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue and
prosper here and like well of this Countrey.
In our Plantation we haue already a quart
of Milke for a penny: but the aboundant encrease
of Corne proues this Countrey to be
a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie, fiftie, sixtie are
ordinarie here: yea Iosephs encrease in Ægypt
is out-stript here with vs. Our Planters hope
to haue more then a hundred fould this yere:
and all this while I am within compasse; what
will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards?
It is almost incredible what great
gaine some of our English Planters haue had
by our Indian Corne. Credible persons haue
assured me, and the partie himselfe auouched
the truth of it to me, that of the setting of 13
Gallons of Corne he hath had encrease of it
52 Hogsheads, euerie Hogshead holding seuen
Bushels of London measure, and euerie Bushell
was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for
so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings; and
so of this 13 Gallons of Corne which was
worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made about 327
pounds of it the yeere following, as by reckoning
will appeare: where you may see how
God blesseth husbandry in this Land. There
is not such great and beautifull eares of Corne
I suppose any where else to be found but in
this Countrey: being also of varietie of colours,
as red, blew and yellow, &c. and of one
Corne there springeth foure or fiue hundred.
I haue sent you many Eares of diuers colours
that you might see the truth of it.
Little Children here by setting of Corne
may earne much more then their owne maintenance.
They haue tryed our English Corne at new
Plimouth Plantation, so that all our seuerall
Graines will grow here verie well, and haue a
fitting Soyle for their nature.
Our Gouernour hath store of greene Pease
growing in his Garden as good as euer I eat
in England.
This Countrey aboundeth naturally with
store of Roots of great varietie and good to
eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and Carrots are
here both bigger and sweeter then is ordinarily
to be found in England. Here are also store
of Pumpions, Cowcumbers, and other things
of that nature which I know not. Also, diuers
excellent Pot-herbs grow abundantly among
the Grasse, as Strawberrie leaues in all places
of the Countrey, and plentie of Strawberries
in their time, and Penyroyall, Wintersauerie,
Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell and
Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions are ordinarie,
and diuers Physicall Herbes. Here are
also aboundance of other sweet Herbes delightfull
to the smell, whose names we know
not, &c. and plentie of single Damaske Roses
verie sweet; and two kinds of Herbes that
beare two kind of Flowers very sweet, which
they say, are as good to make Cordage or
Cloath as any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.
Excellent Vines are here vp and downe in
the Woods. Our Gouernour hath already
planted a Vineyard with great hope of encrease.
Also, Mulberies, Plums, Raspberies, Corrance,
Chesnuts, Filberds, Walnuts, Smalnuts,
Hurtleberies & Hawes of Whitethorne neere
as good as our Cherries in England, they grow
in plentie here.
For Wood there is no better in the World
I thinke, here being foure sorts of Oke differing
both in the Leafe, Timber, and Colour,
all excellent good. There is also good Ash,
Elme, Willow, Birch, Beech, Saxafras, Iuniper
Cipres, Cedar, Spruce, Pines & Firre that will
yeeld abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre,
Masts and other materials for building both
of Ships and Houses. Also here are store of
Sumacke Trees, they are good for dying and
tanning of Leather, likewise such Trees yeeld
a precious Gum called White Beniamen, that
they say is excellent for perfumes. Also here
be diuers Roots and Berries wherewith the
Indians dye excellent holy day colours that no
raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee haue
materials to make Sope-Ashes and Salt-Peter
in aboundance.
For Beasts there are some Beares, and they
say some Lyons also; for they haue been seen
at Cape Anne. Also here are seuerall sorts of
Deere, some whereof bring three or foure
young ones at once, which is not ordinarie in
England. Also Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters,
Martins, great wild Cats, & a great Beast
called a Molke as bigge as an Oxe. I haue seen
the Skins of all these Beasts since I came to
this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also here
are great store of Squerrels, some greater, and
some smaller and lesser: there are some of the
lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certaine Skin
will fly from Tree to Tree though they stand
farre distant.
New-England hath Water enough both
salt and fresh, the greatest Sea in the
World, the Atlanticke Sea runs all along the
Coast thereof. There are abundance of Ilands
along the Shore, some full of Wood and Mast
to feed Swine; and others cleere of Wood,
and fruitful to beare Corne. Also we haue
store of excellent harbours for Ships, as at
Cape Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at
Salem, and at many other places: and they are
the better because for Strangers there is a verie
difficult and dangerous passage into them,
but vnto such as are well acquainted with
them, they are easie and safe enough. The
aboundance of Sea-Fish are almost beyond
beleeuing, and sure I should scarce haue beleeued
it except I had seene it with mine owne
Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and
Crampusse, and such aboundance of Makerils
that it would astonish one to behold, likewise
Cod-Fish aboundance on the Coast, and
in their season are plentifully taken. There is a
Fish called a Basse, a most sweet & wholesome
Fish as euer I did eat, it is altogether as good
as our fresh Sammon, and the season of their
comming was begun when we came first to
New-England in Iune, and so continued about
three months space. Of this Fish our Fishers
take many hundreds together, which I haue
seene lying on the shore to my admiration;
yea, their Nets ordinarily take more then
they are able to hale to Land, and for want of
Boats and Men they are constrained to let a
many goe after they haue taken them, and yet
sometimes they fill two Boats at a time with
them. And besides Basse we take plentie of
Scate and Thornbacke, and aboundance of
Lobsters, that the least Boy in the Plantation
may both catch and eat what he wil of them.
For my owne part I was soone cloyed with
them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious.
I haue seene some my selfe that haue weighed
16 pound, but others haue had diuers time so
great Lobsters as haue weighed 25 pound, as
they assured me. Also here is aboundance of
Herring, Turbut, Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks,
Mullets, Eeles, Crabs, Muskles and Oysters.
Beside there is probabilitie that the Countrey
is of an excellent temper for the making of
Salt: for since our comming our Fishermen
haue brought home verie good Salt which
they found candied by the standing of the Sea
water and the heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rock
by the Sea shore: and in diuers Salt Marishes
that some haue gone through, they haue found
some Salt in some places crushing vnder their
Feet and cleauing to their Shoes.
And as for fresh Water the Countrey is full
of daintie Springs, and some great Riuers, and
some lesser Brookes; and at Masathulets Bay
they digged Wels and found Water at three
Foot deepe in most places: and neere Salem
they haue as fine cleare Water as we can desire,
and we may digge Wels and find Water
where we list.
Thus we see both Land and Sea abound
with store of blessings for the comfortable
sustenance of Mans life in New-England.
The Temper of the Aire of New-England
is one speciall thing that commends this
place. Experience doth manifest that there is
hardly a more healthfull place to be found in
the World that agreeth better with our English
Bodyes. Many that haue beene weake
and sickly in old England, by comming hither
hane beene thoroughly healed and growne
healthfull and strong. For here is an extraordinarie
cleere and dry Aire that is of a most
healing nature to all such as are of a Cold,
Melancholy, Flegmatick, Reumaticke temper
of Body. None can more truly speake hereof
by their owne experience then my selfe. My
Friends that knew me can well tell how verie
sickly I haue been and continually in Physick,
being much troubled with a tormenting paine
through an extraordinarie weaknesse of my
Stomacke, and aboundance of Melancholicke
humors; but since I came hither on this Voyage,
I thanke God I haue had perfect health,
and freed from paine and vomitings, hauing a
Stomacke to digest the hardest and coursest
fare who before could not eat finest meat; and
whereas my Stomacke could onely digest and
did require such drinke as was both strong
and stale, now I can and doe oftentimes drink
New-England water verie well; and I that haue
not gone without a Cap for many yeeres together,
neither durst leaue off the same, haue
now cast away my Cap, and doe weare none
at all in the day time: and whereas beforetime
I cloathed my selfe with double cloathes
and thicke Wastcoats to keepe me warme,
euen in the Summer time, I doe now goe as
thin clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe
Cassocke vpon my Shirt and Stuffe Breeches
of one thicknesse without Linings. Besides,
I haue one of my Children that was formerly
most lamentably handled with sore breaking
out of both his hands and feet of the Kings
Euill, but since he came hither he is verie well
ouer hee was, and there is hope of perfect recouerie
shortly, euen by the verie wholesomnesse
of the Aire, altering, digesting and drying
vp the cold and crude humors of the Body:
and therefore I thinke it is a wise course
for all cold complections to come to take
Physicke in New England; for a sup of New-Englands
Aire is better then a whole draft of
old Englands Ale.
In the Summer time in the midst of Iuly
and August it is a good deale hotter then in old
England: and in Winter, Ianuary and February
are much colder as they say: but the Spring
and Autumne are of a middle temper.
Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here, and
of all sorts as we haue in England as farre as
I can learne, and a great many of strange
Fowles which we know not. Whilst I was
writing these things, one of our Men brought
home an Eagle which he had killed in the
Wood: they say they are good meat. Also
here are many kinds of excellent Hawkes,
both Sea Hawkes and Land Hawkes: and my
selfe walking in the Woods with another in
company, sprung a Partridge so bigge that
through the heauinesse of his Body could fly
but a little way: they that haue killed them,
say they are as bigge as our Hens. Here are
likewise aboundance of Turkies often killed
in the Woods, farre greater then our English
Turkies, and exceeding fat, sweet and fleshy,
for here they haue aboundance of feeding all
the yeere long, as Strawberries, in Summer all
places are full of them, and all manner of Berries
and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue
seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and haue eaten of
them: they doe flye from Tree to Tree as
other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons will not
doe in England: they are of all colours as ours
are, but their wings and tayles are farr longer,
and therefore it is likely they fly swifter to
escape the terrible Hawkes in this Countrey.
In Winter time this Countrey doth abound
with wild Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea
Fowle, that a great part of winter the Planters
haue eaten nothing but roastmeat of diuers
Fowles which they haue killed.
Thus you haue heard of the Earth, Water
and Aire of New-England, now it may be you
expect something to be said of the Fire proportionable
to the rest of the Elements.
Indeed I thinke New England may boast of
this Element more then of all the rest: for
though it be here somthing cold in the winter,
yet here we haue plentie of Fire to warme vs,
and that a great deale cheaper then they sell
Billets and Faggots in London: nay, all Europe
is not able to afford to make so great Fires as
New-England. A poore Seruant here that is to
possesse but 50 Acres of Land, may afford to
giue more wood for Timber and Fire as good
as the world yeelds, then many Noble Men in
England can afford to doe. Here is good liuing
for those that loue good Fires. And although
New-England haue no Tallow to make Candles
of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish
thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes. Yea
our Pine-Trees that are the most plentifull of
all wood, doth allow vs plentie of Candles,
which are verie vsefull in a House: and they
are such Candles as the Indians commonly
vse, hauing no other, and they are nothing else
but the wood of the Pine Tree clouen in two
little slices something thin, which are so full
of the moysture of Turpentine and Pitch,
that they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue
sent you some of them that you may see the
experience of them.
Thus of New-Englands commodities, now
I will tell you of some discommodities that
are here to be found.
First, In the Summer season for these three
months Iune, Iuly and August, we are troubled
much with little Flyes called Musketoes, being
the same they are troubled with in Linconshiere
and the Fens: and they are nothing
but Gnats, which except they be smoked out
of their Howses are troublesome in the night
season.
Secondly, In the Winter season for two
months space the Earth is commonly couered
with Snow, which is accompanied with sharp
biting Frosts, something more sharpe then is
in old England, and therefore are forced to
make great Fires.
Thirdly, This Countrey being verie full of
Woods and Wildernesses, doth also much
abound with Snakes and Serpents of strange
colours and huge greatnesse: yea there are
some Serpents called Rattle Snakes, that haue
Rattles in their Tayles that will not flye from
a Man as others will, but will flye vpon him
and sting him so mortally, that he will dye
within a quarter of an houre after, except the
partie stinged haue about him some of the
root of an Hearbe called Snake weed to bite
on, and then he shall receiue no harme: but
yet seldome falles it out that any hurt is done
by these. About three yeeres since an Indian
was stung to death by one of them, but we
heard of none since that time.
Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as yet the
good company of honest Christians to bring
with them Horses, Kine and Sheepe to make
vse of this fruitfull Land: great pittie it is to
see so much good ground for Corne and for
Grasse as any is vnder the Heauens, to lye altogether
vnoccupied, when so many honest
Men & their Families in old England through
the populousnesse thereof, do make very hard
shift to liue one by the other.
Now, thus you know what New-England
is, as also with the commodities and discommodities
thereof: now I will shew you a little
of the Inhabitants thereof, and their gouernment.
For their Gouernours they haue Kings,
which they call Saggamores, some greater, and
some lesser, according to the number of their
Subiects.
The greatest Saggamores about vs can not
make aboue three hundred Men, and other
lesse Saggamores haue not aboue fifteene Subiects,
and others neere about vs but two.
Their Subiects about twelue yeeres since
were swept away by a great and grieuous
Plague that was amongst them, so that there
are verie few left to inhabite the Countrey.
The Indians are not able to make vse of the
one fourth part of the Land, neither haue they
any setled places, as Townes to dwell in, nor
any ground as they challenge for their owne
possession, but change their habitation from
place to place.
For their Statures, they are a tall and strong
limmed People, their colours are tawny, they
goe naked, saue onely they are in part couered
with Beasts Skins on one of their Shoulders,
and weare something before their Priuities:
their Haire is generally blacke, and cut
before like our Gentlewomen, and one locke
longer then the rest, much like to our Gentlemen,
which fashion I thinke came from hence
into England.
For their weapons, they haue Bowes and
Arrowes, some of them headed with Bone,
and some with Brasse: I haue sent you some
of them for an example.
The Men for the most part liue idlely, they
doe nothing but hunt and fish: their wiues set
their Corne and doe all their other worke.
They haue little Houshold stuffe, as a Kettle,
and same other Vessels like Trayes, Spoones,
Dishes and Baskets.
Their Houses are verie little and homely,
being made with small Poles pricked into
the ground, and so bended and fastned at the
tops, and on the sides they are matted with
Boughes, & couered on the Roofe with Sedge
and old Mats; and for their beds that they take
their rest on, they haue a Mat.
They doe generally professe to like well of
our comming and planting here, partly because
there is abundance of ground that they
cannot possesse nor make vse of, and partly
because our being here will be a meanes both
of reliefe to them when they want, and also a
defence from their Enemies, wherewith (I
say) before this Plantation begun, they were
often indangered.
For their Religion, they doe worship two
Gods, a good God and an euill God: the
good God they call Tantum, and their euill
God whom they feare will doe them hurt,
they call Squantum.
For their dealing with vs, we neither feare
them nor trust them, for fourtie of our Musketeeres
will driue fiue hundred of them out
of the Field. We vse them kindly, they will
come into our Houses sometimes by halfe a
douzen or halfe a score at a time when we are
at victuals, but will aske or take nothing but
what we giue them.
We purpose to learne their Language as
soone as we can, which will be a meanes to do
them good.
When we came first to Neihum kek, we
found about halfe a score Houses, and
a faire House newly built for the Gouernour,
we found also aboundance of Corne planted
by them, verie good and well likeing. And we
brought with vs about two hundred Passengers
and Planters more, which by common
consent of the old Planters were all combined
together into one Body Politicke, vnder
the same Gouernour.
There are in all of vs both old and new
Planters about three hundred, whereof two
hundred of them are setled at Nehum-kek, now
called Salem: and the rest haue Planted themselues
at Masathulets Bay, beginning to build
a Towne there which we doe call Cherton, or
Charles Towne.
We that are setled at Salem make what hast
we can to build Houses, so that within a short
time we shall haue a faire Towne.
We haue great Ordnance, wherewith we
doubt not but we shall fortifie our selues in
a short time to keepe out a potent Aduersarie.
But that which is our greatest comfort, and
meanes of defence aboue all other, is, that we
haue here the true Religion and holy Ordinances
of Almightie God taught amongst vs:
Thankes be to God, we haue here plentie of
Preaching, and diligent Catechizing, with
strickt and carefull exercise, and good and
commendable orders to bring our People into
a Christian conuersation with whom we
haue to doe withall. And thus we doubt
not but God will be with vs, and if God be with vs, who can
be against vs?
FINIS.
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS &c.
Objections :
Generall Consideracons
for ye plantacon in New
England, wth an aunswere
to seuerall objections[1]
FIRST it will be a service
to ye Church of great
consequence, to carry
ye gospell into those
parts of ye world, & to
raise a bulwarke agt ye
kingdos of Antichrist
wch ye Jesuits labour to reare vp in all
places of ye world.
Secondly all other churches of Europe
are brought to desolacon, & it may be
justly feared yt ye like judgmt is coming
vpon vs: & who knowes but yt God hath
provided this place to be a refuge for
many whom hee meanes to saue out of
ye generall destruction.
Thirdly the land growes weary of her
inhabitants, so that man wch is ye most
precious of all creatures is here more vyle
& base then ye earth they tread upon; so
as children neighbours & friends especially
of ye poore, are counted ye greatest burdens,
wch if things were right would be ye
highest earthly blessings.
Wee are growen to yt excesse & intemperaunce
in all excesse of riot as no meane
estate almost will suffice to keepe saile wth
his equalls & hee yt fayles in it must [live]
in scorne & contempt. Hence it comes
to passe yt all arts & trades are carried in
yt deceitfull maner & vnrighteous course,
as it is almost impossible for a good upright
man to maintayne his chardge &
liue cofortably in any of ym.
Fiftly ye Schooles of learning & religion
are so corrupted, as (besides ye unsupportable
chardge of this educacon) most
children, (euen ye best wittiest & of fayrest
hopes) are perverted, corrupted & utterly
ouerpowered by ye multitude of
evill examples & licentious governors of
those seminaries.
Sixtly ye whole earth is ye Lords garden
& hee hath giuen it to ye sons of
Adam to bee tilled & improoued by ym
why then should we stand starving here
for places of habitacon (many men spending
as much labour & cost to recouer or
keepe soetymes an acre or two of lands,
as would procure him many hundreths of
acres, as good or better in another place)
& in ye meane tyme suffer whole countreyes
as profitable for ye use of man, to
lye wast wthout any improouement.
Seaventhly, what can bee a better
worke and more noble & worthy a Christian,
then to helpe to raise & support a
particular church while it is in it infancy,
& to [join] or forces wth such a copany of
faithfull people, as by a tymely assistaunce
may grow stronger & prosper, & for want
of it may be put to great hazzard if not
wholly ruinated?
Eightly if any such as are knowne to
bee godly & liue in wealth & prosperity
here, shall forsake all this to joyne
ymselves wth this church, & runne in
hazard wth ym of hard & meane condicon,
it will be an example of great vse
both for ye remooving of Scandall & sinister
& worldly respects, to giue more lyfe
to ye faith of Gods people in their prayers
for ye plantacon, & also to encourage
others to joyne ye more willingly in it.
Obj. 1. It will bee a great wrong to
or owne church & countrey to take
away the best people; & we still lay it
more open to ye judgmts feared.
Aunsw. 1. The number will be nothing
in respect of those yt are left. 2ly
many yt liue to no vse here, more then
for their owne priuate familyes may bee
employed to a more como good in another
place. 3ly such as are of good vse here
may yett be so employed as ye church
shall receiue no losse. and since Christs
coming ye church is to be conceiued as
universal wthout distinctio of countryes,
so as hee yt doth good in any one place
serves ye church in all places, in regard of
ye vnitye. 4thly it is ye revealed will of God
yt ye gospell should be preached to all
nations, and though we know not whether
ye Indians will receiue it or not, yet it is a
good worke to observe Gods will in offering
it to ym, for God shall haue glory by
it though yy refuse it.
Object. 2. wee haue feared a judgemt
a long tyme, but yet we are safe; therefore
it were better to stay till it come, & either
we may flie then, or if we be ouertaken
in it wee may well bee content to suffer
wth such a church as ours is.
Aunsw. It is likely yt this consideracon
made ye churches beyond ye seas as ye Palatinate
& Rochel &c to sit still at home,
& not looke out for shelter while yy might
haue found it. but ye wofull spectacle of
their ruine may teach us more wisdome
to avoid ye plague while it is foreseene, &
not to tarry as yy did till it ouertooke ym.
If they were now at their former liberty,
wee may be sure yy would take other
courses for their safety. And though most
of ym had miscarried in their escape, yet
it had not bene halfe so miserable to
thmselves, or scandalous to religion, as this
desperate backsliding and abjuring ye
truth, wch many of ye auntient professours
among ym, & ye whole posterity that
remayne are plunged into.
Object. 3. wee haue here a fruitfull
Land wth peace & plenty of all things.
Aunsw: wee are like to haue as good
condicons there in tyme; but yet we
must leaue all this abundance, if it bee not
taken fro vs. When we are in or graues,
it will bee all one whether we haue liued
in plenty or in penury, whether we haue
dyed in a bed of downe or lockes of straw.
Onely this is ye advantage of ye meane
condicon, yt it is a more freedoe to dye.
And ye lesse cofort any haue in ye things
of this world, ye more liberty yy haue to
lay vp treasure in heauen.
Obj. 4. wee may perish by ye way or
when we coe there, having hunger or ye
sword &c and how vncofortable will it
bee to see or wives & children & friends
come to such miserie by or occasion?
Aunsw. Such objections savour too
much of ye flesh. Who can secure himselfe
or his fro ye like calamities here? If
this course bee warrantable, we may trust
Gods providence for these things. Either
hee will keepe those evills fro vs, or will
dispose ym for or good & enable vs to
beare ym.
Obj. 5. But what warrant haue we to
take yt land, wch is & hath bene of long
tyme possessed of others ye sons of Adam?
Aunsw. That wch is como to all is proper
to none. This Savage people ruleth ouer
many lands wthout title or property: for yy
inclose no ground, neither haue yy cattell
to maintayne it, but remooue their dwellings
as yy haue occasion, or as yy can prevaile
agt their neighbours. And why may
not Christians haue liberty to go & dwell
amongst ym in their wast lands & woodds
(leaving ym such places as yy haue manured
for their corne) as lawfully, as Abraham
did amongst ye Sodomites? For
God hath giuen to ye sons of men a 2
fould right to ye earth: there is a naturall
right & a civill right. The first right was
naturall when men held ye earth in como,
every man sowing & seeding where hee
pleased: then, as men and cattell increased,
yy appropriated some parcells of
ground by enclosing & peculiar manurance,
& this in tyme got ym a civill
right. Such was ye right wch Ephron ye
Hittite had in ye field of Machpelah,
wherein Abraham could not bury a dead
corps wthout leaue, though for ye outparts
of ye countrey wch lay comon, hee dwelt
vpo ym & tooke ye fruit of ym at his pleasure.
This appeares also in Jacob & his
sons who fedd their flocks as bouldly in ye
Canaanites Land for hee is said to bee Lord
of ye countrey; & at Dotham and all other
places men accounted nothing their owne,
but yt wch yy had appropriated by their
owne industry, as appeares plainly by
Abimelechs servaunts, who in their owne
countrey did often contend wth Isaacks
servaunts about wells wch yy had digged;
but neuer about ye lands wch yy occupied.
So likewise betweene Jacob & Laban: hee
would not take a kidd of Labans wthout
speciall contract; but hee makes no bargaine
wth him for ye land where yy fedd.
And it is probable yt if ye countrey had not
bene as free for Jacob as for Laban, yt covetous
wretch would haue made his advantage
of him, & haue vpbraided Jacob wth
it as hee did wth ye rest. 2dly there is more
then enough for ym & vs. 3dly God hath
consumed ye natives wth a miraculous
plague, whereby ye greater part of ye
countrey is left void of inhabitants. 4ly, we
shall coe in wth good leaue of ye natiues.
Obj. 6. we shall send or young ones &
such as may best bee spared, & not of ye
best of or ministers & magistrates.
Aunsw. It is a great worke & requires
more skilfull Artisans to lay ye foundacon
of a new building, then to uphoald &
repayre one yt is already built. If great
things bee attempted by weake instrumts,
ye effects will bee aunswerable.
Obj. 7. Wee see yt those plantacons yt
haue bene formerly made, succeeded ill.
Aunsw. 1 The fruit of any publique
designe is not to bee discerned by ye imediat
successe: it may appeare in tyme, yt
yy were all to good vse. 2dly, there were
great fundamentall errours in others wch
are like to bee avoided in this: for 1 their
mayne end & purpose was carnall & not
religious. 2 yy aymed chiefely at profitt
& not at ye propagacon of religion. 3 yy
vsed too vnfitt instrumts, a multitude of
rude vngoverned persons, ye very scums
of ye Land. 4 yy did not stablish a right
fourme of gouernmt.
THE AGREEMENT WITH MR. HIGGINSON
Messrs. Higginson’s and Skelton’s Contract. [A]
THE AGREEMT WTH MR. HIGGINSON
A true note of ye allowance yt ye new
England Copany haue by como consent
& order of their Court & Counsell
graunted vnto Mr. Francis Higginson
minister, for his maintenaunce in new
England April 8, 1629.
IMPRIMIS yt 30li in
money shall be forthwth
paid him by ye
Copanyes treasurer towards
ye chardges of
fitting himselfe wth
Apparell & other necessaryes
for his voyage.
2 Item yt 10li more shall be payed
ouer by ye said treasurer towards ye provyding
of bookes for present vse.
3 Item yt hee shall haue 30li yearly
paid him for 3 yeares to beginne fro ye
tyme of his first arrivall in new England
& so to be accounted & paid paid him at ye
End of eury yeare.
4 Item yt during ye said tyme ye
Company shall provide for him & his
family necessaryes of diett housing &
firewood; and shall be at chardges of transporting
him into new England: and at
ye end of ye said 3 yeares, if hee shall not
like to continue there any longer, to be at
ye chardge of transporting him backe for
England.
5. Item yt in convenient tyme an
house shall be built, & certayne lands
allotted thereunto; wch during his stay in
ye countrey & continuance in ye ministrey
shall bee for his vse; & after his death
or remoovall ye same to be for Succeeding
ministers.
6. Item at ye expiracon of ye said 3
yeares an 100 acres of land shall be assigned
to him & his heires for euer.
7. Item yt in case hee shall depart
this lyfe in yt countrey, ye said Company
shall take care for his widdow during her
widdowhood & aboade in yt country and
plantacon: & ye like for his children
whilst yy remayne vpon ye said plantacon.
8. Item yt ye milke of 2 kyne shall
bee appointed towards ye chardges of
diett for him & his familye as aforesaid, &
halfe ye increase of calves during ye said 3
yeares: but ye said 2 kyne, and ye other
halfe of ye increase to returne to ye Company
at ye end of ye said 3 yeares.
9. Item yt he shall haue liberty of carrying
ouer bedding, linnen, brasse, iron,
pewter, of his owne for his necessary vse
during ye said tyme.
10 Item yt if he continue 7 yeares upon
ye said plantacon, yt then 100 acres of
land more shall be allotted him for him
and his for ever.
The 8th of Aprill, 1629. Mr Francis
Higgeson and Mr Samuel Skelton
intended ministers of this plantacon, and it
being thought meete to consider of their
intertaynement, who expressing their
willingnesse, together, also with Mr Francis
Bright, being now present to doe their
endevour in their places of the ministery
as well in preaching, catechizing, as also
in teaching, or causing to be taught, the
Companyes servants & their children, as
also the salvages and their children, whereby
to their uttermost to further the maine
end of this plantation, being, by the assistance
of Allmighty God, the conversion
of the salvages, the proposicons concluded
on wth Mr Francis Bright, the 2 of February
last, were reciprocally accepted of
by Mr Francis Higgison and Mr Samuel
Skelton, who are in every respect to have
the like condicons as Mr Bright hath, onely
whereas Mr Higgeson hath 8 children
it is intended that 10li more yearely shall
be allowed him towards their chardge.
And it is agreed that the increase of the
improvement of all their grounds during
the first 3 yeares shall be at the Companies
disposing, who are to fynde them dyett
during that time, and tenne pounds more
to Mr Higgeson towards his present fitting
him and his for the voyage.
Francis Higgison.
Samuel Skelton.
A TRUE RELATION OF THE LAST VOYAGE TO NEW ENGLAND
A trve relacon
of ye last voyage to new
England, declaring all circustances
wth ye maner of
ye passage wee had by sea,
and what maner of countrey
& inhabitants we
found when we came to
land: & what is ye present
state & condicon of
yeEnglish people yt are
there already.
Faithfully recorded according to ye very truth
for ye satisfaction of very many of my loving
friends, who haue earnestly requested
to be truly certifyed in these thinges.
Written from new England July 24, 1629.
It. any Curious Criticke yt lookes for exactnes of
phrases or expert seaman yt regard propriety of
sea-termes &c
A TRVE RELACON
of ye last voyage to new
England made ye last
Sumer, begun ye 25th of
April being Saturday,
Anno doi 1629.
THE copany of New
England consisting of
many worthy gentlemen
in ye citty of London,
Dorcester & other
places, ayming at ye
glory of God, ye propagacon
of ye gospell of Christ, ye conversio
of ye Indians, & ye enlargemt of ye
Kings maties dominions in America, & being
authorised by his royall letters patents
for yt end, at their very great costs &
chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to new
England, for ye further setling of ye English
plantacon yt yy had already begun
there.
The names of ye 5 Shipps were as followeth.
The first is called ye Talbot,
a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, &
19 pieces of ordinance & served wth 30
mariners. This ship carried about an 100
planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinaunce,
wth meale, oatemeale pease, & all
maner of munitio and provisio for ye plantacon
for a twelve month. The second ye
George, another strong ship also, about
300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, served
wth about 30 mariners; her chiefe carriage
were cattell, 12 mares, 30 kyne, & some
goates: also ther gad in her 52 planters &
other provision. The 3d is called ye Lyons
whelpe, a neate & nimble ship of 120
tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinaunce, carrying in
her many mariners & about 40 planters,
specially fro dorcester & other places
thereabouts, wth provision, and 4 goates.
The 4th is called ye 4 sisters, as I heare
of about 300 tuns, wch fayre ship carried
many cattell wth passengers & provision.
The 5th is called ye Mayflower, carrying
passengers & provision.
Now amongst these 5 ships, ye George
hauing the speciall & urgent cause of hastening
her passage sett sayle before ye rest
about ye midst of April. And ye 4 Sisters
& ye Mayflower being not throughly furnished,
intended as we heard to sett forth
about 3 weeks after vs: But we yt were in
ye Talbot & ye Lions whelpe being ready
for or voyage by ye good hand of Gods
providence hoysed or sayle fro Graues end
on Saturday ye 25th of April[April 25]
about 7 a clocke in ye morning.
Having but a faynt wynd we could
not go farre ytday, but at night wee ancred
against Lie wch is 12 miles fro graues end,[26]
& there we rested yt night & kept
Sabbath ye next day.
[27]
On monday we sat forward & came
to ye flats, a passage soewhat difficult
by reason of ye narrownes of ye channell
& shallownes of ye water: & going
ouer this wee were in soe daunger: for or
ship being heavy laden & drawing deepe
water was sensibly felt of vs all to strike 3
or 4 tymes on ye ground: but ye wynd
blowing soewhat strong we were carried
Swiftly on, & at last by Gods blessing came
safe to ancre at Gorin roade.
[28]
Tewsday we went a little further,
& ancred ouer agt Margret Towne,
staying for a wind for ye downes.
[29]
Wednesday we came safely though
wth much turning & tacking thorow
ye gullies into ye downes, & stayed
yt night.
[30. May 1. 2.]
Thursday, Fryday &
Saturday ye wind blew
hard fro south west & caused or ship to
daunce, & diuers of or passengers & my
wiffe specially were sea sicke. Here ye
Kings ship called ye Assurance pressed
2 of or mariners. Here we saw many
Porpuses playing in ye sea wch yy say is a
signe of fowle weather.
[May 3]
Sabbath day a windye day &
could: we kept Sabbath staying
still at ye downes.
[4]
Monday God sent vs a fayre gale of
wind north: n: East, whereby we
came merily fro ye downes: & passing
Dover we saw 6 or 7 saile of dunkirkes,
wafting after vs: but it seemed yy saw or
copany was too strong for ym, for then
wee had wth vs 3 or 4 ships yt went for ye
Straits: so yy returned backe fro pursuing
vs any longer. But sayling wth a good
wind wee went speedily, & at night came
neere ye Ile of Wight but being darke
wee durst not put into ye channell, but
put backe for sea roome 4 houres, & then
other 4 houres sayled backe agayne ye
same way.
[5]
Tewsday early in ye morning we entred
ye channell ye wind being weake
& calme, & passed by Portsmouth very
slowly; but in ye afternoone ye wind
quickened, & wee were forced to ancre a
little on this side Cowcastle but ye wind
growing more favourable wee weighed
& came to ancre again right against Cowcastle
thinking to stay yt night, ye wind
being very calme. Here I & my wiffe &[May]
my daughter Mary & 2 maids &
soe others wth vs obtained of ye
mr of ye shipp to go a shoare to refresh
vs & to wash or linnens, & so we lay at
Cowes yt night. But ye wind turning
when wee were absent, yy hoysed sayle &
left vs there, & ancred 8 miles further
ouer agt Yarmouth about 8 of ye clocke
at night.
[6]
Wednesday betyme in ye morning
ye shalope was sent fro ye shipp to
fetch vs to Yarmouth; but ye water
prooued rough & or weomen desired to
bee sett on shoare 3 miles short of Yarmouth,
& so went on foote by land &
lodged in Yarmouth yt night.
[7. 8.]
On Thursday & fryday there Mr
Beecher allowed by ye copany
gaue mee 40s to make or provisio of what
things we would for the voyage.
[9]
Saturday we went to board agayne:
& this day wee had 2 other men
pressed to serve ye Kings Shippe; but we
got one agayne by intreaty.
[10.]
The Sabbath next day we kept ye
shipp where I preached in ye morning;
& in ye afternoon was intreated to
preach at Yarmouth, where Mr Meare &
captayne Borley entertained vs very kyndly,
& earnestly desyred to bee certified of
or safe arrivall in new England, & of ye
state of ye countrey
[11]
Monday morning blew a fayre
wind fro East S: E: And ye lions
whelpe having taken in all her provisio
for passengers, about 3 of ye clocke in ye
afternoone wee hoysed sayle for ye Needles,
& by Gods guidance safely passed yt
narrow passage a little after 4 a clocke in
ye afternoone. And being entred into ye
sea, fro ye top of ye mast we discerned 4
sayle of shipps lying southward fro vs.
But night coming on wee tooke in or long[12]
boate & shalope. And ye next day
we had a fayre gale of Easterly
wind yt brought vs towards night as farre
as ye Lizzard.
[13]
Wednesday ye wind still houlding
Easterly, wee came as farre as ye
lands end, in ye vtmost part of Cornewall,
& so left or deare natiue soile of
England behind vs; & sayling about 10
leagues further we passed ye Isles of Sillie
& launched ye same day a great way into
ye maine ocean. And now my wiffe &
other passengers began to feele ye tossing
waues of ye westerne sea, & so were very
sea-sicke.
And this is to be noted, yt all this while
or passage hath bene vpo ye coast of England,
& so ought truly to be accounted
ye first day of or parting wth ould England.
[14]
Thursday ye same Easterly wind
blew all day & night; & ye next[15] [May]
day; so yt soe of ye seamen thought
we were coe by this tyme 100
leagues fro England, but toward
night ye wind was calme.
[16]
Saturday we were becalmed all day.
This day met vs a little shipp of
Bristoll yt came fro Christopher Ilands.
[17.]
Sabath being ye first Lords day we
held at sea was very calme, especially
in the morning, but we were
disturbed in or morning Service by ye
approach of a Biskaniers shippe, a man
of warre, yt made towards vs, & manned
out his boate to viewe vs: But fynding vs
too strong for him he durst not venture
to assault vs, but made off.
This day my 2 children Samuel & Mary
began to be sicke of ye small-pockes &
purples together, wch was brought into
ye ship by one Mr Browne wch was sicke
of ye same at Graues End, who it pleased
God to make ye first occasio of bringing
yt contagious sicknes among vs, wherewth
many were after afflicted.
[18.]
Monday calme still, ye wind being
no: w: blowing a little towards
euening, but contrary to or course.
[19.]
Tewsday wind so: w: as little
helpfull as ye former & blowing
uery weake. This day ye mr of or ship,
my selfe & another went aboard the
Lions whelpe, where Mr Gibs made vs
welcoe wth bountifull entertaynemt. And
this day towards night my daughter grew
sicker & many blew Spots were seene vpo
her breast, wch affrighted vs. At ye first
wee thought yy had bene ye plague
tokens; but we found afterwards yt it
was onely an high measure of ye infectio
of ye pockes, wch were strucke agayne
into ye child, & so it was Gods will ye
child dyed about 5 of ye clocke at night,
being ye first in or shipp yt was buried in
the bowells of ye great Atlanticke Sea;
wch as it was a griefe to vs her parents, &
a sorrow to all ye rest as being ye beginning
of a contagious disease & mortality:
so in ye same judgemt it pleased God to
remember mercy in ye child, in freeing
it fro a world of misery wherein otherwise
shee had liued all her daies. For
being about 4 yeares ould a yeare since,
wee know not by what meanes, sweyed in
ye backe, so yt it was broken & grew
crooked, & ye joynts of her hipps were
loosed & her knees went crooked pittifull
to see. Since wch tyme shee hath had a
most lamentable payne in her belly, &
would oft times cry out in ye day & in her
sleep also my belly, wch declared soe extraordinary
distemper. So yt in respect of
her wee had cause to take her death as a
blessing fro ye Lord to shorten her miserie.
[May 20]
Wednesday a wett morning,
ye wind was W: S: W: & in
ye afternoone N: W: & by W: both
being contrary to or course, wch was to
saile W: & by S: Thus it pleased god
to lay his hand vpo vs by sicknes &
death & contrary winds; & stirred vp
soe of vs to make ye moton of humbling
or selves vnder ye hand of God
by keeping a solemne day of fasting &
prayer unto God, to beseech him to remooue
ye continuance & further increase
of these evills fro vs. wch was willingly
condescended vnto as a duty very
fitting & needfull for or present state and
condicon.
[21]
Thursday, there being 2 ministers
in ye ship, Mr Smith & my selfe,
we endevoured together wth others to
consecrate ye day as a solemne fasting &
humiliacon to almighty God, as a furtheraunce
of or present worke. And it pleased
God ye ship was becalmed all day, so yt
we were freed fro any encumbraunce:
And as soone as we had done prayers,
see & behould ye goodnes of god, about
7 a clocke at night ye wind turned to
n: e: & we had a fayre gale yt night as a
manifest evidence of ye Lords hearing
or prayers. I heard soe of ye mariners say,
yy thought this was ye first sea-fast yt euer
was kept, & yt yy neuer heard of ye like
perfourmed at sea before.
[22.]
[May]
Fryday ye wind fayre, & east northerly,
& for or purpose for new
England. it did blow strongly &
carried vs on amayne wth tossing
waues, wch did affright ym yt were not
wonted to such sights.
[23.]
Saturday ye same wind blowing
but more gently. Now we were
coforted wth hope of my sonne Samuels
recovery of ye pockes.
[24.]
The 2 Lords day, a fayre day, an
orderly wind & prosperous.
[25]
On Monday a fayre frummegale,
ye wind South S: W:
[26.]
Tewsday about 10 of ye clocke in
ye morning, whilest we were at
prayers a strong and sudden blast came
fro ye north, yt hoysed vp ye waues &
tossed vs more then euer before & held vs
all yt day till towards night & then abated
by little & little till it was calme. This
day Mr Goffes great dogg fell ouer board
& could not be recouered.
[27.]
Wednesday, ye wind still no: &
calme in ye morning, but about
noone there arose a So: wind, wch encreased
more & more, so yt it seemed to vs
yt are land men a sore & terrible storme;
for ye wind blew mightily, ye rayne fell
vehemently, ye sea roared & ye waues
tossed vs horribly; besides it was fearfull
darke & ye mariners maid was afraid;
& noyse on the other side wth their running
here & there, lowd crying one to
another to pull at this & yt rope. The[May 27]
waues powred ymselues ouer
ye shippe yt ye 2 boates were
filled wth water, yt yy were fayne to
strike holes in ye midst of ym to let ye
water out. Yea by ye violence of ye waues
ye long boate coard wch held it was broken,
& it had like to haue bene washed
ouerboard, had not ye mariners wth much
payne & daunger recouered ye same. But
this lasted not many houres; after which
it became a calmish day. All wch while
I lay close & warme in my cabine, but
farre fro hauing list to sleepe wth Jonah;
my thoughts were otherwise employed
as ye tyme & place required. Then I saw
ye truth of ye Scripture Psal. 107, fro ye
23 to ye 32. And my feare at this tyme
was ye lesse, when I rememberd what a
loving friend of myne, a minister accustomed
to sea stormes said to mee yt I
might not be dismayed at such stormes,
for yy were ordinary at seas, & it seeldome
falls out yt a shipp perisheth at storms if
it haue sea-roome, wch I ye rather wryte
yt others as well as my selfe by ye knowledge
hereof may be encouraged & prepared
agt these ordinary sea-stormes.
[28 29]
[30]
Thursday So: wind: calme at
night: On fryday a boistrous
wind blowing crosse, but was allayed towards
night wth a showre of rayne. Saturday
So: w: wind, but faire &
quiett.
[May 31]
Sabbath day being ye 3
Lords day, fayre & calme;
wee saw abundance of grampas fishes, 2
or 3 yards long, & a body as bigg as an
oxe.
[June 1]
Monday ye wind westerly &
calme: but besides or being
stayed by contrary winds we began to
fynd ye temperature of ye ayre to alter
& to become more soletry & subject to
vnwholsome foggs. For coming now to
ye height of ye westerne Islands, soe of
or men fell sicke of ye scuruie & others
of the small pockes, wch more & more
increased: yet thankes be to God none
dyed of it but my owne child mencond.
And therefore, according to or great need
we appointed another fast for the next
day.
[2.]
Tewsday we solemnely celebrate another
fast. The Lord yt day heard
vs before wee prayed & gaue vs aunswere
before we called; for early in ye morning
ye wind turned full East, being as fitt a
wind as could blowe. And sitting at my
study on ye shipps poope I saw many
bonny fishes & porpuses pursuing one another,
and leaping soe of ym a yard aboue
ye water. Also as we were at prayer, vnder
ye hatch, soe yt were aboue saw a whale
puffing vp water not farre fro ye shippe.
Now my wiffe was prettily well recouered
of her sea sicknesse.
[3.]
[June]
Wednesday a fayre day & fyne gale
of full East wind. This day my selfe
& others saw a large round fish sayling
by ye ships side about a yard in
length & roundnes euery way.
The mariners cald it a sunne fish; it
spreadeth out ye finnes like beames on
euery side 4, or 5.
[4, 5.]
Thursday & fryday ye wind full
E: we were carried wth admiracon
on or journey. By this wee were more
then halfe way to new England. This day
I saw a fish very straunge to mee, yy call
it a caruell; wch came by ye ship side wafting
along ye top of ye water. it appeared
at ye first like a bubble aboue the water
as bigg as a mans fist, but ye fish it selfe
is about ye bignes of a mans thum, so yt
ye fish it selfe & ye bubble resembleth a
shipp wth sailes, wch therefore is called a
caruell.
[6 7]
[8]
Saturday wind direct E: still. The
4 Sabb: we kept at sea the wind
full full Easterly till noone, & then
it came full So: E: a strong gale yt
night & ye next day till night.
[9]
Tewsday ye same wind held till 9
a clock in ye morning: & then a
great showre wch lasted till about 7 at
night, & then it was a very calme. There
we sounded wth a dipled lyne aboue
100th fadome & found no bottome. This
day we saw a fish called a turkle, a great
& large shell fish swiming aboue ye water
neere ye shippe.
[10]
Wednesday wind northerly a fyne
gale but calmish in ye afternoone.
[11 June]
Thursday ye wind at no: an
easye gale & fayre morning
we saw a mountayne of Ice shyning as
white as snow like to a great rocke or
clift on ye shoare. it stood still & therefore
we thought it to be on ground & to
reach ye bottome of ye sea. For though
there came a mighty streame fro ye no:
yet it mooued not, wch made vs sound,
& we found a banke of 40 fathom deepe
whereupo we judged it to rest: & ye
height aboue was as much. Wee also
saw 6 or 7 pieces of Ice, floating on ye
sea, wch was broken off fro ye former
mountayne, we also saw great store of
water fowle swiming by ye shipp wthin
musket shott, of a pyde colour & about
ye bignes of a wild ducke, about 40 in a
copany, the mariners call ym hag birds.
Toward night came a fogge, yt ye lions
whelp was lost till morning. And now
we saw many bony toes porpuses and
grampases every day more & more.
[12]
Fryday foggie & calmish, ye wind
northerly in ye morning, but about
noone it came S: E: a dainty loome gale
wch carried vs 6 leagues a watch.
[13]
Saturday ye same wind till night,
& we saw great store of porpuses &
grampases.
[14]
The 5th Sabbath, ye same wind,
towards noone it began to be foggie,
& then it rained till night we went
4 or 5 leagues a watch.
[June 15]
Monday a fayre day but
foggie, ye same wind blowing
but wth fresh gale carryed vs 7 leagues
a watch. In ye afternoone it blew harder,
so ye sea was rough, & we lost ye sight of
ye lions whelpe: it being foggie we
drumed for ym & yy shot off a great piece
of ordinance but we feared not one another.
[16]
Tewsday wind So: & by E: foggie
till about 10 a clocke while we
were at prayers it cleared vp about an
houre, & then we saw ye lions whelpe distant
about 2 leagues southward. wee presently
tackt about to meet her & shee did
ye same to meete vs, but before we could
get together a thick fogge came, yt we
were long in fynding each other. This
day we sounded divers tymes, & found orselves
on another banke, at first 40 fathom,
after 36. after 33. after 24. wee thought
it to haue bene ye banke ouer agt chap
Sable, but we were deceiued, for we knew
not certainly where we were because of ye
fogge. After 3 or 4 houres copany we lost
ye lions whelpe agayne: & beate or drume
& shot off a great piece of ordinaunce &
yet heard not of ym. But perceiuing ye
banke to grow still yt shallower we found
it 27 & 24 fathoms. Therefore being a
fogg & fearing wee were too neere land
we tackt about for sea roome for 2 or 3
watches, & steered Southeast.
[17]
Wednesday very foggie still & wind
S: and by w: & sounding found
no bottome yt we could reach.
[18]
Thursday wind full w: & contrary
to vs. This day a notorious wicked
fellow yt was giuen to swearing &
boasting of his former wickednes bragged
yt hee had got a wench wth child before
hee came this voyage & mocked at or daies
of fast railing & jesting agt puritans, this
fellow fell sicke of ye pockes & dyed. Wee
sounded and found 38 fathom, & stayed
for a little to take soe codfish & feasted
orselves merily.
[19]
Fryday wind west still, a very fayre
cleare day. About 4 a clock in ye afternoone
soe went vp to ye top of ye mast,
& affirmed to or great cofort yy saw land
to ye north eastward.
[20]
Saturday wind So: w: a fayre gale:
we sounded & found 40, 30, 22, &
a little after no ground.
[21]
Sabb: being ye 6th Lords day;
wind westerly but fayre & calme.
[22]
Monday wind Easterly a fayre gale.
This day wee saw a great deale of
froth not farre fro vs: wee feared it might
bee soe breach of water agt some new
qvote.[2] Therefore ye mr of or shipp hoised
out ye shalop & went wth soe of ye men to see
what it was; but found it onely to bee a
froath carried by ye streame.
[June 23]
Tewsday ye wind n: E: a fayre
gale. This day we examined
5 beastly Sodomiticall boyes, wch confessed
their wickednes not to bee named.
The fact was so fowle wee referred ym to
bee punished by ye governor when we
came to new England, who afterward sent
ym backe to ye copany to bee punished in
ould England as ye crime deserued.
[24]
Wednesday wind no: E: a fayre
day & cleare: about 9 a clocke in
ye morning we espied a shipp about 4
leagues behind vs; wch prooued ye lions
whelpe, wch had bene a weeke separated
fro vs. we stayed for [blot (her)] copany.
This day a child of goodman Blacke wch
had a cosumpcon before it came to shipp,
dyed. This day we had all a cleare & cofortable
sight of America, & of ye Chap
Sable yt was ouer agt vs 7 or 8 leagues
northward. Here we saw yellow gilliflowers
on ye sea.
[25]
Thursday wind still no: Ea: a full
& fresh gale. In ye after noone wee
had a cleare sight of many Islands &
hills by ye sea shoare. Now we saw abundaunce
of makrill, a great store of great
whales puffing vp water as yy goe, soe of
ym came neere or shipp: their greatnes did
astonish vs yt saw ym not before: their
backs appeared like a little Island. At 5
a clock at[3] night the wind turned S. E. a
fayre gale. This day we caught mackrill.
[26]
Fryday a foggie morning, but after
cleare and wind calme. We saw
many scools of mackrill, infinite multitudes
on every side our ship. The sea was
abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow
flowers like gilly-flowers. By noon
we were within 3 leagues of Capan, and
as we sayled along the coasts we saw every
hill and dale and every island full of gay
woods and high trees. The nearer we came
to the shoare the more flowers in abundance,
sometymes scattered abroad, sometymes
joyned in sheets 9 or 10 yards long,
which we supposed to be brought from
the low meadowes by the tyde. Now what
with fine woods and greene trees by land,
and these yellow flowers paynting the sea,
made us all desirous to see our new paradise
of New England, whence we saw such
forerunning signals of fertilitie afarre off.
Coming neare the harbour towards night
we takt about for sea-roome.
[27]
Saturday a foggie morning; but after
8 o’clocke in the morning very
cleare, the wind being somewhat contrary
at So. and by West, we tackt to and againe
with getting little; but with much adoe,
about 4 o’clock in the afternoone, having
with much payne compassed the harbour,
and being ready to enter the same, see
how things may suddenly change! there
came a fearfull gust of wind and rayne and
thunder and lightning, whereby we were
borne with no little terrour and trouble
to our mariners, having very much adoe
to loose downe the sayles when the fury
of the storme held up. But God be praised
it lasted but a while and soone abated
agayne. And hereby the Lord shewed us
what he could have done with us, if it had
pleased him. But blessed be God, he soone
removed this storme and it was a fayre and
sweet evening.
We had a westerly wind which brought
us between 5 and 6 o’clock to a fyne and
sweet harbour,[4] 7 miles from the head
point of Capan. This harbour 20 ships
may easily ryde therein, where there was
an island whither four of our men with
a boate went, and brought backe agayne
ripe strawberries and gooseberries, and
sweet single roses. Thus God was merciful
to us in giving us a tast and smell of
the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful
goodnes to welcome us at our first
arrivall. This harbour was two leagues
and something more from the harbour at
Naimkecke, where our ships were to rest,
and the plantation is already begun. But
because the passage is difficult and night
drew on, we put into Capan harbour.
[28]
The Sabbath, being the first we
kept in America, and the 7th Lord’s
day after we parted with England.
[29]
Monday we came from Capan, to go
to Naimkecke, the wind northerly.
I should have tould you before that the
planters spying our English colours the
Governour sent a shalop with 2 men on
Saturday to pilot us. These rested the
Sabbath with us at Capan; and this day,
by God’s blessing and their directions, we
passed the curious and difficult entrance
into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke.
And as we passed along it was
wonderful to behould so many islands
replenished with thicke wood and high
trees, and many fayre greene pastures.
And being come into the harbour we saw
the George to our great comfort then
being come on Tuesday which was 7
daies before us. We rested that night
with glad and thankful hearts that God
had put an end to our long and tedious
journey through the greatest sea in the
world.
[30]
The next morning the governour
came aboard to our ship, and bade
us kindly welcome, and invited me and
my wiffe to come on shoare, and take our
lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
Thus you have a faithful report collected
from day to day of all the particulars
that were worth noting in our
passage.
Now in our passage divers things are
remarkeable.
First, through God’s blessing our passage
was short and speedy, for whereas
we had 1000 leagues, that is 3000 miles
English, to saile from Ould to New England,
we performed the same in 6 weeks
and 3 dayes.
Secondly, our passage was comfortable
and easie for the most part, having
ordinarily fayre and moderate wind, and
being freed for the most part from
stormie and rough seas, saving one night
only, which we that were not used
thought to be more terrible than indeed
it was, and this was Wednesday at night
May 27th.
Thirdly, our passage was also healthfull
to our passengers, being freed from
the great contagion of the scurvie and
other maledictions, which in other passages
to other places had taken away the
lives of many. And yet we were in all
reason in wonderful danger all the way,
our ship being greatly crowded with passengers;
but through God’s great goodness
we had none that died of the pockes
but that wicked fellow that scorned at
fasting and prayer. There were indeed
2 little children, one of my owne and
another beside; but I do not impute it
meerely to the passage; for they were
both very sickly children, and not likely
to have lived long, if they had not gone
to sea. And take this for a rule, if children
be healthfull when they come to sea,
the younger they are the better they will
endure the sea, and are not troubled with
sea-sicknes as older people are, as we
had experience in many children that
went this voyage. My wiffe indeed, in
tossing weather, was something ill by
vomiting, but in calme weather she recovered
agayne, and is now much better
for the sea sicknes. And for my owne
part, whereas I have for divers yeares past
been very sickly and ready to cast up whatsoever
I have eaten, and was very sicke
at London and Gravesend, yet from the
tyme I came on shipboard to this day,
I have been straungely healthfull. And
now I can digest our ship diett very well,
which I could not when I was at land.
And indeed in this regard I have great
cause to give God praise, that he hath
made my coming to be a method to cure
me of a wonderful weake stomacke and
continual payne of melancholly wynd
from the splene: Also divers children
were sicke of the small pockes, but are
safely recovered agayne, and 2 or 3 passengers
towards the latter end of the voyage
fell sicke of the scurvie, but coming
to land recovered in a short tyme.
Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable
and profitable. For we received
instruction and delight in behoulding the
wonders of the Lord in the deepe waters,
and sometimes seeing the sea round us
appearing with a terrible countenance,
and as it were full of high hills and deepe
vallyes; and sometimes it appeared as a
most plain and even meadow. And ever
and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes
sporting in the great waters, great grampuses
and huge whales going by companies
and puffing up water-streames. Those
that love their owne chimney corner, and
dare not go farre beyond their owne townes
end shall neever have the honour to see
these wonderfull workes of Almighty
God.
Fifthly, we had a pious and christian-like
passage; for I suppose passengers shall
seldom find a company of more religious,
honest and kynd seamen than we had.
We constantly served God morning and
evening by reading and expounding a
chapter, singing, and prayer. And the
Sabbath was solemnely kept by adding to
the former, preaching twise and catechising.
And in our great need we kept 2 solemne
fasts, and found a gracious effect.
Let all that love and use fasting and praying
take notise that it is as prevaileable
by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faithfully
performed. Besides the ship master
and his company used every night to sett
their 8 and 12 a clocke watches with
singing a psalme and prayer that was not
read out of a booke. This I wryte not for
boasting and flattery; but for the benefit
of those that have a mynd to come to
New England hereafter, that if they looke
for and desyre to have as prosperous a
voyage as we had, they may use the same
meanes to attayne the same. So letting
passe our passage by sea, we will now bring
our discourse to land on the shoare of New
England, and I shall by God’s assistance
endeavour to speake nothing but the
naked truth, and both acquaint you with
the commodities and discommodities of
the country.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION &c.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION
OR,
A SHORT AND TRVE DESCRIPTION OF THE COMMODITIES AND DISCOMMODITIES of that Countrey.
Written by MrHiggeson, a reuerend
Diuine now there resident.
Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by
MrGraues an Enginere, out of New England.
The third Edition, enlarged.
LONDON. Printed by T. and R. Cotes for Michael Sparke, dwelling at the Signe of the Blue Bible in Greene-Arbor, 1630.
To the Reader.
REader, doe not disdaine to reade this
Relation: and looke not here to haue
a large Gate and no building within: a
full-stuffed Tittle with no matter in the
Booke: But here reade the truth, and that
thou shalt find without any frothy bumbasting
words, or any quaint new-deuised additions,
onely as it was written (not intended for the
Presse) by a reuerend Diuine now there liuing,
who onely sent it to some Friends here,
which were desirous of his Relations; which
is an Epitomy of their proceedings in the
Plantation. And for thy part if thou meanest
to be no Planter nor Venturer doe but
lend thy good Prayers for the furtherance of
it. And so I rest a Well-Wisher to all the
good designes both of them which are gone,
and of them that are to goe.
M. S.
Of the Waters of New-England, with the things belonging to the same. — Of the Aire of New-England with the temper and Creatures in it . — Of the present condition of the Plantation, and what it is.
NEW-ENGLANDS PLANTATION.
LEtting passe our Voyage
by Sea, we will now begin
our discourse on the
shore of New-England.
And because the life
and wel-fare of euery
Creature heere below,
and the commodiousnesse of the Countrey
whereas such Creatures liue, doth by
the most wise ordering of Gods prouidence,
depend next vnto himselfe, vpon
the temperature and disposition of the
foure Elements, Earth, Water, Aire, and
Fire (For as of the mixture of all these,
all sublunary things are composed; so by
the more or lesse injoyment of the wholesome
temper and conuenient vse of these,
consisteth the onely well-being both of
Man and Beast in a more or lesse comfortable
measure in all Countreys vnder
the Heauens) Therefore I will indeauour
to shew you what New-England is by the
consideration of each of these apart, and
truly indeauour by Gods helpe to report
nothing but the naked truth, and that
both to tell you of the discommodities
as well as of the commodities, though as
the idle Prouerbe is, Trauellers may lye by
autoritie, and so may take too much sinfull
libertie that way. Yet I may say of
my selfe as once Nehemiah did in another
case: Shall such a Man as I lye? No verily:
It becommeth not a Preacher of
Truth to be a Writer of Falshod in any
degree: and therefore I haue beene carefull
to report nothing of new England but
what I haue partly seene with mine owne
Eyes, and partly heard and inquired from
the mouths of verie honest and religious
persons, who by liuing in the Countrey a
good space of time haue had experience
and knowledge of the state thereof, &
whose testimonies I doe beleeue as my
selfe.
First therefore of the Earth of New-England
and all the appertenances thereof:
It is a Land of diuers and sundry sorts
all about Masathulets Bay, and at Charles
Riuer is as fat blacke Earth as can be seene
any where: and in other places you haue
a clay soyle, in other grauell, in other
sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at
Salem, for so our Towne is now named,
Psal. 76. 2.
The forme of the Earth here in the
superficies of it is neither too flat in
the plainnesse, nor too high in Hils,
but partakes of both in a mediocritie, and
fit for Pasture, or for Plow or meddow
ground, as Men please to employ it:
though all the Countrey bee as it were a
thicke Wood for the generall, yet in diuers
places there is much ground cleared by
the Indians, and especially about the Plantation:
and I am told that about three
miles from vs a Man may stand on a little
hilly place and see diuers thousands of
acres of ground as good as need to be, and
not a Tree in the same. It is thought here
is good Clay to make Bricke and Tyles
and Earthen-Pot as need to be. At this
instant we are setting a Bricke-Kill on
worke to make Brickes and Tyles for the
building of our Houses. For Stone, here
is plentie of Slates at the Ile of Slate in
Masathulets Bay, and Lime-stone, Free-stone,
and Smooth-stone, and Iron-stone,
and Marble-stone also in such store, that
we haue great Rocks of it, and a Harbour
hard by. Our Plantation is from thence
called Marble-harbour.
Of Minerals there hath yet beene but
little triall made, yet we are not without
great hope of being furnished in that
Soyle.
The fertilitie of the Soyle is to be admired
at, as appeareth in the aboundance
of Grasse that groweth euerie where both
verie thicke, verie long, and verie high
in diuers places: but it groweth verie
wildly with a great stalke and a broad and
ranker blade, because it neuer had been
eaten with Cattle, nor mowed with a
Sythe, and seldome trampled on by foot.
It is scarce to be beleeued how our Kine
and Goats, Horses and Hogges doe thriue
and prosper here and like well of this
Countrey.
In our Plantation we haue already a
quart of Milke for a penny: but the aboundant
encrease of Corne proues this Countrey
to bee a wonderment. Thirtie, fortie,
fiftie, sixtie are ordinarie here: yea Joseph’s
encrease in Ægyt is out-stript here
with vs. Our planters hope to haue more
then a hundred fould this yere: and all
this while I am within compasse; what
will you say of two hundred fould and vpwards?
It is almost incredible what great
gaine some of our English Planters haue
had by our Indian Corne. Credible persons
haue assured me, and the partie himselfe
auouched the truth of it to me, that
of the setting of 13 gallons of Corne hee
hath had encrease of it 52 Hogsheads,
euery Hogshead holding seuen Bushels
of London measure, and euery Bushell was
by him sold and trusted to the Indians for
so much Beauer as was worth 18 shillings;
and so of this 13 Gallons of Corne which
was worth 6 shillings 8 pence, he made
about 327 pounds of it in the yeere following,
as by reckoning will appeare:
where you may see how God blessed husbandry
in this Land. There is not such
greate and plentifull eares of Corne I suppose
any where else to bee found but in this
Country: because also of varietie of colours,
as red, blew, and yellow, &c. and of
one Corne there springeth foure or fiue
hundred. I haue sent you many Eares of
diuers colours that you might see the truth
of it.
Little Children here by setting of
Corne may earne much more then their
owne maintenance.
They haue tryed our English Corne at
new Plimmouth Plantation, so that all our
seuerall Graines will grow here verie well,
and haue a fitting Soyle for their nature.
Our Gouernor hath store of greene
pease growing in his garden as good as
euer I eat in England.
This Countrey aboundeth naturally
with store of rootes of great varietie and
good to eat. Our Turnips, Parsnips and
Carrots are here both bigger and sweeter
then is ordinarily to bee found in England.
Here are store of Pumpions, Cowcombers,
and other things of that nature which I
know not. Also diuers excellent Pot-herbs
grow abundantly among the Grasse,
as Strawberrie leaues in all places of the
Countrey, and plentie of strawberries in
their time, and Penyroyall, Wintersauerie,
Sorrell, Brookelime, Liuerwort, Caruell
and Watercresses, also Leekes and Onions
are ordinarie, and diuers Physicall Herbs.
Here are also aboundance of other sweet
Hearbs delightfull to the smell, whose
names we know not, &c. and plentie of
single Damaske Roses verie sweete; and
two kinds of Herbes that beare two kinds
of Flowers very sweet, which they say,
are as good to make Cordage or Cloath as
any Hempe or Flaxe we haue.
Excellent Vines are here vp and downe
in the Woodes. Our Gouernour hath already
planted a Vineyard with great hope
of encrease.
Also, Mulberries, Plums, Raspberries,
Corrance, Chesnuts, Filberds, Walnuts,
Smalnuts, Hurtleberies, & Hawes of
Whitethorne neere as good as our Cherries
in England, they grow in plentie
here.
For Wood there is no better in the
World I thinke, here being foure sorts
of Oke differing both in the Leafe, Timber,
and Colour, all excellent good. There
is also good Ash, Elme, Willow, Birch,
Beech, Saxafras, Juniper, Cipres, Cedar,
Spruce, Pines, & Firre that will yeeld
abundance of Turpentine, Pitch, Tarre,
Masts and other materials for building
both of Ships and Houses. Also here are
store of Sumacke Trees, they are good
for dying and tanning of Leather, likewise
such trees yeeld a precious Gem
called Wine Benjamen, that they say is
excellent for perfumes. Also here be
diuers Roots and Berries wherewith the
Indians dye excellent holding colours that
no raine nor washing can alter. Also, wee
haue materials to make Sope-Ashes and
Salt-Peter in aboundance.
For Beasts there are some Beares, and
they say some Lyons also; for they haue
been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are
seuerall sorts of Deere, some whereof
bring three or foure young ones at once,
which is not ordinarie in England. Also
Wolues, Foxes, Beauers, Otters, Martins,
great wild Cats, & a great Beast called a
Molke as bigge as an Oxe. I haue seen
the Skins of all these Beasts since I came
to this Plantation excepting Lyons. Also
here are great store of squerrels, some
greater, and some smaller and lesser:
there are some of the lesser sort, they
tell me, that by a certaine Skill will fly
from Tree to Tree though they stand farre
distant.
New-England hath Water enough both
salt and fresh, the greatest Sea in the
World, the Atlanticke Sea runs all along
the Coast thereof. There are abundance
of Ilands along the Shore, some full of
Wood and Mast to feed Swine; and
others cleere of Wood, and fruitfull to
beare Corne. Also wee haue store of excellent
harbours for Ships, as at Cape
Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at
Salem, and at many other places: and
they are the better because for Strangers
there is a verie difficult and dangerous
passage into them, but vnto such as are
well acquainted with them, they are easie
and safe enough. The aboundance of Sea-Fish
are almost beyond beleeuing, and
sure I should scarce haue beleeued it,
except I had seene it with mine owne
Eyes. I saw great store of Whales, and
Crampusse, and such aboundance of
Mackerils that it would astonish one to
behold, likewise Cod-Fish in aboundance
on the Coast, and in their season are plentifully
taken. There is a Fish called a
Basse, a most sweet & wholesome Fish as
euer I did eate, it is altogether as good as
our fresh Sammon, and the season of
their comming was begun when wee
came first to New-England in June, and
so continued about three months space.
Of this Fish our Fishers take many hundreds
together, which I haue seene lying
on the shore to my admiration; yea their
Nets ordinarily take more then they are
able to hale to Land, and for want of
Boats and Men they are constrained to
let a many goe after they haue taken
them, and yet sometimes they fill two
Boates at a time with them. And besides
Basse wee take plentie of Scate and
Thornbacks, and abundance of Lobsters,
and the least Boy in the Plantation may
both catch and eat what he will of them.
For my owne part I was soone cloyed with
them, they were so great, and fat, and lussious.
I haue seene some my selfe that
haue weighed 16 pound, but others haue
had diuers times so great Lobsters as haue
weighed 25 pound, as they assure mee.
Also heere is abundance of Herring, Turbut,
Sturgion, Cuskes, Hadocks, Mullets,
Eeles, Crabbes, Muskles and Oysters.
Besides there is probability that the
Countrey is of an excellent temper for the
making of Salt: for since our comming
our Fishermen haue brought home very
good Salt which they found candied by
the standing of the Sea water and the
heat of the Sunne, vpon a Rocke by the
Sea shore: and in diuers salt Marishes
that some haue gone through, they haue
found some Salt in some places crushing
vnder their Feete and cleauing to their
Shooes.
And as for fresh Water the Countrey
is full of dainty Springs, and some great
Riuers, and some lesser Brookes; and at
Masathulets Bay they digged Wels and
found Water at three Foot deepe in most
places: and neere Salem they haue as fine
cleare Water as we can desire, and we
may digge Wels and find Water where
we list.
Thus wee see both Land and Sea
abound with store of blessings for the
comfortable sustenance of Man’s life in
New-England.
The Temper of the Aire of New-England
is one speciall thing that commends
this place. Experience doth manifest
that there is hardly a more healthfull
place to be found in the World that
agreeth better with our English bodyes.
Many that haue beene weake and sickly
in old England, by comming hither haue
beene thoroughly healed and growne
healthfull strong. For here is an extraordinarie
cleere and dry Aire that is of
a most healing nature to all such as are
of a Cold, Melancholy, Flegmatick,
Rheumatick temper of Body. None can
more truly speake hereof by their owne
experience then my selfe. My Friends
that knew me can well tell how verie
sickly I haue bin and continually in
Physick, being much troubled with a
tormenting paine through an extraordinarie
weaknesse of my Stomacke, and
aboundance of Melancholicke humors;
but since I came hither on this Voyage,
I thanke God, I haue had perfect health,
and freed from paine and vomiting, hauing
a Stomacke to digest the hardest and
coursest fare, who before could not eat
finest meat; and whereas my Stomacke
could onely digest and did require such
drinke as was both strong and stale, now
I can and doe often times drink New-England
water verie well; and I that
haue not gone without a Cap for many
yeeres together, neither durst leaue off
the same, haue now cast away my Cap,
and doe weare none at all in the day
time: and whereas beforetime I cloathed
my selfe with double cloathes and thicke
Wastcoates to keepe me warme, euen in
the Summer time, I doe now goe as thin
clad as any, onely wearing a light Stuffe
Cassocke vpon my Shirt, and Stuffe
Breeches of one thicknesse without Linings.
Besides I haue one of my Children
that was formerly most lamentably handled
with sore breaking out of both his
hands and feet of the King’s-euill, but
since he came hither hee is very well ouer
he was, and there is hope of perfect recouerie
shortly euen by the very wholesomnesse
of the Aire, altering, digesting
and drying vp the cold and crude humours
of the Body: and therefore I thinke
it is a wise course for al cold complections
to come to take Physick in New
England: for a sup of New-England’s Aire
is better then a whole draught of old
England’s Ale. In the Summer time in
the midst of July and August, it is a good
deale hotter then in old England: and in
Winter January and February are much
colder as they say: but the Spring and
Autumne are of a middle temper.
Fowles of the Aire are plentifull here,
and of all sorts as we haue in England as
farre as I can learne, and a great many of
strange Fowles which wee know not.
Whilst I was writing these things, one of
our Men brought home an Eagle which
hee had killed in the Wood: they say
they are good meate. Also here are many
kinds of excellent Hawkes, both Sea
Hawkes & Land Hawkes: and my selfe
walking in the Woods with another in
company, sprung a Partridge so bigge
that through the heauinesse of his Body
could fly but a little way: they that haue
killed them, say they are as bigge as our
Hens. Here are likewise aboundance of
Turkies often killed in the Woods, farre
greater then our English Turkies, and exceeding
fat, sweet and fleshy, for here they
haue aboundance of feeding all the yeere
long, as Strawberries, in Summer all places
are full of them, and all manner of Berries
and Fruits. In the Winter time I haue
seene Flockes of Pidgeons, and haue eaten
of them: they doe fly from Tree to Tree
as other Birds doe, which our Pidgeons
will not doe in England: they are of all
colours as ours are, but their wings and
tayles are far longer, and therefore it is
likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible
Hawkes in this Country. In Winter
time this Country doth abound with wild
Geese, wild Duckes, and other Sea Fowle,
that a great part of winter the Planters
haue eaten nothing but roast meate of
diuers Fowles which they haue killed.
Thus you haue heard of the Earth,
Water and Aire of New-England, now it
may bee you expect something to bee said
of the Fire proportionable to the rest of
the Elements. Indeede I thinke New-England,
may boast of this Element more
then of all the rest: for though it bee here
somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we
haue plenty of Fire to warme vs, and that
a great deale cheaper then they sel Billets
and Faggots in London: nay, all Europe is
not able to afford to make so great Fires
as New-England. A poore seruant here
that is to possesse but 50 Acres of Land,
may afford to giue more wood for Timber
& Fire as good as the world yeelds, then
many Noble men in England can afford
to do. Here is good liuing for those that
loue good Fires. And although New-England
haue no Tallow to make Candles
of, yet by the aboundance of the Fish
thereof, it can afford Oyle for Lampes.
Yea our Pine-Trees that are the most
plentifull of all wood, doth allow vs plenty
of Candles which are very vsefull in a
House: and they are such Candles as the
Indians commonly vse, hauing no other,
and they are nothing else but the wood of
the Pine Tree clouen in two little slices
something thin, which are so full of the
moysture of Turpentine and Pitch, that
they burne as cleere as a Torch. I haue
sent you some of them that you may see
the experience of them.
Thus of New-England’s commodities,
now I will tell you of some discommodities
that are here to be found.
First, in the Summer season for these
three months, June, July, and August, we
are troubled much with little Flyes called
Musketoes, being the same they are
troubled with in Lincolneshiere and the
Fens: and they are nothing but Gnats,
which except they bee smoked out of
their houses are troublesome in the night
season.
Secondly, in the Winter season for two
months space, the earth is commonly couered
with Snow, which is accompanied
with sharp biting Frosts, something more
sharpe then is in old England, and therefore
are forced to make great Fires.
Thirdly, the countrey being very full
of Woods, and Wildernesses, doth also
much abound with Snakes and Serpents
of strange colours, and huge greatnesse:
yea there are some Serpents called Rattlesnakes
that haue Rattles in their Tailes,
that will not fly from a man as others will,
but will flye vpon him and sting him so
mortally, that hee will dye within a quarter
of an houre after, except the partie
stinged haue about him some of the root
of an Hearbe called Snake-weed to bite
on, and then hee shall receiue no harme:
but yet seldome falles it out that any hurt
is done by these. About three yeares since,
an Indian was stung to death by one of
them, but wee heard of none since that
time.
Fourthly and lastly, Here wants as it
were good company of honest Christians
to bring with them Horses, Kine and
Sheepe to make vse of this fruitfull Land:
great pitty it is to see so much good ground
for Corne & for Grasse as any is vnder the
Heauens, to ly altogether vnoccupied,
when so many honest Men and their Families
in old England through the populousnesse
thereof, do make very hard shift to
liue one by the other.
Now, thus you know what New-England
is, as also with the commodities and
discommodities thereof: now I will shew
you a little of the Inhabitants thereof, and
their gouernment.
For their Gouernors they haue Kings,
which they call Saggamores, some greater,
and some lesser, according to the number
of their Subjects.
The greatest Saggamores about vs can
not make aboue three hundred Men, and
other lesse Saggamores haue not aboue fifteene
Subjects, and others neere about vs
but two.
Their Subjects aboue twelue yeares
since were swept away by a great & grieuous
Plague that was amongst them, so that
there are verie few left to inhabite the
Country.
The Indians are not able to make vse
of the one fourth part of the Land, neither
haue they any setled places, as Townes to
dwell in, nor any ground as they challenge
for their owne possession, but change their
habitation from place to place.
For their Statures, they are a tall and
strong limmed People, their colours are
tawny, they goe naked, saue onely they
are in part couered with Beasts Skins on
one of their shoulders, and weare something
before their priuities: their Haire
is generally blacke, and cut before like
our Gentelewomen, and one locke longer
then the rest, much like to our Gentelmen,
which fashion I thinke came from
hence into England.
For their weapons, they haue Bows
and Arrowes, some of them headed with
Bone, and some with Brasse: I haue sent
you some of them for an example.
The Men for the most part liue idely,
they doe nothing but hunt and fish: their
wiues set their Corne and doe all their
other worke. They haue little Houshold
stuffe, as a kettle, and some other Vessels
like Trayes, Spoones, Dishes and Baskets.
Their Houses are verie little and
homely, being made with small Poles
pricked into the ground, and so bended
and fastned at the tops, and on the sides
they are matted with Boughes and couered
on the Roofe with Sedge and old
Mats, and for their beds that they take
their rest on, they haue a Mat.
They doe generally professe to like
well of our comming and planting here;
partly because there is abundance of
ground that they cannot possesse nor make
vse of, and partly because our being heere
will bee a meanes both of reliefe to them
when they want, and also a defence from
their Enemies, wherewith (I say) before
this Plantation began, they were often
indangered.
For their religion, they doe worship
two Gods, a good God and an euill God:
the good God they call Tantum, and their
euill God whom they feare will doe them
hurt, they call Squantum.
For their dealing with vs, we neither
feare them nor trust them, for fourtie of
our Musketeeres will driue fiue hundred
of them out of the Field. We vse them
kindly, they will come into our Houses
sometimes by halfe a douzen or halfe a
score at a time when we are at victuals,
but will aske or take nothing but what we
giue them.
We purpose to learne their language
as soone as we can, which will be a meanes
to do them good.
When we came first to Nehumkek, we
found about halfe a score Houses, and a
faire House newly built for the Gouernor,
we found also aboundance of
Corne planted by them, very good and
well liking. And we brought with vs
about two hundred Passengers and Planters
more, which by common consent of
the old Planters were all combined together
into one Body Politicke, vnder the
same Gouernor.
There are in all of vs both old and new
Planters about three hundred, whereof
two hundred of them are setled at Nehumkek,
now called Salem: And the rest haue
planted themselues at Masathulets Bay,
beginning to build a Towne there which
wee doe call Cherton, or Charles Towne.
We that are setled at Salem make what
haste we can to build Houses, so that
within a short time we shall haue a faire
Towne.
We haue great Ordnance, wherewith
wee doubt not but wee shall fortifie our
selues in a short time to keepe out a potent
Aduersary. But that which is our greatest
comfort, and meanes of defence aboue
all other, is, that we haue here the true
Religion and holy Ordinances of Almightie
God taught amongst vs: Thankes
be to God, wee haue here plenty of
Preaching, and diligent Catechizing,
with strickt and carefull exercise, and
good and commendable orders to bring
our People into a Christian conuersation
with whom wee haue to doe withall.
And thus wee doubt not but God will be
with vs, and if God be with us, who can be
against us?
Here ends Master Higgeson’s Relation of
New-England.
A Letter sent from New-England,
by Master Graues, Engynere
now there resident.
THus much I can affirme in
generall, that I neuer came in a
more goodly Country in all my
life, all things considered: if
it hath not at any time beene manured and
husbanded, yet it is very beautifull in
open Lands, mixed with goodly woods,
and againe open plaines, in some places
five hundred Acres, some places more,
some lesse, not much troublesome for to
cleere for the Plough to goe in, no place
barren, but on the tops of the Hils; the
grasse & weedes grow vp to a man’s face,
in the Lowlands & by fresh Riuers aboundance
of grasse and large Meddowes without
any Tree or shrubbe to hinder the Sith.
I neuer saw except in Hungaria, vnto
which I alwayes paralell this countrie, in
all our most respects, for euery thing that
is heere eyther sowne or planted prospereth
far better then in old England: the
increase of Corne is here farre beyond expectation,
as I haue seene hereby experience
in Barly, the which because it is so
much aboue your conception I will not
mention. And Cattle doe prosper very
well, and those that are bredd here farr
greater then those with you in England.
Vines doe grow here plentifully laden
with the biggest Grapes that euer I saw,
some I haue seene foure inches about, so
that I am bold to say of this countrie, as
it is commonly said in Germany of Hungaria,
that for Cattel, Corne, and Wine it
excelleth. We haue many more hopefull
commodities here in this countrie, the
which time will teach to make good vse
of: In the meane time wee abound with
such things which next vnder God doe
make vs subsist, as Fish, Foule, Deere,
and sundrie sorts of fruits, as musk-millions
water-millions, India-Pompions, Indian-Pease
Beanes, & many other odde
fruits that I cannot name; all which are
made good and pleasant through this
maine blessing of God, the healthfulnesse
of the countrie which far exceedeth all
parts that euer I haue beene in: It is obserued
that few or none doe here fal sicke,
vnless of the Scuruy that they bring from
aboard the Ship with them, whereof I
haue cured some of my companie onely
by labour. [Thus making an end of an
imperfect Description, and committing
you to God, &c.
A Catalogue of such needefull
things as euery Planter doth or
ought to prouide to go to New-England as namely for one man, which being
doubled, may serue for as many as
you please, viz.
Victuals for a whole yeere for a man,
and so after the rate for more.
8 Bvshels of meale. 2 Bushels of pease. 2 Bushels of Otemeale. 1 Gallon of Aquavitæ.
1 Gallon of Oyle. 2 Gallons of Vinegar. 1 Firkin of Butter.
Apparell.
1 Monmoth Cap. 3 Falling bands. 3 Shirts. 1 Wast-coat. 1 Suit of Canuase. 1 Suit of Frize. 1 Suit of Cloth. 3 Paire of Stockings.
4 Paire of Shooes. 2 Paire of Sheets. 7 Ells of Canuas to make a bed and boulster. 1 Paire of Blankets. 1 Course Rug.
Armes.
1 Armor compleat. 1 Long peece. 1 Sword. 1 Belt.
1 Bandilier. 20 Pound of Powder. 60 Pound of Lead. 1 Pistoll and Goose shot.
Also there are diuers other things necessary
to bee taken ouer to this Plantation,
as Bookes, Nets, Hookes and Lines,
Cheese, Bacon, Kine, Goats, &c.
The names of the most remarkable
places in New-England.
The old names.
The new names.
Cape Cod.
Cape Iames.
The Harbor of Cape Cod.
Milford Hauen.
Chawum.
Barwick.
Accomack.
Plimouth.
Sagoquas.
Oxford.
Massachusets Mount.
Cheuit Hils.
Massachusets Riuer.
Charles River.
Totan.
Famouth.
A great Bay by Cape Anne.
Bristow.
Cape Tragabig sanda.
Cape Anne.
Naembeck.
Bastable, so named by King Charles: But by the new Planters now called Salem.
Aggawom.
Southampton.
Smiths Iles.
Smiths Iles.
Passasaquack.
Hull.
Accominticus.
Boston.
Sassanows Mount.
Snowdon hill.
Sowocatuck.
Ipswich.
Bahanna.
Dartmouth.
A good Harbor within that Bay.
Sandwich.
Ancociscos Mount.
Shuters hill.
Ancocisco.
The Base.
Anmoughcawgen.
Cambridge.
Kenebecka.
Edenborow.
Sagadahock.
Leth.
Pemmayquid.
S. Iohns towne.
Segocket.
Norwich.
Mecadacut.
Dunbarton.
Pennobscot.
Aberden.
Nusket.
Low mounds.
Monahigan.
Barties Iles.
Matinack.
Willowbies Iles.
Metinacus.
Haughtons Iles.
But whosoeuer desireth to know as much
as yet can be discouered, I aduise them
to buy Captaine John Smiths booke of
the description of New-England in Folio;
and reade from Fol. 203. to the end; and
there let the Reader expect to haue full
content.
Finis.
SOME BRIEF COLLECTIONS &c.
Some brief collectionsout of a letter that
Mr. Higginson sent to his
friends at Leicester.
THERE are certainly
expected here the next
spring the coming of
60 familyes out Dorcettershire,[5]
who have
by letters signified so
much to the Goverour
to desyre him to appoint them
places of habitations they bringing their
ministers with them. Also many families
are expected out of Lincolnshire[6]
and a minister with them, and a great
company of godly Christians out of London.
Such of you as come from Leister,
I would counsell you to come quickly
and that for two reasons. 1st, if you linger
too long, the passages of Jordan
through the malice of Sathan, may be
stopped, that you can not come if you
would. 2dly, Those that come first speed
best here, and have the priviledge of choosing
choice places of habitations. Little
children of 5 years ould may by setting
corne one month be able to get their owne
maintenance abundantly. Oh what a
good worke might you that are rich do
for your poore brethren, to helpe them
with your purses onely to convey them
hither with their children and families,
where they may live as well both for soule
and body as any where in the world. Besides
they will recompense the cost by
helping to build houses and plant your
ground for a tyme; which shall be difficult
worke at the first, except you have the
helpe of many hands. Mr. Johnson out
of Lincolnshire and many others, have
helped our godly christians hither to be
employed in their worke, for a while, and
then to live of themselves. We have here
about 40 goats that give milke, and as many
milch kyne; we have 6 or 7 mares and an
horse, and do every day expect the coming
of half a score mares more, and 30 Kyne
by two shipps that are to follow us.[7] They
that come let them bring mares, kyne,
and sheepe as many as they can: Ireland
is the best place to provide sheepe, and lyes
in the way. Bring none that are in lambe,
nor mares in foale; for they are in more
danger to perish at sea. Of all trades carpenters
are most needful, therefore bring
as many as you can. It were a wise course
for those of abilityes to joyne together and
buy a shipp for the voyage and other merchandize.
For the governour would that
any man may employ his stocke in what
merchandises he please, excepting only
beaver skins, which the company of merchants
reserve to themselves, and the managing
of the publique stocke. If any be
of the mynde to buy a shipp my cousin
Nowell’s[8] counsell would be good. Also
one Mr. [Beecher] a very godly man and
the master of the ship we went in, and
likewise one Mr. Graves the master’s
maite dwelling in Wapping may herein
staund you in stead. The payment of the
transportation of things is wondrous deare,
as 5l a man and 10l a horse and commonly
3l for every tunne of goodes: so that a little
more than will pay for the passage will
purchase the possession of a ship for all
together.
No man hath or can have a house
built for him here unlesse he comes himselfe,
or else send servants before to do it
for him. It was an errour that I now perceive
both in myselfe, and others did conceive
by not rightly understanding the
merchaunts meaning. For we thought
that all that put in their money into the
common stocke; should have a house
built for them, besides such a portion of
the land; but it was not so. They shall
indeed have so much land allotted to
them when they come to take possession
of it and make use of it, but if they will
have houses they must build them. Indeed
we that are ministers, and all the
rest that were entertained and sent over
and maintained by the rest of the company,
as their servants, for such a tyme
in such employments, all such are to
have houses built them of the comyanies
charge and no others nor otherwise.
They that put money into the stocke,
as they do a good worke to helpe forwards
so worthy a plantation, so all the
gayne they are likely to have, is according
to the increase of the stocke at 3
years end, by the trade of beaver, besides
the lands which they shall enjoy when
they will.
All that come must have victualls with
them for a twelve month, I meane they
must have meale, oatmeale and such like
sustenaunce of food, till they can gett
increase of corne by their owne labour.
For, otherwise, so many may come without
provision at the first, as that our small
beginnings may not be sufficient to maintayne
them.
Before you come be carefull to be
strongly instructed what things are fittest
to bring with you for your more comfortable
passage at sea, as also for your husbandrey
occasions when you come to the
land. For when you are once parted with
England you shall meete neither with
taverns nor alehouse, nor butchers, nor
grosers, nor apothecaries shops to helpp
what things you need, in the midst of the
great ocean, nor when you are come to
land here are yet neither markets nor
fayres to buy what you want. Therefore
be sure to furnish yourselves with things
fitting to be had before you come; as
meale for bread, malt for drinke, woolen
and linnen cloath, and leather for shoes,
and all manner of carpenters tools, and a
good deale of iron and steele to make
nails, and lockes, for houses, and furniture
for ploughs and carts, and glasse for
windowes, and many other things which
were better for you to think of them
than to want them here.
Whilst I was writing this letter my
wiffe brought me word that the fishers
had caught 1600 basse at one draught,
which if they were in England were
worth many a pound.
NOTES
NOTES.
[1] Thomas Hutchinson, the historian of
Massachusetts, attributed this document to
Francis Higginson, but Alexander Young
and Robert C. Winthrop have shown that
another draft of these “Considerations,”
in the handwriting of Forth Winthrop, and
now preserved in the Winthrop Papers,
was probably inspired by John Winthrop.
Another copy in the English State Paper
Office is endorsed “White of Dorchester
his instructions for the plantation of New
England.”
[2] Quote, i. e. quost, an obsolete spelling of
coast.
[3] The manuscript now in the library of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, ends at
this point, the following pages having been
lost since it was in the possession of Hutchinson.
The remainder of the journal of the
voyage is reprinted from Hutchinson’s
“Collection of Original Papers relative to
the History of the Colony of Massachusetts
Bay,” Boston, 1769.
