An Overland Journey from Valparaiso to Gibraltar, viâ the Isthmus of
Panama.
16th May To 1st August, 1859.
Departure from
Valparaiso.—Coquimbo.—Caldera.—Cobija.—Iquique.—Manufacture
of saltpetre.—Arica.—Port d'Islay.—Medanos, or wandering
sand-hills.—Chola.—Pisco.—The Chincha or Guano
Islands.—Remarks respecting the Guano or Huanu
beds.—Callao.—Lima.—Carrion crows, the principal
street-scavengers.—Churches and
Monasteries.—Hospitals.—Charitable institutions.—Medical
College.—National Library.—Padre Vigil.—National Museum.—The
Central Normal School.—Great lack of intellectual
energy.—Ruins of Cajamarquilla.—Chorillos.—Temple to the Sun
at Pachacamác.—River Rimac.—Amancaes.—The new
prison.—Bull-fights.—State of society in Peru.—The Coca
plant, and the latest scientific examination respecting its
peculiar properties.—The China, or Peruvian-bark
tree.—Departure from Lima.—Lambajeque.—Indian village of
Iting.—Païta.—Island of La Plata.—Taboga Island.—Impression
made by the intelligence of Humboldt's
death.—Panama.—"Opposition" Line.—Immense traffic.—The
Railway across the Isthmus.—Aspinwall.—Carthagena.—St.
Thomas.—Voyage to Europe on board the R.M.S.
Magdalena.—Falmouth.—Southampton.—London.—Rejoin the
Novara at sea.—Arrival at Gibraltar.
Five days after the departure of the Novara, I left the roads of
Valparaiso on board the mail steamer Callao. The weather
was
exceedingly unfavourable, the rain falling in torrents, while a heavy
tumbling sea made the embarkation of the numerous passengers and their
effects a process anything but agreeable. I have, therefore, the greater
pleasure in expressing my gratitude for the courtesy of the Captain of
H.M.S. Ganges, who sent his own gig to take me off to the steamer, and
to the numerous friends, who despite the stormy weather had assembled on
board to bid me a last farewell, and provide me with letters of
introduction to the authorities and most influential persons of the more
important of the localities I was about to visit. At 2 P.M. the shore bell
sounded, a little boat made its appearance on the port side, pitching
heavily in the swell, and a long thin figure stepped on deck. This proved
to be Captain Stewart of the Louisa, whose acquaintance I had formed at
the island of Tahiti, and who now, half breathless, handed me a small
packet with the following endorsement,—"These are the extracts you
requested from my journal, and which I promised to prepare for you on my
first voyage from Norfolk Island to Pitcairn." They consisted in fact of
those remarks upon the latest phase of the strange destiny of the Pitcairn
Islanders, which have already appeared in a previous chapter. The worthy
Captain had kept his word with true John Bull punctuality. A few moments
more and the Callao was steaming out of Valparaiso Roads, on her voyage
northwards.
Although the boats of the Pacific Steam Navigation Company plying between
Valparaiso, Callao de Lima, and Panama,
are
tolerably large, clean, and
elegantly fitted, yet the number of passengers for intermediate ports make
them anything but a comfortable mode of travel. For, notwithstanding the
high fares,[120] it is necessary to crowd three or four passengers into
each state-room, which in the heat of the tropics is most inconvenient,
and at times almost intolerable. Personally, however, I had no reason to
complain on this score, as all the captains of the various steamers in
which I journeyed north, so soon as my connection with the Novara
Expedition was known, at once, with the most marked courtesy and
attention, secured to me a state-room for my own exclusive use, and
whenever we reached a port, placed their own boats at my disposal during
our stay.
The morning after we left Valparaiso, we reached Coquimbo, where, a few
weeks before (24th April, 1859), a severe action had been fought between
the Chilean troops and those of Pedro Gallo, the former proving
victorious. Coquimbo is a small town of about 2000 souls, whose sole claim
to importance is its proximity to some rich copper-mines. M. Longomasino,
one of the many victims of the
coup
d'état of the second December, who,
the reader will recollect, received permission to make the voyage from
Tahiti to Valparaiso on board the Novara, was among our passengers; he
left the steamer at Coquimbo, intending to go to the adjoining mining town
of Serena (20,000 souls), where, through the kindness of friends, he had
been invited to edit a political paper.
Here I went on board the British corvette Amethyst, which just a year
before had been lying alongside of the Novara in Singapore harbour, and
was received by her excellent commander with a most cordial welcome. To my
astonishment I found a number of civilians on board: refugees, who had
taken an active part in the late insurrection, and who now, when all hope
of success was over, sought an asylum on British soil, for such is the
deck of an English man-of-war, and, thanks to British political
proclivities, had been cordially received there.
About 11 P.M. the same night we were off the insignificant little harbour
of Huasco, and about nine next morning ran into Caldera, a dreary-looking
little place of some 2000 inhabitants, built upon one of a succession of
sand-slopes. There is not a trace of vegetation; no foliage, no shrubs, no
patches of grass,—all around as far as the eye could reach was a
cheerless waste of sand. Only extraordinary opportunities for money-making
could have induced the inhabitants to settle in this desolate wilderness,
deficient in the very first necessity of life—fresh water. Every drop of
this most
important
beverage has at present to be brought from 90 miles
inland, so that a cask containing some 15 gallons costs 31 cents or 1s.
4d. English. The charge for supplying water alone to 90 or 100 workmen
amounts to 40 dollars, or £8 8s., a week! At the time I visited it, the
people were negotiating for the erection of a steam distilling apparatus,
for procuring fresh water from the sea, at a less cost than was paid
previously. From Caldera, a locomotive line of rail leads to the mining
town of Copiapó, 71 miles inland, in the vicinity of which are rich mines
of silver and copper. This enterprise has proved so remunerative, that,
although its construction cost 2,500,000 dollars (£525,000 or about £7400
a mile), the shareholders receive an annual dividend of 16 per cent.
I visited the copper-smelting kilns, which belong to an English company,
and produce annually from 1800 to 2000 tons of almost virgin copper (90 to
96 per cent.), in ingots and pigs, as they are termed, an ingot weighing
from 16 to 18 lbs avoirdupois. The ore, as at first found in the mines of
Copiapó, has barely 18 to 36 per cent. of copper, and has to undergo six
or seven smeltings before it becomes sufficiently pure to be sold at a
profit in the markets of Europe. The smelting-furnace produces about seven
tons of copper per diem, at a consumption of 60 tons of coal,[121] which
is imported from
Swansea,
partly from Pennsylvania, and is worth 12 to 15
dollars per ton of 2240 lbs. The rate of wages at Caldera remains pretty
steady at two to three dollars per diem, and this is the reason why the
enterprise is less remunerative than would be the case if wages were
lower.
The total annual yield of the copper and silver mines of the department of
Copiapó is worth about 14,000,000 dollars, and gives employment to from
6000 to 7000 labourers, or one-third the entire population of the
district.
On 20th May we anchored off Cobija, the sole harbour possessed by Bolivia
on the west coast, and with a population of 1000. The state of affairs in
Bolivia affords a marked example of how closely the development of a
country is connected with the fact of its possessing more or less of
sea-coast. How great is the commerce, the. prosperity, and the
civilization of Chile, a proportionally small strip of not over-fertile
soil, but the entire extent of which is sea-coast, compared with the
poverty and barbarism of the interior state of Bolivia, so admirably
fitted by nature for raising all manner of valuable produce, but whose
sole means of communication with the rest of the world is through one
insignificant harbour!
The same day we reached Iquique, the southernmost harbour of Peru, with a
population of about 4000, and which quite recently has increased greatly
in importance, owing to the trade in saltpetre, which is found in immense
quantities all along this rainless coast, and of which 1,000,000
hundredweight
(50,000
tons) are exported annually to England, North
America, and Germany, in which countries it is extensively and
beneficially used for manure.[122] Here we found lying at anchor a large
merchantman, the Victorine of Bordeaux, 3000 tons burthen, which was
taking in a full cargo, exclusively, of this valuable product. The
saltpetre is found between beds of clay from one to six feet below the
surface, boiled in large vats to free it from impurities,[123] and dried
in the form of cakes, which are packed for shipment in sacks of 250 lbs.
It is worth, if purified, 21 reals (about 11s. 4d.) per cwt. on the
spot, and fetches £16 to £17 per ton in England. Upon a rough calculation,
the quantity of saltpetre along the coast of Peru at an average breadth of
30 miles amounts to 60,000,000 tons, enough to maintain the existing
supply[124] for at least another thousand years. The rate of wages of the
men engaged in the trade, owing to the scarcity of labour, is from two to
three dollars per diem! The scarcity of water at Iquique is so great, that
the town has to be supplied by means of a distilling apparatus, an
undertaking the gross daily receipts of which are six hundred dollars! For
the precious element has to be purchased not merely for men but
animals;
the price, for example, for a male to drink ad libitum is one real,
about 8 1⁄2d.
Tincal, or Biborate of Soda, is also largely found all along the coast,
but the export was long prohibited, the suspicious jealousy of the
Peruvian Government seeking to obtain first of all conclusive evidence of
the value of this natural product, and the best means of making it
contribute to the State treasury. At present about 200 tons, worth from
£16 to £20 per ton, are exported annually. As we lay at anchor off
Iquique, numbers of natives shot about with arrow-like rapidity in their
exceedingly primitive boats, made of seal-skins fastened together in
canoe-fashion. To avoid overturns, these curious specimens of naval
architecture have bladders attached on either side!
The heat now began to be very perceptible. The bare, treeless, almost
perpendicular sand-bluffs along the coast, impart to it a dreary aspect,
which even the rocky chain immediately behind, rising some 2000 to 4000
feet, scarcely succeeds in softening. A great number of the passengers,
mostly Peruvians, indemnified themselves for the cheerless monotony of the
prospect on deck, by intense devotion to the mysteries of the green table
in the saloon. All through the day, till far on in the night, the painted
pasteboard flew from hand to hand. The favourite game was Rocambor,
something like Ombre, diversified with Monte and dice, and for very high
sums. I saw ten condors (£21) laid upon a single card. A few elderly
gentlemen sat regularly in a distant corner of the
saloon,
where they
played assiduously from nine in the morning till midnight without
interruption. One wealthy Peruano, well known along this coast, in the
course of a single voyage is said to have lost 80,000 dollars (£16,800)!!
On 20th May we anchored in Arica, an elegant seaport of some 7000
inhabitants, surrounded by beautiful luxuriant gardens, and which, though
belonging to Peru, may be considered as the chief outlet for the produce
of Northern Bolivia, since Tacna, the most important manufacturing town of
that State, with a population of 12,000, is only nine English miles
distant, lying at the foot of the Cordillera, while La Paz, the capital of
the Republic, with a population of 75,000, is 288 miles distant, and is
easiest reached from Arica. The political division of Bolivia is a crying
injustice to that lovely country and its industrious population. The
harbour of Arica belongs by natural position to Bolivia and not to Peru;
commercial interests and general intercourse unite it far more intimately
with Northern Bolivia than with Peru. The chief exports of Arica are
silver, copper, alpaca wool, cinchona bark, chinchilla furs, cotton, and
tin. There are also two steam flour-mills within the little town in full
operation; the grain comes from the interior, and is shipped as flour to
the various harbours along the coast. A railroad from Arica to Tacna
greatly facilitates traffic and commerce, but further in the interior all
intercourse is carried on by means of narrow mule-paths.[125]
The houses, constructed for the most part of sun-dried bricks all along
the coast of Peru, where rain is absolutely unknown, and even the
dew-deposit is trifling, are flat, barely roofed in with thin strips of
cane, and consequently when seen from the street have a very untidy
appearance. Unfortunately these terrace-like roofs are likewise the sole
receptacles for the refuse of the house, and any one who, in order to get
a better view, ventures to ascend one of the adjoining dazzling white
sand-heaps, will long remember the filthy but unique spectacle which
greets his eye.
Immediately outside of the suburb of Chimba, the desolate nature of the
country comes conspicuously into view. I next walked to one of the nearest
sand-hills, because I was assured that there were numerous graves of
queens to be found there, as well as quantities of mummies. Owing to the
extreme dryness of the atmosphere, the skulls of the dead which here lay
scattered upon the surface of the soil, seemed as though they were so many
anatomical preparations. Even some dead bodies of animals showed no
symptoms of decomposition, but had been perfectly dried. The peculiarity
of the meteorological conditions, the extreme dryness of the atmosphere,
and the saline impregnation of the soil, have very much more to do with
these marvellous antiseptic appearances than any indigenous skill in
embalming the Indian corpses; since,
even
now, when the brown
Catholicized Peruvians have lost none of their old superstitions, though
they have abandoned most of their former arts and customs, the dead
committed to the earth without further preparation, present the same
mummified appearance when disinterred. I took away with me the skull of an
Indian, from the neighbourhood of Arica, which was remarkable for the
singular malformation resulting from compression by circular bandages.
This artificial disfigurement of the skull has its origin in the peculiar
customs of several Indian races of both North and South America, of
mechanically altering the form of the cranium in the new-born infant. Of
the difference in point of beauty of the different Indian races along the
west coast of North America, a clear indication is afforded by the profile
of the head of a native of Puget Sound, Oregon territory, for which I am
indebted to the kindness of Dr. Ried of Valparaiso, he having been
presented with it in 1856, by the medical officer of an American
man-of-war. Here, in strong contrast with the oblong form of the cranium
of an Indian from the neighbourhood of Arica, it appears that the skull
has been flattened transversely, by pressure between two boards.
At first one is disposed to attribute the squeezed-in appearance of the
head, remarked in different Indian races, here lengthened in an unsightly
degree, there hideously flattened, to some freak of nature; but more
accurate investigations leave no doubt that the deformity in question, in
whatever form, is the result of pressure artificially applied, and that
this
displacement of the brain is not confined to individuals, but is
characteristic of entire tribes, yet without any sensible diminution of
the intellectual faculties, or morbidity in their exercise.
The valley of Azapa, three Spanish leagues (nine miles English) distant
from Arica, is very fertile, and a good soil, but badly supplied with
water. However, at an expense of a few millions of dollars, a
communication might easily be established with the waters of the river
Arica, the expense of which would be amply repaid by the increased
productive power thus given to the valley. Sugar-cane, vintage-grape,
oranges, pine-apples, olives, and vegetables of every description, could
forthwith be raised, and advantageously disposed of at Arica.
Among the Germans resident in Arica, we formed the acquaintance of M.
Colmann, a merchant, and Consul for Chile, as also of Dr. Mittendorf, the
latter of whom is physician to the Railway Company here. By the latter
gentleman we were told that cuticular diseases, dysentery, and
intermittent fevers were the most common ailments, but that on the whole
the climate of Arica is healthy, and that many cases of illness were
solely attributable to the irregular, licentious mode of life of the
natives. Although it hardly ever rains, yet during the summer season
(January to March), when the snows begin to melt in the interior, and
tremendous falls of rain occur on the Cordillera, the beds of the rivers
become torrents, wheeling along vast volumes of water to the sea, and
partly
sinking
into the soil, so that, at a depth of two or three feet,
one comes upon water, or, at all events, moisture, while the surface
remains burned to a cake. A little canalization of the river-bed, and
damming up the water, so as to have a permanent reservoir, would not
merely secure a better supply of water, but would most beneficially
influence the salubrity of the neighbourhood. The river dries up entirely
every year in the months of July and August, during which accordingly
occur the largest number of cases of sickness, and it seems the more
necessary that measures of some sort should be at once taken to control
the water, as otherwise there is reason to fear that unless artificial
dykes and dams be constructed, the bed of the river will gradually be
sanded up, when the whole district will be worse off for water than ever;
since with each successive year's floods, as they dash down from the
mountains, a perceptible falling off in quantity has been remarked, so
that whereas ten years ago the bed of the river was full for four or five
months together, at present it is rarely full so long as two months in
all.
On 22nd May, we entered the little harbour of Port d'Islay, the access to
which is very difficult. The settlement itself stands on a steep rock, 150
feet high, descending almost perpendicularly into the sea on all sides, so
that the only landing-place is a mole, which communicates with the village
above by an iron ladder. The well-known traveller, Count Castelnau, who in
the course of a scientific expedition through South America visited this
port in 1848, prophesied a splendid
future
for it; but I do not believe
that its commerce has materially increased since then.
The sole claim to consideration of Port d'Islay consists in its proximity
to Arequipa, a city of 40,000 inhabitants, and the variety of valuable
natural products which abound in that fertile section of country, from
which, however, the port is separated by a sand-barren, 36 miles in width
and 120 in length, the city of Arequipa itself being 7500 feet above the
sea, at the foot of the volcano of the same name,[126] and amid a
magnificent scenery.
The dreary waste between Port d'Islay and Arequipa is continually swept by
drift sand, which, by constantly obstructing the road, renders travelling
thither absolutely unsafe, and indeed frequently dangerous to life. For
the unfortunate who misses his way amid these wastes is lost beyond all
possibility of succour. The wandering sand-columns or medanos,[127]
formed of drift sand, present a singular
appearance
as they spin along
before a S.E. wind, admirably described by Tschudi in his valuable
Sketches of Travel in Peru. These extraordinary pillars, which constantly
change both their form and position, and complete the perplexity of the
traveller, are usually semi-circular, 8 or 10 feet high, and from 20 to 50
feet wide, but occasionally they are seen 50 feet in height, when their
diameter is about 150 feet. They are of most frequent occurrence in the
hot season, when the parched sand obeys the slightest impulse of the
atmosphere, whereas in winter, owing to the deposition of a fine
penetrating dew (garua), which all along the coast of Peru supplies the
place of rain, which is never seen, the sand increases in weight, and the
basis of the column is solidified, so to speak, by the moisture absorbed.
Between Port d'Islay and Arequipa, the medanos are first encountered
about 18 miles inland, or nearly half-way across the sand-barren.
In the dells near the harbour volcanic ashes are occasionally found at
certain spots, whereas they are never discovered further inland, nor near
the volcano of Arequipa, which since the memory of man has never been
known to be in a state of activity, and whose beautiful cone, not unlike
that of Ometepec in Nicaragua, seems to be densely wooded up to the very
summit. Apparently these are the remains of former eruptions of a
neighbouring volcano, which have
been
borne towards the coast by the
prevailing winds. The ashes themselves have no saline constituents, and
are used by the natives in the manufacture of sun-dried clay-bricks
(adobes), the quality of which they materially improve.
We made an excursion to a churchyard in the vicinity of d'Islay, where the
skulls of some half a hundred human beings lay exposed to view. They all
seemed to have been bleached by exposure, and were in good preservation,
so that on many might still be discovered heavy heads of hair. The eyes
had shrivelled up into the skull, and were by no means gleaming and
crystal-like as is alleged of those found in Indian graves, and offered
for sale to strangers. These so-called "crystallized human eyes," of which
an Italian curiosity dealer of Arica possessed one or two sacks-full,
belong to a species of mollusca (Loligo gigas), and were used by the
Indians to adorn their dead. To this circumstance must be attributed the
great number that are to be found in the graves in the neighbourhood of
Arica.
We continued to coast along during the entire night. The number of
passengers, especially of those on the "'tween decks," had again
increased. Among the late arrivals was an Austrian, a Tyrolese, from
Iquique, who was travelling into the interior of Peru. This man, seduced
by dazzling promises, had in 1856 emigrated to Peru with 293 of his
fellow-countrymen, and after two years of the most terrible hardships and
privations, at last succeeded in finding employment at the salt mines of
Iquique. He was now
earning
3 dols. a day (12s. 6d.), and was on his
way to fetch his family away from the colony of Pozúzu, and taking them
with him to the scene of his labours. That none of his countrymen did not
follow him was, as he explained to us, in consequence of one of the
colonists, "a half student," dissuading them from doing so, and himself
leading them to try their luck at another spot, where unfortunately they
had to battle with want in its severest form. I have rarely seen any man
so excited and agitated at the sound of his native tongue as this hearty
specimen of the sons of the Alps, when I addressed him "in good Austrian,"
and shook him by the hand. The reader will find further on, in the account
of my stay at Lima, a more full account of the Tyrolese colony at Pozúzu,
its present condition and possible future.
On 23rd May, at 6 A.M., the steamer anchored off Chala, which first
attained the dignity of a seaport in 1857, being intended to facilitate
intercourse and increase the trade with Cuzco. Chala is the nearest
harbour to the ancient capital of the Incas, 240 miles distant. Though
singularly ill-adapted for a port, being, in fact, nothing but an open
roadstead, Chala bids fair to become a place of some importance, so soon
as the country is at peace, and a good road is constructed hence to Cuzco,
so as to be able to convey with dispatch the numerous valuable products of
Cuzco. When we visited it, the little settlement, barely a year old, had
212 inhabitants, in some thirty wooden huts extending along the
sandy
shore. The chief exports are wool and copper, the latter being found at
Chaipa and Atiquipa, nine miles N. of Chala.
The following morning, after passing the Barracoon of Pisco, a rather
dangerous passage beset with low islands between Barraca Head (on
Sangallan Island) and Huasco Head (a projecting headland of the mainland),
we reached Pisco, also nothing but an open roadstead, the tremendous surf
in which does not admit of ships approaching within two or three miles of
the shore. Several years before a Mr. Wheelwright had commenced to
construct a mole here, to project some hundreds of feet into the sea, so
as to facilitate the loading and unloading of ships and the embarkation of
passengers, but the works were still unfinished, and indeed would need to
be very largely added to ere the object aimed at could possibly be
obtained. On the declivity of Barraca Head sloping seaward are visible
three marks in the form of crosses, which, according to tradition, were
made in the sand by the pious monks of former centuries. Their size must
indeed be colossal, since, though we passed from four to five miles off,
the outlines of the three figures were plainly visible. Well-known as this
phenomenon is to everybody, no one has ever had the curiosity to make an
excursion thither from Pisco, so as to clear up the fact of their being
actually the work of human hands, or, as seems more probable, simply
columns of drift sand, like the medanos of Arica,
thrown
into this
fantastic shape by the caprice of some passing storm.
The chief staple of cultivation at Pisco, and throughout the province, is
the vine. I never tasted such delicate, juicy, luscious grapes as those I
got there. They are chiefly used in the manufacture of the well-known
"Pisco," a sort of "Aguardiente" (burning water, sc. brandy), the
consumption of which is extraordinarily great. There were also fruits in
most diverse profusion, chirimoyas (a species of anona), bananas,
aguacales, mangoes, pine-apples, lemons, oranges, peaches, apples, pears,
&c., which are grown here of the most delicate description for the market
of Lima.
Pisco is the first point along the entire barren coast at which the
traveller, since leaving Valparaiso, sees the shores covered once more
with vegetation. With inexpressible relief the eye rests upon the green
carpet which, on all sides, gleams forth, even between and among the
houses. The place has about 3000 inhabitants, and possesses numerous
churches, whose lofty belfries impart to it quite the appearance of a
large town. About 45 miles inland, in a lovely and fertile valley, lies
the large city of Ica, with which there is considerable traffic, and the
chief product of which is also the grapevine. Ten English miles N. of
Pisco, and, in fact, opposite the town, are the renowned Chincha or Guano
Islands, and towards these our course was now directed. These are three
small islands rising close to each other out of the bosom of the
sea,
the
most north-easterly of which has been the most stripped. Here also is the
chief village, consisting of upwards of 100 wooden huts, inhabited by some
200 to 250 persons. In 1858 there were some 2000 men living on the
islands, while several hundred ships at a time would be lying at anchor in
the harbour, loading with the valuable excretions of innumerable
sea-fowls, of which the islands chiefly consist. When we visited them, the
depredations had somewhat fallen off, the number of labourers was
diminishing, and there were only a few vessels in the harbour.
The islands have a melancholy, naked, barren look; the same substance
which, in smaller quantity, contributes so powerfully to promote the
productiveness of the soil, to which it is applied, here stifles all
vegetation, by reason of its very abundance, and fails to show any trace
of that fertilizing principle which lies concealed within it.
The northern island is about 4200 feet long, and 1500 to 1800 feet wide.
Its height is from 150 to 180 feet. The Huanu,[128] consisting of the
excrement of various descriptions of sea-birds, chiefly sea-mews,
sea-ravens, divers, and laridæ, forms strata, sometimes of a
greyish-brown, sometimes of a rusty red colour, which at some points
attain a thickness of 120 feet. The huts of the settlers are erected on
the very
guano
beds. A handsome, comfortable hotel has latterly been
added. All the necessaries of life, even drinking-water, have to be
brought from the mainland, 14 miles distant. Living, consequently, is very
expensive on the island, though there is anything but privation, or even
lack of enjoyment. One of the inhabitants, a Swede, who has a small store
on the island, observed to me, "We live as well and comfortably on the
Chincha Islands as anywhere on the globe, and have occasionally even music
and a dance!"
In May, 1859, the population consisted of 50 Europeans, 50 Chinese, and
250 Peruanos and Negroes. The majority were labourers, who were in great
request as "Mangueros" or "Abarrotadores," and were busily engaged in
excavating the indurated excrement, and transporting it to the various
points for lading. The daily wages of the free labourers was 1 dollar 50
cents (about 6s. 3d.) per diem; the Chinese, on the other hand,
received only 5 dollars per month, and a daily ration of rice. One
Peruvian planter, Domingo Elias, had imported at his own cost several
hundred Chinese coolies, who, like those in the West Indies, were to pay
in labour for the expense of their voyage. The remuneration given to these
hardy sons of the Middle Empire was of the scantiest. While they had to
work alongside of convicts, longer and harder than any other class of
labourers, they only received one-tenth of the pay of the latter.
The sanitary condition of the settlement was described to me as
exceedingly favourable. The guano-getters contribute
the
smallest
contingent to the sick list, and even the strong, penetrating, and
exceedingly disagreeable stench of the substance, impregnated as it is
with ammonia, seems to have not the slightest prejudicial effect upon the
lungs, pulmonary complaints hardly ever making their appearance among the
workmen. So far from this being the case, it is even contended that
persons suffering under affections of the lungs derive benefit in the
first stage of the malady from a residence in the Huanu Islands, and find
themselves in improved health on their return to the mainland.
The centre island has been only partially excavated, but the works there
have been discontinued. At present it is entirely uninhabited, though
there are still visible on its summit a few wooden huts, which formerly
sheltered the workmen, as also some of the "shoots" or slides used for
facilitating the collection and shipment of the guano.
The southernmost of the three islands is quite in its primitive state,
never having been touched. No sign indicative of man's presence on it is
anywhere visible.
The earliest attempts to export guano to Europe as a manure were made in
1832, but they proved so losing a speculation, that not till eight years
later did the Peruvian mercantile house of Messrs. Quiros again direct
attention to the importance of guano as an article of export, when the
Government of Peru granted them, for a fixed sum, the exclusive privilege
of exporting guano for six years. This gave an opportunity for
instituting, on a sufficient scale, those experiments
which,
it will be
remembered, Mr. Meyer of Liverpool was making at that period, and which
was followed by such surprising results.
From March to October, 1841, 23 vessels conveyed 6125 tons of guano to
England, Hamburg, Antwerp, and Bordeaux. In November of the same year, the
English barque Byron brought to Peru the cheering intelligence that a
ton of guano was selling in England for £28 per ton. This totally
unexpected and startling result induced the Government, by a decree of
17th November, to declare that the agreement with Messrs. Quiros was
cancelled, and fresh offers for the privilege of shipping guano were
invited from speculators.
Since that period the exportation of this important manure has attained
unprecedented dimensions in every part of the globe. Of late years it has
reached the enormous amount of 500,000 tons from these islands alone, and
the revenue to the Government has been 12,000,000 to 15,000,000 dollars.
The contractors sell the guano in Europe for account of the Peruvian
Government, and receive for it a commission fee of from 3 1⁄2 to 4 1⁄2 per
cent. of the gross amount; for this they get, moreover, paid 5 per cent.
of interest for outlays and pecuniary advances (pretty considerable) which
they make to the native Government. The contracts are generally entered
into for four years.
A complete exploration and survey of the islands was made in 1853 by M. C.
Faraguet, a French engineer. According to his report, which was pretty
comprehensive, and drawn
up
under the co-operation of several other
scientific gentlemen, the quantity of guano on the northernmost island, in
September, 1853, was 4,189,477 Peruvian tons (about 3,740,866 tons
English); the middle island about 2,237,954 English tons, and the
southernmost 5,072,032 English tons; or the entire cubical mass was at
that period about 11,050,852 tons English. Assuming an average price, this
would imply a money value of about £120,000,000. Since 1841, when the
first considerable shipment was made, to 1861, there had been exported
from the Chincha Islands 3,000,000 tons of guano, worth about 135,000,000
dollars (£29,250,000).
At first, owing to the enormous mass of guano left to accumulate
undisturbed for centuries, the very natural error was made of reckoning
the quantity deposited at too high an estimate, and the amount annually
taken at too low a figure.[129] Hence it happened that a few native and
many foreign writers have spoken of these islands as affording a supply
which only centuries could exhaust. It is now, however, ascertained that,
supposing the export proceeds at its present rate, only 25 to 30 years
will elapse ere the entire strata of
excremental
manure of all the three
Chincha Islands will have been carried off!
Notwithstanding ample supplies of guano have been discovered besides all
along the west coast of South America, on uninhabited islands and
promontories, and upwards of 7,000,000 tons of this valuable commodity
been found on the islands south of Callao alone,[130] yet, even should
this statement turn out correct, it would only supply the existing demand
for other 10 or 15 years, while the formation of beds of guano must year
after year become more and more confined to solitary, inaccessible islands
of the Southern Ocean. For so soon as such beds of guano begin to be
explored, they are quickly abandoned by the birds, which are gradually
retreating from the islands along the coast and the usual channels of
commerce.
The Peruvian Government does not seem to realize the calamity impending
over the country on the exhaustion of the guano beds, which would dry up
one of its principal sources of revenue. Certainly it seems impossible to
make a more unwise use of the immense sums which are flowing
into
the
State treasury. Nothing is done for making roads or railways so as to
furnish intercourse with the fertile provinces of the interior, or to
raise and encourage agriculture or commerce. Just as this revenue does not
result from the energy or industrial activity of the people, it is
expended without any object of utility to show for it. The Government
pockets the dues as a monopoly, and expends the sums thus obtained in
avaricious schemes of aggrandizement, or warlike expeditions against
Ecuador and Bolivia, which keep the country in perpetual hot water, and
only add to its burthens. The guano duties go in gunpowder! Lightly won,
as lightly gone!
During the nine days of our voyage between Valparaiso and Callao de Lima
there were some musicians on board, who gave us a concert on deck every
evening. As we left the Chincha Islands some frolicsome young Peruvians,
disregarding the discord of the flute and violin, and unmindful of the
timeless tuneless twanging of the two harps, got up a dance.
In the course of the night we ran into Callao harbour, and when I came on
deck, in the cool of the morning, I found we were already lying at anchor
in this spacious and secure port. The tradition that with a calm sea and a
clear sky it is possible to perceive the ruins of the old town, with its
houses and church-towers, which sank here suddenly in 1746 by the shock of
an earthquake, has survived to the present day, and is told to every
new-comer, who greedily swallows it down, though not one of the narrators
has ever beheld the
marvel
with his own eyes! Earthquakes, indeed, are by
no means so frequent as at the beginning of the present century, when it
was rare for a fortnight to elapse without at least one temblore or
horizontal oscillation. The vertical shocks (terra-motos), the most
dangerous kind of earthquake, have not occurred here since 1828. The
season at which earthquakes most frequently occur are the months of March,
April, and September, whence the latter month has received from the people
the jocular name of "Se tiembla!" (it trembles!) One Peruvian who has
long occupied himself with scientific observations has repeatedly
witnessed that a magnet, freely suspended, regularly lost its attractive
powers a few minutes before each shock, and that a piece of steel held by
the magnetic force fell to the ground. If this be confirmed by a series of
observations the magnet might ultimately become a sort of
earthquake-monitor.
The Callao of the present day is a dirty, ugly hole, with narrow streets,
and low houses built principally of mud and cane, with flat roofs. Only a
few of the houses of foreigners, erected out of hearing of the hubbub of
the port, form a grateful exception. The entire population will be about
20,000 souls.
The most interesting building of the port is undoubtedly the new Custom
House with 31 colossal magazines, each capable of containing six to eight
entire ships' freights. I repeatedly heard complaints made of the
slovenliness of the attendants, in consequence of which it frequently
happened
that
days elapsed ere goods, paid for, were delivered out of
bond. The warehouse charge is very small, and consists chiefly of
stamp-duties, which are imposed on the money paid for goods. The trade of
Callao is apparently on the increase, and, considering the productiveness
of the country, would be even greater, were internal order restored, when
peace and confidence would follow in its train.
As I had to prosecute my journey northwards by the next steamer, I
hastened on to Lima, so as to satisfy my curiosity as to this the most
important city of Peru in modern days. A few hours after my arrival in
Callao, I found myself on the road to the "City of the Kings."[131] Only a
few years back the journey from Callao to Lima, though only six English
miles, was an exceedingly arduous and even dangerous undertaking. The road
lay through a shadeless desert of deep sand, between uncultivated fields
and low scrubs, and was absolutely unsafe owing to attacks of robbers. Now
it is a frequent excursion, a tolerably good railroad performing the
distance in about half an hour.
By the kindness of Mr. Wilhelm Brauns, the Consul-General of Hamburg, and
head of the distinguished English house Huth, Grüning, and Co.,[132] to
whom I brought letters of
introduction,
and who was most kindly in
waiting for me. I was speedily and pleasantly conveyed from the station in
Lima, to take up my quarters in his house till I took my leave. Owing to
this fortunate event, I found myself unexpectedly brought into the very
thick of the very best German society. Nowhere in the course of many years
of travel in various countries, all over the globe, did I meet with more
cordial hospitality, or a more delightful reception, than during my 19
days' stay in the "City of the Kings."
On our way from the station to the house of Mr. Brauns, I remarked that
the houses in every part of the city that we passed were painted with
variegated stripes, and heard, to my intense astonishment, that, in
consequence of a recent decree of the Government, every householder in
each quarter was ordered, with a view to facilitating the identification
of their houses, to paint them of a colour corresponding with the coloured
official plans of the city! Accordingly in one quarter all the houses were
green, in another yellow, in a third white, in a fourth reddish, and in a
fifth sky-blue. As in all Spanish American cities exposed to earthquakes,
most of the houses in Lima also are but one storey high. The larger
buildings are constructed of sun-dried bricks or fire clay, the smaller of
cane set up double, with the space between filled up with clay, and the
whole whitewashed. Their most singular feature is the flat roofs, which
consist of a layer of
cane
and straw mats, which, for better security,
occasionally have a coating of clay. Thus an open space (Azotea),
surrounded by balustrades, is secured, which is used as a playground by
children, and serves as a promenade for the grown-up portion of the
community. Some of the windows communicate with the roof by a sort of
trap-door, which instead of sashes of glass has shutters of wood, which
communicate with the rooms beneath by a long cord, so that they can be
opened or shut from below at pleasure. Many of the chambers in the
interior of the house get light and air solely through these apertures
(called Ventana de Teatinas, because first introduced by the Theatine
monks), while windows properly so-called are less numerous, and when
looking towards the street are usually provided with large, broad,
sometimes richly-gilt iron shutters. We saw these curious cords for
opening and shutting the trap-doors in the roof hanging down in the middle
of even elegantly-furnished apartments, and not even the circumstance of
being made of silk prevented their having a peculiar and ungraceful
effect.
The mode of constructing the houses, together with the elegant
ornamentation of the open courts (patìo) of the interior, speedily
remind the stranger that he is in a place where rain (at least according
to Northern ideas) is an unknown phenomenon, since one single, even
down-pour must inevitably do immense damage in the Lima of the present
day. During the winter months, however, as they are called, viz. June to
November, fogs (garuas) are very frequent, which, albeit light,
are
sufficiently penetrating thoroughly to soak the pedestrian or horseman who
happens to be surprised by them. I have myself repeatedly experienced in
Lima fogs of such density, that it was quite practicable to count each
separate drop. During these winter months, fine, clear days free of all
cloud are comparatively rare; but the statement one occasionally hears,
that for five months together the sun is invisible in Lima, is an
exaggeration. The temperature of Lima is much lower than we could expect
from a city within 12 degrees of the Equator, and seems to be affected
principally by the proximity of the eternal snows of the Andes, and the
prevailing atmospheric currents. The thermometer never rises higher than
85°.8 Fahr., nor falls below 68°.2 Fahr. The average temperature during
the hot season is 77°, and during the cold 63°.5 Fahr. Such a climate
renders fires superfluous, and it is more habit than necessity that
induces some Spanish families to carry about copper or iron pans
(Brasero) filled with live coal, with which to warm their hands or feet.
The exteriors and internal equipments of the dwellings are very simple and
devoid of ornament, only a few of the older buildings, such, for instance,
as the house of Torre Tagle, near San Pedro, forming the exception. Among
the architectural decorations, which preserve to the present day the
tradition of the glories of the Peruvian kingdom, one may marvel at
majestic designs and beautiful mosaics, which even in their ruin tell of
the magnificent luxury that was once indulged in
here.
The streets are wide and tolerably regular, but the absence of gutters and
the wretched foundation of the roadway prevent their being used by
carriages or horsemen, or by pedestrians even more than they can help. The
open ditches at either side are full of filth and animal impurities, which
are continually being thrown in, and but for the services of numerous
carrion crows (cathartes fœtens), who perform the duties of
scavengers, Lima, owing to the supineness of the native authorities, would
be one of the filthiest and most unhealthy cities in South America. But
the gallinazos, as these black-headed birds are called by the natives,
although lazy and unwieldy, nevertheless are in such immense numbers here,
that they suffice to keep the streets comparatively free from putrescent
odours. Everywhere, even in the thick of places of public resort, one sees
these birds, which no one injures on account of their usefulness, and
which even the rising generation never think of disturbing in their
disgusting avocations, hopping about upon the bare ground, and gorging
themselves on the garbage around.
One of the greatest improvements to the city is its almost universal
illumination by gas, which in the evening imparts a peculiar charm to the
streets and fashionable shops of Lima, and enables them, in this
particular at least, to vie with those of the capitals of Europe.
The largest buildings in Lima are, as we might expect from a country
conquered and colonized by Spaniards, the churches and monasteries, of
which there are in this capital
no
fewer than eighty. Many of these
Spanish memorials, of a religious epoch more bigoted than sincere, are at
present decayed, and even those which are still preserved in something
like good order fail to charm the eye by any graces of architecture or
majestic simplicity in their interior fittings up. The Cathedral even,
which takes up almost the entire east side of the chief square, is no
exception to this rule, and, though it was 90 years in erection, is after
all a very indifferent edifice. The interior is lofty and spacious, but
owing to the choir having its proportions curtailed by a wide altar in the
midst, one perceives on entering the church only the smaller half, so that
the impression is destroyed, which, but for this interposed erection,
would undoubtedly be made by the high altar, richly overlaid with gold and
silver, seen through the vista of the entire building. The ornaments, the
sacred vessels, and censers used in performing mass are exceedingly rich
and valuable, but are too much overlaid to please an æsthetic taste. In
the catacombs of the Cathedral repose the remains of Francisco Pizarro.
Few strangers omit to visit this spot, and usually feel as much surprised
as pleased at finding offered them for sale by the sacristan, various
sorts of relics of the renowned conqueror of Peru, though all cannot hope
to be so fortunate as an English lady at Lima, who informed me with all
gravity that she had purchased from a guide a slipper taken from the
coffin of Pizarro. Should this mania for relics on the part of visitors,
and readiness to humour it on the part of vergers, continue
unchecked,
there will remain ere long in the catacombs only an empty shell, in which
once lay the celebrated Conquistador. Perhaps, though, the speculative
sacristan contents himself with gratifying the wishes of curiosity-loving
visitants, by means similar to those of the artful cicerone who
accompanies the enthusiastic stranger in his rambles among the ruins of
classic antiquity.
The monastery of San Francisco is more worth notice for its immense
extent, which equals in size many an old imperial walled city of Suabia,
than for elegance of style or tasteful artistic interior. The façade,
painted in various colours, and overlaid with ornament, resembles by far
more a Buddha temple than a Roman Catholic church. The corridors are the
finest part of the building, their wooden ceilings being very richly
carved. On all the walls of the passages are suspended drawings
illustrative of the lives of various holy men, which, however, singular to
say, are hung with their faces to the wall, and are only turned round on
appointed festivals to charm the eyes of believers!
The church is very roomy within, but quite bare of ornament. The sacristan
with evident pride directed our attention to San Benito, a "black" saint,
who was held in high esteem by the negroes, probably on account of his
colour. Quite close to the monastery is the "Casa de Ejercicios," whither
the monks repair at certain periods of the year to perform the prescribed
religious exercises. The cells here have a more comfortless look than in
the cloister proper. A
bed-frame
with a skin stretched upon it, a hard
stool, a plain table, a crucifix, and a human skull, comprise the entire
inventory. The latter, the cranium of a departed brother, was covered with
numerous aids to religious meditation, some written, some carved on the
substance of the bone.
The lay-brother who escorted us round had not long been a denizen of this
gloomy monastic abode. Though still very young, he was leaving behind him
a tolerably enlarged experience of the world. Starting as a gold-digger in
California, he became a gambler and speculator, when he quickly lost all
he had so laboriously wrested from the soil, and returned to Lima, where,
more for the sake of change and comfort than for any special vocation or
imperious spiritual necessity, he had entered the order of Franciscans.
His temperament being much more that of a man of the world than a monk, he
must have felt himself sorely hampered by the restrictions of monastrism,
were it not for the lax morality which is the standard of convent life in
the capital of Peru; but the monk's cowl is in Lima not only the attire of
humility and resignation, it is likewise the cloak for all manner of
licentiousness and hypocrisy—the "surtout" which conceals many a lapse
from virtue!
The monastery of San Pedro was the wealthiest in Lima, so long as it
remained the property of the Jesuits. When, in 1773, the order went forth
for the suppression of the Order throughout South America, it was not
executed without the Spanish viceroy's cherishing certain secret hopes of
obtaining
large
riches. The Jesuits, however, on this occasion vindicated
their reputation for subtlety, which has become proverbial among mankind.
When the inventory was taken, nothing but empty boxes were to be found,
and the most strict investigations and inquiries led to no more favourable
result.
Among the hospitals which we visited, that of San Andres deserves foremost
notice for its size and comprehensiveness. It has room for 600 patients,
who are tended by 50 Sœurs de la Charité, the majority of whom are
French. The yellow fever, which, introduced in 1852 by immigrants,
penetrated deep into the interior, though of a milder type, had of late
carried off numerous victims, and indeed had seriously weakened the
hygienic good name[133] of Lima; the small-pox also had annually committed
fearful ravages; for vaccination is not made imperative by law, and
inoculation is therefore neglected. Besides the hospital of St. Andrew,
there are others for female patients, for the military, for incurables and
imbeciles, an asylum for orphans,[134] and one for foundlings.[135]
The best managed hospital apparently is that of Santa Anna, the wards of
which are roomy, light, and airy, and make up about 350 beds. On the other
hand, a portion of the above hospital set apart for those mentally
afflicted, as also the regular Lunatic Asylum (casa de Locos), were in a
state of filth and neglect, that are a positive disgrace to the present
century. It is, in fact, a singular consideration that in every quarter of
the globe men have only now begun to bethink them of their duties to those
unhappy fellow-creatures, whose wretched lot should have commanded their
most active sympathies! The reform of hospitals, and even of prisons and
penitentiaries, had long been carried out in Europe, before asylums
especially designed for the treatment of lunatics were projected. I must
not, however, omit to add, in justice to the philanthropic society
(Sociadad de Beneficiencia), to whose management the whole of the
hospitals and poor-houses of the capital are intrusted, that a new Lunatic
Asylum was in course of construction, the cost of which will amount to
85,000 dollars (about £17,800).
The Hospital de los Locos (Hospital for the Insane) in the Cercado is
all on the ground-floor, with chambers used at once for sitting-room,
dining-room, and bed-chamber, but with accommodation for about 200
patients. Twenty of the cells are set apart exclusively for refractory
patients. The institution is in charge of Dr. Ulloa, one of the most
skilful
of
the native physicians, who studied both in France and England.
The patients are tended by the Grey Sisterhood, which has only recently
reached the country.
The old university buildings, on what formerly was called the Square of
the Inquisition, now named Independence Square, are at present only used
for festivities, examinations, conferring of degrees, &c. &c., while the
different lectures are read in various buildings. I visited the School of
Medicine, of which at that time Dr. Cajetano Herredia was rector, a
gentleman more respectable for his zealous discharge of duty than by his
scientific attainments. There are some good lecture-rooms, a chemical
laboratory, a small museum, consisting mainly of pathological specimens,
and a very fair library, which boasts several really valuable and
little-known prints and books, especially such as relate to the history of
Peru. One of the Professors, Don Antonio Raimondi, a Neapolitan by birth,
bids fair to raise the reputation of the School of Medicine of Lima by his
extensive knowledge and excellent mode of instruction. This gentleman
teaches several branches of Natural History, and, during the short period
he has been in Lima, has already given practical proof of his activity in
a variety of fields.
Unfortunately Professor Raimondi, with a number of his pupils, was absent
on an excursion for practical scientific instruction, so that I was
deprived of the opportunity of making his personal acquaintance. In his
studio I saw two very remarkable skulls of Indians, which, owing to
artificial pressure,
had
assumed a most singular form, one of which had
belonged to an Indian of Cuzco, the other to a native of the Chincha
tribe, who reside between Pisco and Cañete. I was also shown on the same
occasion a female skull in such excellent preservation, that one could
still easily perceive the expression of the face. This was the skull of a
half-breed Indian woman, named Maria Palacel, aged 25, who had died in the
hospital of Santa Anna, 27th Sept. 1856, of dysentery, and on 1st March,
1859, nearly two and a half years later, had been disinterred in a state
of complete preservation. Nature had in this case taken on herself the
process of embalming, and had, owing to the dryness of the atmosphere, and
the quantity of saline matter in the soil, secured results which in Europe
could only have been obtained artificially and at a considerable expense.
Adjoining the Escuela de Medecina is the National Library, a large
building containing some 30,000 volumes, treating of every department of
human knowledge, but which, owing to want of means, has of late years
received hardly any accession. The librarian is Don Francisco de Paula
Vigil, a highly intelligent and liberal-minded priest and man of the
world, who had been excommunicated by Pio Nono on account of his learned
work, "Defence of the Principles of Secular Authority against the
Pretensions of the Holy See." Nothing daunted by the fulmination of this
penalty, the excellent old gentleman is prosecuting his researches yet
farther, and is energetically defending his principles; and what
is
still
more surprising, he has anything but fallen off in public estimation in
consequence. This is due to the fact that, unlike the female population,
the Peruvians are very tolerant in religious matters, and rather averse
from those pre-disposed to spiritual matters, whence there results the
very small influence of the Peruvian clergy, everywhere visible, and the
obstinate virulent enmity with which also, since the Spanish yoke was cast
off, the priestly party oppose the progress of liberal ideas. This feeling
is moreover powerfully aided by the ghastly testimony of history, that it
was the monks who first introduced the rack and the Inquisition into the
country.
Father Vigil received me with much cordiality, and we had a long talk upon
a variety of subjects. At last it turned upon his own well-known work, and
the painful position in which he felt himself with respect to the See of
Rome. This was the most interesting portion of our conversation. "It is
not Catholicism that has made the majority of Catholic nations lag so
woefully in the career of progress," exclaimed the venerable priest, "but
that which Catholicism has suffered to be mixed up with it,—the
Inquisition and Monasticism. It is marriage and labour that make
individuals moral and useful, and nations great and powerful. Human
society can get on very well without monks or nuns, but not without
morals, not without matrimony and labour."
Had I not transcribed these words almost at the moment they were spoken, I
should hardly have dared to repeat them
here,
for I durst not have
trusted to my memory, that a Spanish American priest, should have made
such a remark in the "city of the Three Kings." These revelations, which
are far from being solitary, but find a responsive echo in the bosoms of a
portion at least of the male population of the capital, are highly
important in arriving at a conclusion respecting the actual religious
sentiment of the Peruvian Republic, and are very marked indications that
an immense movement is likewise preparing in the Catholic Church on the
further side of the Andes; and that Peru also has found its "Father
Passaglia." Nay, it would not surprise me in the least, should South
America, which for upwards of three centuries has been dumbly obeying the
behests of spiritual intolerance, suddenly emit letters and propositions
which would amount to a virtual separation from the Roman Catholic Church!
It is but a few years since Catholic priests in the Legislative Assemblies
of Nicaragua and Honduras recorded their votes in favour of repealing the
ordinance of celibacy, and from their pulpits harangued their flocks on
the advantages of revolutionary insurrection!
In a wing of the Library buildings is the National Museum, which, however,
merely fills two moderate-sized apartments. The Natural History collection
is in such a wretched neglected state that it is in imminent danger, the
ornithological department especially, of being entirely eaten up by
insects.
Amongst the most valuable are some Peruvian antiquities, such as weapons,
mummies, and what are called Huacos,
earthen
jars, pots, and other
utensils from ancient Indian graves. To the historical student the
portraits of the whole of the Viceroys and Governors of Peru, which are
suspended on the walls of the first apartment in chronological order, will
prove extremely interesting. The finest head of the series, the one which
most clearly tells of manly vigour, acuteness, and energy, is that of
Francisco Pizarro, the natural son of a Spanish nobleman, who tended swine
in his boyhood, and ended his life as Viceroy of Peru, having been slain
by an assassin in the 64th year of his age.
Of the educational institutions, the only one deserving special remark is
the "Escuela Normal Central" (Central Normal School), established by
Government, at an expense of 160,000 dollars (£33,600), and opened in
1859. Its object is to provide suitable school instruction for industrious
children of poor or aged parents; but hitherto the prefects of the
provinces have, by protection, presented almost exclusively children of
persons of means and position, and sent them on to the capital. Owing to
the great want of good schools hitherto, it happens that every one crowds
towards this new institute, which seems to promise to its pupils a more
complete education and better training than any other. The number for
which it was destined was 40 boarders and 200 day-scholars, the former of
whom are well taken care of.
The system of education pursued is the Lancasterian, and is carried out by
five professors. The estimated annual expenditure is about 20,000 dollars.
One of the directors, Mr.
J.
C. Braun, a German by birth, who not long
before had come to Lima to settle, and taught Natural Philosophy and
Chemistry, accompanied me throughout the extensive building, and specially
pointed out a class-room comfortably and even elegantly fitted up, as also
a small museum of Natural History, with an excellent geological
collection, and a small library attached to it. Singularly enough, the
latter comprises a great number of school-books in much request among
Protestant pedagogues. Apparently an order had been sent, without
specifying any particular writers, to purchase good school-books at some
German publishing-house, and now the Catholic youth of bigoted Lima is
taught from the works of Protestant teachers! Various surveys and maps
covered the walls of this class-room, all bearing evidence of their German
origin in the names of publishers and places, most of them having been
sent out from the distinguished house of Justus Perthes in Gotha.
One very remarkable and characteristic incident occurred at the opening of
the school, at which were present the President of the Republic, Don Ramon
de Castella, so hated and dreaded for his despotism, together with several
senators and deputies. The Rector, Don Miguel Estorch, laid considerable
stress, in the course of his address, upon the importance of really
effective schools in a State, and maintained that, when children are well
brought up, there is no longer any need of so large sums being spent for
police and standing army to keep up security and order in the country.
This remark, which made
a
deep impression on all present, nevertheless
gave much offence to the President, who rose and replied, in a tone of
considerable asperity, that the Rector's view was erroneous, and that a
proper military force was as indispensable as a good system of education;
that it least of all became the Rector to touch upon such a topic in that
place and such presence.
Under the present political régime, it is out of the question to look
for anything like intellectual vigour in Lima, so sparse are the elements
of such. There is an utter absence of that sympathy, interest, and support
which is necessary to its existence, alike on the part of Government and
of society at large.[136] Works, such as Manuel Fuentes' valuable
"Estadistica General de Lima" (General Statistics of Lima), can only be
considered as solitary special performances. Also in the
field
of
Journalism there is no person of mark visible, and even the few journals
which appear in Lima, such as the Comercio and the Independiente, have
a very limited circulation. As only a small proportion of the population
can read or interest itself in politics, the principles advocated in those
journals exercise no influence, so that Government has less difficulty in
acting up to them than would otherwise be the case.
One thing that particularly struck me was the hostility displayed to
Austria, which, during my stay in Lima, manifested itself in the daily
press and a fraction of the population. The politics of Austria were
discussed with a bitterness of hate, which was the more surprising in a
nation which is itself a prey to intestine disorders, and suffers itself
to be led about a willing captive, in the fetters of a half-Indian despot.
I found, however, the clue to this excited language, when I learned on one
occasion, that there are upwards of 8000 Piedmontese in Lima and Callao
alone, chiefly shop-keepers and shipping-owners, who exercise a certain
influence upon the native population. The war in Europe had so raised anew
the pride of country in each Italian, and filled him with such sanguine
patriotic aspirations and hopes of a united Italy, that his heated fancy
beheld in every incident of the war the most righteous struggle that ever
was engaged in, and in the opposite party the most detestable and inhuman
of opponents.
Among such an auditory as those in which such opinions were ventilated,
there was no difficulty in finding adherents. The ignorance of the native
population respecting all countries
on
the other side of the Andes became
conspicuously evident in the course of the discussion. Of Italy and her
plains they had at least heard tell, since Peru maintains a pretty active
trade with Genoa. If I am not mistaken, the great revolutionary leader and
popular idol of Italy was once captain of a ship along the Peruvian coast,
and left here many a friend and well-wisher to his cause and himself. Of
Austria, on the other hand, there were simply dim rumours flitting about
as of some shadowy land, or the vanished empire of the Incas. Singular to
say, it was precisely the renowned Concordat made with the Papacy which
had brought such discredit on Austrian policy among the Roman Catholic
population. I dare not repeat here the strong language which was used, not
alone in the journals but to myself personally, by educated Peruvians and
foreigners settled here.
In fact, all the misery that Peru has suffered since its subjugation by
the Spaniards, and its present drooping condition, is here universally
ascribed to the overwhelming influence of Spanish monks and priests in
secular affairs. It has not yet been forgotten that monks stood at the
head of the Inquisition,—that for centuries the people groaned under
their oppressive sway. Conscious of their own fate, and the condition to
which the clerical weapons reduced the puerile half-civilized races which
inhabit Mexico and Central America, the lively imagination of the
Peruvians led to consequences resulting from such a state-policy far more
disastrous than could possibly be the case among a free-souled people like
the
Austrians.
For it is the chief merit of European civilization, that
every political measure threatening to impede the march of ideas by any
process of fettering men's minds, only serves to evoke a more restless
activity, as in our actual state of human culture enlightenment and
science form far too formidable a bulwark for reaction to obtain any
permanent success, or even to succeed in overleaping.
Among the excursions which I made during my stay in Peru, there were two
of special interest,—a ride to the ruins of Cajamarquilla, and a visit to
the Temple of the Sun at Pachacamác, the erection of which dates from a
period antecedent to the dynasty of the Incas.
The ruins of Cajamarquilla are about nine English miles distant from the
capital. Owing to the insecurity of life and property even in the region
immediately around the capital, these ruins are but rarely visited. But
very few strangers settled in Lima knew these ruins, and it required a
long time ere I could procure the slightest information respecting them.
My excellent host, Mr. Braun, who very soon perceived how much my heart
was set on visiting these ancient Indian ruins, exerted himself to make up
a party for me. It was a piece of real friendliness undertaken with the
very kindest intentions, but unfortunately scientific objects do not
usually admit of being mixed up with pleasure-parties, it being very
difficult to unite the two. About twenty horsemen, chiefly English, had
assembled to make the excursion. Among our company there were also a few
ladies, whom the difficulties
and
dangers could not deter from joining
us. As we had to take with us provisions for the entire party, a string of
mules heavily laden with prog had been sent off early in the morning to
the goal of our excursion. These preparations seemed to be by far the most
important in the eyes of a majority of the cavalcade, after their arrival
at the ruins themselves, an examination of which was evidently the last
thing they had thought of when they bestrode their steeds in the morning.
The road to the ruins of Cajamarquilla is excessively fatiguing, rough,
and rocky: nothing but climbing over rocky hills, upon which close to the
very edge of the precipice is a faint Indian track, or crossing torrents,
where the horse sinks to his crupper in the water, so that only a
practised horseman can save himself from a thorough soaking.
Immediately on leaving the city begins a tract of desolate sterile
stone-fields, in the midst of which one reaches what is known as the
Hacienda de Pedrero, a lonely farm, where, it being as usual a fête-day of
some Peruvian saint, a dozen field labourers had collected under the
shadow of the verandah round the farm-house, blissfully occupied in doing
nothing. No two of these were of the same breed; there were men of every
variety of race and shade of colour; whites, Indians, Chinese, Negroes,
Mulattoes, Mestizoes, Chinos, Sambos, Quadroons, &c. &c., and this
specimen in little of the population of Peru would lead any observer to
conjecture correctly as to the main reason of the low position held by the
country
in
the scale of nations. As in the Hacienda of San Pedrero, so
throughout the country one encounters fifty coloured men of all shades for
one full-blooded white. In Chile, on the other hand, one has to penetrate
deep into the interior before one finds any traces of the Indian stock,
while of negro population, (and this is the greatest advantage enjoyed by
that Republic over Peru,) there is absolutely none. In the settled parts
along the coast of Chile there are none but whites, and even the working
classes are Spaniards, English, German, Italians, and North Americans. The
preponderating white element in the population, their greater
intelligence, energy, and perseverance, form the principal source of that
intellectual and political activity which has placed Chile far in advance
of the other Southern and Central-American Republics, and is opening a
brilliant future to that State, far surpassing that of any of the
neighbouring republics.
From the Hacienda de San Pedrero it is half an hour's ride to that of
Guachipa and the Neveria of Don Pablo Sassio, where we engaged a guide,
who accompanied us a couple of miles further to the goal of our excursion.
Cajamarquilla is an ancient Peruvian hamlet in the valley of and close to
the river Rimac, which waters the whole district and makes it productive.
The remains of the dwellings are built exclusively of sun-dried bricks,
and the laying out of each single apartment differs little from the mode
of constructing Indian huts at the present day. It must to all
appearance
have been an extensive place once, as the ruins cover eight to ten acres.
Considering the little space which the Indian of the present day requires
for his household gods, it may be assumed that this was a place of from
30,000 to 40,000 inhabitants. I saw no buildings of very remarkable
dimensions, nor indeed any one the laying out of which designated it as
once intended for religious purposes. The ruins are for the most part,
relics of simple mud-huts, all similarly laid out in single chambers,
differing from each other mainly in the greater or less dimensions of the
apartments. Nothing here told of the existence of any buildings intended
for public meetings, temples for worship, sacrificial altars, &c., such as
one meets with in the ruined cities of Central America, in Copan,
Quiriguá, Petén, Palenque, and so forth. One perceives that each of these
huts, like those inhabited by the Indians at the present day, consisted of
two compartments, the entire superficial area being from 36 to 42 feet
square. The larger of the two apartments is about 60 feet, the smaller
from 12 to 18 feet in width and depth. Nowhere could we discern a trace of
that special construction which is observable among the Indian races of
the high lands of Guatemala, and is there usually employed for taking
vapour-baths (Temaskal.)
To form any notion of the antiquity of these buildings is doubly difficult
in a climate where it never rains and the temperature is the same
throughout the year, and where consequently buildings are not exposed to
the destructive alternations
of
cold, damp, and scorching heat, as in
other less favoured countries. Even earthquakes are here not so much to be
dreaded as where houses are of brick or stone, since the Adoba possesses
far more elasticity than intractable building material, and is therefore
better able to withstand the repeated undulations of the earth's surface.
The site of the town, which lies in a long deep valley surrounded on all
sides by hills of the most fantastic shape, rising to a height of from
8000 to 10,000 feet, is exceedingly grand. Unfortunately when we visited
it, all the peaks and hills of the country around were naked, barren, and
bleak-looking. But in winter after the first dews have fallen, those
slopes and table-lands that now looked so desolate are covered with dense
deep-green verdure, when they make a far more agreeable impression on the
beholder.
Of trees I saw only a few kinds of bamboo and acacia, which, more
spreading than lofty, were visible in the swampy ground along the edges of
the torrents. Some of the hills around seem at first sight like artificial
fortifications, but when we approach closer there is not the slightest
indication of Cajamarquilla having ever been a fort or place of defence.
To all appearance the spot, at the time of the Spaniards first coming to
Peru, was inhabited by the Quichua Indians, who afterwards either
abandoned voluntarily their peaceful abodes through dread of their
pursuers, or were driven thence by violence. None of the present
inhabitants of the vicinity, to whom I spoke, could give us any definite
information as to
the
ancient history of the ruins, and one hoary Indian,
named Pablo Plata, who lives in the village of Guachipa, and remembers
some wild traditions respecting Cajamarquilla, which he received by word
of mouth from preceding generations, I unfortunately missed seeing owing
to the shortness of my stay.
Quite close to the remains of the town, is at present a large Hacienda,
with magnificent clover pasturages, fertilized by the river Rimac. It was
at one of these green oases that our company sat down to a comfortable
pic-nic, which spoke volumes for the preparations that had been made for
creature comforts. No small portion of what had been brought with us was
left on the field, to be gobbled up by the clouds of negroes that crowded
round, glad of the opportunity of tasting something cooked in the European
fashion, though they do not like them as well as the product of their own
wretched native kettles. Thus, for example, our guide, a negro, preferred
vegetables and dulce (sweets) to meat, and declared sherry and cognac
offered him to be "too strong."
If not in ease and comfort, at any rate in scientific interest, I found my
excursion to Cajamarquilla surpassed by that made to Pachacamác in the
valley of Lurin, which I made in company with some friend, and in the
course of which I stayed behind the rest of my party, in company with the
flag-lieutenant of the since world-renowned frigate Merrimac.
My visit to Pachacamác was, however, in so far less interesting than that
to Cajamarquilla, that the greater part of the
road,
as far as Chorillos,
was accomplished by railroad, the remainder of the way being over sand
barrens, abhorred by both steed and rider.
Chorillos, about nine miles from Lima, and a favourite watering-place of
the inhabitants of the capital, with salt-water baths and gaming-tables,
lies in a small romantic cove, but is of rather difficult access, owing to
the steep sand-hills which, 150 to 200 feet in height, bar all access from
seaward. Formerly the ride to Chorillos, like that from Callao to the
capital, was performed under considerable difficulty and danger, whence it
has not seldom resulted that visitors to the watering-place, who have made
money at the tables of Chorillos, have on their homeward ride to Lima been
eased of their winnings by some of their previous companions over the
board of green cloth! At present one bowls thither over a well-made road,
easily and without dread of being called on to "stand and deliver," since,
even in Peru, people have not yet succeeded in amalgamating railroads and
robbery.
The little place itself boasts of a few good dwelling-houses, and some 100
to 150 Ranchos of wood and adobes, or constructed of mud and reeds, in
which delectable abodes the good folk from the capital are content to pass
the hottest and most unhealthy months of the year (from January to May).
These Ranchos, very unsightly without and exceedingly poorly furnished,
are sometimes most habitable within-doors, and fitted with delightful
verandahs or open porches,
in
which the free-and-easy occupants loll
about in grass hammocks or rocking-chairs, fanned by the cool sea-breezes,
in a state of dreamy dolce-far-niente. Altogether Chorillos is a very
unpretending and altogether uncomfortable place, in which there is little
room for elegancy or self-assertion, the President of the Republic himself
occupying a wretched, dirty Rancho. Don Ramon passes most of his time in
the gaming-room, where he is a much-desired and most welcome guest, on
account of the large sums which he is in the habit of wagering.
On a lovely June morning, about 6.30 A.M., we rode out of Chorillos, and
three hours later reached the ancient Pachacamác,[137] a Quichua village
close to the sea-shore, with the temple of the Sun there existent at a
period antecedent to the Incas, and which was afterwards dedicated by the
Incas to the service of the invisible God. These ruins are much older than
those of Cajamarquilla. They are partly of clay-tile, but by far the
largest part consists of hewn stone, held together by mortar, the whole
presenting, even in its ruined state, a lasting and massive aspect. Of the
temple which once stood here, there is, however, no trace at present
visible beyond mere indistinct traces of the foundation.
In the midst of a spacious Indian village there is seen a hill about 400
feet high, with artificial terraces in regular gradation, and surrounded
by lofty walls, that look as though they had been battlemented. On this
rising ground once stood the temple which the Yuncas had built in honour
of
their
chief god. Somewhat later, when this wild race had been subdued
by the Incas, these consecrated the temple in honour of the Sun, flung out
the idols of the Yuncas, and designed a number of royal virgins for its
service. Pizarro, however, completed the work of destruction, when, with
his fanatical followers, he penetrated, in 1534, into the valley of Lurin,
hitherto the most populous and peacefully prosperous of the entire
Peruvian coast. The villages were laid waste, the temple overthrown, and
its virgin priestesses delivered over to the brutal soldiery, and
afterwards put to death.
Quite close to the ruins, as they lie scattered along the coast, the
island of Pachacamác, or Morosolar, rises from the bottom of the ocean,
scarcely accessible owing to its steep, precipitous sides, and on which
there is not a single architectural memorial of any sort to be found, as
erroneously stated, or copied, by several authors.
From the summit of the hill the visitor finds a surprising landscape,
stretching over the beautiful and fertile valley of Lurin; it is difficult
to imagine a more vivid and delightful contrast than is presented by the
greyish-brown, sandy, far-extending ruins, and the soft verdure of the
surrounding plain, variegated with the hues of every description of
tropical plant. The attention is further arrested by the singularity of
the abounding vegetation beginning close to the sea, where sugar-cane and
grass flourish in the most luxuriant superabundance, while scarcely a
half-mile distant the landscape resumes the barren, sandy features, which
extend for
miles
inland. Not till the Lurin valley is reached does the
magnificence of tropical vegetation again enliven the scene.
After a cursory examination of the locality, we passed the night at an
adjoining Hacienda, a large sugar plantation and refinery, which employs
180 Chinese coolies. Each Chinese labourer receives rations of rice and
vegetables, besides four dollars a month, and binds himself to stay eight
years with his employer, to repay the latter's outlay for his voyage, &c.
The speculator, however, who imports the coolies from the northern
provinces of China receives a premium of 300 dollars for every coolie
imported. The Chinese whom we saw at Lurin, as indeed all those we
encountered throughout Peru, were very filthy and depressed-looking, but
seemed in good health, and, on the whole, better off than in Brazil or the
West Indies. We were told that two Chinese will not get through so much
work as one negro. There are at present about 10,000 Chinese in Peru, who
have been imported by speculators during the last ten years, to some of
whom their deportation has been a vast benefit, since, after their eight
years' service, they are free, and may and do begin to work zealously on
their own account. In Peru, as in the Indies, Java, and indeed wherever
they are employed, the Chinese cling close to each other, and mutually
assist each other, should any of their number fall into poverty.
The following morning early we paid a second visit to the ruins of
Pachacamác, and took with us from the Hacienda a number of negroes, with
working implements, for the purpose
of
digging up and examining the
graves. At various points, especially close to the hill on which stands
what probably was once a fort, we found a great number of skulls lying
about. Most of those we picked up had been artificially compressed, though
they did not all seem to have had the pressure applied at the same place,
thus affording unmistakeable proof that artificial pressure had been
resorted to here. Many of the skulls, though they had been interred for
centuries, were still thickly covered with hair. There cannot be a doubt
that most of those buried here belonged to the race which occupied this
part of the country when the Spaniards first visited it, for after the
occupation and the subsequent wholesale baptisms which the proselytizing
monks performed upon the ignorant brown natives in droves, it is
improbable that any of the Christianized Indians would thereafter be
interred in unconsecrated earth.
The Peruvian Indians, as is well known, were accustomed to envelope their
dead in coarse cloths, after which they were buried in basket or
sack-shaped straw-plait work, certain objects and utensils being placed by
their side, preference being given to those the deceased had most used in
life. Thus, fish-nets, baskets, &c., were placed in the grave, and in the
case of a chief, weapons, staffs with golden knobs, pots of wood or burnt
earth, and so forth. The head usually reposes on a sort of pillow of grass
or cotton. I brought away with me from Pachacamác about half a dozen of
the most remarkably shaped of these skulls, as also some portions of
mummified
corpses,
which the negroes had disinterred in my presence. All
these objects were in excellent preservation, about three or four feet
under the surface, some in simple graves, others in longish sepulchres of
hewn stone, such as we might imagine were occupied by the wealthier class
of the community. It is usual to find several skeletons (probably members
of the same family) in each separate grave. I also found layers of woven
stuffs, some of very superior design and finish, interposed between
various corpses.
While the negroes were engaged in further excavations, I once more
ascended the hill on which the Temple of the Sun must once have stood, and
which to this day is called by the neighbouring inhabitants "Castillo del
Sol." On the side next the sea, there are still visible a number of
buttresses, which seem as though they had formed part of an older line of
fortifications. There was nothing resembling a sacrificial altar, or to
tell of the religious ceremonies that must once have been performed here.
Here and there the material of the wall was still covered with a reddish
tint, just as if it had been but recently painted. In several portions of
the wall still standing, there were pieces of wood alternating with layers
of mortar, now quite decayed, and affording unmistakeable evidence of the
antiquity of the buildings. We also remarked in the walls of several of
the Indian huts niche-shaped depressions, about 1 1⁄2 feet deep by 1 1⁄2
feet in length and width, the use of which has never been even plausibly
conjectured. While the whole of the buildings of Cajamarquilla consisted
of sun-dried tiles
and
bricks, those of Pachacamác seem to have been
almost entirely built of stone hewn into the shape of tiles. So much of
the wall as still remains is very strong and solid. According to tradition
the walls of ancient Pachacamác once stretched as far as Cuzco, 240 miles
distant E.N.E.!
The proprietor of the sugar plantation in the Lurin valley told me that he
himself, about ten years previous, had seen mummies disinterred in the
neighbourhood of Pachacamác, in the mouths of which were gold ornaments,
while various objects were buried with them, such as small idols of gold
and silver, staffs with golden buttons, earthen jars and vessels filled
with Chicha (the well-known favourite intoxicating drink of the Indians),
and fruits, the Chicha and fruits having remained in a wonderful state of
preservation.[138]
On our way back to Chorillos we passed the beautifully situated village of
Susco, environed with neat country-houses, which was a favourite summer
retreat of the inhabitants of Lima, before Chorillos reached its present
development. At present Susco is dreary and forsaken-looking.
When I reached Lima on my return from this interesting
excursion,
I had
only a few days more left before I was to take steamer again en route to
Panama, which I employed in riding about to examine all that was best
worth seeing in the environs, and making a few parting calls.
One of the finest promenades in Lima is the Alameda Nueva, opened about
two years previous, which lies on the road to Amancaes on the further bank
of the Rimac, which divides the city into two unequal parts, of which,
however, far the larger one, constituting indeed the city proper, lies on
the left or southern bank. After the romantic descriptions I had read of
the Rimac, I found myself woefully undeceived by the reality. Of the
thundering rapids below the bridge, of which Castelnau gives us such a
picturesque sketch, I found not a trace visible, the greater part of the
river-bed, 150 to 200 feet wide, being quite dry, with a wretched little
driblet of water trickling through it. The season of the year may,
however, have contributed to this disenchanting prospect, and in August
and September, when the melting snows and violent rain-storms of the
neighbouring Cordilleras swell the brooks and rivers, they possibly impart
a more imposing and lively aspect to the Rimac. The stone bridge over the
river, which forms the communication with the suburb of San Lazaro, is a
handsome structure, built in 1638-1640, from the designs of an Augustine
monk, and cost nearly half a million dollars.
The Alameda Nueva consists of a long, wide lane, with pretty garden
nurseries and flower-beds on either side, interspersed with tasteful
marble statues life-size, the whole enclosed in an
elegant
iron railing
richly ornamented. In the winter season, more particularly (June to
September), this beautiful promenade is in great request, when, after a
few heavy falls of dew, the hills and valleys of the environs are covered
with verdure of the most delicate shades, and the residents of the capital
wander through the lovely glades of Amancaes, which is so overrun with the
yellow blossoms of the Amaryllis (Ismene Hamancaes of Herbert), that
this fine plant has given its name to the whole valley. On such occasions
quite a colony of booths is extemporized, where eatables and drinkables
are consumed, and giants and dwarfs, panoramas and art-saloons, are
thronged with visitors, while ballad-singers, musicians, rope-dancers,
mountebanks, jugglers, gamblers, and thieves, are never weary of plying
their various trades, to the lightening of the purses of the
pleasure-seeking crowds.
Of public amusements and places of resort there are but few in Lima, and
these not of a very refined description. The theatre is an old and
downright ugly building, where Spanish comedians play indifferent pieces.
An Italian operatic company proved a failure owing to want of subscribers,
even the highest talent barely succeeding in gaining sufficient to charter
a ship to carry the troupe back to Europe. The sole amusement, which
never fails to collect a delighted multitude, is a bull-fight. These come
off at intervals during the summer in the Plaza del Acho, in an uncovered
amphitheatre specially built for the purpose, and constructed of sun-dried
brick. On these days all Lima is in a state of excitement, and an
incalculable
crowd
of curious sight-seers of both sexes are hastening
through the Alameda Nueva to the arena, there to gloat over the bloody
scene. Fully 12,000 to 15,000 human beings throng into the confined area;
each hastily deposits his half dollar (2s.) of entrance-money, so as to
get the chance of a better seat. One would think it must be to a splendid
soul-elevating drama that they are flocking to listen to, whereas it is
but the torture of a wretched herbivore that excites their depraved
curiosity. The reader will excuse me for not reiterating the loathsome
details of an often-told spectacle.
It is a fact of considerable historic interest that bull-fights are now
confined to the Spaniards and to their coloured descendants, in the
various regions of the globe whither her dominion has extended, and it
seems but a fit pendent, that the laws of the same nation should, in the
latter half of the nineteenth century, condemn to the galleys Roman
Catholics who venture to embrace Protestantism.
We wish here to add one single remark of our own on a feature of the
entertainment which we have not seen mentioned elsewhere, viz. what
becomes of the flesh of the animals thus killed. It is forthwith cut up in
quarters quite close to the arena, and sold at a reduced price to the
populace, although it is a well-known physiological fact, that the meat of
any animal killed in a state of rabid agony cannot be eaten without
prejudice to the health. The negroes, however, erroneously maintain that
meat thus killed is far more tender than that of cattle slaughtered in the
ordinary
mode,
and the Government of Republican Peru finds it best to
leave each to decide the physiology of the question by his own digestive
powers.
Of the state of society in Lima I have little to say. A stranger finds it
difficult to obtain a footing among the better families, especially if his
stay be as limited as mine necessarily was. The high-pressure existence of
the capital has of late years obliterated much of its former originality
and poetry. He who saw Lima twenty years ago would hardly recognize it
now-a-days. The "Saya" and the "Manto," those singular but in Lima once
indispensable articles of apparel of the Limañas, which enabled them like
masks to attend church or market, to join processions, in short, never
left their face in the street or at the promenade, have entirely
disappeared, and with them have necessarily gone many other peculiar
habits and customs. Formerly no lady durst venture into the street without
a "Saya" or "Manto;" now, on the contrary, she would run the risk of being
insulted, or at least stared at, should she appear in public in this
peculiar mask-like disguise. The ancient usages peculiar to the country
must give way to French manners; the Saya, the close-fitting, usually
black or cinnamon-coloured upper garment, which once was the customary
attire, and consequently rendered a more careful toilette unnecessary, has
made way for the voluminous crinolined silk dress, while the Manto, that
heavy veil of a thick black silken material, which was thrown over the
back, shoulders,
and
head, and drawn so close that there was only a small
triangular space left through which peeped one eye, has been displaced by
the long black head-dress which the Spanish women are accustomed to wear.
The ladies of Lima are usually of elegant, slight, graceful appearance,
their chief attractions being brilliant complexion, large dark gleaming
eyes, dazzling white teeth, rich black hair, and very neat little feet.
They greatly reminded me of the Havana ladies, with whom they have much in
common so far as regards the passion for personal adornment, while in
figure and intelligent expression of face both lag far behind the ladies
of Chile.
The gentlemen of Lima, by which term I allude chiefly to the white Creoles
or pure descendants of the Spaniards, who constitute about one-third of
the population,[139] do not leave that impression of a splendid future
resulting from a prosperous development of the resources of the country,
which might be reasonably expected if there were more intellectual
movement, and more industrial and commercial activity apparent among their
number. The state of affairs in Peru since its separation from Spain in
1822, the constant squabbles and civil wars, as also the fact that a mere
mestizo, like Ramon Castilla, devoid of intellectual or moral
pre-eminence,
should
have succeeded in getting himself declared President
for life of the Republic,[140] are the best proofs of the political and
moral degradation of the Republic of Peru. All the splendid territories
from Peru to Mexico have, after three centuries of Spanish rule, sunk into
a state of demoralization and degeneracy, owing to the listless,
labour-hating, sluggish mestizo races that inhabit it, such as only the
immigration of one of the hardy northern races can ever adequately remedy.
In a previous visit to Central America, I have wandered through its rich
scenery, clad in the hues of perpetual summer, and smiling in exuberance
of fertility, and everywhere the same impression was made upon me. Almost
the only effect this wealth of nature seems to exercise upon the Indian or
negro mestizo is to incapacitate him from mastering by any effort of his
own the lethargy that preys upon him. Where a few rare exceptions occur,
as, for instance, in Costa Rica,
in
which a sounder policy is preserved,
it is invariably found that they are of purer Spanish descent than their
sister republics in tropical South America.[141]
Owing to their political organization, these various states can scarcely
fail to be powerfully affected by the impulses of our time. They have no
other prospect than that of becoming either an integral portion of the
immense North American Federation, or of once more being consolidated into
a monarchy under the sceptre of some scion of a European royal family. In
all probability, whether they be North Americans, or English, or Germans,
they will always be children of some of a more powerful race, who must
ultimately subvert the races of the Southern type, awaken a new spirit of
energy, and so carry out that which the lazy mixed races of the present
time have neither the power nor the inclination to effect. An immigration
of stilled Northerners can alone raise these countries politically and
commercially, develope their natural resources, and restore them to the
grade of civilized states.
One of the most important as well as useful plants of Peru, and with
samples of which I provided myself on leaving Peru, for the purpose of
future analysis, is the Coca (Erythroxylon Coca), the leaves of which
mixed with chalk or ashes of plants, form so important an article of diet
as well as a masticatory among some Indian races of Peru and Bolivia.
Before
I left Europe one of our most celebrated German pharmacologists,
M. Wöhler of Göttingen, expressed to me his wish to procure a considerable
quantity of coca leaves, to enable him to analyze more completely than had
as yet been done the chemical constituents of this remarkable plant, and I
therefore made it a duty to take measures for procuring the requisite
supply. Although the wonderful stimulant properties of the coca had for
more than half a century been known to European travellers, the leaves of
the plant, which flourishes best on the eastern slopes of the Cordilleras
of Peru and Bolivia, at an elevation of about 8000 feet, and a temperature
of from 64°.4 to 68° Fahr., have hitherto only reached Europe in very
small quantities, having in fact been carried home simply as curiosities.
It was reserved for one of the Novara expedition to bring over as much
as 60 lbs. weight for the purpose of investigation of its properties by
German men of science. Half of this quantity I took to Europe among my own
effects; the remainder was forwarded somewhat later, through the kindness
of two German gentlemen resident in Lima, Messrs. C. Eggert and N.
Linnich.
So many, and in the main correct, accounts[142] have been published by
travellers of the coca plant, its culture, its effect
upon
the system,
and the marvels that have been achieved by its use, that I may well be
excused from dwelling at length upon the habit which prevails among the
Indians of chewing coca, or on its importance as a chief article of
subsistence for several millions of our fellow-creatures. I may, however,
mention certain instances which came within my own personal knowledge, as
also a few statistical data relating to the annual consumption of coca in
Peru and Bolivia, and the economical importance of this cultivation.
A Scotchman named Campbell, who was settled as a merchant at Tacna in
Bolivia, and with whom I travelled to Europe from Lima, informed me that a
few years before, being engaged upon matters of urgent business, he had
performed in one day a distance of 90 English miles on mule-back, and
throughout that long distance had been accompanied by an Aymara Indian,
who kept up easily with the mule, without other refreshment than a few
grains of roasted maize and coca leaves, which, mingled with undissolved
chalk, he chewed incessantly. On reaching the station where he was to pass
the night, Mr. Campbell, though mounted on an excellent animal, found
himself greatly fatigued; the guide, on the other hand, after he had
stood on his head for a few minutes,[143] and had drank a glass of
brandy, set off without further delay on his homeward
journey!!
In April, 1859, Mr. Campbell despatched a native from La Paz to Tacna, a
distance of 249 English miles, which the Indian accomplished in four days.
He rested one day at Tacna, and set off the following morning on his
return journey, in the course of which he had to cross a pass 13,000 feet
in height. It would seem that throughout the whole of this immense journey
on foot, he followed the Indian custom of taking no other sustenance than
a little roasted maize and coca leaves, which he carried in a little pouch
at his side, and chewed from time to time.[144]
Like other experienced travellers, Mr. Campbell, who has lived over 14
years in Bolivia, is of opinion that a moderate use of coca exercises no
prejudicial influence upon the general health, but simply tends to make
the Indian races of the higher regions of the Andes more capable of
continued laborious work. Many coca-chewers attain a great age, and Mr.
Campbell knew one such, who had taken part in the insurrection of
Tupac-Amaru in 1781, and at the time of my visit, 1859, was still in full
possession of all his faculties. In short, as in the case of opium and
wine, it would seem that it is only the abuse of coca that is followed by
evil consequences.
The coca is less cultivated in Peru than in Bolivia, and the leaves are
not in such request among the Quichua as
among
the Aymara Indians.[145]
As the Government of Bolivia draws a very handsome revenue from coca
cultivation, a tax of five reals, about one shilling, being levied on
every cesto, or about 25 lbs. English, there is a better opportunity of
getting at the correct amount of the entire production than in Peru, where
the plant is grown free of duty. The coca tax realizes in all in Bolivia
300,000 pesos or dollars (about £75,000), so that the entire annual
product is about 480,000 cestos or 1,200,000 lbs. The cesto is worth
at La Paz from 7 to 9 pesos, but when employed in large quantities for
export, it cost about 10 dollars, placed on board ship. Altogether the
coca crop of Bolivia may reasonably be estimated at rather less than
700,000 cestos, equal to about 78,000 tons.
The analysis to which the coca leaves I brought home with me were
subjected at Göttingen, was attended by most important results, though the
experiments are far from being completed. It was reserved for one of the
assistants of the chemical laboratory, named Albert Niemann, to discover
in
the leaves a peculiar crystallized organic base, to which, following
the usual custom in such cases, the name Cocain has been given.[146]
The lamented death of Dr. Albert Niemann in the flower of his youth, and
in the midst of his promising labours, necessarily interrupted for a time
the investigations into the nature and properties of cocain. M. Wöhler,
however, in his capacity of Director of the Chemical Laboratory of the
University, was so good as to assign to another able assistant, Mr. W.
Lossen, the task of taking up the analysis at the point where its gifted
discoverer had left it, when it was found that, when heated in chlorine,
the cocain underwent a singular and
astonishing
metamorphosis, being in
fact resolved into Benzoic acid and a new organic base, for which M.
Wöhler proposes the name of
Ecgonin (from Εχγονος, an off-shoot).
Further researches with the coca leaves lead to the discovery of a second
organic base, which, it would appear, is contained in its primitive form
in the coca, the composition of which will be treated of in a forthcoming
paper by Mr. Lossen. This base is in a liquid form, for which the
provisional name hygrin (from υγρος, fluid) has been
adopted.[147]
Hitherto the experiments made to determine the physiological properties of
cocain have been less important in their results, as it is only found in
small quantities in the coca leaf, and an adequate quantity can only be
obtained with great trouble and difficulty.[148] Consequently it is as yet
impossible to decide the questions, whether one of these bases is stronger
than the other, as also to which of the two are to be ascribed
the
peculiar properties of the plant. Singular enough, the various experiments
with an effusion of the coca leaves had not the least result, while it is
well known that the use of this kind of tea in the Cordilleras wonderfully
stimulates the breathing powers of the traveller, besides satisfying his
appetite.[149] It would also appear that the coca leaves lose part of
their virtue in transit, and that their most intense activity is only
developed in their native regions. If, however, the ultimate results of
the experiments of Mr. Lossen, instituted with as much sagacity as zeal,
should incontestably prove the value and utility of the plant for
pharmaceutical purposes, as well as in all cases where the human strength
is exposed to unwonted strains upon its energies, the means will surely
and easily be found for extracting on the spot the active principles of
coca, as is being at present done by industrious Yankees in Ecuador, with
the Cinchona or China bark.
When the Novara was leaving Batavia, I cherished the hope that our stay
in South America would be sufficiently prolonged to admit of my making an
excursion to the Cinchona forests, so as to enable me to speak
authoritatively and from personal knowledge upon certain questions
discussed at Lembang with Dr. Junghuhn,[150] which had hitherto been left
unsettled
or altogether unexamined, and which were of such deep import to
the attempts being made in Java to cultivate
the
Cinchona. Circumstances,
however, had conspired to render this impracticable. Instead of the entire
expedition, as originally projected, visiting that classic region, it was
reserved
to
myself, a solitary individual, to tread the scenes, where
Humboldt once collected the first valuable contributions to science, and
even then my time was so limited that my attention had to be confined to
the capital of Peru, and the neighbouring country. Under these
circumstances such a project as a regular scientific excursion deep into
the heart of the Cinchona forests was entirely out of the question. I did
not fail, however, to translate into Spanish and English, the disputed
points which Dr. Junghuhn had requested me to ascertain for him, so that I
might obtain such information upon these interesting questions from such
of the friends I made in Peru or Chile as seemed likely, either in their
own persons or by the opportunities for natural studies that might happen
to characterize their place of residence, to
advance
our knowledge of the
Cinchona tree and its cultivation. My different efforts to obtain reliable
information on the cultivation of the China bark tree in its mother
country were especially promoted by my having met, while at Lima, with Mr.
Campbell, who, during the many years he has been settled at Tacna, has
paid especial attention to the China bark trade. For the chief export of
this important medicament is in the hands of the Bolivians, and not of the
Peruvians, as the uninitiated might imagine from the name it is usually
known by in commerce, viz. Peruvian bark.[151]
The most important facts which I am here enabled to dwell upon relate to
the correction of a widespread misconception, that owing to the thirst for
plunder and the wilful neglect of the China tree in its own native
regions, the supply of the valuable drug obtained from its bark, the
well-known Countess'[152] or Jesuit bark, which to the practical physician
is of
scarcely
less importance than the potato to the labouring man, is
daily diminishing. The Calisaya region (i. e. the limits within which the
C. Calisaya, the species that furnishes the most valuable bark, is found
in its finest and most abundant state) extends from about one degree north
of Lake Titicaca, or from 14° 30′ to 20° S. In the forests of Cochabamba,
between which place and La Paz is the principal district of the China
tree, the tree is more frequently found than in those running parallel on
either side with La Paz, in which it is usually met with at such a
distance from the capital that it becomes valueless, owing to the cost of
transport, which is as high as 17 dollars per 100 lbs. The more southerly
forests are still quite virgin, and have never re-echoed the blows of the
Cascarilleros' axe. The largest quantity is exported from Tacna through
the port of Arica, only a small portion being smuggled northwards from
Lake Titicaca, for shipment viâ Port d'Islay. According to statistics,
from 8000 to 10,000 cwt. of bark may be thus exported for any lapse of
time, without the slightest danger of the tree getting exterminated. Since
1845 the exportation of bark from Bolivia has been a Government monopoly,
which has farmed out the privilege to a private company, that used to pay
a certain annual premium based on an export of 4000 cwt. The company paid
the Cascarilleros or other persons who collected the bark, 25 dollars to
30 dollars for every hundredweight of Calisaya delivered in La Paz, the
capital of Bolivia. The enterprise, however, proved only partially
successful, since
speculation,
avarice and the continual political
troubles and alterations of the Government, have each and all proved sore
enemies to the peaceful development of the industry of the country. Each
new President had only one thought, viz. how to make the largest profit by
seizing on the natural wealth of the country, and only sought to increase
the export of the bark for the sake of the monopoly. In 1850 a native
commercial house in La Paz paid the bark-gatherers 60 pesos for every 100
lbs., besides a duty to Government of 25 pesos additional, at the same
time paying on an estimated export of 7000 cwt. The exorbitant wage thus
granted to the Cascarilleros resulted in an enormous quantity of Calisaya
being brought to La Paz from all parts of Bolivia, In order to preserve
the public tranquillity, and not glut the market, the Bolivian Government
now prohibited entirely the cutting or collecting of bark. Within eighteen
months about 1400 tons of bark were brought in, and this gave the
monopolists a perfect dread lest they should have to declare themselves
bankrupt, and it was indeed only through the intervention of Government
that they escaped. The latter took the entire stock on their own hands,
paid the speculators with Treasury bonds, redeemable within a given number
of years, and made a fresh contract with a native firm, which stipulated
that the price at La Paz should be 65 dollars per 100 lbs., without
further export duty.
As soon as the stock in hand was exhausted, the prohibition against
cutting Calisaya had of course to be rescinded,
and
in the interim the
most decided steps were taken to check the superfluous, indeed dangerous,
zeal of the Cascarilleros in the collection of the bark.
While I was in Java chemical experiments had begun to be made with the
bark of the young China trees, and from the fact that the valuable
alkaloid was not found in these, it was hastily inferred that the bark of
the trees grown in their adopted country had, owing to the change effected
in climatic and other conditions, been deprived of the principle that made
them most valuable in their native land. But researches made in South
America have satisfied me, that even in the indigenous forests of
Cinchona, the active principle quinine is only found in the bark of older
trees, and that its quantity is perceptibly affected by the age of the
tree, the finest quinine being obtained in largest quantities from trees
upwards of fifty years old. To ignorance of this peculiarity must also be
attributed in all probability the fact that, at the period of the Spanish
rule, the China collectors or hunters (Cazadores de Quina) used to fell
annually 800 or 900 young trees of from four to seven years old, to get at
the 110 cwts. of fever-bark, which, intended exclusively for the use of
the royal house, were shipped every year from Païta, and thence round the
Horn to Cadiz.[153]
So, too, with respect to the quantities annually exported at present from
Bolivia and Peru, and used in European stores, there remain serious errors
to correct, prevalent even among
scientific
circles. According to the
latest estimates (which take cognizance of seven inferior sorts), there
have been exported, between 1830 and 1860, not more than 10,000 tons,
while of Calisaya, the specially valuable red bark (Cascarilla roja),
not above 120,000 cwt. have been exported in all during the same period.
While the annual export thus dwindles in dimensions from what had
generally been supposed, there has lately been discovered in large
quantities, in the forests between Tarija, Cochabamba, and La Paz, a
species of Cinchona, whose bark is said to possess very much the same
properties as the Calisaya. The curate of Tarija has offered for sale 3000
cwt. of this valuable bark (called by the Indians Sucupira). The position
of the forests in which this species of Cinchona is found is so favourable
for exportation, that the cost of transport from Tarija to Iquique, the
nearest port, would only amount to from 8 to 10 dollars per quintal.
The departure of the mail steamer from Callao de Lima was fixed for the
afternoon of 12th June, when several of my friends were so kind as to
accompany me on board. In Callao I paid a short visit to H.M.S. Ganges,
and then the U.S. frigate Merrimac (destined in less than three years to
acquire a mournful renown in the horrors of civil war, as also
imperishable celebrity as the pioneer of iron navies), one of the finest
and most powerful screw-ships of the North American navy, armed at that
time with 32 cannon, and of 960-horse power. I had had the pleasure of
becoming acquainted with the officers of both ships, partly in Valparaiso,
partly in Lima.
On
board the Ganges I experienced a not less cordial
and kind reception, and Admiral Baines, as commander-in-chief of the
British fleet in the Pacific, did me the honour of granting me an official
pass to all captains of British ships, setting forth my scientific
pursuits, and recommending me to their particular attention.
On the morning of the 14th June, the good steamer Valparaiso, commanded
by that courteous model of a British sailor, Captain Bloomfield, reached
Huanchaco, the principal harbour of Truxillo, which is only six miles
distant, and was once the capital of the northern portion of the empire of
the Incas. The export of silver, wool, and cochineal from this port is
pretty considerable. Here came on board a Scotchman named Blackwood, who
for some years past had been cultivating cochineal in Truxillo, but was
now, as he confessed, unable any longer to compete in its production with
other countries, in consequence of the price of labour being so high, and
the uncertain state of labour-supply. Mr. Blackwood intended proceeding
viâ California to the East Indies, where he hoped to light upon a more
suitable field for cochineal-growing, the cost of labour there being still
low, and there existing a constantly-increasing demand for that
substance[154].
On the 15th June we anchored in the roads of San José de Lambajeque in the
department of Chola. The position of this village is so unsuitable, that
it is only possible to effect a landing by means of what are called
Balsas(rafts with sails), consisting of huge thick trunks of trees bound
together. One of these curious contrivances conveyed on shore in safety 76
passengers at once, together with all their miscellaneous effects!
Fifteen miles north of Lambajeque lies the Indian village of Iting
(Repose), with 5000 inhabitants, whose language is totally different from
the Quichua dialect, usually spoken in the province. One Peruvian on his
return from his travels even went so far as to say that the idiom of the
Iting Indians strongly resembled that of the Chinese! In Monsefú, not
quite two miles from Iting, lives an Indian population which speaks
nothing but Spanish, and consequently can neither understand nor be
understood by its neighbours! This singular state of things almost
entitles us to conjecture that the Spanish conquerors have adopted here
the same tactics as those they put in practice in Central America, where
they repeatedly were at the pains to introduce among the subjugated
tribes, colonies of another race frequently hostile to the aborigines, in
order by difference of customs and language to render any united action
against the common enemy almost impossible. I have myself frequently
observed in the Central-American State of San Salvador, that, for
instance, the Tlascaltecas, who speak the language of Montezuma, had been
settled in the midst
of
foreign races. Such colonizations have almost
invariably been effected for political purposes, and were compulsory,
instead of being undertaken voluntarily.
On 16th June we anchored in the beautiful and sheltered harbour of Payta.
The little town itself has about 4000 inhabitants, who carry on a pretty
brisk trade with the interior and along the coast. The principal article
of export is hides, especially goat-skins, chinchilla fur (Eriomys
Chinchilla), cotton, fruit, oil, herb-archel (Roccella tinctoria—used
occasionally as a medicine, but more commonly as a dye,—the well-known
litmus, used for chemical test papers, being prepared from it), and straw
hats. Forty-five miles distant from Payta, in a beautiful and fertile
neighbourhood, lies the town of Piura with 10,000 inhabitants, which
carries on an extensive trade in fruit and vegetables along the coast, and
indeed supplies Lima with its excellent produce.
Payta harbour is visited annually by from fifty to sixty whalers, who take
in fresh provisions here, do their repairs, and give their crews a little
repose after long and heavy labours. The climate is very healthy and
exceedingly dry. At the same time there is no lack of good water, which
the Indians bring to the city from the river Chirar, 18 miles distant, in
casks on mule-back. This mode of transport is so cheap, that the erection
of a distilling apparatus in Payta would not pay. The cargo of one mule,
about 12 gallons, would sell for about 2 reals (about 1s. 5 1⁄2d.).
Ships take in their supplies of water at Tumbez, a little further
north.
When I was at Payta, there were some twenty merchant ships in the harbour.
The trade of the place was evidently increasing. This was indicated not
alone by the energy of the inhabitants, but by a general well-to-do air.
Large, round, broad-brimmed straw hats are annually exported to the value
of 400,000 dollars. Of goat-skins, the annual stock is about 1200 cwt.; of
herb-archel from 1500 to 2000 cwt. There are also at Payta some very
remunerative manufactures of castor oil (from the Ricinus communis), and
its cognate from the piñon bean (Jatropha curcas), both of which are
found in large quantities in the interior. By an iron machine worked by
steam some 85 gallons of the oil are made daily, part of which is used in
the country for lamps and in the preparation of soap; but by far the
largest portion is exported to the United States.
A few weeks before I reached Payta, there had been accidentally found in a
cave among the bare sand-hills which form the naked desolate environs of
the town, a quantity of maize, which was supposed to have formed part of a
stock which had been placed here by the Incas. It was of a smaller kind
than that grown at the present day. The grains, notwithstanding the
centuries they had lain interred, were in very tolerable preservation. All
along the coast nothing was spoken of but this incident, as though some
great treasure had been discovered, whereas it was but some 60 lbs. of
maize that were found. Moreover, the interest felt by the Indians in this
trouvaille had nothing to do with its historic suggestiveness, but
because their readily-inflamed imagination prefigured
boundless
stores of
maize yet to be lighted upon and made available, without their having to
labour for them!
In the course of the afternoon we left Payta, and next day sighted the
island of La Plata, distant about 10 miles from the mainland. A tradition,
constantly in the mouth of the people, to the effect that the ancient
Incas buried here a large amount of treasure, has led to many formal
expeditions having been dispatched to this island at various times, every
one of which, however, proved abortive. We now began to find the
temperature perceptibly rising; for a few hours it rose from 65° to 76°
Fahr.
At 6 P.M. of the 20th, we reached the Taboga Islands, a group of lovely
islets, about 11 miles from Panama, where are the warehouses and wharves
of the Pacific Steam Navigation Company. Taboga Island, the most important
of the group, is only one mile and a half long by half a mile broad, but
with the adjacent islet of Taboquilla, forms a very convenient
crescent-shaped harbour, which unites to a secure haven a tolerably
healthy climate, so that during the unhealthy season, when the yellow
fever sometimes commits fearful ravages in Panama, many of the inhabitants
resort to this island, which, up to the year 1858, had remained entirely
free of the scourge.
Late in the evening the English and American papers came on board, from
which we got the first intelligence of the march of events at the seat of
war in Italy, as also of another world-wide calamity,—the death of
Alexander von
Humboldt.
Even here on the shores of the far Pacific, the
intelligence of the greatest naturalist of our age having departed from
among us, made a deep and powerful impression, which not even the tempests
which impended over the political horizon, and threatened to envelope the
entire world, could allay. Although the outbreak of hostilities between
two such powers as France and Austria must inevitably react severely upon
the condition of the inhabitants of North and South America, yet little
was discussed respecting events in Italy; while the obituary notice of
Humboldt was read aloud in the cabin, and many a fellow-traveller
inscribed on a slip of paper for preservation those beautiful words which
the noble and venerable old savant is said to have spoken, when on a
lovely sunny May-day his spirit winged its flight from our planet, whose
physical constitution his mighty mind had more closely investigated and
comprehended than any other mortal of our day. "How gloriously those
sunbeams dart forth; they seem as though inviting the earth to the
heavens!"
Thus it was forbidden to the members of the Expedition to find the great
naturalist yet alive on their return to their common native land! How full
of meaning did those touching words now prove, and how fall of mournful
memories, with which Humboldt concluded his scientific suggestions to the
Novara voyagers, when he prayed to Almighty God, "That His Holy Spirit
would be with this great and splendid undertaking to the honour of the
common Fatherland!"
The
Novara staff above all must doubly regret the
death of the "Nestor of Science." The warm and active interest he took in
their expedition contributed in no small degree to advance its scientific
efficiency, and if it be the privilege of the Novara to live in the
memory of the scientific world, it will, as the Archduke Ferdinand
Maximilian himself expressed it in a letter to the venerable philosopher,
"redound in its honour to the latest ages, that it was permitted to
associate its name with that of Humboldt, who for three generations of men
has been associated with every triumph that has been achieved in the
domain of science."
On the 21st, at 7 A.M., we anchored in the roads of Panama. Large ships
are obliged to lie to from two to three miles off shore, as the beach is
nothing but "slike," and at ebb-tide presents an immense unsightly
expanse.
The town of Panama (many fish), built on low green hills amid the most
magnificent forms of tropical vegetation, presents when viewed from
seaward a most lovely, enchanting aspect, especially to the traveller
coming from the sterile sandy shores of the west coast of South America.
As soon, however, as he sets foot on the shore, and has entered the
precincts of the city, his first pleasing impressions are rudely
dispelled. The streets are everywhere narrow and filthy, the houses low
and poverty-stricken in appearance; even upon their roofs the luxuriance
of tropical vegetation bursts forth! Moreover the chief square with its
cathedral leaves an impression of decay. Only a few of the houses situate
near the
beach,
the property of strangers, and a few of the hotels, have
anything of a respectable appearance. The whole population does not exceed
8000 to 9000 inhabitants, of whom about 500 are whites, the rest being
negroes and mestizoes. At the time when the railroad was being made across
the Isthmus, in the construction of which thousands of Irish and Chinese
fell victims to the climate and the severity of the work, the experiment
was made of introducing negroes from Jamaica, whose cosmopolitan nature
asserted itself by their having increased and multiplied even here. At
present there are upwards of 100,000 negroes on and near the Isthmus.
The expense of living in Panama is no longer so exorbitant as it was ten
years ago, at the period of the first emigration to the newly-discovered
gold-fields of California, when there was no railroad, and the journey
across the Isthmus was made partly on mules, partly in small canoes. For
from three to four dollars a day, one gets very fair board and lodging at
the best hotels. The most expensive item is washing, the charge being 2
dollars (8s.) a dozen!! In a climate where European cleanliness
necessitates frequent change of apparel, this item alone amounts to some
25 dollars to 30 dollars per month for a single person! Accordingly, it is
found to be more economical to fling away several articles of the toilette
as soon as they have been soiled, and purchase a fresh supply, rather than
pay this heavy tax on the purification of the old garments.
The North American Company, which maintains direct
communication
between
California and New York, has made such excellent arrangements, that the
passengers on their arrival in Panama by the train are conveyed in a small
steamer from the station, which is close to the shore, out to the large
steamer lying in the roads, which is to convey them to California. The
entire time occupied in convoying 700 or 800 passengers with their usually
rather heavy baggage from Colon across the Isthmus, and thence to their
re-embarkation in the steamer upon the West Coast, does not exceed ten
hours. The hotel-keepers of Panama, on the other hand, complain sorely of
this arrangement, for whereas formerly no passenger ever crossed the
Isthmus without spending one dollar at least, hundreds now pass through
without ever setting a foot in the city.
When I was in Panama there existed an "Opposition Line" of steamers, a
genuine American institution, of which we have occasional examples in
Europe, but which is only to be seen in its fall bloom in the United
States. Formerly, the fare for a deck-passage from New York to San
Francisco was 160 dollars (£33 10s.). The "Opposition Line" lowered the
fare to 35 dollars, and as out of this sum 25 dollars had to be paid to
the railway, there remained only 10 dollars (£2 2s.) for the cost of
transport and maintenance of passengers on board large handsome steamers
from New York to San Francisco! For the public at large this was
undoubtedly a vast benefit, and in consequence of the unexampled lowness
of fares, an immense number of persons had
gone
to California during the
last preceding few months. Whereas formerly only adventurers, speculators,
or persons of means, could turn their eyes on the land of gold, a poor but
industrious labouring population now pressed eagerly thither. Of course,
however, it was too good to last:—no enterprise could continue upon such
ruinous principles. It was the war of large capital against small;
whichever could longest stand the incessant drain, remained in possession
of the field. Occasionally, however, a "compromise" is effected between
the two parties, but in that case the public is usually the sufferer,
since in order to make up for past extravagance, the two quondam foes
combine to keep up exorbitant rates.
The salubrity of Panama, though still unhealthy enough during the wet
season (May to September), is undoubtedly better than it ever was in
former years. The doses of quinine pills with which people used to be
presented in society, very much the same way as a pinch of snuff, have
become infrequent, neither is it now the custom to drink sherry or brandy
and water with quinine in it. Indeed, were foreign settlers to abstain
from the practice of frequent meals, which even in more temperate climes
cannot be continued in with impunity, the health of the inhabitants would
benefit greatly. I repeatedly heard it maintained that the use of ice,
which at present can be got in large quantities and at very low rates upon
the whole Isthmus, and forms an ingredient of every beverage, and many
dishes even, has materially improved the
hygienic
conditions of Panama.
About 360 tons of ice are imported into Panama annually, or about one ton
per diem. The whole quantity is supplied from the North American lakes,
chiefly from Boston, and is sold in gross at 7 dollars 50 cents (about £1
25s.) per 100 lbs., the retail price being a trifle over a shilling per
pound. In order to avoid a glut which might make ice importation
unremunerative, and endanger the steadiness of the supply, the Government
has kept in its own hands the monopoly of the ice-trade.
By Dr. Lebreton, a French physician long settled in Panama, who, together
with an Austrian gentleman, Dr. Kratochwil from Saaz in Bohemia, placed me
under the deepest obligation for their cordial hospitality, I was
furnished with a variety of most interesting details of the sanitary
statistics of the Isthmus, and some curious and valuable particulars
respecting the poison with which the Indians arm their arrow-tips. In
Panama is published a most ably-edited daily paper in English, the
"Panama Star and Herald," conducted by two Americans, Messrs. Power and
Boyd, which so fully and impartially treats of the political, social, and
commercial condition of the Isthmus and the South American Republics, as
makes it indispensable for every one to subscribe to it who takes any
interest in the development of this remarkable country. It is chiefly due
to these two large-minded, far-seeing gentlemen that we possess a
statistical detail of the very important commerce of the Isthmus, as well
as along the west coast of South America. These
figures
now lie before
me, and give better than anything else a fair and complete estimate of its
present activity, which, it may be remarked en passant, has owed nothing
to the natives, but is entirely due to the energy of foreigners.
No fewer than 64 powerful mail steamers, of the united burthen of 96,000
tons, and representing a money value of at least £4,000,000, ply, part on
the Atlantic side (Southampton viâ St. Thomas, and New York to
Aspinwall), part on the Pacific side to the various harbours on the west
coast of America, and keep up regular communication between Europe and
that series of States, consisting of not less than 11,000,000 human
beings. The value of the products and merchandise annually passing to and
fro across the Isthmus amounts to about £15,000,000, while the amount of
precious metals is not very much less.
The pearl-fishery in the Gulf of Panama has of late years notably fallen
off from its former importance. At present it lags far behind that of the
Persian Gulf, from which there are annually about £300,000 worth brought
up, whereas here, notwithstanding the enormous extent of the
pearl-oyster-banks, the yearly take of pearls does not exceed £24,000.
Indeed the fishery is carried on less for its costly contents than for the
sake of the mother-of-pearl itself, of which some 800 or 900 tons are
shipped annually.
On 23rd June I went by rail from Panama to Aspinwall, on the Atlantic
side. Except on the days when the steamers on either side bring their
fortnightly quota of passengers,
the
traffic of the line is very small.
When, however, the passenger steamer at either end has disembarked her
living freight, the Isthmus is all alive, and the coffers of the Company
are amply replenished. The number of passengers both ways annually has
been estimated at from 36,000 to 40,000, and the gross receipts of the
Company at from £200,000 to £300,000.[155]
The fare for the somewhat short distance, 47 miles, is high. There is but
one class of carriage, and the charge is £5 5s., besides 10 cents
(5d.) for every pound of baggage above 30 lbs. But it must always be
borne in mind that enormous difficulties had to be overcome in the
construction of the line, and that the cost of maintaining the permanent
way in anything like order is very great, in consequence of the climate
and the rich tropical vegetation. Whoever has struggled through the almost
impenetrable forests of the Isthmus, before the rail passed through it,
and bears in mind the immense physical difficulties of that laborious
operation, would thankfully pay double the sum now charged for performing
within a few hours a journey which often occupied a whole
week.
The construction of the Panama Railroad was commenced in 1850, the first
sod being cut on the Atlantic side. On 27th January, 1855, the locomotive
first performed the journey from ocean to ocean. The cost of construction
amounted to about £1,100,000.[156] This capital was speedily subscribed by
the eager speculative Yankees, and, as the result proved, insured from the
very first to the shareholders a handsome constantly-increasing dividend.
The concession enjoyed by the Company from the Government of New Granada
only lasts for twenty years, from the day on which the entire line is
opened; on the expiry of that period the New Granada Government must
either pay down 5,000,000 dollars (the entire cost of construction), or
extend the concession for ten years more. At the expiration of this second
term, the Government may purchase for 4,000,000 dollars, or grant a third
term of equal length, after which they are to be at liberty to purchase it
for 2,000,000 dollars.
The traffic managers of the line, Messrs. Lewine and Dorsay, showed me the
most polite attention. The resident director, Mr. Center, whose office is
in Aspinwall, and to whom I had letters of introduction, invited me by
telegraph to make free use of the line, as nothing would give him greater
pleasure than to become of some service to a scientific traveller. I took
with me fourteen goodly packages, chiefly
collections
of natural history.
Most of these required great care and attention, some on account of their
fragile texture, others in consequence of being of a perishable nature.
All these were transported with as much care as though they had been
charged the very highest rate of freight. The treatment of scientific
travellers is to some extent a measure of the degree of civilization of a
people. Hence it is that the North American States and the British
colonies are the points of the globe where the efforts of scientific
travellers elicit the heartiest sympathy, where he may count upon the most
friendly reception, and the most cordial co-operation in carrying out the
objects he has in view. And speaking now after ten years of the most
varied experiences of travel, I look back thankfully to the conspicuous
evidences of good-will which I have universally received from all
Americans, from the banks of the St. Lawrence to the shores of the Gulf of
Mexico, and recall with gratitude how every class of the community
bestirred itself to promote and facilitate the scientific researches of a
solitary traveller,—how, more particularly, the press, that great power
of the intellect, lent the utmost assistance of its influential position
to forward my wishes, and how its columns, thanks to the interest its
conductors themselves felt, were always open in the most remote districts
to welcome the stranger. And now, when for a second time I received from
the sons of that same mighty republic the same cordiality of welcome, I
recalled with redoubled vivacity the happiness of those long-vanished but
most pleasant days, as I
record
this tribute with so much the more
satisfaction, that I felt it was not the individual but his profession
that was thus honoured, as is abundantly proved by the experience of many
another scientific traveller.
The journey across the Isthmus, right through the heart of the primeval
forest, which was decked out in its gayest attire, is one of the most
exciting, soul-stirring scenes that the eye of the lover of nature ever
rested upon. In no part of the world have I seen more luxuriant and
abundant vegetation than is presented by the forests of Central America,
and more especially upon the Isthmus. And, as if to heighten still further
the sense of marvel and enchantment, one traverses this magnificent forest
landscape behind a locomotive running on its iron track. What a contrast!
The wild ravel of creepers and the green feathery branches of the palms
almost penetrate into the waggons, and tell with unmistakeable emphasis
that the traveller is indeed surrounded by all the beauties of Nature in
her tropic garb. Trees of the most varied description and of colossal
dimensions flourish in the foreign garment of a borrowed adornment.
Between each solitary giant of a forest tree, parasites and Lianæ spread
their delicate green coils, while many a gigantic stem, enveloped in
thousands of beautiful shoots, or dead trunk choked in the embrace of a
parasitic creeper, attracts the eye as the train speeds past. So quick and
so strong is the process of vegetation here, that every section of this
line has twice in each year to be freed from the encroachments of the
forest-children; nay, were the
line
to be left unused but for one
twelvemonth, it would be difficult to discover any trace of its existence,
so completely within that time would the whole district become once more a
wilderness!
The physico-geographical conditions of the Isthmus have only latterly been
made the subject of profound and exhaustive study by a German naturalist,
who has published the result of his researches. The justly-dreaded climate
was the main cause of its having been so long left unexamined. To that
keen indefatigable savant, Dr. Moritz Wagner, my whilom faithful
travelling companion through Northern and Central America, is due the
praise of having first accurately and analytically investigated the
territory of the Isthmus,—that dam which separates two ocean worlds as it
may be considered from one point of view,—that bridge which unites two
immense continents as it may be regarded from another,—and who, in so
doing, has contributed many new and important facts to our previous stock
of statistics respecting the hypsometrical and geognostic features of the
Isthmus, as well as to the geographical distribution of the forms of
organic life which are found there.
In the course of constructing the railroad, the geological profile of the
country was laid open through a length of 47 miles. This fortunate
circumstance the German naturalist availed himself of as an excellent
opportunity for carrying out his design, but his labours were none the
less beset with difficulties, and only his indomitable perseverance could
have
carried
him through the tropical intermittent fevers and mental
anxiety, which at one time threatened to prostrate his physical strength,
or even to lay him in his grave. Wagner had been first struck by the very
remarkable evidence of an entire alteration in the form of the hills
between Veragua and Obispo. This change in the vertical configuration, the
decided depression of the Cordilleras, which is most apparent between
Limon Bay (at the mouth of the Chagres river) and the Gulf of Panama, is
just as much an important geological fact for physical geography, and for
solving the important questions of the present and future commerce so
intimately connected with the artificially cutting through of this neck of
land, as the change in the horizontal configuration or the sudden
compression of this part of the world in the north-west of the province of
Choco, or the rugged steepness that characterizes the range of hills which
forms the contour of the coast-line. The geological and botanical
specimens, those most reliable of all data for physical generalization,
with which Wagner illustrates his interesting exposition of the natural
character, the prevailing formations, and the most prominent
representations of the vegetation of the Isthmus, form at present a
valuable part of the collections of natural history in the Museum of
Munich.
The journey across is not made at the speed one would expect on a line
where the locomotive is in charge of a Yankee. It takes four hours to do
the 47 1⁄2 English miles. The stations are very numerous, often situate in
the heart of the forest,
where
there are only a few labourers' huts.
Moreover, halts are frequent at spots where there are no passengers
visible, either to take up or set down. One of the most beautiful of the
stations is that at the little village of Paraiso, about nine miles
distant from Panama, which lies in a kettle-shaped glade. At this point
large clearings have been made, and the eye ranges over a rather more
extended landscape, only bounded in fact by the contour of the
neighbouring hills. The only inhabitants are negroes, mulattoes, and
mestizoes, who for the most part are employed as labourers on the line. A
few miles after leaving Paraiso, the train reaches the station of Culebra,
or, as it is more generally called by the inhabitants, "the Summit," the
narrow steep rise of which marks the water-shed between the Rio Grande,
falling into the Pacific, and the Rio Chagres, which debouches into the
Caribbean Sea. This is the highest point of the line. The actual height of
the pass is 287 English feet, but it has been lowered by about 25 feet, so
that Summit station is only 262 feet above the mean level of the ocean.
The most important village along the line is Matachin, a large straggling
village, which, however, seems to be inhabited exclusively by negroes,
mulattoes, and Zamboes. As I have previously remarked, the majority of the
labourers on the line emigrated hither from the West Indies, especially
Jamaica, attracted by the high wages of labour, and after it was
completed, settled along its course in neat, clean, but small cottages.
And whereas the baleful tropical climate
decimated
every other class of
labourer employed during the construction of the lines, these latter have
flourished here better than any other description of settler. They seem to
be universally healthy and well fed, and their oceans of children, who
impart life to the landscape, attest that the women have not lost their
fertility. They all seemed to be well and were neatly clothed. However,
when I crossed, it happened to be a holiday, and consequently every one
wore his Sunday dress, clean white trowsers, white shirt, and a
narrow-brimmed hat of fine straw.
Near Barbacoa station the eye of the traveller, that has hitherto revelled
in the voluptuous beauties of nature, rests with pleasure on a splendid
trophy of human industry, an iron bridge, 600 feet long, which spans the
River Chagres at this point. It was on one of the Cerros, a little west of
Barbacoa, that Vasco Nuñez de Balboa first beheld both the Atlantic and
the Pacific oceans at once, and, regarding his stand-point in the Isthmus
as a mere handful of earth, may have imagined himself a conqueror, whose
glance comprehended both worlds.
The last portion of the line, as we near the Atlantic side, passes over
vast swamps, which rendered the construction of this portion of the road
exceedingly difficult and very expensive. Aspinwall itself moreover, the
terminus of the Inter-oceanic Railway, lies on a small island, two-thirds
of the surface of which is morass, and covered with tropical marsh
vegetation. This station was selected, notwithstanding its
very
unwholesome climate, chiefly because the roadstead of Limon Bay furnishes
a safe anchorage in all weathers for vessels of even the largest size.
This small island, only 7000 feet long by 5800 wide, which was first named
from the immense quantity of Hippomane mancinella, a tree with a very
powerful poison, that is found on it, and is now called "Isla de
Manzanilla," was formally made over by the New Granada Government to the
American Company at the beginning of the works in the year 1852, and was
used by it for the new city, as also for the erection of warehouses, &c.
Aspinwall, or Colon, as it is sometimes called, numbers at present some
1500 inhabitants, of whom 150 are North Americans and English, the rest
negroes and mulattoes. The little town, with its neat frame-houses and
clean cottages, involuntarily reminds one of the new settlements in the
North American States. Here, besides the residences of the officials, are
the warehouses and workshops of the Company. In the latter about 700
workmen are employed, while four schooners maintain uninterrupted
communication between Aspinwall and New York, for the purpose of providing
for the various wants of the crowded establishment. Even the very
provisions are imported from North America. The resident director, Mr. A.
J. Center, received me with the most hearty welcome, and during my entire
stay continued to display the same kindness and interest, which he
manifested from the moment he received my letter of
introduction.
In Aspinwall the climate has within the last few years become more
salubrious than at the period of the first colonization, when "Chagres
fever" acquired a gruesome reputation, and no resident who stayed above
two months in the place escaped the attack of the fever. Even mules and
dogs could not escape the universal malaria. However, to this day a
lengthened residence on this marshy soil is not unattended with danger,
although the miasmatic poison has undoubtedly lost much of its virulence.
The negroes longest resist its dangerous effect, after whom come the
coolies, then the Europeans, while the Chinese are invariably the earliest
attacked.[157]
On 23rd June, about midnight, I left Limon Bay in the steamer Medway.
Having been committed to the charge of her captain by the kind attention
of Mr. B. Cowan, the English Consul in Aspinwall, I found myself more
comfortable and better attended to on board this small filthy old tub than
I could possibly have expected. The Company avowedly employ in the
Intercolonial lines the worst and most uncomfortable of their vessels, and
the traveller who has to make any short passage, for instance, among the
West India
islands,
is exposed to the doubly disagreeable feeling of
paying a very much higher rate of fare, for very inferior accommodation.
The Medway was an old acquaintance of mine in my previous West Indian
rambles, as in former years she performed the mail service between Belize,
Jamaica, Hayti, Porto Rico, St. Thomas, and Havanna, and this opportunity
of renewing my acquaintance with her I hailed with anything but a
sentiment of satisfaction.
Early on the 25th June we ran into the extensive and beautiful bay of
Carthagena, which now-a-days is only accessible on one side, the second
entrance having been destroyed by the Spaniards during their supremacy,
and never reopened. This seaport contains about 11,000 inhabitants, many
churches and monasteries, as also large fortifications, but of trade and
commerce there is next to nothing. In the roads there lay but three small
coasting crafts. For the naturalist, and especially for the zoologist,
Carthagena is on the other hand classic soil.
Our steamer was fairly beleaguered by shoals of small canoes with natives
on board, who offered for sale any quantity of the most various and
beautiful little denizens of the surrounding country. Any naturalist who
should spend a short time here, might, with the assistance of the Indians,
who seem to be both zealous and apt collectors, get together an extensive
and most valuable zoological and botanical collection. Carthagena indeed
presents in particular great advantages for the shipment to Europe alive
of the more interesting
animals.
These steamers do not take much above a
fortnight hence to England, and if dispatched about May or June, the
animals would sustain but little detriment from the change to a European
climate at that season. Thus on the present voyage of the Medway there
were numbers of animals and chests of plants in full bloom, consigned to
various museums and private collections in England.
On 30th June we anchored in the small but delightful harbour of St.
Thomas, with bright green hills forming a picturesque back-ground,
relieved by the white houses of the inhabitants picturesquely grouped
along their slopes.
St. Thomas had changed little from what I remembered it at my previous
visit in 1855. At the last census it had 15,000 inhabitants, and its trade
is visibly increasing. It is, however, extremely difficult to get at the
statistics of the annual amount of shipping here, as there is no
toll-house, and the Danish Government publishes no official information as
to the general trade. According to a German merchant long resident here,
the number of foreign ships of all nations entering and leaving the port
amounts to 860 annually, of coasters about 3500, while the annual value of
merchandise so transshipped is about 6,000,000 dollars. One very
remarkable trade is that in ice, which reaches the enormous amount of 1000
tons annually, chiefly for distribution among the adjoining islands, by
far the largest proportion of which comes from Boston, where it is worth
20 dollars per ton, and at St. Thomas 80 dollars per ton, or 3 1⁄2 cents
per lb. One may
conceive
that the entire ice-trade to the West Indies,
South America, China, the Malay Archipelago, and the East Indies is in the
hands of the keen North Americans, who evince a capacity for making a
genial use of a natural phenomenon, which a less speculative race of men
associate with the idea of cold, discomfort, and stagnation of
intercourse.
M. A. Rüse, a wealthy chemist and zealous naturalist, by whom as by other
German residents I was most kindly received, has acquired much distinction
from his profound acquaintance with the lower animals of the West Indies,
of which he possesses a small but valuable collection, chiefly of the
Fauna of the islands of St. Thomas, Ste. Croix and Trinidad, and was so
exceedingly courteous as to present me with duplicates of several of the
most interesting. M. Krebs, merchant, and M. Kjaer harbour-master, also in
their hours of relaxation gave me much valuable information on kindred
topics, the latter gentleman farther presenting me with specimens from an
excellent collection he had formed of petrifactions.
What, however, afforded me the sincerest satisfaction on the occasion of
my present visit to St. Thomas, was the striking examples of industry,
intelligence, and social comfort of the negro population. Of all nations
among whom this curse of slavery has been implanted, the Danes have best
comprehended how practically to solve the difficult problem of
emancipation. The number of slaves in Danish colonies was at all times
very small, and their manumission consequently more easy.
Nevertheless
the mode adopted in getting rid of the evil is deserving of attention and
imitation. The duty of labouring does not cease with the means of
compelling it. Slaves emancipated by the Danish Government may spend the
wages they receive for their labour at their own discretion, and are
permitted to change masters at pleasure, but they cannot quit their former
employer till they have found a fresh one. The rate of wages at St. Thomas
is pretty high, and the black population, who form the largest contingent
of the labouring population, not only finds constant occupation, but is
remarkably well paid besides. The negroes on this island are, however,
very handy and quick, thanks to the constant intercourse with foreign
nations. Many of them speak several languages fluently, and a German
traveller who visits the island for the first time is apt to be not a
little surprised at finding himself addressed in his mother-tongue by a
swarthy son of Africa.
Our departure was fixed for 1st July. The various mail steamers which had
been expected from the different ports of the West Indies and the eastern
coast of Central America, had all arrived. The fine and comfortable but
old and slow steamer Magdalena was to leave for Europe at noon. Suddenly
a sailing vessel came in like a Job's comforter, with the intelligence
that the splendid new steamer Paramatta, which was about due with the
mails from England, had on her first voyage gone ashore on the Anegada
shoal near the island of Virgin Gorda, 60 nautical miles from St. Thomas,
and with her
40
passengers, and a valuable cargo, was in need of instant
relief. This intelligence again delayed our departure. It was at first
determined to send off every disposable steamer to the scene of the
disaster, and to detain the Magdalena, till full particulars of the
mischance had been obtained, for transmission to the directors in London.
Afterwards it was arranged that the Magdalena should proceed to the spot
where the Paramatta was lying nearly high and dry, to assist if possible
in floating the ship off the reef.
At 6 P.M. accordingly we steamed out of the Bay of St. Thomas. On the
present occasion the Magdalena had 163 passengers on board, the majority
of whom were planters from the various West India islands, bound on a
pleasure trip during the hot season. Not merely the black servants, but
even their white and chocolate-coloured masters, broke out into the most
marvellous English or French jargon, according as they came from Jamaica
and Demerara, from Martinique, Guadaloupe, or Hayti. The presence of a
great number of children, who, so long as they kept free of sea-sickness,
evidently considered the whole of the quarter-deck as especially designed
for them to play on, in which notion they were zealously upheld by their
mothers and their nurses, made the passage anything but agreeable.
Moreover, the impression made by the grown-up passengers was such as to
heighten one's aspirations for a speedy voyage. The intelligence which had
been received from the seat of war in Italy gave rise to much excitement,
and within the first twelve hours had made it apparent
that
it was vain
to hope for a pleasant voyage. Nothing was heard on every side but
politics, and it may be left to the reader to guess in what tone they
would be discussed, when Frenchmen, heated with visions of la gloire
militaire, were the principal spokesmen.
Early the next morning we were near the reef, which had disabled the
largest and finest of the Company's ships, that had just cost £140,000.
The unfortunate ship had struck the reef when running 11 knots an hour,
and now lay on her starboard side on the reef, having careened so far over
that her port paddle-wheel was quite clear of the water. A committee on
the spot having decided that she must be entirely dismantled before even
her bare hull could be got off the reef, it was resolved not to detain the
Magdalena, it being thought desirable that she should as speedily as
possible make her way to Southampton, so as to enable the directors at
once to determine what course to adopt, before the sailing of the next
steamer. Our captain was furnished with a general account of the accident,
together with a sketch by the head engineer of the position of the
Paramatta, and with these the Magdalena was permitted to take her
departure.
The voyage threatened to be long and tedious, though attempts were made to
enliven the mornings and evenings by music, and an occasional dance on
deck. The former might have been made very agreeable, had not the chef
d'orchestre, who was second steward, ventured on playing his own
compositions as often as possible. To please the susceptibilities of
the
two nationalities, God save the Queen and Partant pour la Syrie were
regularly called for each night. A more serious cause of alarm was the
fear lest we should have to put into some intermediate port to coal. When
she left St. Thomas the Magdalena had 1200 tons on board, but as,
notwithstanding constant calms and a sea like a mill-pond, she never made
above 190 to 220 miles in the early part of the voyage, at a consumption
of 70 tons per day, there seemed every prospect of our exhausting our
supply. As she consumed her stock, however, she lightened perceptibly,
till she even got up to the for her unusual speed of 280 miles a day. How
different from the same Company's ships Atrato and La Plata, which
frequently make 340 miles a day, and in fact average only 13 days on the
passage home, while the average of the Magdalena and her consorts is 18
days!
At last, on 18th July, we sighted the Lizard's. Although barely 200 miles
from our destination, the captain thought it best to put into the nearest
port for a supply of coal, and shortly after noon we anchored in Falmouth
Harbour, where the first intelligence we got was that peace had been
concluded. Singular to say, even this intelligence produced no accession
of harmony between the two great political parties on board. As for
myself, I had kept as much as possible by myself; and now stepping ashore,
I wandered through the narrow dirty streets of Falmouth, which presents
the accurate type of the old-fashioned English provincial town. The
meadows and sloping hills around shone forth in all the fresh
verdure
of
spring. Even the traveller fresh from the voluptuous loveliness of the
tropics, finds ever new beauties in the manifold variety of nature. The
more the student of Nature walks with her and finds in her his chief
pleasures, the more receptive does his soul become for all that is
marvellous and beautiful, as from day to day they present themselves in
new and unexpected phases.
The same evening the Magdalena resumed her voyage, and about noon on the
19th we passed the renowned "Needles," and in two hours afterwards reached
Southampton. Dire was the confusion on board, each person wishing to have
his own trunk conveyed on shore the first. I found with my voluminous
boxes the most courteous consideration. It sufficed to explain the object
of my travels to have all my luggage passed without examination. For down
to the English Custom House officials, who are not, it must be confessed,
prone to show much tenderness to travellers' baggage, extends that
honourable feeling of respect for science which Englishmen of all grades
seem to entertain. The same evening I reached London.
As the next steamer for Gibraltar was not to leave for eight days, I
immediately started to London, and availed myself of this opportunity to
renew old acquaintance, and make up my leeway as regarded the important
strides and valuable discoveries made in the fields of science during my
long absence from Europe. The warm interest and cordial reception I met
with from such gentlemen as Sir Roderick
Murchison,
General Sabine, Sir
Charles Lyell, Professor Owen, Dr. Gray, Mr. Henry Reeve, Mr. Crawford,
Mr. John Murray, Mr. Ellis, and many others, was the most gratifying and
conclusive evidence of the interest and high expectations which the
Novara Expedition had excited among scientific circles in England.
On 27th July I embarked on board the P. and O. Company's steamer Behar,
Captain Black, en route to Gibraltar, which I reached after a passage of
4 1⁄2 days, and, what is still more curious, by a singular coincidence, at
the very same moment when the Novara, with every stitch of canvas set,
was proudly careering through the famous Straits!! As the noble frigate
shot past our steamer, Captain Black saluted, and was so thoughtfully kind
as to signal the Novara that I was among his passengers. Very soon
after, both ships anchored in the roads of Gibraltar. In the course of my
overland journey from Valparaiso to Gibraltar, I had travelled 8832
nautical miles, and had been but 29 days actually travelling.
I now felt pervaded by a sentiment of profoundest gratitude to a
benevolent fate, which had led me safely and pleasantly through so many
dangers till I rejoined that Expedition with which not alone the best and
happiest remembrances of my life are henceforth associated, but which
opened to me the unspeakably gratifying prospect of being better able to
contribute, by extended knowledge and experience, to the advancement of
science in my native land!
XXIII.
From Gibraltar to Trieste.
From 7th to 26th August, 1859.
First circumstantial details of the War of 1859.—Alterations in
Gibraltar since our previous visit.—Science and
Warfare.—Voyage through the Mediterranean.—Messina.—The
Novara taken in tow by the War-steamer
Lucia.—Gravosa.—Ragusa.—Arrival of H.I.H. the Archduke
Ferdinand Maximilian at Gravosa.—Presentation of the
Staff.—Banquet on board the screw-corvette
Dandolo.—Pola.—Roman Amphitheatre.—Porta Aurea.—Triumphal
return to Trieste.—Retrospect of the achievements and general
scientific results of the Expedition.—Concluding Remarks.
Eighty-two days elapsed between the departure of the Novara from
Valparaiso and her arrival in the harbour of Gibraltar. They had been as
many days of dreadful trial and disaster for our country! While the good
ship was careering along in mid ocean, and in an unusually short space of
time had sailed over 10,600 nautical miles, the fortune
of
arms had gone
against our House, and we now heard for the first time of the desperate
battles, the heavy losses, the sudden armistice of Villafranca! The
Commodore at once telegraphed to Trieste the news of our arrival, and
asked for further instructions.
Among our friends and acquaintances at Gibraltar many changes and
alterations had taken place. The former Governor, Sir James Ferguson, had
in the interim been replaced by Sir W. Codrington. The Austrian Consul,
the estimable Mr. Longlands Cowell, was dead, and in his stead Mr. Frembly
attended provisionally to the duties of the office.
The heads of the community, the Governor, the staff, Mr. Creswell,
Postmaster-General, Mr. Frembly, &c., paid us marked attention on our
present visit. Singular to say, no one here seemed to be aware of our
having been declared neutral by most of the European powers, thanks to the
far-sighted circumspection of the projector of the voyage, and
consequently some apprehension had been felt lest some warships of the
enemy might have encountered the Novara in American waters. But albeit
of late years we have been pretty well accustomed to see even written
treaties trodden underfoot, yet, in the present instance, the capture of
the Novara had been stringently prohibited to all French cruisers. For
even in the Tuileries the consequences of such an abuse of power had been
well foreseen; it was felt moreover even there, that in our time the most
powerful can no longer dispense with science or disregard its interests,
that any violence
offered
to her votaries is an outrage upon mankind and
civilization. So great, indeed, was the anxiety felt at Paris to avoid any
possible collision with the Novara, that in addition to the existing
declaration of neutrality, special orders were dispatched by the French
Government, and from amid the din of battle and the thunder of artillery,
the word went forth: "The Novara may proceed unmolested, for she is
freighted with scientific treasures, and science is the common benefit of
all nations!"
On 7th of August, a telegraphic dispatch was received in the course of the
morning from the Lord High Admiral, with instructions for the Novara to
proceed under sail to Messina, where a war-steamer would be in waiting to
take us in tow. The same afternoon we weighed anchor on our way up the
Mediterranean.
On 15th August we sighted the northern shores of Sicily, and the same
evening could plainly perceive the brilliant red lights of the newly
erected lighthouse on Cape San Vito, the extreme N.W. point of the island.
Diversified by frequent calms, and but occasionally favoured with gentle
breezes, our progress was necessarily very slow. On the 16th we passed the
island of Ustica, and the following day the Lipari Islands, and at last,
about 7 A.M. of the 18th, we reached the Straits of Messina. A pilot who
came on board informed us that an Austrian war-steamer was lying off
Messina. Orders were now given to fire a few blank shot, to advise her
commander of our arrival in the Straits, after which we resumed our
course.
A few hours more and we were in tow of the steamer, which proved
to be the Lucia, the same vessel which upwards of two years before had
brought us as far as Messina on our outward voyage. We now received
letters from friends and relatives at home, as also the customary and
inevitable poetical effusion, which some sailor poet had written on "The
Return of the Novara."
On the night of the 19th August we were off Cape Santa Maria di Leuca,
which marks the entrance of the Adriatic Gulf, and in the afternoon of the
following day passed Caste Nuovo near Cattaro, and the same night anchored
in the harbour of Gravosa in Dalmatia. The captain of the Lucia had been
dispatched to bring us hither, there to wait further orders.
The following morning, Sunday, 21st August, the naturalists and superior
officers made an excursion to the highly interesting city of Ragusa, only
a few miles distant, which communicates with Gravosa by a beautiful wide
well-kept road. For the first time in 28 months our feet once more trod
our native soil.
Next morning, about nine, the imperial steam yacht Fantasie came into
port, with H.I.H. the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian on board, accompanied
by the Archduchess. The Lord High Admiral stood on the paddle-box, and
saluted us most heartily, repeatedly waving his cap, to which the crew of
the Novara replied by a shout that made the welkin
ring.
The
screw-corvette Dandolo shortly after anchored near us.
About noon the Archduke came on board, and inspected the crew and ship,
after which he expressed himself in the most kind terms to the officers of
the ship and the scientific corps of the expedition. The Archduchess
afterwards had a levee, at which the officers and naturalists had the
honour of being presented to her Highness, who addressed to each a few
gracious words of welcome and interest.
In the evening there was an elegant banquet of forty covers, at which the
Archduke presided, his consort also sharing in the festivities, during
which his Highness distinguished the members of the Expedition in
proposing the toast, "The men of the Novara, whose names will belong to
Austrian history."
On 23rd August our frigate, accompanied by the Lucia and the
screw-corvette Dandolo, sailed for Pola. Shortly before our departure
the Archduke again came on board, and himself brought with him a long list
of promotions. The entire crew were promoted one grade, and all the
midshipmen were made officers.
On the 25th August we passed, during the morning, the light-tower of
Promontore, standing on a solitary rock that rises out of the sea, hardly
a cable's length from the shore, and at 11 reached Pola, the chief naval
arsenal of Austria. Here we availed ourselves of the stoppage to visit
some of the classical monuments of
Pola.
Few cities can present better-preserved or more extensive mementoes of
Roman architecture than this, the ancient Pietas Julia, so named because
shortly after its destruction by Julius Cæsar, it was rebuilt at the
instance of Julia, the daughter of Augustus. The majestic amphitheatre, of
elliptical form, rises on the slope of the hills, so that to remedy the
inequality of the ground the portion next the sea is held up by a
succession of buttresses. The dazzling white of the stone does not present
any traces by which one would guess its age. This relic of antiquity is in
far better preservation than the Colosseum of Rome, or the Amphitheatre of
Verona, and would have been far more perfect had it not been used as a
stone-quarry during the days of Venetian supremacy, when entire ship-loads
of this brilliant white stone were transported to Venice, there to be used
as building material.
Near the amphitheatre, on the side next the city, the stranger is struck
by another beautiful edifice, the Porta Aurea (golden gate), a
monumental structure in the Corinthian style, which, according to one of
the inscriptions, was erected by his widow, Salvia, at her own expense, in
honour of Lucius Sergius Lepidus, tribune. For harmony of proportion,
richness and elegance of decoration, and perfect preservation, it may be
cited as one of the best existing specimens of Roman architecture. A
temple to Augustus and another to Diana also attract the astonished gaze
of the artist and antiquary, while many another object of classical
interest lies prostrate on the earth for want of means, or perhaps, more
probably,
through
indifference. It is highly probable that, with the
rapid development of the town, some interest will also be taken in
preserving its antiquities.
The importance of this spacious, easily accessible, secure, and
well-fortified harbour, induced the Austrian Government during the last
few years to commence public works on a large scale, which was
munificently projected and fully carried out, and have resulted in opening
for Pola a prospect of future importance second to none on the Adriatic,
making it the Portsmouth of the Austrian Empire.
In the evening we again set sail, and about 11 A.M. of the 26th escorted
by a squadron of above a dozen ships of war, in two columns, the one led
by H.I.H. the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, the other by our Commodore,
we neared the imposing roadstead of Trieste. As the Novara passed
beneath the walls of the splendid château of Miramar, the residence of the
Archduke, a guard of artillery saluted the home-returning wanderer, and
almost immediately afterwards the cannon of the citadel of Trieste
thundered forth their salute.
A Lloyd's steamer, having on board the principal officials of the city, as
also a few friends, was now seen wending its way towards us with a band of
music on board, and fell into the procession. The latter made its way,
enveloped in clouds of smoke, to the picturesquely-situated city, as far
as the Bay of Muggia, where each ship let go her anchor in her appointed
position, and—The voyage was over.
On the transcriber of the foregoing literary detail of the incidents of
the voyage of the Novara still devolves the task of presenting a brief
summary of the chief objects aimed at, and the actual scientific results
attained by the Imperial Expedition, so as to moderate the exaggerated
expectations of one set of readers, and to rectify the hasty, depreciatory
judgment of others, by stating obvious and convincing facts.
He feels, above all, compelled to examine the question, which not alone
criticism but the entire educated world will address with reference to an
undertaking begun under such auspices and of such universal interest,
"What are the actual results, and what those to be anticipated from the
Novara Expedition? How did its members respond to the efforts made to
provide them with every possible appliance that munificence could supply?"
In order aright to answer this query, whether the first Austrian
Expedition round the globe has really answered the expectations formed of
it, it is necessary to bear in mind that its first and foremost object was
the instruction on an adequate scale of the officers and midshipmen of the
Imperial navy, and that scientific investigation was always regarded as of
secondary importance to that chief object.
The descriptive portion of the voyage of the Novara must be considered
simply as the precursor of a series of scientific publications which,
thanks to Imperial munificence, will be published at the expense of the
State. The nautico-physical portion will include the
astronomico-geodetical, magnetic,
and
meteorological observations made
throughout the voyage, and will appear under the auspices of the Imperial
hydrographic Institution at Trieste.
The abundant materials collected in the departments of natural history,
statistics, and commercial policy, will be prepared by the various
gentlemen who accompanied the Expedition, and comprise as many sections as
there were scientific branches represented on board ship during the
voyage. These publications will embrace, in a collected form, the
observations, investigations, and results obtained in the course of the
entire campaign, relating to Geology, Zoology, Botany, Ethnography and
Anthropology, Medicine, Statistics, and Trade.
And while these various works can only after their publication admit of a
just opinion being formed as to what has been achieved in this respect by
the Expedition, the numerous and valuable collections of objects of
natural history already give an idea of the activity and research of each
member of the scientific staff in the course of the voyage.
The zoological collection comprises above 26,000 specimens, partly
collected by the two zoologists themselves, partly presented or purchased;
they consist of 320 mammalia, 1500 birds, 950 amphibiæ, 2000 fish, 6550
conchyliæ, 13,000 insects, 950 crustacea, 500 molluscs, 60 skeletons, 50
skulls, 120 nests, and 150 eggs.
The botanical portion embraces several very comprehensive and valuable
herbaria and collections of seeds (in selecting the latter the
capabilities of the various portions of the Empire were
carefully
borne
in mind, with reference to the power of propagating the plant), besides a
large quantity of fruits and flowers of tropical plants, preserved in
acetic acid or alcohol, as also Indian and Chinese drugs, and specimens of
ornamental and useful woods.
The mineralogical, petrographical, and palæontological collections consist
of several thousand specimens of mineralogy and petrifactions, part
collected by the geologist himself, part presented by scientific
Institutes, or private donors, or purchased.
The ethnographic collection embraces 376 objects, such as weapons of the
most diverse form, house utensils and implements of labour, ornaments,
amulets, carvings, idols, headgears, masks, pieces of clothing, models,
textile fabrics, manufactures in bark, musical instruments, Cingalese
manuscripts, as also fragments of palm-leaves, bamboo-reeds, and bark, all
variously transcribed. Some of these various objects are the more
interesting, as furnishing, so to speak, the last proofs of the aboriginal
skill which, in proportion to the increasing intercourse of the savage
tribes with European civilization, is rapidly diminishing, and in all the
principal colonies may be considered as already extinguished.
The anthropological collection consists of 100 skulls of various races of
men, and includes a complete Bushman-skeleton, besides a great variety of
interesting physiological and pathologico-anatomical preparations.
But it is not merely in its general, nautical, scientific, and
politico-economical
features that the voyage of the Novara has reacted
in a suggestive and instructing manner upon those who were privileged to
belong to the Expedition. It has widened the horizon of political
knowledge, presented the opportunity of instituting interesting
comparisons between the conditions of the various countries visited, and
has furnished many an instructive insight into the transmuting process,
which the possession of civil and religious liberty effects upon the
material welfare and intellectual energy of every race and land, from pole
to pole. And although mankind is subjected to the powerful influences of
climate, nourishment, soil, and natural phenomena in general, yet it is
not less certain that by freely developing the physical and intellectual
powers, those influences may be materially limited in extent of operation,
and modified in practice; so that, while we see a people inhabiting a
country, where Nature has lavished her utmost treasures of fertility,
beauty, and loveliness, languishing spiritually and physically under the
oppression of a despotic power, and the land itself hastening to
impoverishment and decay, we perceive on the other hand that another, far
less favourably situated, has been able under free institutions to become
by its own unaided energy the marvel of all nations, colonizing every
region of the earth, and extending its commercial and political importance
over the entire universe.
What a melancholy picture of stagnation and decay is presented by the
Spanish and Portuguese possessions in Asia,
Africa,
and the West Indies,
by the Slave-empire of Brazil, and the Hispano-American Republics, with
their mestizo dictators, as compared with the mighty development and
glorious promise of the British colonies in Asia, Africa, America, and
Australia, governed as they are by constitutional laws, and enjoying full
civil and religious rights! Here the energy of free self-governing men,
aided by a keen spirit of enterprise and investigation, has obtained a
victory over all impediments of a primeval nature, and not alone opened to
European civilization new channels for the extension of commerce and
industry, but also accomplished important social and political reforms,
for which many a civilized state in old Europe is still sighing in vain!
And to the German who has circumnavigated the globe, the consideration of
these lofty themes is mingled with a glow of pride and satisfaction, in
reflecting that it is a kindred Anglo-Saxon race, to whom apparently has
been assigned the glorious mission of diffusing a new life over the earth,
of carrying the light of Christian civilization, of political liberty, and
spiritual culture, to the most primitive tribes in the furthest regions of
the world, and of heralding, amid the ruins of slavery and despotism, the
day-spring of a lasting era of Freedom, Peace, and Prosperity!
THE
END.
VOL. II. — APPENDIX A. — APPENDIX B. — APPENDIX C. (p. 399 .) — APPENDIX D. (pp. 539-548).
A VOCABULARY
(ARRANGED UPON GALATIN'S SYSTEM)
OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE NATIVES OF THE NICOBAR ARCHIPELAGO.
[158]
| Name of object in English. | Dialect used in Kar Nicobar (called Puh by the natives). The most northerly island, 9° 10′ N., 93° 36′ E. | Dialect used in the Central Group, consisting of the islands of Nangkauri, Kamorta, Pulo Milú, Kondúl, and Lesser Nicobar. | Corresponding words used by the Malay inhabitants of Pulo Penáng, 5° 25′ N., 100° 21′ E. |
| God | — | — | — |
| evil spirit | — | eewée | hontú |
| man | kigonje | báhju | orang |
| people | tarík | — | — |
| woman | kigána | angána | poorampúan |
| old woman | — | angána-oomiáha | — |
| boy | lúenda | kanióom | booda-kitschí |
| lad | marengla | ilúh | — |
| young girl | nia-kookána | kanioóm-angána | booda-poorampúan |
| child | niá | poa | ana-kitschí |
| father | jong | tschía | bápa |
| my father | jong-tióo | — | — |
| mother | kamioján | tschía-angána | ma, mák |
| old man | jong-niá | angónje | chaudáu |
| old woman, feeble woman | — | koomhóois | chaudán-poorampooan |
| son | kóoan | góan or ilúh | ana-chaudán |
| daughter | kóoan | kanióom-angana | ana-pooram-pooan |
| brother | kanána | tscháo-angana | kaka |
| head | kóoi | góeh | kapalá |
| hair | kooiá | jogh | ramut |
| face | gúa | matscháka | mooká |
| forehead | mal | lal | dái |
| ear | nang | neng | talénga |
| earrings worn by natives | nang | itiéi | — |
| eye | mat | oal-mát | mattá |
| eyebrows | — | ok-mát | — |
| nose | elmé | moáh | idóng |
| nostrils | — | ol-moáh | lo-bang-idong |
| chin | — | enkóin | dagóo |
| cheek | — | tapóah | pípi |
| breast | — | alendája | dáda |
| throat, larynx | — | ungnóka | kronkóugan |
| calf of the leg | — | kanmoána | jantong-bóotis |
| mouth | minú | manóing | mulót |
| tongue | litág | kaletág | lidá |
| tooth | kanáp | kanáp | jijée |
| beard | máin-kóoa | inhóing | boolo-báo |
| neck | likún | unlóngha | tinkó |
| arm | kel | koál | langán |
| hand | koontée | oktái | tangán |
| palm of the hand | — | oal-tái | — |
| finger | heng | kani-tái | charée |
| nail | kiusó | kaischúa | kookóo |
| body or trunk | aláha | okáha | badán |
| belly | áik | wuiáng | baróot |
| navel | — | fon | boosát |
| thigh | kaldrán | booló | pahá |
| foot | eldrán | lah | tapa-kakí |
| toes | kundrán | kanéch-lah or ok lah | daloognoo-kakí |
| bone | tangáe | ung-éjing | tooláng |
| skin | — | ihé | kooléet |
| knee | — | kohanoáng | lutót |
| heart | faniéoola | kióyen | hangát |
| blood | mahám | wooáh | dará |
| village | panám | mattái | kampong |
| chief | máh | oomiáh-mattái | capitan, capitan-kampong |
| warrior | hol | — | toomóh |
| friend | moowée | jól | bái, bánia-bái |
| friendship | hóldra | — | — |
| house, hut | patée | njee | roomá |
| kettle | tzitóom | poonhágua | balanga, panél |
| arrow | alindreng | bel | ana-paná |
| bow | lindreng | donna | paná |
| axe, hatchet | hanyeng | enlóin | kapá |
| flint | — | hindél | sanapáng |
| cannon | — | hin-wáu | mariám |
| shot | — | hadéel | pasang-bóodeel |
| knife | sooréeta | kahánáp | pisóh |
| canoe, or boat | ap | dëuá | sampán |
| rudder | — | duende-dol-deüá | — |
| shoe | kundróka | zapatos (corruption of Portuguese) | kasút, supátu |
| bread | pekó | puáng (Portuguese, pan) | roti |
| pipe, whistle | rípa | tanóp | hundchúe |
| to smoke | — | top-oomhói | asap |
| tobacco | tobacco | oomhói | tumbáko |
| bamboo tobacco-box | ooráng | — | — |
| heaven | halyáng | oal, galahája | langéet |
| sun | tawúo | heng | mataharée |
| moon | chingát | kahaé | boolán |
| full-moon | sohó | — | — |
| star | tanoosamát | shokmaléicha | bintang |
| day | tahei | heng | tsará |
| night | átam | hatám | malám |
| darkness | sangóola | doochóol | bania-galáp |
| morning | haaréi | hagée | pagée |
| day after to-morrow | — | chayesláng | hiso-pagée-pagée |
| evening | haráp | ladiáyá | patang |
| summer (i. e. the dry or fine season) | talák | koi-kapa (N.E. monsoon) | poolan-nám |
| winter (i. e. the rainy season) | koomra | sohóng (S.W. monsoon) | barát |
| wind | koofótt | hash | angéen |
| lightning | nieïnáka | máit | kilát |
| thunder | koonróka | komtoogna | gooróh |
| rain | koomra | amà | oosán |
| clouds | talóol | galaháya | awán |
| east | — | hash-fooly | téemor |
| west | — | hash-soháng | barát |
| south | — | hash-láhhna | slatán |
| north | — | hash-kapá | ootára |
| fire | tamóia | hióye | ápee |
| to kindle a fire with bamboo | kiséit | — | — |
| water | neak | dák | ajaír |
| salt-water | — | kamaléh | aja-masséen |
| sand | toomlát | péeèt | pasói |
| earth, land | panámm | oal-mattái | kampong |
| sea | máee | oal-kamaléh | aja-masséen |
| flood-tide | — | hayjáoo | ajáir-báh |
| ebb | — | tchóh | sooróot |
| river | tit-mak | hiajarák | soongwáy |
| valley | — | alhodá | lémba |
| hill | yógle | kohinjúan | boojétt (boo-kéett) |
| mountain, forest | koochiónn | — | boojétt-bassa |
| island | panám, poolgna | poolgna, mattái | póolo |
| stone, rock | chóng | mangáh | batóo |
| brass | mas | kalaháee | tamagá |
| iron | wert | kadáo | bacee, (bucee) |
| tree | kaha-chiónn | koy-unjéeha | atas-kayóo |
| wood | chiónn | oomnóeet | kayóo |
| leaf | droée-chiónn | da-unjéeha | daáeen-kayóo |
| bark | ook-chiónn | ok-unjéeha | coolie-kayór |
| grass | káee-op | oobjóoab | roombót |
| human flesh | aláha | — | — |
| flesh | kirinée | okaóoha | koolétt |
| pork | naoon | — | — |
| parrot | sakáha | katók | buron-baján nóri, kastóoree |
| maina (bird known as Graculus Indicus) | kachaláo | sichóoa | buron-tiónn |
| cocoa-palm | kahataóoka | oocejáoo | niónn |
| green cocoa-nut | taóoka | njáoo | nionn-mooda |
| ripe cocoa-nut | toowooáyka | gnoátt | massá |
| banana | tanióonga | hibóo | pisang |
| sugar-cane | lamóoa | — | tóoboo |
| yam | toltatchióng | — | koontang oobee-bóonggala |
| anana | — | choodóo | avanas |
| Carica-papaya | popáy | popáy | papáya |
| pandanus | — | laróhm | — |
| palm-wine (toddy) | — | doágh | tóoak |
| pig | — | not | babi |
| ape | ointchí | dooáeen-káeen | grah |
| dog | ahm | ahm | autchíng |
| cock | hayám | kamóoe-koep | ajam-tchantán |
| hen | kooan-hayám | kon-kamóoe, tschi-kamóoe | ajam-bootéena |
| rat | komét | — | tíkus |
| cat | koomeáo | — | kootchíng |
| serpent, snake | petsch | paéetya, toolán | ooláh |
| bird | tschi-aítchou | sitchúa | boorón |
| egg (generally) | óoha | hóoeeja | toolo |
| hen's egg | — | hóoeeja-kamóoe | tulo-ajám |
| dove | makóoka | moomóoh | pregám-moorpáti |
| fish | kah | gah | ikán |
| paper | — | láeeberi | kóortas |
| lead-pencil | — | anet-láeeberi | halam-téemah |
| key | — | tenooán | anak-kúntchi |
| chain | — | maláo | rantik |
| white | tesó | tenjéea | pootáy |
| black | turíng | óeel | itám |
| black coat | — | loaim-óeel | — |
| red | sakalátt | ak | máyra |
| blue | turing | tchoongóa | kalabóo |
| dark-blue | turing | — | — |
| light-blue | tatóoka | — | — |
| yellow | tangáo | láaom | kooncéng |
| green | faiáll | tchoongóa | itchó |
| large | maróla | kadóo | loás |
| small | keejilóng | oompáeetche | kitchée |
| strong | takale-aláh | koáng | prat |
| old | mah | boomóoashe oomiáha | tóoa |
| young | neeáy | eelóoh | moodá |
| good | taláck | lapów | bagóoce |
| bad | atláck | hadlapa | tabáee |
| pretty | talácka-kóoa | lapóa | báee |
| very beautiful | — | ilote-lapóa | bánia-báee |
| ugly | atlácka-koóa | jóoh | hang |
| living | atkáppa | ahn | deeáa |
| dead | kóopa | kapá | matti |
| cold | leejéet | kaáy | sitchóo |
| warm | wooang, or wáyee-low | keeojan | hang-át |
| I | teeóoa | teeóoa | sajá |
| thou | mough | mooáyh | aug |
| he | kna | ahn | deeá |
| we | — | teeóe | kéeta, kámi |
| ye or you | — | eefóe | augkáoo |
| they | — | efoe-bajóo-oomtohm | dia-orang, or marikaéetoo |
| this | eenáy | neeáe or néena | seenee, eenee |
| that | oomóo | anáay | seetóo |
| all | rókayra | oomtóhm | samooáa |
| much | marónga | ootóhatche | baniá, baniák |
| who? | akéea? | tchée? | sapaée? (seeáppa) |
| who is he? | — | tchick-ahn? | — |
| near | raáyta | meáyhoa | dakátt |
| distant | — | hóee | tchaó |
| very far | — | hóee-kah | — |
| to-day | taháee | lenheng | arynée, harée |
| yesterday | waháy | mandiój | koomaréen, klamaréen |
| to-morrow | hooráyeek | hakáyee | heéso (bisok) |
| yes | hoán | aón | ijá |
| no | draháwa | ooát | tidá |
| one | hang | hayáng | satóo |
| two | anátt | ah | dooá |
| three | lóoay | lóeh | téega |
| four | fön | fooán | oompátt |
| five | tanáyee | tanáyee | léema |
| six | tafóol | tafoóel | njam |
| seven | sat | ishiátt | tootchó |
| eight | háware | oenfoán | lapánn |
| nine | matióotare | hayáng-hata | sambilán |
| ten | som | som | sibooló |
| eleven | kaook-séeen | som-háyang | sebeláss |
| twelve | áh-sien | som-áh | dooabeláss |
| thirteen | looay-sien | som-loáy | teejabeláss |
| twenty | kaóok-matiáma | heng-oomtchóma | dua-poolów |
| twenty-one | kaóok-matiáma-heng | heng-oomtchóma-heang | dua-poolów-satóo |
| twenty-two | kaook-matiama-anátt | heng-oomtchóma-ah | dua-poolów-duá |
| thirty | looay-kanyoo | heng-oomtchóma-toktay | tiga-poolów |
| forty | fön-kanyóo | ahm-oomtchóma | ampátt-poolów |
| fifty | tanáyee-kanyóo | ahm-oomtchóma-toktay | léema-poolów |
| sixty | tafoól-kanyoo | looáy-oomtchóma | njam-poolów |
| hundred | heng-ohn | som-oomtchóma | saratooce |
| thousand | som-ohn | — | sirrybóo |
| to eat | niá | náok | makán |
| one who eats | — | oog-naók | — |
| to drink | kön | táoop | minoong |
| one who drinks | — | oog-taoop | — |
| to run | kayánn | deeánn | larée |
| to dance | küliám | katáoga | máaen, murari |
| to go | keerángary | tchoo | bigée |
| to grow slowly | att-kayán | — | — |
| to sing | tingócka | aekásha | magnánee |
| to sleep | loom | eetáyak | teedów |
| to speak | róa | olliówla | sakápp |
| to see | mooak | hadáh, oog-hadáh | tengo |
| to love | hanganlón | soojónghién | bánia-kesseéen |
| to kill | sap | oorrée | bóton, boonóh |
| to cut one's self | — | ottáh | — |
| to sit | ratt | katö | doodó |
| to sit down | — | bóoja | — |
| to stand | talánn | ockshéeaga | badyrée |
| to come | jéehee | kaáytery | marée |
| to yawn | — | hengáp | móongwap |
| to laugh | — | itée | toortáwa |
| to weep | — | teeóom | moonángis |
| native stringed instrument (see p. 122) | — | dennang | — |
| areca-nut | tissáh | heejáh | pinang |
| coral chalk | soonám | shónn | kapoor |
| betel-leaf | kooránia | hakáyee, aráy | sirée |
| tortoise-shell | kap | — | koolet-kará |
| fly | inlooáyee | jóoay | lapátt |
| mosquito | moosóka | mihója | njamó |
| feather or pencil | kanuítch | anet-láyeebery | kalám |
| wing | — | danówen | sajáp |
| name | minánee | lérmay | namáa |
| what is your name? | — | kin-lérmay | apa-namáa |
| weapon | hinwótt | hindéll | boodéel |
| cow-pox | mallóck | — | tcha-tchár |
| white man | isohokooa | bájoo-tatenn-hamátt | orang-bootáy |
| a Malay or yellow man | — | kolog-hamátt | orang-máyra |
| black man | — | taóln-hamátt | orang-itám |
| voyage or journey | — | johatáyha | blajárr |
| doctor | manlóoena | manlóoena | bornów |
| honey | — | — | lapáa |
| flute (see p. 122) | — | hinhell | bangsée |
VOCABULARY
(UPON GALATIN'S SYSTEM)
OF THE LANGUAGES OF THE NATIVES OF PUYNIPET ISLAND
(CAROLINE ARCHIPELAGO)
AND SIKAYANA, OR STEWART'S ISLAND.
| Object. | Puynipet, 6° 48′ N., 158° 14′ E. | Sikayana, 8° 24′ 24″ N., 163° E. |
| |
| man | ooléen | tanáta |
| apparel (men's) | koáll | — |
| men, people | aramáss | — |
| woman | lée | faféeny |
| apparel (women's) | lee-koóty | — |
| boy | tchirri-máoon | tamali-kirriky |
| girl | tchirri-páyni | tama-feény |
| father | paba | tamána |
| mother | nono | tinána |
| old man | — | tilui-tanáta |
| old woman | boóot | tama |
| son | — | aréeky |
| brother | reeágey | táeena |
| sister | reeágey-lee | káwe |
| workman or slave | aramáss-a-mal | — |
| head | — | debosoúlu |
| hair | — | ládóo |
| face | — | lofeé-máta |
| brow | — | móa-lái |
| ear | — | káootalina |
| eye | — | karimata |
| nose | — | kai-joosoo |
| mouth | — | móa-jóosoo |
| tongue | — | aláydo |
| tooth | — | nítcho |
| beard | — | bábaée |
| neck | — | teoówa |
| arm | — | léema |
| hand or finger | — | motikáo |
| nail | — | padde |
| body | — | fuáitino |
| belly | — | manáwa |
| thigh or leg | — | koonawáee |
| foot | — | sapoowáee |
| toes | — | motikáo-wáee |
| bone | — | táyeewee |
| heart | — | wagga-wagga |
| blood | — | tóto |
| village | — | takaeena |
| chief | tchobity | alikée |
| high-chief | tchobity-lappilap | — |
| a king | nanamaréeky | — |
| minister | nannekin | — |
| warrior | — | patooa |
| friend | — | tosóah |
| house, hut | nanoom | tamafálee |
| bow and arrow | katchin-kotáyoo | — |
| musket | kotcháck | — |
| cannon | kotchák-lappilap | — |
| spear | kotáyoo | — |
| saw | ratch-a-ratch | — |
| knife | kapoot | nife (Anglicé knife) |
| young bamboo | aleck | — |
| cocoa-palm | erring | nyóo |
| old cocoa-nut | erríng | mata-séelee |
| young cocoa-nut | páyeen | kamátoo |
| yam | kaáp | — |
| sugar-cane | katchin-tchóo | — |
| bread-fruit | mahee | — |
| banana | oot | — |
| ginger | goonapella | — |
| food | moonga | — |
| rope | sháal | — |
| coral | paeena | — |
| reef | mát | — |
| ship's mast | kow | — |
| ship | tchob | — |
| mainsail | tcherrick | — |
| launch | wooárr | wakka |
| large ship, man-of-war | — | wakka-wakka |
| go, fetch me a canoe | kowa-golawata-ny-wooárr | — |
| small canoe | wooárr-madigadig | — |
| war-canoe | wooárr-ma-loot | — |
| shoe | — | takka |
| bread | — | papay (from papaya) |
| pipe | péepo | méety-méety |
| tobacco | — | tobacco |
| smoke | atee-niágey (? act of sternutation is intended to be expressed) | — |
| heaven | — | teláoo |
| sun | katerpin | teláh |
the sun scorches (sc. the sun is evil) | katerpinban-kara-kara | — |
| moon | tschoonaboong | maláma |
| star | ootchoo | fatoó |
| day | — | trasonáyee |
| light | — | taeejáo |
| night | bong | tepóh |
| darkness | — | poóori-táoo |
| morning | raán | tapa-taeejáo |
| evening (little night) | — | afee-afee |
| wind | katchi-niang | — |
| lightning | — | wooéela |
| thunder | — | mána |
| rain | katow | tamakee-tayóowa |
| the rain approaches | katow-bankoto | — |
| basket | kíam | — |
| distilled spirit | jakó-ni-wáee | — |
| fire | katchiniagey | áfee |
| water | peéel | wooáee |
| hot water (also tea) | peéel-karakara | — |
| earth, land | tcháap | fanóoa |
| sea | nantchéet | wooáee-táee |
| hill | — | faka-maoona |
| island | — | tama-fanóva |
| stone, rock | tákee | fátoo |
| sand | pig | — |
| iron | — | keela |
| tree, wood | toóee or tóoka | lagáoo |
| sandal-wood | tooka-pomow | — |
| trepang | meneeka | — |
| red-trepang | lekapasina-menelka-witata | — |
| inferior sort | lognan | — |
| best sort | mayéen | — |
| black sort | matup | — |
| trepang split open | penapen | — |
| pearl-oyster | páee | — |
| flesh | — | tayéeho |
| human flesh | — | takéery |
| pig | piig (corrupted from the English) | — |
| dog | — | koorée |
| bird | — | looppi |
| egg | — | tafóoa |
| dove | móorie | — |
| domestic fowl | maleek | — |
| fish | maáam | éeka |
| fool | booy-booée | — |
| hat | tchoroóp | — |
| chisel | tcheela | — |
| flask | jug (English) | — |
| calabash | ay-júg | — |
| book | ay-tíng | — |
| box | koba | — |
| native cucumber | toor | — |
| apron | goál | — |
| fish-hook | katcheen-mata | — |
| musical instrument | katcháng | — |
| a liar | lakoompót | — |
| tortoise-shell | katchinipoot | masána |
| mosquito | — | namoo |
| name | — | koái-to-máre |
| what is your name? | idiatoom? | — |
| who are you? | itch-kowa? | — |
| voyage, journey | — | mamao |
| white | boot-a-boot | mah |
| white-man | oolyn-way | tamamáh |
| black | tintol | óoree |
| black-man | — | lama-ooree |
| red | witáta | ayóola |
| blue, green | — | ayóoee |
| yellow | — | kikana |
| great | lappiláp | naneéoo |
| small | madigidig | likée-likée |
| strong | — | faee-mafée |
| young | — | táaney |
| young man | — | tama-táaney |
| good | mamó | ayláooe |
| long | maréerie | — |
| short | mootamóot | — |
| old | — | matooa |
| far | maloóot | ma-máo |
| painfully alarmed | matchek | — |
| bad | metchiwate | fa-keeno-keeno |
| beautiful | katchilell | ayláosee |
| dead | metchilárr | koomátie |
| a dead man | hóni | — |
| bad odours | — | puraóo |
| ugly (bad) | — | fa-keeno-keeno |
| ill | tchoo-mo | áyeesoo |
| living | — | ayláooee |
| cold | — | makalili |
| warm | kara | mafána |
| hot | kara-kara | — |
| I, me | nej | enáoo |
| we | — | kohootóha |
| thou | — | akóee |
| he | — | támala |
| ye or you | noom | akoee |
| they | kowa | — |
| all | karootcheea | kohoo-tóhoo |
| much, many | matóto | tama-kee |
| seldom | malólo | — |
| where? | áya? | — |
| who? | — | sáya? |
| who's there? | — | sáya-táy? |
| which | itch | — |
| what? | ta? | — |
| what does that cost? | táa-ban-pyn? | — |
| to-day | raánauit | tai-jáoo |
| this night | neeboong | — |
| near | — | taoo-preemáee |
| yesterday | eejáyo | na-náfee |
| long since | kelanáydgo | — |
| to-morrow | lo-koop | taya-sóakee |
| yes | — | oh |
| I know | nejereera-neekee | — |
| no | tchó | sáyaee |
| I don't know | nej-tyraneekee | — |
| how do you call this? | togata mett? | — |
| enough, that's enough | áare | — |
| there is no more | allatcher | — |
| fast | bit-a-bit | — |
| one | aáat | táahee |
| two | aáree | róoah |
| three | tchil | torah |
| four | abáng | fah |
| five | ayliéem | leemah |
| six | oán | ono |
| seven | etch | féetoo |
| eight | ewal | wároo |
| nine | atóooo | séewo |
| ten | katingóol etchak | katáwa |
| eleven | katingóol-aát | katáwa-táhee |
| twelve | katingóol-árée | katáwa-róoah |
| thirteen | katingóol-etchil | katáwa-tóra |
| twenty | ree-etchak | mata-róoah |
| thirty | tchil-etchak | mata-tórah |
| forty | pa-etchak | mata-fáh |
| fifty | lyeem-etchak | mata-léema |
| sixty | oán-etchak | mata-on |
| hundred | a-bóokie | lou |
| 200 | ree-a-bookie | róoah-lou |
| 300 | tchil-abookie | — |
| 1000 | ket | kutaíoa-lou |
| 5000 | lyeem-a-ket | — |
| 2,505 | ree-a-ket-lyeem-a-bookie-elyéem | — |
| 5,090 | lyéem-a-ket-átoooo-etchak | — |
| 4,440 | pa-a-ket-pa-a-bóokie-pa-etchak | — |
| 3,030 | tchil-a-ket-tchil-etchak | — |
| 9,740 | atóooo-a-ket-etch-a-bóokie-pa-etchak | — |
| 10,990 | nóooo-atóooo-a-bookie-atóooo-etchak | — |
| to eat | namenám | káee |
| to drink | — | óonoo |
| to run | — | saéeray |
| to dance | — | anóo |
| to go | gota | anáaoo |
| to go ashore | gota-nancháp | — |
| to go up | gota-wáai | — |
| to descend | goti-wáai | — |
| I am going on board | — | anáoo-gafáno |
| I am going forward | ny-ban-tchoomeláa | — |
| whither go you? | go-leejáa? | — |
| go on! | hugo-wáai! | — |
| stand up! | hóota! | — |
| wait! | hooti-mas | — |
| sit down | mónti | — |
| lie down | wenti | — |
| to write or tattoo | ting | — |
| to sing | — | bésse |
| to sleep | meriláh | mói |
| to speak | kalang | tóka |
| to love | bukka-bukka | anáoo-fifái-kikaói |
| I do not love him | éekah | — |
| the dead | kumméla | leékie-teéa |
| It smells unpleasantly | — | poor-áoo |
| to steal | lyppiráp | — |
| to sit | — | nófo |
| to stand | — | anasáni |
| to come | tongata | — |
| come back! | broto | — |
| come here! | ky-to | — |
| to bathe | tóo-tu | — |
| to bring | wáta | — |
| to take | wá-waée | — |
| night-mare | loátch | — |
| to give | kiáng | — |
| give me | kitá | — |
| you are giving | kowa-kiáng | — |
FORM IN SPANISH OF THE AGREEMENT ENTERED INTO IN DUPLICATE,
CHINESE AND SPANISH, AND SIGNED BY EACH CHINESE EMIGRANT BEFORE
LEAVING MACAO.
| | Nombre____________________ | Provincia____________________ | |
| | Edad______________________ | Profesion____________________ | |
Digo Yo_________________________________________
natural____________________
en China, de edad de _____ años, que he convenido con Dn. F. Velez lo que
se espresa en las clausulas siguientes:
1a. Quedo comprometido desde ahora á embarcarme para la Habana en la Isla
de Cuba en el buque que me señale dicho Señor.
2a. Quedo igualmente comprometido y sugeto por el termino de ocho años á
trabajar en dicho pais de la Isla de Cuba á las ordenes de la Sociedad la
Colonizadora ó á las de la persona á quien traspasare este Contrato para
lo cual la faculto, en todas las tareas alli acostumbradas, en el campo,
en las poblaciones, ó en donde quiera que me destinen, sea en casas
particulares, establecimientos de cualquiera clase de industria y artes, ó
bien en ingenios, vegas, cafetales, sitios, potreros, estancias y cuanto
concierne á las labores urbanas y rurales sea de la especie que fueren.
3a. Los ocho años de compromiso que dejo contraidos en los terminos
espresados en la clausula anterior, principiarán á contarse desde el
octavo dia siguiente al de mi llegada al puerto citado de la Habana,
siempre que yo llegare en buena salud, y desde el octavo dia siguiente al
de mi salida del hospital ó enfermeria, caso de llegar enfermo ó incapaz
de trabajar al tiempo de mi desembarco.
4a. Las horas en que he de trabajar dependerán de la clase de trabajo que
se me dé, y segun las atencinoes que dicho trabajo requiera, lo cual queda
al arbitrio del patrono á cuyas ordenes se me ponga, siempre que se me dén
mis horas seguidas de descanso cada 24 horas, y el tiempo preciso a demas
para la comida y almuerzo, con arreglo á lo que en estas necesidades
inviertan los de mas trabajadores asalariados en aquel
pais.
5a. Ademas de las horas de descanso, en los dias de trabajo, no podrá
hacerseme desempeñar en los Domingos mas lavores que las denecesidad
practicadas en tales dias segun la indole de los que haceres en que me
ocupen.
6a. Me sugeto igualmente al orden y disciplina que se observe en el
establecimiento, taller, finca ó casa particular adonde se me destine, y
me someto al sistema de coreccion que en los mismos se impone por faltas
de aplicacion y constancia en el trabajo, de obediencia á las ordenes de
los patronos ó de sus representantes, y por todas aquellas, cuja gravedad
no haga precisa la intervencion de las leyes.
7a. Por ninguna razon ó por ningun pretesto podré, durante los ocho años
por los cuales quedo comprometido en este Contrato, negar mis servicios al
patron que me tome, ni á evadirme de su poder, ni á intentarlo siquiera
por ninguna causa, ni mediante ninguna indemnizacion, y para significar
mas mi voluntad de permanecer bajo su autoridad en los limites que en este
Contrato le doy, renuncio desde ahora el derecho de rescision de Contrato
que otorgan á los colonos los Articulos 27 y 28 de las Ordenanzas sobre
colonizacion promulgadas por S. M. la Reina Da. YSABEL 2a. en 22 de Marzo
de 1854, y el que pudieran otorgarle cualquiera otra ley ó disposiciones
que en lo sucesivo se publicasen.
8a. En cuanto á casos de enfermedad convengo y estipulo, que si esta
escede de una semana se me suspenda el salario, y que este no vuelva á
correrme hasta mi restablecimiento ó lo que es igual, hasta que mi salud
permita ocuparme en el servicio de mi patrono, no obstante el tenor de los
Articulos 43, 44 y 45 del Reglamento citado, pues tambien renuncio al
derecho que pudiesen otorgarme para ninguna otra ecsigencia que solo á
fuerza de tramites costosos y largos pudiera llegar á justificarse ó á ser
reprovada.
Dn. F. Velez se obliga poa su parte para conmigo:
1a. Aque desde el dia en que principien á contarse los ocho años de mi
compromiso, principie tambien á correrme el salario de cuatro pesos al
mes.
2a. Aque se me suministre de alimento cada dia ocho onzas de carne salada
y dos y media libras de boniatas ó de otras viandas sanas y alimenticias.
3a. Aque durante mis enfermedades se me proporcione en la
enfermeria
la
asistencia que mis males reclamen con los ausilios, medicinas y
facultativo que mis dolencias y conservacion ecsijan fuere por el tiempo
que fueren.
4a. Aque se me dén dos mudas de ropa, una camisa de lana y una frazada
anuales.
5a. Será de cuenta del mismo Señor y por la de quien corresponda mi
pasage hasta la Habana y mi manutencion á bordo.
6a. El mismo Señor me adelantará la cantidad de ocho pesos fuertes para
mi abilitation al viage que voi á emprender.
7a. Tambien me dará cuatro mudas de ropa, colcha y de mas avios
necesarios, cujo importe de pesos 4 con los de la clausula anterior hacen
la suma de pesos doce, la misma que satisfaré en la Habana á la orden de
la Sociedad la Colonizadora con un peso al mes que se descontará de mi
salario por la persona á quien fuere traspasado este Contrato,
entendiéndose que por ningun otro concepto podrá hacerseme descuento
alguno.
DECLARO haber recibido en efectivo y en ropa segun se espresa en la ultima
clausula la suma de pesos doce mencionados que reintegraré en la HABANA en
la forma establecida en dicha clausula.
DECLARO tambien que me conformo con el salario estipulado, aunque sé y me
consta es mucho mayor el que ganan los jornaleros libres y los esclavos en
la Isla da Cuba, porque esta diferencia la juzgo compensada con las otras
ventajas que ha de proporcionarme mi patrono, y las que aparecen en este
Contrato.
Y en fé de que cumpliremos mutuamente lo que queda pactado en este
documento firmamos dos de un tenor y para un solo efecto ambos
contratantes en ______ á _____ de 18__.
Por la Sociedad la Colonizadora.
TRANSLATION OF THE FOREGOING.
Name________________________ Province__________________
Age___ Business or occupation____________________
I, the under-signed____________ born at__________ in China ____years old,
have entered into an agreement with Don F. Velez, upon the following
conditions,
viz.—
1. I engage from the date hereof to embark for the Havannah in the island
of Cuba in whatever ship the before-mentioned gentleman may appoint.
2. I further promise and engage during the space of eight years to work in
the said country of Cuba under the orders and regulations of the
Colonization Society, or of the person to whom the present agreement may
be assigned, and to perform all necessary agricultural labour in the
settlement, or wheresoever I may be ordered so to do, whether in a private
house or in any description of industrial enterprise, or in factories, in
plantations, in coffee-gardens, at country-seats, or on pasturage grounds,
and generally all manner of labour, whether in town or country, of what
description soever it may consist.
3. The eight years during which I bind myself to labour under the
conditions specified in the last preceding paragraph shall be held to
commence eight days after my disembarkation in the aforesaid harbour of
the Havannah, it being always understood that I have been landed in good
health, or else shall commence on the eighth day after my discharge from
hospital, in the event of my having landed in ill health or incapable of
working.
4. The hours during which I bind myself to labour shall depend upon the
nature of the work which I shall be required to perform, and the degree of
special attention which such work may require, or may be determined on his
own responsibility by the master under whose orders I may be placed,
provided always that I am permitted to enjoy certain hours of repose
during every 24 hours, and certain fixed periods for breakfast and dinner,
similar to those assigned to other paid labourers in that country.
5. Besides my hours of rest and recreation during work days, I shall not
be bound to do any work upon Sundays, beyond such necessary labour as may
seem to be requisite in the opinion of my employer or employers.
6. I also bind myself to submit to the orders and discipline which may be
in force in the house of business, farm, or private house in which I am
employed, and further agree that I shall be amenable to such system of
punishment as may be in force in such localities for the correction of
indolence, absence from work, disobedience to the orders of any employers
or
their agents, as also for all such minor offences as may not call for
the intervention of the law.
7. On no account whatever, and under no circumstances, shall it be lawful
for me during the aforesaid period of eight years for which I hereby bind
myself, to absent myself from my employer's service, or to withdraw or
escape from his authority, or under any circumstance or under any
provocation to complain against him, and in order to render more binding
upon me this declaration of my voluntary obedience to all these
provisions, I renounce from the date of the present subscription the
right to rescind the provisions of this contract secured to emigrants by
articles 27 and 28 of the ordinances on colonization promulgated by H. M.
Queen Isabella II., 22 March, 1854, as also any similar rights that may be
secured to emigrants by any laws or official documents published or to be
published in reference thereto.
8. In case of sickness or infirmity I agree and declare that I fully
consent that if such illness shall exceed one week in duration, my wages
shall be stopped, and shall remain suspended until my recovery, or, which
is the same thing, until such time as my health permits me to re-enter the
service of my employer, without having recourse to the articles 43, 44,
and 45 of the aforesaid regulations, my rights under which I forego by the
last preceding paragraph, and do again renounce.
Don F. Velez for his part engages with me:—
1. That from the day on which my said term of eight years' service begins,
my wages shall be paid at the rate of four Spanish piastres monthly.
2. That there shall be provided me daily eight ounces of salt meat and two
and a half pounds Boniatas (Jatropha Manihot), or other equally good and
nutritious food.
3. That in the event of illness I shall be provided in the hospital with
such things as my case may require, and in particular with all medicines,
&c., necessary to restore me to health, so long as my illness may last.
4. That I shall be supplied annually with two pairs of trowsers, one
woollen shirt, and one woollen coat.
5. That my passage to the Havannah and maintenance while on
board
shall
be defrayed at the expense of my employer or his agent or representative.
6. That my employer shall further pay me eight dollars in order to enable
me to provide necessaries for the said voyage; and further,
7. That he shall provide me with four pairs of trowsers and a coverlet,
the same not to exceed four dollars, making with the preceding the sum of
12 dollars, which 12 dollars I bind myself to repay to the order of the
Colonization Society, by means of a monthly instalment of one dollar paid
by the person with whom my labour shall be contracted for, but upon the
further condition that no other deduction whatever shall be made from my
said monthly pay.
I hereby declare that, in conformity with the preceding paragraph, I have
received by way of cash advance and in clothing the equivalent of the said
12 dollars, which, as already stipulated, shall be repaid by me at the
Havannah.
I also declare that I am perfectly satisfied with the aforesaid payment,
although I am aware, and it is well known, that the free labourers, as
also the negro slaves, in the island of Cuba, are paid a much larger wage.
But I consider myself recompensed for this difference by the other
advantages which my employer binds himself to secure to me, and which are
set forth in the present contract. And in witness that we on either side
engage that the provisions hereof shall be duly and faithfully carried
out, we subscribe on that behalf two copies of similar purport this ____
day of ____ 18__.
For the Colonization Society, __________
Signature of emigrant, __________
DESCRIPTION OF THE TYPHOON ENCOUNTERED IN THE CHINESE SEAS, BY
H.I.R.M.'s FRIGATE NOVARA, ON THE 18TH AND 19TH AUGUST, 1858.
The path of the typhoon has been deduced from comparison with the readings
of the barometer, with which it corresponds pretty accurately, if due
allowance be made for the fact, that in determining it the various
directions in which the line of centres runs must be calculated on the
supposition that the orbit of the cyclone is circular, which it is not in
reality, since at any considerable distance from the centre it must be
elliptical. Hence it is apparent that the rate of velocity of the cyclone
in advancing along its path follows no fixed law, whereas some such
regularity undoubtedly exists among the masses of air encountered by the
cyclone. Hence too the errors thus made in specifying the direction of the
wind become of considerable importance in this connection, more especially
in the event of the place of observation being at any distance from the
centre, or that the path of the cyclone forms a sharp angle when wheeling
round. Moreover, as actually experienced, the path of the typhoon would
lie more near the line of the points of observation than a sketch founded
upon such observations would indicate, and than a general comparison of
the paths of cyclones founded upon the theory of their gyratory motion
would substantiate, except in those cases where the observer has been
directly in the path of the cyclone.
In our case the absolute distances, as specified in the annexed table (see
p. 490) of fifteen different stations taken during the three days during
which the cyclone and its premonitory and subsequent symptoms lasted, are
only assumed, because simultaneous observations of the varying directions
of the wind could not be taken at various points of the course of the
cyclone, and in so far may be inaccurate, although the relative distances
might possibly be tolerably correct.
The observations as to the direction of the wind at noon of the 18th
August and at the ensuing midnight, give results contradictory to the
theory,
since the wind in both cases is almost the same as would at
midnight of the 19th indicate a central point, falling actually behind
that portion of the path of the line of centres already traversed on the
18th. Upon this showing the direction of the wind at 6 P.M. of the 18th
may be assumed as that of the centre of the cyclone. In fact, the path of
the cyclone at this point lay parallel with the course the ship was
holding, whence only trifling variations would be observable in the
direction of the wind at those periods. Besides, the cyclone was at that
time approaching the vertex of its orbit, in doing which it encountered
the large and tolerably lofty island of Okinawa-Sima of the Loo-Choo
group, which must have resulted in a certain expenditure of the force
causing the gyratory movement of the cyclone. In analyzing the path of the
cyclone, account must also be taken of the winds that prevailed from the
17th August up to midnight, although these are to be considered, with
respect to the cyclone proper, only in so far as they were winds that had
been altered in direction at the origin of the typhoon in conformity with
the laws of cyclones, which by no means imply in all cases a perfect
gyration. However, as these winds are varied in direction by the same
causes which are in full activity in the case of the cyclones, such
variations must follow the same laws, and the lines of centres which
present themselves with reference to these as parts of a circular orbit,
naturally lie in the same direction as that of the cyclone at its origin.
As early as the 13th August a marked alteration in the temperature of the
air had been perceptible at Shanghai; the thermometer fell from between
86° and 95° Fahr. to between 73°.4 and 78°.8 Fahr.: easterly breezes set
in, and the barometer rose in a remarkable manner for that latitude and
season. On the 17th the weather was still fine, but the sun set red and
fiery behind a dense mass of clouds.
The morning of the 18th broke with continued fine weather; but cumulous
clouds were massed on the sky, and looked black and threatening to the
N.E. By 8 A.M. the wind and sea had both risen materially. By 3 P.M. the
roll of the sea was from N. by E., the sky became still more cloudy, and
the clouds began to descend; banks of clouds in the direction of the
central point. At midnight between the 18th and 19th altered course to W.
by S., in order to run out of the cyclone by reaching its southern
edge.
On the 19th at 8 A.M. a heavy sea from the northward, the sky a dense mass
of clouds with very limited horizon; the whole aspect of the heavens a
grey misty wrack of clouds, gradually falling lower and lower,—only in
the direction of the central point was there visible a gloomy,
leaden-coloured segment of clear horizon. From 4 P.M. to 8 P.M. the clouds
completely enveloped us, so that it was barely possible to descry an
object a cable's length from the ship; constant gusts of wind with fine
rain or sea-spray; very heavy sea from the west, but the waves fairly
decapitated by the wind as fast as they rose. By 11 P.M. a few dark clouds
became visible in the S.S.E., and the horizon began to widen again.
20th. The sky still covered; in the west, white parallel bands of clouds,
forming segments of circles: the masts and rigging covered with a crust of
evaporated salt.
Hours from midnight to midnight. | Mean pressure of atmosphere. | | Direction of wind. | Strength of wind 0 to 10. |
| |
| 17th August. |
| |
| 1 | 29.908 | | S.E. 3⁄4 E. | 3.5 |
| 2 | .912 | | S.E. by E. 1⁄4 E. | 3.5 |
| 3 | .915 | | S.E. by E. 1⁄4 E. | 3.5 |
| 4 | .917 | | S.E. by E. 1⁄2 E. | 2.5 |
| 5 | .914 | | S.E. by E. 1⁄4 E. | 2.5 |
| 6 | .913 | | E.S.E. | 2.5 |
| 7 | .909 | | S.E. by E. 3⁄4 E. | 2.5 |
| 8 | .899 | | E.S.E. | 3. |
| 9 | .886 | | S.E. by E. 1⁄2 E. | 3. |
| 10 | .878 | | E. by S. 1⁄4 S. | 3. |
| 11 | .869 | | E. 3⁄4 S. | 3. |
| 12M. | .860 | | E. 1⁄4 S. | 3. |
| 1 | .852 | | E. 1⁄2 S. | 3.5 |
| 2 | .853 | | E. 1⁄2 S. | 3.5 |
| 3 | .848 | | E. | 3.2 |
| 4 | .834 | | E. 1⁄2 N. | 4. |
| 5 | .817 | | E.N.E. | 4. |
| 6 | 29.808 | | E.N.E. | 4. |
| 7 | .810 | | N.E. by E. 1⁄4 E. | 4. |
| 8 | .812 | | N.E. by E. 1⁄4 E. | 3.5 |
| 9 | .812 | | N.E. by E. | 3.5 |
| 10 | .806 | | N.E. by E. 1⁄2 E. | 3.5 |
| 11 | .795 | | E.N.E. | 3.5 |
| 12 | .784 | | E.N.E. | 3.5 |
| |
| 18th August. |
| |
| 1 | 29.779 | | E. by N. | 3.5 |
| 2 | .771 | | E. by N. | 3.2 |
| 3 | .762 | | E. by N. | 3.2 |
| 4 | .758 | | E. by N. | 3.2 |
| 5 | .751 | | E. by N. | 3.5 |
| 6 | .740 | | N.E. by E. 1⁄2 E. | 3.5 |
| 7 | .721 | | N.E. by E. | 4. |
| 8 | .696 | | N.E. by E. | 4.5 |
|
| 9 | 29.666 | | N.E. by E. | 5. |
| 10 | .640 | | N.E. | 5.2 |
| 11 | .612 | | N.E. 1⁄2 N. | 5.7 |
| 12M. | .581 | | N.E. by N. | 6.5 |
| 1 | .548 | | N.E. by N. 1⁄2 N. | 5. |
| 2 | .526 | | N.E. by N. | 6.5 |
| 3 | .50 | | N. | 7.5 |
| 4 | .482 | | N. by E. | 7. |
| 5 | .459 | | N.E. by N. | 7.5 |
| 6 | .435 | | N.E. by N. | 8. |
| 7 | .421 | | N.E. by N. | 8. |
| 8 | .411 | | N.E. by N. | 8. |
| 9 | .408 | | N.E. by N. | 8. |
| 10 | .405 | | N.E. 3⁄4 N. | 8.5 |
| 11 | .401 | | N.E. 1⁄2 N. | 8.7 |
| 12 | .375 | | N.E. 1⁄2 N. | 8.7 |
| |
| 19th August. |
| |
| 1 | 29.306 | | N.E. by N. | 5.7 |
| 2 | .319 | | N. by E. | 8. |
| 3 | .335 | | N. by E. | 7. |
| 4 | .351 | | N. | 7.5 |
| 5 | .364 | | N. 1⁄2 E. | 7.2 |
| 6 | .376 | | N. | 7.2 |
| 7 | .383 | | N. by W. | 6.5 |
| 8 | .376 | | N. by W. 1⁄2 W. | 7.2 |
| 9 | .361 | | N.N.W. | 7.7 |
| 10 | .347 | | N.N.W. | 8. |
| 11 | 29.324 | | N.W. | 8. |
| 12M. | .295 | | N.W. | 8. |
| 1 | .268 | | N.W. 1⁄2 W. | 7.7 |
| 2 | .252 | | N.W. by W. | 7.5 |
| 3 | .238 | | N.W. by W. | 7.7 |
| 4 | .223 | | N.W. by W. 1⁄2 W. | 7.7 |
| 5 | .220 | | W. by N. 1⁄2 N. | 8. |
| 6 | .221 | | W. by N. 1⁄2 N. | 8. |
| 7 | .225 | | W. by N. 1⁄2 N. | 8. |
| 8 | .229 | | W. by N. | 8.5 |
| 9 | .233 | | W. | 8.5 |
| 10 | .243 | | W. | 8.5 |
| 11 | .256 | | W. | 8.5 |
| 12 | .282 | | W. by S. | 9. |
| |
| 20th August to noon. |
| |
| 1 | 29.351 | | W. by S. 1⁄2 S. | 9. |
| 2 | .363 | | W. by S. | 9. |
| 3 | .375 | | W. by S. | 9. |
| 4 | .413 | | W. by S. | 9. |
| 5 | .437 | | W.S.W. | 7.5 |
| 6 | .457 | | S.W. by W. | 7. |
| 7 | .457 | | S.W. 1⁄2 W. | 6. |
| 8 | .471 | | S.W. | 6. |
| 9 | .489 | | S.W. 1⁄2 S. | 6.5 |
| 10 | .505 | | S.W. 1⁄2 S. | 6.5 |
| 11 | .512 | | S.W. 1⁄2 S. | 6.5 |
| 12M. | .515 | | S.W. 1⁄2 S. | 6.5 |
The barometric readings are corrected to the freezing-point density of the
atmosphere, as also to the level of the ocean, and are further reduced by
comparison with the Standard Barometer at the New Observatory.
They
are
also relieved of a source of error arising from the regular decline for
each day of the barometer, as evidenced by the observations made during
June and July, 1858, in mean latitude 23° 52′ N., mean longitude 119° 12′
E. This downward tendency will be apparent from the following readings for
each hour:—for 1h. (A.M.) - 0.004, 2h. - 0.005, 3h. - 0.0012, 4h. -
0.015, 5h. - 0.012, 6h. - 0.006, 7h. - 0.02, 8h. - 0.012, 9h. - 0.021,
10h. - 0.02, 11h. - 0.018, noon - 0.015, 1h. - 0.008, 2h. - 0.007, 3h. -
0.021, 4h. - 0.025, 5h. - 0.023, 6h. - 0.015, 7h. - 0.008, 8h. - 0.001,
9h. - 0.008, 10h. - 0.014, 11h. - 0.015, 12h. (midnight) - 0.011. These
quantities are to be read as implying that when added to or deducted from
those supplied by actual observations, they result in the quantities
already assigned as the corrected averages for the day. The direction as
well as strength of the wind are copied from the averages as calculated by
the Commodore from the ship's log, the meteorological journals and the
daily postings made by the Commodore himself.
According to the delineation of the path of the cyclone, as prepared from
the observations recorded, the following table, already referred to, gives
the approximative distance of the ship at stated points from such central
path, as compared with that deduced from barometrical observations,
allowing for the differences already mentioned. In the case of the
wind-pressure, the average is deduced from the mean of successive
observations taken every hour, and for the most part divided into
intervals of three hours each.
| | | | | Distance. | Air-pressure. | Difference. | Distance according to curve. |
| |
| 1 | 17th | August | 4 A.M. | 336 | 29.915 in. | | 336 |
| 2 | " | " | noon. | 297 | .860 | 0.055 | 300 |
| 3 | 18th | " | midnight. | 265 | .783 | .132 | 257 |
| 4 | " | " | 6 A.M. | 230 | .736 | .178 | 233 |
| 5 | " | " | 9 A.M. | 205 | .667 | .248 | 205 |
| 6 | " | " | 6 P.M. | 153 | .438 | .477 | 153 |
| 7 | 19th | " | 3 A.M. | 140 | .335 | .580 | 138 |
| 8 | " | " | 5 A.M. | 148 | .364 | .551 | 142 |
| 9 | " | " | 8 A.M. | 146 | .373 | .542 | 143 |
| 10 | " | " | noon. | 125 | .296 | .619 | 130 |
| 11 | " | " | 3 P.M. | 123 | .238 | .677 | 122 |
| 12 | " | " | 6 P.M. | 134 | .222 | .693 | 138 |
| 13 | " | " | 9 P.M. | 148 | .235 | .680 | 144 |
| 14 | 20th | " | midnight. | 183 | .296 | .619 | 183 |
| 15 | " | " | 6 A.M. | 313 | .450 | .465 | 313 |
The minimum pressure according to the curve would be 28.975, but must
actually have been less. According to the strict reading it would result
that all radii before reaching the point where nearest the central path,
as also all those in the same half-circle after such central line has been
crossed, should have the same value, whatever the direction, which if
rigidly asserted cannot be correct, since the motion of a cyclone is truly
circular only in the immediate vicinity of its central point. As that
point is receded from, the motion becomes more or less elliptical, as is
attested by the barometric differences, which had the cyclone been a true
circle in all its parts ought to be similar for similar distances. This it
is admitted is not the case, as the barometric pressure shows a marked
decline in the earlier part of a cyclone the more rapidly the central line
is approached, just as it rises again once that line has been passed.
For this reason the distances as assigned upon a line of curves deduced
from the foregoing observations must be too great, especially those which
are calculated at right angles to the path of the typhoon, because
perpendiculars drawn at right angles to the varying directions of the wind
must intersect each other at points more distant than the actual central
point of the cyclone itself.
To the foregoing may be appended a few extracts recounting the damage done
by the great typhoon of 27th July, 1862, from which some idea may be
formed of the tremendous violence and destructive effects of this
description of atmospheric agency.
From London and China Telegraph, 29th Sept., 1862.
"A dreadful typhoon occurred at Canton on 27th July, 1862. The destruction
of life and property is immense, the loss of life in the city and
neighbourhood being estimated at about forty thousand. In the telegram
which was received a few days ago announcing this event, a query was
placed, and very reasonably, after the number stated; but the press state
that as far as inquiries have been made at present it is probably correct.
The loss of life has chiefly occurred amongst the junk population, and the
fine new fleet of forty Imperial junks, intended for the Yang-tse-kiang,
has been destroyed. The water rose till the streets of Honam had three
feet in them, but the buildings suffered less than might have been
expected; some two or three hundred feet of the granite
wall
at Shameen
was washed away, and blocks of stone were driven about as if they had been
billets of wood; houses in the city had also been blown down, and trees
rooted up; the rice crops have suffered severely; and the total damage may
be estimated in millions of dollars. Mr. Gaillard, an American Missionary,
was killed by the falling in of his house; and the residences of the Rev.
Messrs. Bonney and Piercey were thrown down, a large junk having been
driven up against them. At Whampoa the docks were all flooded, while the
workshops attached were unroofed and otherwise injured. From the China
Mail, which gives a long and graphic description of this disastrous
visitation, we extract the following:—'The British brig Mexicana
capsized in Hall and Co.'s dock, and lies on her beam-ends; the British
ship Dewa Gungadhur is lying on her side in Gow and Co.'s dock; the
British steamer Antelope, in the Chinese dock at the corner of Junk
River, has her bow run up over the head of the dock, and her stern at an
angle of thirty degrees into it; the British steamer Bombay Castle was
washed off the blocks in Couper's wooden dock, and was scuttled by her
captain to save her from being floated out of the dock; the American ship
Washington is aground, blocking up the entrance to the Chinese dock in
Junk River; the American ship Jacob Bell and British barque Cannata
are high on a mud flat, dry at low water—the latter making water, and
discharging her cargo; the new British steamer Whampoa broke from her
moorings and went ashore, but has since been got off without injury.
Several chops sunk, and five of the foreign Customs' inspectors were
drowned. Many junks went down with all hands. Bamboo-town is entirely
destroyed, the water having flooded it to the depth of six feet, and swept
off a great number of its inhabitants. It is greatly to be feared that the
disasters among the shipping outside will prove something frightful, and
that many vessels now anxiously expected have either been driven on the
rocks and gone to pieces or have foundered at sea. Already, it will have
been observed, one dismasted vessel, the Danish brig Hercules, has come
in; and more may be looked for in the course of the next fortnight. The
Iskandershah is on shore in the river, close to Tiger Island, a little
above the Bogue.' One writer says the city looks just as it did after the
bombardment by Admiral Seymour, and that there has not been such a typhoon
since
1832.
"The typhoon which visited Canton so severely also committed great ravages
at the port of Macao. The loss of life was very great. Many junks were
sunk or driven ashore, and their crews drowned. The Chilo, a British
ship engaged in the rice trade, went ashore, and is a total wreck; and
another vessel was also reported lost. The wharves have suffered severely,
and houses were blown down. A letter, dated 28th July, says:—'Yesterday
morning a very strong typhoon did a great deal of damage here. The new sea
wall on the Praia Grande stood it well, except in one place; but the old
one, which has stood so many typhoons before, is now nearly entirely
broken down; also Messrs. De Mello and Co.'s wharf. Some houses have come
down, and trees on the Praia and other places have lost nearly all their
branches. The British barque Chilo got ashore outside, and has parted
amidships; about 100 piculs copper cash have been saved from her cargo.
The steamer Syce is ashore in the inner harbour, but without damage. A
good many junks and boats have capsized or been dismasted, and a great
many lives lost. The appearance of the Praia Grande after the typhoon was
really astonishing. We had a very short notice or indication of a typhoon.
On Saturday night the wind commenced to blow from N.E., but not before
Sunday morning, about a quarter past four, did the barometer go down, and
it stood at 8 A.M. at 28.60; thermometer 81. At about 10 A.M. it was
blowing hardest from S.W., and caused the greatest
damage.'"
VOL. III. — APPENDIX I. (p. 13.) — APPENDIX II. (p. 131.) — APPENDIX III. (p. 172.) — APPENDIX IV. (p. 172.) — APPENDIX V. (p. 188.) — APPENDIX VI. (p. 193.) — APPENDIX VII. — FOOTNOTES:
The following reprint (by permission) from the columns of the
"Spectator" of 11th Oct. and 25th Oct., 1862, conveys so
accurate an idea of the achievements of the gallant and lamented
Burke and Wills, and of the mismanagement that led to their
disastrous fate, that no apology is needed for inserting it
here.
THE AUSTRALIAN
EXPLORING EXPEDITION OF 1860.
[159]
(Spectator, 11th and 25th Oct., 1862.)
"Those who are interested—and who is not?—in the history of the latest
and most successful of Australian exploring expeditions will find the
principal materials requisite for the satisfaction of their curiosity in
the small volume now before us. The special interest attaching to this
particular expedition lies in the striking contrast which it presents
between the perfect success of its leaders and their melancholy end.
Having accomplished their arduous task of traversing the Australian
continent from south to north, Messrs. Burke and Wills returned to their
starting-point, only to find that the dépôt which they had established
there had been abandoned by their companions less than twelve hours before
their arrival. Utterly broken down by privation and fatigue, and
disappointed of the succour on which they had confidently relied, they
were unable to traverse the comparatively trifling distance which
separated them from the settled districts, and, after some weeks of
hopeless wandering, they were literally starved to death when almost
within sight of aid. The story of these few weeks, as contained in the
scanty records left by Messrs. Burke and Wills, and in the statement made
by their sole surviving companion, is one of the most touching narratives
of human fortitude that we have ever met with. The feeling of sympathy,
almost painful in its intensity, which it necessarily excites, is
immediately followed by a desire to ascertain the precise quarter in
which
the gross neglect which alone could have rendered such a
catastrophe possible can justly be charged. It is to this point that we
propose mainly to direct the remarks which we have to make on Mr.
Jackson's volume; and we shall recapitulate the history of the expedition
only so far as is absolutely necessary to render our observations
generally intelligible.
"The exploring party left Melbourne on August 20, 1860. It was accompanied
by a number of camels, which had been imported for the purpose, on the
supposition that these animals would be peculiarly fitted to bear the
privations incidental to such a journey. The party was headed by Mr.
Robert O'Hara Burke. Mr. Landells, who had charge of the camels, was
second in command; and the third officer was Mr. William John Wills, who
also acted as astronomical and meteorological observer to the expedition.
On September 23 they reached Menindie, on the Darling river, about 400
miles from Melbourne. Here Mr. Landells, in consequence of some
disagreement with Mr. Burke, resigned his post; and Dr. Beckler, the
medical officer to the expedition, declined to go any further. Hereupon
Burke appointed Wills in Landells' place, and divided his party, leaving
one section at Menindie, in charge of Beckler, while he, with Wills and
six others, pushed on, on October 19, for Cooper's Creek, about 400 miles
further north, under the guidance of one Wright, a man acquainted with the
country, whom he met with on the spot. On October 31, when about half-way
between Menindie and Cooper's Creek, Burke appointed Wright third officer,
and sent him back to the Darling, with instructions to bring up the
remainder of the party and stores to Cooper's Creek without delay. He then
pushed on, and reached the Creek on November 11. He remained here about a
month, and then again divided his party. Three men, six camels, and twelve
horses were left at the dépôt on the Creek, under the command of Mr.
Brahé, whose instructions were to remain till Burke's return, or until he
was forced to retreat by want of provisions. Burke started on December 16,
taking with him Wills, King, and Gray, six camels, one horse, and
provisions for three months, which was the time he expected to be absent;
but he told Brahé that he might be away four months, or even more. On
February 11, 1861, he reached a point only a few miles from the shore of
the Gulf of Carpentaria, and thus accomplished his
mission
of entirely
crossing the Australian Continent from south to north. He at once retraced
his steps, and arrived at the dépôt in Cooper's Creek on April 21,
accompanied by Wills and King, Gray having died a few days before. They
found that Brahé had quitted his post that very morning, and started for
the Darling, leaving some provisions buried at the foot of a tree, on
which he had cut an inscription indicating the fact. The exhausted
explorers debated what they had best do. Wills and King wished to make for
Menindie; but Burke, thinking that, weak as they were, it was hopeless to
try to overtake Brahé, decided to push for the nearest settled districts
of South Australia, distant about 150 miles. This they did on April 23,
having left a note in Brahé's cache, but without adding anything to his
inscription on the tree, or leaving any distinct intimation that they had
ever been there. But the enterprise was beyond their strength. They were
so weak that they could not advance more than five or six miles a day;
their camels knocked up, their provisions ran short; and, finally, Burke
died on July 1st, Wills having succumbed a day or two earlier. King, the
sole survivor, fell in with the natives, who treated him kindly; and he
was rescued on September 15th by a party sent from Melbourne in search of
him, under the guidance of Mr. Howitt.
"We must now return to Mr. Wright, and see how he carried out the
instructions given him by his chief. Mr. Burke, as we have already said,
sent him back to Menindie on October 31, 1860; and he reached that place
on November 5. Here, in the teeth of Burke's orders to bring the rest of
the party on to Cooper's Creek without delay, he remained inactive until
January 26, 1861, when he appears to have moved northward. He never,
however, got further than Bullo, a place about sixty miles south of
Cooper's Creek, where Mr. Brahé fell in with him on April 29, and at once
placed himself under his orders. Two days later Wright left Bullo, and
moved a few miles further south, "not seeing the utility of pushing on the
dépôt to Cooper's Creek for the purpose of remaining there the few weeks
their stores would last." On May 3, at Brahé's suggestion, Wright and he
returned to the dépôt on Cooper's Creek, taking no stores with them. They
remained there a quarter of an hour, did not examine the cache, and
then, seeing no signs of Burke having been there, rejoined the rest of
their party, and made their way
back
to the Darling, whence Brahé at once
proceeded to Melbourne. On hearing his report, the Exploration Committee
lost no time in despatching the relief party, under Mr. Howitt, which, as
we have already said, discovered King in the following September.
"After the foregoing brief summary of the facts of the case, the reader
will probably have but little difficulty in coming to the conclusion that
the death of Messrs. Burke and Wills was, in great measure, owing to Mr.
Wright's having so unaccountably neglected to obey the distinct
instructions of his chief. Mr. Jackson, indeed, holds that no one but
Wright was at all to blame in the matter. Nay, he even goes so far as to
accuse Wright of having wilfully and deliberately left the leaders of the
expedition to a fate which he must have known would be the natural result
of his inaction. 'Can any reasonable person,' he asks, 'doubt that Wright
knew perfectly well the exact nature of his instructions, and foresaw the
disastrous consequences almost certain to ensue should they be
disregarded.' This very serious charge is based upon a passage in a
despatch from Mr. Wright to the Exploration Committee at Melbourne, dated
Dec. 19th, in which he says:—'As I have every reason to believe that Mr.
Burke has pushed on from Cooper's Creek, relying upon finding the dépôt
stores at that water-course upon his return, there is room for the most
serious apprehensions as to the safety of himself and party, should he
find that he has miscalculated.' This passage seems at least to prove that
Wright had fully comprehended both the meaning and the object of the
instructions he had received, to return to Menindie, and bring up the
stores as rapidly as possible to Cooper's Creek. In the teeth of these
positive orders he remained at Menindie no less than eighty-two days, from
Nov. 5th, 1860, to Jan. 26th, 1861, doing literally nothing at all. There
was, as far as we can see, nothing to prevent him from reaching Cooper's
Creek with a portion of the stores before the end of 1860. The distance
from Menindie to the Creek is about 400 miles, and Mr. Burke had traversed
it without difficulty in twenty-three days. When Burke left Cooper's Creek
on December 16th, he was in daily expectation of Wright's arrival. Had
this reasonable expectation been fulfilled, there would then have been no
reason why Brahé should not have remained at the dépôt for six months, or
even a longer time. Wright appears to have spent a considerable portion of
the time which he wasted at Menindie
in
making trips to see his wife and
family, who were at a station about twenty-one miles off, being troubled
with fears that they would not get safely and comfortably to Adelaide,
whither he wished to send them. The explanation by which he subsequently
endeavoured to account for his delay was anything but satisfactory. In the
despatch already referred to, dated Dec. 29th, he alleged that he 'delayed
starting merely because the camels left behind by Mr. Brahé were too few
in number, and too inferior in carrying powers, to carry out a really
serviceable quantity of provisions.' When, however, he was examined by the
Commissioners appointed to inquire into the affair, he stated that he
remained at Menindie because he was waiting for the confirmation of his
appointment as third officer. When pressed to reconcile these two
statements, and reminded that, unless he could do so satisfactorily, he
'stood in an awkward position before the Commission,' he made no reply.
When at last he did set out from Menindie, we have seen that he advanced
no further than Bullo, where he was joined by Brahé on April 29th. In
explanation of this circumstance, he urges that Burke had left Menindie at
a favourable season, when water was abundant; while when he started the
advance of summer had dried up all the water-courses, and the ravages of
scurvy had reduced the effective strength of his party to an alarming
extent. This statement is, no doubt, substantially true; but we need
hardly observe that it rather aggravates than extenuates his offence.
Since he was well acquainted with the country, and knew that the advance
of summer would immensely increase the difficulty of traversing it, he is
all the more inexcusable for not having attempted the journey before the
hot weather set in. When, after having been joined by Brahé, he paid a
final visit to Cooper's Creek, the careless manner in which he conducted
the search almost drives us to the conclusion that he was completely
indifferent to its result. It was at Brahé's suggestion that he went back
at all. Then though both he and Brahé were mounted, and were accompanied
by a spare pack-horse, he did not, although the contingency of finding
Burke's party was the sole object of his journey, attempt to provide for
it by taking with him any stores of any kind. On reaching the dépôt, he
stayed there only a quarter of an hour, and then, having failed in that
time to discover any trace of Burke's party, at once turned his back on
the
Creek. It is scarcely possible to imagine how, under such
circumstances, he could have omitted to examine the cache made by Brahé
a few days before, in which case he would have discovered that Burke's
party had returned to the Creek, and would have learnt the direction in
which they had gone. When questioned on this point by the Commissioners,
he replied that he had noticed traces of natives about the place, and
feared that if he disturbed the ground where the stores were hid they
would see that something was buried there, and would plunder the cache.
He 'had not the presence of mind,' he went on, to add any mark of his own
to the inscription which Brahé had cut upon the tree. He seems, in fact,
to have been thoroughly sick of the whole business, and to have thought of
nothing but getting back to the settled districts with all possible speed.
"We must now inquire what amount of blame can be fairly attached to Mr.
Brahé, whose departure from Cooper's Creek was the immediate cause of the
melancholy end of Messrs. Burke and Wills. He appears to have received
instructions to remain at the Creek until the return of Burke's party, or,
at any rate, until the failure of his provisions obliged him to retreat.
Burke fixed three months as the probable duration of his absence; but
Wills seems to have impressed upon Brahé that it was quite possible they
might have been away for at least four months. Brahé did actually remain
there more than four months—from December 16th to April 21st;—but he
left before he was absolutely compelled to do so. Even supposing him not
to have overrated the supply of provisions necessary to carry his party
back to the Darling, he could clearly have remained until he had consumed
the stores which he left behind him at the Creek. But we must not forget
that he was placed in a very difficult position. One of his companions was
dangerously ill, and had for some time beset him with entreaties to return
to Menindie; and all his party seem to have thought it very doubtful
whether Burke would return that way at all. In Brahé's diary, on April
18th, we find the entry, 'There is no probability of Mr. Burke returning
this way.' Here the observation suggests itself that, had this been his
real conviction, there was no occasion for him to deprive himself of the
stores which he left behind him. Mr. Jackson points out that the letter
left by Brahé in the cache at the Creek did not give a true account of
the condition of
his
party. In it Brahé said that they were all quite
well except one, and that the camels and horses were in good working
condition. It was this intelligence which induced Burke to decide to make
a push for South Australia. Had he known that Brahé's party, both men and
beasts, were really in a weak and exhausted state, as the slowness of
their rate of progression appears to prove, he would probably have decided
to follow in their track. Since Brahé was under Wright's command at the
time of their final return to Cooper's Creek, the lamentable carelessness
which, as we have already said, was displayed on that occasion, cannot
fairly be laid to his charge. It is almost impossible for us, with the
full knowledge of all the circumstances which we now possess, not to allow
our judgment to be influenced by the fact that, if Brahé had postponed his
departure for a few hours only, the melancholy catastrophe would not have
occurred. If, however, we wish to judge him fairly, we must not forget
that this is a fact of which, at the time of his departure, he was
necessarily ignorant. On the whole, we are inclined to agree with the
verdict pronounced in his case by the Commissioners who were appointed to
inquire into the affair. 'His decision,' they say, 'was most unfortunate;
but we believe he acted from a conscientious desire to discharge his duty,
and we are confident that the painful reflection that twenty-four hours'
further perseverance would have made him the rescuer of the explorers, and
gained for himself the praise and approbation of all, must be of itself an
agonizing thought, without the addition of censure he might feel himself
undeserving of.'
"We have now to inquire into the manner in which Mr. Burke discharged his
duties as leader of the expedition, with a view of ascertaining whether
its melancholy termination can, in any degree, be traced to any fault,
whether of omission or of commission, on his part. If we are willing to
submit ourselves absolutely to Mr. Jackson's guidance, we may, indeed,
spare ourselves this trouble; for he asserts most distinctly that Mr.
Burke invariably did what was best under existing circumstances, and that
he never neglected any precaution which could tend in any way to bring his
undertaking to a successful issue. But we must remember that Mr. Jackson
comes forward as the avowed advocate of Mr. Burke; and, while we are not
one whit behind him in enthusiastic admiration for the energy and
self-devotion displayed by his hero, we must not allow
our
respect for
these qualities to blind us to any defects which we think we can detect in
the conduct of the expedition. The report of the Commission, appointed by
the Victorian Government to inquire into the circumstances connected with
the death of Burke and Wills, finds fault with Burke on several points,
which we will proceed to consider in detail. In the first place, it
pronounces that Burke acted 'most injudiciously' in dividing his party at
Menindie. We are not sure that we can entirely concur in this verdict. We
do not see any evidence that Burke intended the dépôt at Menindie to be a
permanent one. On the contrary, it seems clear that he intended it to have
been transferred bodily to Cooper's Creek. On his arrival at Menindie, Dr.
Beckler's refusal to proceed further placed him in an awkward position. As
Beckler had no objection to remain at Menindie, Burke resolved to make his
services available as far as possible, and left him there with a section
of the party in charge of the heavier stores, while he himself pushed on
towards Cooper's Creek under the guidance of Mr. Wright. The division of
the party did not in any way retard or imperil Burke's arrival at Cooper's
Creek; and he seems to have looked forward to the union of all his forces
at that place before he proceeded further. As soon as he was convinced
that Wright was worthy of confidence, he appointed him third officer of
the expedition, and sent him back to bring the remainder of the party to
Cooper's Creek without delay, at the same time accepting Beckler's
resignation, and relieving him from any further charge. We cannot
therefore see that the division of the party at Menindie was directly
productive of any evil consequences, nor would any harm have resulted from
it, but for Wright's flagrant neglect of the instructions of his chief. In
the next place, the report pronounces that 'it was an error of judgment on
the part of Mr. Burke to appoint Mr. Wright to an important command in the
expedition, without a previous personal knowledge of him.' On this point
we think there is good ground for the censure of the Commission. That
Burke was, as it were, driven into a corner by the resignation of Landells
and Beckler is quite true; but it is difficult to imagine that he should
not have been able (supposing him to possess any insight into character at
all) to detect, during the time that he and Wright were together, some
indication of the gross incompetence which the latter subsequently
displayed. Mr. Jackson endeavours to shift the
blame
from Mr. Burke's
shoulders to those of the Exploration Committee, by observing that the
Committee knew of Wright's appointment by Dec. 3, and so had plenty of
time, if they had had any objection to him, to replace him by some one
else. What objection could the Committee possibly have to a man whose name
they had never heard before that moment? Clearly they are not to blame for
relying upon the judgment of the leader whom they had selected, and
confirming his appointment of a man who he assured them 'was well
qualified for the post, and bore the very highest character.' Whatever
blame may attach to the selection of Mr. Wright for a post of trust must
rest entirely upon Mr. Burke. The Commissioners next proceed to blame Mr.
Burke for finally departing from Cooper's Creek before the arrival of the
dépôt party from Menindie, and for undertaking so extended a journey with
an insufficient supply of provisions. On both these points there is
something to be said in Mr. Burke's favour. As regards the first, his
conduct was the natural result of his misplaced confidence in Wright,
combined with the consideration that the success of his journey depended
in great measure upon the rapidity with which it was prosecuted. With
respect to the second, we must remember that on an expedition of this
kind, when the carrying power is limited, and every ounce of weight has to
be considered, it is almost as important to exclude everything that is
superfluous as it is to leave behind nothing that is strictly necessary.
It seems probable, however, that Mr. Burke was guilty of an error in
judgment, in underrating the time which the journey from Cooper's Creek to
Carpentaria was likely to require. Finally, the Commissioners draw
attention to the fact that it does not appear that Burke kept any regular
journal, or that he gave written instructions to his officers. 'Had he,'
they observe on this point—and we fully concur in their
remark—'performed these essential portions of the duties of a leader,
many of the calamities of the expedition might have been averted, and
little or no room would have been left for doubt in judging of the conduct
of those subordinates, who pleaded unsatisfactory and contradictory verbal
orders and statements.'
"We are unable, the reader will perceive, to concur in Mr. Jackson's
repeatedly expressed opinion, that there are no grounds whatever for any
of the censures which the Commissioners found it their duty to
pronounce
on some points connected with Mr. Burke's management of the expedition.
The fact is, that after a careful consideration of all the circumstances
of the case, we incline to the conclusion that Mr. Burke did not possess
the qualifications necessary for the successful leadership of such an
enterprise; and that, consequently, some blame must rest with the
Exploration Committee, who selected a comparatively unfit person for a
position of such responsibility and importance. We appreciate and admire,
as enthusiastically as Mr. Jackson himself can possibly do, the courage
and self-devotion displayed by Mr. Burke; but we cannot forget that
gallantry and daring are not the only qualities required in the leader of
an exploring expedition through an unknown and difficult country. The
choice of the Committee was, we believe, mainly dictated by the
consideration that Mr. Burke had, while employed in the police-force of
the colony, shown himself to be possessed of a considerable talent for
organization, and of no little aptitude for command. They appear not to
have attached sufficient importance to the not less material fact, that he
knew nothing of bush-travelling, and had no practical experience of the
preparations and precautions necessary for the successful prosecution of
such a journey as that with which he was entrusted. Mr. Jackson calls upon
us to observe that it was to the rapidity of Mr. Burke's progress that
his ultimate success is due; and the observation is, to a great extent,
justified by facts. It appears to us, however, that most, if not all, of
the errors of judgment of which he was guilty, during the progress of the
expedition, are directly traceable to the same quality of mind which
rendered him so prompt in action. The Commissioners hit the blot in his
character when they pronounced that 'his zeal was greater than his
prudence.' The examination of his proceedings which we have already made
affords, we think, ample grounds for this conclusion. We have, however,
met with one passage in the records of the expedition which exhibits Mr.
Burke's constitutional hastiness of temper and want of judgment in so
strong a light, that we cannot refrain from placing it before the reader.
It occurs in King's narrative of the attempt made by himself, Burke, and
Wills, to reach the settled districts of South Australia, after they had
found the dépôt at Cooper's Creek deserted. Mr. Wills had gone back to the
dépôt, and Burke and King were awaiting his return. King proceeds as
follows:—
"'A few days after Mr. Wills left, some natives came down to the creek to
fish at some water-holes near our camp. They were civil to us at first,
and offered us some fish; on the second day they came again to fish, and
Mr. Burke took down two bags, which they filled for him; on the third day
they gave us one bag of fish, and afterwards all came to our camp. We used
to keep our ammunition and other articles in one gunyah, and all three of
us lived together in another. One of the natives took an oil-cloth out of
this gunyah; and Mr. Burke, seeing him run away with it, followed him with
his revolver, and fired over his head, and upon this the native dropped
the oil-cloth. While he was away, the other blacks invited me away to a
water-hole to eat fish, but I declined to do so, as Mr. Burke was away,
and a number of natives were about who would have taken all our things.
When I refused, one took his boomerang and laid it over my shoulder, and
then told me by signs that if I called out for Mr. Burke, as I was doing,
that he would strike me. Upon this, I got them all in front of the gunyah,
and fired a revolver over their heads; but they did not seem at all
afraid, until I got out the gun, when they all ran away. Mr. Burke,
hearing the report, came back, and we saw no more of them until late that
night, when they came with some cooked fish, and called out, "White
fellow." Mr. Burke then went out with his revolver, and found a whole
tribe coming down, all painted, and with fish in small nets carried by two
men. Mr. Burke went to meet them, and they wished to surround him; but he
knocked as many of the nets of fish out of their hands as he could, and
shouted out to me to fire. I did so, and they ran off. We collected about
five small nets of cooked fish. The reason he would not accept the fish
from them was, that he was afraid of being too friendly, lest they should
be always at our camp. We then lived on fish until Mr. Wills returned.'
"This method of dealing with the natives was surely, to say the least of
it, exceedingly injudicious. They had, it appears, always shown themselves
friendly to the explorers; and, in the weak state of the party, it was
little short of madness to run the risk of disturbing the friendly
relations between them and the blacks by any act of violence. And yet we
find Mr. Burke actually attacking them, and taking forcibly from them the
food which they had always shown themselves ready to give;
and
for no
better reason than that 'he was afraid of their being too friendly, lest
they should be always at the camp.' Not many days later Mr. Burke died
while making a last attempt to rejoin those very natives whom he had
driven away. It is scarcely possible to avoid the conclusion that Mr.
Burke's judgment must have been materially weakened by the sufferings and
privations he had undergone, before he could possibly have acted in so
utterly unaccountable a manner.
"We must now say a few words as to the route taken by Mr. Burke on his
journey from Cooper's Creek to Carpentaria, and the nature of the country
through which he passed. His first idea after reaching the Creek was to
proceed due north, and four tentative expeditions were made in that
direction, one of which was pushed to a distance of ninety miles. Finding,
however, that the ground was too rough, either for horses or camels, he
finally resolved to proceed in a north-westerly direction as far as Eyre's
Creek, and at that point turned northward, and crossed the continent by a
route which lies mainly on or about the 140th meridian of east longitude.
The country does not appear to be difficult to traverse; and Mr. Wills
tells us that the worst travelling-ground they met with was between Bullo
and Cooper's Creek. As regards the nature of the land, Mr. Burke briefly
sums it up in the following words: 'There is some good country between
this (Cooper's Creek) and the Stony Desert. From thence to the tropics the
country is dry and stony. Between the tropics and Carpentaria a
considerable portion is rangy, but is well watered and richly grassed.'
Mr. Wills reports that 'as to pasture, it is only the actually stony
ground that is bare, and many a sheep-run is, in fact, worse grazing than
that.' As regards the supply of water, it appears that the expedition,
except when actually crossing the desert, never passed a day in which they
did not traverse the banks of, or cross, a creek or other water-course.
The whole country appears, in short, to be admirably adapted for pastoral
purposes, and its discovery cannot but add largely to the resources of the
Australian colonies. Sir Henry Barkly, the Governor of Victoria, in a
despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, states that the occupation of "Burke's
Land" with stock is already seriously contemplated by the squatters, and
that there seems little reason to doubt that in the course of a few years
the journey from Melbourne to Carpentaria will be performed with
comparative
facility
by passing from station to station. He adds that
much of the country traversed by the expedition between the Darling and
Cooper's Creek is already taken up, so that both sheep and cattle are now
depastured within 25 miles of Bullo, stretching thence easterly along the
Queensland boundary in an almost unbroken chain. These anticipations are
fully confirmed by the report of Mr. Landsborough, the Queensland
explorer. This gentleman, who has crossed the continent from Carpentaria
to Melbourne, gives the most favourable account of the pastoral
capabilities of the country which he traversed, and does not hesitate to
express an opinion that within twelve months the whole of it will be taken
up by settlers. We need not therefore hesitate to conclude, with Sir Henry
Barkly, that 'the results attained by the expedition are of the very
highest importance, both to geographical science and to the progress of
civilization in Australia.'"
The following pathetic address, recently transmitted by H.E.
Sir George Grey to the Duke of Newcastle, H. M. Secretary of
State for the Colonies, for presentation to Her Majesty under
her recent bereavement, also attests the deeply poetic vein that
marks the Maori character.
Oh Victoria, our Mother!—We greet you! You, who are all that now remains
to recall to our recollection Albert, the Prince Consort, who can never
again be gazed upon by the people.
We, your Maori children, are now sighing in sorrow together with you, even
with a sorrow like to yours. All we can now do is to weep together with
you. Oh, our good mother, who hast nourished us, your ignorant children of
this island, even to this day!
We have just heard the crash of the huge-headed forest tree which has
untimely fallen, ere it had attained its full growth of greatness.
Oh, good lady, pray look with favour on our love. Although we may have
been perverse children, we have ever loved you.
This is our
lament.
Great is the pain which preys on me for the loss of my beloved.
Ah, you will now lie buried among the other departed kings.
They will leave you with the other departed heroes of the land.
With the dead of the tribes of the multitude of 'Ti Mani.
Go fearless then, O Pango, my beloved, in the path of death; for no evil slanders can follow you.
Oh my very heart! Thou didst shelter me from the sorrows and ills of life.
Oh my pet bird, whose sweet voice welcomed my glad guests!
Oh my noble pet bird, caught in the forests of Rapaura!
Let, then, the body of my beloved be covered with royal purple robes!
Let it be covered with all-rare robes!
The great Rewa, my beloved, shall himself bind these round thee.
And my ear-ring of precious jasper shall be hung in thy ear.
For, oh! my most precious jewel, thou art now lost to me.
Yes, thou, the pillar that didst support my palace, hast been borne to the skies.
Oh, my beloved! you used to stand in the very prow of the war-canoe,
inciting all others to noble deeds. Yes, in thy life-time thou wast great.
And now thou hast departed to the place where even all the mighty must at last go.
Where, O physicians, was the power of your remedies?
What, O priests, availed your prayers!
For I have lost my love; no more can he re-visit this world.
COPY OF OFFICIAL LETTERS OF H.E. COL. SIR T. GORE BROWN,
GOVERNOR OF NEW ZEALAND TO COMMODORE VON WULLERSTORF-URBAIR,
COMMANDER OF THE NOVARA EXPEDITION.
I.
Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, January 4th, 1859.
Sir,
I do myself the honour to express to you the gratification which the visit
of His Imperial Majesty's frigate Novara has afforded to the inhabitants
of Auckland and to myself.
I beg also to convey to you and to the officers of the scientific
department of your Expedition my best thanks for the valuable information
supplied by the investigations of these gentlemen.
It will be my agreeable duty to report to her Majesty's Government on the
subject, and I am satisfied that her Majesty will receive the
communication with pleasure, and will recognize the importance of the
services rendered to one of her Dependencies.
Wishing you a prosperous voyage, and success in the interesting objects of
your pursuit, I beg to subscribe myself,
Your faithful servant,
Thomas Gore Brown, Col. H.M.S.,
Governor of New Zealand.
II.
Government House, Auckland, New Zealand, January 5th, 1859.
Sir,
Having already endeavoured to express my thanks to yourself and the
officers of the scientific department of your Expedition for the valuable
aid afforded to the Colony, I now venture to ask you to confer a still
greater favour, by giving permission to Dr. Hochstetter to extend his
researches for a few months longer.
In the event of your granting this permission, the means necessary to
enable
him to explore effectually will be provided at the expense of the
Colony of New Zealand.
I feel less diffidence in making this request to you, as Representative of
the Imperial Government, because Dr. Hochstetter's labours in this Colony
may be made the means of furthering the objects, which his Imperial
Majesty the Emperor of Austria had in view, when he despatched the
Expedition under your command.
I beg to add, that, should you feel it compatible with your duty to accede
to the application I have now the honour to make, every assistance shall
be afforded to Dr. Hochstetter, whilst engaged in this Colony, to enable
him to make his scientific researches as valuable as possible to the
Expedition of which he will remain a member, and care shall be taken to
facilitate his return to Europe at the expense of this Colony by such
route as he shall prefer.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most faithful servant,
Thomas Gore Brown, Col. H.M.S.,
Governor of New Zealand.
REPLY OF COMMODORE B. V. WULLERSTORF-URBAIR.
On Board H.I.R.M. Frigate Novara, Auckland Harbour,
January 5th, 1859.
Sir,
In reply to your official note, dated Government House, Auckland, January
5th, a. c. in which, as the Representative of the Imperial Government, you
prefer the request, that I would give Dr. Hochstetter permission to extend
his geological researches in this Colony for a few months longer, I am
most happy to accede to your application, and to give Dr. Hochstetter, in
his capacity as geologist of the Imperial Expedition, leave for that
purpose, under the following conditions, which are nearly the same as
those stated in your kind
note:——
1. That Dr. Hochstetter's sojourn in New Zealand may not exceed six
months, and thus enable him to return to Europe nearly at the same period
as the I.R. frigate is most likely to arrive there, namely, in November or
December next.
2. That the Novara Expedition, of which Dr. Hochstetter still remains a
member, may likewise enjoy the benefit of the observations, collections,
and publications made by Dr. Hochstetter during his stay in New Zealand.
3. That the means necessary to enable Dr. Hochstetter to explore the
country effectually shall be provided at the expense of the Government of
New Zealand; that every assistance shall be afforded to this gentleman
whilst engaged in these geological explorations, and that care shall be
taken to facilitate his return to Europe (viz. Trieste), at the expense of
the Government of New Zealand, by such route as he shall prefer.
Upon this understanding I shall not only consider it compatible with my
duty to accede to your Excellency's application, and give Dr. Hochstetter
permission to remain for the time stated in the Province of Auckland, but
shall also feel quite certain, that the Imperial Austrian Government, as
well as the Academy of Sciences whose delegate Dr. Hochstetter must be
considered, will be highly gratified to learn that it was in the power of
the first Austrian Exploring Expedition to become serviceable to a nation
which has done so much for the advancement of science and the development
of natural resources in almost all parts of the world.
With hope that the friendly arrangement thus entered into on this subject
may create a lasting bond of union and communications between the
scientific men of both countries,
I have the honour to subscribe,
Your faithful servant,
B. V. Wullerstorf.
ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE PROVINCE OF AUCKLAND, NEW
ZEALAND, TO THE GEOLOGIST OF THE NOVARA.
Dr. Hochstetter,
On the conclusion of your Geological Examination of a large and most
interesting portion of this province of New Zealand, we—the assembled
inhabitants of Auckland, representing every section of the community, and
for the most part intimately connected with the Agriculture and Commerce
of the province—desire to express our admiration of the eminently
scientific manner and unwearied activity with which you have conducted
your researches into the Geological Formations and Mineral Resources of
Auckland. We have also to thank you for the valuable information upon
these objects, which you have already placed in our possession in the
public lecture delivered by you in this hall on the 24th of June, and in
the reports you have forwarded to the General and Provincial Governments.
The report of a member of the Novara Expedition, on the physical
characteristics of this portion of New Zealand—of which so little has
hitherto been known—will be acknowledged in Europe as both impartial and
authentic.
To us, as a community, the information contained in that report and the
maps you have constructed, together with those additional details we hope
to receive from you after your return to Europe, will be of essential
service in a material point of view. We also desire to convey to you our
sense of the impartiality of your reports, which, whilst they lay open to
our view those resources of the country that will eventually aid to its
wealth and its general prosperity, in no way exaggerate their value or
tend to lead to extravagant ideas or speculations that might only result
in disappointment.
Arriving in Auckland a stranger, upon whose sympathies we had no claim,
you have exerted all your energies to condense the results of your
scientific exploration into practical forms, for the benefit of the people
of
the foreign country you visited for purely scientific purposes, or for
the special advantage of your own country.
On all these accounts we feel that our warmest thanks are due to you for
your disinterested exertions for the promotion of our welfare. As an
enduring testimony thereof, we request the acceptance of this purse, the
contents of which we beg you will devote to the purchase of some piece of
plate that we trust may be regarded by your family and your countrymen,
not only as a tribute of respect to your varied talents, but as a
well-merited memento of the grateful acknowledgment by the people of the
province of Auckland of the eminent scientific and practical services
rendered to them by you.
We are desirous that the plate should bear the following inscription:
"Presented to Dr. Hochstetter, Geologist attached to the Imperial Royal
Austrian Scientific Expedition in the frigate Novara, by the inhabitants
of the Province of Auckland, New Zealand, in testimony of the eminent
services rendered to them by his researches into the Mineral and
Agricultural resources of the Province."
Signed on behalf of the subscribers,
R. Mould,
Colonel, commanding Royal Engineers,
Chairman of Committee.
John Williamson,
Superintendent,
Province of Auckland.
Auckland, 24th July, 1857.
ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY AND PROVINCE OF NELSON TO
THE GEOLOGIST OF THE NOVARA.
Dr. Hochstetter,
Before your departure from among us, we, the inhabitants of the Province
and City of Nelson, beg to express to you our great obligations for the
benefits which you have conferred upon us as a community.
Though we cannot but congratulate you upon your approaching return to your
country and your family, we have strong personal reasons
for
looking upon
it with regret. We feel that it has been no light or trifling advantage to
have had among us one of that small class of men who conduct the great
national expeditions by which the benefits of science are distributed over
the world.
We know that such an one comes invested with the highest possible
authority to speak decidedly on the subjects of his investigations, and
are sure that we may place the most implicit confidence in his statements.
It is the great characteristic of such scientific pursuits as you are
engaged in, that though on the one hand they are joined to the deepest and
inmost principles of nature, on the other they are linked to the daily
wants and commonest necessities of life. We believe therefore that your
visit here will not be barren of practical results. We believe that it
will give us both a desire to develope, as far as possible, our share of
the gifts of nature, and a knowledge how we may best do this.
We know that we have had no special claims on you for the interest you
have taken in our welfare. The advantages which we have derived from it
are, however, of such a kind that both those who give and those who
receive may be proud of. We have had many opportunities of noticing how
earnestly you pursue knowledge for its own sake, and are glad to find that
those who do so are the most ready to employ for the benefit of others
what they have acquired themselves. You have done this in our case with
considerable personal exertion and discomfort, which have been cheerfully
encountered by your diligence and activity.
We do not wish to do more than allude to considerations of a personal
kind. But we must express our appreciation of your courteous and kind
behaviour towards us, and assure you that few men could have been among us
for so short a time and have acquired so much of the character of a
personal friend.
We beg your acceptance of the accompanying Testimonial, the product of our
Gold-fields, and we ask you to apply it to the purchase of a piece of
plate, which may help to keep us in your remembrance, and on which we ask
you to place the following inscription:—
"Presented to Dr. Ferdinand Hochstetter, Geologist to the Imperial Royal
Austrian Scientific Expedition in the frigate Novara, by the inhabitants
of the Province of Nelson, New Zealand, as a record of their appreciation
of the great benefits conferred upon them and the Colony
by
his frank
communication of the results of his zealous and able researches into the
geological character and mineral resources of the Province."
We earnestly hope that all good may go with you on your return to Europe,
and that after a pleasant and speedy voyage you may reach in safety your
home and friends. And with this wish we bid you heartily "Farewell."
Signed on behalf of the inhabitants of Nelson:
J. P. Robinson,
Superintendent of the Province of Nelson,
New Zealand.
New Granada has now taken the title of the United States of Colombia, as
appears from the following document translated from the Spanish circular
to the Diplomatic Officials and Consuls of the United States of Colombia.
Secretary of State and Foreign Affairs.
Sir,—
In order that you may be exactly acquainted with the situation of the
country, the undersigned Secretary of State, proposes to inform you every
fortnight of the progress of the nation, setting forth fully and frankly
all that has been done, neither misrepresenting nor omitting anything
which, whether favourable or adverse to the new order of things in
Colombia, may be worthy of your notice.
You are not ignorant that since July 18, 1861, when the Federal Government
came into power in Bogota, the States of Cauca, Antioquia, Santander, and
Tolima have continued in the hands of the Centralists. You are not
ignorant that the decrees of "Tincion and Desamortizacion" of effects in
mortmain, put forth during the days which followed the 18th of July,
provoked the most violent discontent on the part of the ultramontane
clergy; and that these clergy, exchanging piety for gain,
and
setting
aside all the Christian precepts of charity, renunciation of worldly
goods, moderation, and submission to the powers that be, placed themselves
in open rebellion, and endeavoured by every possible means to subvert the
peace. Thus Romanism succeeded in raising in Santander an army of 3000
men, in Tolima another of 1000, and in Boyacá and Cundinamarca several
armed companies, one of which (that of Guasca) numbered upwards of 1000
soldiers. The Government did not, nevertheless, concern itself much about
this, because on its side were reason, opinion, and strength. Now, I am
glad to tell you, that out of the nine States of the Colombian Union,
seven enjoy an order and tranquillity as absolute as unchangeable. The
heroic State of Santander, so maltreated by the Centralists during four
years, does not contain on its soil one armed enemy, and its Government,
diligent and efficient in peace as in war, is directing its attention to
the re-establishment of commerce and the good exercise of its
administration. The faction of Tolima, after having committed incalculable
depredations and excesses, has been completely subdued. The parties
fomented in Boyacá and Cundinamarca have been broken up; the only one
which has hitherto been able to maintain a footing, although considerably
diminished, that of Guasca, has been overcome during the last few days,
its chief having been killed in battle. The only disturbed States are
therefore now those of Cauca and Antioquia. Thus, then, considering that
the seven States in which order and peace reign, Panama, Bolivar,
Magdalena, Santander, Boyacá, Cundinamarca, and Tolima, are on the coast,
in the north and centre; that is to say, the most important ones in a
commercial, financial, and military point of view, because in them are
principally found the ports through which our foreign commerce is carried
on, the rich custom-houses, the salt mines, the navigable rivers, the most
valuable riches, the most abundant agricultural produce, the sources of
our exports, the great mass of the population, and the greatest amount of
the national strength; it may very reasonably be concluded that Colombian
order rests upon firm bases,—and considering, further, that in the two
States still unquiet, the disturbers are reduced to very narrow limits,
having no port through which to introduce the elements of war, no funds at
their disposal to increase or maintain their present force;—that public
opinion is generally against them, seeking all means
of
showing them
hostility, of diminishing their army, and of closing to them all
resources;—that they are closely threatened by a numerous, trained,
enthusiastic army, in perfect discipline, and well supplied with
provisions and ammunition;—that this army, part of which occupies the
south of the valley of Cauca, another part the Andes of Quindio, and the
other preparing at Mompos to penetrate, if necessary, into Antioquia,
commanded by experienced generals, under the immediate direction of the
President of the Union;—and lastly, that the insurgent troops will amount
at most but to a third part of those sent against them by the Government;
that they are in want both of provisions and arms, as also of able
generals:—when all this is considered, I say, it must be concluded that
ere long peace will be re-established in these two States as it has
already been in the rest of Colombia. It is not without regret that the
President is about to undertake military operations against the two
disturbed States, for his most earnest desire has been to establish
tranquillity by means of conciliation, without fighting. The conduct
observed by him since the commencement of the civil war has been in
keeping with this desire. Only to mention recent events, hardly was Bogota
occupied in 1861, ere he addressed himself with this object in the most
conciliating terms to the Governments of the insurgent States. That of
Antioquia had not even the courtesy to answer him. A new and even more
advantageous offer of peace, on the occasion of convoking the National
Convention, has been made, proving the patriotic feeling of the President
and the obduracy of the Centralists ruling in Antioquia. And it must be
remembered that the leniency of the Government of the Union is so much the
more praiseworthy, as it has been the Government of Antioquia which has
brought upon Cauca the calamity which has now prostrated it. In fact,
peace and law would have obtained there many months ago, but for a cruel
faction supported and reinforced by the Antioquian Government, who renewed
it when it was failing, supplied it with money and munitions, assisted it
with military forces, and maintained anarchy and, not alarm, but terror,
in the State of Cauca. But notwithstanding these weighty motives for
inducing the Government of the Union to send its army against the State of
Antioquia, yet with great magnanimity it has declared that it will only do
so in the event of the Government of Antioquia
not
having agreed to
submit to the Union by the 6th of August next, the day on which the
national convention is to assemble at Cartajena. It is not indeed possible
that this State should be allowed to remain separate from the Union,
against the will of the Antioquian people, who do not join in the views of
those now ruling them, nor is it to be endured that they should carry on
against the other States and the Government of the Union a useless war,
for no defined political object. The States that have not yet chosen their
deputies for the Convention are now engaged in electing them. For the
rest, although it may well be thought that after such a war as that
through which we have passed the re-establishment of order and harmony in
the different branches of public administration, as well in the States as
in the Union, must be a long and anxious task, yet fortunately quite the
contrary has taken place. Immediately after the battles in which the
Federalists were successful society began to enjoy well-regulated civil
and judicial administration, and consequently confidence, commerce,
labour, social life, and striving for peace, were renewed with vigour. Our
people is as much the friend of order and justice as of liberty and
independence. To obey willingly it only desires from its governors
honesty, activity, loyalty to institutions, patriotism, and respect for
the ever moderate wishes of the country. The nation hates civil war, not
alone from reason, but from instinct; it has not spontaneously sought the
sad experience it has had of this terrible calamity; our strifes have not
come from below; the incendiary torch fell from the seat of the chief
Government. At least this is what has happened during the years just past.
But this longing for durable peace, this dearly-bought experience, and
this horror of civil war, joined to a moderate and firm love of liberty
and a decided spirit of progress, will produce without doubt a
constitution liberal, just, foreseeing, and clear, and for the future will
excite the attention of the people to the election of their high
officials. The President of the Union is in the country; his head-quarters
are in no fixed place; until now he has been first in Piedras and then in
Ambalema. A general secretary accompanies the President, for the despatch
of administrative matters of a serious nature, or connected with the war,
so that there may be no branch of government neglected, nor any subject of
public interest which shall not be attended to as in ordinary times. This
city, made
nearly
a year ago into a Federal district, has a governor and
a sufficient number of alcaldes and other subalterns to maintain order and
police. Besides the army which is moving upon Antioquia and Cauca, there
has been raised and organized another of reserve, as strong as the former,
and divided into three parts, which garrison the States of Santander,
Boyacá, and Cundinamarca. The national engagements in matters of credit
have engaged the attention of the Government in the most especial manner.
No outlay, not even to satisfy the necessities of existence, does it
prefer to fulfilling its obligations with foreign creditors. Also are
religiously cancelled the obligations in favour of foreigners given by the
disloyal Government of the extinct Granadine Confederation, for the sums
taken to make war upon the States which have supported Federal
institutions. Property belonging to foreigners is more efficiently
protected than it appears ever to have been before. In fact, all that has
relation to the faithful observance of public treaties, to the persons,
properties, and rights of citizens, or subjects of other nations, is a
subject of special solicitude to the Colombian Government, it being well
persuaded that the civilization as well as the good of the country demand
a faithful fulfilment of its foreign engagements, in order to raise the
national credit, and to aggrandize, by the increase of knowledge, of
wealth, and population, the modest country in which our lot has been cast.
To conclude, a solid and general peace is approaching with quick steps,
and I believe that I shall be able to announce it to you definitely,
together with the notice of the commencement of the operation of the
national Convention, within two months. Some material improvements have
been undertaken; but the favourable moment of entire peace has not yet
arrived to carry out all that the Government intends and desires to
accomplish. In the "Rejistro Oficial" you will find all that has been done
in these branches, and in favour of European immigration and the
colonization of our waste lands.
Manuel Ancisar.
Bogota, June 5, 1862.