PREFACE The Civil War—and After — THE “POST-MORTEM” PERIOD — WALT WHITMAN — THE AWAKENING OF THE WEST — REACTION AND REVOLT IN THE ’90S — INTERIM—1890–1912 — RENASCENCE—1913 — ROBINSON AND MASTERS — FROST AND SANDBURG — THE IMAGISTS — THE NEW FOLK-POETRY — LINDSAY, OPPENHEIM AND OTHERS — SUMMARY—THE NEW SPIRIT
xvii
The end of the Civil War marked the end of a
literary epoch. The New England group, containing (if
Poe could be added) all the great names of the ante-bellum
period, began to disintegrate. The poets had
outsung themselves; it was a time of surrender and swansongs.
Unable to respond to the new forces of political
nationalism and industrial reconstruction, the Brahmins
(that famous group of intellectuals who dominated literary
America) withdrew into their libraries. Poets like
Longfellow, Bryant, Taylor, turned their eyes away
from the native scene, rhapsodized endlessly about Europe,
echoed the “parlor poetry” of England, or left creative
writing altogether and occupied themselves with translations.
“They had been borne into an era in which they
had no part,” writes Fred Lewis Pattee (A History of
American Literature Since 1870), “and they contented
themselves with reëchoings of the old music.” ...
Within a single period of six years, from 1867 to 1872,
there appeared Longfellow’s Divina Commedia, C. E.
Norton’s Vita Nuova, T. W. Parson’s Inferno, William
Cullen Bryant’s Iliad and Odyssey, and Bayard Taylor’s
Faust.
Suddenly the break came. America developed a national
xviiiconsciousness; the West discovered itself, and the
East discovered the West. Grudgingly at first, the aristocratic
leaders made way for a new expression; crude,
jangling, vigorously democratic. The old order was
changing with a vengeance. All the preceding writers—poets
like Emerson, Thoreau, Lowell, Longfellow,
Holmes—were not only products of the New England
colleges, but typically “Boston gentlemen of the early
Renaissance.” To them the new men must have seemed
like a regiment recruited from the ranks of vulgarity.
Walt Whitman, Mark Twain, Bret Harte, John Hay,
Joaquin Miller, Joel Chandler Harris, James Whitcomb
Riley—these were men who had graduated from the
farm, the frontier, the mine, the pilot-house, the printer’s
shop! For a while, the movement seemed of little consequence;
the impact of Whitman and the Westerners
was averted. The poets of the transition, with a deliberate
art, ignored the surge of a spontaneous national
expression. They were even successful in holding it back.
But it was gathering force.
The nineteenth century, up to its last quarter, had
been a period of new vistas and revolts: a period of protest
and iconoclasm—the era of Shelley and Byron, the
prophets of “liberty, equality and fraternity.” It left
no immediate heirs. In England, its successors by default
were the lesser Victorians.[1] In America, the intensity
xixand power of men like Emerson and Whittier gave
way to the pale romanticism and polite banter of the
transition, or, what might even more fittingly be called
the “post-mortem” poets. For these interim lyrists were
frankly the singers of reaction, reminiscently digging
among the bones of a long-dead past. They burrowed
and borrowed, half archaeologists, half artisans; impelled
not so much by the need of creating poetry as the desire
to write it.
From 1866 to 1880 the United States was in a chaotic
and frankly materialistic condition; it was full of political
scandals, panics, frauds, malfeasance in high places. The
moral fiber was flabby; the country was apathetic, corrupt
and contented. As in all such periods of national
unconcern, the artists turned from life altogether, preoccupying
themselves with the by-products of art: with
method and technique, with elaborate and artificial conceits,
with facile ideas rather than fundamental ideals.
Bayard Taylor, Thomas Buchanan Read, Richard Henry
Stoddard, Paul Hamilton Hayne, Thomas Bailey Aldrich-all
of these authors, in an effort to escape a reality they
could not express and did not even wish to understand,
fled to a more congenial realm of fantasy. They took
the easiest routes to a prim and academic Arcadia, to a
cloying and devitalized Orient or a mildly sensuous and
treacle-dripping Greece. In short, they followed wherever
Keats, Shelley (in his lesser lyrics) and Tennyson
seemed to lead them. However, not being explorers
themselves, they ventured no further than their predecessors,
but remained politely in the rear; repeating dulcetly
xxwhat they had learned from their greater guides—pronouncing
it with little variety but with a vast and sentimental
unction. In their desperate preöccupation with
lures and legends overseas, they were not, except for the
accident of birth, American at all; all of them owed much
more to old England than to New England.
Whitman, who was to influence future generations so
profoundly in Europe as well as in America, had already
appeared. The third edition of that stupendous volume,
Leaves of Grass, had been printed in 1860. Almost immediately
after, the publisher failed and the book passed
out of public notice. But private scrutiny was keen. In
1865 a petty official discovered that Whitman was the
author of the “notorious” Leaves of Grass and, in spite
of his great sacrifices in nursing hundreds of wounded
soldiers, in spite of his many past services and his present
poverty, the offending poet was dismissed from his small
clerkship in the Department of the Interior at Washington,
D. C. Other reverses followed rapidly. But
Whitman, broken in health and cheated by his exploiters,
lived to see not only a seventh edition of his great work
published in 1881, but a complete collection printed in
his seventy-third year (1892) in which the twelve poems
of the experimental first edition had grown to nearly
four hundred.
The influence of Whitman can scarcely be overestimated.
It has touched every shore of letters, quickened
xxievery current of art. And yet, as late as 1900,
Barrett Wendell in his Literary History of America could
speak of Whitman’s “eccentric insolence of phrase and
temper” and, perturbed by the poet’s increasing vogue
across the Atlantic (Whitman had been hailed by men
as eminent as Swinburne, Symonds, Rossetti), he is led
to write such a preposterous sentence as “In temperament
and style he was an exotic member of that sterile
brotherhood which eagerly greeted him abroad.”
Such a judgment would be impossible today. Whitman
has been acclaimed by a great and growing public,
not only here but in England, Germany, Italy and
France. He has been hailed as prophet, as pioneer, as
rebel, as the fiery humanist and, most frequently, as
liberator. He is, in spite of the rhetorical flourish, the
Lincoln of our literature. The whole scheme of Leaves
of Grass is inclusive rather than exclusive; its form is
elemental, dynamic, free.
Nor was it only in the relatively minor matter of form
that Whitman became our great poetic emancipator. He
led the way toward a wider aspect of democracy; he took
his readers out of fusty, lamp-lit libraries into the coarse
sunlight and the buoyant air. He was, as Burroughs
wrote, preëminently the poet of vista; his work had the
power “to open doors and windows, to let down bars
rather than to put them up, to dissolve forms, to escape
narrow boundaries, to plant the reader on a hill rather
than in a corner.” He could do this because, first of all,
he believed implicitly in life—in its physical as well as
its spiritual manifestations; he sought to grasp existence
xxiias a whole, not rejecting the things that, to other minds,
had seemed trivial or tawdry. The cosmic and the commonplace
were synonymous to him; he declared he was
part of the most elemental, primitive things and constantly
identified himself with them.
“What is commonest, cheapest, nearest, easiest is Me.”
And by “me” he meant not only himself but any man;
Whitman’s entire work, which has so often been misunderstood
as the outpourings of egotism, was never so
much a celebration of himself as a glorification of the
ordinary man, “the divine average.”
It was this breadth, this jubilant acceptance that made
Whitman so keen a lover of casual and ordinary things;
he was the first of our poets to reveal “the glory of the
commonplace.” He transmuted, by the intensity of his
emotion, material which had been hitherto regarded as
too unpoetic for poetry. His long poem “Song of Myself”
is an excellent example. Here his “barbaric
yawp,” sounded “over the roofs of the world,” is
softened, time and again, to express a lyric ecstasy and
naïf wonder.
I believe a leaf of grass is no less than the journey-work of the stars,
And the pismire is equally perfect, and a grain of sand, and the egg of the wren,
And the tree-toad is a chef-d’œuvre of the highest,
And the running blackberry would adorn the parlors of heaven,
And the narrowest hinge in my hand puts to scorn all machinery,
And the cow, crunching with depressed head, surpasses any statue,
And a mouse is miracle enough to stagger sextillions of infidels!
xxiiiIt is this large naturalism, this affection for all that
is homely and of the soil, that sets Whitman apart from
his fellow-craftsmen as our first American poet. This
blend of familiarity and grandeur, this racy but religious
mysticism animates all his work. It swings with tremendous
vigor through “Crossing Brooklyn Ferry”; it
sharpens the sturdy rhythms (and occasional rhymes) of
the “Song of the Broad-Axe”; it beats sonorously
through “Drum-Taps”; it whispers immortally through
the “Memories of President Lincoln” (particularly that
magnificent threnody “When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard
Bloomed”); it quickens the “Song of the Open
Road” with what Tennyson called “the glory of going
on,” and lifts with a biblical solemnity in his most famous
“Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking.”
Whitman did not scorn the past; no one was quicker
than he to see its wealth and glories. But most of the
older flowerings belonged to their own era; they were
foreign to our country—transplanted, they did not seem
to flourish on this soil. What was original with many
transatlantic poets was being merely aped by facile and
unoriginal bards in these states; concerned only with the
myths of other and older countries, they were blind to
the living legends of their own. In his “Song of the
Exposition” Whitman not only wrote his own credo, he
uttered the manifesto of the new generation—especially
in these lines:
Come Muse, migrate from Greece and Ionia.
Cross out, please, those immensely overpaid accounts;
xxivThat matter of Troy and Achilles’ wrath, and Aeneas’, Odysseus’ wanderings;
Placard “Removed” and “To Let” on the rocks of your snowy Parnassus ...
For know that a better, fresher, busier sphere, a wider, untried domain awaits, demands you.
By 1870 the public had been surfeited with sugared
conceits and fine-spun delicacies. For almost twelve
years, Whitman had stormed at the affectations and over-refinements
of the period but comparatively few had
listened. Yet an instinctive distaste for the prevailing
superficialities had been growing, and when the West
began to express itself in the raw accents of Mark Twain
and Bret Harte, the people turned to them with enthusiasm
and no little relief. Mark Twain, a prose
Whitman, revealed the romantic Mississippi and the vast
mid-West; Bret Harte, beginning a new American
fiction in 1868, ushered in the wild humor and wilder
poetry of California. It is still a question whether Bret
Harte or John Hay first discovered the literary importance
of Pike County narratives. Twain was positive
that Hay was the pioneer; documentary evidence points
to Harte. But it is indisputable that Harte developed—and
even overdeveloped—the possibilities of his backgrounds,
whereas Hay after a few brilliant ballads, reverted
to his early poetic ideals and turned to the production
of studied, polished and undistinguished verse.
Lacking the tremendous gusto of Mark Twain or even
xxvthe native accuracy of Hay, Bret Harte perfected a
terse, dramatic idiom. Less exuberant than his compeers,
he became more skilful in making his situations
“effective”; he popularized dialect, sharpening his outlines
and intensifying the power of his prose. Harte’s
was an influence that found its echo in the Hoosier stories
of Edward Eggleston and made so vivid an impress on
nineteenth century literature.
To the loose swagger of the West, two other men
added their diverse contributions. Edward Rowland
Sill, cut short just as his work was gaining headway and
strength, brought to it a gentle radicalism, a calm and
cultured honesty; Joaquin Miller, rushing to the other
extreme, theatricalized and exaggerated all he touched.
He shouted platitudes at the top of his voice; his lines
boomed with the pomposity of a brass band; floods, fires,
hurricanes, extravagantly blazing sunsets, Amazonian
women, the thunder of a herd of buffaloes—all were unmercifully
piled on. And yet, even in its most blatant
fortissimos, Miller’s poetry occasionally captured the
lavish grandeur of his surroundings, the splendor of the
Sierras, the surge and spirit of the Western world.
Now that the leadership of letters had passed from
the East, all parts of the country began to try their
voices. The West continued to hold its tuneful supremacy;
the tradition of Harte and Hay was followed
(softened and sentimentalized) by Eugene Field and
James Whitcomb Riley. In the South, Irwin Russell
was pioneering in negro dialect (1875), Sidney Lanier
fashioned his intricate harmonies (1879), and Madison
xxviCawein was beginning to create his tropical and over-luxuriant
lyrics. A few years later (in 1888) Russell
brought out his faithfully-rendered Dialect Poems and
the first phase of the American renascence had passed.
The reaction set in at the beginning of the last decade
of the nineteenth century. The passionate urge had
spent itself, and in its place there remained nothing but
that minor form of art which concerns itself less with
creation than with re-creation. These re-creators wrote
verse that was precise, scholarly and patently reproductive
of their predecessors. “In 1890,” writes Percy H.
Boynton, “the poetry-reading world was chiefly conscious
of the passing of its leading singers for the last
half-century. It was a period when they were recalling
Emerson’s ‘Terminus’ and Longfellow’s ‘Ultima
Thule,’ Whittier’s ‘A Lifetime,’ Tennyson’s ‘Crossing
the Bar,’ and Browning’s ‘Asolando.’” ... The poetry
of this period (whether it is the hard chiseled verse of
John B. Tabb or the ornate delicacy of Richard Watson
Gilder) breathes a kind of moribund resignation; it is
dead because it detached itself from the actual world,
because it attempted to be a copied embellishment rather
than an interpretation of life. But those who regarded
poetry chiefly as a not too energetic indoor-exercise were
not to rule unchallenged. Restlessness was in the air
and revolt openly declared itself with the publication of
Songs from Vagabondia (1894), More Songs from
xxviiVagabondia (1896) and Last Songs from Vagabondia
(1900). No one could have been more surprised at
the tremendous popularity of these care-free celebrations
(the first of the three collections went through seven
rapid editions) than the young authors, Richard Hovey
and Bliss Carman. For theirs was a revolt without a
program, a headlong flight to escape—what? In the
very first poem, Hovey voices their manifesto:
Off with the fetters
That chafe and restrain!
Off with the chain!
Here Art and Letters,
Music and Wine
And Myrtle and Wanda,
The winsome witches,
Blithely combine.
Here is Golconda,
Here are the Indies,
Here we are free—
Free as the wind is,
Free as the sea,
Free!
Free for what? one asks doggedly. Hovey does not
answer directly, but with unflagging buoyancy, whipped
up by scorn for the smug ones, he continues:
I tell you that we,
While you are smirking
And lying and shirking
Life’s duty of duties,
Honest sincerity,
We are in verity
Free!
xxviiiFree to rejoice
In blisses and beauties!
Free as the voice
Of the wind as it passes!
Free ... etc.
Free, one concludes, to dwell with Music and Wine,
Myrtle and Wanda, Art and Letters. Free, in short,
to follow, with a more athletic energy, the same ideals
as the parlor-poets they gibed so relentlessly. And the
new insurgence triumphed. It was the heartiness, the
gypsy jollity, the rush of high spirits that conquered.
Readers of the Vagabondia books were swept along by
their speed faster than by their philosophy.
The enthusiastic acceptance of these new apostles of
outdoor vigor was, however, not as much of an accident
as it seemed. On one side, the world of art, the public
was wearied by barren philosophizing set to tinkling
music; on the other, the world of action, it was faced
by a staggering growth of materialism which it feared.
Hovey, Carman and their imitators offered a swift and
stirring way out. But it was neither an effectual nor
a permanent escape. The war with Spain, the industrial
turmoil, the growth of social consciousness and new ideas
of responsibility made America look for fresh valuations,
more searching songs. Hovey began to go deeper into
himself and his age; in the mid-West, William Vaughn
Moody grappled with the problems of his times only to
have his work cut short by death in 1910. But these two
were exceptions; in the main, it was another interval—two
decades of appraisal and expectancy, of pause and
preparation.
This interval of about twenty years was notable for
its effort to treat the spirit of the times with a cheerful
evasiveness, a humorous unconcern; its most representative
craftsmen were, with four exceptions, the writers
of light verse. These four exceptions were Richard
Hovey, Bliss Carman, William Vaughn Moody and Edwin
Markham. Both Hovey (in his Along the Trail
and his modernization of Launcelot and Guenevere, a
poetic drama in five books) and Carman (in his later
poems like Songs of the Sea Children) saw wider horizons
and tuned their instruments to a larger music.
Moody’s power was still greater. In “An Ode in
Time of Hesitation,” he protested against turning the
“new-world victories into gain” and painted America
on a majestic canvas. In “The Quarry” he celebrated
America’s part in preventing the breaking-up of China
by the greedy empires of Europe (an act accomplished
by John Hay, poet and diplomat). In “On a Soldier
Fallen in the Philippines,” a dirge wrenched from the
depths of his nature, Moody cried out against our own
grasping imperialists. It was the fulfilment of this earlier
poem which found its fierce climax in the lengthy Ode,
with lines like:
Was it for this our fathers kept the law?
This crown shall crown their struggle and their ruth?
Are we the eagle nation Milton saw
Mewing its mighty youth?...
xxx... O ye who lead
Take heed!
Blindness we may forgive, but baseness we will smite.
Early in 1899, the name of Edwin Markham flashed
across the land when, out of San Francisco, rose the
sonorous challenge of “The Man with the Hoe.” This
poem, which has been ecstatically called “the battle-cry
of the next thousand years” (Joaquin Miller declared it
contained “the whole Yosemite—the thunder, the might,
the majesty”), caught up, with a prophetic vibrancy, the
passion for social justice that was waiting to be intensified
in poetry. Markham summed up and spiritualized
the unrest that was in the air; in the figure of one man
with a hoe, he drew a picture of men in the mines, men
in the sweat-shop, men working without joy, without
hope. To social consciousness he added social conscience.
In a ringing blank verse, Markham crystallized the expression
of outrage, the heated ferment of the period. His
was a vision of a new order, austere in beauty but deriving
its life-blood from the millions struggling in the
depths.
Inspiring as these examples were, they did not generate
others of their kind; the field lay fallow for more than
a decade. The lull was pronounced, the gathering storm
remained inaudible.
Suddenly the “new” poetry burst upon us with unexpected
vigor and extraordinary variety. Moody and
xxxiMarkham were its immediate forerunners; Whitman its
godfather. October, 1912, saw the first issue of Poetry:
A Magazine of Verse, a monthly that was to introduce
the work of hitherto unknown poets and to herald, with
an eager impartiality, the various groups, schools and
“movements.” The magazine came at the very moment
before the breaking of the storm. Flashes and rumblings
had already been troubling the literary heavens; a few
months later—the deluge! For three years the skies
continued to discharge such strange and divergent phenomena
as Vachel Lindsay’s General William Booth
Enters into Heaven (1913), James Oppenheim’s Songs
for the New Age (1914), the first anthology of The
Imagists (1914), Challenge (1914), Amy Lowell’s
Sword Blades and Poppy Seed (1914), Lindsay’s The
Congo and Other Poems (1914), Robert Frost’s North
of Boston (1914), Edgar Lee Master’s Spoon River
Anthology (1915), John Gould Fletcher’s Irradiations
(1915), Carl Sandburg’s Chicago Poems (1916). By
1917, the “new” poetry was ranked as “America’s first
national art”; its success was sweeping, its sales unprecedented.
People who never before had read verse,
turned to it and found they could not only read but
relish it. They discovered that for the enjoyment of
poetry it was not necessary to have at their elbows a dictionary
of rare words and classical references; they no
longer were required to be acquainted with Latin
legendry and the minor love-affairs of the major Greek
divinities. Life was their glossary, not literature. The
new product spoke to them in their own language. And
xxxiiit did more: it spoke to them of what they had scarcely
ever heard expressed; it was not only closer to their soil
but nearer their souls.
One reason why the new poetry achieved so sudden a
success was its freedom from the traditionally stilted
“poetic diction.” Revolting strongly against the assumption
that poetry must have a vocabulary of its own, the
poets of the new era spoke in the oldest and most stirring
tongue; they used a language that was the language not
of the poetasters but of the people. In the tones of ordinary
speech they rediscovered the strength, the dignity,
the divine core of the commonplace.
E. A. Robinson had already been employing the sharp
epithet, the direct and clarifying utterance which was to
become part of our present technique. As early as 1897,
in The Children of the Night, Robinson anticipated the
brief characterizations and the etched outlines of Masters’s
Spoon River Anthology; he stressed the psychological
element with unerring artistry and sureness of
touch. His sympathetic studies of men whose lives were,
from a worldly standpoint, failures were a sharp reaction
to the current high valuation on financial achievements,
ruthless efficiency and success at any cost. Ahead
of his period, he had to wait until 1916, when a public
prepared for him by the awakened interest in native
poetry discovered The Man Against the Sky (1916) and
the richness of Robinson at the same time.
xxxiiiFrost and Masters were the bright particular planets
of 1915, although the star of the latter has waned while
the light of the former has grown in magnitude. Yet
Masters’s most famous book will rank as one of the landmarks
of American literature. In it, he has synthesized
the small towns of the mid-West with a background that
is unmistakably local and implications that are universal.
This amazing volume, in its curiosity and comprehensiveness,
is a broad cross-section of whole communities. Beneath
its surface tales and dramas, its condensation of
grocery store gossip, Spoon River Anthology is a great
part of America in microcosm. The success of the
volume was sensational. It was actually one of the season’s
“best sellers”; in a few months, it went into edition
after edition. People forgot Masters’s revelation of
the sordid cheats and hypocrisies, his arraignment of dirty
politics and dirtier chicanery, in their interest at seeing
their neighbors so pitilessly exposed. Yet had Masters
dwelt only on the drab disillusion of the village, had he
(as he was constantly in danger of doing) overemphasized
the morbid and sensual episodes, he would have left only
a spectacular and poorly-balanced work. But the book
ascends to buoyant exaltation and ends on a plane of victorious
idealism. In its wide gamut, Spoon River, rising
from its narrow origins, reaches epical proportions. Indigenous
to its roots, it is stark, unflinching, unforgettable.
The same year that brought forth Spoon River Anthology
saw the American edition of Frost’s North of
xxxivBoston. It was evident at once that the true poet of
New England had arrived. Unlike his predecessors, Frost
was never a poetic provincial—never parochial in the sense
that America was still a literary parish of England. He
is as native as the lonely farmhouses, the dusty blueberries,
the isolated people, the dried-up brooks and mountain
intervals that he describes. Loving, above everything
else, the beauty of the Fact, he shares, with Robinson and
Masters, the determination to tell not merely the actual
but the factual truth. But Frost, a less disillusioned though
a more saddened poet, wears his rue and his realism with
a difference. Where Robinson is downright and definite,
Frost diverges, going roundabout and, in his speculative
wandering, covering a wider territory of thought. Where
Masters is violent and hotly scornful, Frost is reticent
and quietly sympathetic. Again where Masters, viewing
the mêlée above the struggle, writes about his characters,
Frost is of the people. Where Robinson, in his more
racy and reminiscent moods, often reflects New England,
Frost is New England.
North of Boston is well described by the poet’s own
subtitle: “a book of people.” In it one not only sees
a countryside of people making the intricate pattern of
their lives, one catches them thinking out loud, one can
hear the very tones of their voices. Here we have speech
so arranged and translated that the speaker is heard on
the printed page; any reader will be led by the kind and
color of these words into reproducing the changing accents
in which they are supposed to be uttered. It is
this insistence that “all poetry is the reproduction of the
xxxvtones of actual speech” that gives these poems, as well as
the later ones, a quickly-communicated emotional appeal. It
endows them with the deepest power of which words are
capable—the power to transmit significant sounds. These
sounds, let in from the vernacular, are full of a robust,
creative energy; they share the blood and bones of the
people they represent.
But Frost is by no means the dark naturalist that many
suspect. Behind the mask of “grimness” which many
of his critics have fastened upon him, there is a continual
elfin pucker; a whimsical smile, a half-disclosed raillery
glints beneath his most somber monologues. His most
concrete facts are symbols of spiritual values; through his
very reticence one hears more than the voice of New
England.
Just so, the great mid-West, that vast region of steel
mills and slaughter-houses, of cornfields and prairies, of
crowded cities and empty skies, speaks through Carl
Sandburg. In Sandburg, industrial America has found
its voice: Chicago Poems (1916), Cornhuskers (1918),
Smoke and Steel (1920) vibrate with the immense purring
of dynamos, the swishing rhythms of threshing arms, the
gossip and laughter of construction gangs, the gigantic
and tireless energy of the modern machine. Frankly
indebted to Whitman, Sandburg’s poems are less sweeping
but more varied; musically his lines mark a great advance.
He sounds the extremes of the gamut: there are
few poems in our language more violent than “To a
Contemporary Bunkshooter,” few lyrics as hushed and
tender as “Cool Tombs.”
xxxviLike Frost, Sandburg is true to things. But Frost is
content with the inexhaustible Fact and its spiritual implications;
he never hopes to drain it all. Sandburg also
feeds on the fact, but it does not satisfy him. He has
strange hungers; he hunts eagerly for the question behind,
the answer beyond. The actual scene, to him, is a point
of vivid and abrupt departure. Reality, far from being
the earth on which he dwells, is, for Sandburg, the ground
he touches before rising; realism acts merely as a springboard
from which this poet leaps into a romantic
mysticism.
When Chicago Poems first appeared, it was received
with a disfavor ranging from hesitant patronization to
the scornful jeers of the academicians. Sandburg was
accused of verbal anarchy; of a failure to distinguish
prose matter from poetic material; of uncouthness, vulgarity,
of assaults on the English language and a score
of other crimes. In the face of those who still see only
a coarseness and distorted veritism in Sandburg, it cannot
be said too often that he is brutal only when dealing
with brutal things; that his “vulgarity” springs from
an immense love of life, not from a merely decorative
part of it; that his bitterest invectives are the result of
a healthy disgust of shams; that, behind the force of his
projectile-phrases, there burns the greater flame of his
pity; that the strength of his hatred is exceeded only by
the challenge of his love.
Sandburg established himself as the most daring user
of American words—rude words ranging from the racy
metaphors of the soil to the slang of the street. But even
before this, the possibilities of a new vocabulary were
being tested. As early as 1865, Whitman was saying,
“We must have new words, new potentialities of
speech—an American range of self-expression ... The
new times, the new people need a tongue according, yes,
and what is more, they will have such a tongue—will
not be satisfied until it is evolved.”
It is curious to think that one of the most effective
agents to fulfil Whitman’s prophecy and free modern
poetry from its mouldering diction was that little band
of preoccupied specialists, the Imagists. They were, for
all their preciosity and occasional extravagances, prophets
of freedom—liberators in the sense that their programs,
pronouncements and propaganda compelled even their
most dogged adversaries to acknowledge the integrity of
their aims. Their restatement of old truths was one of
the things which helped the new poetry out of a bog
of rhetorical rubbish.
Ezra Pound was the first to gather the insurgents into
a definite group. During the winter of 1913, he collected
a number of poems illustrating the Imagist point of view
and had them printed in a volume: Des Imagistes (1914).
A little later Pound withdrew from the clan. The rather
queerly assorted group began to disintegrate and Amy
Lowell, then in England, brought the best of the younger
xxxviiimembers together in three yearly anthologies (Some Imagist
Poets) which appeared in 1915, 1916 and 1917.
There were, in Miss Lowell’s new grouping, three Englishmen
(D. H. Lawrence, Richard Aldington, F. S.
Flint), three Americans (“H. D.,” John Gould
Fletcher, Amy Lowell), and their creed, summed up in
six articles of faith, was as follows:
1. To use the language of common speech, but to employ
always the exact word, not the merely decorative word.
2. To create new rhythms—as the expression of new moods.
We do not insist upon “free-verse” as the only method of
writing poetry ... We do believe that the individuality of
a poet may often be better expressed in free verse than in
conventional forms.
3. To allow absolute freedom in the choice of subject.
4. To present an image (hence the name: “Imagist”). We
are not a school of painters, but we believe that poetry should
render particulars exactly and not deal in vague generalities,
however magnificent and sonorous.
5. To produce poetry that is hard and clear, never blurred
or indefinite.
6. Finally, most of us believe that concentration is the very
essence of poetry.
It does not seem possible that these six obvious and
almost platitudinous principles, which the Imagists so
often neglected in their poetry, could have evoked the
storm of argument, fury and downright vilification that
broke as soon as the militant Amy Lowell began to
champion them. Far from being revolutionary, these
principles were not new; they were not even thought so
by their sponsors. The Imagists themselves realized they
xxxixwere merely restating ideals which had fallen into
desuetude, and declared, “They are the essentials of all
great poetry, indeed of all great literature.” And yet
many conservative critics, joined by the one hundred per
cent reactionaries, rushed wildly to combat these “heresies”!
They forgot that, in trying to protect the
future from such lawlessness as “using the exact word,”
from allowing “freedom in the choice of subject,” from
the importance of “concentration,” they were actually
attacking the highest traditions of their enshrined past.
The controversy succeeded in doing even more than
the work of the Imagists themselves. “H. D.” remained
in England, perfecting her delicate and exquisitely finished
designs. John Gould Fletcher, a more vacillating
expatriate, continued to strengthen his gift and shift his
standards; his later and richer work is in almost flat
opposition to the early pronouncements. Miss Lowell
was left to carry on the battle single-handed; to defend
the theories which, in practice, she was beginning to violate
brilliantly. By all odds, the most energetic and unflagging
experimenter, Miss Lowell’s versatility became amazing.
She has wielded a controversial cudgel with one hand
and, with the other, she has written Chaucerian stanzas,
polyphonic prose, monologs in her native New England
dialect, irregular vers libre, conservative couplets, translations
from the French, echoes from the Japanese, even
primitive re-creations of Indian folk-lore!
The work of the Imagists was done. Its members
began to develop themselves by themselves. They had
helped to swell the tide of realistic and romantic naturalism—a
xltide of which their contribution was merely
one wave, a high breaker that carried its impact far
inshore.
In a country that has not been mellowed by antiquity,
that has not possessed songs for its peasantry or traditions
for its singers, one cannot look for a wealth of folk-stuff.
In such a country—the United States, to be
specific—what folk-poetry there is, has followed the path
of the pioneer. At first these homely songs were merely
adaptations and localized versions of English ballads and
border minstrelsy, of which the “Lonesome Tunes” discovered
in the Kentucky mountains by Howard Brockway
and Loraine Wyman are excellent examples. But later,
a more definitely native spirit found expression in the
various sections of these states. In the West (during the
seventies) Bret Harte and John Hay celebrated, in their
own accents, the rough, big-hearted miners, ranchers,
steamboat pilots, the supposed descendants of the emigrants
from Pike County, Missouri. In the Middle West
the desire for local color and music led to the popularity
of James Whitcomb Riley’s Hoosier ballads and the
spirited jingles of Eugene Field. In the South the inspiration
of the negro spirituals and ante-bellum songs
was utilized to excellent effect by Irwin Russell, Joel
Chandler Harris and, later, by Paul Laurence Dunbar.
The Indian, a more genuine primitive, has been as difficult
to transplant poetically as he has been to assimilate
ethnically. But, in spite of the racial differences in sentiment,
xlireligion and philosophy, brave attempts to bring
the spirit of the Indian originals into our poetry have
been made by Mary Austin, Constance Lindsay Skinner,
Natalie Curtis Burlin, Lew Sarett and Alice Corbin
Henderson.
In the West today there is a revival of interest in
backwoods melodies and folk-created verse. John A.
Lomax has published two volumes of cowboy songs—most
of them anonymous—full of tang, wild fancy and
robust humor. The tradition of Harte and Hay is being
carried on by such racy interpreters as Harry Herbert
Knibbs, Badger Clark and Edwin Ford Piper. But, of
all contemporaries who approximate the spirit of folk-poetry,
none has made more striking or more indubitably
American contributions than Vachel Lindsay of Springfield,
Illinois.
Lindsay is essentially a people’s poet. He does not
hesitate to express himself in terms of the lowest common
denominator; his fingers are alternately on his pen
and the public pulse. Living near enough the South to
appreciate the negro and yet not too near to despise
him, Lindsay has been tremendously influenced by the
colorful suggestions, the fantastic superstitions, the revivalistic
gusto, the half-savage Christianity and, above
all, by the curiously syncopated music that characterize
the black man in America. In “The Congo,” “John
Brown” and the less extended but equally remarkable
xlii“Simon Legree,” the words roll with the solemnity of
an exhortation, dance with a grotesque fervor or snap,
crackle, wink and leap with all the humorous rhythms
of a piece of “ragtime.” Lindsay catches the burly
color and boisterous music of camp-meetings, minstrel
shows, revival jubilees.
And Lindsay does more. He carries his democratic
determinations further than any of his confrères. His
dream is of a great communal Art; he preaches the
gospel that all villages should be centers of beauty, all its
citizens, artists. At heart a missionary even more than
a minstrel, Lindsay often loses himself in his own
evangelism; worse, he frequently cheapens himself and
caricatures his own gift by pandering to the vaudeville
instinct that insists on putting a noisy “punch” into
everything, regardless of taste, artistry or a sense of proportion.
He is most impressive when he is least frenetic,
when he is purely fantastic (as in “The Chinese Nightingale”
or the series of metaphorical poems about the
moon) or when a greater theme and a finer restraint
unite (as in “The Eagle That Is Forgotten”) to create
a preaching that does not cease to be poetry.
Something of the same blend of prophet and poet is
found in the work of James Oppenheim. Oppenheim is
a throwback to the ancient Hebrew singers; the music of
the Psalms rolls through his lines, the fire of Isaiah
kindles his spirit. This poetry, with its obvious reminders
of Whitman, is biblical in its inflection, Oriental
in its heat; it runs through forgotten centuries
and brings buried Asia to busy America. It carries to
xliiithe Western world the color of the East, adding the
gift of prophecy to pragmatic purpose. In books like
War and Laughter and Songs for the New Age the
race of god-breakers and god-makers speaks with a new
voice; here, with analytic intensity, the old iconoclasm
and still older worship are again united.
The new poets have won their way by their differences
as well as by their chance similarities. They belong to
no one school, represent no single tendency and, differing
widely from their present-day English fellow-craftsmen,
are far less hampered by the burdens of traditions or the
necessity of casting them off. They are more nearly free.
One sees this even in the work of the more deliberately
conventional singers. Lyricists like Sara Teasdale and
Edna St. Vincent Millay write in a clean, straightforward
idiom, an intense naturalness that is a frank commentary
on the tinkling and over-sentimental verse that used to
pass for genuine emotion. Robert Frost and E. A. Robinson
continue to use the strictest rhymes and most rigid
meters and yet their lines are as “modern,” as searching
as the freest free verse. Form per se matters scarcely at
all; all forms are employed. Conrad Aiken achieves a
flexible combination of rhyme and assonance. Sandburg,
“H. D.,” Kreymborg and John Gould Fletcher dispense,
for the most part, with rhyme, without sacrificing the
beauty of sound or stress. Masters and Amy Lowell
use the old forms and the new ones with impartiality
and equal skill. A sweeping inclusiveness distinguishes
our contemporary verse; it embraces all themes, all cultures,
xlivall modes of expression. America has become a
melting-pot in a poetic as well as an ethnic sense. The
rich variety of its structure and subject-matter is in
striking opposition to the thin, specialized product of the
transition poets. New England is no longer the single
literary center. As the country has matured, the poets
have grown with it, singing everywhere and, much to
Art’s confusion, in every key. It is as if submerged
springs had burst through stubborn ground; instead of
one placid stream, there are a dozen rushing currents.
It is difficult to draw a line between periods, especially
when one is called upon to define “modernity.” But
in the case of the development of American poetry, the
task is made easier by Whitman. Whitman ended and
began an epoch. This collection therefore begins where
he left off; it might well be called, “American Poetry
Since Whitman.”
It would have been pleasant to divide the poetry
itself into groups and distinct tendencies. Unfortunately
such a scheme is impossible. In the first place, one can
scarcely get a proper perspective on contemporary writers
(on whom the chief emphasis has been placed), especially
since many of them are still developing. Secondly, one
cannot give the picture of a period in the state of
flux except by showing its fluid character. The prime
object of this collection is to reflect this very flux and
diversity—particularly illustrated by those poets who, because
xlvof their strong individualism, would not fit in any
one grouping. Since the chronological arrangement is,
therefore, the most logical one, an arbitrary boundary has
been fixed. The year 1830 becomes the dividing-line;
any poet born earlier than that date is ruthlessly excluded.
This, fortunately, eliminates scarcely any poet of value;
for between Whitman (born 1819) and Emily Dickinson
(that early imagist), there were no singers more
memorable than the Cary sisters, Bayard Taylor and the
painfully precise Richard Henry Stoddard.
It is a happy circumstance that this volume should
begin with Emily Dickinson, whose work, posthumously
printed, was unknown as late as 1890 and scarcely
noticed until several years later. For here is a forerunner
of the new spirit—free in expression, unhampered
in choice of subject, penetrative in psychology—to
which a countryful of writers has responded. No longer
confined to one or two literary centers, the impulse to
create is everywhere. There is scarcely a state, barely a
township, that has not produced its laureate.
Most of the poets represented in these pages have found
a fresh and vigorous material in a world of honest and
often harsh reality. They respond to the spirit of their
times; not only have their views changed, their vision
has been widened to include things unknown to the poet
of yesterday. They have learned to distinguish real
beauty from mere prettiness; to wring loveliness out of
squalor; to find wonder in neglected places; to search
for hidden truths even in the dark caves of the unconscious.
xlviAnd with the use of the material of everyday life,
there has come a further simplification: the use of the
language of everyday speech. The stilted and mouth-filling
phrases have been practically discarded in favor
of words that are part of our daily vocabulary. It would
be hard at present to find a representative poet employing
such awkward and outworn contractions as ’twixt,
’mongst, ope’; such evidences of poor padding as adown,
did go, doth smile; such dull rubber-stamps (clichés is
the French term) as heavenly blue, roseate glow, golden
hope, girlish grace, gentle breeze, etc. The peradventures,
forsooths and mayhaps have disappeared....
And, as the speech of the modern poet has grown less
elaborate, so have the patterns that embody it. Not
necessarily discarding rhyme, regular rhythm or any of
the musical assets of the older poets, the forms have
grown simpler; the intricate versification has given way
to lines that reflect and suggest the tones of animated
and even exalted speech. The result of this has been
a great gain both in sincerity and intensity; it has enabled
the poet of today to put greater emphasis on his emotion
rather than on the shell that covers it—he can dwell with
richer detail on the matter instead of the manner.
One could go into minute particulars concerning the
growth of an American spirit in our literature and point
out how many of the latter-day poets have responded to
native forces larger than their backgrounds. Such a
course would be endless and unprofitable. It is pertinent,
however, to observe that, young as this nation is, it is
already being supplied with the stuff of legends, ballads
xlviiand even epics. The modern singer has turned to celebrate
his own folk-tales. It is particularly interesting to
observe how the figure of Lincoln has been treated by
the best of our living poets. I have accordingly included
seven poems by seven writers, each differing in manner,
technique and point of view.
For the rest, I leave the casual reader, as well as the
student, to discover the awakened vigor and energy in
this, one of the few great poetic periods in native literature.
With the realization that this brief gathering is
not so much a summary as an introduction, it is hoped
that, in spite of its limitations, this collection will draw
the reader on to a closer consideration of the poets here
included—even to those omitted. The purpose of such
an anthology must always be to stimulate an interest
rather than to satisfy a curiosity. Such, at least, is the
hope and aim of one editor.
L. U.
January, 1921.
New York City.
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