LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA IN 1824 AND 1825; OR, JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO THE UNITED STATES:
Transcriber’s Note:
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
BY A. LEVASSEUR,
SECRETARY TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE DURING HIS JOURNEY.
VOL. II.
PHILADELPHIA:
CAREY AND LEA.
1829.
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:
Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth
year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D.
1829, Carey and Lea, of the said district, have deposited in this Office
the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors in the
words following, to wit:
“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to
the United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette
during his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled
“An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of
maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies
during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An
act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement
of learning, by securing the copies of the maps, charts, and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’
and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving,
and etching historical and other prints.”
(Signed) D. CALDWELL,
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
CONTENTS.
iii
Chapter I.
P.
Maryland Cattle Show—Indian Deputation introduced to Gen. Lafayette—President’s Message—Extraordinary honours paid to the Nation’s Guest—National recompense presented by Congress
Entrance into South Carolina—Route from Cheraw to Cambden—Monument erected to Baron de Kalb—Road from Cambden to Charleston—Rejoicing in Charleston—Colonel Huger—History, Institutions, and Manners, of the South Carolinians
Departure from Milledgeville—Macon—Indian Agency—Meeting with Indians during a Storm—Hamley—M’Intosh’s Tribe—Uchee Creek—Big Warrior—Captain Lewis—Line Creek—Montgomery—Farewell of M’Intosh—Cahawba-State of Alabama—Mobile
Departure from Mobile—Gulf of Mexico—Passage of the Belize—Landing at the entrenchments near New Orleans—Entrance into the city—Entertainments and public Ceremonies—Battle of New Orleans
ivChanges produced in the navigation of the Mississippi since the introduction of Steam—Arrival at Kaskaskia—The Canadians and Indians—Singular meeting with a young Indian educated among the Whites, and returned to savage life—Indian Ballad—State of Illinois—Departure from Kaskaskia—Separation of General Lafayette and the Louisiana deputation
Cumberland River—Arrival at Nashville—Tennessee Militia—Residence of General Jackson—Shipwreck on the Ohio—Louisville—Journey from Louisville to Cincinnati by land—State of Kentucky—Anecdote
Arrival at Cincinnati—Entertainments given by that city—Swiss of Vevay—State of Ohio—The Vinton family—Journey from Wheeling to Uniontown—Speech of Mr. Gallatin—New Geneva—Braddock’s field—General Washington’s first feat of arms—Pittsburgh
Route from Pittsburg to Erie—Commodore Perry’s Victory—Night Scene at Fredonia—The Indian Chief at Buffalo—Falls of Niagara—Visit to Fort Niagara—Appearance of Lockport—Passage from Lockport to Rochester—Aqueduct over the Genessee River—Route by land from Rochester to Syracuse—Passage from Syracuse to Schenectady, Rome, and Utica—Grand Canal
Return to Boston—Reception of Lafayette by the Legislature of Massachusetts—Celebration of the anniversary of Bunker’s hill—History of the Revolution familiar to the Americans—Departure from Boston
Rapid and hasty visit to the states of New Hampshire, Maine, and Vermont—Return to New York—Celebration of the Anniversary of American Independence—American vessels of war—Patriotism and disinterestedness of the Seamen of New York
Letter of Mr. Keratry on the Anniversary of Bunker’s hill—Fair Mount Water Works at Philadelphia—Germantown—Mr. Watson’s Historical Box—Field of the Battle of Brandywine—Invocation of the Rev. William Latta—Clergy of Lancaster—Return to Baltimore, lighted by a fire
Return to Washington—Character of the new President—Visit to the ex-president, become a farmer and justice of the peace—Government offers Lafayette a ship of war to return in to France—Presents made to Bolivar through Lafayette—New homage from the city of New York—Farewell of the President to the Nation’s Guest—Departure from Washington city—Embarkation in the Brandywine—Voyage—Testimonies of attachment and regret of the crew of the Brandywine to Lafayette—Reception at Havre—some hours at Rouen—Reception of Lafayette at La Grange by the inhabitants of his vicinity
Maryland Cattle Show—Indian Deputation introduced to Gen. Lafayette—President’s
Message—Extraordinary honours paid to the Nation’s
Guest—National recompense presented by Congress.
On arriving at Washington, we went to dine with the
president; and after reposing for twenty-four hours, we set
out for Baltimore, where we were invited as members of
the Agricultural Society to the annual meeting of the farmers
of Maryland. The object of this society is the distribution
of rewards and encouragements to all, who in the
course of the year have made improvements in agriculture,
or the arts of domestic utility. The different products are
exhibited, without the names of their owners, and examined
by a committee, upon whose report the society awards
the prizes. The show appeared to be rich in products of
every description. A great number of horses, cows, and
sheep, remarkable for their beauty of form, proved how
careful the Maryland farmers are in improving their stock.
Models of agricultural implements, linen, cotton, canvass
and woollen cloths, wines and grain, so arranged, as to be
open to public examination, attested the spirit of investigation
and improvement which pervades the industrious
class of this rich state. General Harper opened the meeting
by a very instructive discourse upon the progress and
actual condition of agriculture in Maryland, and General
Lafayette was charged with the distribution of the premiums.
After these were delivered, the farmers were arranged
in two lines, and General Lafayette passed between
them, shaking hands with every one. We then gaily seated
ourselves at table, where numerous toasts were drank,
“to the nation’s guest,” “the farmer of La Grange,” &c.
To these tributes of respect, the general replied by the
following toast: “The seed of American liberty transplanted
to other shores, smothered hitherto, but not destroyed
10by European weeds; may it germinate and grow afresh,
more pure and vigorous, and cover the soil of both hemispheres.”
Before leaving Baltimore we visited several farms in the
vicinity, at each of which General Lafayette took accurate
notes of various improvements, whose application he
thought would prove useful on his farm at La Grange. He
especially admired a fine steam boiler,[1] at General Harper’s
farm, by which numerous flocks could be more abundantly
and economically fed. Mr. Patterson presented him
a young bull and two heifers of rare elegance of form, said
to be of the English Devonshire breed. We also received
from several other agriculturists, wild turkeys for the improvement
of the European breed, pigs of singular size,
figure, &c.; in short, every one wished to present some of
his produce to the farmer of La Grange, who accepted
them the more gratefully, because he saw in each of these
presents means of rendering service to French agriculture.
On returning to Washington, we found the city much
more animated than before our departure. The number
of strangers and citizens from all parts of the Union, which
usually assemble at the opening of congress, were collected
this season in much greater crowds, attracted by the wish
of being there at the same time with the nation’s guest,
and to witness the inauguration of the recently elected
president. The European ambassadors and ministers of
the new states of South America, had returned to their
posts, which they left during the fine season; Indian deputations
had also arrived from the most distant forests, to
make known the wants of their brethren to the American
government. These deputations came to visit General
Lafayette the morning after our return; they were introduced
by Major Pitchlynn, their interpreter; at their head
were two chiefs whom we had previously seen at Mr.
Jefferson’s table during our visit to Monticello. I recognised
them by their ears cut into long straps and garnished
with long plates of lead. One of them, named Mushulatubbee,
made an address to General Lafayette in the Indian
language; after he had concluded, Pushalamata, the first of
11their chiefs, also addressed the general, congratulating him
on his return to the land for which he had fought and bled
in his youth, &c. This chief expired a few days afterwards:
feeling the approach of death, he called his companions
around him, requested them to dress him in his
est ornaments and give him his arms, that he might die
like a man. He expressed a desire that the Americans
would bury him with the honours of war, and fire a salute
over his grave, which was promised. He then conversed
with his friends until he gently expired. He was very old
and of the Choctaw tribe, as well as part of those who
came to see General Lafayette; the rest were Chickasaws.
On his return to Washington, the general found messages
from all the southern and western states, expressing
the desire and hope of the people of those parts of the Union
that he would visit them: the representatives of the different
states who had come to sit in congress, daily came to see
him, and spoke with enthusiasm of the preparations which
their fellow citizens were already making to receive the
nation’s guest.
He felt that it would be difficult, not to say impossible,
to refuse invitations so feelingly and honourably expressed,
and determined to accept them all; but on account of the
advanced state of the season he could not re-commence
his journey till the end of the winter; during part of which
he would remain at Washington, where he could attend to
the debates in congress. As these debates would not begin
for some days, he determined to profit by the intervening time
to visit all the members of General Washington’s family,
residing in the vicinity of the capital. We first went to
the house of one of his nieces, Mrs. Lewis, at Wood Lawn;
this lady was brought up at Mount Vernon with Mr.
George Lafayette, and time had not destroyed the fraternal
friendship existing between them. She received us with
great kindness, as did her husband and family. We remained
four days at Wood Lawn, receiving the most delicate
attentions, and departed charged with little presents,
of great value to us, because they were almost all objects
which had belonged to the hero of liberty, the immortal
Washington.
As Wood Lawn is but a division of the ancient property of
Mount Vernon, we had but a short walk to Judge Bushrod
12Washington’s. We then revisited Arlington, the residence
of Mr. Custis, of whom I have heretofore had occasion to
speak. His house, built according to reduced plans of the
temple of Theseus, stands upon one of the most beautiful
situations imaginable; from the portico the eye takes in, at
one view, the majestic course of the Potomac, the commercial
movements of Georgetown, the rising city of
Washington, and far beyond the vast horizon, beneath
which lie the fertile plains of Maryland. If Mr. Custis, instead
of the great number of indolent slaves, who devour
his produce, and leave his roads in a bad condition, would
employ a dozen well paid free labourers, I am sure that he
would soon triple his revenues, and have one of the most
delightful properties, not only of the District of Columbia,
but of all Virginia.
While General Lafayette was visiting his friends, congress
commenced its session on the 6th of December, according
to custom. The president’s message was received
by both houses on the 7th at noon; and, on our return to
Washington on the 8th, we read this political paper, always
so important in the United States, but still more interesting
this year, because it was the last great administrative act
of an honest man; and its influence, perhaps, saved the republics
of South America, I do not say from the intrigues,
but at least from the attacks of Europe. Those who wish
to learn how, in a legitimate government, the chief magistrate
elected by the people renders an account of the sacred
trust they have confided to him, should read Mr.
Monroe’s message of the 6th December, 1824. They will
there see with what candour this wise magistrate informs
congress of all the acts of his administration, with what
simplicity he speaks of his treaties with all the kings of
Europe; with what frankness he exposes the wants, the resources,
the situation of the state; but also with what
courage and dignity he declares to the whole world that
the republic, faithful to its engagements, will regard as a
personal offence all attacks directed against its allies, and
will always repel, with its whole power, the unjust principle
of foreign interference in the affairs of the nation.
After the reading of the message committees were immediately
appointed by both houses upon the various articles
it contained. The committee charged with what
13related to the general, was requested to report with as
little delay as possible. Other committees were appointed
to arrange the ceremonial of the general’s public reception
by congress; and, on the 8th of December the joint committee
reported by Mr. Barbour to the house of representatives,
that, in order to avoid difficulties, each house of congress
should separately receive the nation’s guest. The
senate then determined upon the manner in which General
Lafayette should be received, and the committee was authorized
to act as intermediary to the senate and him.
On the 9th Mr. Mitchell, in the name of the committees,
proposed resolutions, which were unanimously adopted,
that General Lafayette should be publicly gratulated by
the house of representatives on account of his accepting
the invitation of congress, and assured of the profound respect
felt for his eminent services during the revolution, as
well as of the pleasure caused by his return, after so long
an absence, to the theatre of his exploits.
As soon as these resolutions were made known, the
troops wished to parade, to give the reception of the nation’s
guest by congress all the brilliance of military pomp;
but General Lafayette, having learned their intention, requested
them to relinquish it, as he considered it inconsistent,
both with his character and situation, to appear before
the national representatives surrounded by the pomp of
arms; the troops, always delighted to do what was most
agreeable to him, immediately laid aside their project. At
half past twelve we went in carriages with the committee
of the senate to the capitol; at ten o’clock precisely the
doors of the senate were thrown open, and General Lafayette
was led into the midst of the assembly by Mr.
Barbour, president of the committee. On arriving at the
centre of the hall, Mr. Barbour said, in a loud voice, “We
introduce General Lafayette to the senate of the United
States.” The senators standing uncovered received this
annunciation with the most profound silence. The committee
then conducted the general to a seat on the right
of Mr. Gailliard, president of the senate; a motion to adjourn
was made immediately after, that each senator might
individually pay his respects to the general. This motion
being carried, the senators successively left their seats, and
14approached him for that purpose. Thus terminated the
business of the day.
The next morning, the general was again conducted to
the capitol, by a deputation of twenty-four members of
the house of representatives. The procession consisted of
merely twelve coaches, but without escort, pomp, or decorations;
our progress through the city was slow and silent.
At the sight of the first coach, which contained the general,
the citizens halted, removed their hats, but uttered no
exclamation. This silence, this simplicity, was really impressive.
We were conducted into the committee room
until the session commenced; the public galleries were
crowded from early in the morning; the seats were occupied
by foreign diplomatists and most distinguished persons
of the city. That part of the hall which is not occupied
by the representatives, was, on this occasion, alone filled
by ladies.
When the members had taken their seats, Mr. Condict
proposed that the senate should be invited to attend, and
the motion was carried by a large majority. The speaker
then requested the members to pass to the right, in order
to give place to the senators. The senate then entered
and took their seats; a few minutes after, two members
came for Mr. George Lafayette and myself, and conducted
us into the hall, to a seat occupied by the public officers.
A signal being then given, the doors were thrown open,
and General Lafayette entered between Messrs. Mitchell
and Livingston, followed by the rest of the deputation:
the whole assembly arose and stood uncovered in silence.
When the general reached the centre of the hall, the
speaker, Mr. Clay, thus addressed him:
“General—The house of representatives of the United
States, impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of
the whole American people, could not have assigned to me
a more gratifying duty, than that of presenting to you cordial
congratulations upon the occasion of your recent
arrival in the United States, in compliance with the wishes
of congress, and to assure you of the very high satisfaction
which your presence affords on this early theatre of your
glory and renown. Although but few of the members who
compose this body shared with you in the war of our revolution,
all have, from impartial history or from faithful
15tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, and the
sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the signal
services, in America and in Europe, which you performed
for an infant, a distant, and an alien people; and all feel
and own the very great extent of the obligations under
which you have placed our country. But the relations in
which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting
and important as they have been, do not constitute the
only motive of the respect and admiration which the house
of representatives entertain for you. Your consistency of
character, your uniform devotion to regulated liberty, in all
the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also commands
its admiration. During all the recent convulsions of
Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political
storm, the people of the United States have beheld you,
true to your old principles, firm and erect, cheering and
animating, with your well known voice, the votaries of
liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed
the last drop of that blood which here you so freely and
nobly spilt, in the same holy cause.
“The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence
would allow the patriot, after death, to return to
his country, and to contemplate the intermediate changes
which had taken place—to view the forests felled, the
cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the
highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement
of learning, and the increase of population—General,
your present visit to the United States is a realization of
the consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst
of posterity. Every where, you must have been struck
with the great changes, physical and moral, which have
occurred since you left us. Even this very city, bearing
a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has
since emerged from the forest which then covered its site.
In one respect, you behold us unaltered, and this is in the
sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent
affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend,
the father of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious
associates in the field and in the cabinet, for the multiplied
blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege
of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment,
now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of
16people, will be transmitted, with unabated vigour, down
the tide of time, through the countless millions who are
destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.”
The profound emotion experienced by the speaker,
which had visibly agitated him throughout his address,
rapidly extended to the hearts of the auditors, each of
whom waited, with benevolent anxiety, for the answer
they expected the general would have ready in writing,
for so solemn an occasion. But every one was agreeably
surprised, to see him advance a few steps towards the
speaker, cast upon the assembly looks of feeling and gratitude,
and, after a few instants of recollection, deliver, in a
sonorous voice, distinctly audible throughout the house,
the following extempore reply:
“Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives—While
the people of the United States, and their
honourable representatives in congress, have deigned to
make choice of me, one of the American veterans, to signify,
in his person, their esteem for our joint services, and
their attachment to the principles for which we have had
the honour to fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to
share those extraordinary favours with my dear revolutionary
companions; yet it would be, on my part, uncandid
and ungrateful, not to acknowledge my personal share in
those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast
emotions which no words are adequate to express.
“My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed
any merit I might claim; they date from the time when I
have had the happiness to be adopted as a young soldier,
a favoured son of America; they have been continued to
me during almost a half a century of constant affection and
confidence; and now, sir, thanks to your most gratifying
invitation, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes,
one hour of which would more than compensate for the
public exertions and sufferings of a whole life.
“The approbation of the American people, and their
representatives, for my conduct, during the vicissitudes of
the European revolution, is the highest reward I could
receive. Well may I stand firm and erect, when, in their
names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared to have, in
every instance, been faithful to those American principles
of liberty, equality, and true social order, the devotion to
17which, as it has been from my earliest youth, so it shall
continue to be to my latest breath.
“You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the
peculiar felicity of my situation, when, after so long an
absence, I am called to witness the immense improvements,
the admirable communications, the prodigious creations,
of which we find an example in this city, whose
name itself is a venerated palladium; in a word, all the
grandeur and prosperity of those happy United States,
who, at the same time they nobly secure the complete
assertion of American independence, reflect, on every part
of the world, the light of a far superior political civilization.
“What better pledge can be given, of a persevering,
national love of liberty, when these blessings are evidently
the result of a virtuous resistance to oppression, and institutions
founded on the rights of man, and the republican
principle of self-government?
“No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me,
since, in the sons of my companions and friends, I find the
same public feelings; and, permit me to add, the same
feelings in my behalf, which I have had the happiness to
experience in their fathers.
“Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee
of a congress of thirteen states, to express the fond
wishes of an American heart; on this day, I have the
honour and enjoy the delight, to congratulate the representatives
of the Union, so vastly enlarged, on the realization
of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation,
and upon the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty
anticipate; permit me, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen
of the house of representatives, to join to the expression of
those sentiments, a tribute of my lively gratitude, affectionate
devotion, and profound respect.”
I will not attempt to depict the deep impression produced
by the reply of the general, and by this simple yet
majestic scene on the spectators. I fear that it would be
understood but by few. As regards my own feelings, I
frankly avow, that I could not avoid drawing a comparison
between this touching picture of national gratitude crowning
the civic virtues, with those pompous ceremonies, in
the midst of which the monarchs of Europe deign to show
18themselves, surrounded with the glitter of arms and the
splendour of dress: the latter appeared to me only similar
to some brilliant theatrical representation, which it would
be gratifying to behold, if we could forget that they but
add to the misery of the people.
After these testimonies of devotion and feeling, hitherto
unknown in the history of nations, thus tendered by congress
to General Lafayette, it might have been supposed,
that all marks of national gratitude were exhausted. But,
in compliance with the message of the president, and above
all, with the expression of public opinion which was daily
manifested in the public prints and in private letters addressed
from all parts of the Union to the members, congress
still conceived that more remained to be done, and
hastened to appoint a committee to devise a mode of presenting
to General Lafayette a recompense worthy of the
nation which tendered it. This committee reported a bill
on the 20th of December, in which, after detailing the services
rendered by Lafayette to the American nation, and
the sacrifices he had made in the achievement of its independence,
they proposed that the sum of 200,000 dollars,
and the fee simple of a tract of land of 24,000 acres, to be
chosen in the most fertile part of the United States, should
be offered as a compensation and testimony of gratitude.
This proposition was received with enthusiasm by the
senate, and it was believed that it would pass without discussion,
when at the moment it was about to be sent to the
house of representatives, a senator observed, “that he had
no objections to make either to the sum about to be voted,
or to the services for which it was given; that he yielded
to no one in gratitude and friendship towards General Lafayette,
whose virtues and services, he believed, could not
be too highly recompensed; but thought that the proposed
method was defective; that charged with the administration
of the public revenues, he did not believe that congress
was permitted to dispose of them otherwise than for the
public service; he thought that each state might claim
with justice, a right to testify its gratitude to Lafayette;
finally, that he voted against the consideration of the proposition,
to avoid establishing a precedent, the consequences
of which might hereafter be fatal.”
The eloquence of Mr. Hayne easily triumphed over this
19opposition, arising from a scrupulous attention and care of
the public finances, and the bill having been a third time
read, was almost unanimously adopted. Seven votes only
were in the negative; and it was universally known that
even those who opposed the bill, were among the warmest
friends and partizans of the general. Motives of public
expediency, and, with some, the habit of opposing every
novel measure of finance, were the only reasons for their
course of conduct.
The proposition was received with equal warmth and
good will in the house of representatives. As soon as the
committee presented their report, all other business was
postponed, and the consideration of the bill commenced.
The discussion that ensued, as in the senate, fully recognized
the rights of the general to national gratitude, and
only turned on the legality of the proposed plan. After
the third reading the bill was passed by an overwhelming
majority.
During these discussions in congress, General Lafayette,
who was wholly ignorant of their existence, was at Annapolis,
whither he had been invited by the legislature of
Maryland. It was not until the day after his return to
Washington, that the two committees of the senate and the
house of representatives waited on him, to acquaint him
with the resolutions of congress.
Mr. Smith, the chairman, presented him the act, and observed
that the congress of the United States, fully appreciating
the great sacrifices made by the general in the
cause of American Independence, had taken that opportunity
of repaying a part of the vast debt owed to him by the
country.
General Lafayette was greatly embarrassed on hearing
this munificence of congress towards him. He was at first
tempted to refuse it, as he thought the proofs of affection
and popular gratitude which he had received from the
moment of his arrival in the United States, were a sufficient
recompense for all his services, and he had never
desired any other. But he nevertheless felt, from the
manner in which this offer was made, that he could not
refuse it without offending the American nation, through
its representatives, and he therefore immediately decided
upon accepting it. He replied to the committee with his
20usual promptness and feeling, assuring them of the deep
gratitude he felt, as an American soldier, and as an adopted
son of the country, for this as well as other marks of
affection that had been bestowed upon him.
This act of congress was soon spread, by means of the
public journals, through all parts of the Union, and was
every where received with unanimous approbation. Some
states even wished to make an addition to these grants of
congress. Thus, for example, Virginia, New York, and
Maryland, were desirous to heap additional favours on the
guest of the nation. It required all the determined moderation
of the general to repress this excess of gratitude, which
would have ended in placing at his disposal all the funds
of the United States; for if the states had once engaged in
this struggle of generosity, it is difficult to say where it
would have ended.
Nevertheless, the newspapers, the organs of public
opinion, in applauding these acts of congress, attacked, with
a severity which distressed General Lafayette, those few
members of the senate and house of representatives, who
had voted against the national donation. These attacks,
in fact, were the more unjust; for, as I have already said,
the majority of the opponents of the measure were personal
friends of the general, and wholly devoted to his interests;
but in voting, not against the proposition, but
against its form, they remained faithful to a principle they
had always adopted, of not disposing of the public funds
for other purposes than those of the public service. Some
of them deemed it proper to explain this to the general.
“Not only,” said they, “do we partake of the gratitude
and admiration of our fellow citizens towards you for the
services you have rendered us, but we also think that the
nation can never repay them, and yet twenty-six of us
voted against the proposition in congress.” “Well,” replied
the general, in taking them cordially by the hand, “I
can assure you, that if I had had the honour of being your
colleague, we should have been twenty-seven, not only because
I partake of the sentiments which determined your
votes, but also because I think that the American nation
has done too much for me.” This reply soon appeared
in all the journals, and, as may be supposed, only added
to the popularity of him who made it.
21I have already observed that during the deliberations of
congress, General Lafayette had accepted the invitation of
the legislature of Maryland, who also wished to bestow on
him the honour of a public reception. We left Washington
on the 16th of December, accompanied by Dr. Kent,
Mr. Mitchell, members of the house of representatives from
Maryland, and a detachment of volunteer cavalry. On our
route, we visited the family and beautiful farm of Capt.
Sprigg, ex-governor of Maryland, and arrived at Annapolis
in the afternoon. The deputies of the city met the general
at a great distance from it, notwithstanding the badness
of the weather, and the troops had advanced as far as Miller’s
Hill. Another corps of militia had marched from
Nottingham, which is thirty miles from Annapolis. The
storm had retarded its arrival, but had not damped the
zeal of the citizens. At Carrol’s Lane, about two miles
from the city, the general, notwithstanding the remonstrances
that were made, descended from the carriage, and
with his head uncovered, returned thanks to the troops for
the affection they testified towards him. “They have exposed
themselves to the severity of the weather on my
account, and I cannot permit it to deter me from returning
them my thanks,” observed he. At the limits of the
district an interesting meeting took place between him and
some soldiers of the revolutionary army, several of whom
had assisted in carrying him from the field of battle at
Brandywine, where he had been wounded. Twenty-four
discharges of cannon, and the display of the national flag
on the state house, announced his arrival in the city.
Conducted into the hall of the legislature, which was
filled with persons of distinction and soldiers of the revolution,
he was led to a seat, where he listened to a discourse
from the mayor in the name of the city. In his
reply, he alluded to the fact, that Annapolis had been the
scene of events for ever memorable in the annals of the
United States; it was within its walls that Washington had
laid down a power conferred on him by the nation; and
the inhabitants of that city had always been worthy, by
their patriotism, of being the witnesses and participators of
this noble act.
The next day, Friday, 17th December, the militia of
the county, the volunteer battalion of Annapolis, and the
22United States artillery were reviewed by him, displaying
great discipline and soldierly precision in their manœuvres.
The following Monday, he received from the legislature
of the state, a repetition of the same honours bestowed on
him a few days previous by the congress of the United
States. The day terminated by a public dinner, at which
all the senators and representatives were present, and by a
ball given by the mayor of the city.
Annapolis is a city of about 2500 inhabitants, handsomely
situated on the river Severn, which empties into the Chesapeake
Bay. It is the seat of government of the state of
Maryland, but will never become an important place, at
least from its commerce, which is wholly absorbed by the
port of Baltimore.
In returning to Washington, we went by Fredericktown,
where the general was received with enthusiasm by
the population, and by a great number of his former companions
in arms, among whom he recognized Colonel
M‘Pherson, with whom we lodged. At the public banquet
given him by the town, the table was lighted by a candelabra
supporting an immense quantity of candles, the base
of which was an enormous fragment of a bomb shell used
at the siege of Yorktown.
Fredericktown is, next to Baltimore, the largest city in
Maryland. It is situated in the heart of a fertile country,
on the west bank of a small stream called the Monocacy.
Its population, which does not amount to more than 3000,
are generally engaged in manufactures.
CHAPTER II.
Election of the President—Public character of the President—Public
officers—Congress—Grand public dinner on the 1st of January.
When we landed at New York, in the month of August,
the people of the United States were occupied in the
choice of a new political chief. This choice takes place
23every four years. It is always accompanied with much
popular excitement, which may be readily conceived, as
it equally interests every individual. Nevertheless, this
excitement does not occasion any tumults. Since the
adoption of the constitution, the nation has at nine different
times elected a president, and always without the occurrence
of any serious disturbance. The public prints, it is
true, as organs of the opposing parties, become arsenals in
which arms of all description and temper may be found,
and which are oftentimes made use of in any thing but a
courteous manner; but the exaggeration and violence of
these journals are productive of no evil consequences, and
never excite the people to transgress the laws.
The election of 1824 has, in common with the nine preceding,
completely baffled the penetration of European
politicians, who, with an assurance founded on ignorance
and duplicity, predicted that the constitution of the United
States was about to experience a shock, which it was impossible
it could sustain, and that from the bosom of the
turbulent democracy of America, would arise civil war
and an overthrow of all civil order. These predictions
were founded on the circumstance of the American nation
having, until the present time, been able to restrict its
choice to a few individuals, rendered dear to their country
by their revolutionary services, whilst now it found itself
obliged to enter on another list, and, consequently, to open
the door to the ambitious and designing.
It was during the height of the excitement produced by
the discussion of the presidential question that General
Lafayette appeared on the American shores. This event,
as if by enchantment, paralyzed all the electoral ardour.
The newspapers, which, the evening before, were furiously
combating for their favourite candidate, now closed their
long columns on all party disputes, and only gave admission
to the unanimous expression of the public joy and
national gratitude. At the public dinners, instead of caustic
toasts, intended to throw ridicule and odium on some potent
adversary, none were heard but healths to the guest
of the nation, around whom were amicably grouped the
most violent of both parties. Finally, for nearly two
months all the discord and excitement produced by this
election, which, it was said, would engender the most disastrous
24consequences, were forgotten, and nothing was
thought of but Lafayette and the heroes of the revolution.
On the evening of the day in which the president had
received a notification that his successor had been appointed,
there was a large party at his house. I had already
been present at these parties, which are very striking from
the numerous and various society there assembled, and by
the amiable simplicity with which Mrs. Monroe and her
daughters receive their guests. But, on this occasion, the
crowd was so considerable that it was almost impossible
to move. All the inhabitants of Washington were attracted
by the desire of seeing the president elect and his competitors,
who, it was taken for granted, would be present,
and who, in fact, were so, with the exception of Mr. Crawford,
who was detained at home by illness. After having
made my bow to Mr. and Mrs. Monroe, to reach whom I
found considerable difficulty, I looked with impatience for
Mr. Adams and the other candidates. It appeared to me,
that their being thus thrown together would prove extremely
embarrassing to them, and I felt some curiosity to
see how they would conduct themselves on the occasion.
On entering one of the side rooms, I perceived Mr. Adams;
he was alone in the midst of a large circle which was
formed around him. His countenance was as open and
modest as usual. Every instant persons pressed through
the crowd to offer him their congratulations, which he received
without embarrassment, and replied to by a cordial
shake of the hand. At some distance, in the midst of a
group of ladies, was Mrs. Adams. She appeared to be radiant
with joy; but it was easy to be seen that she was
more pleased at the personal triumph of her husband than
for the advantages or pleasures that would result to herself.
Whilst I was attentively looking at this interesting
scene, a tumultuous movement was heard at the door, and
a murmur of satisfaction arose from the whole party; I
soon ascertained the cause, in seeing General Jackson
make his appearance. Every one pressed forward to meet
him, and endeavoured to be the first to salute him. To all
these effusions of friendship he replied with frankness and
cordiality. I alternately scrutinized both Mr. Adams and
the general, being curious to see how these two men, who
the morning before were rivals, would now meet. I was not
25kept long in expectation. The moment they perceived
each other, they hastened to meet, taking each other cordially
by the hand. The congratulations offered by General
Jackson were open and sincere; Mr. Adams appeared
to be deeply moved, and the numerous witnesses could not
restrain the expression of their satisfaction. Mr. Clay
arrived an instant afterwards, and the same scene was repeated.
This, perhaps, produced less effect than the
former, as Mr. Clay having had fewer chances of success,
was supposed to make less effort to maintain his self-command;
but it fully demonstrated the wisdom of the
nation in its selection of candidates. The generosity of
character manifested by General Jackson entirely satisfied
me of the futility of the menaces of the Pennsylvania
militia. Whilst these reflections were passing through my
mind, I met in the crowd two officers with whom I had
dined at York, and whom I had remarked particularly for
their zeal and excitement. “Well,” said I, “the great
question is decided, and in a manner contrary to your
hopes, what do you intend to do? How soon do you lay
siege to the capitol?” They began to laugh. “You recollect
our threats, then,” said one of them. “We went,
in truth, great lengths, but our opponents disregarded it,
and they acted properly; they know us better than we
wished them to do. Now that is settled, all we have to do
is to obey. We will support Adams as zealously as if he
were our candidate, but, at the same time, shall keep a
close watch on his administration, and according as it is
good or bad, we will defend or attack it. Four years are
soon passed, and the consequences of a bad election are
easily obviated.” “Yes,” said I, “much easier than that
of legitimacy or hereditary succession.” They left me,
laughing heartily, and the next day no body spoke of the
election.
When the ardour and zeal of the parties in favour of
their peculiar candidates are considered, it might be supposed
that the president of the United States was an inexhaustible
source of benefit to his friends, and that his power
was such, that he could at will dispense favours, places,
and riches. To remove this error it is only necessary to
turn to that article of the constitution which fixes the duties
of the head of the government, and any one will be
26convinced that it leaves fewer means of corruption in his
hands than are with us bestowed on the lowest prefect.
It will be seen that the constitution, in fixing in a precise
manner the duties and power of the chief magistrate, has
rather kept in view the welfare and interests of the nation,
than the gratification of one individual and his family.
Hence, the president is placed in such a situation, that
whatever may be his personal character, it is impossible
for him to injure the liberty, right, or honour of his fellow
citizens. He does not, like some kings on the old continent,
enjoy several millions of revenue, and immense estates.
The law only allows him 25,000 dollars as a salary, but it
is not by the sumptuousness of his equipages, by the splendour
of a numerous guard, or by the number of his courtiers,
that he maintains the dignity of his station.
As he cannot entrench himself behind the responsibility
of his ministers, nor protect himself under the infallibility
of his character, or the inviolability of his person, which
the constitution does not guarantee, the president of the
United States is obliged to be extremely circumspect in
all acts of executive power, which are delegated to him
alone; and the people are so firmly persuaded, that the
functions of a chief magistrate are only to be fulfilled by
incessant attention and labour, that they would be exceedingly
astonished, and, perhaps, indignant, if the newspapers
sometimes announced, that the president had been occupied
on a certain day for two or even for three hours with
one of his ministers.
If the difference which exists between the president of
the United States and the kings of Europe are striking, that
between the ministers of that republic and ours is not less
remarkable. A minister of the United States has but 3000
dollars salary, no hotel, no furniture nor train of servants
paid by the nation, no sentries at his door, no servants in
a ridiculous dress to attend him when he goes in public,
no privileges unconnected with his office, but, at the same
time, no responsibility for his actions. Chosen by the president,
he is in fact his instrument, and owes him all his
time. As he has not under his orders a host of directors
general, chiefs of division, and clerks of all kinds, at high
wages, he is obliged himself to put his hand to the wheel,
27and truly to earn his salary, which is too small, it is true,
to enable him oftentimes to give sumptuous dinners to
members of congress; but is sufficient, nevertheless, for a
wise and conscientious man, who well knows that it is only
by his activity and probity, and not by intrigues and corruption,
that he will fulfil the duties of his station, and repay
the confidence reposed in him.
The habits of the American ministers are so simple, and
differ so little from those of their fellow citizens, that nothing,
absolutely nothing, in their exterior serves to mark
them in public. During our first visit to Washington,
when we wished to return the visits they had had the politeness
to pay us, we were several times obliged to ask,
not for their hotels, for we should not have been understood,
but for their residences, although situated in the same
street in which we were living. Sometimes, when we had
knocked at the door of their houses, they have themselves
opened them. We have often met them with their port
folios under their arms, returning on foot from their offices
to their respective houses, where a modest family repast
awaited them. All this, doubtless, would appear very
bourgeois with us, but in the United States, where the people
think more of a good administration than the luxury
and splendour of its administrators, it is thought natural and
proper, and, I believe, with reason.
This extreme simplicity of the ministers extends to all
other public officers, and is the true secret of that economy
of government we so highly praise, and which, in all probability,
we shall never attain.
A senate, and a house of representatives form the legislative
power of the United States, power which emanates
immediately from the people, and which counterbalances
the executive power, so that if it should happen that the
people, in a moment of error, should bestow the presidency
on an incompetent or ambitious candidate, the injurious
influence of such a man would be neutralized by that of
congress.
Congress assembles on the first Monday in the month of
December of each year, and continues in session according
to the importance of the business before it, but rarely beyond
the month of May. From the middle of November,
the senators and representatives of the different states begin
28to arrive in Washington. Among them there are many
who, to fulfil the duties of their appointment, have been
obliged to traverse hundreds of leagues of uninhabited
forests, and over most perilous roads. On arriving they
lodge at a hotel, where they are obliged, in some instances,
to sleep in a room with four or five of their colleagues.
The table is open to all who reside in the house. It is
usually there, after a frugal meal, that those interesting
conversations occur, in which most part of the questions
likely to come before congress during the session are amicably
discussed. When the first Monday in December arrives
the session opens, and business commences immediately,
for all are at their posts. During the whole time
every day is conscientiously employed by the representatives
of the nation in the discussion of the dearest interests
of the people. As soon as the session closes, each member
returns to his constituents, and finds, in the reception they
give him, the dearest recompense he can hope for, if he
should have fulfilled his duty to their satisfaction.
The first of January was fixed upon by the two houses,
for a grand dinner to General Lafayette. The representatives
of the people wished to consecrate American hospitality,
by seating the guest of the nation at a table at which
the whole people could be present in them. Mr. Gailliard,
president pro tempore of the senate, and Mr. Clay, speaker
of the house of representatives, presided at the dinner.
Mr. Gailliard had General Lafayette on his left, and Mr.
Monroe the president of the United States on his right;
who, overlooking on this occasion the rule he had made
of never attending any public dinner, had accepted the
invitation; Mr. Clay had on each side of him, the secretaries
of the different departments. Among the guests, were
General Dearborn, minister of the United States to the
court of Portugal; Generals Scott, Macomb, Jessup, and
our worthy countryman Bernard, by whose side I had the
honour to be placed; Commodores Bainbridge, Tingy,
Steward and Morris, as well as many other public officers
of highest rank. Among the guests, General Lafayette had
the pleasure of finding some of his old companions in arms.
Captain Allyn of the Cadmus, who had recently arrived
from France, was also present. The hall was decorated
with great splendour, and the guests were animated by a
29feeling of union, which demonstrated how completely
they considered this ceremony as a family festival.
It is in such assemblies, that the public feeling of a people
can be studied, particularly where its representatives,
chosen freely, and having no reason to flatter those in
power, or to dissimulate, give a free vent to all their sentiments.
After a variety of toasts, highly complimentary to
the general, and to which he replied with great felicity, the
entertainment was concluded with a universal wish of the
guests that all the American people could have been present
at it.
CHAPTER III.
Departure from Washington—American Feelings—Sea-Lion—Family
of Free Negroes—Raleigh—Fayetteville—North Carolina.
About the first of February, General Lafayette had received
from all the southern and western states such pressing
invitations, that he could no longer hesitate as to what
course he should pursue; and immediately we were all
actively employed in determining our order of march, and
the means of surmounting the difficulties which every one
assured us, would be very great in a journey of this nature
and length. We had, indeed, a distance of more than
twelve hundred leagues to pass over, in less than four
months, to enable us to be in Boston on the seventeenth of
June, where the general had promised to assist at the celebration
of the anniversary of Bunker’s Hill; and a part of
the country through which we were obliged to travel, was
scarcely inhabited, and the roads, rough and difficult, were
imperfectly laid out.
But thanks to the experience of General Bernard, to the
information of the post master general (M’Lean,) and to
the assistance of the members of congress who were in
Washington, Mr. George Lafayette was enabled to trace
out an such an excellent itinerary, that his father had no
fear of neglecting in his course any places of importance in
30the various states we had to visit, although most of these
places were often many miles to the right or left of our
main line of march; and his time was so exactly proportioned,
that, unless prevented by sickness or some serious
accident, we were to arrive in Boston on the day promised.
We neglected no precaution adapted to aid us in surmounting
the obstacles which, in the opinion of every one,
threatened us in the course of this new journey. The
general’s friends could not think without fear of the fatigues
and dangers to which, they said, he was about to
expose himself. Mrs. Eliza Custis, of the Washington
family, pressed him to accept of her commodious and easy
carriage. We purchased good saddle-horses to substitute
for the coach on very bad roads; reduced our baggage as
much as possible, and on the 23d of February, at nine
o’clock in the evening embarked upon the Potomac,
which we descended to its outlet in the Chesapeake Bay,
and thence proceeded to Norfolk, where we landed early
on the morning of the 25th, after a pleasant passage of two
nights and one day. On the day following we went to
dine at Suffolk, a small village, where they waited for the
general with all the eagerness and kindness he had hitherto
met with at every step.
Favoured by a good road and pleasant weather, our
march was very rapid. A few miles from Norfolk we
were obliged to stop some time before a small, solitary inn
upon the road, for the purpose of refreshing our horses.
We were sitting in our carriage when the landlord presented
himself, asked to see the general, and eagerly pressed
him to alight for a moment and come into his house.
“If,” said he, “you have only five minutes to stay, do not
refuse them, since to me they will be so many minutes of
happiness.” The general yielded to his entreaty, and we
followed him into a lower room, where we observed a
plainness bordering on poverty, but a remarkable degree
of cleanliness. Welcome Lafayette, was inscribed with
charcoal upon the white wall, enwreathed with boughs
from the fir trees of the neighbouring wood. Near the
fire-place, where pine wood was crackling, stood a small
table covered with a very clean napkin, and covered with
some decanters containing brandy and whiskey; by the
side of a plate covered with glasses was another plate
31filled with neatly arranged slices of bread. These modest
refreshments were tendered with a kindness and cordiality
which greatly enhanced their value. Whilst we were partaking
of them the landlord disappeared, but returned a
moment after accompanied by his wife, carrying her little
boy, about three or four years of age, whose fresh and
plump cheeks evinced the tenderness and care with which
he had been cherished. The father, after first presenting
his wife, next took his child in his arms, and, having placed
one of his little hands in the hand of the general, made
him repeat, with much emphasis, the following: “General
Lafayette, I thank you for the liberty which you have won
for my father, for my mother, for myself, and for my country!!”
While the child was speaking, the father and mother
eyed the general with the most tender regard: their
hearts responded to the words of their boy, and tears they
were unable to suppress, proved that their gratitude was
vivid and profound. Were I to judge from what I myself
felt on witnessing this simple and yet sublime scene, General
Lafayette must have found this one of the most pleasing
moments of his life. He could not conceal his emotions,
but having tenderly embraced the child, took refuge in his
carriage, bearing with him the blessings of this family,
worthy of the freedom they enjoyed.
The same day, shortly before reaching Suffolk, some negroes
stopped us with an invitation to enter their cabin,
situated on the road side, to see a very extraordinary animal,
which they told us was a sea-lion. It was about seven
feet long, covered with a hairy skin of the colour of the
fallow deer, spotted with black: the size of its body near
the shoulders was about that of a calf, from whence it diminished
gradually till it terminated at the tail in large
fins; its head was small, round, and slightly flattened, resembling
a little that of the tiger; its mouth was furnished
with long, strong and sharp teeth; its extremities were
very short and had the shape of a hand; the fingers were
united by a membrane capable of great extension, and armed
with very strong and sharp claws. The negroes told us
that in walking along the shores of Elizabeth River at
low water, they perceived this animal upon the sand,
where it appeared to have been left by the tide. As soon
as it saw these men it moved towards them, but without
32any apparent hostile intentions. The negroes, however,
ran away at first, whilst it followed them for some time,
but at a slow pace, as it is easy to conceive on examining
its short extremities, which appeared better adapted for
swimming than walking. After having retreated a hundred
steps, one of the negroes, who was armed with a musket,
turned and fired at the animal, which received the charge
in the flank, and almost immediately expired.[2]
A few compliments accompanied with some small money
made these poor negroes very happy, and we left them
to go and visit a neighbouring habitation, which was said
to belong to a large family of free blacks. The house was
very well kept, both externally and internally; I was
struck with the order and neatness which prevailed, as
well as the fine appearance of the inhabitants, who seemed
to enjoy a state of comfort and ease superior to that of
most of our European peasantry. One of our travelling
companions, a citizen of Norfolk, assured us that this
family had more than doubled the value of their property
some years, by their intelligence and industry. I invite
those who still persist in believing that the negroes are incapable
of providing for themselves in a state of freedom,
to visit this family, which, however, is not the only one of
the kind which could be found in the state of Virginia.
After stopping a few moments among the citizens of
Suffolk, we continued on our route to Murfreesborough,
where we were to lodge. Our late arrival had the appearance
of a nocturnal journey. The bad condition and
length of the road had tired our horses, and we thought for
a while that we should be compelled to sleep at the foot
of the hill on which the town is built. An enormous bonfire,
lighted on a neighbouring mountain, whose light displayed
our distressed situation; the illuminations of Murfreesborough,
which exhibited the appearance of a city in
flames; the noise of cannon resounding on our right, with
the effect of battery on our flank; the cries of our
escort; the whipping and swearing of our drivers, all was
insufficient to stimulate our horses, which, sunk in the mud
to their knees, appeared to have taken root, refusing to
33make the least exertion to draw us out of this sad situation,
in which we remained about an hour. At length we arrived,
and were very amply compensated by the cordial
hospitality of the inhabitants of Murfreesborough, who neglected
nothing to prove to General Lafayette that the
citizens of North Carolina were not less sincerely attached
to him than those of the other states.
From Murfreesborough, we went the next day to Halifax,
where we crossed the Roanoak, in a ferry-boat, amidst
the thunder of artillery which awaited the arrival of
General Lafayette on the opposite shore. Halifax was
formerly the head quarters of Cornwallis, during his campaign
in North Carolina. It was there that the English chief
adopted the resolution, which proved so unfortunate, of
entering Virginia. We only slept at Halifax, and in two
days, after travelling over frightful roads, reached Raleigh,
a pretty little town, situated on the west bank of the river
Neuse. It is the seat of government for North Carolina,
and contains about two thousand seven hundred inhabitants,
of which about fifteen hundred are blacks, both free
and slaves. One of the most precious monuments of this
town, is the superb statue of Washington, executed in
marble by Canova. It is preserved, with the greatest
care, in one of the halls of the capitol.
The governor of the state, officers of government, militia,
and, in fine, all the population, were prepared to
receive and entertain, with proper dignity, the guest of the
nation. Such was the height of the prevailing enthusiasm,
that, in spite of bad weather, a company of volunteer dragoons
had marched nearly one hundred and fifty miles, to
assist at this family festival. The gallant men who composed
it, had solicited and obtained leave to perform, for
this day, the duty of guard to Lafayette; and they had
founded their pretensions upon the circumstance, that the
county of Mecklinburg, to which they belonged, was the
first in the state where independence was declared, during
the revolution. “Whenever it becomes necessary to serve
for liberty or Lafayette,” said they, “we shall always be
found among the foremost.” Nothing was neglected by
Governor Burton, in doing the honours of his dwelling
to the national guest.
The morning of our arrival at Raleigh was near being
34marked by a very unfortunate accident. In one of the
calashes which followed us, was General Daniel of the
militia, and a young officer of his staff; their horses ran off,
and, the driver not being able to guide them, dashed
violently against the trunk of a tree. The force of the
shock threw both the riders and the coachman to some
distance, but the one most hurt was poor General Daniel,
who lay almost senseless upon the spot. Our progress
was immediately suspended, and General Lafayette, who,
at the time, was a considerable distance in advance of the
procession, hastily returned to assure himself of the nature
of the accident. General Daniel already began to recover,
when the hasty zeal of his friend, General Williams,
was upon the point of placing him in greater danger than
arose from the fall. This gentleman insisted upon his
being immediately bled, and already held the fatal lancet
in hand to proceed with the operation, when Mr. George
Lafayette besought him seriously to forbear, representing
that we had just left the table, and that a bleeding immediately
after dinner might be attended with injurious consequences.
After having rendered General Daniel the
first attentions which his situation demanded, we had him
carried to the house of a rich planter, whom we had visited
in the morning, some miles off; and, the next day, our
wounded friend joined us at Raleigh, entirely recovered
from his fall, returning his warmest thanks to Mr. George
Lafayette, for having averted the employment of the
lancet.
I was, at first, much surprised to see this lancet drawn
upon such an occasion, but one of our travelling companions
informed me, that in the southern and western states,
and especially in those where the population is widely
scattered, the art of blood-letting is familiar to almost all
the great planters. The difficulty of finding a surgeon at
the moment of accident, often makes it necessary to bleed
themselves, which they sometimes do so profusely, that
the most hardy phlebotomists of the French school would
be alarmed at the sight.
On the 4th of March, we arrived at the pretty little
town of Fayetteville, situated on the western bank of Cape
Fear river. The weather was dreadful, the rain pouring
in torrents, notwithstanding which, the road for many
35miles in front of the town was covered with men and
boys on horseback, and militia on foot. In the town, the
streets were crowded with ladies elegantly dressed, hurrying,
regardless of consequences, across the gutters, to approach
the carriage of the general, and so occupied with the pleasure
of beholding him, that they did not appear to notice the
deluge which seemed ready to engulf them. This enthusiasm
may be more readily conceived, when we consider
that it was manifested by the inhabitants of a town,
founded forty years ago, to perpetuate the recollection of
services rendered by him whom they were this day
honouring.
General Lafayette was conducted to the front of the
town-house, where, upon an elevated platform, he was
received and addressed by Chief Justice Troomer, on behalf
of the town council. In the course of his harangue,
the orator recapitulated, with enthusiasm, the obligations
which America owed to Lafayette, retraced some of the
persecutions to which he had been exposed in France and
Austria, for having remained faithful to the cause of liberty
and the rights of man, which he had been the first to proclaim
in Europe, and concluded by drawing a forcible
parallel between the young republics of the United States
and the old monarchies of the ancient continent of
Europe.
After General Lafayette had expressed his gratitude for
the reception given him by the citizens of Fayetteville,
and his sympathy for the sentiments of the orator, we were
conducted to the residence of Mr. Duncan M‘Rae, where,
by the attentions of Mrs. Duncan, our lodgings had been
prepared in an elegant and commodious manner. The
general was there received by the committee, appointed to
supply all his wants. “You are here in your own town,” said
the chairman of the committee to him, “in your own
house, surrounded by your children. Dispose of all—every
thing is yours.” Every moment of our short stay at
Fayetteville was occupied by festivals of gratitude and
friendship. Notwithstanding the bad weather, which
never ceased to oppose us, the volunteer militia companies,
assembled to render military honours to the last surviving
major-general of the revolutionary army, would not quit
the little camp which they had formed in front of the
36balcony of the house, whence the general could easily see
them manœuvre. They were still under arms, on the
morning of our departure, and we passed in front of their
line on leaving the town. It was then that General
Lafayette, wishing to give them an expression of
his gratitude, alighted, and passing through the ranks,
took each officer and soldier affectionately by the hand.
This conduct excited the spectators to such a pitch of enthusiasm,
that a great portion of the population, willing
to prolong the pleasure of seeing him, accompanied
his carrage a considerable distance on the road, and only
quitted him when the sun was nearly set.
The commerce of Fayetteville is very flourishing, and
must still increase from the vicinity of Cape Fear river,
which is navigable to the sea. The products of the surrounding
country consist principally of tobacco and grain.
Its population is nearly four thousand souls, and increases
with remarkable rapidity. Unfortunately more than a
third of this population consists of slaves, who increase in
the same proportion with the free inhabitants; a circumstance
which will probably continue for some time to retard
the full developement of its resources. What I here
say of Fayetteville is applicable to the whole state of
North Carolina, which, in a population of six hundred
and forty thousand souls, has above two hundred thousand
slaves.
The climate of North Carolina is said to be healthy, and
very well adapted to every species of culture. Nevertheless,
the part through which we passed did not present an
agreeable aspect. We met with numerous pine forests
overflown by the rivers which watered them; many sand
plains, and but little cultivated ground; that which is cultivated
producing only rice and indigo. The mountainous
parts of the state are stated to produce abundant crops of
wheat, rye, barley, oats, Indian corn, tobacco, hemp and
cotton. This last article, when prepared for manufacturing,
is produced in the proportion of one hundred and fifty
pounds for each slave.
It is also in the highest grounds where native gold is
found in considerable quantity. It is obtained by simply
washing the earth. Its purity is very remarkable, having
been found twenty-three carats fine, and superior in quality
37to the American or English gold coins. The pieces are
of various weights. The heaviest yet found weighed nearly
five pounds. In 1810, the mint of the United States received
one thousand three hundred and forty-one ounces,
the value of which amounted to twenty-four thousand six
hundred and eighty-nine dollars. In Montgomery county,
many persons live by hunting for this metal. Every one
has permission to seek, upon condition that he gives half
he finds to the owner of the soil.
Notwithstanding all its rich resources, North Carolina
appeared to me one of the least advanced of all the states
we have hitherto visited. Slavery, in my opinion, should
be regarded as the principal cause of this condition. Its
constitution, though in general founded upon those of the
other states, differs from them in some points, and retains
some traces of aristocracy. Thus, for example, to be elected
a senator, a person must be owner of three hundred
acres of land; to be a representative, he must possess one
hundred: finally, no man can be elected governor unless he
be the free proprietor of an estate yielding one thousand
dollars. In the midst of promises of religious liberty, the
constitution of North Carolina has nevertheless the misfortune
to have preserved an unhappy distinction between
sects: thus, any man who denies the truth of the protestant
religion, can have no pretensions to any public employment.[3]
I am well aware that in a government which supports
no established order of clergy, the inconvenience of
such a distinction is not so great, but it is nevertheless a
serious blow aimed at the equality established and recognized
by law. A wrong of still more consequence in
this state, is that of having so long neglected the means of
propagating primary instruction. In 1808 the legislature
38first ordered schools to be provided at the public expense.
But in spite of the defects which I have pointed out, the
inhabitants of North Carolina, from their patriotism, are
unquestionably worthy to form a part of the great confederate
family of the United States. To prove this, it will be
sufficient to cite one fact, which is, that during the revolutionary
war, the enemy could never procure a pilot upon
the coast of this state. I might add, that the brilliant successes
which attended the battles of Briar Creek in 1779,
of Waxhaws in 1780, and of Guilford in 1781, were due to
the militia of this state.
CHAPTER IV.
Entrance into South Carolina—Route from Cheraw to Cambden—Monument
erected to Baron de Kalb—Road from Cambden to Charleston—Rejoicing
in Charleston—Colonel Huger—History, Institutions, and
Manners of the South Carolinians.
Twenty-four hours after our departure from Fayetteville,
in the midst of a pine forest, we met the deputation of
the state of South Carolina to General Lafayette. This meeting
took place on the confines of the two states. Our kind
and amiable travelling companions from North Carolina
delivered us to their neighbours, with the most lively expressions
of regret at a separation which cost us as much
as them, and we continued our route in new carriages, with
a new escort of friends, till we arrived at Cheraw, a pretty
little town, which, three years previous, had not more than
four houses built, and now contains about fifteen hundred inhabitants.
The next day’s journey was long and difficult;
sometimes, indeed, the road was almost impassable, being,
in some places, entirely cut up by the overflow of rivers,
whilst in others we could only cross the marshes by moving
gently over a road formed of badly arranged trunks of trees.
In fact, we travelled so slowly, that night overtook us on
the road, and it soon became so dark that many of the gentlemen
of our escort lost the road, and not being able to
trace it in the sand, wandered into the forest. The carriages
39of the party also began to stray from each other, and
towards ten o’clock Mr. George Lafayette and myself
discovered that the one we rode in was at a great distance
behind the others. A few minutes after we felt a violent
shock, and heard a loud crash. Our carriage tongue was
broken, and we were left in the midst of the marsh. Our
situation was extremely disagreeable, and we should have
had some difficulty to escape from it but for the assistance
of two dragoons who had never left us, and who obliged us
to mount their horses, which, after some minutes, brought
us in sight of the fires of the guard surrounding the house
that was to serve us for an asylum, where the general had
arrived an hour before. In this house, which stood altogether
alone in the midst of the woods, we were well accommodated.
We had an excellent supper, and good beds,
in which we might probably have slept soundly but for the
trumpet, which was sounded all night for the purpose of
rallying our scattered escort.
On arising, an entirely novel scene was presented to
my view. We were in the midst of what is called in America
a new settlement, that is to say, a clearing or erection
of a new habitation in the woods. The house in which we
had passed the night was the only dwelling in the place,
and it was still unfinished. By its side they had begun to
raise the frames of some other buildings, doubtless intended
for granaries and stables. Numerous trunks of half hewn
trees collected together showed that it was the intention of
the owner soon to erect other buildings, and already the
forest was prostrated to a considerable extent. But a few
vast trees were standing in the clearing, whose branches
were not only lopped off, but some of them were deprived
of their bark, and blackened for their whole length by the
action of the flames which had been employed to burn the
brush about them. It is difficult to imagine any thing more
desolate than such a scene. “It is, nevertheless, in this
way,” said one of our travelling companions, “that all our
little towns, which are so attractive and lively, begin.
Cheraw, where you slept yesterday, and with which you
were so much pleased, but a few years ago resembled this,
and, perhaps, should you return in four or five years, you
may here find another Cheraw. See,” continued he, taking
me to a part of the forest which the axe and the fire had
40still spared, “with what care and skill the founder of this
future city has laid the basis of a fortune which he anticipates
enjoying in a short time. Look at this lot of several
acres, surrounded by a strong fence, in which his cows,
horses, and hogs are enclosed. These last named animals,
raised thus at large, and in the enjoyment of abundance
of food, soon multiply without number, and afford
him a certain part of his subsistence. The next year, that
portion of his land which comes to be cleared, will probably
yield him a rich harvest of corn or rice; but the proprietor,
whilst waiting for the growth of his crops, is obliged to obtain
his bread by trading, and pays for it in turpentine, collected
from the enormous pines which surround him. A
small notch cut in the body of the tree, gives issue to a liquid
which is received in a trough. Three thousand trees
furnish annually seventy-five barrels of turpentine. But it
is not only the young and vigorous trees which contribute
to his wants; he has recourse also to those time has destroyed.
From the dead trees he extracts tar, obtained by
burning the wood upon a grate, a kettle being placed beneath
to receive the boiling liquid. Sometimes from the
plants which he clears away from around his house, he obtains
a considerable quantity of potash, which still augments
his wealth. Every year sees the cleared land increase
around him, and soon other settlers, encouraged by his success,
place themselves about him, and assist in erecting the
new village, in which he may be permitted to enjoy the
public employments conferred by his fellow citizens as a
tribute to his talents and patriotism.”
Whilst we were thus engaged in casting a rapid glance
over the resources of our host and his future destinies,
General Lafayette concluded the preparations for his departure,
and, at a signal given by the trumpets, we resumed
our journey, passing through the sands and pines on our
way to Cambden, where we were to lodge. The weather had
changed during the night, and our march was now favoured
by a clear sky. Although it was the month of March, we
felt the heat of the sun considerably, and every thing
around bore the appearance of advanced spring. On
approaching Cambden, where we saw a considerable number
of well cultivated gardens, we were a good deal surprised
to find the trees in flower, and the balmy air
41perfumed by the plants, as in France during the month of
June.
Cambden is not a large town, containing only about two
hundred inhabitants. We nevertheless found there a very
numerous population, collected from more than eighty miles
around, to receive General Lafayette, and assist in laying
the corner stone of a monument which they were about
erecting to the memoir of Baron de Kalb. General Lafayette
was received a little in advance of the town, near
the old quarters of Cornwallis, by all the citizens under
arms, and was conducted with great pomp, and in the
midst of companies of young ladies, to the dwelling prepared
for him, where he was addressed by Colonel
Nixons, Jr. with a remarkable warmth of feeling. The attentive
crowd applauded the orator with transports, when
he told the general that his visit to the United States had
added a new page to history, and that the splendour of
Greek and Roman triumphs faded before the unanimity
and harmony of this popular ovation.
On the morning of the next day, a long procession,
formed chiefly of free masons, followed by the civil authorities
and deputations from the different associations of
South Carolina, came to the general’s lodgings, and conducted
him with solemn music towards the spot where
De Kalb’s funeral ceremony was to be performed. There
the consecration of the monument raised by the generous
inhabitants of South Carolina to unfortunate bravery, was
performed. An inscription, in a style at once noble and
unaffected, reminds the country of the services and glorious
end of De Kalb.
It is well known that De Kalb was a German, who,
after he had served a long time in France, came to America,
like Lafayette and Pulaski, to offer his services in the
cause of liberty. He was second in command in General
Gates’s army during the unfortunate affair of Cambden,
where the Americans were completely defeated. He had
performed prodigies of valour at the head of the Delaware
and Maryland troops, when, towards the close of the battle,
he fell from his eleventh wound, an event which deprived
the American cause of one of its most able and devoted
defenders.
After his remains, which had been carefully preserved,
42were deposited in the monument, and had received military
honours, the stone which was to cover them was laid
by General Lafayette. It contained the following inscription:—This
stone was placed over the remains of Baron
De Kalb by General Lafayette, 1825.
The hand of the general resting upon the stone, followed
it as it slowly and gradually descended, whilst the multitude,
in religious silence, contemplated the French veteran,
after almost half a century, rendering the last offices to the
German soldier, in a land which they both had moistened
with their blood, and which their arms had contributed to
set free. How many glorious and painful recollections must
this scene have awakened in the mind of Lafayette! Alas!
during his long triumph, how many tombs was it his lot to
visit, from that into which he descended at Mount Vernon,
to the one soon to be raised at Bunker’s Hill!
The ceremony concluded by a discourse from the general,
in which he paid to his old companion in arms, that
tribute of esteem which was due to his civil virtues, his
military talents, and undaunted courage, in defending the
cause of freedom.
We left Cambden on the 11th, to go to Columbia, the
capital of the state of South Carolina. This town is
pleasantly situated upon a fertile and healthy plain, on the
shore of the river Congaree. We found all the streets,
through which the general and his escort were to pass,
ornamented with flags and triumphal arches. Upon one
of these, three young and beautiful girls supported flags,
upon each of which were inscribed, in letters of gold, the
names of Lafayette, De Kalb, and Pulaski. Under another,
placed near the house we were to occupy, the
general was met and addressed by the mayor of the town,
a young man of distinguished talents, who, during our stay
at Columbia, paid us the most kind and delicate attentions.
Governor Manning also addressed the general, in the presence
of the people assembled in the legislative hall of
South Carolina, and both the evening and morning were
devoted to public rejoicings.
The first evening, after having passed through the streets,
which were brilliantly illuminated, we paid a visit to the
academy, under the superintendence of the celebrated Dr.
43Cooper. We were agreeably entertained by the professors,
who are all of the first merit. Two of them spoke
French with great fluency. They informed us, that they
had resided a long time in Paris, where they were proud
to have acquired that knowledge which they were called
upon to impart to their pupils. The next day, several
companies of militia, among which a corps formed by the
students of the academy, under the name of Lafayette
Guards, were distinguished, came to exercise under the
general’s windows. We passed the remainder of the day,
in the midst of some of Lafayette’s veteran companions in
arms, who took a pleasure in recalling to his memory, the
times in which they had fought and suffered with him for
the independence of their country. In the evening, at a
ball, rendered remarkable by the beauty of the ladies
gracing it, as well as for the good taste displayed in the
arrangements, we made acquaintance with a young lady
who inspired us with the most lively interest. She was
the wife of one of the professors. Born in Paris, she had
only been transplanted into this new soil about three
months, in the midst of manners which at first were altogether
strange, but with which she now appeared perfectly
reconciled. She was introduced to the general, who received
her with great kindness. Towards the close of the
evening, her French and American feelings, strongly
excited by the testimonials of friendship and admiration
she saw lavished upon Lafayette, suddenly broke forth in
transports which she was unable to suppress. “Heavens!”
exclaimed she, “how proud and happy I feel, to-day, in
being a native of France, and of the same country with
General Lafayette!” Then, after having sprung towards
the general and kissed his hands, she returned to me with
great animation, and said: “Tell the general’s family, I
beseech you, how happy we should be to receive them
here as we have received him! And say to them, that for
myself, I feel for the children of La Grange the friendship
of a countrywoman, and for Lafayette himself the gratitude
of an American.” This scene made a lively impression
upon all who witnessed it, and the general thanked
the young lady with all the ardour of a strongly agitated
heart.
On the 14th of March, we set out for Charleston, intending
44to lodge some miles from this city, as General Lafayette
was not to make his entry until the 15th. An escort of
Columbia volunteer cavalry were formed in line before the
door, at the moment of our departure, anxious to accompany
the general all the way to Charleston; but he thanked
them, and insisted that they should not leave the town, as
the road he had to travel was both long and difficult, and
there was moreover the appearance of a heavy rain. It
was, in fact, at a very late hour that we arrived at our
destination. The night and the rain caught us in the
midst of a thick forest, across which it was difficult to find
our narrow and devious way. About nine o’clock in the
evening, the carriage I rode in broke down. That of the
general, which went before with the governor and some
officers of his staff, continued its route without perceiving
the accident; but that of Mr. George Lafayette, which at
this time happened to be in the rear, found its passage
obstructed, and the horses taking fright, plunged amongst
the trees, where it stuck fast. Mr. George, and his travelling
companions, Colonel Preston and the Mayor of
Columbia, immediately alighted, and, by main strength,
dragged their carriage before mine. They offered me a
seat along with them to continue the journey, directing
the servants to mount the horses and go in search of light
and assistance to repair the broken vehicle. I accepted
their offer, but had scarcely joined them, when Colonel
Preston, who had taken the reins, deceived by the darkness,
carried us into the thickest of the woods, and in such
a situation, that we must have infallibly upset had we proceeded
a step further. Nothing was left for us now, but
to remain nearly an hour, under a driving rain, for the
return of the servants, who brought with them great pine
torches. They now assisted us out of our embarrassment,
and at eleven o’clock at night, wet and extremely fatigued,
we reached the house of Mr. Izard, where we found the
general and his companions, who had arrived a long time
before. The hospitable table of Mr. Izard, his kind reception
and that of his family, soon made us forget our misfortunes,
at which we were the first to laugh over the dessert.
That the citizens of Charleston, who had made immense
preparation to receive the guest of the nation, might not be
kept waiting, we resumed our journey at a very early hour.
45At the moment when we were preparing to take leave of
the family of Mr. Izard, we saw an escort of volunteer cavalry
arrive from the city, with which we immediately set
out. In proportion as we advanced towards Charleston,
the monotony of pine forests disappeared. Our eyes now
rested with pleasure upon clusters of verdant and beautifully
shaped saplings, among which superb magnolias were
majestically elevated. The entrance to the city appeared
to us like a delicious garden. The coolness of the night
had condensed the perfumes from the orange, peach, and
almond trees, covered with flowers, and embalmed the air.
We stopped a few minutes to change the carriage and allow
the procession time to form, when, on a signal given by a
cannon, we commenced our entrance into Charleston.
The inhabitants of Charleston, as residents of the city
which had received the young Lafayette on his first arrival
on American ground, in 1776, were eager to prove that no
where more than among themselves, had a stronger recollection
of his devotion to the cause of liberty been preserved.
Accordingly, the reception which they gave him
may be compared, for the splendour of its decorations and
public enthusiasm, to the finest we had seen in the principal
cities in the United States. The militia of Charleston
were joined by the militia from the most distant parts of
the state. Some companies of volunteer cavalry had, we
were told, marched fifty miles a day to take the post assigned
them by their patriotic gratitude.
Among the various corps which left the city to meet the
general, there was one which particularly attracted our attention.
Its uniform was precisely similar to that worn by
the national guard of Paris at the time of the French revolution.
The language in which the men composing this
corps sounded forth their vivat, when the general passed
before them, showed us that they were Frenchmen, and
we experienced a pleasing emotion on hearing our countrymen
unite their voices with those of liberty and gratitude.
The French company joined the procession, and, actuated
by a sentiment of extreme delicacy, the Americans
ceded to them the place of honour, near the carriage of
the general. The procession was soon increased by a
great number of parties, composed of the clergy, association
46of Cincinnati, veterans of the revolutionary army, students
of the different faculties, officers of the United States
army and navy, judges of the different courts, children of
the public schools, German, French, Jewish, and Hibernian
beneficent societies, the association of mechanics, &c. &c.
All these detachments were distinguished by the form, colour,
and devices of their flags; and the rest of the population
following on foot and on horseback, made the air resound
with cries of Welcome, Lafayette, which sounds, for nearly
two hours without intermission, were mingled with the
thunder of cannon from the shipping in port, and the ringing
of all the bells. But amidst all these expressions of
public affection, that which penetrated the general’s heart
most was the touching and generous plan adopted by the
citizens of Charleston to share the honours of his triumph
with his brave and excellent friend Colonel Huger.
It is well known that during his imprisonment in the fortress
of Olmutz, General Lafayette was upon the point of
being liberated by the devotion of two men whom the
same generous feelings had associated in this dangerous
enterprize. These were Dr. Bollman, a German physician,
and young Huger, an American, son of a descendant
of a French family proscribed by the revocation of the edict
of Nantes, in whose house Lafayette was received on his
first landing in Charleston. A series of unfortunate incidents
caused the failure of this generous attempt, which
nearly cost them their lives, and occasioned Lafayette to
be treated, by his keepers, with increased severity. Upon
his release from the Austrian dungeons, young Huger returned
to his country, where he found, in the esteem of
the public, the reward of his noble and perilous enterprize.
At present the father of a family, a planter, and colonel of
militia, he lives retired and generally beloved, on a fine
estate within a few leagues of Charleston. General Lafayette
had already enjoyed the pleasure of pressing him to
his grateful heart, upon his arrival at New York. When
we entered Charleston, his fellow citizens insisted upon
his taking a place by the side of the nation’s guest, in his
triumphal car, where he shared the public felicitations and
plaudits. At the feast, at the theatre, or ball, every where,
in fact, the name of Huger was inscribed by the side of
that of Lafayette, upon whom the citizens of Charleston
47could confer no greater favour, than by testifying such a
high degree of gratitude for one who had formerly exposed
himself in attempting to restore him to liberty.
After the procession had passed through all parts of the
town, it halted at the court-house, where the mayor, at the
head of the municipal authorities, and in the presence of
the people, addressed General Lafayette.
The acclamations of the people followed the words of
the orator, and the reply of the general, who, with an eloquence
rendered more impressive by the grateful feelings
of his heart, recalled the ancient obligations which he owed
the citizens of Charleston, the noble devotion of the ladies
of this patriotic city, and the courage of the Carolinians
during the whole course of the revolution.
Colonel Drayton also addressed the general on behalf of
the association of Cincinnati, after which we were conducted
to the sumptuous lodgings prepared for us, where,
during the whole of the next day, the general received the
visits of all the corporations of the city. The company of
French fusileers we had observed on entering the city,
presented themselves first, the martial music at its head,
saluting the general with the two patriotic airs of Yankee
Doodle and the Marseillois. Mr. Labatut and one of his
companions then addressed the object of their homage,
after which the company filed off before him, blending with
the military honours they paid him, testimonies of the most
tender affection. When the general complimented the
officers on the fineness of their discipline, and good taste of
their uniform, “We could not,” said they, “have chosen
one more honourable. Lafayette and our fathers wore it
in the glorious days of liberty in our country, and it incessantly
reminds us that the first duties of an armed citizen
are, the maintenance of public order, and the defence of
the rights of man.” We passed among these brave men
some delicious moments, consecrated to the recollections
of our country. All spoke of it with tenderness and enthusiasm,
all expressed ardent wishes for her happiness.
Among them were some exiles!
Shortly after the French company had retired, we saw
all the members of the clergy arrive, assembled under the
direction of the Rev. Dr. Farnham, whom they had chosen
for their orator. Among them were seen Episcopalians,
48Presbyterians, Jews, Roman Catholics, and German and
French Protestants. To witness their touching union, and
the testimonies of their reciprocal liberality, one might
have thought that they all belonged to the same communion.
I cannot introduce here the long and eloquent discourse
of Dr. Farnham, but I can assert, that, like that
pronounced by Bishop White of Philadelphia, it confirmed
what I had heard of the liberality of the clergy, which,
without the support of a government that seems ignorant
of their existence, feels the necessity of conciliating public
esteem by the practice of true virtue.
I pass over the account of the balls, displays of artificial
fire-works, and entertainments given during our stay in
Charleston, since it would be nearly a repetition of what
I have already said in relation to so many cities. But, leaving
the general surrounded by his old fellow soldiers, at
the head of whom he still found the worthy General Pinckney,
to be entertained with the glorious recollections of
their youthful days, I shall attempt a rapid sketch of the
history of South Carolina.
This portion of the North American continent was explored
for the first time by Jean Ponce de Leon, the Spanish
governor of Porto-Rico. Struck with the beauty of
the vegetation, and the smiling aspect of the country, he
gave it the beautiful name of Florida. But not finding
either gold or silver mines, he gave up the plan of forming
a settlement. For a long time this country was coveted
by the kings of France, England, and Spain; but it was not
till the year 1562 that France decided upon asserting her
claims. At the request of Admiral Coligny, who was desirous
of finding an asylum for the protestant party, a naval
officer named Ribaut, a native of Dieppe, was despatched
with two vessels and troops to survey the coast and form
a settlement. Jean Ribaut landed at the mouth of a river,
under the thirtieth degree of latitude, and established the
right of possession by the erection of a stone column, upon
which he engraved the arms of France. After remaining
some time upon the coast, during which he entered into
treaties of peace with the natives of the country, he arrived
at the mouth of Albemarle river, where he formed his first
settlement, which he called Carolina, in honour of Charles
IX. He raised for its protection a small fort, which he
49garrisoned with about forty men, and leaving it under the
command of one of his officers named Albert, returned to
France. This governor being very severe in carrying into
effect the discipline he had established, was soon murdered
by his soldiers, who, anxious to return to their
country, very soon embarked, and sailed for France. But
scarcely had they lost sight of the coast when they experienced
such a dead calm as kept them so long at sea that
their provisions became exhausted; and they had already
begun to devour each other, when they were met by an
English vessel, which carried them to England, where
queen Elizabeth made them relate to her, with their own
lips, the account of their horrible adventures.
Two years afterwards, a new expedition sailed under
the command of Réné de Landonnière, to establish and
protect the colony; but whether owing to misfortune, or
want of knowledge in the leader, the expedition was attended
with the most melancholy results. The complaints
of the colonists against Landonnière reached France, and
determined the government to send out Ribaut to take
charge of their affairs. This person was surprised at the
mouth of May river by a Spanish squadron of six vessels,
which attacked him so fiercely that he could only escape
by entering the river. Determined to resist the Spaniards
with vigour, Ribaut landed his men, carefully entrenched
them, and going in search of the best troops of Landonnière,
whom he left in Fort Carolina, with all those who
were unable to bear arms, embarked again to pursue the
enemy. But he was assailed during the night by a violent
storm which drove his vessels upon the rocks. It was
with the greatest difficulty that he and his companions
gained the shore to surrender themselves to the Spaniards,
by whom they were basely murdered without mercy. The
sick, together with the women and children who remained
in the fort, met with the same fate. Landonnière, and a
few of his family, were all that escaped, and after a long
time, succeeded almost by a miracle in getting back to
France, where they carried the news of the melancholy
end of their companions. By the court of France the horrible
event was treated with indifference, but the public
did not conceal its indignation, and many of the most
influential men demanded vengeance. One of these, named
50Dominic de Gourges, a gentleman of Gascony, resolved upon
being the avenger of his countrymen. He fitted out three
vessels at his own expense, took on board two hundred soldiers
and eighty marines, arrived at the mouth of the river
May, where he showed himself under the Spanish flag,
landed under this disguise without being recognized,
marched rapidly upon Fort Carolina, of which, with two
others, aided by the natives, he soon obtained possession,
conquered the Spanish garrisons, razed the fortifications, and
returned in triumph to France laden with booty. This daring
enterprise struck terror into the Spaniards, and for ever disgusted
them of Carolina, which, until the reign of Charles
II. of England, was abandoned to all the nations of Europe.
It was at this time that the English government, who had
previously made a settlement at the mouth of May River,
under pretext of protecting some families who had escaped
the tomahawk of the Indians in Virginia, took possession
of all the country, situated between the 31st and 36th degrees
of latitude, and granted it to eight gentlemen of the
court, the king, as proprietary of the royal castle of Greenwich,
reserving to himself supreme authority, together with
the fourth part of all the gold and silver which might be found
within the bounds of the territory. The celebrated Locke
was appointed to prepare a charter for the new colony.
By this constitution a species of royalty was transferred to
the oldest of the colonists, supported by an aristocracy
which exhibited the whimsical assemblage of lords, barons,
landgraves and caciques, whose powers and pretensions
incessantly coming into collision, were soon subjected to
the tyranny of the palatine, for such was the title of the
superior officer whose precedence was derived entirely
from his age. This constitution, the abortive conception
of a great genius, was destroyed in 1720. The population
of the colony soon increased rapidly, in consequence of the
political and religious persecutions, which at that period
desolated Europe. It received, almost at the same time,
English royalists, the parliamentists, and the non-conformists.
France sent the choicest of her citizens, proscribed
by the edict of Nantes. In 1730, the mountains of Scotland
saw their vanquished inhabitants going thither in search of
an asylum; and in 1745, it was further enriched by
the arrival of Swiss and German emigrants. From this
51time Carolina began to be sensible of its strength, and to
resist the abuse of power manifested by the English government.
She refused to pay taxes imposed without her consent,
and gave her sanction to the resolutions of the
colonial congress, to which she sent deputies in 1765.
Nevertheless, when, in 1775, it was resolved to break the
chain which united Carolina to the mother country, a division
of opinion occurred among the colonists, a considerable
number of whom armed in favour of the British
government. A civil war was near breaking out, when a
very extraordinary occurrence led to the reconciliation of
the parties. On the same day that hostilities commenced
at Lexington in Massachusetts, despatches from England
arrived at Charleston. The revolutionary committee
seized the mail containing the letters addressed to the
governors of Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia and East
Florida, by which they were directed to employ the force
of arms to reduce the colonies to subjection. About the
same time, intelligence was received at Savannah, of an
act of parliament, authorising these governors to deprive
the colonists of the protection of the law and royal privilege,
and confiscate their property.
These various accounts having been published by the
committee, inspired all the citizens with the same sentiments
of indignation, and the councils being immediately
called together, the question was proposed, Shall we die slaves,
or live free? The reply could not be doubtful. All swore to
take up arms and defend their rights. Some indiscreet tories,
who attempted to maintain possession of the country
by the assistance of Indians, whom they had taken into pay,
were soon annihilated by the patriotic militia, who, after a
long and painful struggle against the English troops of Savannah,
at length secured the independence of Carolina by
the celebrated victory gained at Eutau Spring, in the year
1781.
It was in the midst of the troubles of war, in the year
1778, that Carolina formed her first constitution. This,
though very much in conformity with the principles of the
revolution, perhaps exhibited some indications of the haste
with which it was prepared. It was revised, modified, and
adopted in its present form, at Columbia, on the 30th of
June, 1790. Such as it now is, it would be considered in
52Europe highly democratic; but, compared with the constitution
of Pennsylvania, for example, and those of some
other states in the Union, it appears altogether aristocratic.
The conditions imposed upon the candidates for governor,
senators, and members of the assembly, restrict the eligible
to a very small number. The senators, chosen every four
years, to the number of forty-three, must be at least thirty
years of age, have resided in the state five years previous to
the election, and possess an unincumbered property worth
three hundred pounds sterling. Should the candidate not
dwell in the district by which he is supported, his property
must be worth a thousand pounds sterling.
The representatives, to the number of twenty-four, are
elected for two years. They must be free white men, at
least twenty-one years of age, and the owners of property
worth one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, or instead, a
plantation containing five hundred acres, and ten slaves.
Should the candidate not reside in the district where he is
supported, the value of his property is required to be five
hundred pounds. He must be a citizen of the state, in which
he shall have lived at least three years previous to the
election.
It is obvious that both houses of the legislature are composed
of a portion of the richest proprietors only. It is
from this legislative power, blemished as it is with aristocracy,
that the executive authority springs; for it is by the
union of the two houses that the governor, in whom this
power resides, is chosen. The conditions of eligibility for
governor are very high, and restrict the choice to a very
small circle. Every candidate for this office must be thirty
years of age, a citizen of the state, in which he must have
resided at least ten years previous to the election, and possess
a clear estate worth fifteen hundred pounds sterling.
The powers of the governor only continue for two years.
The worst condition in the constitution is that imposing an
obligation on the senators to own slaves. I am well aware
that it must necessarily disappear before the abolition of
slavery takes place, but does it not appear to be placed
there as an obstacle to abolition? And might not the repeal
of this article prove a salutary effort in favour of abolition?
As in all the other states of the Union, religious organization
is in no way connected with government, which only
53guarantees to the various sects the free exercise of their religious
rites, so long as such a privilege is unattended by
licentiousness, or is compatible with the peace and security
of the state. Ministers of religion are ineligible to the
office of governor, lieutenant-governor, and member of assembly,
so long as they continue in the exercise of their
pastoral functions. The sects are numerous and variable,
as one may easily perceive from the composition of the
religious body that waited upon General Lafayette. It
may, perhaps, have been observed, that it was only whilst
speaking of the sects in South Carolina, that I mentioned
the Jews. It is, in fact, in this state alone, that they appear
sufficiently numerous to attract attention. Their number
is computed at about twelve hundred, of whom the
city of Charleston contains about five hundred, who, during
the late war, distinguished themselves by their courage and
patriotism, furnishing a company of sixty volunteers for the
defence of the country. The rest of the United States contains
little more than five thousand Israelites, the most of
whom are of English and German origin. Those of South
Carolina are more particularly of French and Portuguese
descent. The synagogue in Charleston was built in the
year 1794. Previous to this time the Jewish congregation
of this city had only a small place for the exercise of their
religious rites. According to Dr. Theact’s description of
Charleston, the Israelites began to form into a society about
the year 1750. As soon as ten of them had united, (for
this is the number required by the Hebrew law for the
public exercise of their religion,) they procured a place
convenient for their purpose. The present edifice is
spacious and elegant. The society that built it is called
Kalh kadosh beth Eloem, that is to say, the religious society
of the house of God. Kalh, or society, is the name common
to the whole Hebrew congregation. The actual number
of subscribing members is about seventy, which gives rather
more than three hundred persons having the privilege
of the synagogue, as well as the other advantages connected
with this privilege. The society of Reformists amount to
about fifty members, which, with their families, make
above two hundred of this order.
South Carolina is situated between the 32d and 33d
degrees of latitude. Its superficies contains about twenty-nine
54thousand square miles, the soil being very variable.
From the coast of the Atlantic to about twenty-four miles
within the interior, the country is a vast plain rising imperceptibly
about two hundred feet above the level of the sea;
its surface is divided into forests of pine, which grow in a
sandy soil of little value; extensive morasses, which render
the air insalubrious during the autumn; savannas, which
produce only grass; and higher lands, which are adapted to
the growth of cotton. Rice is cultivated with success
near the rivers, whose inundations fertilize their borders.
Beyond the plain the country is mountainous, productive,
and more healthy than the lower districts, where the
humidity of the rivers, and the changeableness of temperature
during the whole season, render diseases very
common.
This state contains 502,741 inhabitants, who may be
divided into three classes; 237,460 free whites, 6,806 free
blacks, and 258,465 slaves. It appears, that the number
of slaves considerably surpasses that of the free whites, so
that this state has begun to feel the inconveniences of slavery
to such a degree, that fear has induced them to adopt
measures of safety, which infringe both the laws of humanity
and the rights of property. By a recent law,
every traveller, who enters Carolina with a black servant,
finds that he is immediately taken from him, imprisoned,
and only returned to him when he is about to leave the
state. What is the utility of this measure, is a question
I find myself very much embarrassed to answer. It is, say
they, to prevent dangerous communications, between the
slaves of that state and the free black strangers, who
never fail to talk to them of liberty.
This state of things in relation to slavery in South Carolina,
is the more distressing from its singular contrast with
the character of the inhabitants of that state. The Carolinians
are particularly distinguished for the cultivation of
their minds, the elegance of their manners, their politeness
and hospitality towards strangers. This last virtue is
so common in Carolina, that one finds very few taverns
out of the large towns. Travellers may boldly present
themselves at the houses of the planters which they find on
their road, and are sure of being well received. The disposition
to assist the indigent is so great at Charleston, that
55besides a great many private associations, they have five
public charitable societies, whose revenues, already very
considerable, are still daily increased by the liberality of
the citizens.
The three days which General Lafayette passed at
Charleston were marked by entertainments whose brilliancy
and refinement delighted him; but of all the delicate attentions
that were paid him, the most touching, perhaps, was
the gift, made him by the city, of a beautiful portrait of his
friend Colonel Huger. This beautiful miniature, of an appropriate
size, unites the merit of perfect likeness with the
most admirable execution. It strongly resembles the style
of our celebrated Isabey, and would not have been disowned
by him. It was executed by Mr. Frazer of Charleston,
who already enjoys a great reputation in the United States,
but has probably surpassed himself in this work. The
frame of solid gold, is more valuable for the elegance and
delicacy of the workmanship than the richness of its material.
It came from the workshop of two artists of Philadelphia,
and would have done honour to our most experienced
French jewellers.
The governor presented the general, in the name of the
state, with a beautiful map of South Carolina, enclosed in
a rich case of silver. Many other persons came also to
offer handsome keepsakes, which he gratefully accepted.
On the 17th of March he left Charleston, carrying with
him the regrets of his friends, and the blessings of the
people.
CHAPTER V.
Fort Moultrie—Edisto Island—Alligators—Savannah—Funeral Monuments—Augusta—State
of Georgia.
The roads of South Carolina being generally very bad,
the Charleston committee resolved to conduct the general
by sea to Savannah, where he had been expected for some
time. We embarked on the 17th of March, on board of
56an elegant steam-boat, prepared and well provisioned by
the attentions of the committee, and took leave of the
inhabitants of Charleston, who, assembled on the wharf
and crowding the vessels, responded, by their acclamations,
to the parting salutations of their guest. Before losing
sight of Charleston, we directed our course towards Sullivan’s
Island, upon which stands Fort Moultrie, which
saluted General Lafayette with all its guns. This fort,
commanding the pass by which the vessels are obliged to
enter the port of Charleston, was defended with extraordinary
courage by the Carolinian militia, on the 28th of
June, 1776, against the English forces, superior both in
numbers and experience.
The militia were commanded by General Moultrie, who,
during the revolutionary war, sustained the highest reputation
for the valour and ability with which he defended
this important post. We afterwards continued our navigation
between the continent and the islands which border
it, and extend as far as Savannah. We landed on one of
these, called Edisto, where General Lafayette was expected;
but, as it was impossible for him to remain there more
than two or three hours, the inhabitants, who were collected
at one of the principal proprietor’s, decided to offer
him at once all the festivals they had prepared for several
days. We had, at the same time, the harangue, the public
dinner, the ball, and even the baptism of a charming little
infant, to which the name of Lafayette was given. We
then rapidly traversed the island in a carriage, to join our
steam-boat, which awaited us on the side next the ocean.
What we saw of the island, in this short ride, appeared
to us enchanting; the vegetation was particularly striking
from its variety; odoriferous shrubs of the most elegant
form, were agreeably interspersed among large forest trees;
and, in the downs which border the sea-shore, we saw
some beautiful palm-trees, which gave to the small dwellings
they shaded an aspect altogether picturesque. This
island, which lies at the mouth of Edisto river, forty miles
south-west of Charleston, is twelve miles in length and five
broad. It has been inhabited since 1700.
During the rest of our voyage to Savannah, we coasted
the islands of Hunting, Beaufort, Port Republican, Hilton
Head, &c.; and often through passages so narrow, that our
57vessel almost touched the land on each side, and had rather
the appearance of rolling on the surrounding meadows,
than of gliding on the water which disappeared beneath
us It was nearly midnight when we passed Beaufort,
and all on board were asleep; but we were soon awakened
by the acclamations of citizens, who were waiting on the
shore, and General Lafayette having arisen, yielded with
readiness to their desire that he would land for some
moments among them.
At sunrise, as we approached the mouth of the Savannah
river, we began to see some alligators extended on the
shore, or swimming round our vessel. Our captain shot
one, and sent the boat for it. It was about eight feet long,
and we were assured that it was but of a middling size;
some of them extend to twelve feet, and sometimes even,
it is said, to fifteen or eighteen. The size of their body is
then equal to that of a horse. When of this size, the alligator
is a formidable animal, from its prodigious power
and agility in the water. Its form is nearly like that of a
lizard; it differs from it only by its cuneiform tail, flattened
on the sides, and which, from the root to the extremity,
diminishes insensibly. Like all the rest of the body, it is
covered with a scaly coat, impenetrable to all arms, even
to a musket-ball.[4] The head of an alligator of the largest
size is about three feet; the opening of the jaws is of the
same dimensions; its eyes are very small, sunken in the
head, and covered; its nostrils are large, and so much
developed at the summit, that, when it swims its head at
the surface of the water resembles a large floating beam.
Its upper jaw, only, is moveable; it opens perpendicularly,
and forms a right angle with the lower jaw.[5] On each side
of the upper jaw, immediately below the nostrils, are two
long and strong teeth, slightly pointed and of a conical
58form. They have the whiteness and polish of ivory, and
being always exposed, give to the animal a frightful aspect.
In the under jaw, just opposite these two teeth, are two
sockets proper to receive them. When the alligator strikes
his jaws together, it produces a noise absolutely like that
made by slapping a board violently against the ground, and
which may be heard a great distance.
When, on the morning of the 19th, we arrived in sight
of Savannah, we perceived all the population on the shore,
and the militia assembled, who had waited during several
hours. We soon heard the majestic salute of the artillery,
and the acclamations of the people. We replied to them
by a salute from the guns of our vessel, and by the patriotic
airs with which our music caused to re-echo from the
shore. To this first feeling of pleasure caused by the reception
of the citizens of Savannah, a sentiment of painful
regret suddenly succeeded. We had to separate from our
travelling companions of South Carolina. Among them
were the governor of this state, several general officers,
and some members of the committee who had received us
at Charleston. The governor, faithful to the laws which
inhibited his passing beyond the limits of the state, resisted
all entreaties to induce him to land, and bade farewell to
the general with all the emotion of a child who separates
himself from a parent he is to see no more. Some minutes
after, we were in Georgia, at the entrance of Savannah,
where the general was received and addressed by Governor
Troup, in the midst of an eager crowd. The triumphal
car and arches, the acclamations of the people, the
wreaths and flowers scattered by the ladies, the sound of
bells and cannon, every thing proved to Lafayette that
though he had passed into another state, he was nevertheless
among the same friendly and grateful people.
A commodious lodging had been prepared in the elegant
mansion of Mrs. Maxwell; thither they conducted General
Lafayette with a grand escort. After he had reposed
some moments, the mayor and council of the city came to
compliment him, and the day was terminated by a public
repast, at which the civil and military authorities of the
state and of Savannah, the members of the bar, the clergy,
and a great number of citizens, were present. After the
thirteen usual toasts, the company offered many volunteer
59toasts, all strongly indicative of the patriotic and republican
character which always distinguishes American assemblies.
General Lafayette replied to the toast addressed to
him, by the following: “To the City of Savannah—May
her youthful prosperity prove more and more to the old
world, the superiority of republican institutions, and of the
government of the people by themselves.” A hymn to
liberty, to the air la Marseillaise, terminated the banquet,
and we returned to our quarters by the light of an illumination
which blazed over all the city.
The next day, Sunday, the general received, at an early
hour, the visit of the French and the descendants of
Frenchmen residing in Savannah. At their head was Mr.
Petit de Villers, who spoke in their name, and who, in a
discourse fully expressive of the sentiments of his compatriots
towards Lafayette, portrayed with ardour the
benefits of American hospitality towards proscribed Frenchmen,
forced by every kind of despotism successively to demand
an asylum in the United States.
To the visit of the French, succeeded those of the officers
of the different bodies; the clergy came afterwards;
at their head was the reverend Mr. Carter, who, in complimenting
the general, felicitated him above all, that his
efforts in favour of American independence had also resulted
in the establishment of religious liberty.
To his acknowledgments, general Lafayette joined the
expression of his satisfaction in seeing America giving so
good an example of true religious liberty to old Europe,
which still enjoys a very limited toleration. “In religious,
as in political societies,” added he, “I am persuaded that
the election by the people is the best guaranty of mutual
confidence.”
The citizens of Savannah had for a long time cherished
the intention of paying a tribute of gratitude to the memory
of General Greene, justly considered as the southern hero
of the revolutionary struggle; and to that of General Pulaski,
the brave Pole, who, despairing of the cause of
liberty in his own country, came to sacrifice his life in the
cause of American independence. They thought that the
presence of General Lafayette would add to the solemnity
of the ceremony, and resolving to profit by his sojourn at
Savannah, obtained his consent to lay the first stone of the
60funeral monuments they intended to raise. Consequently,
every thing being ready, they made the proposition, which
he accepted with the more readiness and ardour, as he was
gratified to have an occasion of publicly testifying his
esteem for the character of General Greene, to whom he
had been particularly attached.
The ceremony was strongly characterized by the association
of those exalted religious and patriotic feelings,
which particularly distinguish the actions of the American
people. Agreeably to the resolution adopted at a meeting
of the citizens, of which Colonel John Shellman was president,
the masonic society, which was charged with all the
details relative to the construction of the monument, formed
itself into a procession on the 21st March, at nine in
the morning, and moved to the sound of music, to the
lodgings of General Lafayette. The high priest, the king
and other officers of the royal chapter of Georgia, were
decorated with their finest apparel and richest masonic
jewels. Before them was carried a banner elegantly embroidered.
When they marched with the general, the
procession was augmented by the militia and citizens.
On arriving at the site of the destined monument, the
troops formed a line to the right and left to receive the
procession between them. The children of the schools
uniformly dressed, and carrying baskets filled with flowers,
which they scattered beneath the steps of General Lafayette,
were already assembled. The people, collected in a
crowd behind them, seemed placed there to protect their
feebleness, and to present them to the nation’s guest. After
a silence the most profound was obtained among the
attentive crowd, the masons, and the monument committee
arranged themselves at the west of the foundation,
and the other part of the procession occupied the
east. General Lafayette then advanced to the place prepared
to receive the corner stone. He was surrounded by
the grand master, the grand keepers, the chaplain, the
grand priest, the king, and the secretary of the chapter of
Georgia, the governor, Colonel Huger, George Lafayette,
&c. A national air, executed by a band of musicians, announced
the commencement of the ceremony. Then the
president of the monument committee advanced, and delivered
61a very impressive and appropriate address, which
he concluded by the following words.
“Very respectable grand master, in conformity with the
wishes of my fellow citizens, and in the name of the monument
committee, I pray you to celebrate, according to the
rites of the ancient fraternity to which you belong, the laying
of the corner stone of the monument we are about to
raise to the memory of General Greene.”
After the orator had made this invitation, General Lafayette
made a sign that he wished to speak, and immediately
the silence and attention of the multitude were redoubled,
and all fixing their eyes upon him. He advanced
a little, and said with a solemn voice—
“The great and good man to whose memory we this
day pay a tribute of respect, of affection and profound regret,
acquired in our revolutionary war a glory so true and
so pure, that even now the name alone of Greene recalls
all the virtues, all the talents which can adorn the patriot,
the statesman, and the general; and yet it appertains to me,
his brother in arms, and, I am proud to be able to say, his
very sincere friend, to you, sir, his brave countryman and
companion in arms, here to declare, that the kindness of
his heart was equal to the force of his elevated, firm, and
enlightened mind. The confidence and friendship which
he obtained, were among the greatest proofs of the excellent
judgment which characterized our paternal chief. By
the affection of the state of Georgia towards him, the army
also felt itself honoured; and I, sir, present myself before
you, before new generations, as a representative of this
army, of the deceased and absent friends of General
Greene, to applaud the honours rendered to his memory,
and to thank you for the testimonies of sympathy which
you have accorded me in this touching and melancholy
solemnity, and for the part which your wishes have caused
me to take in it.”
When the aged companion of Greene had ceased to
speak, a brother of Solomon’s Lodge, invested with masonic
insignia, advanced from the crowd, and joining his
voice to the grave tones of the music, sung a hymn, the
last strophe of which was repeated in chorus by the assembled
company, and the prayer of the people ascended to
62heaven with the solemn reports of the reverberating
cannon.
During this time the corner stone had been prepared;
and, before placing it, the grand chaplain, Mr. Carter, pronounced
the prayer with a loud voice.
After this prayer, which was heard in religious silence,
the grand master ordered the secretary of the committee to
prepare the different objects which were to be placed in
the foundation as memorials of the event. These were several
medals with the portraits of the nation’s guest, of
Washington, of General Greene, and Franklin; some pieces
of money of the United States, struck at different periods,
and also some paper money of the state of Georgia; some
engravings, among which were the portraits of General
Charles Pinckney, and Doctor Kollock, and all the details
relative to the ceremony; lastly, a medal, on which were
these words: “The corner stone of this monument, to the
memory of General Nathaniel Greene, was laid by General
Lafayette, at the request of the citizens of Savannah, the
21st of March, 1825.”
The stone was then lowered, amid strains of funeral music,
to the bottom of the excavation. The general then
descended to the stone, and struck it three times with a
mallet; all the brethren came successively to render their
duties, and the grand priest of the royal chapter of Georgia
came, with the censor in his hand, to bless the corner
stone. When all these ceremonies were ended, the grand
master remitted to the principal architect all the objects requisite
to be employed in the completion of the monument,
charging him by all the ties which bound companions in
masonry to acquit himself of his duty, in a manner honourable
to his workmen and himself.
With these, and other ceremonies common on these occasions,
the stone was then sealed while the music played
a national air. The whole was terminated by a triple volley
discharged by the United States’ troops.
The procession then marched back in the same order as
before, and repaired to Chippeway place, where the ceremony
was repeated in laying the corner stone of the monument
of Pulaski.
Before returning to his lodgings, General Lafayette went
to Brigadier-general Harden’s to assist at a presentation of
63colours embroidered by Mrs. Harden, and presented by her
to the first regiment of the Georgia militia. On these colours,
very richly worked, was the portrait of General Lafayette,
and several inscriptions recalling various glorious
epochs of the revolution. The burst of enthusiasm on receiving
them extended alike to the officers and soldiers,
who swore that under these colours, presented by beauty,
and consecrated by Lafayette, they would ever be assured
of vanquishing the enemies of liberty and their country.
Some hours after, notwithstanding the pressing entreaties
of the citizens, and above all, the ladies, who had prepared
a ball for the same evening, the general, pressed by time
and his numerous engagements, was obliged to quit Savannah,
and we embarked on board the steam-boat Alatamaha
with the governor of Georgia, and the committee of arrangement,
to visit Augusta, which is situated a hundred and
eighty miles from the mouth of the river Savannah.
We found at Savannah a young man whose name and
destiny were calculated to inspire us with a lively interest;
this was Achille Murat, son of Joachim Murat, ex-king of
Naples. On the earliest news of the arrival of General
Lafayette in Georgia, he precipitately quitted Florida,
where he has become a planter, and came to add his homage
and felicitations to those of the Americans, whom he
now regarded as his countrymen. Two days passed in his
company, excited an esteem for his character and understanding,
not to be withheld by any who may have the same
opportunity of knowing him. Scarcely twenty-four years
of age, he has had sufficient energy of mind to derive great
advantages from an event which many others, in his place,
would have regarded as an irreparable misfortune. Deprived
of the hope of wearing the crown promised by his
birth, he transported to the United States the trifling remains
of his fortune, and sufficiently wise to appreciate the
benefits of the liberty here enjoyed, he has become a naturalized
citizen of the United States. Far from imitating
so many fallen kings, who never learn how to console
themselves for the loss of their former power, Achille Murat
has become a cultivator, has preserved his name without
any title, and by his frank, and altogether republican
manners, has rapidly conciliated the regard of all who know
him. He possesses a cultivated mind, and a heart filled
64with the most noble and generous emotions. For the memory
of his father he cherishes a profound and melancholy
veneration. Mr. George Lafayette, having cited in conversation
some traits of that brilliant and chivalric bravery
which Murat so eminently possessed, he appeared to be
much affected by it; and, some moments after, when alone
with me, he said with warm emotion, “Mr. George has
caused me a great happiness; he has spoken well of my father
to me.”
The conversation turning upon European politics, he explained
himself with great freedom on the subject of the
holy alliance, and, in general, upon every kind of despotism.
I could not avoid saying to him, in pleasantry, that it was a
very extraordinary circumstance to hear such discourse
from the mouth of an hereditary prince. “Hereditary
prince,” replied he with vivacity, “I have found the means
to be more than such a thing—I am a freeman!” One circumstance,
however, caused me pain and surprise, which
was, that Achille Murat, free to choose his residence in the
United States, should come to establish himself exactly in
the country afflicted by slavery. This choice could only
appear to me reasonable for a man who had decided to labour
all in his power for the gradual emancipation of the
blacks, and to give to his neighbours an example of justice
and humanity, in preparing his slaves for liberty; but, I
believe, this noble project has not entered into the thoughts
of our young republican, who, to judge by some peculiarities
of his conversation, seems but too well prepared to
adopt the principles of some of his new fellow citizens as to
the slavery of the blacks. Is it then, thus, that the original sin
of royalty must always show the tip of its ear?[6]
Savannah is the most important city of the state of
Georgia. It is situated on the right bank of Savannah river,
and about seventeen miles from its mouth. Its large and
straight streets cross at right angles, and are planted on
each side with a row of delightful trees, called the Pride of
India, and for which the inhabitants of the south have a
marked predilection. Although elevated forty feet above
the level of the river, the situation of Savannah is unhealthy;
65an autumn seldom passes without the yellow fever making
cruel ravages. Commerce is notwithstanding very active
there; its port, which can admit vessels drawing forty feet,
annually exports more than six millions of dollars worth of
cotton. Its population is 7523 inhabitants, divided thus:
3,557 white individuals, 582 free people of colour, and
3,075 slaves. The number of persons employed in the
manufactories nearly equals that of those occupied in commerce,
which is about six hundred.
On quitting Savannah, we sailed at first for more than
sixty miles between low marshy grounds whence issued
many rivulets, and which was covered by a vegetation the
most rich and varied that it is possible to imagine. Among
the tallest trees we observed four or five species of pines,
nine of oak, tulip-trees, poplars, plantains, sassafras, &c.,
beneath which grew more than forty kinds of shrubs, of
which the form, flower, foliage and perfume, constitute the
delicacies of our most brilliant parterres. Beyond this
plain, the soil rises rapidly about two hundred feet above
the level of the sea, and presents at intervals fine table
lands, on which are established rich cotton plantations.
As we approached Augusta, two steam-boats, crowded
with a great many citizens of that town, came to meet us,
and saluted General Lafayette with three cheers, and the
discharge of artillery. We answered them by the patriotic
air of Yankee Doodle, and by three rounds of our guns.
They joining us we ascended the river together, each
forcing the steam in rivalry of speed. There was something
frightful in this contest; the three roaring vessels
seemed to fly in the midst of black clouds of smoke, which
prevented us from seeing each other. The Alatamaha was
victorious, which produced a lively joy in our brave captain,
who seemed to be a man who would blow up his
vessel rather than be beaten on such an occasion.
The general, forced to adhere rigorously to his calculations
for travelling, had at first resolved to pass but one day
at Augusta; but it was impossible for him to resist the
earnest solicitations of the inhabitants to remain two days,
that the greater part of the preparations made for him
should not become useless. He yielded, and the entertainments
they gave him were so multiplied, that for the first
time since the commencement of this prodigious journey,
66he suffered a fatigue which caused us a momentary inquietude.
Among the citizens who received the general on the
wharf at Augusta, we again met our fellow-passenger in
the Cadmus, Mr. King, a young lawyer much esteemed by
his fellow citizens. This meeting was to us not only very
agreeable, but also very useful; in leaving the river Savannah,
our communications with the Atlantic would become
more difficult; it was therefore important for us to transmit
our despatches from Augusta, that our friends in Europe
might once more have news from us before we should have
entirely passed into the interior of the country; and Mr.
King had the goodness to undertake to forward them after
our departure, as well as some effects which we retrenched
from our baggage, in order to lighten ourselves as much as
possible, for we foresaw that we were going to travel the
worst roads that we had yet encountered since leaving
Washington.
The day after our arrival, the general was engaged to
visit, on the other side of the Savannah river, a sort of
prodigy, which proves to what extent good institutions
favour the increase of population, the developement of industry,
and the happiness of man. It is a village named
Hamburg, composed of about a hundred houses, raised in
the same day by a single proprietor, and all inhabited in
less than two months by an active and industrious population.
This village is not yet two years old, and its port is
already filled with vessels, its wharves covered with merchandise,
and its inhabitants assured of a constantly increasing
prosperity. Hamburg being on the right bank of
the Savannah, belongs to South Carolina.
On the 25th we left Augusta, which is well built and
containing more than four thousand inhabitants, to visit
Milledgeville, passing through Warrenton and Sparta. The
general was very affectionately received in each of these
small towns; but we found the roads every where in a bad
condition, and so much broken up, that we were obliged to
travel a part of the way on horseback. Happily the carriage
in which the general rode, resisted all accidents, but
it was near breaking down twenty times. The first day
the jolts were so violent, that they occasioned General
Lafayette a vomiting which at first alarmed us, but
67this entirely ceased after a good night passed at Warrenton.
We arrived on the 2d of March, on the banks of little
river Oconee, near to which Milledgeville, the capital of
Georgia, is built. This town, which, from the dispersion of
its houses, and the multitude and extent of its beautiful gardens,
rather resembles a fine village than a city, containing
a population of two thousand five hundred souls, among
whom General Lafayette was received as a father and
friend. The citizens, conducted by their magistrates,
came to receive him on the banks of the river, and the aids-de-camp
of the governor conducted him with pomp to the
state house, which claimed the honour of lodging him. The
day was passed in the midst of honours and pleasures of
every kind. After the official presentation in the state
house, where the general was addressed by an American
citizen of French descent, Mr. Jaillet, mayor of Milledgeville;
after the visit which we made to the lodge of our
masonic brethren, and the review of all the militia of the
county, we dined with Governor Troup, who had assembled
at his house all the public officers and principal citizens,
with whom we spent the evening at the state house,
where the ladies of the place had prepared a ball for
General Lafayette; but at this ball there was neither possibility
nor wish for any one to dance; each, anxious to
entertain or hear the nation’s guest, kept near him, and
seized with avidity the occasion to testify gratitude and
attachment. Affected almost to tears with the kindness
evinced towards him, the general completely forgot that
Georgia was a new acquaintance. He also forgot, it seemed,
that to-morrow we were to depart early in the morning,
and that some hours of repose would be necessary, as he
passed a great part of the night in conversing with his new
friends.
Before continuing the narrative of the subsequent journey,
which conducted us from the bosom of the most
advanced civilization, into the centre of still savage tribes,
the aboriginal children of America, I shall make some
observations on the state of Georgia.
This state, situated between the 30th and 35th degrees
of north latitude, and the 3d and 9th of longitude west
from Washington, is bounded on the north by the state of
68Tennessee, to the north-east by South Carolina, to the
south-east by the Atlantic ocean, to the south by Florida,
and to the west by the state of Alabama. Its surface is
58,000 square miles, and its population 340,989 inhabitants,
of which nearly 150,000 are slaves; a proportion
truly alarming, and which will, some day, bring Georgia
into an embarrassing situation, if its government does not
adopt some measure to diminish the evil. Here, as in all
the slave states, the blacks are goods and chattels, which
are sold like any other property, and which may be inherited;
but their introduction into the state as an object of
commerce is severely prohibited. According to existing
laws, a person who brings into the state a slave, which he
sells or exposes to sale within the year immediately succeeding
his introduction, is subjected to a penalty of one
thousand dollars, and an imprisonment of five years in the
state prison. The prejudices against the coloured race is
very strong among the Georgians, and I have not remarked
that they have made any great efforts for the abolition of
slavery; the laws even interpose a barrier to gradual
emancipation, for a proprietor cannot give liberty to his
slave without the authority of the legislature. The ancient
code of slavery introduced by the English, and which was
a code of blood, is fallen into disuse, and has been supplied
by some laws protective of the slaves. Thus, for
example, whoever now designedly deprives a slave of life
or limb, is condemned to the same punishment as if the
crime had been committed on a white man, except in a
case of insurrection; but we feel that this law is to be
administered by judges who are themselves slave-holders,
and under the influence of the same prejudices as their
fellow citizens; thus may one say with truth, that if the
slaves of Georgia do not perish under the whip of their
master, as too often happens in the French colonies, it is
owing solely to the naturally mild and humane dispositions
of the Georgians, and not to the efficacy of the laws, which
admit that a slave may accidentally die on receiving moderate
correction, without the author of the infliction being
guilty of murder.
Georgia, it is said, was that one of the ancient colonies
in which the revolution obtained the fewest suffrages.
The royal party, for a long time, preserved there a great
69influence, which, augmented by the presence of a numerous
body of English, under the orders of Colonel Campbell,
maintained the royal government until the end of the war;
thus the patriots had more to suffer in Georgia than elsewhere.
It was not until 1798, that the constitution, which had
been adopted in 1785 and amended in 1789, was definitively
and vigorously enforced by a general assembly of
the representatives. This constitution is very nearly similar
to that of South Carolina.
If Georgia is not yet one of the richest states of the
Union, by the abundance and variety of its productions,
the cause should be attributed to the influence of slavery
alone. No country, perhaps, is more favoured by nature
than this, and all the products of the most opposite climates
may be easily and abundantly drawn from its soil. The
seashores and the adjacent islands produce six hundred
pounds of long cotton per acre, of which the medium price
is thirty cents per pound; and the same soil will produce
four crops without manure. Sugar may be cultivated in
the same soil, with an equal success. The white mulberry
grows there in such quantities, that Georgia could easily
liberate the United States from an annual tribute of several
millions which they pay to Europe, if the culture of silk
was confided to skilful and interested hands; that is to say,
to the hands of freemen. Tea grows without culture in
the neighbourhood of Savannah; in some choice places,
three crops of indigo are annually produced; and, in the
interior, the lands produce abundantly of grain and maize;
finally, pulse and fruits of all kinds grow here with an
unusual facility. But to fertilize the sources of such abundant
riches, there are requisite an industry and activity,
rarely possessed by men accustomed to confide the care
of their existence to the devotedness of unhappy beings
brutalised by slavery.[7]
CHAPTER VI.
70
Departure from Milledgeville—Macon—Indian Agency—Meeting with
Indians during a Storm—Hamley—M’Intosh’s Tribe—Uchee Creek—Big
Warrior—Captain Lewis—Line Creek—Montgomery—Farewell
of M’Intosh—Cahawba—State of Alabama—Mobile.
On the 29th of March, after having taken leave of the
citizens of Milledgeville, and expressed our thanks to the
committee of arrangement, the authorities of the town and
the state, for the kindnesses with which we had been
loaded, we resumed our route with some aides-de-camp of
Governor Troup, who, with a skilful foresight, had previously
arranged every thing, so that the general should
experience the inconveniences inevitably to be encountered,
as little as possible, in a journey across a country
without roads, towns, and almost without inhabitants; for,
to enter the state of Alabama, we had to traverse that vast
territory which separates it from Georgia, and which is
inhabited by the Creek nation; a people which civilization
has blighted with some of its vices, without having
been able to win them from the habits of a wandering and
savage life.
The first day, after travelling for some hours, we arrived
at Macon to dinner, where the general was received with
enthusiasm by the citizens, and a number of ladies,
whose elegance and manners formed a singular contrast to
the aspect of the country we had traversed. Macon,
which is a small and handsome village, tolerably populous,
did not exist eighteen months since; it has arisen from the
midst of the forests as if by enchantment. It is a civilized
speck lost in the yet immense domain of the original children
of the soil. Within a league of this place, we are
again in the bosom of virgin forests; the summits of these
aged trees, which appear as records of the age of the world,
waved above our heads, and, when agitated by the winds,
gave rise alternately to that shrill or hollow tone, which
Chateaubriand has termed the voice of the desert. The
road we pursued was a kind of gulley or fissure, over the
71bottom of which the general’s carriage was with difficulty
drawn, and often at the risk of being shattered in pieces;
we followed on horseback, and arrived in the evening at
the Indian agency.
This is an isolated habitation in the midst of the forests,
built during the last year for the conferences between the
Indian chiefs and the commissioners of the United States.
It was there that the treaty was formed, by which the
tribes inhabiting the left bank of the Mississippi consented
to retire to the right bank, on the payment of a considerable
sum of money to them. The year 1827 was assigned
as the time for their evacuation, and it is not without sorrow
that the Indians find that it is drawing near; they will
relinquish with regret the neighbourhood of civilized man,
although they detest him; and accuse their chiefs of having
betrayed them in making this cession, which, it is said,
has already cost the life of M’Intosh, one of the chiefs who
signed the treaty.
We passed the night at the Indian agency; we had been
expected the evening before by about a hundred Indians,
among whom the name of Lafayette has existed by tradition
for fifty years; but the delays we had met with had
exhausted their patience, and they had gone to prepare for
our reception elsewhere. On the second day we had to
traverse thirty-two miles over a road which became more
and more difficult. A storm, such as is never seen in
Europe, and which, however, I cannot pause to describe,
now assailed us, and forced us to halt for some hours. Happily
we found a shelter in a cabin built by an American,
not far distant from the road. Some Indian hunters, accustomed,
no doubt, to seek refuge here, were drying their
garments around a large fire; we took our place among
them without being known, or attracting any particular attention.
Mine, on the contrary, was strongly excited by
this interview, the first of the kind I had met with. I had
heard much of the manners of these sons of nature, and,
like every inhabitant of a civilized country, I entertained
such singular ideas respecting them, that the slightest of
their gestures, and every minutiæ of their dress and accoutrements,
induced an astonishment which the Indians
did not appear to share in seeing us. As far as I could, by
signs, I proposed a multitude of questions, to which they
72replied by a pantomime, which was at once expressive and
laconic. I had heard much of the apathy of Indians as a
natural faculty, but also singularly augmented in them by
education. I wished to make a few experiments on this
point, but did not know how they would receive them. I
provoked one of them by hostile gestures; but my anger,
though tolerably well assumed, did not appear to excite
more emotion than the tricks of a child would have done.
He continued his conversation without attending to me,
and his countenance expressed neither fear nor contempt.
After some other trials of the same kind, always received
with the same calm indifference, I recurred to signs of
kindness; I offered to the Indians a glass of brandy: this
succeeded better. They emptied it. I showed them some
pieces of money, which they took without ceremony. I
soon quitted them, and it appeared to me that we separated
very good friends. The termination of the storm now permitted
us to resume our route, and we arrived at a resting
place rather better than that of the preceding evening.
This was a group of cabins constructed of logs, and covered
with bark. The owner was an American, whom a reverse
of fortune had forced to take refuge here, where he carried
on a lucrative trade with the Indians by exchanging goods
from the coast for furs. His small farm was composed of
some acres in tolerable cultivation, a well furnished poultry
yard, and the dwelling I have spoken of above. On
arrival, we found two Indians seated before his door, one
young, the other middle aged, but both remarkable for
their beauty and form. They were dressed in a short
frock, of a light material, fastened around the body by a
wampum belt. Their heads were wrapped with shawls
of brilliant colours, their leggings of buckskin reached
above the knee. They arose on the approach of the general,
and saluted him, the youngest, to our great astonishment,
complimenting him in very good English. We soon
learnt that he had passed his youth in college in the United
States, but that he had withdrawn several years before
from his benefactor, to return among his brethren, whose
mode of life he preferred to that of civilized man. The
general questioned him much as to the state of the Indian
nations. He replied with much clearness and precision.
When the last treaty of the United States was spoken of,
73his countenance became sombre, he stamped on the ground,
and, placing his hand upon his knife, murmured the name
of M’Intosh in such a manner, as to make us tremble for
the safety of that chief; and when we appeared to be
astonished, “M’Intosh,” exclaimed he, “has sold the land
of his fathers, and sacrificed us all to his avarice. The
treaty he has concluded in our name, it is impossible to
break, but the wretch!” He stopped on making this violent
exclamation, and shortly afterwards quietly entered on
some other topic of conversation.
Hamley, (the name of the young Indian,) when he found
we were somewhat rested, proposed to us to visit his house,
which he pointed out to us on the slope of a hill at a little
distance. Two of the governor’s aides-de-camp and myself
accepted the invitation, and followed the two Indians. On
our route they showed to us a fenced enclosure, filled with
deer and fawns, which they called their reserve, and which
served them for food when they had been unsuccessful in
the chase. Hamley’s cabin adjoined this enclosure. We
entered it. There was a large fire on the hearth, and evening
having commenced, the whole building was illuminated
by the flame of the burning pine wood. The furniture
consisted of two beds, a table, some rude chairs, whilst
wicker baskets, fire arms, and bows and arrows, with a
violin, were hanging on the walls. The whole arrangement
indicated the presence of man in a half civilized
state. Hamley’s companion took down the violin, and
handling the instrument with vigour rather than lightness
and grace, played some fragments of Indian airs, which
induced a desire of dancing in Hamley, but whether from
courtesy, or from a wish of inducing a comparison which
would result to his own credit, he begged us to begin.
The grave Americans who accompanied me, excused themselves.
Being younger, or less reserved, I did not wait for
a second invitation, and executed some steps of our national
dances; this was all that Hamley desired. I saw
him throw off every thing that might embarrass him, seize
a large shawl, and triumphantly spring into the centre of
the apartment, as if he would say, it is now my turn. His
first movements, slow and impassioned, gradually became
animated, his movements, incomparably bolder and more
expressive than those of our opera dancers, soon became
74so rapid that the eye could scarcely follow them. In the
intervals, or when he halted for breath, his steps softly
beating time to the music, his head gently inclined, and
gracefully following the movements of his pliant body, his
eyes sparkling with an emotion which reddened the coppery
hue of his complexion, the cries that he uttered when
he awoke from this reverie in order to commence his rapid
evolutions, had the most striking effect upon us, which it
is impossible to describe.
Two Indian women, whom I afterwards learned were
Hamley’s wives, approached the house, during the time
that it resounded with his exertions, and our plaudits, but
they did not enter, and I therefore merely saw them. They
had the usual beauty of this race; their dress was composed
of a long white tunic, and a scarlet drapery thrown
over their shoulders; their long black hair was wholly unconfined.
On their neck, they had a necklace of four or
five strings of pearls, and in their ears, those immense silver
rings so generally worn by Indian women. I believed, from
their reserve, that Hamley had forbidden them to enter,
and therefore made no inquiries respecting them. There
were also some negroes about the house, but they did not
appear to be slaves. They were fugitives to whom he had
granted an asylum, and who repaid his hospitality by their
labour.
I would willingly have remained several days as Hamley’s
guest and companion in the chase; but we were
obliged to continue our journey. We retired, and the next
day, the 31st March, resumed our route. As we plunged
deeper into this country of forests, the Indian soil seemed
to efface from our minds those prejudices which induce
civilized man to endeavour to impose his mode of life on
all those nations who still adhere to primitive habits, and
to consider the invasion of districts in which this pretended
barbarity still exists, as a noble and legitimate conquest. It
must, however, be stated, to the praise of the Americans,
that it is not by extermination or war, but by treaties, in
which their intellectual superiority, it is true, exercises a
species of gentle violence, that they pursue their system of
aggrandizement against the Indian tribes to the west and
north. With them, civilization is not sullied by crimes to
be compared with those of Great Britain in India, but in
75rendering this justice to them, we, at the same time, cannot
help feeling a strong interest in the fate of the unhappy Indians.
Thus, in meeting at every turn the bark cabin of
the Creek hunter, now the habitation of peace and savage
yet happy ignorance, we could not think without sorrow
how soon it might be overthrown and replaced by the
farm of the white settler. It was on the banks of the Chatahouche
that we met with the first assemblage of Indians,
in honour of the general. A great number of women and
children were to be seen in the woods on the opposite
bank, who uttered cries of joy on perceiving us. The
warriors descended the side of a hill at a little distance,
and hastened to that part of the shore at which we were
to disembark. The variety and singular richness of their
costumes presented a most picturesque appearance. Mr.
George Lafayette, who was the first that landed, was immediately
surrounded by men, women, and children, who
danced and leaped around him, touched his hands and
clothes with an air of surprise and astonishment, that
caused him almost as much embarrassment as pleasure.
All at once, as if they wished to give their joy a grave and
more solemn expression, they retired, and the men ranged
themselves in front. He who appeared to be the chief of
the tribe, gave, by an acute and prolonged cry, the signal
for a kind of salute, which was repeated by the whole
troop, which again advanced towards the shore. At the
moment the general prepared to step on shore, some of the
most athletic seized the small carriage we had with us, and
insisted that the general should seat himself in it, not willing,
as they observed, that their father should step on the
wet ground. The general was thus carried in a kind of
palanquin a certain distance from the shore, when the Indian
whom I have spoken of as the chief, approached him
and said in English, that all his brothers were happy in being
visited by one who, in his affection for the inhabitants
of America, had never made a distinction of blood or colour;
that he was the honoured father of all the races of
men dwelling on that continent. After the chief had finished
his speech, the other Indians all advanced and placed
their right arm on that of the general, in token of friendship.
They would not permit him to leave the carriage,
but dragging it along, they slowly ascended the hill they
76had previously left, and on which one of their largest villages
was situated.
During our progress I drew near to the Indian chief; I
supposed that as he spoke English, that he, like Hamley,
had been educated in the United States, and this I found
to be the case. He was about 28 years of age, of a middle
height; but the symmetry of his limbs was perfect, his
physiognomy noble, his expression mournful; when he was
not speaking he fixed his large black eyes, shaded by a
heavy brow, steadfastly on the ground. When he told me
that he was the eldest son of M’Intosh, I could not recall,
without emotions of sorrow, the imprecations I had heard
poured forth against this chief, on the preceding evening.
This, in all probability, occasioned the air of depression
and thoughtfulness I remarked in the young man; but
what I afterwards learned in conversation with him explained
it still more satisfactorily; his mind had been cultivated
at the expense of his happiness. He appreciated
the real situation of his nation, he saw it gradually becoming
weaker, and foresaw its speedy destruction; he felt
how much it was inferior to those which surrounded it, and
was perfectly aware that it was impossible to overcome
the wandering mode of life of his people. Their vicinity
to civilization had been of no service to them; on the contrary,
it had only been the means of introducing vices to
which they had hitherto been strangers; he appeared to
hope that the treaty which removed them to another and
a desert country, would re-establish the ancient organization
of the tribes, or at least preserve them in the state in
which they now were.
When we arrived at the brow of the hill we perceived
the glitter of helmets and swords; troops were drawn up
in line along the road. These were not Indians; they
were civilized men, sent by the state of Alabama to escort
the general. The singular triumphal march to which he
had been obliged to submit, now ceased. The Indians
saw with some jealousy the American escort range themselves
round the general; but we approached the village,
and they ran on in order to precede us. We there found
them on our arrival, with their garments thrown off, and
prepared to afford us a sight of their warlike games.
We arrived on a large plain, around which were situated
77about an hundred Indian huts, crowned by the rich verdure
of the dense thickets; one house was distinguished
for its greater size, it was that of the American agent. He
also kept an inn, and his wife superintended a school for the
instruction of the Indian children. All the men were assembled,
deprived of a part of their dress, their faces painted
in a grotesque manner, and some wearing feathers in
their hair, as a mark of distinction. They then announced
to us that there would be a mock fight in honour of their
white father. In fact, we soon perceived them separate
into two divisions, and form two camps at the two extremities
of the place, appoint two leaders, and make preparations
for a combat. The cry that was uttered by each of
these troops, and which we were told was the war-whoop
of the Indian tribes, is, perhaps, the most extraordinary
modulation of the human voice that can be conceived, and
the effect it produced on the combatants of all ages, was
still more so. The sport began. They explained the plan
to us as follows: Each party endeavoured to drive a ball
beyond a certain mark, and that which attained this object
seven times would be the victor. We soon saw the combatants,
each armed with two long rackets, rush after the
light projectile, spring over each other in order to reach it,
seize it in the air with incredible dexterity, and hurl it beyond
the goal. When the ball was missed by a player, it
fell to the ground, when every head was bent, a scene of
great confusion ensued, and it was only after a severe
struggle that the players succeeded in again throwing it up.
In the midst of one of these long combats, whilst all the
players were bent around the ball, an Indian detached himself
from the group to some distance, returned on a run,
sprung into the air, and after making several somersets,
threw himself on the shoulders of the other players, leaped
into the circle, seized the ball, and for the seventh time cast
it beyond the mark. This player was M’Intosh. The
victory was obtained by the camp which he commanded;
he advanced to receive our congratulations under a shower
of applause from a part of the Indian women, whilst the
wives of the vanquished appeared to be endeavouring to
console them.
The general, after this game, which much amused him,
visited the interior of some of the huts, and the Indian
78school. When we were ready to resume our journey,
young M’Intosh re-appeared dressed as an European. He
requested permission from the general to accompany him
to Montgomery, where he wished to carry his brother, who
was about ten years of age, in order to place him under the
care of a citizen of Alabama, who had generously offered
to educate him. The general consented to it, and we all
set out for Uchee Creek, an American tavern, situated on
the banks of a creek of that name. We arrived at that
place at an early hour, and visited the neighbourhood,
which was charming. Accompanied by M’Intosh, I soon
made an acquaintance with the Indians of that district. We
found them exercising with the bow. I wished to try my
skill, M’Intosh likewise armed himself; he had the arm
and eye of William Tell. Some proofs of his skill would
scarcely be credited were I to relate them. I was most
struck with the skill, with which, whilst lying on the ground,
he discharged an arrow, which, striking the ground at a
few paces distance, made a slight rebound, and flew to an
immense distance. This is the mode employed by the Indians
when they wish to discharge their arrows to a great
distance without discovering themselves. I tried in vain
to accomplish it; each time my arrow, instead of rebounding,
buried itself in the earth.
We returned to Uchee Creek, and met an Indian chief
on his way to the tavern. He was on horseback, with a
woman behind him. When he arrived within a few paces
of the house, he dismounted and went forward to salute the
general, and to make some purchases. During this time
his wife remained with the horse, brought it to him when
he wished to depart, held the bridle and stirrup when he
mounted, and afterwards sprung up behind him. I asked
my companions if this woman was the wife of the Indian,
and if such was the condition of the females of the nation.
They replied, that in general they were treated as we had
seen; in the agricultural districts they cultivated the ground,
among the hunters they carried the game, the culinary
utensils, and other necessary articles, and thus loaded could
travel great distances, that even maternal cares scarcely
exonerated them from these laborious occupations. However,
in the excursions I afterwards made in the environs of
Uchee Creek, the condition of the women did not appear
79to me as unhappy as I was led to expect. I saw before almost
all the houses the women sitting in circles, engaged in
weaving baskets or mats, and amusing themselves with the
games and exercises of the young men, and I never remarked
any signs of harshness on the part of the men, or of servile
dependence on the part of the women. I was so hospitably
received in all the Indian cabins at Uchee Creek,
and the country around was so beautiful, that it yet appears
to me as the most beautiful spot I ever visited. From
Uchee Creek to the cabin of Big Warrior, which is the
nearest resting place, is about a day’s journey, through a
country inhabited by Indians. We several times met parties
of them, and were greatly assisted by them in extricating
ourselves from dangerous places in the road, for the storm
had encumbered them, and swelled the streams. On one of
these occasions, the general received a touching specimen
of the veneration these sons of nature held him in. One
of the torrents we were to cross had risen above the unnailed
wooden bridge over which the carriage of the general
was to proceed. What was our astonishment, on arriving
at the stream, to find a score of Indians, who, holding each
other by the hand, and breast deep in water, marked the
situation of the bridge by a double line. We were well
pleased at receiving this succour, and the only recompense
demanded by the Indians, was to have the honour of taking
the general by the hand, whom they called their white
father, the envoy of the Great Spirit, the great warrior from
France, who came in former days to free them from the tyranny
of the English. M’Intosh, who interpreted their
discourse to us, also expressed to them the general’s and
our own good wishes. The village of the Big Warrior is
thus named on account of the extraordinary courage and
great stature of the Indian who was its chief. We arrived
there at a late hour; the chief had been dead some time;
the council of old men had assembled to name his successor,
and had designated one of his sons, remarkable for the
same strength of body, as worthy of filling his place. This
son had much conversation with Mr. George Lafayette; he
expressed himself in English, and astonished us by the singular
apathy with which he spoke of the death of his father.
But the Indians have not the slightest idea of what we call
grief and mourning. Death does not appear an evil to them,
80either as regards the person who has quitted this life, or
those who are thus separated from him. The son of Big
Warrior only appeared to regret that the death of his father,
which had occurred a short time before, did not permit him
to dispose of his inheritance, and to present one of the
dresses of this celebrated chief to the general.
We only passed one night with the family of Big Warrior;
the next day we arrived at Line Creek, that is to say,
at the frontier of the Indian country. We were received
there by an American who had married the daughter of a
Creek chief, and had adopted the Indian mode of life. He
was a Captain Lewis, formerly in the army of the United
States; his house was commodious, and was furnished with
elegance for an Indian cabin. Captain Lewis, who is distinguished
for his knowledge and character, appeared to us
to exercise great influence over the Indians; he had assembled
a great number, well armed and mounted, to act as an
escort to the general. One of the neighbouring chiefs came
at the head of a deputation to compliment the general. His
discourse, which appeared studied, was rather long, and
was translated to us by an interpreter. He commenced by
high eulogiums on the skill and courage the general had
formerly displayed against the English; the most brilliant
events of that war was recalled and recounted in a poetical
and somewhat pompous strain. He terminated somewhat
in these words: “Father, we had long since heard that you
had returned to visit our forests and our cabins; you, whom
the Great Spirit formerly sent over the great lake to destroy
those enemies of man, the English, clothed in bloody
raiment. Even the youngest amongst us will say to their
descendants, that they have touched your hand and seen
your figure, they will also behold you, for you are protected
by the Great Spirit from the ravages of age—you may
again defend us if we are attacked.”
The general replied, through the interpreter, to these
compliments of the Indians; he again counselled them to
be prudent and temperate; recommended their living in
harmony with the Americans, and to always consider them
as their friends and brothers; he told them that he should
always think of them, and would pray for the welfare of
their families and the glory of their warriors. We now
directed our course to the stream which separates the
81Creek country from the state of Alabama. The Indians
under Captain Lewis, mounted on small horses as light
and nimble as deer, some armed with bows and arrows,
and others with tomahawks, followed us in a long file, the
rear of which was hidden in the darkness of the forest.
On arriving at the brink of the stream, they turned back,
uttering loud cries; some of the chiefs, however, bid us a
final adieu as we left their territory.
We passed the night on the banks of Line Creek, in a small
village of the same name, almost entirely inhabited by persons
whom the love of gain had assembled from all parts
of the globe, in the midst of these deserts, to turn to their
own profit the simplicity and above all the new wants of
the unfortunate natives. These avaricious wretches, who
without scruple poison the tribes with intoxicating liquors,
and afterwards ruin them by duplicity and overreaching,
are the most cruel and dangerous enemies of the Indian
nations, whom, at the same time, they accuse of being
robbers, idlers, and drunkards. If the limits to which I
had determined to restrain my narrative had not already
been overstepped, I could easily show, that these vices
with which they reproach the children of the forest, are
the result of the approach of civilization, and also in how
many instances they are surpassed by the whites in cruelty
and want of faith. I will content myself with citing but
two facts from the thousands, which are an eternal stigma
on men so proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who
call themselves civilized.
A short time since, a trader, living in the state of Alabama,
went into the Creek country for the purposes of his
business. Having met with one of the chiefs of the nation,
he bargained with him for peltries; but, as the conditions
he proposed were all disadvantageous to the Indian, to
induce him the more readily to consent to them, he intoxicated
him with whiskey. After the bargain was concluded,
they set out together for the nearest village. On the way,
the Indian reflected on what he had done, and perceived
that he had been duped; he wished to enter into some
other arrangement with the trader, but the discussion soon
caused a violent quarrel, which ended by the Indian striking
his adversary so violent a blow with his tomahawk, as
to stretch him dead at his feet. Twenty-four hours afterwards,
82on the first complaint of the whites, the murderer
was arrested by his own tribe, who, after having assembled
their great council, pronounced him guilty of a base assassination,
in thus having killed a white who was without
arms or means of defence. They then conducted him to
the banks of Line Creek, where they had requested the
whites to assemble to witness the justice they rendered
them, and shot him in their presence.
The evening of our arrival at Line Creek, I went into a
store to make some purchases, and whilst there, an Indian
entered and asked for twelve and a half cents worth of
whiskey. The owner of the shop received the money,
and told him to wait a moment, as the concourse of buyers
was very great. The Indian waited patiently for a quarter
of an hour, after which he demanded his whiskey.
The trader appeared astonished, and told him if he wanted
whiskey he must first pay him for it. “I gave you twelve
and a half cents a few moments since,” said the Indian. The
poor wretch had scarcely pronounced these words, when
the trader sprung forward, seized him by the ears, and,
assisted by one of his men, brutally turned him out of the
shop. I saw him give the money, and was convinced of
the honesty of the one and the rascality of the other. I
felt strongly indignant, and notwithstanding the delicacy of
my situation, I would have stept forward to interfere, but
the whole scene passed so rapidly that I hardly had time
to say a few words. I went out to see what the Indian
would do. I found him a few steps from the house, where
he had been checked by his melancholy emotions. An
instant afterwards, he crossed his arms on his breast, and
hurried towards his own country with rapid strides.
When he arrived on the margin of the stream, he plunged
in and crossed it without appearing to perceive that the
water reached above his knees. On attaining the other
side, he stopped, turned round, and elevating his eyes
towards heaven, he extended his hand towards the territory
of the whites, in a menacing manner, and uttered some
energetic exclamations in his own language. Doubtless,
at that moment he invoked the vengeance of heaven
on his oppressors; a vengeance that would have been
just, but his prayer was in vain. Poor Indians! you
are pillaged, beaten, poisoned or excited by intoxicating
83liquors, and then you are termed savages! Washington
said, “Whenever I have been called upon to decide between
an Indian and a white man, I have always found
that the white had been the aggressor.” Washington was
right.
The conduct of the American government is of an
entirely different character, as regards the Indian tribes.
It not only protects them against individual persecution,
and sees that the treaties made with them by the neighbouring
states are not disadvantageous to them, and are
faithfully adhered to, but it also provides for their wants
with a paternal solicitude. It is not a rare circumstance
for congress to vote money and supplies to those tribes,
whom a deficient harvest or unforeseen calamity have
exposed to famine.
We quitted Line Creek on the 3d of April, and the same
day General Lafayette was received at Montgomery, by
the inhabitants of that village, and by the governor of the
state of Alabama, who had come from Cahawba with all
his staff and a large concourse of citizens, who had
assembled from great distances to accompany him. We
passed the next day at Montgomery, and left it on the
night of the 4th and 5th, after a ball, at which we had the
pleasure of seeing Chilli M’Intosh dance with several
beautiful women, who certainly had little idea that they
were dancing with a savage. The parting of M’Intosh
with the general was a melancholy one. He appeared
overwhelmed with sinister presentiments. After having
quitted the general and his son, he met me in the courtyard;
he stopped, placed my right arm on his, and elevating
his left hand towards heaven, “Farewell,” said he,
“always accompany our father and watch over him. I
will pray to the Great Spirit also to watch over him, and
give him a speedy and safe return to his children in France.
His children are our brothers; he is our father. I hope
that he will not forget us.” His voice was affected, his
countenance sad, and the rays of the moon falling obliquely
on his dark visage, gave a solemnity to his farewell with
which I was deeply moved. I wished to reply to him,
but he quitted me precipitately and disappeared.
At two o’clock in the morning, we embarked on the
Alabama, on board the steam-boat Anderson, which had
84been richly and commodiously prepared for the general,
and provided with a band of musicians sent from New
Orleans. All the ladies of Montgomery accompanied us
on board, where we took leave of them; and the moment
the reports of the artillery announced our departure,
immense fires were lighted on the shore. Our voyage as
far as the Tombigbee was delicious. It is difficult to
imagine any thing more romantic than the elevated, gravelly,
and oftentimes wooded shores of the Alabama.
During the three days we were on it, the echoes repeated
the patriotic airs executed by our Louisiania musicians.
We stopped one day at Cahawba, where the officers of
government of the state of Alabama had, in concert with
the citizens, prepared entertainments for General Lafayette,
as remarkable for their elegance and good taste, as
touching by their cordiality and the feelings of which they
were the expression. Among the guests with whom we
sat down to dinner, we found some countrymen whom
political events had driven from France. They mentioned
to us, that they had formed part of the colony at Champ
D’Asile. They now lived in a small town they had
founded in Alabama, to which they had given the name
Gallopolis. I should judge that they were not in a state of
great prosperity. I believe their European prejudices,
and their inexperience in commerce and agriculture, will
prevent them from being formidable rivals of the Americans
for a length of time.
Cahawba, the seat of government of Alabama, is a flourishing
town, whose population, although as yet small, promises
to increase rapidly, from its admirable situation at
the confluence of the Cahawba and Alabama.
The state of Alabama, which, like Mississippi, was formerly
part of Georgia, and with which its early history
is intimately connected, received a territorial governor
from congress in 1817, and was admitted into the federation
as an independent state in 1816. Its population, which
in 1810 was only 10,000, had risen to 67,000 in 1817, and
is at present 128,000. In this estimate of the population
I do not include the Indian tribes of Choctaws, Cherokees,
and Chickasaws, residing in the east and west of the state.
From Cahawba we descended the river to Claiborne, a
small fort on the Alabama. The general was induced by
85the intreaties of the inhabitants to remain a few hours,
which were passed in the midst of the most touching demonstrations
of friendship. Mr. Dellet, who had been
appointed by his fellow citizens to express their sentiments,
acquitted himself with an eloquence we were astonished to
meet in a spot, which, but a short time before, only resounded
with the savage cry of the Indian hunter.
A little below Claiborne, I remarked that the banks of
the Alabama were much lower; when we had passed the
mouth of the Tombigbee, we found ourselves in the middle
of low marshy meadows, but apparently very fertile.
Finally, we arrived on the 7th of April, in Mobile bay, at
the bottom of which is situated a city of the same name.
The distance we had traversed in three days, and which
was more than three hundred miles, on account of the
windings of the river, formerly required a month or six
weeks in ascending, and half the time in descending. This
shows what a prodigious revolution the application of
steam to navigation will effect in the commercial relations
of a country.
The city of Mobile, which is the oldest establishment in
the state, is very advantageously situated for commerce, on
a beautiful plain, elevated more than twenty feet above the
general level of the water. This town had languished for
a long time, under the despotism of the Spanish inquisition,
and the wretched administration of the French government.
It has often been devastated by the yellow fever. At present,
all its wounds are healed; a few years of liberty
have sufficed to render it prosperous. When the Americans
took possession, it did not contain more than two
hundred houses; at present, its population is more than
1800 souls. Formerly it scarcely exported four hundred
bales of cotton; this year it has despatched upwards of
sixty thousand.
The arrival of the steam-boat in the bay, was announced
by discharges of artillery from Fort Conde; and when we
reached the wharf at Mobile, the general found the committee
of the corporation and all the population assembled
to receive him. He was conducted to the centre of the
town under a triumphal arch, the four corners of which
were adorned with the flags of Mexico, the republics of
South America and Greece. In the centre was that of the
86United States. Here he was complimented by Mr. Garrow
in the name of the city, and in presence of the municipal
body. He was then led to an immense hall, expressly constructed
for his reception. He there found all the ladies,
to whom he was presented by the governor; after which
Mr. Webb addressed him in the name of the state. In his
speech, the orator retraced with much truth, the debased
situation into which despotism and ignorance had formerly
plunged the city of Mobile, and the rich territory that surrounded
it; he then painted the rapid and increasing progress
that liberty and republican institutions had produced
in the arts, in industry and commerce, which had now rendered
these very spots rich and prosperous; he attributed
this happy change to the glorious and triumphant exertions
of the revolutionary patriots, whose courage and constancy
had been sustained by the noble example of Lafayette; and
he terminated by expressing his regret that the efforts of
the French patriots had not resulted in consequences
equally beneficial to their country.
In returning his thanks to the orator and the citizens of
Alabama, the general took a rapid survey of the struggles
for liberty in which he had borne so important a part, and
concluded by expressing his deep conviction of the necessity
of the closest and most intimate union among the
states.
The inhabitants of Mobile, hoping that the general would
pass some days with them, had made great preparations for
entertainments to him, but the most part were rendered
useless. Limited in his time, he was obliged to yield to
the solicitations of the deputation from New Orleans, who
pressed him to depart the next morning. Nevertheless he
accepted a public dinner, a ball and a masonic celebration;
after which we went on board the vessel which was to take
him to New Orleans, to obtain a few hours of that repose,
which a day filled with so many pleasant emotions had
rendered absolutely necessary.
CHAPTER VII.
87
Departure from Mobile—Gulf of Mexico—Passage of the Balize—Landing
at the entrenchments near New Orleans—Entrance into
the city—Entertainments and Public Ceremonies—Battle of New
Orleans.
The vessel on board of which we had retired, on leaving
the ball, was the Natchez, an excellent and handsome
steam-boat, sent by the city of New Orleans to transport
the general from Mobile to the shores of the Mississippi.
An experienced captain, Mr. Davis, commanded her; she
had on board the Louisiania deputation, at the head of
which was Mr. Duplantier, an old friend and companion in
arms of the general. At the break of day, cannon were
heard, at which signal we weighed anchor. The general
stationed on the deck, received the farewell of the citizens
who pressed in crowds to the shore, and testified their sorrow
by expressive gestures and a gloomy silence. In half
an hour, the city of Mobile disappeared from the horizon,
which enlarged around us, and in a short time the
smoke of the artillery, tinged by the rays of the rising sun,
also became invisible. When night returned, it found us
in the Gulf of Mexico.
To reach New Orleans, we might choose between two
routes; either behind Dauphin, Horn, Dog, Ship, or Cat
islands, traversing lakes Borgne and Pontchartrain, and disembarking
a few miles in the rear of the city, or else boldly
cross the gulf to the mouth of the Mississippi, pass the
Balize and ascend the river. Our captain, confident of
the solidity of his vessel, decided on the latter plan, which
was not unattended with danger, but it gained us a whole
day. We soon repented of his determination. A storm
arose in a short time. The motion of the vessel became
so disagreeable that we were obliged to lie down to avoid
the sea sickness which attacked almost all of us. During
the night, the wind greatly augmented, and the waves became
so high, that several of them entering the ports, inundated
the cabin and our beds. The noise of the wind,
88waves, and engine, with the creaking of the vessel, were so
horrible, that we expected to founder every moment. At
break of day I ascended to the deck, from whence I beheld
the most imposing and awful spectacle; we arrived at the
Balize. We could not avoid feeling a strong emotion at
the sight of this magnificent river, whose rapid stream and
prodigious breadth announced rather a conqueror than a
tributary of the ocean. Its waves repelling, to a great distance,
those of the sea, heaped on the low islands at its
mouth, thousands of immense trunks of trees, which, after
having flourished for ages under the polar circle, were now
decaying under the burning sky of Mexico, and feeding a
new vegetation with their remains. Enormous alligators
of a sinister appearance and sluggish gait, attached to the
floating trunks of trees, menaced the navigator, and seemed
to dispute the entrance of the river with him. For a long
time after we had entered the Mississippi we thought ourselves
in another sea, so distant are its shores, and so tumultuous
are its waves. It was not until after some hours
that it became sufficiently narrow for us to perceive its
muddy banks, or that the stream diminished in swiftness.
In the morning we passed fort Plaquemine, from which
we were saluted with thirteen guns, and night again surprised
us before we could perceive the walls of New
Orleans. No variety in the vegetation is perceptible for
sixty miles from the Balize. Hitherto nothing was to be
seen but cypresses covered with the sombre tillandsia,
called by the natives of the country, Spanish beard. This
parasitic plant, which forms a long and dense drapery on
the trees, has a more melancholy appearance, from its only
growing in countries subject to the yellow fever. It is said
to afford food to those animals which seek a shelter in the
woods during the winter. The inhabitants of Louisiana
employ it to stuff matrasses and cushions; for these purposes,
after having washed it in an alkaline solution, they
beat it till the husk is detached; when it is dry it has the
appearance of long black hair. It is so durable as to be
considered incorruptible. It is employed with success in
building, mixed with mortar or tenacious earth.
About midnight, I went on deck for a short time; the
night was dark, the sky charged with thick clouds, and the
air filled with a hoarse noise. The batteries at New Orleans
89were then firing a salute of a hundred guns, to announce
that the day on which the guest of the nation would
arrive, was commencing.
Next morning we awoke near those famous lines where
twelve thousand picked English troops were overthrown
by a few hundred men, the half of whom bore arms for the
first time. Astonished at the cries of Vive la liberté, vive
l’ami de l’Amerique! vive Lafayette! in the French language,
we hastened on deck. What was our surprise on
seeing the shore covered with French uniforms! For an
instant we believed that we were transported back to the
bosom of our country, once more freed, and our hearts
beat with joy. General Lafayette disembarked in the
midst of the thunder of artillery, and the acclamations of
an immense multitude, who, regardless of the badness of
the weather and the distance from the town, crowded the
levee. He was received by a numerous escort of cavalry,
and by the twelve marshals who had been appointed to direct
the procession. Leaning on the arm of his ancient
companion in arms, Mr. Duplantier, and of General Villeré,
he proceeded to the house of Montgomery, which had been
Jackson’s head quarters on the day when he covered himself
with glory by his admirable defence of his lines. The
governor of the state there waited for him, and received
him in the name of the people of Louisiana.
The speech of the governor, depicting Frenchmen enjoying
a liberty which is still considered in France as problematical,
made a deep impression on the general, and he
replied to it with much emotion.
At the conclusion of his reply, every one that could force
an entrance into the house were presented to him in turn.
There were a great number of the veterans of the revolution,
and among others, Colonel Bruian-Bruin, who had
served at the siege of Quebec, where the brave General
Montgomery perished; Judge Gerrard, who fought at
Yorktown, Colonel Grenier, who, after having gloriously
assisted in the three revolutions of America, France, and
Colombia, still preserved at seventy years of age, all the
courage and fire of youth. A great number of ladies also
came down to meet the general, and offered him their congratulations
through Mr. Marigny, on his safe arrival in
Louisiana. After all the presentations had been gone
90through, the procession was formed, and, notwithstanding
the violence of the rain, we took up the line of march to
the city. We advanced but slowly, from the denseness of
the crowd, which, as we approached the city, blocked up
both the road and the levee. When we arrived at the outskirts
of the town we met with bodies of troops drawn up
in two lines, through which we passed to the sound of martial
music. Notwithstanding the badness of the weather,
the general proceeded along these lines on foot, and before
he again entered the carriage returned his thanks to the
commanding officers. The procession again moved on,
augmented by the troops falling into the rear, and, as it advanced,
the crowd became still greater in spite of the continuance
of the storm. This immense concourse of people,
the view of the triple row of houses adorned with hangings,
bordering the river side, the sound of the artillery and
bells, and the prolonged acclamations of the whole population,
produced a sensation which it is difficult to describe;
at last, in the midst of these testimonies of strong affection,
the general arrived at the barrier of the public square, and
was conducted by the committee of arrangement under a
triumphal arch of admirable architecture and excellent design.
This monument was sixty feet in height, forty of
which were below the springing of the arch, by fifty-eight
in breadth; the arcade was twenty feet wide, and twenty-five
long; it rested on a socle imitating Sera-Veza marble;
the base, forming a pedestal of green Italian marble, was
decorated with colossal statues of Justice and Liberty. This
allegorical basement supported an arch of the doric order,
adorned with four coupled columns on each face. The
key-stones were composed of twenty-four stones, each decorated
with a gilt star, united by a fillet, on which was engraved
the word, Constitution, thus representing the twenty-four
states connected by one common tie. The pediment,
in imitation of yellow Verona marble, supported two figures
of Fame with trumpets, and carrying banners entwined
with laurel, having on them the names of Lafayette and
Washington; the whole was surmounted by the national
eagle. The upper socle supported an entablature of seven
feet, on which was inscribed, in English and French, “A
grateful republic dedicates this monument to Lafayette.”
On the top of the monument was a group representing
91Wisdom resting her hand on a bust of the immortal Franklin,
and the four angles were decorated with rich national
trophies. The names of the signers of the declaration of
independence, and those of officers who had distinguished
themselves during the war of the revolution, were inscribed
on various parts of the arch. This beautiful edifice, designed
by Mr. Pilié, and executed by Mr. Fogliardi, presented
a striking appearance, and the reliefs had an admirable
effect.
Under this monument the general was received by the
municipal body, at the head of whom was the mayor, Mr.
Roffignac, who addressed him in the name of the citizens
of New Orleans.
In expressing his thanks to Mr. Roffignac, the general
did not permit such an occasion to escape him, of paying
a tribute of esteem to the memory of the father of this
worthy magistrate. “On my entrance into this capital,”
said he, “I feel penetrated with gratitude for the reception
I have met with from the people of New Orleans and its
worthy mayor, whose name recalls to a cotemporary of
his father’s, recollections of courage and loyalty.” Mr.
Roffignac appeared extremely affected by this testimony of
the general’s to the exalted character of his father, and the
tears that escaped from his eyes proved the depth of his
feelings.
After leaving the triumphal arch, the general was conducted,
amidst the acclamations of an immense crowd,
to the city hall, where he was complimented by Mr. Prieur
in the name of the city council; from here we went to the
hotel of the municipality, where our quarters had been
prepared, and which the people of New Orleans designated
by the name of the “Lafayette house.” After taking a
few moments of repose, the general went out on a balcony
to review the troops. All the detachments that passed
were remarkable for the elegance of their uniform, and
the exactness of their discipline. The grenadiers, the voltigeurs,
Union guards, chasseurs, New Orleans guards, Lafayette
guards, each in turn attracted the attention of the
general. But when, in the rear of the riflemen, whose
name recalls so many recollections of gallantry, he perceived
a file of a hundred Choctaws, marching, according
to the Indian custom, in a single line, he was much gratified
92to see, that, by a delicate attention, they had shown
him that his name was familiar to the warriors of the most
distant nations, and that they had admitted among their
troops, these brave Indians, who had been the allies of the
Americans in the Seminole war, and, who, for nearly a
month past, had been encamped near the city, in order to
see the “great warrior,” “the brother of their great father
Washington.”
The next day, the general received the visits of the vice
president of the house of representatives, and of those
members of the legislature who were then in the capital,
and immediately afterwards the gentlemen of the bar,
headed by Mr. Derbigny, who had been chosen their orator,
were presented to him. In a discourse filled with noble
thoughts, and pronounced with a touching eloquence, Mr.
Derbigny eulogised with delicacy and address, that rectitude
of mind, and firmness of character, which, during political
tempests, had always guided Lafayette in the path
of justice, and preserved him from participating in the excesses
of party.
In his reply, the general, carefully avoiding any allusion
to the eulogies that had been heaped upon him, confined himself
to the consideration of the general interests of Louisiana,
and the individual exertions of those who complimented
him; he felicitated the citizens of that state, after
having been governed by the criminal laws of France and
Spain, that they gradually ameliorated them, and were still
occupied in perfecting this part of their code, to such a
degree, that it might even serve as a guide to the rest of
the United States, whose criminal laws are already so superior
to those of every other people.
Being strongly urged to visit both the French and American
theatres on the same evening, the general decided
by lot which he would attend the first; chance was in
favour of the American. We went there at seven o’clock,
and were received with an enthusiasm that cannot be described;
they gave an appropriate piece, of which neither
he nor the audience could appreciate the merit, as every
eye was attracted by the hero of Yorktown, who completely
withdrew all attention from the representation of
the Prisoner of Olmutz. He afterwards went to the
French theatre, where they were impatiently expecting his
93appearance. When he entered, the violence of the plaudits,
and the repeated cries of “Vive Lafayette,” suspended
the representation. Every body rose; it was like Themistocles
appearing at the Olympic games: at last, calm being
re-established, the general took his seat in the box that had
been prepared for him, and saw with pleasure the last act
of that charming comedy, L’Ecole des Vieillards, which
seemed to me to be as much relished by my former countrymen,
the Americans of Louisiana, as by the inhabitants
of Paris. Before he retired, the general heard an ode
which was performed to his honour, all the allusions of
which were applauded with enthusiasm.
In the course of Tuesday morning, a deputation of the
Spanish emigrants and refugees presented themselves to
compliment the general; and, above all, to testify their
gratitude for the manner in which he opposed, in the Chamber
of Deputies in France, the invasion of Spain, and the
destruction of the liberal constitution.
The general, whose principles had led him to oppose,
with all his energy, a measure disapproved of by France—a
measure which had produced such disastrous results to
Spain, and the heroic victims of which were now before
him, was deeply affected by the expressions of gratitude
now showered upon him; and, in an eloquent and impressive
reply, paid his tribute of esteem, admiration, and regret,
to the memory of the unfortunate Riego; he had
already, on more than one occasion, openly expressed his
opinion on the unhappy death of that generous martyr to
liberty, and the whole American nation had partaken of
the same feelings, for the consistent and courageous defender
of the revolution in the peninsula.
On the following day, many other deputations waited
on General Lafayette, and expressed to him their attachment,
and devotion to his principles. Among them were
those of the militia staff, of the medical society, of the
clergy, and of the free blacks, who, in 1815, courageously
assisted in the defence of the city; and our two last evenings
were occupied, the one by a public ball, and the other
by a masonic dinner. I will not attempt to describe these
entertainments, which, from the beauty, elegance, and
amiability of the ladies, the enthusiasm and frank cordiality
of the citizens, the sedulous and delicate attentions of
94the magistrates, the richness and profusion of the details,
equalled any thing we had ever met with.
Nevertheless, in the midst of the pleasures thus afforded
him by the Louisianians, the general experienced moments
of inquietude and sorrow. Sinister rumours reached him;
he was told of a serious dispute between the staff and the
officers of the militia, on the subject of certain prerogatives
of the legion, denied by one, and insisted on by the others
with equal warmth, which might produce bloody results
after the departure of him whose presence was a curb even
on the most headstrong. In so serious an affair he did not
hesitate on using all his influence to reconcile citizens,
whom a moment of error and a false point of honour had
temporarily divided; he, therefore, invited all the officers of
the different corps to meet at his house. When they arrived,
he told them that they were, doubtless, aware of his reasons
in thus bringing them together; that he was informed of what
had passed, and the evil consequences that would ensue;
he observed, that he felt that he was the cause, however
unwillingly, and could he have foreseen such unpleasant
circumstances, he should have written to decline their invitation.
He begged them to consider the injurious reports
it would occasion as regarded all parties, and concluded by
begging that they would accept of him as a mediator.
One of the superior officers immediately advanced, and
with an honourable frankness said to him, “General, I place
my honour in your hands, and now agree to whatever you
may dictate.” The eldest of the complainants then observed,
“General, I also confide my honour, and that of
my comrades, who freely agree with me, in your keeping.”
The general took a hand of each of these brave men, and
having united them, had the satisfaction of seeing the happiest
concord established between men, who an instant before
had renounced the pleasing title of brothers in arms.
This interesting scene had many witnesses, who soon promulgated
the details. The news of it was received with
astonishing enthusiasm, as it was a sincere reconciliation
between all that Louisiana cherished and revered.
General Lafayette had intended to visit the scene of the
battle of the 8th of January, but the continuance of stormy
weather, and the necessity for his complying in two or
three days to all the kind invitations that were heaped upon
95him, obliged him to relinquish the idea. A colonel of the staff,
who witnessed the chagrin this sacrifice occasioned me, had
the goodness to propose that I should accompany him,
whilst the general was paying some private visits. I accepted
his invitation with eagerness, and we immediately set out
in a carriage he sent for. On the way he informed me that
he was born in France; that placed, from his birth, in the
privileged class of society, he had, from his infancy, been
brought up in the aristocratic prejudices of his caste; and
that, although very young at the epoch of the French revolution,
he believed it his duty to defend the rights of a few
against the natural and sacred rights of the many, and that
he had joined the Vendeans. “Then,” said he, “I believed
in the legitimacy of an absolute monarchy, and in the hereditary
succession of virtue, with all the fervour of ignorance,
and I at first fought for them, with all the courage
and devotion of fanaticism; but the campaign had not terminated
before my reason, bursting the bonds with which
education had loaded it, taught me, that instead of combating,
as I had believed, for justice and truth, I was merely
the instrument of a few men, determined to sacrifice every
thing, even their country, to their own private interests,
and I sheathed my sword, which I ought never to have
drawn in so unjust, so absurd a cause.” He went on to
say, that he would have re-entered France, but was deterred
by the scenes of bloodshed and confusion then so prevalent
in that country. He, therefore, sought in other
lands that happiness he was denied at home. After traversing
all Europe, and every where finding the same criminal
alliance of royalty, nobility, and clergy, against the
welfare and interests of the people, he finally settled in the
United States. He added, “I had only lived at New Orleans
a short time, when, in 1815, the inveterate enemies of
the liberty of others in both hemispheres presented themselves
before that city. I flew to arms, happy in finding an
occasion of proving my gratitude to my new country, and
my sincere attachment to the principles which governed it,
and I am happy in being able to say, that my presence was
not wholly useless on the field of battle we are about to
visit.”
My companion had scarcely uttered these words, when
our carriage stopped, and we stept out near the extreme
96right of the lines. Before examining them, the colonel had
the goodness to explain to me the operations that preceded
and brought on the battle of the 8th. I understood, from
these details, how difficult it had been for General Jackson,
with the handful of men he had at his disposition, to oppose
the landing and rapid progress of an army of 15,000 men,
or quadruple his own.
The position chosen by the American general to wait for
reinforcements, and to arrest the advance of so formidable
an enemy, appeared to me to be very judicious. He threw
up entrenchments about five miles below the city, along an
old canal, the left of which was lost in the depths of a
swampy wood, whilst the right rested on the river. The
total length of this line was about eight hundred toises, but
as three hundred toises of the left were unassailable, the
enemy was confined in his attack to a front of about five
hundred toises, and obliged to advance in full view over a
perfectly level plain. Nevertheless, whether from want
of time, or want of reflection, General Jackson committed
two serious errors; the first was in erecting his entrenchment
in a straight line, and at right angles to the river, so
that he not only deprived himself of the advantage of cross
fires, but he also exposed himself, if the English, more skilful
or fortunate, had sent a few vessels up the river in the
rear of his lines; he exposed himself, I say, to the danger of
having had his whole line enfiladed by the enemy’s artillery.
The other fault was, erecting his second line at so great
a distance from the first, that if this had been forced, he
would never have been enabled to have gained the other,
and his troops would have been cut to pieces in the interval.
These two faults would have sufficed, as may readily
be supposed, to compromit the safety of an army more numerous
and better disciplined than that of General Jackson;
but the destiny of American liberty, or rather the supernatural
courage of the citizens, who, on that day,
fought for the preservation of their independence, and
the safety of their families, with the inflexible firmness
of Jackson himself, shaded with the laurels of a most brilliant
victory those faults which would have destroyed a less
patriotic army.
I will record the details, which were given me with
great clearness and precision, of all the operations that preceded
97that glorious day. I refer those who wish to study
them to the excellent memoir of Mr. Lacarriere Latour,
and to the equally distinguished accounts of Messrs. Brackenridge
and Mac Fee; but I cannot resist the desire of now
retracing some of the most brilliant acts which saved Louisiana,
and immortalized its defenders.
Notwithstanding all his exertions, General Jackson was
unable to collect for the defence of his entrenchments more
than 3,200 men, and fourteen pieces of cannon of different
calibers, pressed for time, he had been obliged to form the
upper part of his works with bales of cotton, brought down
from the city. He remained twenty-four hours in this position,
expecting an attack every instant, when, on the
8th of January, at break of day, he perceived the English
army, 12,000 strong, advancing on him in three columns,
the most formidable of which menaced that part of his left
wing, defended by the Tennessee and Kentucky militia.
Each soldier, besides his arms, carried fascines or a scaling
ladder, and marched in the most profound silence. The
Americans permitted them to advance within half cannon
shot, and then opened on them a terrible fire of artillery,
to which the English replied by three cheers, and the flight
of some Congreve rockets, and then hurried their march,
closing their ranks as they were mowed down by the shot.
This coolness and determination, which seemed as if it
would ensure them a speedy victory, did not last long. The
moment they arrived within musket shot, the Tennesseans
and Kentuckians commenced a fire of small arms, which
instantly broke their columns, and forced them to seek for
shelter behind some thickets, which covered their right. It
is true, that infantry never kept up so constant and destructive
a fire, as that of these intrepid American militia. The
men, arranged six deep, loaded the arms, and rapidly passed
them to the front rank, composed of able marksmen,
each of whose balls carried certain death to the enemy.
Whilst the English officers, with a courage worthy of a
better cause and of a happier destiny, endeavoured to
rally their scattered troops, to lead them to a fresh
assault, an American artilleryman, in the battery commanded
by Lieutenant Spotts, perceived in the plain,
a group of officers, agitated and dismayed, carrying
off some one with some difficulty. “It is perhaps the
98commander-in-chief and only wounded,” exclaimed he,
“he must not escape so.” He levelled his piece against
them, fired, and Packenham the English commander
was killed in the arms of his friends. The desire for
revenge now rallied the English; officers and soldiers
pressed forward in a new column, led on with fury by
Kean and Gibbs, the successors of Packenham. But the
fire of the Americans redoubled in intensity and precision;
Kean and Gibbs successively fell, the one mortally,
the other dangerously wounded, and the column again
broken, disappeared, leaving only its wreck on the plain.
Whilst in the centre of the line the American troops
were thus crushing their adversaries, without the loss of a
single man, fortune seemed as if she wished to try them on
the right by a reverse. Twelve hundred English, led by
a daring chief, rapidly advanced along the river, and unexpectedly
fell on a small redoubt, defended by a company
of riflemen and one of the 7th regiment. The Americans,
surprised at this point, at first retired in some disorder.
General Jackson, whose vigilant eye let nothing escape,
at this decisive moment perceived an English officer
mounted on the entrenchments, brandishing in one hand
his sabre, and with the other assisting his soldiers to scale
the rampart. Jackson hastened to the spot, met the
runaways, arrested their flight, and, in a terrible voice,
demanded of their commander who had given him orders
to retreat. “The enemy has forced our entrenchments,”
replied the captain. “Well,” answered Jackson in a
severe voice, “go back and with your bayonets force them
out.” This order was immediately executed. In an instant
the English, who at first thought themselves victors,
fell under the blows of the Americans. Among the slain,
was the intrepid Colonel Rennie, an ancient French emigrant
who had entered the English service; the same that
had been seen so boldly surmounting the rampart, aiding
and encouraging his soldiers in the assault.
This battle, which decided the fate of New Orleans, and
perhaps even of Louisiana, only lasted three hours, and
cost the Americans but seven men killed and six wounded,
whilst the English left near three thousand men and fourteen
pieces of cannon on the field. General Lambert, the
only one of the English generals in a state to command,
99ordered a retreat, and hastened to seek shelter for himself
and the wreck of his army, on board Admiral Cochran’s
fleet, who, the evening before, had said with his accustomed
boasting, that if he were ordered to attack the American
lines, he would carry them in less than half an hour, with
two thousand sailors, sabre in hand.
Thus, a small army, composed of citizens hastily collected,
and commanded by a general whose military career
had just commenced, beheld an English army, which
passed for one of the bravest and most experienced in
Europe, and which boasted it had expelled the French
from Spain, fall before its patriotic efforts.
When I returned to the city, I found General Lafayette
surrounded by numbers of ladies and citizens of all ranks,
who, knowing that he would leave them the next morning,
mournfully came to bid him farewell, and once more to
take him by the hand. In the crowd I remarked some
ecclesiastics, and among them a capuchin, whose dress
being new to me had attracted my attention on the day of
our arrival. The account I heard of him interested me
strongly, and may perhaps be equally so to my readers.
Father Anthony, for such is his name, is a venerable
capuchin friar of the order of St. Francis, and has resided
in Louisiana for many years. Animated by an ardent and
sincere piety, Father Anthony prays in silence for all the
world without asking prayers of any one. Placed in the
midst of a population composed of different sects, he does
not think it right to trouble their consciences by endeavours
to gain proselytes. Sometimes, as being a capuchin,
Father Anthony asks alms, but it is only when he has some
good action in view, and his slender funds, exhausted by
his constant charity, deny him the power of doing it himself.
Every year, when the yellow fever, in stretching its
murderous hand over New Orleans, drives the terrified
inhabitants to the country, to seek an asylum against disease
and death, the virtue of Father Anthony shows itself
in all its brilliancy and force. During this time of dread
and grief, how many unhappy wretches, abandoned by
their friends or even by their relations, have owed their
recovery and life to his exertions, his care, his piety. Of
all those he has saved, (and there are many,) there is not
one who can say, “before he lavished his care on me, did
100he ask of what religion I was.” Liberty and charity, such
is the moral code of Father Anthony; hence he is not in
favour with the bishop. When he came to visit the general,
he was dressed, according to the custom of his order,
in a long brown robe, tied about his middle with a thick
cord. The moment he perceived him, he threw himself
into his arms, exclaiming, “O my son, I have found favour
before the Lord, since he has thus permitted me to see
and hear the worthiest apostle of liberty!” He then conversed
a few moments with him in a tone of the most
tender affection, complimented him on the glorious and
well-merited reception he had met with from the Americans,
and modestly retired into a corner of the room,
apart from the crowd. I took advantage of this, to
approach and salute him. How deeply was I touched by
his conversation!—what sweetness! what modesty! and
at the same time what enthusiasm! Every time that he
spoke of liberty his eyes sparkled with a sacred light, and
his looks were fastened on him he termed his hero, on Lafayette.
“How happy must he be,” said he, “how pure
is the source of all his glory! with what transport he must
contemplate the result of his labours and sacrifices!
Twelve millions of men happy and free through him!
Yes! this man is certainly beloved by God. He has done
so much good to others.” He came again to see us the
morning before our departure. When the crowd had
quitted the room, and he was left alone with the general,
he hastened to him, and pressing him with transport to his
bosom, “Adieu, my son,” cried he, “adieu, best beloved
general! Adieu! may the Lord attend you, and after the
termination of your glorious journey, conduct you to the
bosom of your beloved family, to enjoy in peace the recollection
of your good actions and of the friendship of the
American people. O, my son, perhaps you are still
reserved for new labours! Perhaps the Lord may make
you the instrument of freeing other nations. Then, my
son, think of poor Spain! Do not abandon my dear country,
my unhappy country!” The tears flowing from his
eyes, moistened his long beard, whitened by age; his voice
was interrupted by sobs; and the venerable old man, leaning
his forehead on the shoulder of Lafayette, remained in
101this attitude a few moments, still murmuring, “My son,
my dear son, do something for my unhappy country.” It
was not without deep emotion that the general tore himself
from the arms of this pious patriot, who, before he
retired, also bestowed his benediction on Mr. George
Lafayette.
But the 15th being fixed for our departure, from the
dawn of day the avenues to the general’s apartment were
filled with even a greater assemblage than that of the
evening before. There were present a great number of
ladies, and particularly crowds of children brought by their
parents, that they might contemplate the features of the
benefactor of the country, the friend of the great Washington.
The general left the house on foot. Cries of Vive
Lafayette were heard on every side. In crossing the
parade ground, on which were several companies of the
legion and troops of the line, lining the avenues, he
expressed his gratitude to all the officers whom he met;
he again testified to Mr. Gally, the captain of artillery, how
much he appreciated the merit of the fine corps he commanded;
and, as he understood that this officer intended
going to France in a short time, he begged him, in the most
pressing manner, to have the goodness to carry news of
him to his family at La Grange. He got into a carriage
at the extremity of the parade ground, to proceed to the
place of embarkation, where the steam-boat that was to
take him to Baton-Rouge now waited for him. The levee
was crowded by an innumerable concourse of people.
The balconies, roofs of the houses, all the shipping and
steam-boats which were near this spot, were filled with
spectators; and, when he went on board, he was saluted
by a prolonged acclamation, but it was not repeated, and
more than ten thousand persons remained in a state of
profound silence, until the Natchez was out of sight. The
artillery only was heard at intervals, giving a solemnity
to this separation that was profound and universal.
The governor and his staff, the mayor and municipal
body, the committee of arrangement, to whom we owed so
many and great obligations, embarked with us to prolong
for a few moments the pleasure of being with the general;
but at two miles from the city, the most of them
102were obliged to leave us. It was not without profound regret
that we separated from these worthy officers, whom
we had only known for a few days, it is true, but yet sufficiently
long to appreciate them fully.
CHAPTER VIII.
History and Constitution of Louisiana—Baton-Rouge—Natchez—State
of Mississippi—Voyage to St. Louis—Reception of General Lafayette
in that city.
For a long time after the French had founded large and
prosperous establishments in Canada, they were ignorant
of the existence of the Mississippi; when some of their traders
learnt from the Indians with whom they trafficked,
that to the westward of their country there was a great
river, that communicated with the Gulf of Mexico. This
was in the year 1660. Three years afterwards Mr. De
Frontenac, governor of Canada, wishing to verify this assertion,
sent a Jesuit missionary, father Marquette, at the head
of a small detachment to discover this country. The Jesuit
ascended Fox river to its source, from thence traversing
the Wisconsin, he descended to the mouth of the
Mississippi, and found that the account of the Indians was
true.
Twenty years afterwards, Count Robert de la Salle not
only proved the existence of this river, but ascertained that
it offered an easy communication with the ocean. He descended
it from the river Illinois to the Mexican gulf, whilst
father Hennepin, a franciscan, ascended it as far as the
falls of St. Anthony, situated three hundred miles above
that river. Count Robert took possession, in the name of
the king of France, his master, of the whole course of the
river with the adjacent country, and erected some forts for
the protection of the settlers, which, as the soil appeared
very rich, he expected to see arrive in great numbers.
Nevertheless, it was not until 1699, that the first settlement
was made at Biloxi, by a celebrated French naval officer,
103Lemoine d’Iberville, who was the first to enter the Mississippi
from the sea, and ascended the river as far as Natchez,
which he chose for the capital of Louisiana, calling it Rosalie,
in honour of the name of Chancellor Pontchartrain’s
lady. To people this new capital, some young girls and
well selected soldiers were sent from France. These last
were married to the girls and exempted from military duty.
Each colonist was allowed some acres of land, a cow and
calf, cock and hens, a gun; half a pound of powder and two
pounds of lead, with a month’s provisions, were distributed
to them monthly. Next came missionaries, which, instead
of improving the land by the labour of their hands, or developing
the resources of the colonists by their wisdom and
councils, began to preach to the neighbouring Indians, in
order to convert them to the catholic faith. The fruits of
these labours soon began to appear; that is to say, the Indians
pretended to listen to the new doctrines which were
spread before them, and became hypocrites for the sake of
obtaining brandy. This liquor, which was the first reward
of their conversion, exasperated all the passions to which
they were unfortunately predisposed; and from this time
they became the most dangerous and cruel enemies of the
settlement, instead of the useful neighbours which they
would doubtless have been, if, without interfering with the
manner in which they worshipped God, their friendly alliance
only had been sought. Nevertheless, in the course of
a few years, the cordiality and gentleness of the French
character counteracted the unhappy influence of the missionaries,
and almost all the savage tribes with the exception
of the Chickasaws, made peace with the colonists and rendered
them important services. Mr. de Bienville, the brother
of Iberville, and at that time governor of Louisiana, yielding
to his ardour for research, explored the greater part of
the rivers tributary to the Mississippi, and laid the foundations
of some new settlements on its banks. But none of
these succeeded. The number of colonists had considerably
diminished, when, in 1712, Antony Crozat, who by the
Indian trade, had amassed a fortune of forty millions,
purchased the grant to the whole of Louisiana, with the
exclusive right of its trade for six years. His letters patent
included all the rivers emptying into the Mississippi and all
the lands, coasts and islands situated upon the gulf of Mexico,
104between Carolina on the east and Mexico on the west.
But Crozat was not long in discovering how much the expectations
he had founded upon this country were exaggerated,
and hastened to renounce his contract for the
purpose of obtaining another for the period of twenty-five
years, in favour of the Mississippi Commercial Company,
of which the celebrated Law was the projector. But this
company was not more fortunate than Crozat. Instead of
enticing into the colony such settlers as would have added
to its prosperity, he received only rich and avaricious adventurers,
who were attracted by the report of the mines
of gold and silver, with which the country was said to
abound, and, disappointed in their hopes, quickly returned
to Europe. In spite of the efforts of the government instituted
by the commercial company, the proprietaries were
soon reduced to despair, and established military posts,
where they defended themselves until reinforcements were
received. The first expedition that arrived was composed
of criminals and women of abandoned character, sent out
by the French government. The company were justly indignant
at this, and declared, that in future they would not
suffer the colony to be thus morally and physically polluted.
In 1718, New Orleans, consisting of a few cabins built
by Illinois traders, and thus named in honour of the regent
Duke of Orleans, passed under the jurisdiction of the governor-general,
M. de Bienville, and received a considerable
number of new settlers. Two villages were built in
its vicinity by Germans, under the command of Arensburg,
a Swedish captain, who, in 1709, had fought by the side
of Charles XII. at the battle of Pultowa. The colony now
began really to prosper, and in 1723 swarms of capuchins,
missionaries, jesuits, and pious ursulines, began to arrive
from all directions. These last at least were good for
something. They were entrusted with the education of
orphan girls, and the superintendance of the military hospital,
with a pension of fifty thousand crowns per annum.
Intolerance, the inseparable accompaniment of all privileges,
and especially those of religion, began to show itself
in the colony, as soon as the capuchins, jesuits, &c. made
their appearance. In 1724, a royal edict expelled the
Jews, as declared enemies to the Christian name, and they
105were ordered to disappear in the course of three months,
under penalty of imprisonment and confiscation of property.
It was thus that the throne and church watched
then, as it did before, and has done since, to dry up the
most abundant sources of public prosperity. In 1729, the
intrigues of England raised the Indians against the colony,
and thus gave a sad blow to its prosperity. The war then
carried on by General Perrier de Salvert, had a fortunate
termination. Meanwhile it was only through the attachment
of some Indian women to a few French officers, that
the garrison escaped being totally massacred one night;
which would have led to the entire destruction of the colony.
In consequence of these late hostilities, and the
base intrigues carried on in the metropolis, the colonists
lost their time together with the fruits of their labours. The
company, disgusted and deceived in their hopes of gain,
abandoned the country, which, in 1731, returned under the
dominion of the king, without being any better governed.
In 1759, its financial affairs were in such disorder, that the
treasury owed more than seven millions of francs, although
the French government had expended for various services
in Louisiana, nearly double the amount it had derived from
it. Louis XV., at the close of a war badly conceived, and,
in 1763, as badly terminated, having lost Canada, was
upon the point of having Louisiana taken from him. But
his ministers, assisted by Madame Pompadour, his mistress,
obtained fifteen millions from the court of Madrid, and
this colony was ceded to Spain with such secrecy and
despatch, that the governor of Louisiana had not yet received
information of the affair when the Spanish ships of
war arrived at the mouth of the Mississippi, with the officers
appointed to take possession of this immense territory.
The governor and inhabitants of Louisiana refused
to recognise the Spanish authority, so that the commissioners
were obliged to return to Europe. Three or
four years passed in negotiating with the colonists, who
persisted in continuing under the dominion of France. At
length, in 1769, Spain becoming provoked, sent out General
Reilly with considerable forces. Arrived before New
Orleans, Reilly manifested the most conciliatory disposition.
His proclamations only spoke of oblivion for the
past, and were completely successful. The commotions
106ceased, and the Louisianians surrendered themselves. As
a sign of reconciliation, Reilly gave a grand entertainment
on board his fleet, to which he invited the chief officers of
the colony, and principal inhabitants. These accepted the
invitation with confidence, but at the moment when they
were about to leave the table, Reilly caused them to be
seized by his soldiers and shot. One of these, M. De Villeré,
had his life spared, but was put on board a frigate to
be transported to the prisons of Navarre. His wife and
children, informed of the fate that threatened him, wished
to go and petition his highness, or at least to receive his
farewell. They were already near the frigate, from which
he stretched out his arms to them, when the unhappy man
fell within their sight, pierced by the bayonets of the villains
whom the traitor Reilly had appointed to guard him.
After this horrible execution, the Spaniards, with four
thousand troops of the line, and a considerable train of
artillery, entered New Orleans, the inhabitants of which
were struck dumb. The English protestants, and a few
Jews, who had escaped the force of the royal decree of
1724, were soon banished by the new authorities. All
commerce with the colony was prohibited except with
Spain and her possessions. A court martial was established,
and its iniquitous decisions struck at all the French
officers who remained. Of these, five were shot, and seven
others thrown, for ten years, into the prisons of Havana.
The infamous Reilly, having for a whole year gorged himself
with blood and plunder, at length set sail, carrying with
him the scorn and hatred of the whole population. His
successors in the government had great difficulty in doing
away the effects of his crimes, and it is due them to say
that they succeeded. During thirty-three years of Spanish
dominion, the colony enjoyed peace and prosperity, and to
this very day, the names of Don Unsuga, Don Martin Navarro,
and Don Galvar, are remembered there with veneration.
During all the changes experienced by Louisiana, its
boundaries had never been determined with accuracy. In
1795, the government of the United States made a treaty
with Spain, in virtue of which the limits were traced, and
the free navigation of the Mississippi secured to the two
contracting parties. But notwithstanding this treaty the
107owners of privateers, and crews of vessels of war, made
spoliations upon the commerce of the United States. Free
navigation of the Mississippi, and permission of landing at
New Orleans, were refused the Americans. President
Adams, therefore, immediately took measures to obtain redress.
Twelve regiments were raised, and an expedition fitted
out upon the Ohio to descend to Louisiana. But some
changes occurring in American politics caused this project
to be abandoned for the moment. The next year, Mr. Jefferson,
then president of the United States, re-demanded of
Spain the fulfilment of the treaty. This power, sensible of
its weakness, and fearing to be compelled to cede the colony,
secretly sold it to the French Republic on the 21st
of March, 1801. Upon hearing of this cession the American
government were justly alarmed. It foresaw, that the
activity and intelligence of the French, applied to so rich
and productive a soil, would make them more formidable
than the Spaniards; that their new neighbours might be
able to close the navigation of the Mississippi against them,
and possess themselves of the commerce of the Gulf of
Mexico and Antilles. It immediately formed the project of
forcibly opposing the occupation of Louisiana by France,
and joined England against her. But this plan was overthrown
by the treaty of Amiens. At peace with England,
France feared no further obstacles to her projects, and an
expedition was fitted out by her to take possession of Louisiana,
and at the same time support her wavering authority
in St. Domingo. The American government immediately
had recourse to negotiations for the purpose of purchasing
Louisiana. Affairs, at that time, changed with such rapidity,
that the situation of France had again altered before
these propositions reached her. Threatened with a new
war by England, wearied with the struggle to defend St.
Domingo, loaded with a considerable debt due the United
States, the first consul thought that the sale of Louisiana
would prove a good operation, the opportunity of effecting
which might relieve him from one difficulty, at least. He
accordingly sold it. The United States agreed to pay him
fifteen millions of dollars, on condition that three millions
seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars of this sum, should
be retained for the purpose of paying the claims held by
the American merchants against France, for the spoliations
108they had suffered. This treaty, signed at Paris the 30th of
April, 1803, by Messrs. Livingston and Monroe on the part
of the United States, and Mr. Barbé Marbois for France,
was ratified in the month of October, and the transfer of
the colony to the American commissioners took place on
the 20th of December in the same year.
All the parties interested in this bargain had reason to
be satisfied with its conclusion. France, freeing herself
from the trouble of a distant government, more burthensome
than profitable, received sixty millions of francs,
which she needed to carry on the war, and, without expending
a cent, discharged a debt due the American merchants
of nearly twenty millions. The United States
strengthened their independence, acquired new frontiers
more secure than the old ones, established her commercial
preponderance in the Gulf of Mexico and Antilles, and, by
the free navigation of the Mississippi, increased an hundred
fold the value of the products of the states west of the Allegany.
In fine, Louisiana herself, by entering into the
great federal compact, secured an honourable and independent
existence as a body politic, and soon saw her industry
and prosperity freed from the cunning schemes of a
capricious master.
Louisiana was immediately erected into a territorial government,
by the congress of the United States, which appointed
Mr. Clayborne its governor. In 1811, it was
admitted a member of the Union, and left to form its own
government and institutions. The representatives of the
people, freely elected and assembled at New Orleans, framed
and signed a constitution, which was laid before, and
sanctioned by congress. This constitution was in conformity
with, and very similar to those of the other states, except
that the Louisianians believed it their duty to adopt every
possible precaution against corruption and abuse of power.
Thus, for example, it was decided that every person,
convicted of having given or offered presents to public
functionaries, should be declared incapable of serving as
governor, senator, or representative.
If I thought it necessary to seek fresh proofs of the superiority
of an independent over a colonial government, whether
this last proceed from a monarchy or republic, it
would suffice to point out Louisiana, at first a colony for
109nearly a century, without advancing beyond the stage of
infancy, incessantly taken and retaken, sometimes by the
Spaniards, at others by the French, and always incapable
of resisting either the one or the other, after an expense to
its metropolis of one hundred and eighty-seven thousand
dollars per annum; and, in fine, after the numerous emigrations
from Europe, exhibiting but a meagre population
of about forty thousand souls, spread over a vast and rich
territory. I would next show this same Louisiana, after
twenty years of independent republican government, having
more than trebled its population, defeating under the
walls of its rich capital, an army composed of the chosen
troops of England; receiving into its ports annually more
than four hundred ships to exchange its valuable products
for those of all parts of the habitable globe; and, in its
cities, offering all the resources, all the enjoyments that
can contribute to the happiness of life, and which are ordinarily
the products of a long period of civilization.
The state of Louisiana, enclosed within its new limits,
is situated between 29° and 33° n. l. and 12° and 17° of
longitude. It is bounded on the north by Arkansas territory,
east by the Mississippi, south by the Mexican gulf,
and west by the Mexican provinces of Texas. It contains
forty-eight thousand square miles, divided into twenty-six
parishes or counties. It has a population of 153,500 souls,
among which, unfortunately, nearly 70,000 slaves are
enumerated. The capital of this state is New Orleans, a
city admirably situated in a commercial point of view, regularly
laid out, ornamented with fine buildings, and containing
twenty-eight thousand inhabitants. The greatest
inconvenience which New Orleans labours under, is its
situation upon the alluvial shores of the Mississippi, by
whose floods it is often inundated. This is perhaps the
principal cause of the yellow fever which is experienced
there almost every autumn. The impossibility of finding
a single stone in all this alluvial ground, shows why the
principal streets have been left unpaved, so that during the
rainy season it is difficult to go about on foot. The walks
made in front of the houses scarcely serve to keep foot
passengers from the mud, and do not prevent the carriages
from sinking sometimes to their axles. The authorities,
however, have at length begun to procure paving stone
110from up the Mississippi, which the vessels bring as ballast.
This plan, though tedious and expensive, is the only one
practicable.
The greater number of travellers who have visited New
Orleans, pretend that the manners of the city are strongly
influenced by the presence of the numerous emigrants
from St. Domingo. These have the reputation of loving
pleasure to licentiousness, and of treating their slaves
badly. The love of gambling, and the duels so often occasioned
by this passion, give rise, it is said, to much disorder
among them. To confirm or disprove this opinion
by my own observation, would be, in me, culpable arrogance.
My too short stay in this city did not permit me
to study the character of its society, and I could only be
struck with the patriotic spirit, the freedom and hospitality,
displayed with enthusiasm in the presence of General
Lafayette.[8]
Twenty-four hours after leaving New Orleans, we arrived
at Duncan’s Point, where the citizens of Baton-Rouge,
a town situated eight miles above, had previously
sent a deputation to General Lafayette, to request him to
stop a short time amongst them. The general accepted
the invitation with gratitude, and two hours afterwards we
landed below the amphitheatre upon which the town of
Baton-Rouge stands. The beach was crowded with citizens,
at the head of whom marched the municipal authorities,
and the first regiment of the Union came to form itself
in line under the same star-spangled banner, which, in
defiance of the greatest dangers, had but lately been planted
upon the ruins of Spanish despotism, by the inhabitants of
these parishes. Accompanied by the people and magistrates,
the general proceeded to the room prepared for his
reception, in which he found the busts of Washington and
111Jackson crowned with flowers and laurel. There he received
the expressions of kindness from all the citizens,
with whom he went to the fort, the garrison of which received
him with a salute of twenty-four guns, and afterwards
defiled before him. We then entered the main building
to examine the interior of the barracks, but what was
our surprise, on entering into the first apartment, to find in
the place of beds, arms, and warlike equipments, a numerous
assemblage of elegantly dressed and beautiful ladies,
who surrounded the general and offered him refreshments
and flowers. The general was sensibly touched by this
agreeable surprise, and passed some delightful moments in
the midst of this seducing garrison. On our return to
town, we found a great number of citizens met to offer the
general a public dinner, among whom the frank cordiality
of the American, and the amenity of the French characters
prevailed.
It was almost night when we returned on board the
Natchez to continue our voyage. On leaving Baton-Rouge,
we had the mortification to part again with some of those
who had accompanied us from New Orleans, and among
others, with Mr. Duplantier, senior, whose active and tender
friendship, as well as that of his son, had been of great
service to the general.
Baton-Rouge stands upon the left bank of the river, one
hundred and thirty-seven miles above New Orleans. In
this passage, the navigation of the river is very interesting.
For several miles after leaving New Orleans, the eye reposes
agreeably upon the shores, enriched with fine cotton
and sugar plantations, and embellished with clusters of
orange trees, from the midst of which rise the white and
showy dwellings of the planters. By degrees the gardens
and houses become more rare; but all the way to Baton-Rouge
one continues to see fine and well cultivated lands.
These plantations spread along the river, sometimes extending
nearly a mile back to the thick forests, which serve
as their limits. The soil is entirely formed of the fertile
sediments deposited by the ancient inundations of the Mississippi,
now confined to its channel by artificial banks.
A special law enjoins it upon each river proprietor to keep
up with care that portion of dike opposite his property, so
that one every where sees the slaves continually engaged
112in driving down stakes, interlacing the branches of trees,
and heaping earth here and there where there is danger
that the river will force a passage. But notwithstanding
all precautions, the water often rushes furiously over
these obstacles, and spreads devastation and death. Not
a year passes without some proprietor having the misfortune
to see snatched from him in a few minutes the fruits
of long and laborious exertions. All the lands which border
the Mississippi, from its outlet to six hundred miles
above, are subject to inundations. Nevertheless, on leaving
Baton-Rouge, the left shore appears sufficiently elevated
above the surface of the water to be free from these
accidents.
The distance between Baton-Rouge and Natchez, is two
hundred and sixty miles. This we ran in thirty-two hours,
having had a pleasant passage, in the course of which we
met a great many boats of all forms and sizes, laden with
all sorts of productions from the most distant points of the
Union. Those which more particularly attracted our attention
were large and of a square form, without either
masts, sails, or oars. They floated down the river at the
mercy of the current, and bore more resemblance to enormous
boxes than to boats. They are called arks, and are
commonly manned by Kentuckians, who go in this way to
New Orleans, to dispose of their grain, poultry, and cattle.
There, after receiving pay for their produce, they sell also
the planks of their arks, which cannot ascend the river, and
return to their homes on foot, across the forests of the
states of Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. More than
fifteen hundred persons, it is said, travel thus, every summer,
seventeen hundred miles by water, and afterwards,
in returning, eleven hundred on foot.[9]
On Monday, the 18th of April, some distant discharges
of cannon, which we heard at dawn, announced our approach
to a city. Some minutes afterwards, the first rays
of the sun gilding the shores of the Mississippi, which, in
this place, rose a hundred and fifty feet above the surface
113of the water, showed us the tops of the houses in Natchez.
Our steam-boat stopped a little while previous to arriving
opposite the town, and we went on shore at Bacon’s landing,
where the citizens, with a calash and four horses, and
an escort of cavalry and volunteer infantry, were waiting
for the general. We might have landed a little higher up
and entered the city by a more direct road, but the members
of the committee of arrangement had the address to
conduct us by a devious road, along which our eyes were
presented with all the beauties of the country. In proportion
as we advanced, the escort increased. It consisted
of citizens on horseback, militia on foot, ladies in carriages,
and nearly the whole population, who came in a crowd to
see their beloved and long expected guest. Two addresses
were made to the general; one by the president
of the committee of arrangement, on entering the city; the
other by the mayor, on one of the most elevated spots on
the banks of the Mississippi, within view of the town and
the river, its source of prosperity. At the moment the
general finished his reply, a man suddenly emerged from
the crowd, approached the calash, waving his hat in the
air, and cried out, “Honour to the commander of the Parisian
national guard! I was under your orders in ’91, my
general, in one of the battalions of the Filles-Saint-Thomas.
I still love liberty as I loved it then: Live, Lafayette!”
The general was agreeably surprised to meet, on the
shores of a distant country, one of his old citizen soldiers,
who recalled to him in so touching a manner the happy
times when he could rationally think of the happiness and
liberty of his country. He affectionately offered him his
hand, and expressed to him the pleasure he felt in thus
meeting him in a land of liberty and hospitality.
At the moment we were preparing to enter our hotel,
we observed a long procession of children of both sexes
approaching us. They were led by Colonel Marshall, who
requested of the general for them, and in their name, permission
to shake hands with him. The general willingly
complied with this wish of the children of Natchez, who
marched in order before him, placing successively one of
their little hands in that which had fought for the liberty
of their fathers. The parents, spectators of this scene, contemplated
it with silence and emotion. On its termination,
114I heard them congratulate each other on the happy influence
which this day would have upon the future characters
of their children. “When they have grown up,” said
they, “and come to read their country’s history, they will
find the name of Lafayette intimately connected with all
the events which led to the freedom of their fathers, they
will recall the gentleness of his manners, the mildness of
his voice, when he received them in their infancy, and will
feel an increased love for a liberty won by such a man.”
The inhabitants of Natchez neglected nothing which
could contribute to the pleasure of their guest during the
twenty-four hours he remained with them. The public
dinner concluded with toasts, To the Nation’s Guest—The
triumph of Yorktown—France fighting for the liberty of the
world—The victory of New Orleans—in fact to all glorious
and patriotic American recollections. It was not until
after the ball which closed about daybreak, that the general
could think of embarking. The ladies employed all
the charms of mind and person to retain him as long as
possible, but our minutes were counted; and six o’clock
in the morning found us again on board our vessel.
At the moment when the general was about to leave the
shore, an old revolutionary soldier presented himself, and
uncovering his breast marked with scars, “these wounds,”
said he, “are my pride. I received them fighting by your
side for the independence of my country. Your blood,
my general, flowed the same day at the battle of Brandywine,
where we were so unfortunate.” “It was indeed
a rough day,” said the general to him, “but have we not
since been amply indemnified?”—“Oh! that is very true,”
replied the veteran, “at present we are happy beyond our
furthest wishes. You receive the blessings of ten millions
of freemen, and I press the hand of my brave general! virtue
always has its reward!” Every one applauded the
enthusiasm and frankness of the old soldier, whom the
general cordially greeted.
On leaving Natchez, we parted from the worthy Mr.
Johnson, governor of Louisiana, who would not consent to
leave the general whilst within his own state. He now
placed us under the care of the state of Mississippi, and
left with us, for the purpose of doing the honours of Louisiana
as far as St. Louis, Messrs. Prieur, recorder of the
115councils of New Orleans, Caire, his private secretary, and
Morse and Ducros, his aides-de-camp. In taking leave of
the governor, General Lafayette evinced the most sincere
affection, and desired him to express in his name all the
gratitude with which he was penetrated by his cordial reception
in Louisiana.
Natchez was formerly the capital of the state of Mississippi,
but has ceased to be so in consequence of not being
in a central situation. Its population is nearly three thousand,
and its port is the place of rest and provisioning for
vessels passing between New Orleans and the western
states, which gives it a great deal of activity. This city
was founded in 1717, by some French soldiers and workmen
who had been in the garrison of Fort Rosalie, and
who, finding the situation good, established themselves
upon it after obtaining their discharge. The most of them
bought their lands from the Indians, who lived at some
distance from the river, where they had five villages situated
very near each other. That which they called the Great
Village, where the principal chief of the nation resided,
stood on a small stream called White River. It was to
the west of this village that the Frenchmen, led by Hubert
and Lepage, had erected Fort Rosalie.
When one has viewed the environs of Natchez, it is
easy to conceive how readily the first settlers renounced
their own country to fix themselves in these then savage
wilds. It is difficult to find a more fertile soil, a more
vigorous vegetation, or more agreeable and varied situations.
The valleys afford fertile pastures, the hills are
crowned with sassafras, catalpas, tulip-trees, and the
superb magnolia grandiflora, the tops of which rise more
than one hundred feet high, while their large white flowers
deliciously perfume the air. Nevertheless, one cannot
exclude the thought, that these verdant meadows, cool
groves, and cheerful and vigorous nature, are sometimes
visited and rendered melancholy by the yellow fever.
Natchez is the only town in Mississippi which we visited,
so that I have little to say relative to this state. I shall
only mention, that for a long time, with Alexandria, it
formed a part of the state of Georgia, from which it was
separated in 1800; that in 1817 it took its place in the
Union as an independent body politic, and framed for
116itself a constitution. The fertility of its soil, and facilities
of sending its productions to market, have contributed, in
a singular degree, to the increase of its population. In
1800, it had only six thousand eight hundred and fifty inhabitants,
while it now contains seventy-six thousand. If
in this number, about thirty-thousand slaves are included,
its prosperity must still be regarded as very great. Many
large fortunes are found in this state, where it is not uncommon
to meet with planters having incomes of seven
or eight thousand dollars. The staple products are cotton
and Indian corn.
The state of Mississippi is situated between the 30th
and 35th degrees of north latitude, and the 11th and 14th
degrees of west longitude from Washington. Its surface
contains forty-five thousand three hundred and fifty square
miles. It is bounded on the north by the state of Tennessee,
east by Alabama, south by Louisiana and the Gulf of
Mexico, and west by Louisiana and Arkansas. Although
the population is very much scattered, the land bears a
considerable price, being on the banks of the river from
fifty to sixty dollars per acre. The price lessens in proportion
to the distance which the products have to be
transported.
In leaving Natchez, we parted as it were from the
civilized world. From this town to St. Louis, we did not
meet with a single assemblage of houses that deserved the
name of town or even village. The banks of the Mississippi
again became flat, and presented nothing but grounds
overflown and covered with thick forests, impenetrable to
the rays of the sun. The swarms of musquitoes which
rose out of it and settled in thick clouds upon travellers,
rendered the voyage almost insupportable, especially
during the night, if we had not taken the precaution to
provide musquito curtains. The only habitations we met
with were large cabins, situated upon places a little
elevated above the level of the river. These were inhabited
temporarily by hardy speculators from the north,
who, always abandoning the good in hopes of finding
better, retreat incessantly before the advance of civilization,
and seek their fortunes in the wilderness. The dangers
of the navigation increase with the monotony of the shores.
Every moment presents some evidence of recent disaster.
117Here, one beholds the ravages of a hurricane which has
crossed the river, and, in its devastation, has on both
shores uprooted and carried off, as if they had been weak
reeds, thousands of trees, which by their prodigious size
were the pride of the forest. There, our captain showed
us a snag or sawyer, the inclined point of which had
pierced the bottom of a boat, immediately afterwards
swallowed up by the flood. Further on, the wood-choppers,
in giving us the necessary supplies of wood, told us
of the explosion of a boiler which occasioned the death of
near forty passengers; and it was not long before we ourselves
saw the bank covered with travellers, who were
impatiently waiting until their boat which had been pierced
by a snag, should be repaired so as to be in a condition
again to brave the danger from which they had so narrowly
escaped.
These snags and sawyers, so formidable to the navigator,
are very numerous all along the river. Snags are
thrown into the stream by high floods, and, having floated
some time, become fixed to the bottom of the river, with
their tops either above or below the surface according
to their length, but always inclining in the direction of
the current. The sawyers differ from snags only in being
firmly stuck in the bed of the river, and in this situation
the current keeps them in constant vibration, alternately
raising and depressing their summits. As their position
often changes, it is difficult to avoid them; and, if vessels
in ascending the river are so unfortunate as to strike
against them, their destruction is almost inevitable, for
they are pierced in such a manner, that the water pours
through the opening, and sinks them, sometimes in a few
minutes.
But persons are little disposed to be uneasy on account
of these dangers, when, as in our case, they are on board a
vessel skilfully managed, with all the delicacies of life, and
inexhaustible resources afforded by the society of good and
agreeable travelling companions. The committee of New
Orleans were joined by two gentlemen from Natchez, as
representatives of the state of Mississippi, near the person
of General Lafayette. To the attentions and gaiety of the
members of both these deputations, we were indebted for
not having known a moment of tediousness or inquietude,
118during our long voyage. After having sailed for five days,
with the states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Missouri, on
our left, and the states of Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky,
on our right, we arrived at the mouth of Ohio, without
any delays but those necessary to take in wood. This
fuel was sometimes supplied us by the woodmen on the
borders of the river, who live by the unlimited forests
which surround them. When we could find no woodmen
we often supplied ourselves. In this case, our captain,
after having made his men take in the necessary quantity,
left in exchange a note nailed to a tree, upon which was
inscribed the number of cords he had taken, the name of
his boat, his place of residence, date of his passage, and
signature. This kind of commerce with the Mississippi
woodmen is very common, and I have heard it said that
there never has been known an example of bad faith on
the part of the purchasers, who always show themselves
most scrupulous in paying their accounts, which are
often presented months afterwards at Natchez and New
Orleans.
When arrived at the mouth of the Ohio, we had come
from the city of Natchez four hundred and fifty miles. Our
pilot assured us then, that the upper part of the Mississippi
was too little known to him, to permit him to conduct us
through the midst of dangers which were met with at
every moment. In consequence of this declaration, our
good Captain Davis made us enter the Ohio for the purpose
of obtaining a new pilot, at the distance of four miles
from its mouth, whom we were so happy as to procure immediately.
On going thither, we met a steam-boat, whose
narrowness and unsteady motion induced us to think, that,
destined for the navigation of small streams, it only appeared
upon the agitated waters of a large one upon extraordinary
occasions. This steam-boat was the Artizan, bearing
the Tennessee deputation, sent to desire the general to ascend
the Cumberland river to Nashville, where he had been
a long time expected, and where his intention of visiting
St. Louis was not then known. After a short conference
with the deputies of the state of Tennessee, who insisted
strongly that the general should proceed immediately to
their shores, it was determined that we should continue our
voyage in the Natchez to St. Louis; that a part of the Tennessee
119deputation should come with us, and the rest remain
on board the Artizan at the mouth of the Ohio until our
return. These arrangements, concluded to the satisfaction
of every one, we left the beautiful, to enter again the great
river. We remarked, with surprise, that at the confluence
of these two bodies of water, the current appeared suspended
for several miles, which seems to indicate the equality
in volume and force of the two rivers at this place.
After leaving the mouth of the Ohio, the appearance of
the shores of the Mississippi changes entirely. The lands,
more elevated, present a greater number of houses. From
place to place traces of the old French establishments are
visible, and beautiful islands like gardens, often present
themselves to the eye of the navigator, interrupting the monotony
of the river. At first he sees the isle of Birds,
charming for its freshness; next those called the Two Sisters
and the Dog’s Tooth; and then English Island, which
recalls the first settlement made by the English in the midst
of these wilds in the year 1765. This was soon destroyed
by the savages, who saw with pain their old French friends
dispossessed by traders whom they had never before seen.
At about forty miles from the confluence, and almost opposite
each other, rise capes Girardeau and Lacroix, both thus
named by Mr. De Frontenac, governor of Canada, sent to
ascertain the truth of the assertion made by the Indians, that
from the north there came a great river which ran neither in
the direction whence the Great Spirit rose, nor towards that
in which he set. There is at present at Cape Girardeau a
small village, recently founded, which begins to prosper.
A little above, on the eastern side, are seen the ruins of ancient
fortifications exhibiting a scene altogether picturesque.
These are the remains of fort Chartres, constructed at great
expense by the French, in 1753, for the defence of Upper
Mississippi, now deserted by the Americans as altogether
useless.
Some hours after having passed fort Chartres, whilst we
walked the deck, our captain pointed out in the river a flock
of young Louisiana geese, led by the two old ones. The
elegant shape, and beautiful plumage of these fowls, made
me anxious to get possession of the whole family. I immediately
launched into the river a skiff manned with two sailors,
and, going in the direction of the old goose, endeavoured
120to get the boat between her and shore. The old geese,
taking fright, made their escape with loud cries, but the
young ones, unable yet to fly, or escape by climbing the steep
banks, soon fell into our hands. We carried off five, which
our captain had the goodness to take charge of, promising
to raise them with care, and forward them to New Orleans,
whence Mr. Caire engaged to send them to La Grange, for
the benefit of the general’s farm.[10] As I was returning from
this little expedition, I perceived, in the middle of the river,
another very tempting game. This was a superb deer,
which swam with as much calmness and ease as though it
were in its native element. When it heard our cries, mingled
with the noise of our steam-boat, it threw its long
branching antlers upon its shoulders, and sunk in the water
to escape our notice, swimming rapidly for the swiftest
part of the current. As soon as it thought itself free from
the danger of pursuit, it re-appeared above water, shook
its antlers proudly, and tranquilly resumed its course. It
is by no means rare, as we were informed, to see many of
these animals thus passing from one shore of the river to the
other, and visiting the fertile islands which adorn its course.
At the distance of one hundred miles from the Ohio, the
shores of the Mississippi suddenly assume a more imposing
appearance, rising steeply eighty or a hundred feet above
the level of the water. They are composed of very hard
granite. In their whole height they are impressed with
deep horizontal furrows, which appear to have been caused
by the friction of the water, whilst the river was at the
different levels which they indicate. Some of these furrows
are nearly a foot deep. They occur at unequal intervals,
and mark the successive decrease of the water. At
the actual level of the river the furrow is scarcely perceptible.
What a length of time has, therefore, been occupied
in the formation of each furrow by the sole action of the
water upon a rock of such hardness? The solution of this
single question would, perhaps, throw a good deal of difficulty
121into the calculations of the system-makers, who pretend
to fix the epoch of the creation of our globe.
Some distance above, these steep rocks leave between
them and the river a considerable space, in which is situated
Herculaneum. The site of this village is altogether romantic,
the towers, formed upon the rock, which crowns it
irregularly, impart a fantastic character, and attract the
curiosity of travellers. From the height of these towers,
which spring from the steep rock, they throw down melted
lead, which cools by rolling in the air, becomes round, and
falls in the form of small shot into large receivers of water,
placed beneath. The large or small size of the holes
in the iron sieve, through which it is thrown while boiling
hot, give the various sizes wanted for hunting. The lead
mines found in abundance upon the shores of the Merrimac
river, which empties into the Mississippi ten miles from this
place, have given origin to these establishments, the prosperity
of which increases every day.
On the evening of the 28th, we arrived at a poor little
village which the French formerly founded under the sad
name of Empty Pocket, better known at the present day by
the name of Carondelet. Although we were not above six
or seven miles from St. Louis, as we could not get there
by day light, the members of the different committees in
attendance upon the general, resolved to pass the night at
anchor in the river, and wait till next morning to enter the
town. No sooner were the inhabitants of Carondelet informed
of the presence of General Lafayette in their
vicinity, than they came in crowds on board the boat to
see him. They were nearly all Frenchmen. For a long
time, their settlement has consisted of only about sixty
houses, and does not promise to increase. Unsuited to
commerce, it was only occupied with agriculture, which
is still its chief means of obtaining the necessaries of
life. The most of them came from Canada, and
fixed themselves upon a portion of land along the Mississippi
without inquiring who owned it. They laboured,
some for ten, others for twenty years; and none of them
thought of securing the titles to the little farms produced
by the sweat of their brows. At present, whilst the government
of the United States are selling much of the land it
possesses in these regions, these unfortunate people run a
122constant risk of seeing themselves dispossessed by purchasers
who come to claim their property. They mentioned
their inquietudes to the general, who promised to
represent their situation to the federal government, and interest
himself in their behalf. These good people, in the
simplicity of their gratitude, offered him whom they already
regarded as their protector, every thing which they thought
would be agreeable; one of them brought him tame Mississippi
geese; another, a young fawn which he had raised; a
third, petrifactions and shells which he looked upon as
precious. The general saw that if he refused these presents
their feelings would be wounded; and therefore hastened
to accept them and return his acknowledgements.
On the morning of the 29th of April, Governor Clark,
of Missouri, Governor Coles of Illinois, and Colonel Benton,
came on board; who all three came to accompany the
general to St. Louis. Some minutes after, the steam-boat
Plough Boy, having on board a great number of citizens,
ranged along side the Natchez, and the nation’s guest
was saluted by three cheers, which made the forests of
the Missouri resound with Welcome, Lafayette. We then
weighed anchor, and at nine o’clock saw a large number
of buildings whose architecture was very fantastical, rising
from the midst of beautiful green shrubbery and smiling
gardens, commanding distant views of the river. This was
the city of St. Louis. Its name, and the language of a
great portion of its inhabitants, soon informed us of its origin.
But if we were struck with the diversity of languages
in which General Lafayette was saluted, we were not less
so by the unity of sentiment which they manifested. The
shore was covered by the whole population, who mingled
their cries of joy with the roar of the cannon of our two
vessels. The moment the general stepped on shore, the
mayor, Dr. Lane, presented himself at the head of the municipal
authorities, and greeted him with an address.
As the general concluded his reply to the mayor, an elegant
calash drawn by four horses approached the shore, to
conduct him to the city, through all the streets of which
he was drawn in the midst of the acclamations of the people.
He was attended by Mr. Augustus Choteau, a venerable
old gentleman by whom St. Louis was founded, Mr.
Hempstead, an old soldier of the revolution, and the mayor.
These gentlemen conducted him to the house of the son of
123Mr. Choteau, prepared for his reception, which was thrown
open to all citizens without distinction, who desired to
visit the national guest. Among the visiters, the general
met with pleasure Mr. Hamilton, son of General Alexander
Hamilton, the former aide-de-camp to Washington, whom
he so much loved, and an old French sergeant of Rochambeau’s
army named Bellissime. This last could not
restrain the joy he felt on seeing a countryman thus honoured
by the American nation.
The inhabitants of St. Louis knew that General Lafayette
could only remain a few hours with them, and they took
advantage of the short time he had to dispose of to show him
every thing which their city and its environs contained
worthy of notice. While dinner was preparing at Mr.
Peter Choteau’s, we rode out in a carriage to visit on the
banks of the river those remains of ancient Indian monuments
which some travellers call tombs, whilst others regard
them as fortifications or places for the performance of
religious ceremonies. All these opinions are unfortunately
equally susceptible of discussion, for these monuments
have not preserved any sufficiently well marked characters
to afford foundation for satisfactory deductions. Those
near St. Louis are nothing but mounds covered with green
turf, the ordinary shape of which is an oblong square.
Their common height is little more than eight feet, but
must have been much greater before the earth they are
built of was thrown down during the lapse of ages. Their
sides are inclined, and the mean length of their base is from
eighty to a hundred feet, their width varying from thirty to
sixty feet. What leads me to believe that these fabrics of
earth have never been used as strong holds in war, is, that
not one of them is surrounded by ditches, and they are
placed too near together. These mounds are not only met
with in the environs of St. Louis, but all over the states of
Missouri, Indiana, and upon the borders of Ohio, where, we
are informed, they meet with much more interesting traces
of the greatest antiquity, indicating that this world which
we call new, was the seat of civilization, perhaps long
anterior to the continent of Europe.[11]
124From the mounds of Saint Louis to the junction of Mississippi
and Missouri, we should only have had two or three
hours ride, but the time of the general was so calculated
that we were obliged to forego the pleasure we should have
derived from visiting the union of these two rivers, which
have their sources in countries where nature yet reigns
undisturbed. Returned to town, we went to see the collection
of Indian curiosities made by Governor Clark, which is
the most complete that is to be found. We visited it with
the greater pleasure from its being shown us by Mr. Clark,
who had himself collected all the objects which compose
it, while exploring the distant western regions with Captain
Lewis. Specimens of all the clothing, arms, and
utensils for fishing, hunting, and war, in use among the various
tribes living on the sources of the Missouri and Mississippi,
are here to be found. Among the articles commonly
worn by the Indian hunters, collars made of claws
of prodigious size, particularly struck our attention. These
claws, Gen. Clark informed us, are from that most terrible
of all the animals of the American continent, the Grizzly
Bear, of the Missouri, the ferocious instinct of which adds
still more to the terror inspired by its enormous size and
strength. The bears of this species meet together to the
number of ten or twelve, and some times more, to chase
and make a common division of their prey. Man is their
favourite prey, and when they fall upon his track, they
125chase him with outcries like those made by our hounds in
coursing a hare, and it is difficult to escape the steadiness
of their pursuit.[12] This animal is altogether unknown in
Europe, even in the largest menageries. The London
Cabinet of Natural History possesses only a single claw,
which is regarded as a great rarity.[13] Gen. Clark has
visited, near the sources of the Missouri and Mississippi,
Indian tribes which, previous to his visit, had never seen a
white man; but among whom he nevertheless discovered
traces of an ancient people more civilized than themselves.
Thus, for example, he brought away with him a whip
which the riders of these tribes do not understand the
mode of using on their horses at the present time. The
knots of this are very complex, and actually arranged like
the knout of the Cossacks. He presented General Lafayette
with a garment bearing a striking resemblance to a
Russian riding coat. It is made of buffaloe skin, prepared
so as to retain all its pliancy, as if dressed by the most
skilful tanner. From these and some other facts, Mr.
Clark, and Captain Lewis, his companion, concluded that
there formerly existed, near the pole, a communication between
Asia and America. These two intrepid travellers
published in 1814, an interesting account of the journeys
made by them in 1804, 5, and 6, by order of the American
government, the object being to explore the sources of the
126Missouri, and the course of the Columbia river, till it
reaches the Pacific ocean.
We could have remained a considerable longer time in
Governor Clark’s museum, listening to the interesting accounts
which he was pleased to give us relative to his
great journeys, but were informed that the hour for dinner
had arrived, and we went to the house of Mr. Peter Choteau.
On our way we visited a portion of the town which
we had not before seen, and were surprised at the whimsical
manner in which some of the houses, apparently the
most ancient, were constructed. They generally consisted
of a single story, surrounded by a gallery covered with a
wide projecting roof. Some one pointed out to us, that
formerly the basement was not inhabited, and that the
stair-way leading to the upper story was moveable at pleasure.
This precaution was used by the first inhabitants of
St. Louis for the purpose of guarding against the insidious
nocturnal attacks of the Indians, who saw with jealousy
the whites making permanent settlements among them.
When St. Louis, then a feeble village, passed under the
Spanish authority, the neighbouring Indians were still so
numerous and enterprising, that the inhabitants could
scarcely resist them, or even venture abroad. It is related,
that, in 1794, an Indian chief entered St. Louis, with a
portion of his tribe, and having demanded an interview,
spoke as follows: “We come to offer you peace. We have
made war against you for a great many moons, and what
has been the result? Nothing. Our warriors have used
every means to fight with yours, but you will not, and dare
not meet us! You are a pack of old women! What can
be done with such people, since they will not fight, but
make peace? I come therefore to you to bury the hatchet,
brighten the chain, and open a new communication with
you.”
Since that time the tribes have greatly diminished, and
most of them departed. Those still remaining in the vicinity
show the most peaceable disposition towards the
white inhabitants, with whom they carry on a considerable
trade in furs. The inhabitants of St. Louis are, besides,
sufficiently numerous no longer to fear such neighbours. The
population amounts to nearly six thousand souls, which
127number will probably be doubled in a few years, for this
city has the prospect of a brilliant destiny in these vast
regions, in the midst of which civilization, under the guidance
of American liberty and industry, must run a giant’s
course. St. Louis is already the grand store-house of all
the commerce of the countries west of the Mississippi. Its
situation near the junction of four or five great rivers,
all of whose branches, which spread to the most distant extremities
of the Union, furnish an easy and rapid communication
with all those places which can contribute to the
wants or luxuries of its happy inhabitants. Into what
astonishment is the mind thrown on reflecting that such a
height of prosperity is the result of but a few years, and
that the founder of so flourishing a city still lives, and, for
a long time, has been in the enjoyment of the results which
he neither could have hoped for, nor anticipated, had it
been predicted to his young and ardent imagination on first
approaching the solitary shores of the Mississippi. This
enterprising man, who, with his axe, felled the first tree of
the ancient forest on the place where the city of St. Louis
stands, who raised the first house, about which, in so short
a time, were grouped the edifices of a rich city; who, by
his courage and conciliating spirit, at first repressed the
rage of the Indians, and afterwards secured their friendship;
this happy man is Mr. Augustus Choteau. I have
already named him among those appointed by the inhabitants
of St. Louis to do the honours of their city to the
guest of the American nation. It was at the house of his
son, Mr. Peter Choteau, that we partook of the feast of
republican gratitude. It was highly interesting to behold
seated at the table the founder of a great city, one of
the principal defenders of the independence of a great
nation, and the representatives of four young republics,
already rich from their industry, powerful from their
liberty, and happy from the wisdom of their institutions.
As might be readily supposed, the conversation
was highly interesting. Mr. Augustus Choteau
was asked a great many questions respecting his youthful
adventures and enterprises. The companion in arms of
Washington was requested to relate some details of the
decisive and glorious campaign of Virginia, and the members
of the different deputations of Louisiana, Mississippi,
128Tennessee, and Missouri, drew a pleasing picture of the
prosperous advancement of their respective states. In
this company, that which touched General Lafayette most
was the prevailing unanimity among the guests, who,
though they did not all speak one language, agreed perfectly
in respect to the excellence of those republican institutions
under which it was their happiness to live.
Before leaving the banquet in order to attend the ball
which the ladies were so kind as to prepare for us, some
toasts were exchanged, all of which bore the impression of
the harmony existing between the old French and the new
American population. Mr. Delassus, formerly lieutenant-governor
of Louisiana, drank, “The United States and
France! May these two countries produce another
Washington and another Lafayette, to emancipate the
rest of the world!” Governor Coles drank, “France!
dear to our hearts from so many recollections, and above
all for having given birth to our Lafayette.” General
Lafayette finished by drinking the health of the venerable
patriarch, who, in 1763, founded the town of St. Louis,
and immediately afterwards we left the table for the ball,
where we found the most numerous and brilliant company
assembled, as we were informed, that had ever been seen
upon the western shore of the Mississippi. The splendid
decorations of the room, and the beauty of the ladies who
graced it, made us completely forget that we were on the
confines of a wilderness which the savages themselves consider
as insufficient for the supply of their simple wants,
since they only frequent it occasionally. We partook of
the pleasures of the evening until near midnight, the hour
at which we were to return on board the Natchez, for the
purpose of taking some rest before daylight, when we were
to depart. At the moment we were about to embark,
many citizens of St. Louis had the goodness to offer us
several objects of curiosity, such as bows, arrows, calumets,
and dresses of the Missouri Indians. We accepted
with gratitude these testimonies of benevolence, which we
have preserved as agreeable remembrancers of happy
occurrences so far from our country.
CHAPTER IX.
129
Changes produced in the navigation of the Mississippi since the introduction
of Steam—Arrival at Kaskaskia—The Canadians and
Indians—Singular meeting with a young Indian educated among the
Whites, and returned to savage life—Indian Ballad—State of Illinois—Departure
from Kaskaskia—Separation of General Lafayette and
the Louisiana deputation.
Governor Coles, who had embarked with us, requested
of General Lafayette and obtained his consent, that he
would not leave the river Mississippi without visiting the
state of Illinois, along which we were to pass in descending
the river. It was decided that we should stop at Kaskaskia,
a large village of that state, and, although nearly
eighty miles distant, we arrived there a little while before
noon, so fortunate and rapid was our navigation. Since
the application of steam to navigation, the changes produced
in the relations of the towns on the Mississippi is
prodigious. Formerly the voyage from New Orleans to
St. Louis required three or four months of the most painful
toil that can be imagined; the action of the oar was
not always sufficient to overcome the resistance of the
current. They were often obliged to warp the boat by
hand, advancing from time to time with a small boat to tie
a rope to a tree or stone on the shore.[14] This slow and
painful operation, the consequent privations and bad diet,
caused diseases among the boatmen, which ordinarily
destroyed one third of the crew. At present the same
passage which is nearly fifteen hundred miles, is made in
ten days, without fatigue, without privations, between a
good bed and a good table, and often in very good company;
the return is commonly made in five days; so that
130New Orleans and St. Louis, separated by so great a distance,
are now considered as neighbouring cities, whose
inhabitants are better acquainted and visit each other
oftener than those of Paris and Bordeaux can do.
General Lafayette was not expected at Kaskaskia, and
nothing had been prepared for this unforeseen visit. While
we were landing some one ran to the village, which stands
a quarter of a mile from the shore, and quickly returned
with a carriage for the general, who, an instant after, was
surrounded by many citizens, who ran before to receive
him. In the escort which formed itself to accompany
him, we saw neither military apparel nor the splendid
triumphs we had perceived in the rich cities; but the
accents of joy and republican gratitude which broke upon
his ear, was grateful to his heart, since it proved to him
that wherever American liberty had penetrated, there also
the love and veneration of the people for its founders were
perpetuated.
We followed the general on foot, and arrived almost at
the same time at the house of General Edgar, a venerable
soldier of the revolution, who received him with affectionate
warmth, and ordered all the doors to be kept open, that
his fellow citizens might enjoy, as well as himself, the
pleasure of shaking hands with the adopted son of America.
After a few minutes had been accorded to the rather
tumultuous expression of the sentiments which the presence
of the general inspired, Governor Coles requested
silence, which was accorded with a readiness and deference
that proved to me that his authority rested not only
on the law, but still more on popular affection. He
advanced towards Lafayette, about whom the crowd had
increased, and addressed him with emotion in a discourse
in which he depicted the transports his presence excited
in the population of the state of Illinois, and the happy influence
which the remembrance of his visit would produce
hereafter on the youthful witnesses of the enthusiasm of
their fathers, for one of the most valiant founders of their
liberty.
During an instant of profound silence, I cast a glance at
the assembly, in the midst of which I found myself, and
was struck with astonishment in remarking their variety and
fantastic appearance. Beside men whose dignity of countenance,
131the patriotic exaltation of expression, readily
indicated them to be Americans, were others whose coarse
dresses, vivacity, petulance of movement, and the expansive
joy of their visages, strongly recalled to me the
peasantry of my own country; behind these, near to the
door, and on the piazza which surrounded the house,
stood some immovable, impassable, large, red, half naked
figures, leaning on a bow or a long rifle: these were the
Indians of the neighbourhood.
After a pause of some seconds, the governor resumed
his address, which he concluded by presenting, with great
eloquence, a faithful picture of the benefits which America
had derived from its liberty, and the happy influence which
republican institutions would one day exercise on the rest
of the world. When the orator had finished, a slight
murmur of approbation passed through the assembly, and
was prolonged until it was perceived that General Lafayette
was about to reply, when an attentive silence was
restored.
After these reciprocal felicitations, another scene not less
interesting commenced. Some old revolutionary soldiers
advanced from the crowd, and came to shake hands with
their old general; while he conversed with them, and heard
them, with softened feelings, cite the names of those of their
ancient companions in arms, who also fought at Brandywine
and Yorktown, but for whom it was not ordained to
enjoy the fruits of their toils, nor to unite their voices with
that of their grateful country. The persons whom I had remarked
as having some likeness in dress and manners to our
French peasants, went and came with vivacity in all parts
of the hall, or sometimes formed little groups, from the
midst of which could be heard, in the French language,
the most open and animated expressions of joy. Having
been introduced to one of these groups by a member
of the committee of Kaskaskia, I was received at first
with great kindness, and was quickly overwhelmed with
a volley of questions, as soon as they found I was a
Frenchman, and accompanied general Lafayette. “What!
are you also come from France? Give us then some news
from that fine, that dear country. Are people happy there?
Are they free as they are here? Ah! what pleasure to see
our good Frenchmen from grand France!” and the questions
132followed with such rapidity, that I knew not which to
understand. I was not long in perceiving that these good
men were as ignorant of the things which concerned their
mother country, as they were enthusiastic. They are acquainted
with France only by tradition from the reign of
Louis XIV. and they have no idea of the convulsions which,
during the last forty years, have torn the country of their
fathers. “Have you not had,” said one of them to me,
who had just asked me many questions about General Lafayette,
which would not have been asked by an American
child ten years of age, “have you not had another famous
general, called Napoleon, who has made many glorious
wars?” I think if Napoleon had heard such a question
asked, his vanity would have been somewhat shocked by
it. He, who believed he filled the universe with his name,
because he had overturned some old thrones of Europe,
and destroyed the liberty of France, was yet hardly known
on the banks of the Mississippi; not more than two thousand
leagues from the theatre of his glory, his name is pronounced
with an expression of doubt! Indeed, there is in
this something to damp the most ardent passion for celebrity:
I did my best to reply to the question of my Canadian,
to make him comprehend, as well as those who surrounded
him, who was this famous General Napoleon. At the recital
of his exploits, they at first clapped their hands, and
assumed an air of superiority, in saying, “These are our
brave Frenchmen. It is only among them that men like
these are to be found!” But when I came to tell them how
this famous general caused himself to be made consul; how
he made himself emperor; how he had successively destroyed
our liberty, and paralyzed the exercise of our rights;
how, finally, he had himself fallen, leaving us, after twenty
years of war, nearly at the same point whence we had
started at the commencement of our revolution, they all
became sad as if about to weep, and exclaimed: “And you
have suffered all that! How, in beautiful France, and
grand France, are they not free as in the state of Illinois?
Good heavens! is it possible? What, can you not write
whatever you please? Cannot you go every where without
passports? Is it not you who nominate the mayors of your
towns and villages? Is it not you who choose your governors,
or your prefects of departments or provinces? Have
133you not the right to elect your representatives to the national
assembly? Are none of you called to the election of
the chief of the government, although you pay the whole of
such heavy taxes? Alas! our good Frenchmen of grand
France are then more to be pitied than the negro slaves of
Louisiana, who are, indeed, miserable enough! for if these
exercise none of the rights which we all exercise here, they
at least pay no money, and have masters that support them.”
During these exclamations, I did not know what to say.
The colour mounted to my cheeks, and I confess that my
national vanity suffered singularly to hear ignorant Canadians
express sentiments of pity for my countrymen, and
draw a parallel to their disadvantage between them and
miserable slaves; but these sentiments were too well founded
to admit of my complaining, and I was silent. I only
made a promise to myself to be more discreet for the future,
and not to speak with so much freedom of the political
situation of my country before freemen.
While I was occupied with the Canadians, the crowd,
influenced by a feeling of delicacy and kind attention, insensibly
withdrew, to leave General Lafayette time to take
a few moments’ repose while waiting for the banquet which
the citizens had hastily prepared. Wishing to profit by
the short time we had to remain at Kaskaskia, Mr. George
Lafayette and myself went out to view the environs of the
village, in company with some of the inhabitants, and left
the general with our other travelling companions and some
old revolutionary soldiers, at Colonel Edgar’s. At the
public square we found nearly all the citizens walking
about, and joyously conversing upon the event of the day.
We found in their groups the same variety of physiognomy
that had struck me in the hall. While Mr. George gathered
from an American, the details of the origin and present
situation of Kaskaskia, I approached a small circle of
Indians, in the centre of which was a man of high stature
and singular aspect. His face, without being coppery like
that of the Indians, was still very swarthy. His short
dress, his long belt, to which hung a powder-horn, his long
leather leggings, extending above his knees, and all his
equipage, announced a hunter of the forest. He was leaning
on a long rifle, and appeared to inspire by his discourse
a lively interest in his hearers. When he observed me, he
134came to me without forwardness, but with marked kindness.
He extended his hand, and I gave him mine, which
he shook cordially. I had a moment’s hesitation in addressing
him, not knowing whether he understood English or
French; but he spoke to me first in French, and I soon
found myself quite at ease with him. He informed me that
he was of mixed blood, that his mother was of the Kickapoos
tribe, and that his father was a Canadian. He lives
among the Indians of the neighbourhood, who have a great
friendship and respect for him, because, notwithstanding
fifty years and fatigue have begun to whiten his head, he
yet equals them in hunting and all the exercises of the
body, and because he often serves them as a mediator between
them and the whites, whose language he perfectly
understands, although his common language is Indian.
Those who surrounded him were not all similarly clothed,
nor similarly painted. It was easy to distinguish some differences
in their features and manners. I concluded that
they were not all of the same tribe. The hunter confirmed
me in this opinion by telling me that at this moment, there
were about Kaskaskia three or four camps of Indians,
come to sell the furs obtained by their great hunting during
the winter. He named the different tribes who occupied
the camps; but their names were so barbarous, or so badly
pronounced, that I could not comprehend them; I understood
distinctly only that of Miami, which, repeated three
or four times, roused from his apathy a little man, who
until then stood motionless before me, wrapped in a blanket;
his face, bloated by intemperance, was painted red,
blue, and yellow. At the name of Miami, he raised his
head, assumed an air of ridiculous dignity, and said, “I
should be the chief of the Miami nation. My grandfather
was chief, my father was chief; but the Miami have unjustly
decided that I should not succeed my father, and
now, instead of having a great quantity of furs to sell, I
have none; I shall quit Kaskaskia without being able to
buy arms, powder, or tobacco.” While he thus spoke, a
man painted in the same way, but of a very lofty stature
and athletic form, regarded him with a disdainful air, and
said, after tapping him on the shoulder, “Dare you to complain
of the justice of the Miami? Thy grandfather was
our chief, sayest thou? thy father was also? But hast thou
135then forgotten that thy grandfather was the bravest of our
warriors, and that the wisdom of thy father was heard in
our councils as the voice of the Great Spirit? But, by
what title wouldst thou command among men? Feeble
as an old woman, thou hast not even the courage to hunt
to satisfy thy wants, and thou wouldst sell us to the whites
for a bottle of whiskey.” A contemptuous gesture terminated
this rude apostrophe, which was translated into
French for me at the time by the stout hunter; and the fallen
prince, sadly leaning on a small bow, similar to those
with which the Indian boys exercise, kept silence. His
fate seemed to me truly deserving of pity; I could not,
however, avoid feeling a sentiment of esteem for the Miami
nation, who do not believe that legitimacy in a prince can
supply the place of all the virtues.
I was still among the Indians, questioning the hunter as
to the situation and force of their tribes, which civilization
is rapidly diminishing, when I saw the secretary of the
governor of Louisiana, Mr. Caire, approach, who came to
propose that I should go with him to visit an Indian encampment,
at a very short distance from the village. I
consented, and we set off immediately, in order to return
by the dinner hour. Leaving Kaskaskia, we crossed a
river of the same name, on a wooden bridge solidly built
and firmly connected. We then marched about twenty
minutes on the plain, to the entrance of a forest, which we
penetrated by a straight path traced along a rivulet. As
we advanced, the ground suddenly elevated itself to the
right and left, and we quickly found ourselves in a kind of
pass, formed by a succession of small hills, covered with
thickets. After about a quarter of an hour’s walk, we
arrived at a fence, which we climbed, and behind which
two horses attracted our attention by the noise of the bells
hung round their necks. A little further on, the pass
enlarging, formed a delightful little valley, in the middle of
which some huts of bark were raised in a half circle; this
was the Indian camp we sought. The openings of these
huts were all towards the centre of the circle, and the
planks elevated about three feet from the ground, were
slightly inclined, like the cover of a field bed. With the
exception of a very old woman cooking at a fire in the
open air, we found no person in the camp. Either from
136spite, or because she neither comprehended French nor
English, this woman would reply to none of our questions,
and saw us with the greatest indifference, look at, and even
handle, all the objects which attracted our curiosity in the
huts. All was arranged with sufficient order, and it was
easy to recognize the places occupied by the women, by
the little utensils of the toilet, such as looking-glasses, pins,
bags of paint, &c. which we remarked there. After a minute
examination of this little camp, we were about to
leave it, when I was arrested on the border of the streamlet
which ran through it, by the sight of a small mill-wheel,
which appeared to have been thrown on the bank by the
rapidity of the current. I took it up and placed it where
I thought it had originally been put by the children, on two
stones elevated a little above the water; and the current
striking the wings, made it turn rapidly. This puerility,
(which probably would have passed from my memory, if,
on the same evening, it had not placed me before the Indians,
in a situation sufficiently extraordinary,) greatly
excited the attention of the old woman, who, by her gestures,
expressed to us a lively satisfaction.
On returning to Kaskaskia, we found Mr. de Syon, an
amiable young Frenchman of much intelligence, who, on
the invitation of General Lafayette, left Washington city
with us to visit the southern and western states. Like us
he had just made an excursion into the neighbourhood, and
appeared quite joyous at the discovery he had made; he
had met, in the midst of the forest, at the head of a troop
of Indians, a pretty young woman, who spoke French very
well, and expressed herself with a grace at which he
appeared as much astonished as we were. She had asked
him if it was true, that Lafayette was at Kaskaskia, and on
his replying affirmatively, she manifested a great desire to
see him. “I always carry with me,” said she to Mr. de
Syon, “a relique, that is very dear to me; I would wish to
show it to him; it will prove to him that his name is not
less venerated in the midst of our tribes, than among the
white Americans, for whom he fought.” And in speaking
thus, she drew from her bosom a little pouch which enclosed
a letter carefully wrapped in several pieces of paper. “It
is from Lafayette,” said she, “he wrote it to my father a
long time since, and my father, when he died, left it to me
137as the most precious thing he possessed.” At the sight of
this letter, Mr. de Syon proposed to the Indian girl to go
with him to Kaskaskia, assuring her that General Lafayette
would be very much pleased to see her; but this proposition
seemed to embarrass her, and under various pretexts,
she refused to come. “However,” she added, “if you have
any thing to say to me this evening, you will find me in my
camp, which is close by the village; any one can direct
you the way, for I am well known at Kaskaskia. My name
is Mary.”
This recital of Mr. de Syon excited my curiosity keenly,
and I would have willingly returned with him immediately
to search for Mary; but, at this moment, a member of
the committee of Kaskaskia came to inform me that they
were about to sit down to dinner, and we saw General Lafayette
going out of Colonel Edgar’s, escorted by many citizens
and crossing to Colonel Sweet’s house where we were
to dine. We joined the procession and took our places at
table, where the general was seated under a canopy of
flowers prepared by the ladies of Kaskaskia, with much
skill and taste; and which produced, by the blending of
the richest and most lively colours, the effect of a rainbow.
I spoke to General Lafayette of the meeting with the
young Indian girl; and from the desire he manifested to
see her, I left the table with Mr. de Syon, at the moment
when the company began to exchange patriotic toasts, and
we sought a guide to Mary’s camp. Chance assisted us
wonderfully, in directing us to an Indian of the same tribe
that we wished to visit. Conducted by him, we crossed the
bridge of Kaskaskia, and notwithstanding the darkness,
soon recognized the path and rivulet I had seen in the
morning with Mr. Caire. When we were about to enter
the enclosure, we were arrested by the fierce barking of
two stout dogs which sprang at, and would probably have
bitten us, but for the timely interference of our guide. We
arrived at the middle of the camp, which was lighted by a
large fire, around which a dozen Indians were squatted,
preparing their supper; they received us with cordiality,
and, as soon as they were informed of the object of our
visit, one of them conducted us to Mary’s hut, whom we
found sleeping on a bison skin. At the voice of Mr. de Syon,
138which she recognized, she arose, and listened attentively to
the invitation from General Lafayette to come to Kaskaskia;
she seemed quite flattered by it, but said before deciding
to accompany us she wished to mention it to her
husband. While she was consulting with him, I heard a
piercing cry; and turning round I saw near me the old
woman I had found alone in the camp in the morning: she
had just recognized me by the light of the fire, and designated
me to her companions, who, quitting immediately their
occupations, rushed round me in a circle, and began to
dance with demonstrations of great joy and gratitude.
Their tawny and nearly naked bodies, their faces fantastically
painted, their expressive gesticulations, the reflection
of the fire, which gave a red tinge to all the surrounding
objects, every thing gave to this scene something of an infernal
aspect, and I fancied myself for an instant in the
midst of demons. Mary, witnessing my embarrassment,
put an end to it, by ordering the dance to cease, and then
explained to me the honours which they had just rendered
me. “When we wish to know if an enterprize we meditate
will be happy, we place in a rivulet a small wheel
slightly supported on two stones; if the wheel turns during
three suns, without being thrown down, the augury is favourable:
but if the current carry it away, and throws it upon
the bank, it is a certain proof that our project is not approved
by the Great Spirit, unless however a stranger
comes to replace the little wheel before the end of the
third day. You are this stranger who have restored our
manitou and our hopes, and this is your title to be thus
celebrated among us.” In pronouncing these last words,
an ironical smile played on her lips, which caused me to
doubt her faith in the manitou. “You do not appear to be
very much convinced,” said I to her, “of the efficacy of the
service which I have rendered you in raising the manitou?”
She silently shook her head; then raising her eyes, “I have
been taught,” said she, “to place my confidence higher;—all
my hopes are in the God I have been taught to believe
in; the God of the Christians.”
I had at first been much astonished to hear an Indian
woman speak French so well, and I was not less so in learning
that she was a Christian; Mary perceived it, and to put
an end to my surprise, she related to me her history, while
139her husband, and those who were to accompany her to
Kaskaskia, hastily took their supper, of maize cooked in
milk. She informed me that her father, who was a chief
of one of the nations who inhabited the shores of the great
lakes of the north, had formerly fought with a hundred of
his followers under the orders of Lafayette, when the latter
commanded an army on the frontiers. That he had acquired
much glory, and gained the friendship of the Americans.
A long time after, that is, about twenty years ago,
he left the shores of the great lakes with some of his warriors,
his wife and daughter; and after having marched a
long time, he established himself on the shores of the river
Illinois. “I was very young, then, but have not yet, however,
forgotten the horrible sufferings we endured during
this long journey, made in a rigorous winter, across a country
peopled by nations with whom we were unacquainted;
they were such, that my poor mother, who nearly always
carried me on her shoulders, already well loaded with baggage,
died under them some days after our arrival; my father
placed me under the care of another woman, who also
emigrated with us, and occupied himself in securing the
tranquil possession of the lands on which we had come to
establish ourselves, by forming alliances with our new
neighbours. The Kickapoos were those who received us
best, and we soon considered ourselves as forming a part of
their nation. The year following my father was chosen by
them, with some from among themselves, to go and regulate
some affairs of the nation with the agent of the United
States, residing here at Kaskaskia; he wished that I should
be of the company; for, although the Kickapoos had shown
themselves very generous and hospitable towards him, he
feared that some war might break out in his absence, as he
well knew the intrigues of the English to excite the Indians
against the Americans. This same apprehension induced
him to accede to the request made by the American agent,
to leave me in his family, to be educated with his infant
daughter. My father had much esteem for the whites of
that great nation for whom he had formerly fought; he
never had cause to complain of them, and he who offered
to take charge of me inspired him with great confidence by
the frankness of his manners, and above all, by the fidelity
with which he treated the affairs of the Indians; he, therefore,
140left me, promising to return to see me every year after
the great winter’s hunt; he came, in fact, several times afterwards;
and I, notwithstanding the disagreeableness of a
sedentary life, grew up, answering the expectations of my
careful benefactor and his wife. I became attached to their
daughter, who grew up with me, and the truths of the
Christian religion easily supplanted in my mind the superstition
of my fathers, whom I had scarcely known; yet, I
confess to you, notwithstanding the influence of religion
and civilization on my youthful heart, the impressions of
infancy were not entirely effaced. If the pleasure of wandering
conducted me into the shady forest, I breathed more
freely, and it was with reluctance that I returned home;
when, in the cool of the evening, seated in the door of my
adopted father’s habitation, I heard in the distance, through
the silence of the night, the piercing voice of the Indians,
rallying to return to camp, I started with a thrill of joy, and
my feeble voice imitated the voice of the savage with a facility
that affrighted my young companion; and when occasionally
some warriors came to consult my benefactor in
regard to their treaties, or hunters to offer him a part of the
produce of their chase, I was always the first to run to
meet and welcome them; I testified my joy to them by
every imaginable means, and I could not avoid admiring
and wishing for their simple ornaments, which appeared to
me far preferable to the brilliant decorations of the whites.
“In the meanwhile, for five years my father had not appeared
at the period of the return from the winter’s hunting;
but a warrior, whom I had often seen with him, came
and found me one evening at the entrance of the forest, and
said to me: ‘Mary, thy father is old and feeble, he has
been unable to follow us here; but he wishes to see thee
once more before he dies, and he has charged me to conduct
thee to him.’ In saying these words he forcibly took
my hand, and dragged me with him. I had not even time
to reply to him, nor even to take any resolution, before we
were at a great distance, and I saw well that there was
no part left for me, but to follow him. We marched
nearly all night, and at the dawn of day, we arrived at a bark
hut, built in the middle of a little valley. Here I saw my
father, his eyes turned towards the just rising sun. His face
was painted as for battle. His tomahawk ornamented with
141many scalps, was beside him; he was calm and silent as an
Indian who awaited death. As soon as he saw me he drew
out of a pouch a paper wrapped with care in a very dry
skin, and gave it me, requesting that I should preserve it as
a most precious thing. ‘I wished to see thee once more
before dying,’ said he, ‘and to give thee this paper, which
is the most powerful charm (manitou) which thou canst
employ with the whites to interest them in thy favour; for
all those to whom I have shown it have manifested towards
me a particular attachment. I received it from a great
French warrior, whom the English dreaded as much
as the Americans loved, and with whom I fought in my
youth.’ After these words my father was silent, next morning
he expired. Sciakape, the name of the warrior who
came for me, covered the body of my father with the branches
of trees, and took me back to my guardian.”
Here Mary suspended her narrative, and presented to me
a letter a little darkened by time, but in good preservation.
“Stay,” said she to me, smiling, “you see that I have faithfully
complied with the charge of my father; I have taken
great care of his manitou.” I opened the letter and recognized
the signature and handwriting of General Lafayette.
It was dated at head quarters, Albany, June, 1778, after
the northern campaign, and addressed to Panisciowa, an
Indian chief of one of the Six Nations, to thank him for the
courageous manner in which he had served the American
cause.
“Well,” said Mary, “now that you know me well
enough to introduce me to General Lafayette, shall we go
to him that I may also greet him whom my father revered
as the courageous warrior and the friend of our nations?”
“Willingly,” I replied, “but it seems to me that you have
promised to inform us in what manner, after having tasted
for some time the sweets of civilization, you came to return
to the rude and savage life of the Indians?” At this question,
Mary looked downwards and seemed troubled.
However, after a slight hesitation, she resumed in a lower
tone: “After the death of my father, Sciakape often
returned to see me. We soon became attached to each
other; he did not find it difficult to determine me to follow
him into the forest, where I became his wife. This resolution
at first very much afflicted my benefactors; but
142when they saw that I found myself happy, they pardoned
me; and each year, during all the time that our encampment
is established near Kaskaskia, I rarely pass a day
without going to see them; if you wish, we can visit them,
for their house is close by our way, and you will see by
the reception they will give me, that they retain their
esteem and friendship.” Mary pronounced these last
words with a degree of pride, which proved to us that she
feared that we might have formed a bad opinion of her, on
account of her flight from the home of her benefactors
with Sciakape. We accepted her proposition, and she
gave the signal for departure. At her call, her husband
and eight warriors presented themselves to escort us. M.
de Syon offered her his arm, and we began our march.
We were all very well received by the family of Mr. Mesnard;
but Mary above all received the most tender
marks of affection from the persons of the household.
Mr. Mesnard, Mary’s adopted father, was at Kaskaskia, as
one of the committee charged with the reception of Lafayette,
and Mrs. Mesnard asked us if we would undertake
to conduct her daughter to the ball which she herself was
prevented from attending by indisposition. We assented
with pleasure; and, while Mary assisted Miss Mesnard to
complete her toilet, we seated ourselves round a great fire
in the kitchen. Scarcely were we seated, when I saw
moving in the corner, a black mass, of which I had at first
a difficulty in recognising the nature and form; but, after
an attentive examination, I found it was an old negro
doubled by age. His face was so much wrinkled and
deformed by time, that it was impossible to distinguish in
it a single feature, and I guessed the place of his mouth by
the little cloud of tobacco-smoke which escaped thence,
from time to time. This man appeared to give great
attention to the conversation which took place between
us and a young man of Mr. Mesnard’s family; when he
understood that we travelled with General Lafayette, and
that we came from St. Louis, he asked if we had found
many Frenchmen there. I replied that we had seen some,
and, among others, Mr. Choteau, the founder of the town.
“What!” cried he with a loud voice, which seemed not to
belong to so decrepid a body—“What! you found the
little Choteau? Oh! I know him well, so I do, that little
143Choteau; we have travelled a great deal together on the
Mississippi, and that at a time when very few of the whites
had come this far.” “But do you know,” said I, “that he
whom you call the little Choteau is very old, that he is
certainly more than ninety years of age?” “Oh! I believe
that well! but what of that? that does not prevent
that I should know him well, when a child.” “Of what
age are you, then?” “Of that I know nothing, as they
never taught me to count. All that I know is, that I left
New Orleans with my master, who made part of the expedition
sent by the Navigation Company of the Mississippi,
under the orders of the young Choteau, to go and build a
fort high up the river. Young Choteau was hardly seventeen,
but he was commander of the expedition, because his
father was, they said, one of the richest proprietors of the
company. After having rowed a long time against the
current and suffered great fatigue, we arrived at last not
far from here, where we set about building Fort Chartres.
It seems as if I was now there; I see from here the great
stones which bore the great arches we built. Every one
of us said, ‘Here is a fort will last longer than us all, and
longer than our children.’ I also believed it well, and yet
I have seen the last of it; for it is now in ruins, and I am
yet living. Do you know, sir, how many years it is since
we built Fort Chartres?” “At least eighty years, if I am
not deceived.” “Well, count, and you will know very
nearly my age. I was then at least thirty years old, for
the little Choteau appeared to me a child; I have already
served three masters, and I have suffered a great deal.”
“According to that account, you are a hundred and ten
years old, Daddy Francis.” “Yes, indeed, I believe I
am at the least that, for it is a long time that I have
laboured and suffered.” “How!” said the young man
who was seated near him, “do you suffer now, Francis?”
“Oh! pardon me, sir, I speak not of the time I have lived
in this house. Since I belonged to Mr. Mesnard it is very
different; I am now happy. Instead of serving others,
they all serve me. Mr. Mesnard will not even allow me
to go and bring in a little wood for the fire; he says I am
too old for that. But I must tell the truth, Mr. Mesnard
is not a master to me; he is a man—he is a friend.”
This homage of the old slave, rendered to the humanity
144of his master, gave us a high idea of the character of Mr.
Mesnard. While we were yet listening to old Francis,
Mary and Miss Mesnard came to inform us that they were
ready, and asked us if we would be on our way, as it began
to grow late. We took leave of Mrs. Mesnard, and found
our Indian escort who had waited patiently for us at the
door, and who resumed their position near us at some distance
in front, to guide and protect our march, as if we
had been crossing an enemy’s country. The night was
quite dark, but the temperature was mild, and the fire-flies
illuminated the atmosphere around us. M. de Syon conducted
Miss Mesnard, and I gave my arm to Mary, who,
notwithstanding the darkness, walked with a confidence
and lightness which only a forest life could produce. The
fire-flies attracted and interested me much; for, although
this was not the first time I had observed them, I had never
before seen them in such numbers. I asked Mary if these
insects, which from their appearance seem so likely to
astonish the imagination, had never given place among the
Indians to popular beliefs or tales. “Not among the
nations of these countries, where every year we are familiarised
with their great numbers,” said she to me, “but I
have heard that among the tribes of the north, they commonly
believe that they are the souls of departed friends,
who return to console them or demand the performance of
some promise. I even know several ballads on this subject.
One of them appears to have been made a long
time since, in a nation which lives farther north and no
longer exists. It is by songs that great events and popular
traditions are ordinarily preserved among us, and this ballad,
which I have often heard sung by the young girls of
our tribe, leaves no doubt as to the belief of some Indians
concerning the fire-fly.” I asked her to sing me this song,
which she did with much grace. Although I did not comprehend
the words, which were Indian, I observed a great
harmony in their arrangement, and, in the very simple
music in which they were sung, an expression of deep
melancholy.
When she had finished the ballad, I asked her if she
could not translate it for me into French, so that I might
comprehend the sense. “With difficulty,” she said, “for
I have always found great obstacles to translating exactly
145the expressions of our Indians into French, when I have
served them as interpreter with the whites; but I will try.”
And she translated nearly as follows:
“The rude season of the chase was over. Antakaya,
the handsomest, the most skilful, and bravest of the Cherokee
warriors, came to the banks of the Avolachy, where he
was expected by Manahella, the young virgin promised to
his love and bravery.
“The first day of the moon of flowers was to witness
their union. Already had the two families, assembled round
the same fire, given their assent; already had the young
men and women prepared and ornamented the new cabin,
which was to receive the happy couple, when, at the rising
of the sun, a terrible cry, the cry of war, sent forth by the
scout who always watches at the summit of the hill, called
the old men to the council, and the warriors to arms.
“The whites appeared on the frontier. Murder and
robbery accompanied them. The star of fertility had not
reached its noontide height, and already Antakaya had departed
at the head of his warriors to repel robbery, murder,
and the whites.
“Go, said Manahella to him, endeavouring to stifle her
grief, go fight the cruel whites, and I will pray to the Great
Spirit to wrap thee with a cloud, proof against their blows.
I will pray him to bring thee back to the banks of the
Avolachy, there to be loved by Manahella.
“I will return to thee, replied Antakaya, I will return to
thee. My arrows have never disappointed my aim, my
tomahawk shall be bathed in the blood of the whites; I
will bring back their scalps to ornament the door of thy
cabin; then I shall be worthy of Manahella; then shall we
love in peace, then shall we be happy.
“The first day of the moon of flowers had brightly dawned,
and many more had passed away, and none had heard
from Antakaya and his warriors. Stooping on the shores of
the Avolachy, the mournful Manahella every evening raised
to the evil spirits little pyramids of polished pebbles, to
appease their anger and avert their resistance to her well beloved;
but the evil spirits were inflexible, and their violent
blasts overthrew the little pyramids.
“One evening of the last moon of flowers, Manahella met
on the banks of the river a pale and bloody warrior. ‘Die,
146poor ivy,’ said he to Manahella; ‘die! the noblest oak of the
forest, that proud oak under whose shade thou hoped to
enjoy repose and happiness, is fallen! It has fallen under
the redoubled strokes of the whites. In its fall it has crushed
those who felled it, but it is fallen! Die, poor ivy, die!
for the oak which was to give thee support is fallen!’—Two
days after, Manahella was no more.
“Antakaya, whose courage had been deceived by fate,
had fallen covered with wounds into the hands of the
whites, who carried him far away. But he escaped; and
after wandering long through the forest, he returned to
mourn his defeat and meditate vengeance with Manahella.
When he arrived, she was no more. Agitated by
the most violent despair, he ran in the evening to the banks
of the Avolachy, calling Manahella, but the echo alone replied
to the accents of his grief.
“O Manahella! he exclaimed, if my arrows have disappointed
my skill, if my tomahawk has not spilt the blood of
the whites, if I have not brought thee their scalps to ornament
the door of thy cabin, forgive me! It is not the fault
of my courage, the evil spirits have fought against me.
And yet I have suffered no complaint to escape me, not a
sigh, when the iron of my enemies tore my breast; I have
not abased myself by asking my life! They preserved it
against my will, and I am only consoled by the hope of one
day avenging myself, and offering thee many of their scalps.
O Manahella! come, if but to tell me that thou pardonest
me, and that thou permittest me to follow thee into the
world of the Great Spirit.
“At the same instant a vivid light, pure and lambent,
appeared to the eyes of the unfortunate Antakaya. He saw
in it the soul of his beloved, and followed it through the
valley during all the night, supplicating it to stay and to
pardon him. At the dawn of the day he found himself on
the border of a great lake; the light had disappeared, and
he believed that it had passed over the water. Immediately,
although feeble and fatigued, he made a canoe of the
trunk of a tree which he hollowed, and with a branch he
made a paddle. At the end of the day his work was
achieved. With the darkness the deceptive light returned;
and during all the night Antakaya pursued the delusion on
the face of the unsteady waters. But it again disappeared
147before the light of the sun, and with it vanished the slight
breath of hope and the life of Antakaya.”
Mary ended her ballad, and I expressed to her my thanks
as we arrived at the bridge of Kaskaskia. There, Sciakape
collected his escort, said a few words to his wife, and left
us to enter the village alone. We approached the house of
Mr. Morrison, at which the ball was given to General Lafayette.
I then felt that Mary trembled; her trouble was
so great that she could not conceal it from me. I asked her
the cause. If you would spare me a great mortification,
she said, you will not conduct me among the ladies of Kaskaskia.
They are now without doubt in their most brilliant
dresses, and the coarseness of my clothes will inspire
them with contempt and pity, two sentiments which will
equally affect me. Besides I know that they blame me for
having renounced the life of the whites, and I feel little at
ease in their presence. I promised what she desired, and
she became reassured. Arrived at Mr. Morrison’s, I conducted
her into a lower chamber, and went to the hall to
inform General Lafayette that the young Indian girl awaited
him below. He hastened down, and several of the
committee with him. He saw and heard Mary with pleasure,
and could not conceal his emotion on recognizing his
letter, and observing with what holy veneration it had been
preserved during nearly half a century in a savage nation,
among whom he had not even supposed his name had ever
penetrated. On her part, the daughter of Panisciowa expressed
with vivacity the happiness she enjoyed in seeing
him, along with whom her father had the honour to
fight for the good American cause.
After a half hour’s conversation, in which General Lafayette
was pleased to relate the evidences of the fidelity
and courageous conduct of some Indian nations towards
the Americans, during the revolutionary war, Mary manifested
a wish to retire, and I accompanied her to the
bridge, where I replaced her under the care of Sciakape
and his escort, and bade them farewell.
At midnight, the general received the farewell of the
ladies and citizens of Kaskaskia, who were assembled at
Mr. Morrison’s, and we returned on board our boat, to
continue immediately our navigation towards the mouth
of the Ohio. Governor Coles greatly wished that we
148should cross that part of the state of Illinois comprised in
the angle formed by the two great rivers, and meet the
boat again at Shawneetown, where we should have been
able to visit the salt mines, which are said to be very fine;
but besides that this would have taken more time than he
could devote to this visit, this route did not accord with
the plan of ascending the Cumberland river to Nashville,
where the envoys from Tennessee were charged to conduct
him. Mr. Coles embarked with us to accompany the
general to the state of Tennessee, and we felt a real pleasure
on account of it, for he is a man of agreeable conversation
and extraordinary merit. All persons agree in saying
that he fulfils his duties as governor with as much philanthropy
as justice. He owes his elevation to the office of
governor, to his opinions on the abolition of the slavery of
the blacks. He was originally a proprietor in Virginia,
where, according to the custom of the country, he cultivated
his lands by negro slaves. After having for a long
time strongly expressed his aversion for this kind of culture,
he thought it his duty to put in practice the principles
he had professed, and he decided to give liberty to all his
slaves; but knowing that their emancipation in Virginia
would be more injurious than useful to them, he took them
all with him into the state of Illinois, where he not only
gave them their liberty, but also established them at his
own expense, in such a manner that they should be able to
procure for themselves a happy existence by their labour.
This act of justice and humanity considerably diminished
his fortune, but occasioned him no regrets. At this period,
some men, led astray by ancient prejudices, endeavoured to
amend that article of the constitution of the state of Illinois,
which prohibits slavery: Mr. Coles opposed these men
with all the ardour of his philanthropic soul, and with all
the superiority of his enlightened mind. In this honourable
struggle, he was sustained by the people of Illinois; justice
and humanity triumphed, and soon after Mr. Coles was
elected governor, by an immense majority. This was an
honourable recompense, and to this there is now joined
another which must be very grateful to him; his liberated
negroes are perfectly successful, and afford a conclusive
argument against the adversaries of emancipation.
Some hours after our departure from Kaskaskia, we
149were at the mouth of the Ohio, which we ascended to the
mouth of Cumberland river, where we arrived before night.
There we awaited the steam-boat Artizan, to take us to
Nashville. When it was necessary for us to quit the
Natchez, and our travelling companions from Louisiana,
we experienced an oppression of feeling as if we were
quitting our family and home. This feeling will be easily
comprehended, when it is understood that we had passed
nearly a month and travelled nearly eighteen hundred miles
on board this boat, in the midst of a society, amiable, intelligent,
and obliging, and of which each individual had
become for us an amiable friend. On their side, Messieurs
Morse, Ducros, Prieur, and Caire, manifested to us regrets
not less sincere. Notwithstanding their long absence from
New Orleans, they would have voluntarily prolonged their
mission, to pass a longer time with their dear Lafayette;
and our excellent Captain Davis warmly expressed his regrets
at seeing another vessel than his own about to receive
the nation’s guest; but on the other hand, the envoys from
Tennessee were not disposed to cede to others the right of
doing the honours of their state; and even if they had
chosen to accept the services of Captain Davis, they were
forced to renounce them, because the Natchez was unfit to
navigate the shallow waters of the Cumberland. We were,
therefore, obliged to take leave of the Louisianian committee,
and that of the state of Mississippi, with great regret,
and go on board of the Artizan, where we were
received and treated in a manner that foretold we would
soon experience a renewal of our sorrow in separating from
our new companions.
CHAPTER X.
150
Cumberland River—Arrival at Nashville—Tennessee Militia—Residence
of General Jackson—Shipwreck on the Ohio—Louisville—Journey
from Louisville to Cincinnati by land—State of Kentucky—Anecdote.
On the 2d of May, at 8 o’clock in the evening, we entered
Cumberland river, which we ascended all night, notwithstanding
the darkness. This river, which is one of the
largest tributaries of the Ohio, rises to the westward of
Cumberland mountains, waters the state of Kentucky by
its two branches, and Ohio by its main stream, which forms
a great bend; it is navigable for about 400 miles. By daylight
we were able to judge of the richness of the country
it traverses, from the great number of boats, loaded with all
kinds of produce, that we passed. As the banks of Cumberland
river are flat, and sometimes swampy, from its
mouth to the vicinity of Nashville, no town is met with on
its shores; all the establishments are situated some distance
back, and, therefore, we were unable to visit them; but
many of the inhabitants came in boats to salute the general,
this retarded our progress, as we were obliged to stop
every moment to receive or dismiss the visiters.
Wednesday, May 4th, we remarked that the banks of the
river were considerably elevated above our heads, and presented
agreeable and healthy situations for cities or villages;
at 8 o’clock no houses were, as yet, in sight, but we heard
in the distance the sound of bells, announcing our vicinity
to population, and preparations for some solemnity; a few
moments afterwards we perceived on the horizon the spires
of buildings, and on a plain at a short distance from us a
dense crowd of men, women, and children, who appeared
to be expecting with great solicitude the arrival of something
extraordinary, and when our vessel came sufficiently
near to be recognized, a joyful shout arose from the shore,
and the air resounded with cries of “Welcome, Lafayette;”
this was the salutation of the inhabitants of Nashville to the
guest of the nation. This welcome was continued without
151interruption until we had arrived beyond the city, at the
place for disembarking, where the general was received by
the illustrious Jackson, who ascended a carriage with him
to conduct him to Nashville, several corps of cavalry preceded
them, and the procession formed behind them was
composed of all our fellow travellers, joined by a multitude
of citizens from the neighbourhood; we entered the city
by a wide avenue, lined on each side by militia remarkable
for the brilliancy of their uniforms, and their soldier-like
appearance under arms; it was easy to recognise by their
martial air, that their ranks contained great numbers of
those intrepid citizen soldiers, by whom the English were
overthrown under the walls of New Orleans. In entering
the city, the procession passed under a triumphal arch, on
the summit of which were these words, also repeated at
every moment by the crowd, “Welcome, Lafayette, the
friend of the United States!” Above this floated the American
flag, attached to a lance surmounted by a liberty cap.
After having traversed the principal streets, we arrived at
the public square, which was decorated with thousands of
flags, suspended from the windows; it was also ornamented
by a triumphal arch, under which was an elevated platform,
where the governor of the state waited to salute the guest
of the nation. His speech was not only touching from the
sentiments of affection and gratitude with which it was filled,
but it was also remarkable for the truth and fidelity
with which it sketched the actual situation of Tennessee,
and the rapidity of its growth under the influence of liberty
and wise laws. General Lafayette replied with that heartfelt
emotion, and that happy choice of expression, which so
often, during his journey, excited the astonishment and admiration
of those who heard him. Forty officers and soldiers
of the revolution, the most part enfeebled by age, and
some mutilated in war, notwithstanding which they had assembled
from all parts of the state to assist at the triumph
of their old general, now advanced from the two sides of
the arch, amidst the acclamations of the people, and showered
upon him marks of affection and patriotic recollections;
among them was one, remarkable above all the
others for his great age, and the vivacity with which he
expressed his joy; he threw himself into the general’s arms,
weeping and exclaiming, “I have enjoyed two happy days
152in my life, that when I landed with you at Charleston in
1777, and the present, now that I have seen you once again,
I have nothing more to wish for, I have lived long enough.”
The emotion of this old man was communicated to the
whole crowd, and there was a profound silence for some
time. Notwithstanding his infirmities he had travelled
more than fifty leagues to procure this moment of happiness.
We afterwards learnt that his name was Hagy, that he was
born in Germany, and that he had come over to America
in the vessel with Lafayette, and had been under his orders
during the whole war of the revolution. General Lafayette,
after devoting a few moments to the affection of his
old companions in arms, re-entered the carriage with the
governor, and went to the beautiful residence of Dr.
M’Nairy, who had prepared accommodations for us, and
who, with his whole family, received us with the most
amiable hospitality. The general was received at the door
by the municipal body and the mayor, who addressed him
in the name of the inhabitants of Nashville. After the reply
of the general to this speech, the people gave three
cheers, and retired in silence, to permit their guest to take
a little repose before dinner; but the general profited by
this occasion to visit Mrs. Jackson, whom he understood to
be in the town, and to Mrs. Littlefield, the daughter of his
old fellow soldier and friend, General Greene.
At four o’clock another procession came to conduct us
to a public dinner, at which more than two hundred citizens
sat down, and which was presided over by General
Jackson. Among the guests was a venerable old man,
named Timothy Demundrune, the first white man who settled
in Tennessee. According to the American custom,
the repast was terminated by the frank and energetic expression
of each guest’s opinion on the acts of the administration,
and the public character of the magistrates, and
candidates for the different offices; among these numerous
toasts I will only cite the three following, which appeared
to me as peculiarly well adapted to demonstrate the predominant
sentiments of the people of Tennessee.
“The present age—it encourages the reign of liberal
principles. Kings are forced to unite against liberty, and
despotism to act on the defensive.”
153“France—republican or monarchical, in glory or misfortune,
she always has claims on our gratitude.”
“Lafayette—tyrants have oppressed him, but freemen
honour him.”
After this last toast, the general rose, expressed his thanks,
and begged permission to give the following: “The State
of Tennessee, and Nashville, its capital—may our heritage
of revolutionary glory be for ever united to the unfading
laurels of the last war, and thus form a perpetual bond of
union between all parts of the American confederation.”
The president then gave the signal for departure, and we
went to the masonic lodge, where three hundred brothers,
in the most brilliant costume, received us with the most
affectionate cordiality. We passed a true family evening
with them. An eloquent orator, Mr. William Hunt, delivered
an excellent discourse, which, in a masonic form,
embodied the most noble precepts of patriotism and philanthropy;
and the meeting terminated by an elegant collation,
at the end of which the general proposed a toast,
which was received with the greatest enthusiasm; it was
to the memory of our illustrious brother Riego, the martyr
of liberty! In retiring to our quarters at Dr. M‘Nairy’s,
we found the town brilliantly illuminated, and a great
number of houses decorated with transparencies representing
General Lafayette, with a variety of ingenious
emblems.
The next morning, as soon as we rose, we proceeded
to the southward of the city, where we found all
the militia of the adjoining counties collected in a camp,
which they occupied for some days whilst waiting for the
arrival of Lafayette; some of the corps we saw under arms,
had come, we were told, more than fifty miles, to add by
their presence to the solemnity of the reception given to
the guest of the nation. The general, after having seen
them manœuvre before him, went through their ranks to
express his admiration of their discipline, and his gratitude
for the proofs of affection they had shown him. During
this time, Mr. George Lafayette and myself conversed with
an officer of the staff, who had the goodness to give us
some details as to the organization of the military force of
Tennessee.
This officer might perhaps be thought to have been enthusiastic
154in his praises, and to have shown much national
vanity, but I am persuaded he only spoke as he felt. He
extolled the military qualities of his fellow citizens, from
conviction, and as he would have praised, in strangers, any
points he thought worthy of commendation. I have often
remarked that the Americans, in general, are little given
to the species of hypocrisy we term modesty, and with
which we think we should always veil ourselves when we
are speaking of our own virtues. They believe, and I am
of their opinion, that true modesty does not consist in depreciating
ourselves, but in not speaking with exaggeration
or without cause of our own merits.
A frugal repast, prepared and served by the military,
under a tent, terminated this visit to the camp of the Tennessee
militia, after which we returned to the city, where
we successively visited an academy of young ladies of
Nashville, and Cumberland college. In both these establishments,
the general was received as a beloved father,
and he left them with the sweet and consoling certainty,
that the careful and excellent manner in which they inculcated
learning and a love of liberty, would greatly augment
the glory and perpetuate the happiness of his adopted
country. The committee of instruction of Cumberland
college, presented to him and to General Jackson, a resolution
of the trustees, by which two new chairs, under the
names of Lafayette and Jackson, for teaching the languages
and philosophy, were about to be established by a
voluntary subscription of the citizens of Tennessee. They
both accepted this honour with great satisfaction, and subscribed
their names at the bottom of the resolution before
leaving the establishment, which, although recently formed,
already promises the most satisfactory results.
At one o’clock, we embarked with a numerous company,
to proceed to dine with General Jackson, whose residence
is a few miles up the river. We there found numbers of
ladies and farmers from the neighbourhood, whom Mrs.
Jackson had invited to partake of the entertainment she
had prepared for General Lafayette. The first thing that
struck me on arriving at the general’s, was the simplicity
of his house. Still somewhat influenced by my European
habits, I asked myself if this could really be the dwelling
of the most popular man in the United States, of him whom
155the country proclaimed one of her most illustrious defenders;
of him, finally, who by the will of the people was on
the point of becoming her chief magistrate. One of our
fellow passengers, a citizen of Nashville, witnessing my
astonishment, asked me, whether in France, our public
men, that is to say, the servants of the public, lived very
differently from other citizens? “Certainly,” said I;
“thus, for example, the majority of our generals, all our
ministers, and even the greater part of our subaltern administrators,
would think themselves dishonoured, and would
not dare to receive any one at their houses, if they only
possessed such a residence as this of Jackson’s; and the
modest dwellings of your illustrious chiefs of the revolution,
Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, &c. would only
inspire them with contempt and disgust. They must first
have in the city an immense and vast edifice, called a hotel,
in which two large families could live with ease, but which
they fill with a crowd of servants strangely and ridiculously
dressed, and whose only employment, for the most
part, is to insult those honest citizens who come on foot to
visit their master. They must also have another large establishment
in the country, which they call a chateau, and in
which they accumulate all the luxuries of furniture, decorations,
entertainments, and dress, in fact, every thing that
can make them forget the country. Then they must have,
to enable them to go from one to the other of these habitations,
a great number of carriages, horses, and servants.”
“Very well,” interrupted the Tennessean, shaking his
head as if in doubt, “but who provides these public officers
with all the money thus swallowed up in luxury, and
how do the affairs of the people go on?” “If you ask
them, they will tell you that it is the king who pays them,
although I can assure you that it is the nation, which is
borne down by taxes for the purpose; as to business, it is
both well and badly attended to, but generally the latter.”
“And why do you submit to such a state of things?” “Because
we cannot remedy it.” “What! you cannot remedy
it? A nation so great, so enlightened as the French,
cannot prevent its officers, magistrates, and servants, from
enjoying, at their expense, a scandalous and immoral luxuriousness,
and at the same time not attending to their
duties! whilst we, who have just assumed our name among
156nations, are enjoying the immense advantage of only having
for magistrates, men who are plain, honest, laborious,
and more jealous of our esteem than solicitous for wealth.
Permit me to believe that what you have told is
only pleasantry, and that you wished to amuse yourself for
a moment with a poor Tennessean who has never visited
Europe. But rest assured, that however ignorant we may
be of what passes on the other side of the water, it is not
easy to make us credit things which militate so strongly
against good sense and the dignity of man.” Do what I
could, I could never make this good citizen of Nashville
believe that I was not jesting, and was obliged to leave him
in the belief that we were not worse governed in France
than in the United States.
General Jackson successively showed us his garden and
farm, which appeared to be well cultivated. We every
where remarked the greatest order, and most perfect
neatness; and we might have believed ourselves on the
property of one of the richest and most skilful of the German
farmers, if, at every step, our eyes had not been
afflicted by the sad spectacle of slavery. Every body told
us that General Jackson’s slaves were treated with the
greatest humanity, and several persons assured us, that it
would not surprise them, if, in a short time, their master,
who already had so many claims on the gratitude of his
fellow citizens, should attempt to augment it still more, by
giving an example of gradual emancipation to Tennessee,
which would be the more easily accomplished, as there
are in this state but 79,000 slaves in a population of
423,000, and from the public mind becoming more inclined
than formerly to the abolition of slavery.
On returning to the house, some friends of General Jackson,
who probably had not seen him for some time, begged
him to show them the arms presented to him in honour of
his achievements during the last war; he acceded to their
request with great politeness, and placed on a table,
a sword, a sabre, and a pair of pistols. The sword was
presented to him by congress; the sabre, I believe, by the
army which fought under his command at New Orleans.
These two weapons, of American manufacture, were remarkable
for their finish, and still more so for the honourable
inscriptions, with which they were covered. But it
157was to the pistols, that General Jackson wished more particularly
to draw our attention; he handed them to General
Lafayette, and asked him if he recognized them. The
latter, after examining them attentively for a few minutes,
replied that he fully recollected them, to be a pair he had
presented in 1778 to his paternal friend Washington, and
that he experienced a real satisfaction in finding them in
the hands of one so worthy of possessing them. At these
words the face of old Hickory was covered with a modest
blush, and his eye sparkled as in a day of victory. “Yes!
I believe myself worthy of them,” exclaimed he, in pressing
the pistols and Lafayette’s hands to his breast; “if not
from what I have done, at least for what I wished to do for
my country.” All the bystanders applauded this noble
confidence of the patriot hero, and were convinced that
the weapons of Washington could not be in better hands
than those of Jackson.
After dinner we took leave of General Jackson’s family,
and returned to Nashville to attend a public ball which
was very brilliant; and afterwards went on board the Artisan
to continue our journey. Governor Carroll of Tennessee
and two of his aides-de-camp accompanied us. We
rapidly descended the Cumberland, and on the 7th of May
again entered the Ohio, otherwise called “la belle rivière,”
for it was thus the first French who discovered its shores
designated this majestic body of water, which for eleven
hundred miles waters the most smiling and fertile country
on the globe. The Ohio is formed by the junction
of the Monongahela and Alleghany at Pittsburgh, and empties
itself into the Mississippi about the 37° of latitude. Its
current is usually about a mile and a half per hour, but
when the waters are high, it often equals that of the Mississippi,
whose ordinary swiftness is four miles per hour.
The water of the Ohio is said by the Americans to possess
great prolific powers, and when you demand on what
ground they found this opinion, they proudly point out
the numerous dwellings which are infinitely multiplied on
its banks, and the prodigious number of children who issue
forth every morning, with a little basket of provision on
their arms, to spend the day at school, to return in the
evening to the paternal roof, singing the benefits of liberty.
158On the 8th at break of day, we arrived opposite Shawneetown,
where we landed with Governor Coles and the
other members of the committee from the state of Illinois,
and who, to our great regret, could not accompany us any
farther. General Lafayette accepted a dinner provided
for him by the inhabitants of that town. We continued
our voyage, urging the speed of our small vessel with the
whole power of the engine. Notwithstanding the departure
of Governor Coles and his companions, we still had
a numerous company on board. All the beds in the great
cabin, were occupied by the deputations from Missouri,
Tennessee, Kentucky, and by other persons who had asked
permission to accompany General Lafayette to Louisville.
The general, his son, Mr. de Syon, and the author of this
journal, shared in common, what is called the ladies’ cabin,
situated in the stern of the vessel, and which could only be
reached by descending about a dozen steps.
During the whole of the 8th we worked hard. The
general replied to a great number of letters, which were
addressed to him every day from all parts of the Union,
and dictated to me some directions to the superintendant
at La Grange; indicating what changes and improvements
he wished made before his return to France. Being somewhat
fatigued by this labour, he retired early to bed, and
was already asleep, when at 10 o’clock, Mr. George Lafayette,
coming below from the deck where he had been
walking, expressed his astonishment that in so dark a night,
our captain did not come to, or at least abate the speed of
the vessel. We fully agreed in the justice of this remark,
but being accustomed for some months to permit no difficulty
to arrest us, and to travel at all times, we soon began
to speak of other things, and Mr. George Lafayette also laid
down and slept with every feeling of safety. I remained
conversing with Mr. de Syon and correcting some notes.
With the exception of the pilot and two men, every body
was asleep around us, and at 11 o’clock the profound silence
that reigned on board, was only broken by the deep
grating of the engine and the dashing of the water against
the sides of the vessel. Twelve o’clock struck, and sleep
was beginning to invite us to repose, when our vessel
suddenly received a horrible shock, and stopped short. At
this extraordinary concussion, the general awoke with a
159start, his son sprung from his bed, half dressed, and I ran
on deck to learn what was the matter. I there found two
of our fellow passengers, whom anxiety had brought up,
but who were returning, saying we had probably struck
on a sand bank, and that there was no danger. Not trusting
this opinion, I went into the great cabin; all the passengers
were in a state of great agitation, but still in doubt
as to the nature of the accident; some had not even quitted
their beds. Decided on not going below without positively
ascertaining the real state of things, I seized a light and
ran forward, the captain arrived there about the same time,
we opened the hatches, and ran forward; the hold was already
half filled with water, which rushed in torrents
through a large opening. “A snag! a snag!” cried the
captain, “hasten Lafayette to my boat! bring Lafayette to
my boat.” This cry of distress had reached the great cabin,
and every mouth repeated it with dismay, but it had not
been heard in our cabin, where I found the general, who
had, by the advice of his son, permitted himself to be partly
dressed by his faithful Bastien. “What news?” said he,
on seeing me enter. “That we shall go to the bottom, general,
if we cannot extricate ourselves, and we have not a
moment to spare.” And I immediately began to collect my
papers, which I threw pell-mell into my port-folio; George
Lafayette on his part, hastily collected those objects he
thought most necessary to his father, and begged him to
follow us, but his toilet not being yet made, he wished us
to go first and provide means of escape. “What!” cried
his son, “do you think that in such circumstances we will
leave you for a moment?” and immediately we each seized
a hand and dragged him towards the door. He followed
us, smiling at our haste, and began to ascend with us, but
had scarcely reached the middle of the stairs, when he
perceived that he had forgotten his snuff-box, ornamented
with a picture of Washington, and wished to return for it;
I went to the end of the cabin, found it and brought it to
him. At this time the rolling of the vessel was so violent
and irregular, and the tumult over our heads augmented to
such a degree, that I believed we should not have time to
escape before she sunk. At last, we reached the deck,
where all the passengers were in the greatest confusion,
some bringing their trunks, others looking for the boat,
160and crying out for Lafayette. He was already in the midst
of them, but owing to the darkness of the night, no one
recognised him; the boat heeled so much to starboard, that
it was with difficulty we could keep our footing on deck.
The captain assisted by two sailors, had brought his boat
to this side, and I heard his sonorous voice crying out, Lafayette!
Lafayette! but we could not reach him on account
of the confusion around us. Nevertheless the vessel heeled
more and more, each moment augmented the danger, we
felt that it was time to make a last effort, and pushed into
the middle of the crowd, where I cried, “here is General
Lafayette!” This exclamation produced the effect I anticipated.
The most profound silence succeeded to the
confusion, a free passage was opened for us, and all those
who were ready to spring into the boat, spontaneously
checked themselves, not wishing to think of their own
safety before that of Lafayette was ascertained. The difficulty
was now to determine the general himself to depart
before all his fellow passengers, and almost alone, for the
boat would only hold a few persons, but he was soon
obliged to yield to the will of all, energetically expressed by
each; the irregular concussions of the vessel, and the rocking
of the boat which was more than four feet lower than our
deck, rendered a passage from one to the other extremely difficult,
especially in the dark. The most active young man
would not have hazarded a leap, for from the darkness he
would have risked plunging in the water; great precautions
were therefore to be adopted, as regarded the general.
I went first into the boat, and whilst the captain kept her
as near as possible to the vessel, two persons descended
with the general, holding him under the shoulders. I received
him in my arms, but his weight added to my own
on the side of the boat, nearly capsized it, and losing my
equilibrium, I should probably have fallen into the water
with him, if Mr. Thibeaudot, formerly president of the senate
of Louisiana, had not given me his support, and thus
saved us both. As soon as we were assured that the general
was safely on board, we pushed off as rapidly as possible,
to prevent the other passengers from overloading our
slight batteau. Although the greatest difficulties were
overcome, all danger was not passed. The land was to be
made; but at what distance was it from us? towards what
161shore should we direct our course? This the darkness of the
night prevented us from ascertaining with certainty. Our
captain soon made up his mind with decision. Holding
the rudder with a firm grasp, he directed us to the left
bank, and ordered his two sailors to row gently. In less
than three minutes we happily reached a bank covered
with a thick wood.
In landing, our first care was to count and recognise
each other; we were nine: the captain, two sailors, General
Lafayette, Mr. Thibeaudot, Doctor Shelly, carrying in
his arms a child of about seven years of age, a daughter of
a presbyterian clergyman, the father of the child and myself.
It was then only that the general perceived that his
son was not with him, and immediately his habitual coolness
in the presence of danger abandoned him. He was
filled with anxiety, and in a state of the most violent agitation.
He began to call, George! George! with all his
strength, but his voice was drowned by the cries which
arose from the vessel, and by the terrible noise made by
the steam escaping from the engine, and received no
answer. In vain, to re-assure him, I represented to him
that his son was a good swimmer, and that he doubtless
had remained on board voluntarily, and with his coolness
he would escape all danger. Nothing had any effect; he
continued to traverse the shore calling on George. I then
threw myself into the boat with the captain to go to the
succour of those who so much needed it. The vessel still
floated, but almost on her beam ends. The captain
mounted on board, and I received in his place a dozen
persons, who precipitated themselves into the boat, and
whom I carried to land, without having been able to speak
to George, Mr. de Syon, or Bastien. I dared not give an
account of this first attempt to the general, and therefore
made preparations for another trip, when a horrible crash
and cries of despair announced to me that the vessel was
sinking. At the same instant, I heard the water agitated
in several directions by the efforts of those who were saving
themselves by swimming. Mr. Thibeaudot, who had
advanced into the water in order to judge better of what
was passing, and to afford assistance to those who needed
it, perceived a man, exhausted with fatigue, drowning a few
paces from the shore, in a spot where the water was only
162three feet in depth. He drew him out with such ease, that
a child might have rendered him the same service, and
laid him on the grass. But the unfortunate man was so
agitated by fear, that he continued to make on land all the
movements of swimming, and would perhaps have killed
himself by these useless efforts, if Mr. Thibeaudot had not
succeeded in calming him. At every instant, other persons
arrived on shore, and among them I always expected
to recognise Mr. George Lafayette; and the general
demanded news of his son from all, but in vain. I now
myself began to fear for him. Another arrival of the boat
informed us that the vessel had not entirely sunk; that the
starboard side was under water, but that the larboard and
gangway were still above it; and that a great number
of passengers had taken refuge there. Thinking that there
was an urgent necessity for succouring those who remained
in this critical situation, I again entered the boat, and aided
by a sailor approached the vessel. I first arrived at the
prow; I called George with all my strength, but there was
no answer. I then dropped along her side to the stern. In
passing, I heard a voice over head cry out, “Is that you,
Mr. Levasseur?” I listened and examined attentively; it
was our poor Bastien, who was holding with difficulty to
the roof of the upper cabin, the pitch of which was very
great from the oversetting of the vessel. As soon as I
came near him, he slid down and fortunately fell into the
boat. When I arrived at the stern, I again called George;
he instantly answered me. His voice appeared to be perfectly
calm. “Are you in safety?” said I. “I could not
be better,” replied he gaily. This reply gave me much
relief, for my fears were really becoming serious. At the
same instant, Mr. Walsh of Missouri, who was near him,
gave me every thing that could be saved of our baggage.
This was a small portmanteau of Mr. George Lafayette’s,
a bag of his father’s, my own port-folio, which I had
thrown on the deck when I was aiding the general to
descend, and about sixty out of the two hundred letters
we had prepared for the post, on the preceding days; all
the others were lost. I now returned to land with Bastien
and two other persons I had received in the boat, and hastened
to assure the general of the safety of his son.
As I had satisfied myself that the vessel, having found
163support, could not sink any deeper, and consequently that
there was no farther danger to those on board, I thought
that I might dispense with making other voyages, and
occupy myself a little with the general, for whom we established
a good bivouac around a large fire of dry branches.
In the midst of this occupation, Mr. George and Mr. de
Syon, with the remainder of the passengers, arrived. We
then learnt that at the moment of the wreck, Mr. George,
seeing that I was in the boat to watch over his father, had
returned to the cabin, into which the water had already
penetrated, and had made Bastien and Mr. de Syon, who
were imprudently endeavouring to save their effects, leave
it. Then, only yielding ground as the water forced him,
he had indefatigably occupied himself with the care of
those around him. At one moment, the water reached to
the middle of his body. But his coolness and presence
of mind reassured some persons, who, without him, would
perhaps have been dismayed and exposed to the greatest
danger. Finally, we were told, he would not leave the
vessel, until he was satisfied, that all who remained on
board belonged to her and could dispense with his assistance.
“Mr. George Lafayette must often have been
shipwrecked,” said the captain, “for he has behaved tonight
as if he was accustomed to such adventures.”
From other accounts, it appears that almost immediately
after the departure of the general, the water entered our
cabin with a violence which would not have permitted us
to leave it, if we had remained there a few minutes
longer.
When we were well assured that no person had perished,
we lighted several large fires as well for the purpose of
drying ourselves, as to discover our situation. The general
slept for some moments on a mattrass which had been
found floating, and was nearly dry on one side. The rest
waited impatiently for day, and occupied ourselves in
cutting wood to keep up the fires. A tolerably heavy rain
added to our troubles, but fortunately it was not of long
continuance.
At day break, they recommenced their trips to the vessel,
to endeavour to save some of the baggage and to procure
food. The captain, Governor Carrol of Tennessee,
and a young Virginian, Mr. Crawford, directed these researches
164with great activity. It was a singular and touching
event, to see a governor of a state, that is to say, a first
magistrate of a republic, without shoes, stockings or hat,
doing the duty of a boatman as if it had been his real occupation,
and that much more for the benefit of others than
for himself, for he had very little on board to lose by the
shipwreck. Those different searches obtained us a trunk
belonging to the general, in which were his most valuable
papers, and a small part of the passengers’ baggage. They
also brought a leg of smoked venison, some biscuits, a case
of claret and a keg of Madeira. With these provisions,
about fifty men, for such was our number, repaired their
strength, exhausted by a night of labour and anxiety.
The day, on its return, shone on an interesting picture.
The shore was covered with wrecks of all kinds, in the
midst of which each eagerly searched for their own property;
some mournfully recounted the extent of their losses,
others could not avoid laughing at the nakedness or
costume in which they found themselves; this gaiety
soon became prevalent, and pleasantries circulated
around the fires of our bivouac, and at last smoothed
the visages of the most sorrowful, and almost transformed
our shipwreck into a party of pleasure.
At nine o’clock we induced the general to cross the
river, and go to a house we perceived on the other bank,
to shelter himself from the storm which threatened us.
Mr. Thibeaudot and Bastien accompanied him. He had
scarcely left us, when one of the party, who was on the
look out on the shore, pointed out to us a steam-boat descending
the river, and immediately afterwards another.
This double news filled us with joy and hope. Soon these
two vessels arrived opposite to us and stopped. One of
them, a vessel of large size and remarkable beauty, was
the Paragon; she came from Louisville and was going to
New Orleans, with a heavy cargo of whiskey and tobacco.
By a very lucky circumstance for us, one of our companions
in misfortune, Mr. Neilson, was one of the owners of
this vessel, and hastened to put it at the disposal of the
Tennessee committee to transport General Lafayette,
generously taking on himself all the chances of another
misfortune and the loss of insurance. Immediately our
whole party, abandoning our bivouac, repaired on board
165of the Paragon. Before leaving the captain of the Artisan,
who remained with his vessel to endeavour to save something,
we offered him our services, which he peremptorily
refused, assuring us that he had hands enough for this work.
But the poor man was very much depressed, not from the
loss of the vessel, nor that of 1200 dollars he had on board,
or even from any fear of not finding employment; his
grief arose from having shipwrecked the guest of the nation.
“Never,” said he, “will my fellow citizens pardon
me for the perils to which Lafayette was exposed last
night.” To endeavour to calm him, we drew up and
all signed a declaration, in which we attested that the loss
of the Artisan could not be attributed either to the unskilfulness
or imprudence of Captain Hall, whose courage and
disinterestedness had been experienced by us all during
the accident. This declaration, which was sincere on the
part of all the signers, appeared to give him great pleasure,
but did not entirely console him. As soon as the
Paragon got under way, I went with Mr. George Lafayette
in search of his father. After half an hour’s rowing, we re-joined
our new vessel, which in two days, and without
accident, conducted us to Louisville, where we remained
twenty-four hours. It was about 125 miles from that
place, near the mouth of Deer Creek, that we met with our
misfortune.
The entertainments given to General Lafayette at Louisville
were marred by the stormy weather; but the expression
of public feeling was not the less pleasing to him. The
idea of the danger he had incurred, excited in all breasts a
tender solicitude, which every one testified with that
simplicity and truth of expression only appertaining to
freemen. In the midst of the joy occasioned by the arrival
of Lafayette, the citizens of Louisville did not forget
the noble disinterestedness of Mr. Neilson, to whom they
presented the strongest proofs of gratitude. His name was
coupled with that of the general, in the toasts they gave
at the public dinner. The insurance company declared
that the Paragon should remain insured without an additional
charge, and the city presented him a magnificent
piece of plate, on which was engraved the thanks of the
Tennesseans and Kentuckians for the generous manner in
which he had risked the greater part of his fortune that the
166national guest should receive no delay nor inconvenience
in his journey.
The day after our arrival, notwithstanding the badness of
the weather, the general crossed the Ohio to accept the invitation
that was sent him by the citizens of Jeffersonville
in the state of Indiana. He remained there some hours,
and returned in the evening to Louisville to attend a dinner,
ball, and various spectacles that had been prepared for him.
On Friday morning, the 12th of May, after having presented
a standard to a corps of volunteer cavalry that had been
expressly formed some days previous, to escort him on his
arrival, he began his journey by land to Cincinnati, passing
through the state of Kentucky, as he wished to visit its
principal towns, Frankfort, Lexington, &c. Governor
Carrol, who, after having fulfilled his mission, in placing
the guest of the nation under the care of the Kentucky
committee, wished to return home, with his staff, yielded
to the pressing invitations which were given him by the
committee to accompany General Lafayette yet farther.
On the day of our departure, all the militia were under
arms. We found, by their excellent discipline, armament and
uniforms, that they strongly resembled those of Tennessee,
with whom they are united in brotherly feeling, to which
the events of the last war gave a new force.
At the end of our first day’s journey, we arrived at Shelbyville,
a large and flourishing village, situated in the midst
of a most fertile and diversified country; the next day, at
four o’clock in the afternoon, the general made his entrance
into Frankfort, the seat of government of Kentucky.
The entertainments given on this occasion by the inhabitants
of the town, to which were joined those of the
neighbouring counties, were very brilliant, and strongly
impressed with that ardent and patriotic character which
distinguishes all the states of the Union, but which, among
the Kentuckians, is more manifest, and expressed with
all the energy of a young people, enthusiastic in the cause
of liberty.
After having traversed the principal streets of Frankfort,
we arrived in the centre of the town, where we stopped in
front of a triumphal arch, under which the governor waited
for the guest of the nation; the sound of a cannon, discharged
from a neighbouring hill which overlooked all the neighbourhood,
167arrested the acclamations of the people, when
the governor advanced in the midst of a profoundly silent
and attentive crowd, and delivered an eloquent and appropriate
address. This discourse was loudly applauded
by the multitude, and I heard it asserted every where
around me that it was impossible to express the sentiments
of the people of Kentucky with greater exactness.
After passing several hours in receiving visits and marks
of friendship from the whole population, the general went
to a dinner that had been prepared for him in the public
square. The table was of a semi-circular form, and contained
places for eight hundred persons, in order that all
the detachments of militia that had escorted General
Lafayette from Louisville might be accommodated, as
well as a great number of officers from Tennessee and
Kentucky, who had particularly distinguished themselves
during the last war, as General Adair, Colonel M‘Affee, &c.
Notwithstanding his desire to avoid transgressing any of
the established customs of the United States, the general
was obliged to travel on Sunday, for his time
was rigorously appropriated until his arrival at Boston,
where he was obliged to be on the 17th of June. We
therefore set out on Saturday, the 14th of May, from Frankfort,
and travelling almost without stopping, till we reached
Lexington, which we entered on Monday, about the
middle of the day. On the way, we visited the pretty little
town of Versailles, where we remained some hours, to attend
a public dinner, given by the citizens of the town and
the surrounding country; and we slept on Sunday night
about three miles from Lexington, where, on Monday
morning, a large body of militia cavalry, conducted by a
deputation from Lafayette county, arrived to escort the
general. The procession was formed on an eminence from
whence we could discover Louisville in the distance, with
the fertile fields that surrounded it. We took up the line
of march about eight o’clock. The rain fell in torrents,
and the sky covered with thick clouds, presaged a bad day;
but at the moment we began to enter the town, a discharge
of artillery from a neighbouring hill announced the arrival
of the procession; and at this signal the rain ceased, as if by
enchantment, the clouds dispersed, and the returning sun
discovered to us the neighbouring country, covered with
168crowds of people anxiously expecting the arrival of the
national guest. This almost magic scene added still more
to the enthusiasm of the multitude, and their joyful acclamations
were mingled with the continued roar of artillery
which surrounded us. The entertainments at Lexington
were extremely brilliant; but of the proofs of public
felicity, that which most attracted the general’s attention,
was the developement and rapid progress of instruction
among all classes of people. In fact, is it not an admirable
and astonishing circumstance, to find in a country, which
not forty years ago was covered with immense forests, inhabited
by savages, a handsome town of six thousand inhabitants,
and containing two establishments for public
instruction, which, by the number of their pupils, and the
variety and nature of the branches taught, may rival the
most celebrated colleges and universities in the principal
towns of Europe? We first visited the college for young
men, superintended by President Holly, who received the
general at the door of the establishment, and addressed
him in an eloquent speech, in which, after having described
what Lafayette had accomplished in his youth, for the liberation
of North America, he expressed a regret that his
efforts had not been equally successful in the regeneration
of France. Then reverting to a more consoling topic, he
rapidly sketched a picture of American prosperity and the
happy influence his visit would produce on the rising generation.
The general replied to the various points of President
Holly’s speech with his accustomed felicity of expression,
and afterwards took his place, in a large hall, prepared for
the exercises of the young men; where, in the presence of
the public, he was addressed in Latin, English and French,
by three of the pupils, whose compositions, as eloquently
written as well delivered, merited the plaudits of the
auditors. He replied to each of the young orators in a
manner that proved that the three languages they had used
were equally familiar to him, and that his heart was deeply
moved by the expression of their youthful patriotism. He
was not less pleased with his visit to the academy of young
ladies, directed by Mrs. Dunham, and instituted under the
name of the Lafayette academy; one hundred and fifty
pupils received him with the harmonious sound of a patriotic
169song composed by Mrs. Holly, and accompanied on
the piano by Miss Hammond; several young ladies afterwards
complimented him; some in prose, and others in
verse, of their own composition. The discourse of Miss
M’Intosh and the beautiful ode of Miss Nephew, produced
a great effect on the audience, and drew tears from eyes
little accustomed to such emotions.
From so many and touching proofs of esteem and veneration
for his character, General Lafayette experienced
feelings it was impossible for him adequately to express.
Surrounded and caressed by these tender and innocent
creatures, he abandoned himself to those sweet emotions,
to which, in spite of age, his heart has not become insensible;
and he could not avoid repeating how much he felt his
happiness in having combated during his youth, for a people
whose descendants testified such affection for him; and
the profound knowledge, even the youngest of the children
appeared to possess of every action of his life, penetrated
him with the liveliest gratitude. At last, he tore himself
from a scene of emotion, too violent to be supported for
any length of time, assuring the directress of the academy,
that he was proud of the honour of seeing his name attached
to an establishment so beneficial in its aim, and happy
in its results.
In the midst of entertainments of all kinds, the description
of which would be impossible, General Lafayette did
not forget what he owed to the memory and former friendship
of his old companions; having ascertained that the
widow of General Scott lived at Lexington, he went to her
house to pay his respects. This visit was highly gratifying,
not only to Mrs. Scott and her family, but also to all
who had known General Scott, whose noble character and
patriotic conduct during the revolutionary war will always
be cited with pride by his fellow-citizens.
General Lafayette did not overlook another friendship,
which, although more recent, was not less sincere. After
this visit he went a mile from Lexington, to Ashland, the
charming seat of Mr. Clay; the honourable secretary of
state was absent, but Mrs. Clay and her children performed
all the honours of the house with the most amiable cordiality.
This step of the general’s was very pleasing to the
citizens of Lexington, which was a proof to me, that the
170popularity of Mr. Clay, which rests on his talents and services,
has not been diminished among his fellow citizens
by the gross and perhaps unwarrantable attacks made on
him by some party journals at the time of the presidential
election.
After forty-eight hours of uninterrupted entertainments,
we left Lexington, where we parted with Governor Carrol
and almost all our companions from Tennessee, Louisiana,
Frankfort, &c. and only accompanied by a detachment
of volunteer cavalry from Georgetown, we turned
suddenly to the left, and in thirty-six hours arrived at that
point in the Ohio, on which is situated the handsome city
of Cincinnati, in which General Lafayette was expected
with the greatest impatience. This journey, from Louisville
to Cincinnati, gave us the advantage of seeing the
prodigies of art effected by liberty, in a country which
civilization has scarcely snatched from savage nature.
In 1775, Kentucky was only known from the reports of
some bold hunters, who had dared to establish themselves
among the ferocious tribes who inhabited that country.
Its name alone, formed of the Indian word Kentucke, signifying
river of blood, always recalled to the dismayed
whites the numerous murders committed on the first among
them who had attempted to enter it, and appeared as if it
would deter them from ever establishing themselves there;
but the courage, activity, and perseverance of a Carolinian,
named Boon, succeeded, after many unsuccessful attempts,
in forming a settlement of sufficient size to resist the reiterated
attacks of the Indians. Soon after, the revolutionary
war, which gave liberty and independence to the English
colonies, having terminated, the activity of the inhabitants
of the northern states, urging them perpetually to
new enterprises, the tide of emigration flowed towards
Kentucky, and in the year 1790, the population of this
country already amounted to near 74,000. Until this time
Kentucky had always been looked upon as a part of Virginia,
but then, by consent of that state, it was separated,
and formed into a distinct state, which was admitted into
the Union in 1782; its population is now 560,000. The
Indians, either destroyed, or driven back to distant parts,
by civilization, have left the field open to the industry of
the whites; in the place of the ancient forests that served
171them for an asylum, are now found populous cities, abundant
harvests, and active and prosperous manufactures;
finally, Kentucky, in spite of its ominous name, has become
a hospitable land, and is now one of the most brilliant stars
in the new constellation of the west. The courage displayed
by the inhabitants of Kentucky during the last war
is well known, and in what manner they expressed their
patriotic sentiments in the presence of Lafayette. Nevertheless,
I will relate the following anecdote, which proves
how deeply the hatred of despotism is imparted in the
breasts of every class among these happy people.
During a pleasant day of our journey, I ascended a steep
hill on foot, on the summit of which I stopped near an
isolated cabin, in order to wait for the carriages, which
slowly followed me, and were still far in the rear, for I had
walked rapidly. A man, who was smoking his segar at the
door of the house, asked me to walk in and rest myself. I
accepted, with gratitude, this polite invitation. The difficulty
with which I expressed my thanks in English marked
me for a stranger, and induced a number of questions, as
to the place whence I came, where I was going, and
the motives of my journey. As these questions appeared
to be dictated rather from a feeling of kindness, than from
indiscreet curiosity, I hastened to answer with all possible
politeness. “Well!” exclaimed my host in a joyful tone,
“since you have the happiness of living with Lafayette,
you will not refuse to drink a glass of whiskey with me to
his health,” and segars and whiskey were immediately
presented to me, and we began to converse on what appeared
most to interest my Kentucky entertainer, the guest
of the nation. After exhausting this subject, he spoke of
my country, and the extraordinary man who had bestowed
upon it fifteen years of glory and despotism. He seemed
enthusiastic on the military exploits of Napoleon, and
deeply afflicted at his unhappy end. “Why,” said he,
“had he the folly to give himself up, in his misfortunes, to
his most cruel enemy, to the English government, whose
perfidy he had so often experienced? why did he not rather
seek an asylum on our hospitable shores? Here he would
have found admirers, and what is better, sincere friends, in
the midst of whom, freed from all inquietude, he might have
peacefully enjoyed the recollection of his great actions.”
172“I suspect,” answered I, “that you know little of Napoleon’s
character; his soul was not formed for the mild enjoyments
of peace; he constantly required new food for the
prodigious activity of his genius; and who knows, that if
seduced by new dreams of ambition, at the view of the resources
of a new country, he would not have attempted to
substitute, as he did with us, his own will for your wise
institutions?” “We should have considered such an attempt
as an act of madness,” replied my host with a smile
of disdain, “but if, against all probabilities, we had submitted
for a moment to his tyrannous ascendency, his success
would have been fatal to him. Look at that rifle,” added
he, pointing to one in a corner of the room, “with that I
never miss a pheasant in our woods at a hundred yards; a
tyrant is larger than a pheasant, and there is not a Kentuckian
who is not as patriotic and skilful as myself.”
CHAPTER XI.
Arrival at Cincinnati—Entertainments given by that city—Swiss of
Vevay—State of Ohio—The Vinton family—Journey from Wheeling
to Uniontown—Speech of Mr. Gallatin—New Geneva—Bradock’s
field—General Washington’s first feat of arms—Pittsburgh.
On the 19th of May, at 10 o’clock in the morning, we
arrived on the left bank of the Ohio. The first object that
attracted my view on the side, and almost opposite to us,
was the handsome city of Cincinnati, majestically covering
a large amphitheatre, at the foot of which, the river, upwards
of half a mile in width, flows peaceably. Several
boats, carrying a deputation from the city of Cincinnati, and
some officers of the staff, had been waiting since morning
for the arrival of General Lafayette. We entered, with our
fellow travellers from Frankfort, into the handsomest of
these boats, and rapidly crossed the river. We landed under
a salute of thirteen guns, and cries of “Welcome, Lafayette,”
repeated by thousands of voices in honour of the
guest of America. In presence of the people assembled on
173the banks of the river, and of several regiments of militia
formed in line, Governor Morrow received him in the name
of the state, and having placed him by his side in a calash,
conducted him to the hotel in the midst of enthusiastic testimonies
which it would be impossible to describe.
It was General Harrison, whose name is so gloriously
associated with the principal events of the last war, who
received General Lafayette at his quarters, and addressed
him in the name of the state of Ohio. In a discourse,
filled with sentiments of tenderness and gratitude
towards Lafayette, General Harrison drew a picture of
the prodigious increase and prosperity, of which the state
of Ohio and city of Cincinnati offered a most admirable
example.
When the address was concluded, the crowd, which filled
the apartments, pressed with ardour around General Lafayette,
each anxious to be personally introduced to him.
Many revolutionary soldiers were present, who were not the
least zealous in claiming the right to shake hands with their
ancient comrade. There was also a citizen of Cincinnati,
whose name and aspect excited the most tender emotions
in the general’s heart. This was Mr. Morgan Neville, son
of Major Neville, his former aide-de-camp and friend, and
maternal grandson of the celebrated Morgan, who, by his
talents and bravery, at the head of his corps of partizans,
during the war of independence, gained great reputation.
After some moments devoted to official introductions, and
reciprocal felicitations, the general returned his thanks to
General Harrison, and we proceeded with a numerous
train of free masons to the masonic hall, where many lodges
had met to receive the nation’s guest, and offer fraternal
congratulations upon his arrival in the state of Ohio.
A public dinner and display of fire-works from the highest
part of the town, terminated the day, which was only
the prelude to entertainments on the morrow, more splendid
than had ever before been witnessed in Ohio.
The first honours which the general received at sunrise,
were from the boys and girls belonging to the public
schools. Assembled to the number of six hundred, under
the superintendance of their teachers, these children were
ranged in the principal street, where they made the air
echo with Welcome, Lafayette. When the general appeared
174before them, their young hands scattered flowers under his
feet, and Dr. Ruter advancing, delivered him an address
in their name, the sentiments of which sensibly affected the
general, who wished to express his acknowledgements to
the doctor, but, at the moment, was surrounded by the
children, who in a most lively manner stretched out their
little hands to him, and filled the air with their cries of joy.
He received their caresses and embraces with the tenderness
of a parent who returns to his family after a long
absence, and then replied to Dr. Ruter’s address.
Whilst this ceremony was going on, the militia were
called to arms, and at eleven o’clock appeared, formed in
line of battle, upon the public square. In front appeared
the fine companies commanded by Captains Harrison, Emerson,
and Avery. The general passed them in review.
Immediately afterwards came the mechanics, forming a
long procession, in the midst of which floated the flags
representing their various trades. The barge in which Lafayette
had the preceding evening crossed the Ohio, followed,
mounted upon four wheels, with its oars trimmed
and flag floating in the air. A detachment of revolutionary
soldiers marched around her. We were desired to place
ourselves in the middle of this procession, with which we
made various turns through the town on our way to a large
square near the court-house. There the general mounted
an elegant platform, decorated with verdure. The people
pressed around him, and the harmony of a fine band of
music having gained the attention of the multitude, Mr.
Lee sung, to the air of the Marseillaise, a martial ode, of
which the last words of each stanza were enthusiastically
repeated by the spectators. A discourse upon the solemnity
of the day, succeeded these patriotic songs. The orator
who was to pronounce it arose, advanced towards the expecting
multitude, before whom he remained some moments
silent, his countenance depressed, his hand placed upon
his breast, as if overcome by the greatness of the subject
he was to treat. At length his sonorous voice, although
slightly tremulous, was heard, and the whole assembly soon
became fascinated by his eloquence. The benefits and advantages
of freedom, the generous efforts made for its establishment
in the two hemispheres by Lafayette, the picture
of the present and future prosperity of the United States,
175furnished the topics of Mr. Benham’s address. He took
such possession of the imagination of his auditors, that
even after he had ceased speaking, the attentive crowd remained
some time silent as though they still heard his voice.
Popular eloquence is one of the distinctive characteristics
of the Americans of the United States. The faculty of
speaking well in public is acquired by all the citizens from
the universality and excellence of their education, and is
developed in a higher degree by the nature of their institutions,
which call upon each citizen for the exercise of that
power in the discussion of public affairs. In each town, in
every village, the number of persons capable of speaking
before a numerous assembly, is truly surprising; and it is
not uncommon to meet among them men, who, although
born in obscurity, have justly acquired great reputation for
eloquence. At the head of such speakers, we may mention
the names of Messrs. Clay and Webster, whose parents
were, I think, farmers, and who, at the present day, might
appear with advantage in comparison with our most distinguished
European orators.
After the address of Mr. Benham, the people dispersed,
and the ceremonies were suspended until the hour for the
public dinner, to allow the general some repose. We had
hardly returned to Mr. Febiger’s, in whose hospitable
house we lodged, when we saw thirty or forty persons
arrive, who entered the drawing room, and requested permission
to speak to Lafayette. “We are citizens of Vevay,”
said an old man at their head, who spoke to me in French,
and for whom all the rest seemed to possess great deference.
“We were induced to hope that the friend of America
and of liberty, would come and visit our little town, and
that we should have the pleasure of showing him our vineyards,
and inducing him to taste the wines of our vintage;
but his passage through Kentucky deprived us of this happiness.
Nevertheless, we could not miss seeing the man
whose name was dear to us even before we left our country,
and we resolved upon coming here to salute him.”
I communicated this to the general, who, being unable
to come down at the moment, sent his son to request the
visiters to wait for him a short time. They received Mr.
George Lafayette with great tenderness, and after having
repeated to him nearly what they had said to me, they
176informed us that they were all Swiss, for the most part
from the canton of Vaud; that the persecutions of the
local authorities, the desire of ameliorating their condition,
and love of liberty, had determined them to leave their
country and come to settle in the New World; that they
had founded in the state of Indiana, on the banks of the
Ohio, about one hundred and fifty miles from Cincinnati, a
town to which they had given the name of Vevay; and that
about one hundred and fifty-six families lived there, principally
by the produce of their vines, the culture of which
they had succeeded in introducing into this portion of the
United States. Whilst we were listening to these details,
the general arrived, and immediately the Swiss of Vevay
having formed a semicircle to receive him, the most aged
among them, whom I had heard called Father Dufour,
advanced and welcomed him by an address full of feeling.
When he had finished speaking, all these inhabitants of
Vevay threw themselves into the arms of the general and
tenderly embraced him. They had brought with them
some wine of their vintage, which they presented us, and
we joined them in drinking to the prosperity of their new
and the regeneration of their old country.
It must be confessed that the wine of Vevay is by no
means exquisite. Nevertheless, it is quite a pleasant
drink, and, according to my taste, the best of the wines
made in the United States.[15] Although the vine grows naturally
in the forests of North America, it nevertheless
submits to cultivation with difficulty, and, to the present
time, it is only by the greatest care that it can be rendered
productive. The sudden changes of temperature cause it
to be affected with diseases which show themselves by the
appearance of numerous little black spots on the leaves;
and the cold nights of autumn often prevent the fruit from
177arriving at perfect maturity. The vine-dressers of Vevay
have however succeeded tolerably well in acclimating
some of the plants of Europe, which promise an abundant
produce. On our way to the dinner, as we crossed the
public square, we saw the gunners stationed at their park
of artillery. Their elegant and martial uniform, was that
of the French artillery. We were informed that this was
the Vevay Artillery Company. It was, in fact, composed
almost entirely of Swiss, among whom a great number had
served in the artillery of the French army. Their manœuvres
appeared to be executed with a precision and
rapidity altogether remarkable.
In the ball which succeeded the banquet, the citizens of
Cincinnati displayed the good taste and elegance which
characterize a rich city, fruitful in resources and long
polished by civilization. But that which charmed the
general most, was the delicate attentions offered him on all
sides. More than five hundred persons animated this
patriotic party, at which Messrs. Morrow, governor of
Ohio; Desha, governor of Kentucky; Duval, governor of
Florida; Scott, major-general of the United States army;
with many other personages of distinguished rank and
character, were present.
At midnight, at a signal given by the Vevay artillery, we
took our leave of the citizens of Cincinnati, and embarked
in the Herald to continue our journey. The general could
hardly force himself away from the circle of his friends,
nor could he cease from expressing his admiration at the
prosperity of Cincinnati, and the state of Ohio, which he
denominated the eighth wonder of the world. One cannot,
in fact, avoid being struck with astonishment at the
sight of such prodigious creations of liberty and industry,
of which this state offers so many examples. The simple
progress of its population borders on the marvellous. In
1790, there were in it only 3,000, whilst at present there
are nearly 800,000. In 1820, the town of Cincinnati contained
only 9,642 inhabitants, now it has 18,000. Ohio is
both an agricultural and manufacturing state. Its fertile
soil produces abundance of grain and a variety of fruits.
In the southern part they raise a little cotton, whilst the
northern section is celebrated for its rich pasturage.
Agriculture is said to occupy 112,000 individuals, while
178only about 19,000 are annually engaged in manufacturing.
Last year the manufactures of wool, cotton, and thread;
of leather, iron, nails, and maple sugar, amounted to nearly
two millions of dollars. All these products, along with
those of agriculture, have a prospect of increasing considerably
every year, and the excess over the internal consumption
always finds an easy market, the state of Ohio
being admirably situated as to facilities of exportation.
For more than four hundred miles, the beautiful river
which waters its south and south-east limits is navigable
for large vessels. Its northern frontiers are for seventy-five
miles washed by the waters of Lake Erie, and a canal
running across the whole state joins these two points, so
that Ohio stands upon the great line of internal navigation
which connects New York with New Orleans, passing
beyond the Alleghany mountains.
To all these natural sources of prosperity, Ohio unites another
advantage, which she owes to the happy construction
of her constitution; namely, the abolition of slavery and
involuntary servitude. A slave becomes free as soon as
he touches the happy soil of Ohio; and if he does not enjoy
the right of suffrage, and some other political privileges, he
ought not to ascribe it to the partiality of legislators, but
to the melancholy state of ignorance in which his unfortunate
race still exist.
It was on the 22d of May at midnight, when we embarked
on board the Herald, which was to carry us to Wheeling,
a small town in Virginia, situated on the banks of the
Ohio, almost on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Although
we had to run more than three hundred miles, we nevertheless
landed there on the 24th before night. It is true,
that, during our passage, we did not stop except to take in
the necessary supplies of wood, and visit some establishments
which we found on the banks of the river, such as
Portsmouth, Galliopolis, Marietta, &c. which, for the most
part, were founded by the French, but the population is
now altogether American, at least with very few exceptions.
It was in one of these small towns, Galliopolis, I
believe, that we visited the family of Mr. Vinton, one of
the Ohio representatives to congress, who was of the small
minority that voted against the national recompense given
to Lafayette. Mr. Vinton had not yet returned from
179Washington city, but his family received the general in his
behalf, with every mark of tenderness and veneration; and
Mrs. Vinton did not leave him until he returned on board
the Herald, whither she wished to accompany him on foot
with all her relatives. This civility in the Vinton family,
sensibly touched the heart of the general, and afforded
him a proof, that the members of the small opposition who
had voted against the proposition of the 20th of December,
were not the less his sincere friends; and that, if they had
hazarded their popularity among their constituents in such
a case, it was, as I have before said, only from motives of
public order, and a steady resolution to oppose every extraordinary
measure of finance.
From Wheeling we again entered the state of Pennsylvania,
by Washington, Brownsville, Uniontown, &c. In
all this route, the general found the Virginia and Pennsylvania
population in the same dispositions as in the preceding
year; that is to say, the people every where crowding
his way, and conferring upon him the greatest honours.
The little town of Washington, the seat of justice for the
county of the same name, distinguished itself by the brilliancy
of its festivals. At Brownsville we crossed the
Monongahela in a batteau, bearing twenty-four young girls
dressed in white, who came to receive the general, and
who crowned him with flowers the moment he came within
the limits of the town. At Uniontown, the seat of justice
for the county of Lafayette, he was received with a
simplicity and cordiality calculated to recall the character
of the founders of Pennsylvania. For the purpose of addressing
their national guest, the inhabitants of Uniontown
employed, as their organ of communication, one of his
oldest and best friends, Mr. Gallatin, known in Europe
from his diplomatic labours, and whom the American
leaders have always reckoned among the number of their
most able defenders.
Placed upon a stage raised in the centre of the town,
Mr. Gallatin received General Lafayette, and addressed
him in the name of the surrounding people, who listened
in silence.
Mr. Gallatin is not of the number, unfortunately too
great, of those foreigners, who, from ignorance or envy,
incessantly confound the cause of legitimacy, and the
180happy results of the French revolution, with the horrible
and sanguinary excesses afterwards perpetrated by
those wretches, who were only the instruments of the
servile partizans of privilege, and who, for the purpose
of checking liberty in its noble career, thought to
bring it into disrepute by the crimes committed in its
name. The justice Mr. Gallatin rendered to the courage
and wisdom of the French patriots of 1789,
deeply affected General Lafayette, who expressed to him
his gratitude, in a reply distinguished by its eloquence and
the elevation of its sentiments.
After twenty-four hours passed, I will not say amidst entertainments,
but rather in the reception of the most tender
and affectionate testimonials of attachment from the inhabitants
of Uniontown, the general accepted the invitation
of Mr. Gallatin, to repose himself a short time in the bosom
of his family; and we accordingly set out with him for
New Geneva, a charming residence, situated on the high
and rocky banks of the Monongahela, at some miles distance
from Uniontown. A detachment of militia from
the county of Lafayette, in whose ranks was a son of Mr.
Gallatin, escorted us; and through the whole route we met
groups of the inhabitants, who, in their joyous acclamations,
blended the name of Lafayette with that of Gallatin, to
which were associated the remembrance of innumerable
services rendered to this part of Pennsylvania. We found
at New Geneva all that could contribute to the pleasure of
a visit. To the advantages of a situation happily chosen,
are added the charms of an amiable and intelligent society.
But the general was very far from finding there the solitude
which his friend had promised him. During twenty-four
hours which we remained at this delightful place, the doors
remained open, to give free access to the good people of
the neighbourhood, who came in crowds to salute their well
beloved guest.
On the 28th of May Mr. Gallatin reconducted us to
Uniontown, when we took leave of him to go to Elizabethtown,
a little village situated on the banks of the Monongahela.
We arrived there about twelve o’clock; when a
boat, propelled by four oars, received us on board, and we
descended the river to the famous Braddock’s Field, which
we reached some time after sunset. We were favoured
181with delightful weather during our sail, which was rendered
highly interesting by the conversation of our companions,
the members of the committee from Uniontown. We surveyed
the shores, which in times past echoed with the
cries of victory from the adventurous sons of France, and
which were also the witnesses of disasters which the faults
of a government as presumptuous as imbecile drew upon
them. The recital of the events of that period, chained
our attention until the moment of our landing. It was nine
o’clock when we arrived at Braddock’s field, where the
English troops, under the command of a general of that
name, were completely defeated in the month of July, 1755,
by the French and Indians united. The principal circumstances
of that memorable event are too familiar to all those
whose attention has been directed to American history, for
me to relate them here. I will content myself by only repeating,
that, it was on that day, so fatal to British arms,
that the man who has since established the glory and independence
of his country, gave the first proofs of his military
talents, and calm intrepidity in battle. If General Braddock
had not scorned the advice of his young aide-de-camp, Washington,
he would not have fought upon ground where every
thing was in favour of the enemy, and thus have sacrificed
his army, his fame, and his life. Although his advice was
rejected, the young Washington did not fight the less heroically;
and it was owing to his courage and coolness that
the wreck of the conquered army was saved.
Upon the field of battle, where, even at this day, the
plough could not trace a furrow without turning up bones
whitened by time, and fragments of arms corroded by rust,
is situated the large and elegant mansion of Mr. Wallace,
by whom we, as well as our companions, were received
with the most touching and amiable hospitality. We there
found already assembled a numerous deputation sent by the
city of Pittsburg, to meet the general, and the next morning
at daylight, detachments of volunteer cavalry arrived to
serve as an escort on our route to that city.
The road which led from Braddock’s field to Pittsburg,
although many miles long, was soon covered by a considerable
crowd, in the midst of which the cavalcade advanced
slowly towards the city. On the road we visited
the United States arsenal, which was about half way. The
182discharge of twenty-four guns announced the entrance of
General Lafayette into that establishment, when Major
Churchill, and the officers under his command, invited him
to breakfast. After having examined the armoury and
workshops, in which we remarked great regularity, order,
and activity, we continued our route towards Pittsburg,
where the general was received, on his entrance into the
city, by the magistrates, at the head of the people, and the
militia in order of battle.
I have had to describe so many triumphal entries into
great and rich cities, whilst narrating General Lafayette’s
incomparable journey through the twenty-four states of
the American Union, that, to avoid repetition, I am obliged
to pass over in silence a great number of receptions whose
principal features were alike. It is for this reason I omit
the account of his reception at the national hotel at Pittsburg;
although that city yielded to no other in the United
States in the splendour of her festivals, and in the expression
of her sentiments of patriotic gratitude. But I have yet
before me so long a route to survey, and so many things to
relate, that I am forced to imitate Lafayette, who was
obliged to shorten the delicious moments that friendship
had every where prepared for him on his journey, that he
might be present at the celebration at Bunker’s Hill. I
will not, however, quit Pittsburg without paying my tribute
of admiration to the eloquence of Mr. Shaler, who addressed
the general in the name of the citizens, and that of Mr.
Gazzam, charged with the presentation of the children of
the public schools. These two orators, so remarkable for
elevation of thought, and elegance of expression, obtained
the approbation of their auditors, and excited in the heart
of him whom they addressed the most profound sentiments
of gratitude.
Among the persons or corporations officially presented
to General Lafayette, was a group of old men, who, by
their enthusiasm in speaking of old times, were easily recognized
for soldiers of 1776. One of them addressing his
old general, asked him if he still remembered the young
soldier who first offered to carry him on a litter, when he
was wounded at the battle of Brandywine? Lafayette,
after having attentively surveyed him, threw himself into
his arms, crying, “No, I have not forgotten Wilson, and it
183is a great happiness to be permitted to embrace him to-day!”
Wilson himself, who asked the question, was much affected,
and the incident penetrated the spectators in the most
touching manner.
General Lafayette recognized one of his old companions
in arms during the revolution, in the person of the Reverend
Joseph Patterson, who came to visit him with the
ministers of different denominations in the city and neighbouring
counties. Joseph Patterson, although a clergyman,
had shouldered his musket, and fought for the independence
of his country through two terrible campaigns of
the revolution, and had assisted at the battle of Germantown.
After having devoted the day of his arrival at Pittsburg
to public ceremonies, the general wished to employ a part
of the next day in visiting some of the ingenious establishments
which constitute the glory and prosperity of that
manufacturing city, which, for the variety and excellence
of its products, deserves to be compared to our Saint-Etienne,
or to Manchester in England. He was struck by
the excellence and perfection of the processes employed in
the various workshops which he examined; but that which
interested him above all was the manufacture of glass,
some patterns of which were presented to him, that, for
their clearness and transparency, might have been admired
even by the side of the glass of Baccarat.
Pittsburg is situated on the point where the rivers Alleghany
and Monongahela mingle their waters, forming the
majestic river Ohio, which, flowing towards the western
and southern states, and even to the Atlantic, afford an
easy outlet for the products of its industry. These, with
the population, increase each year with wonderful rapidity.
Pittsburg now contains eight thousand inhabitants, and a
great many workmen, strangers, who are drawn hither by
the prosperity of the manufactories, coming every year to
communicate to them secret processes and improvements,
brought to light by the activity of the European manufacturers.
CHAPTER XII.
184
Route from Pittsburg to Erie—Commodore Perry’s Victory—Night
Scene at Fredonia—The Indian Chief at Buffalo—Falls of Niagara—Visit
to Fort Niagara—Appearance of Lockport—Passage from Lockport
to Rochester—Aqueduct over the Genessee River—Route by
land from Rochester to Syracuse—Passage from Syracuse to Schenectady,
Rome, and Utica—Grand Canal.
On leaving Pittsburg, the general was obliged to part
from his old friends of the state of Ohio, represented by
Governor Morrow, who had accompanied him with his
staff. Conducted by a committee of the city of Pittsburg,
and escorted by a company of militia, we took the route by
way of Franklin, Meadville, Waterford, and Erie, to gain
the shores of the great lake which bears this name. All
this western portion of Pennsylvania, watered by French
Creek, is remarkable for the beauty and variety of its
scenery. In each of the villages through which we passed,
the general was detained several hours in receiving the
honours which had been prepared for him by the citizens
and public officers.
The trophies suspended over our heads, the name of
Perry and the view of lake Erie, necessarily directed the
thoughts of the guests to the events of the last war; and in
a short time the gallant deeds of the American navy became
the subject of general conversation. As it was perceived
that Lafayette took great pleasure in hearing a
narration of the glory of the descendants of his former companions
in arms, all the details of that memorable day
were given him, in which, after a combat of three hours,
an American squadron entirely captured a British fleet far
superior in the number of guns.
In hearing the recital of those noble actions, Lafayette
cast his eyes alternately on the numerous English flags that
floated over his head, on the lake, the theatre of such glorious
events, and on the seamen who surrounded him; and
his heart was filled with pride, on perceiving that the Americans
of 1813 had shown themselves worthy sons of his
185old fellow soldiers, the immortal heroes of the revolution
of 1776.
On leaving the table, the general took leave of the inhabitants
of Erie, and departed from this town at three o’clock
in the afternoon, with the committee of Chatauque county,
who had come to announce to him that a steam-boat was
waiting at Dunkirk to take him to Buffalo. Before sunset,
we left the territory of Pennsylvania and entered on that
of New York. As we had fifty miles to accomplish, and
as the general did not wish to detain the vessel too long,
we travelled until daybreak without stopping. In this
rapid journey, we passed through many large villages, the
population of which, assembled in the public places around
large fires, waited patiently for the arrival of the national
guest to salute him with patriotic acclamations. These
nocturnal scenes have left a strong impression on my mind.
I shall never forget the magical effect that was produced at
Fredonia. On leaving Portland, yielding to the fatigue of
the preceding days, we were sleeping in the carriage notwithstanding
the violent jolting occasioned by the trunks
of the trees forming the road over which we were rapidly
passing; on a sudden the startling explosion of a piece of
artillery awoke us, and our eyes were immediately dazzled
by the glare of a thousand lights, suspended to the houses
and trees that surrounded us. We were solicited to alight,
and we found ourselves in the middle of an avenue, formed
on one side by men and boys, and on the other by young
girls and women holding their infants in their arms. At
the sight of Lafayette, the air resounded with joyful cries,
all arms were stretched out towards him, the mothers presented
their infants to him and begged his benediction on
them, and warlike music uniting its sound to the din of artillery
and bells gladdened all hearts. Struck by so touching
a reception, the general was unable for some time to subdue
his emotions; at last, he advanced slowly through the
crowd, at every step shaking affectionately the hands that
were stretched out to him, and replying with tenderness to
the sweet salutation of the children who accompanied his
progress with cries of “Welcome, Lafayette.”
On a stage built in the centre of a large place, lighted by
barrels of burning rosin, an orator was waiting to address
him in the name of the people of Fredonia, who afterwards
186defiled before him in order to salute him once more. Notwithstanding
the striking character of this scene, the general
felt himself obliged to abridge it, that he might not
expose to the cold, for a longer time, the women and young
girls, who, slightly clad, had passed all the night in the
open air, waiting for him. It was three o’clock in the
morning, when, after having partaken of a collation, we
left Fredonia. The sun already began to gild the summits
of the forests we left to the right, when we arrived at Dunkirk,
a small port on Lake Erie, when the boat that was to
convey us to Buffalo, was waiting for us. A committee
from that town, and a great number of ladies, had come to
meet the general, and received him on board to the sound
of music, the delightful harmony of which accorded deliciously
with the beauty of the morning, and the romantic
aspect of the bay in which we were.
At twelve o’clock we were within sight of the shores of
Buffalo; but retarded in our progress by violent and contrary
wind, we were unable to enter the port for two hours.
Although the town of Buffalo was almost entirely destroyed
by the English, who burnt it during the last war, we
were nevertheless struck with its air of prosperity, and the
bustle in its port. We landed near one of the extremities
of that grand canal, whose other extremity we had visited
five hundred miles from this, near Albany, and which serves
as a link between Lake Erie and the Atlantic. After the
first ceremonies of the reception of the national guest by
the magistrates and citizens of Buffalo, we went to snatch
a few moments of repose at the Eagle tavern, where our
lodgings had been prepared. There, the general received a
great number of persons who desired to be particularly
presented to him; among them we had the pleasure of seeing
an old Indian chief of the Senecas, who had acquired
a great reputation for courage and eloquence, not only
among his own people, but also among the whites, who
call him Red Jacket. This extraordinary man, although
much broken by time and intemperance, still preserved, to
a surprising degree, the exercise of all his faculties; he immediately
recognised General Lafayette, and recalled to
his recollection that they had been together in 1784 at
Fort Schuyler, where a great council had been held, in
which the interests of all the Indian nations, whether
187friendly or otherwise, who could have any relation to the
United States, were settled. The general replied to him
that he had not forgotten this circumstance, and demanded
of him if he knew what had become of the young Indian
who had so eloquently opposed “the burying of the tomahawk.”
“He is before you,” replied the son of the forest,
with all the brevity of his expressive language. “Time has
much changed us,” said the general to him, “for then we
were young and active.” “Ah,” exclaimed Red Jacket,
“time has been less severe on you than on me; he has left
you a fresh countenance, and a head well covered with
hair; whilst as for me—look!” and untying the handkerchief
that covered his head, he showed us, with a melancholy
air, that his head was entirely bald. The bystanders
could not help smiling at the simplicity of the Indian, who
appeared to be ignorant of the means of repairing the injuries
of time; but were cautious not to explain his error; and
perhaps did right, for he might have confounded a wig with
a scalp, and wished to have regarnished his head at the expense
of that of one of his neighbours. Like all the Indians,
who have preserved their primitive haughtiness, Red Jacket
obstinately adheres to his native language, and entertains
a great contempt for all others. Although it was easy to
see that he understood English perfectly, he nevertheless
refused to reply to the questions of General Lafayette, before
they were translated into Seneca by his interpreter.
The general, having remembered a few Indian words
which he had learned during his youth, pronounced them
before him; he appeared sensible of this politeness, which
singularly augmented the high opinion he already entertained
of Lafayette.
The Seneca tribe is one of the six nations known formerly
by the name of Iroquois, and now inhabiting the northern
part of the state of New York, under the protection
of the government of that state. These six nations are
the Tuscaroras, Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, Mohawks,
and Senecas. I wished much to have visited a large village
inhabited by the latter, a short distance from Buffalo,
but the little time we spent at that place, was so completely
and agreeably taken up by entertainments prepared by the
inhabitants for their guest, that it was impossible for me to
spare the time.
188We passed the night at Buffalo, and the next day, at an
early hour, we set out in a carriage for the Falls of Niagara:
on our way we breakfasted with the family of General
Porter, at Black Rock, a small but handsome port which
rivals that of Buffalo in bustle; and a few hours afterwards,
a hollow rambling which seemed to shake the earth, and a
thick column of vapour which we saw at a distance rising
towards the clouds, announced to us, that we were about
to enjoy the sight of one of the greatest wonders of nature.
At two o’clock we arrived with our fellow passengers
from Buffalo and Black Rock at Manchester, a small village
situated on the right bank of the Niagara, near the falls,
where the general was received and complimented by a
large deputation from the county of Niagara. Full of an
impatience that may readily be conceived, we abridged as
much as possible, the duration of a public dinner, of which
we were obliged to partake on arriving, and at half past
three we went over to the island that divides the Niagara into
two unequal parts, at the point where the waters form the
cataracts and precipitate themselves in a gulf of 150 feet in
depth. The sight of the bridge which leads to this island, called
Goat Island, admirably prepares the mind for the contemplation
of the imposing scene that presents itself, and gives a
nigh idea of the boldness and skill of those who constructed it.
Built on a bed of rocks, whose numerous points are elevated
above the water, and by opposing the current only
increase its violence, its wooden pillars are agitated by a
continued vibration, which seems to announce that the
moment approaches when it will give way and be precipitated
in the abyss; some minutes after having passed the
bridge we found ourselves in presence of the great fall. It
is a sublime spectacle, but it must not be expected I should
attempt to describe the sensations that I experienced at
the sight of the gigantic phenomena; they were of a nature
that cannot be expressed: I therefore willingly relinquish
the trial, in which, in my opinion, the most skilful writers
have greatly failed. We remained near half an hour on
the edge of the gulf, silently contemplating the rapid fall
of the water, and almost stunned by the noise of its terrible
roaring. We should, in all probability, have remained
plunged in a reverie much longer, had we not been roused
189by the voice of one of our companions, doubtless more familiar
than us with this fearful sport of nature, anxious
to give us some details, interesting perhaps, but which we
certainly should never have demanded.
Mr. A. Porter, the brother of General Porter, with whom
we had breakfasted at Black Rock, is the owner of Goat
Island; he had the kindness to conduct the general to all
the most picturesque points of this singular property, which
is, as it were, suspended above the abyss. From the upper
extremity of the island, we saw a spectacle less terrible
than from the lower point, but which is nevertheless not
without majesty. Our view, extending to a great distance,
agreeably reposed on the beautiful river Niagara, which
rolls its waters as smooth as a mirror, over a large bed unincumbered
with obstacles, and between low and fertile
banks: it is only in approaching the superior point of the
island, that the rapidity of the course is accelerated and it
prepares for the terrible fall, whose noise, during the stillness
of the night, is heard, it is said, for more than twenty
miles around. Woe to the animal or man that has the imprudence
to enter this irresistible current, no human power
can save him from the insatiable avidity of the gulf. It is
only a few years since a young Indian furnished a lamentable
example. He was sleeping in the bottom of his canoe
which he had fastened to the shore near the small town of
Chippewa, when a young girl who had replied to his love,
but whom he had deserted for another, passed and saw him.
At the sight of him the furies of jealousy kindled in her
bosom the desire for revenge. She approached, unfastened
the canoe, and gently pushed it from the shore, the current
soon acted on it, and carried it down the stream with
great rapidity. The noise of the waves soon woke the
young Indian, who, on opening his eyes, saw the imminent
danger to which he was exposed; his first movement, inspired
by a desire of preservation, was to seize his paddle
to strive against the current; but he soon perceived the inutility
of his efforts, which were derided by his wicked mistress
by cries of cruel joy: then having nothing to oppose
to his fate but a courageous resignation, he enveloped himself
in his blanket, seated himself in the middle of the canoe,
and coolly fixed his looks on the gates of eternity soon to
190be opened to him, and in a few seconds disappeared in the
profound abyss.
The name of Chippewa, pronounced in the recital of
the fate of the young Indian, awoke our recollection of the
glorious deeds of the American troops, during the last war,
on the frontiers of Canada, from which we were only separated
at this time by an arm of the Niagara. With this
recollection were naturally mingled the names of Brown,
Van Ransellaer, Ripley, Scott, Porter, Harrison, Pike,
Jessup, Miller, and many others who rendered themselves
illustrious in these spots, by their talents, their courage,
and their ardent love of country.
After two hours of delightful excursion, we left Goat Island,
and cast a farewell look on it from the bridge which
unites it to the main land. From this it appeared to us
like a garden in the air, supported by the clouds, and surrounded
by thunder. The general could not tear himself
from this imposing scene, and I believe that when he learnt
that Goat Island and its charming dependencies were for
sale for 1000 dollars, he strongly regretted that the distance
from France would not permit him to purchase it.
It would be, in fact, a delicious habitation; the surface of
the soil, of about seventy-five acres, is covered with a vigorous
vegetation, whose verdure constantly kept up by the
freshness of the pure and light vapour that arises from the
cataract, presents an agreeable shelter from the heat of
summer. The current of water which surrounds it offers
an incalculable power which may be applied to mills of all
kinds. I do not think that Mr. Porter will wait long before
he disposes of a property which offers so many advantages.
On leaving Manchester and the Falls of Niagara, we
went to Lewistown to sleep: this is a pretty village situated
a few miles below the falls; and the next day, at five
o’clock in the morning, we rode to Fort Niagara, where
General Lafayette had been invited to breakfast by Major
Thomson, the commandant of the garrison. We found the
major at the head of his officers, a short distance in advance
of the fort, waiting to receive the general, who was
saluted by twenty-four guns as soon as he entered the
works. Some ladies, wives of the officers of the garrison,
assisted their husbands in doing the honours of the entertainment,
191and contributed not a little by their politeness,
in making the time we passed at Niagara appear
very short.
This fort is built precisely at the point where the river
enters into Lake Ontario, on which Commodore Chauncey
reaped laurels, like those gathered by Perry on Lake
Erie. Almost opposite, on the other bank, is fort George,
occupied by the English. Hostilities were frequent between
these two posts in the campaigns of 1813 and 1814,
but the fortifications of both have since been repaired, and
it would now be difficult to trace the ravages of war.
The general shortened his visit to Fort Niagara, in order
to arrive early at Lockport, where we were to embark on
the grand canal, to descend to Albany. On a height near
Lockport we met a troop of from seventy to eighty citizens
on horseback, and under this escort entered the village,
where the general was saluted by an extraordinary kind of
artillery. Hundreds of small blasts, charged with powder
by the workmen engaged in quarrying the bed of the rock
to form the canal, exploded almost at the same moment,
and hurled fragments of rock into the air, which fell amidst
the acclamations of the crowd. The appearance of Lockport
filled us with astonishment and admiration. No where
have I ever seen the activity and industry of man conquering
nature so completely as in this growing village. In
every part may be heard the sound of the hatchet and
hammer. Here, trees are felled, fashioned under the hands
of the carpenter, and raised on the same spot in the form
of a house; there, on a large public square, which exists
as yet only in project, an immense hotel already opens its
doors to new settlers, who have not any other habitation.
Scarcely is there to be found in the whole town a sufficiency
of the necessaries of life, and yet, by the side of a school,
in which the children are instructed whilst their fathers are
building the houses that are to shelter them, is to be seen
a printing press, which every morning issues a journal,
teaching the labourers, in their hours of repose, how the
magistrates of the people fulfil the confidence reposed in
them. In streets traced through the forest, and yet encumbered
with trunks of trees and scattered branches, luxury
already appears in the light wagons drawn by splendid
horses; finally, in the midst of these encroachments of
192civilization on savage nature, there is going on, with a rapidity
that appears miraculous, that gigantic work, that grand
canal, which, in tightening the bonds of the American
Union, spreads comfort and abundance in the wilds
through which it passes.
Our carriages stopped opposite to an arch of green
branches, and General Lafayette was conducted to a platform,
where he had the satisfaction of being welcomed by
one of his old fellow soldiers, the venerable Stephen Van
Rensellaer, now president of the board of canal commissioners.
After having been officially presented to the deputation
from Monroe county, as well as to a great number
of citizens, we sat down to a public dinner, presided over
by Colonel Asher Saxton, at the end of which the general,
induced by the feelings awakened in him by the sight of so
many wonders, gave the following toast: “To Lockport
and the county of Niagara—they contain the greatest wonders
of art and nature, prodigies only to be surpassed by
those of liberty and equal rights.”
The free masons of Lockport, not wishing to permit the
general to depart without rendering him the honours due
to his high masonic rank, begged him to keep in remembrance
of their lodge, the rich ornaments with which he
had been adorned when he entered the temple. They afterwards
accompanied us to the basin, where the boat was
waiting to convey us to Rochester. Before we embarked,
we had great pleasure in viewing the handsome locks, cut
out of the solid rock, to the depth of twenty-five feet.
The moment the general stepped on board the barge, a
multitude of small blasts, dug in the rock, exploded above
our heads, and their deafening detonations added to the
solemnity of the farewells of the citizens of Lockport. Before
leaving the basin, we received from Dr. —— a box
containing specimens of the different species of rocks
through which the canal passed; we accepted this interesting
collection with gratitude. Although navigation by
steam is not applicable to a canal, whose banks are not of
stone, yet, as the horses and the tow-path were, excellent,
we travelled rapidly and comfortably; for the boat (the
Rochester) that carried us, was much more convenient and
better provided with the comforts of life than could have
been supposed.
193We left Lockport at 7 o’clock in the evening, and traversed
during the night the sixty-five miles that separate
that village from Rochester, where we arrived at an early
hour in the morning. We had not yet quitted our cabin,
when suddenly the name of Lafayette, pronounced amidst
violent acclamations, induced the general to ascend on
deck; we followed him, and what was our astonishment
and admiration at the scene that presented itself! We were
apparently suspended in the air, in the centre of an immense
crowd which lined both sides of the canal; several
cataracts fell rumbling around us, the river Genessee rolled
below our feet at a distance of fifty feet; we were some
moments without comprehending our situation, which appeared
the effect of magic: at last we found, that the part
of the canal on which we were, was carried with an inconceivable
boldness across the Genessee river, by means of
an aqueduct of upwards of four hundred yards in length,
supported by arches of hewn stone. Our fellow passengers,
witnesses of our astonishment, informed us that, in its long
course, the canal passed several times, in a similar manner,
over wide and deep rivers; that above Irondiguot, for example,
it pursued an aerial route for more than a quarter of
a mile, at an elevation of 70 feet. This kind of construction
appears familiar to the Americans. The bridges are usually
of an elegance and boldness of execution that is inconceivable.
Not far from Rochester may be seen the ruins of a
bridge that had been thrown over the river Genessee in a
single arch of 320 feet span, and 180 feet elevation above
the water; it gave way a few years since whilst two children
were crossing it. It was said to have been a masterpiece
of art, but the want of size and strength in the timbers
prevented its lasting long.
The general left the canal at Rochester, passed a few
hours with the inhabitants of that town, who gave him a
reception, which, in affection and elegance, fully equalled
any that I have hitherto witnessed, and continued his journey
by land, passing through the villages of Canandaigua,
Geneva, Auburn, Skeneateles, Marcellus, &c. and re-joined
the canal at Syracuse. This journey confirmed us in the
opinion, that no part of America, or, perhaps, of the whole
world, contains so many wonders of nature as the state of
New York. The lakes of Canandaigua, Seneca and Cayuga,
194appeared delightful to us from the purity of their
waters, the form of their basins, and the richness of their
banks. The sight of all these beauties, and still more the
kindness and urbanity of the population through which we
travelled, often made General Lafayette regret the rapidity
with which he travelled. During this journey of upwards
of one hundred and thirty miles by land, we travelled night
and day, only stopping for a few moments at each village,
to enjoy the entertainments, prepared by the inhabitants in
honour of their beloved guest, who, said they, by the simplicity,
the amenity and uniformity of his manners, towards
all classes of citizens, completed the conquest of all
hearts, already devoted to him from his adherence to the
cause of America in particular, and that of liberty in general.
From Rochester to Syracuse, we were constantly struck
with the marked beauty of the horses that formed our relays;
and learned that they had been gratuitously furnished
by individuals, whose patriotic disinterestedness was fully
appreciated by the different committees charged with the
care of the general’s journey, and who returned them
public thanks. Among these generous citizens, I heard
particularly cited, Mr. de Zeng, of Geneva, and Mr. Sherwood,
proprietor of the stage-coaches at Auburn.
On arriving at Syracuse at six o’clock in the morning,
by the fading light of the illuminations, and the crowd that
filled the streets, we learned that the people of the village
had expected the national guest all night. The splendid
supper that had been prepared for the evening before,
made us an excellent breakfast, and the general passed
three hours amidst the kind congratulations of the citizens,
who eagerly pressed around him. At nine o’clock he took
leave of his friends at Syracuse, and embarked on board
the canal-boat, amid the thunder of artillery, and loud
wishes for the happy termination of his voyage.
We resumed this mode of travelling with the more pleasure,
as we had lately suffered much from the heat and
dust on our last day’s journey by land. Always incited by
a wish to fulfil the promise he had given to the citizens of
Boston, the general determined to travel day and night as
long as he was on the canal, and only to halt in the towns
on his route a sufficient time to return his thanks to the
195inhabitants, all of whom had made preparations for his
reception. We often regretted this necessary haste, especially
on seeing the handsome towns of Rome, Utica, Schenectady,
&c. and hearing the patriotic acclamations of their
inhabitants. At Rome, which we passed through in the
night by the light of an illumination, we met with the deputation
from Utica, at the head of which the general
had the satisfaction of recognising one of his fellow soldiers,
Colonel Lansing, who fought by his side at Yorktown.
Twenty discharges of artillery announced his arrival in
Utica, and at this signal all the population gathered round
him to hear the eloquent discourse addressed to him by
Judge Williams, in the name of the people. His astonishment
was extreme, when the orator informed him that the
part of the country he had traversed in so rapid and commodious
a manner, was that through which he had passed
with so much difficulty and danger during the war of the
revolution, to save the garrison of Fort Stanwix from the
tomahawks of the Indian allies of Great Britain. He could
scarcely believe in so great a change, and was unable to
express the happiness he felt. We only spent four hours
at Utica; but that time would not suffice to detail all the
marks of attachment that were heaped upon him. Obliged
to divide his time between his old fellow soldiers and the
children of the different schools; between the magistrates
and the ladies; and, finally, between strangers and Indians,
collected from several miles around to pay their respects
to him, he still found means to reply to the enthusiasm of
all, and every one that approached him returned satisfied
and persuaded that he was an object of particular attention.
Three chiefs of Oneidas, Taniatakaya, Sangouxyonta, and
Doxtator, asked for a private interview, and recalled to his
recollection some circumstances of the campaigns of 1777
and 1778, in which they had rendered him some services.
He recognized them again, but was greatly astonished to
find, that two of them already advanced in years at the
time of which they spoke, were still living; notwithstanding
their great age, their features still preserved an
energetic expression; they spoke with warmth of the
situation of their tribe. “The chase is no longer productive,”
said they; “it does not supply our wants, and we
196are obliged to provide for our subsistence by agriculture,
which renders us very unhappy; but it is not owing to our
white brothers of the state of New York; they act generously
towards us; they permit us to live in peace near the
bones of our fathers, which they have not obliged us to
transport to a strange land; and the government often
succours us when our harvests fail; hence we sincerely
love our white brothers, the Americans. We formerly
fought for them against the English, and we are still ready
to raise the tomahawk in their favour, whenever occasion
requires it.” The general praised them for the sentiments
they expressed; he told them he had not forgotten their
former valuable services; and begged them always to regard
the Americans as good brothers; he then made them
some presents of money, and they returned well satisfied.
A deputation from the county of Oneida, waited on the
general to beg him to assist in laying the first stone of a
monument, which the citizens of that county were about
erecting to the memory of Baron de Steuben, whose remains
had reposed since 1795, at Steubenville, without any
mark of distinction. But the time fixed for this ceremony,
not according with the public engagements entered into by
the general with the citizens of Boston, he was under the
necessity of refusing this invitation. “If I could associate
with you,” replied he to the deputation, “in rendering to
the memory of my fellow soldier and friend Baron de
Steuben, those honours you intend bestowing and of
which no one is more worthy, without my missing the celebration
at Bunker’s Hill, it would not be the fatigues of a
long and rapid journey that would deter me, you may be
fully persuaded; but a single day of delay may occasion
my breaking a sacred promise; you must be aware of this,
be good enough therefore to be the bearers of my regrets
to the citizens of Steubenville, and assure them that my
heart will be with them at this melancholy ceremony,
which I am obliged to forego attending in spite of my
wishes.”
The regrets of General Lafayette were the more acute
and sincere, as he could, better perhaps than any other,
appreciate the rare qualities and noble character of Baron
de Steuben, who had shared with him the toils and dangers
of the Virginia campaign.
197Frederic William Steuben was born in Prussia, in 1735.
Destined for a career of arms, his education was entirely
military, and he early entered the service. His knowledge,
his well tried courage, and his zeal in the performance of
his duties, did not escape the penetration of Frederic the
Great, who promoted him rapidly, and attached him particularly
to his own person. The young Steuben did not
fail to profit by the lessons of his illustrious master, and obtained
a brilliant reputation among the best generals of the
age. But neither the glory he had acquired, nor the favours
of the greatest king of the time, could counterbalance his
love for liberty. As soon as he learned that the American
colonies, shaking off the despotism of England, were ready
to maintain their independence by an appeal to arms, he
crossed the ocean and offered them his services, declaring
that he was ambitious of no other honour than that of acting
as a volunteer in a good cause, and that he would
accept neither rank nor pay before he had given proofs of
his valour. This noble disinterestedness, and the services
he rendered the American army, merited him the friendship
of Washington, and the confidence of congress, who
elevated him to the rank of major-general. His candour
and moderation equalled his skill and bravery. After the
peace, wishing to enjoy the fruits of that liberty to which
he had contributed so gloriously, he retired to Oneida
county, to lands given him by congress, and there, cultivating
in solitude his mind and his fields, he philosophically
waited for death; which suddenly made him its prey in
1795. He was then about sixty years of age. According
to his wish, expressed in his last will, he was wrapped in
his cloak, placed in a simple wooden coffin, and committed
to the earth without a stone or an inscription to mark the
place of his sepulchre. He laid for a long time in a thick
wood near his house, when his remains were menaced with
profanation by the opening of a public road through his
property. Colonel Walker, his former friend, hastened to
collect them, and the inhabitants of Steubenville, and of
the county of Oneida, resolved to enclose them in a durable
monument, as an expression of their gratitude and esteem
for the German warrior.
A cannon, the signal of the departure of the guest of the
nation, had already been heard twenty-four times. The
198boat that was to take him to Schenectady was ready, and
the people assembled on the quays and the bridges that
cross the canal, waited in silence for his departure. When
he embarked, and our light vessel, drawn by superb white
horses, had begun to glide through the water, three cheers
expressed to him the last farewell of the inhabitants of
Utica, whilst children placed on the bridges, showered
down flowers upon him as the boat passed beneath.
Standing on the prow of the vessel with his head uncovered,
General Lafayette replied by signs of gratitude to those testimonies
of popular esteem. His son and myself, witnesses
of this touching scene, remained near him, partaking both
of the enthusiasm of the people, and the happiness of him
that was the object of it, when our attention was suddenly
attracted by the cries of a man who followed the boat, by
running along the bank, and making signs to us to stop.
His copper colour, half naked body, and grotesque ornaments,
marked him for an Indian. Although his intention
to board us was manifest, our captain, Major Swartwout,
did not think it advisable to stop. The Indian, therefore,
exerting all his strength, hastened his pace so much, as to
pass us considerably, and at last waited on the last bridge
near the town. At the moment he passed beneath it, he
sprung on the deck, and fell on his feet in the midst
of us, admirably erect. “Where is Kayewla? I wish
to see Kayewla,” cried he with agitation. The general
was pointed out to him. His countenance expressed the
greatest satisfaction “I am the son of Wekchekaeta,”
said he, stretching out his hand; “of him who loved you
so well, that he followed you to your country when you
returned there after the great war; my father has often
spoken to me of you, and I am happy to see you.” The
general had already learned that Wekchekaeta had died
some years since, and was glad to meet with his son, who
appeared to be about twenty-four years of age. He made
him sit down, and conversed several minutes with him, and
rendered him happy by presenting him with several dollars,
when he left us. The young Indian was as little
embarrassed to find a mode of leaving the boat as he had
been to enter it. We were separated from the bank of
the canal by about ten feet; he sprung over this space
with the lightness of a deer, and disappeared in an instant.
199This singular visit greatly excited the curiosity of our fellow
passengers, and the general hastened to satisfy it by
relating the history of Wekchekaeta, whom he carried to
Europe with him in 1778, and who, soon disgusted with
civilization, joyfully returned to his native wilds.
To describe our voyage from Utica to Schenectady, a
distance of about eighty miles, would be to repeat what
has already been said when speaking of that in the upper
part of the canal. We arrived in the latter town next
day, 11th June, about dinner time. We remained there
only a few hours, which the inhabitants rendered very
pleasant to the general, and in the evening set out in carriages
for Albany, which is about sixteen miles distant from
it. We lost much, we were told, in not continuing our
route by the canal, which, during the whole of that route,
runs along the river Mohawk, over which it twice passes
by aqueducts of 1800 feet in length, but pressed for time,
we were obliged to choose the shortest road; besides, we
had travelled, since leaving Lockport, for near three hundred
miles on the canal, and we had been able to judge of
the beauty and utility of this great channel of communication,
executed in eight years by the state of New York
alone, unassisted by any foreign aid. There are still some
few parts to be finished, before the navigation will be open
the whole length of the canal; but these will be accomplished
in a few months, when the boats passing from Lake
Erie to Albany will traverse a length of three hundred and
sixty miles, and descend a height of five hundred and fifty
feet, by means of eighty-three locks built of hewn stone,
and whose basin of thirty feet long by fifteen broad, will
admit boats of upwards of one hundred tons burthen. The
total expenses for the construction of this canal are estimated
at ten millions of dollars. This sum appears enormous
at first view, but nevertheless it is trifling, when the
immense advantages that will accrue to the state of New York
are taken into consideration. The tolls demanded
for the right of navigation, although very low, have already
produced, during the year 1824, the sum of 350,761 dollars;
and it is believed that the receipts will amount this
year to 500,000 dollars, and that in the nine succeeding
years it will increase at the rate of 75,000 dollars per
annum, so that at the end of ten years, the debt incurred
200in the accomplishment of this great work will be liquidated,
and also, after deducting 100,000 dollars annually for
repairs, &c., the state of New York will receive from its
canal, a nett revenue of a million of dollars, which is four
times more than the expenses of its government.[16]
The state of New York will then present the new
spectacle of a community of more than two millions of
men, not only supporting its government without taxes,
but also having money arising from its own property.
The citizens of that state will always, it is true, have to
pay the duties the general government thinks right to impose
on the importation of foreign products; but the
independent farmer, who produces on his farm all the
necessaries of life, may live without paying any tax either
direct or indirect, to the state or the general government.
I present this picture of the public prosperity of the state
of New York, for the consideration of our European politicians
and economists.
CHAPTER XIII.
Return to Boston—Reception of Lafayette by the Legislature of Massachusetts—Celebration
of the anniversary of Bunker’s Hill—History
of the Revolution familiar to the Americans—Departure from Boston.
We arrived at Albany before sunrise, on the 12th of
June, and some hours afterwards we had already crossed
the Hudson, and advanced rapidly towards Massachusetts,
whose western border is traced parallel to that river at
about twenty-five miles from the left bank; we had still to
travel one hundred and fifty miles before reaching Boston,
but the excellence of the roads insured us a rapid journey,
and hence General Lafayette was certain of arriving in
time to fulfil his engagements. Nevertheless, he determined
to stop only for such time as was absolutely necessary
for repose. We therefore entered Boston on the 15th
at a little before noon. In publishing this happy arrival,
201the newspapers caused much astonishment and joy,
throughout the Union. Few persons believed in the possibility
of his return for the anniversary of Bunker’s hill,
and every one considered the journey he had performed
as almost magical. In fact, had he not travelled, in less
than four months, a distance of upwards of five thousand
miles, traversed seas near the equator, and lakes near the
polar circle, ascended rapid rivers to the verge of civilization
in the new world, and received the homage of sixteen
republics! And our astonishment is increased, when it is
recollected that this extraordinary journey was performed
by a man of 67 years of age! The plan of this journey
had been, it is true, ably and skilfully planned by Mr.
M’Lean, the postmaster-general, General Bernard, and
Mr. George Lafayette; and had been followed with a precision
and exactness, that could only have resulted from
the unanimity of feeling which animated both the people
and the magistrates of the different states; but, during so
long a journey, amidst so many dangers, it would have
been impossible to foresee accidents, one of which, by delaying
us only a few days, would have deranged all our
calculations, and yet our good luck was such that we never
lost a moment of the time so exactly portioned out, and
arrived on the precise day fixed upon.
In returning to the city of Boston, where so many old
and firm friends expected him, General Lafayette would
have experienced unalloyed satisfaction, if he had not
been obliged to deplore the loss of two sincere friends,
whom death had snatched away during his short absence,
the ex-governor Brooks and Governor Eustis, who departed
this life, in possession of the esteem and regret of all who
knew them, and had experienced their sage administration.
This was the commencement of the accomplishment of
the prophetic words of Lafayette’s companions in arms,
who all, in shaking him by the hand, had exclaimed, “We
have again seen our old general—we have lived long
enough!”
The day after our arrival, in accordance with an invitation
that had been given him, the general went to the Capitol,
where the new governor, Mr. Lincoln, the senate,
house of representatives, and civil authorities of Boston, had
united to receive and compliment him. After we had
202taken our places in this assembly, the governor rose, and
in the name of the state of Massachusetts, congratulated
the guest of the nation on the happy termination of his long
journey.
As soon as the general had made his reply, the members
of the two houses left their places, and crowded round
him to offer him an individual expression of their feelings,
and sincere congratulations were showered upon him from
the galleries, which were filled by a great number of ladies
anxious to see him once again. Among the strangers of
distinction who were present at this scene, we recognized
with much pleasure, Mr. Barbour, appointed secretary of
war since Mr. Adams had entered on his functions as president;
Colonel M‘Lane of the state of Delaware, Colonel
Dwight, Drs. Mitchill and Fisk, General Courtland and
Colonel Stone of New York, who had all arrived within a
few days to be present at the ceremonies of the 17th of
June.
On leaving the capitol, the general was reconducted by
a numerous escort of friends to the house of Senator Lloyd,
where we found our accommodations prepared the preceding
evening, through the hospitable attentions of his
amiable family.
The sun of the fiftieth anniversary of the battle of Bunker’s
hill arose in full radiance, and thousands of voices
uniting with the joyous sounds of the bells and reports of artillery
saluted it with patriotic acclamations. At seven
o’clock in the morning, passing through a crowd, agitated
by glorious recollections of the 17th of June 1775, General
Lafayette went to the grand lodge of Massachusetts, where
deputations from the grand lodges of Maine, New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New Jersey,
had joined the officers of the chapter and knights of the
temple, to receive and compliment him.
At ten o’clock, two thousand free masons, sixteen companies
of volunteer infantry and a corps of cavalry, the
different corporation and the civil and military authorities,
assembled at the capitol, where the procession was formed
under the command of General Lyman, whilst the grand
master, and deputies of the masonic order, went for General
Lafayette to Mr. Lloyd’s, where he had retired on leaving
the temple.
203At half after ten, the procession took up the line of
march. It was composed of about seven thousand persons.
Two hundred officers and soldiers of the revolution marched
at the head; forty veterans, the honourable remains of
the heroes of Bunker’s hill, followed in eight open carriages;
they were decorated with a large riband on which was
this inscription: June 17th, 1775. Some wore the cartouch
boxes they had emptied on that remarkable day, and
one who had been a drummer, still carried the instrument
whose sound had so often rallied the American battalions,
broken by the English columns; behind them marched a
long array of numerous subscribers to the monument,
formed in ranks of six, and followed by two thousand masons,
covered with rich ornaments and symbols of the order;
afterwards came General Lafayette in a superb calash
drawn by six white horses. Following him were a long
file of carriages, in which were his son, his secretary, the
governor of Massachusetts and staff, and a great number
of persons of distinction, both natives and foreigners.
This column advanced to the sound of music and bells, in
the midst of two hundred thousand citizens, collected from
all the states in the Union, whilst discharges of artillery
and general acclamations saluted it at short intervals. It
arrived at Bunker’s hill at half after twelve; and in a short
time every one was arranged in regular order on the hill
on which the monument was to be elevated, as a mark of
national gratitude to the first heroes of the revolution.
The modest pyramid formerly raised over the remains
of Warren and his companions, and which we had seen on
our first visit to Bunker’s hill, had disappeared. From its
principal piece of timber, a cane had been formed, on the
gold head of which was an inscription, alluding to its origin,
and mentioning that it was presented by the masons of
Charlestown to General Lafayette, who accepted it as one
of the most precious relics of the American revolution; and
a large excavation indicated the spot on which the new
monument was to be placed.
A short time after we had taken our places around this
excavation, and silence was established throughout the innumerable
crowd, who waited in religious meditation for
the commencement of the ceremony, the grand master of
the grand lodge of Massachusetts, accompanied by the
204principal dignitaries of the order, brother Lafayette, Mr.
Webster and the principal architect, proceeded to lay the
first stone, with the forms prescribed by masonic regulations;
in an iron box were placed medals, pieces of money, a plate
of silver on which was engraved an account of the foundation
of the monument; over this box was laid a stone on
which the grand master poured corn, wine and oil, whilst
the Rev. Mr. Allen, the chaplain of the day, pronounced
the benediction. The masonic order to finish the monument,
was then given, and a discharge of artillery proclaimed
that the first part of the ceremony was accomplished.
The procession then marched to a vast amphitheatre
constructed on the north-east side of the hill, in the centre
of which rose a platform, from which the orator of the day
could make his voice heard by the fifteen thousand auditors
placed in the amphitheatre; all the officers and soldiers of
the revolution, some of whom had arrived from distant
places to assist at this solemnity, were seated in front of the
platform; the survivors of Bunker’s hill forming a small
group before them. At the head of these, in a chair, was
the only surviving general of the revolution, General Lafayette;
and immediately behind, two thousand ladies, in
brilliant dresses, appeared to form a guard of honour to the
venerable men, and to defend them against the tumultuous
approaches of the crowd; behind the ladies, were more
than ten thousand persons seated on the numerous benches
placed in a semi-circular form on the side of the hill, the
summit of which was crowded by more than thirty-thousand
spectators, who, although beyond the reach of the orator’s
voice, maintained the most perfect silence. After the agitation
that inevitably accompanies the movement of so large
a concourse had subsided, the melodious voices of a great
number of musicians were heard; these, placed behind the
speaker’s stand, chaunted a patriotic and religious ode, whose
sweet and simple harmony prepared all minds for the deep
impressions of eloquence. To this chaunt, succeeded a
prayer by Dr. Dexter. When that venerable pastor, who
had the honour of combating at Bunker’s hill, appeared
before the assembly, with his white locks falling over his
shoulders, when he lifted upwards his hands withered by
time, and in a voice which was still strong, implored the
benediction of the Eternal on the labours of the day, all
205the bystanders were penetrated with inexpressible emotions.
At last, the orator of the day, Mr. Webster, presented himself;
his lofty stature, his athletic form, noble expression of
face, and the fire of his looks, were in perfect harmony with
the grandeur of the scene around. Already celebrated for
his eloquence, Mr. Webster was received by the assembly
with strong marks of satisfaction; the flattering murmur
with which he was saluted, rose from the base to the summit
of the hill, and prevented him from commencing his
discourse for some moments. During his speech, the orator
was sometimes interrupted by bursts of applause from
his auditory, who could not restrain the expression of their
sympathetic feelings, when Mr. Webster addressed himself
to the revolutionary veterans and General Lafayette, and
they, uncovering their venerable heads, arose to receive the
thanks he bestowed upon them in the name of the people.
A hymn chaunted in chorus by the whole assembly succeeded
the discourse, and terminated the second part of the
ceremony.
At a signal gun, the procession was again formed, ascended
the hill, and seated themselves at a banquet, spread on
the summit; there, under an immense wooden building,
four thousand persons were accommodated at table without
confusion or discomfort; the tables were disposed with
so much art, that the voice of the president and of those
who gave the toasts or delivered addresses was easily heard,
not only by the guests, but likewise by a great number of
the spectators around; the names of Warren, of the orator
of the day, and of the guest of the nation, were successively
proclaimed during the repast. Before leaving the table,
General Lafayette rose to return his thanks to the members
of the association for erecting the monument on Bunker’s
hill; and concluded by offering the following toast:
“Bunker’s hill, and that holy resistance to oppression,
which has already disenthralled the American hemisphere.
The anniversary toast at the jubilee of the next half century
will be, to Europe freed.”
This toast was enthusiastically received, and immediately
afterwards the guests left the table in order to return to
their homes.
The brilliance and heat of a clear summer’s day was
succeeded by a delicious evening, cooled by a gentle sea
206breeze; to enjoy it the better, Mr. George Lafayette proposed
to me to return to Boston on foot. I accepted his
invitation, and we mingled with the crowds that were slowly
descending the hill and discussing the ceremonies of the
day; these discussions were always mingled with a mention
of the guest of the nation, and a recital of the principal actions
that had entitled him to the gratitude of the American
people. Here, as in all other assemblies of the people,
that I had an opportunity of observing, during our journey,
I was struck with a remarkable peculiarity; the perfect
knowledge of the events of the revolution that is disseminated
through all classes of community, not even excepting
the children; I have often heard boys of from eight
to ten years of age, talking to each other of the events of
the revolutionary war with astonishing precision; they related
to each other what they had read or learnt, how, for
example, Lafayette arrived in the United States, his receiving
a wound at Brandywine, what he had done at
Rhode Island and Monmouth; that, whilst he was commander
in chief in Virginia, he had, after a campaign of five
months, forced Cornwallis to take refuge in Yorktown,
where the French fleet under Count de Grasse, and
Washington at the head of Rochambeau’s division and
that of Lincoln, had joined him and laid siege to that town,
and forced the English and their Hanoverian auxiliaries to
capitulate. I am aware that the arrival of Lafayette in
the different towns, gave rise to a recollection of those
facts; I also had constant proofs, that the other events of
the revolution were equally familiar to all classes of society,
from the veterans, with whom they were a never failing
topic of conversation, to school children, who were proud
of the deeds of their ancestors, and of the republican
liberty, they had the happiness to enjoy. Another very
remarkable trait in the American character, is, that the
people are not only free and happy, but that they appreciate
this happiness and liberty; and what English travellers
have termed vanity, is only the firm conviction of the
superiority of the institutions and civil dignity maintained
by the Americans, as a man in perfect health returns thanks
to heaven for the blessings he enjoys; this is so true, that
American patriotism (we may say the same of French liberalism,
but not of English patriotism) is entirely free from
207a jealousy of other nations, whose liberty and prosperity
are cordially hailed by the people of the United States.
Yielding to the wishes of the inhabitants of Boston,
General Lafayette remained several days in their city after
the ceremonies at Bunker’s hill, and divided his time
amidst the society of his private friends and the public,
who, till the last moment, bestowed on him testimonies of
their attachment. On the 20th he accepted a dinner given
him by the Mechanics’ Society, where he met all the public
functionaries, and the most distinguished personages of
the state, who had accepted the invitation with equal
warmth, so great is the deference paid by every one in the
United States to the useful classes of society.
During his visit to Boston, General Lafayette received
and accepted invitations from the states of Maine, New
Hampshire, and Vermont, where his presence was impatiently
looked for by the people, and one from the city of
New York, who ardently desired that he would celebrate
the 4th of July, the anniversary of American independence,
with them. To fulfil all these engagements in so short a
time, appeared difficult, but still the general did not despair
of accomplishing it, for he knew by experience how much
both the magistrates and the people strove to render his
journeys agreeable and rapid. On the 20th he went to
take leave of his old friend, John Adams; and employed all
the day of the 21st to receiving farewell visits in the city;
on the 22d he set out, accompanied by the committee of
arrangement and a corps of volunteer cavalry.
CHAPTER XIV.
208
Rapid and hasty visit to the states of New Hampshire, Maine, and Vermont—Return
to New York—Celebration of the Anniversary of
American Independence—American vessels of war—Patriotism and
disinterestedness of the Seamen of New York.
In commencing this journal, I had determined to record
each day, all the events of this extraordinary journey, but
their multiplicity, and above all, the rapidity of our movements,
often obliged me to forego the rigorous fulfilment
of this plan; and it was in traversing the states of Maine,
New Hampshire, and Vermont, more especially, that I felt
the utter impossibility of noting all the interesting occurrences,
all the honourable and interesting circumstances
that characterised the visit of General Lafayette to that
part of the Union. We travelled through these states at a
speed of eleven miles per hour. We often passed through
so many villages and towns on the same day, that my
memory could not retain their names. I could not therefore
find the necessary time to record all the historic or
statistical details, which I had amply gleaned in a majority
of the other states, and shall only be able, in this chapter,
to retrace some of the entertainments given by the Green
Mountain boys, and their neighbours, to the guest of the
nation.
I have said that General Lafayette left Boston on the
22d May, early in the morning. A few hours after his
departure, he arrived at Pembroke on the borders of New
Hampshire, where he was received by a deputation from
that state at the head of which was Mr. Webster, brother
to the orator of Bunker’s hill, who complimented him in
the name of his fellow citizens. From Pembroke to Concord,
the capital of the state, his triumphal progress was
attended by a large escort of citizens collected even from
distant places. On arriving in that town, he was immediately
209conducted to the capitol, where the house of representatives
and the senate, presided over by the governor of the
state, were assembled to receive him. The address delivered
by Governor Morrill, was remarkable for the vivid expression
of the feelings of gratitude and attachment entertained
towards him by the people of New Hampshire. He replied
to this speech with great emotion.
After this reception the general was led into another
room in the capitol, where General Pierce was in attendance,
and who presented to him a great number of his old
fellow soldiers, who, notwithstanding age and fatigue, had
not hesitated to leave their distant fire-sides to shake
hands and recall with him for a moment, scenes long passed.
They, as well as the senators and members of the house of
representatives, were individually introduced to him; the
people joyfully prepared a dinner in the public square for six
hundred guests, to which we were invited on leaving the
capitol. The general had the pleasure of finding himself seated
in the midst of two hundred officers and soldiers of the
revolution, who could scarcely restrain their joy at the presence
of their old friend.
Before leaving the table, several expressed in their toasts
their feelings of philanthropic liberty. One drank “to the
holy alliance between Lafayette and liberty—may it overthrow
all plots against the rights of man.” Another gave
“North America as she is, France as she ought to be.”
The general replied to these wishes by the following toast:
“The state of New Hampshire and its representatives, and
this town, the residence of the constituted authorities of the
state. May the citizens of New Hampshire always enjoy
civil and religious liberty, benefits which the elevated souls
of their ancestors led them to seek in a distant land, and
which their fathers have founded on the solid basis of the
sovereignty of the people, and the rights of men.” A discharge
of artillery, and the unanimous plaudits of the crowd
that surrounded the tables, attended this toast, and we left
the table to proceed to the capitol square, where the militia
were drawn up, waiting until the general reviewed them.
Our evening was divided between the musical society,
who performed an excellent oratorio, and a party at Governor
Morrill’s, at which were crowds of ladies, wishing
to take leave of the national guest, who the next day left
210Concord with an escort of a corps of cavalry, and took the
road to Dover, where he arrived before evening, and was
received with an enthusiasm I shall not pretend to describe.
After having quitted Dover, we arrived on the frontiers
of Maine, where General Lafayette was received by a deputation,
with which we directed our course to Portland,
the seat of government of that state. On the way we visited
Kennebunk, a small town of about 2,500 inhabitants,
remarkable for the commercial activity of its port. The
sound of bells and artillery announced to the general with
what pleasure he was expected by the people, with whom
he resolved to spend some hours. When he entered the
town-house, where the authorities of the state waited for
him, he was received by Dr. Emmerson, who addressed
him in the name of his fellow citizens.
Although the general had but a short time to devote to
the citizens of Kennebunk, he yet accepted the public dinner
they had prepared for him, and took his seat on a chair
elegantly decorated with flowers by the ladies of the town:
at the end of the repast each citizen expressed the feelings
he experienced at this patriotic reunion, and Dr. Emmerson
gave the following toast: “Our national guest, General
Lafayette—he left Europe to give liberty to America; he
returned to teach his country the manner of achieving happiness.
To-day he comes among us to enjoy the result of
his glorious deeds.”
The general replied to this toast by the following: “The
village of Kennebunk, on the site of which the first tree
was felled on the day in which the first gun was fired at
Lexington, the signal of American and universal liberty!
May that glorious date always be a pledge of the republican
prosperity and increasing happiness of Kennebunk.”
On leaving the table, and before departing from the town,
the general repaired to the house of one of the principal
citizens, Mr. Storer, where all the ladies were assembled to
be introduced to him. He thanked them affectionately for
the delicate attentions which they had paid him during his
stay at Kennebunk, and at 4 o’clock, P. M. he commenced
his journey to Saco, where he slept.
On the 25th we arrived at Portland, a pretty town on the
sea-shore, between the rivers Saco and Penobscot. It had
been for a long time the seat of government of Maine, and
211its population, almost entirely commercial, is about nine
thousand souls. The citizens of Portland and their magistrates
had prepared a reception worthy of their love for
Lafayette, and it may be said not to have yielded in magnificence
to that accorded him by the largest cities of the
Union; the militia, assembled from every part of the state,
presented an imposing body in front of the town. The
children of the different schools occupied the streets
through which the general was to pass, and strewed flowers
upon his path. The triumphal arches under which he
passed, were remarkable for their good taste, and the delicacy
of the inscriptions with which they were decorated.
Upon one of them was a small model of a ship, under
which was written, “I will purchase and equip a vessel at
my own expense!” Words which Lafayette addressed, as is
known, to the American commissioners at Paris, in 1777,
when the latter acknowledged the inability of their country
to provide the means of transporting him to the United
States. Upon others were the names of the battles in
which the young companion in arms of Washington had
fought. Having slowly traversed the town amidst the acclamations
of the crowd, the general arrived at the state
house, where Governor Parris received and addressed him
on behalf of the citizens of Maine, and in the presence of
the representatives and magistrates of the people. The
governor, in his address, recalled with enthusiasm the glorious
epoch which commenced the reputation of Lafayette,
and offered a merited tribute of eulogy and admiration to
the soldiers of the revolution.
Replete with a vivid emotion in which all his auditors
participated, General Lafayette briefly replied, but with
that aptness and vigour, for which he was uniformly conspicuous.
From the senate chamber the general went to the house
of Mr. Daniel Cobb, which had been prepared for him.
He was there waited upon by a great number of deputations,
who offered him the greetings of the neighbouring
towns and villages. The grand officers of the masonic
lodge of Portland were also there, and the president of the
academy, who, in presence of the professors and students,
conferred upon him the title of LL.D. As soon as he
could disengage himself for a moment from the crowd, he
212visited Mrs. Thatcher, the daughter of his illustrious companion
in arms, James Knox, with whom he remained until
he was informed that the public authorities waited to accompany
him to the dinner prepared by the citizens.
From Portland, the general would have been well pleased
to continue his route to the extremity of the state of Maine,
but time was wanting; he therefore retraced his steps towards
Burlington, passing through Windsor, Woodstock,
Montpelier, &c. Although Vermont is very mountainous,
which rendered the road more difficult, we travelled with
extreme rapidity, advancing almost all the time more than
nine miles an hour, relays of horses having been well disposed
by the inhabitants, in order that the general might
not be retarded in his progress to New York. On the
morning of the 28th, we arrived at Burlington, the beautiful
situation of which, on the delightful shores of Lake
Champlain, excited our admiration. Whilst we were viewing,
with pleasure and astonishment, the beauties of nature
spread before us, we heard the thunder of artillery, and an
instant afterwards saw advancing towards us a body of
militia, preceded by a crowd of citizens, who hastened in
front of the national hotel. The good order of this body
of troops, the bold and firm step of the men who composed
it, answered perfectly to the reputation for bravery and
patriotism which the inhabitants of Vermont had acquired
in the revolutionary war, and in that of 1814. Every one
knows, that it was the Vermonters who, in 1777, completed,
by their presence, the embarrassment of the English
General Burgoyne, who, at sight of their intrepid
bands, presented his capitulation. Some days before his
surrender, he wrote to the British minister: “The inhabitants
of the New Hampshire[17] grants, a territory uninhabited
and almost unknown during the last war, flock together by
thousands, and accumulate upon my left like dense clouds”
This letter had not yet been received in England when
already the thunderbolts which these clouds enveloped had
struck him. It was also the soldiers of Vermont, to the
number of 800 only, who, led by General Starke, engaged,
213on the same day, two English detachments, took from them
seven hundred prisoners, four pieces of artillery, and all
their camp equipage. Finally, it was these intrepid Green
Mountain boys who formed the troops which preserved
Plattsburg from pillage by the English, on the 11th of September,
1814; and the raw crews, who, with vessels built
in eighteen days, forced an enemy superior in number, to
strike a flag which claimed the absolute empire of the sea.
The governor, who had met the general at Windsor, and
who had travelled with him from that city, introduced him
to the citizens and magistrates of Burlington, who received
him with the most affectionate addresses. I shall not insert
here, notwithstanding their eloquence, the numerous
speeches addressed to him by the representatives of the
different branches of the administration and government,
nor his answers, in which he congratulated the state of
Vermont on their enjoying so nobly the benefits of the new
American social order, so superior to the least vicious institutions
of Europe, and at having replaced European
tolerance by religious liberty; privilege by right; a shadow
of representation and an unequal compromise between the
aristocratic families and the people, by a true representation
by the principle of the sovereignty of the nation, and
its self-government. But I cannot refrain from relating
some of the patriotic remarks of these veterans, glorious
and living monuments of the revolutionary war, who
crowded around their old chief, the companion of former
dangers, privations, and glory, and repeating with enthusiasm
the names of the battles, in which he had aided
them in achieving the independence of their country.
Formed in column in the public square, to the number of
more than a hundred, they listened at first in silence to the
discourse addressed to the general by Mr. Griswold, president
of the council; afterwards they advanced in their
turn, conducted by one of their comrades, David Russel,
whom they had chosen to be the organ of their sentiments,
and who performed the office with that eloquence of heart
which is inspired by love of country and of liberty. When
the general had answered to the professions of attachment
of his old companions in arms, they all in turn approached
to shake hands with him, reminding him more particularly
of the circumstances under which each had known
214him, or had fought by his side. One of them, Sergeant
Day, showed him a sword, saying, “It is nearly half a century
since I received this from your hands, general.” And
I heard it said in the crowd, that notwithstanding his great
age, Sergeant Day had not found this sword too heavy for
his arm in 1814.
After the public dinner, which was concluded before
night, the general visited the university, where he was invited
to lay the corner stone of a new building intended to
be added to the establishment, which an incendiary had
destroyed a year before, and which the zeal of the inhabitants
of Vermont for the diffusion of knowledge had entirely
rebuilt in a few months. In the solidity and elegance
of these buildings it was easy to see the hand of the people.
The ceremony of laying the corner stone took place in
presence of the pupils of the university, their professors,
the magistrates of the city, and a great concourse of citizens,
who saw with joy the restoration and enlargement of
an institution destined to render more permanent the support
of their wise institutions, by instructing and enlightening
the rising generations. Mr. Willard Preston, president
of the university, thanked General Lafayette for the evidence
he had given of his interest in the education of the
youth of Vermont, and we proceeded to the residence
of Governor Van Ness, whose delightful dwelling and
gardens arranged with exquisite taste, were still more
charmingly embellished by an assemblage of ladies and
gentlemen, who, during the whole evening, contended for
the pleasure of approaching the nation’s guest, to express
their sentiments of affection and gratitude for the services
he had rendered to their country and forefathers; for, in
the state of Vermont, as in all the rest of the Union, the
females are not strangers either to the principles of government,
or to the obligations of patriotism; their education,
more liberal than in any part of Europe, places them
in a condition more worthy the rank of thinking beings, as it
is well known that in all the great events which have agitated
the United States at different periods, the enthusiasm
of the women powerfully seconded the energy of the magistrates,
and the devotion of the warriors. One of the
circumstances which contributed most to augment my
attachment to the Americans during my stay among them,
215is the profound respect that they pay to females of every
rank, and the tender care with which they protect this
sex.
About midnight General Lafayette quitted the town of
Burlington, carrying with him the good wishes and benedictions
of the inhabitants, who accompanied him to the
shore, where there were two steam-boats, the Phœnix and
Congress, both having awnings, illuminated and ornamented
with designs and transparencies. He went on board the
Phœnix, which saluted him with thirteen guns on his embarkation,
when the anchor was quickly weighed, amidst
the loud farewells of the crowd who lined the shores. The
Congress having on board a deputation from Vermont, and
a large number of citizens, followed the Phœnix, and during
the whole night we ploughed the waters, upon which Commodore
M’Donough and his intrepid sailors covered
themselves with glory on the 11th Sept. 1814. We should
have been pleased, before leaving these places, to visit
Plattsburg, where on the same day General M’Comb merited
the gratitude of his country, by repulsing the veteran
troops of Britain, with a handful of raw volunteers, who,
at the first rumour of the invasion of their territory, had
flocked around him; but the 4th of July was approaching,
and rendered it necessary for us to hasten our progress.
The following day, June 30, about noon, we arrived at
Whitehall, where General Lafayette disembarked under a
canopy formed of two hundred flags of all nations, to the
thunder of artillery, and between two lines of girls who
scattered flowers over him as he passed. Whitehall is
celebrated in the history of the revolutionary war. General
Burgoyne boasted in parliament, at London, that those
whom he called the rebels of America, were so incapable
of resisting, that with five thousand regular troops he would
march from Canada to Boston, where he would take up
his winter quarters. He embarked in fact with his army
on Lake Champlain, disembarked at Whitehall, and not
far from the latter place, at Saratoga, he was compelled
to capitulate, and passed, it is true, the winter at Boston,
but as a prisoner of war. At the conclusion of the public
dinner which the citizens of Whitehall gave to General Lafayette,
he referred to this remarkable fact, by giving the
following toast:—“Whitehall! May this town for ever enjoy
216the advantages resulting to her from the manner in
which the English general’s prophecy was accomplished!”
We could remain but a short time with the inhabitants
of Whitehall, who having furnished good carriages, and
excellent horses, enabled us to pass rapidly over the eighty
miles that separated us from Albany, where we were to
embark for New York. After sunset we crossed Fish
Creek, and stopped some minutes at the house of Mr.
Schuyler, which is built on the precise spot where General
Burgoyne delivered his sword to General Gates. At
Whitehall we were told of the boast of the English general,
and we now found ourselves on the field of battle which
humbled his pride; we should have been exceedingly
pleased to visit this theatre of one of the most glorious
events of the revolution; but the night was too far advanced,
and we were compelled to forego this pleasure. To make
amends, as far as he could, Mr. Schuyler had the goodness
to give us a very detailed account of the battle of Saratoga.
“The ground,” he told us “has not undergone any change;
the entrenchments, though considerably effaced by time,
are nevertheless easy to be recognised.” In fact, the old
patriots of that period can still show their children the
path which the aid of General Gates took, when he carried
the ultimatum to the English general, and the road by
which the English army left their entrenchments to lay
down their arms before rebels, who, almost without arms,
and destitute of equipments, commenced so gloriously the
acquisition of their independence. But these traces will
one day disappear. Why not erect in the midst of them,
a more durable monument, which shall remind future
generations of the courage and patriotism of this glorious
generation, which time will soon render extinct?
After a short time passed with the family of Mr. Schuyler,
we left them, to sleep at a neighbouring town, and the
next morning we continued our journey by a road which
winds along the Hudson, sometimes to the right, at others
on the left of the northern canal, which latter is constructed
parallel to the river, and a short distance from its
right shore; in crossing Fish Creek we re-entered the
state of New York. We crossed the Hudson at Waterford;
this spot is rendered remarkable by the junction of the
northern with the western or great canal, which is just at the
217confluence of the rivers Mohawk and Hudson. On the 2d
of July, we visited Lansinburgh, and returned to Troy, but
without stopping any time. A steam-boat had been prepared
for us at Albany; on board of which we went that
evening, and at daylight we arrived at New York, where
we disembarked almost unexpectedly.
Nevertheless, there was a great bustle, and a great number
of strangers were observed in the streets; every
moment vessels and carriages were arriving, followed by
others which seemed to come from a greater distance.
Detachments of militia from the neighbouring towns, inhabitants
of the surrounding country, were constantly swelling
the population of New York. Night did not interrupt
these movements, the precursors of a great event. Accordingly
at midnight, a discharge of artillery announced
the commencement of a day ever glorious in the records
of the history of the New World, and some hours afterwards
the sun of the Fourth of July rose radiantly to illumine
the 49th anniversary of the declaration of independence
of a republic, whose great lessons will not be lost
to the human race.
In the morning the militia were under arms, the streets,
the public places, and the entrances to the churches, were
thronged with people, and the air resounded with thanksgiving.
At eight o’clock the officers and magistrates of
New York and Brooklyn, with a number of citizens, visited
General Lafayette, and invited him to lay the corner stone
of a building for a mechanics’ library at Brooklyn. The
general acceded with pleasure to the wishes of the magistrates,
and proceeded to Brooklyn, where, assisted by some
free masons of Long Island, he laid the corner stone of the
edifice, in presence of a great concourse of citizens, arranged
in front of whom the young mechanics loudly
expressed their joy and gratitude; finally, he returned to
New York, followed by companies of journeymen tailors,
shoemakers, bakers, stone-masons, cutlers, coopers, riggers,
&c., who, preceded by their banners, accompanied him to
church, where he attended divine worship. The sermon,
the subject of which was the solemnity of the day, was followed
by the reading of the declaration of independence,
which was listened to with profound attention. This declaration,
a monument of fearlessness and wisdom, whose
218magic influence saved the colonies at a moment when,
without money, munitions of war, or arms, they engaged
in a formidable contest with the colossal power of Great
Britain, affected the Americans even at the present day,
after half a century, as if it were the moment when it
was first proclaimed. Not only is it read every year on
the fourth of July, in public, but also in many families. It
is not uncommon to find the houses of the Americans ornamented
with the declaration of independence, beautifully
engraved with facsimiles of the signatures of the immortal
signers attached to it, and splendidly framed. Even
children know it by heart; it is commonly the first object
upon which the youthful memory is exercised; it is their
pleasing task to translate it into the different languages
which they study; and when they recite it in the midst of
a circle of their relations or friends, it is easy to perceive
that they are penetrated, as were their fathers, with the
incontestible truth of the principle, that “when a long
train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the
same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute
despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off
such government, and to provide new guards for their
future security.”
I have often heard children of from ten to twelve years
of age recite this extract in English and French, and it
was never without deep emotion that they enumerated the
oppressions and vexations exercised towards the American
colonies by the mother country. It was easy to perceive
that patriotism and liberty had taken deep roots in their
young hearts, when they pronounced the pledge which
terminates the concluding paragraph.
“We, therefore, the representatives of the United
States of America, in general congress assembled, appealing
to the Supreme Judge of the world, for the rectitude
of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of
the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and
declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought
to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political
connection between them and the state of Great
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as
free and independent states, they have full power to levy
219war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce,
and to do all other acts and things which independent
states may of right do. And for the support of this
declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives,
our fortunes, and our sacred honour.”
After leaving church, General Lafayette went to the
Park, where all the militia and firemen were assembled,
who manœuvred and defiled before him with great precision.
One of these companies had a splendid flag, on which
was represented an equestrian portrait of the nation’s guest.
After this review he entered the city hall, where the governor
presented him to the senate; by whom he was
received with honours never before bestowed upon any
one. On his entrance the members arose and uncovered
themselves; the president of the senate advanced towards
him, and felicitated him on his return, and expressed
to him the gratification of the citizens of New York, at his
uniting with them in the celebration of the anniversary of
the glorious fourth of July.
From the council chamber we passed into that of the
governor, where the general was attended by the members
of the society of Cincinnatus, the European consuls, and a
great number of distinguished persons, whom the municipal
body had invited to a banquet, the arrangement of which
had been given to a committee, who performed the duty in
excellent taste. Memorials of glory, of patriotism, and of
liberty, were assembled in astonishing numbers in the superb
saloon of the city hall, where the tables were arranged.
The busts of Washington and Lafayette, the portraits of
Bolivar and of De Witt Clinton, were arranged in the
midst of trophies, above which always floated united the
American and French flags. The arm chair used by Washington
when president, was placed in the centre, and covered
with branches of laurel and evergreens.
The company having seated themselves at table, we observed,
amidst the happy soldiers of 1776, proscribed
persons from almost every country of Europe, to whom
places had been assigned by the republican hospitality
of the new world. Among these exiles were members
of the Spanish cortes, driven from their country by
despotism; some learned Germans flying from punishments
220as singular, as atrocious and unjust;[18] French officers,[19]
compelled to seek, in a foreign land, a repose which they
have had so often sacrificed for their native country, and
all, notwithstanding the miseries they had suffered, appeared
consoled, and their spirits revived by the prospect of the
happiness enjoyed by the freemen among whom they reside.
According to the American custom, after dinner a number
of appropriate toasts were drank. The general, after having
received the felicitations and good wishes of all the company,
went to the Park theatre, where the audience saluted
him on his entrance and his departure with three cheers.
After the exertions of such a day, the general required
rest, and the citizens, always attentive to his wishes, allowed
him, during some days, freely to enjoy the calmer and
not less pleasant attentions of his private friends. It was
with delight that he consecrated this period to the society
of his old companions in arms, among whom were Colonel
Platt, Colonel Willett, Colonel Varick, General Van Cortland,
and many others, whose names, though they dwell in
the memory of the general, have escaped mine.
He did not again leave the sweets of private life except
to cross the river to New Jersey, to pass a short time with
his friend, Col. Varick, who had invited him to dine with
some of the principal citizens of New York. The corporation
of boatmen claimed the honour of conveying him
across the Hudson in a boat whose name was rendered popular
by a recent occurrence, which still occupied public
attention.
The captain of the English frigate Hussar, which arrived
at New York in December, 1824, had a gig of remarkably
light construction, with which he had won several races in
different European ports, especially in England. Proud
of his success, and full of confidence in the speed of his gig,
221he challenged the boatmen of New York, and proposed a race
for $1000; this was accepted, the money made up on their
side by subscription, and a beautiful new boat called the
American Star, chosen for the contest. The day, hour, and
place were fixed. The English captain selected four of
the most expert oarsmen of his crew, and acted as cockswain
himself. The Whitehallers took four of their number
without much choice, and a youth of fifteen for cockswain.
The distance to be rowed was about three miles, between
Castle Garden and the point of Long Island. The English
sailors, stooping violently to their thwarts, and bending
their oars at every stroke, launched forward with impetuosity,
leaving in their wake large whirls of sparkling foam.
The Whitehallers, seated perpendicularly on their thwarts,
with motionless bodies, and their arms also nearly fixed,
scarce skimmed the waves with their slight oars, but pressing
and multiplying their pulls, were under way as soon as
their adversaries, scarce disturbing the transparent water
around them. A few minutes decided the victory, sometimes
so long uncertain. Though started at the same time,
the two boats were soon separated. The Englishmen,
quickly exhausted by their violent exertions, could not
equal the rapid flight of their rivals, whose prompt arrival
at the goal was announced by the joyful acclamations of
the spectators, whom curiosity had drawn from all points
of the city and vicinity to the shores. Astonished at his
defeat, but unable to contest its completeness, the English
captain eagerly acknowledged the superiority of the American
boat to his own, and offered to purchase her for
$3,000. But the Whitehallers refused to sell her. “We
wish to keep her,” said they, “as a monument of the victory
we have had the honour of gaining over you; but to
lessen the regrets caused by our refusal, we will run you
another race, for double the stake, in which you shall man
our boat against us, and we will man yours.” But, however
the English captain was surprised, fearing a new defeat,
or the loss of his money, he declined the proposal. In
the evening, the victorious boat was drawn on a triumphal
car through the city, and carried to the theatre, where it
was crowned, along with its four oarsmen and young cockswain.
The next day it was placed as a monument on the
wharf, with the names of the crew inscribed on the thwarts,
222and this legend on her gunwale: American Star, Victorious,
4th December, 1824.
It was in this boat, and with the same oarsmen who had
gained the victory, that the Whitehallers wished to convey
General Lafayette to Sandy Hook, on the other side of the
North river. In this passage we could judge of their dexterity
and skill; the numerous boats which carried the other
guests were compelled to follow at a distance. On his return,
as soon as the general had disembarked, the boatmen
in a body, under the flag of their association, and led by the
victors, presented themselves, to thank him for the services
which he had formerly rendered their country, and the testimonies
of esteem accorded them. Then, after briefly
relating the history of the boat in which he had crossed the
river, they begged him to accept, and take it with him to
La Grange, that it might continually recall to him the remembrance
of his New York friends, the perfection of the
mechanic arts in America, and the great motto of American
seamen: “Free trade and sailors’ rights.”[20]
The nature of the present and the delicacy with which
it was offered, did not permit the general to refuse it.
Meanwhile the period which was to separate us from the
citizens of New York arrived, and our hearts were oppressed
with sadness. On the 14th of July we left that
city, to which we should not return previous to quitting
America. The magistrates and the people attended the
nation’s guest. A deep melancholy was evinced in every
countenance; and although the wharves were covered with
an immense multitude, a solemn silence was observed
during our embarkation, interrupted only by the last farewell.
CHAPTER XV.
223
Letter of Mr. Keratry on the anniversary of Bunker’s hill—Fair Mount
Water Works at Philadelphia—Germantown—Mr. Watson’s Historical
Box—Field of the Battle of Brandywine—Invocation of the Rev.
William Latta—Clergy of Lancaster—Return to Baltimore, lighted
by a fire.
Whilst the citizens of the United States were exhausting
every means to prove their grateful recollections of the ancient
friend of their fathers, of their country, and of their institutions,
France was not indifferent to the honours rendered to
one of her sons on a distant shore. By means of her writers,
her poets and her orators, she united her voice to that of
republican America, to celebrate the principal circumstances
of this triumph, honourable alike to the two nations.
It was by means of one of the public journals,[21] printed at
Paris and transmitted to the United States, that Mr. Keratry,
inspired by the solemnity of Bunker’s hill, expressed the
aspirations and sentiments of every friend of liberty in
France:—
“Nations acquit themselves of a sacred debt in honouring
the memories of their great citizens; but even by that
they perform also an act of personal preservation, since
nothing can better excite a generous patriotic devotion
than the certainty secured to its author, of escaping oblivion.
“There is in fact, in the acclamations of public gratitude,
something inspiring and almost contagious, which snatches
man from himself, and the interests of daily life. We sacrifice
this life to assure ourselves of another more brilliant
and enduring. If told that these plaudits should be decreed
to frigid ashes, one would feel himself revived to participate
in this futurity of glory; and by a miracle of patriotism, the
224general safety of a country results from all the sacrifices of
individuals.
“Nations capable of these sacrifices, even while endeavouring
to throw off a yoke of oppression, the inevitable
tendency of which is to degrade our species, wherever it is
submitted to, were never without virtue. We are entirely convinced,
that as God judges men individually, by their earthly
conduct, in a future state, he pronounces also collectively
on nations here below according to their sum of merit, and
this is the providential justice of the present economy.
According as he weighs them, they prosper or they perish!
Thus have colonies become empires—thus have empires
been swept away.
“Inhabitants of North America! citizens of an enfranchised
world! behold what has permitted you to become
embodied and constitute a nation; see what has guaranteed
to you a perpetuity of ennobled existence!
Your nobility is produced by your habits of laborious
exertion, and by your domestic virtues. These virtues
exist amongst you: where women are chaste, men are
brave; where religion is the free and spontaneous motion
of the creature toward the Creator, and is not transformed
into a political lever of worldly interests, salutary
faith presides over social order, and nerves the soul. You
have had a Franklin, a Washington, a Samuel Adams, a
Jefferson: if needed, you will find others. The tree
abounds in sap, why then shall it not produce new fruits?
Your prosperity no longer excites my astonishment; it is
in the nature of things both human and divine.
“You do well, however, in enhancing the renown of
these supporters of your liberty; and in raising monuments
worthy of those who died in insuring it. The great citizen,
who in 1765 was one of the founders of the noble
conspiracy in Boston, so influential on your destinies; he
who was on two memorable occasions commissioned by
that city, to console, by his eloquence, the shades of your
illustrious compatriots, massacred the 2d of March, 1770;
he who in 1775 assisted you to win the brilliant auguries
of the battle of Lexington, and who fell by a mortal
blow at Breed’s Hill, in the second engagement of
your struggle for independence, Dr. Warren, merited
225from yourselves and from your children, a peculiar distinction.
“It was perhaps sufficient for the glory of this gallant
patriot, whose virtue was attested by the sorrow of his
most decided enemies, and to whose courage the entrenched
earth yet bears witness, which received with his
blood his last drawn sigh: it was sufficient I say, that his
collected remains should have found an honourable sepulture
in the bosom of that city whose liberty he was so
desirous to behold accomplished. You have decreed
more than this for his heroic companions in arms. Men
of North America, I congratulate you that the services of
the brave remain vivid in your memories: for it were the
extreme of rashness, to expect aught for the future of nations
that forget the past, by which they were established
and by which they exist. There are in you the elements
of vigour, and you well know how to cherish them. You
have desired that the hand of one of the earliest defenders
of your liberty might assist you to complete the pious duty.
Already have our imaginations and our eyes followed to the
tomb of Washington, this aged soldier celebrated in the annals
of two nations; nor can I believe that the sun ever
shone on a more noble spectacle on this earth. Let us
accompany, him yet farther, when on the 17th of the next
month, he united with you in founding the monument built
by the citizens of Boston to the memory of the brave of
Bunker’s hill: fully worthy, indeed, to solemnize with
you this great obligation, his views no doubt were directed
toward his own country, whilst assisting you in the discharge
of your country’s debt. He shall intercede by his
prayers for us, and perhaps without envying the happy
situation you owe to the civil and military talents of your
citizens, he will humbly ask of Providence why those
happy days seem to have been withdrawn from France,
the dawn of which she once beheld. No! in his grief
he will be silent, lest the tombstone, and the sacred bones
which it protects, should render him a reply too severe
for us, inhabitants of ancient Europe, where, pretensions
to liberty are made without sacrifices, and to happiness
without virtue!
“Happy nation! in thy calendars are found no victories
but those which established thy independence. Nor dost
226thou desire others, unless a noble sentiment should dictate
to thee to be interested in the cause of men oppressed by
one of the hemispheres; for thou hast been oppressed,
and has received succour.
“Permit no one of thy citizens to become great with a
greatness which would be too personal to him, or which
would disparage his compeers: for a nation should not
become a pedestal.
“Grant no distinctions to the living which they have
not merited by their achievements; nor to the dead, such
as would retard the excellence about to arise in competition
with the past; for the transmission of hereditary glory
is the act of an unwise people, who alienate their posterity
to the advantage of strangers.
“Simple citizens of another state! I feel encouraged to
send you this address across the sea, whose waves separate
us; but my spirit has wished to commune with yours,
and I have believed that the counsel of a native son of
France who rejoices in your fortunes, would not find a
haughty and disdainful reception, even at the moment
when one of his own countrymen is receiving the honours
of your gratitude. That man to whom is accorded the
privilege of beholding himself honoured as posterity will
honour similarly great men, is preparing for a return to his
native shore: you know his heart went in search of the
great and the happy of the age, but that to him the cause
of the just will ever be the good cause, whether in triumph
or defeat. Blow auspicious, then, ye winds. Laden with
gifts as in ancient days, crowned with flowers gathered by
the hands of your beauteous virgins and of their virtuous
mothers, may he speedily regain his fire-side! Soon may
he be restored to expectant, welcome embrace! Detain
no longer the noble visitant on your shores! You are
rich enough in citizens. I shall not assent that they yet
enrol themselves amongst us, for it is permitted to no one
to speak evil of his country; but when the weak feel their
own weaknesses and fears, the presence of the strong is
the more important.”
Governed by the feeling of his duties as a citizen, and
by his affections as the head of a numerous family,
General Lafayette required not the expression of these
emanations of friendship to insure his speedy return to
227France: nevertheless it was not without the kindest emotions
that they penetrated his bosom. This demonstration
of his countrymen’s continued affection contributed to
mitigate the sacrifice he felt himself bound in duty to make,
in rejecting the entreaties of the citizens of the United
States, who universally and simultaneously begged he
would fix his residence amongst them.
The intention of the general was, to re-embark previous to
the return of the inclement season, but before quitting
the American soil, he wished to fulfil some engagements
which he had made in different places; to pass some time
at the seat of the general government of the Union, and to
make a final visit to the ex-presidents, in their retirement
in Virginia. We were now in the middle of July, and there
remained less than two months for the execution of these
designs, and he hastened immediately to reach Pennsylvania.
He passed rapidly through New Jersey, surrounded
by the customary demonstrations of the veneration of the
people. I shall not speak of the entertainments offered
him by the inhabitants of the towns he passed through, nor
of his second visit to Joseph Bonaparte, on his journey to
Bordentown, where we had the pleasure of meeting again,
Colonel Achille Murat, who had just returned from an interview
with his brother, recently arrived from Spain.
But we shall pause an instant longer in Philadelphia, to
visit the Water Works, and attend the celebration festival
with which the citizens particularly engaged in these
works desired to honour the nation’s guest.
We had visited, during our first stay in Philadelphia, the
fine machinery established on the Schuylkill, for the supplying
of water to a population of one hundred and twenty
thousand persons, and we had been struck with the simplicity
of its mechanism, its admirable force, the elegance
and good taste of the building prepared for its protection;
however, being then pressed with other engagements, we
but slightly glanced at its general aspect, without entering
into the examination of details, and it was to supply this
defect of our information that we returned hither a second
time with the committee entrusted with the superintendence
of the expenses of the establishment.
The tide in the Delaware extending far above Philadelphia,
it followed that its inhabitants could not employ the
228water of that stream for culinary purposes, and heretofore
they had no supply of potable water but that which was
furnished by some cisterns, which became exhausted during
the great dryness of the summer, or furnishing but an unwholesome
beverage, a great number of diseases ensued.
The rapid growth of the population soon rendered indispensable
the supply of water of a better quality, and in
larger quantity. One pump wrought by steam power was
established on the border of the Schuylkill. The expense
of maintaining this pump in operation was very great, and
its power insufficient, being the only resource for the supply
of a population of more than eighty thousand souls at the
end of the year 1818, at which time the watering committee,
composed of citizens distinguished for their skill
and their zeal in the public service, began to devise means
for substituting, in place of the old machinery, other works
at once more suited to the increasing demands of the
city, more economical in their structure and in the cost
of continuing them in operation. Fair Mount, on the left
bank of the Schuylkill, seemed the point most favourable
for the execution of the views of the committee. The
Schuylkill Navigation Company having permitted the
damming of the river to obtain a fall of water, on condition
that a canal with locks should be constructed at the
expense of the city, on the right bank of the river, in order
that the navigation should not be interrupted; and Messrs.
White and Gillingham having consented to yield, for one
hundred and fifty thousand dollars, their rights in the water
courses, the committee, freed from every obstacle, submitted
their plans to the city councils, who approved them,
and voted the sum of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars
for the commencement of their execution.
The labour was commenced the 19th of April, 1819,
under the direction of Ariel Cooley, engineer, and was
completed in four years. At the sight of the canals it was
found necessary to open, the immense piers and embankments
that had to be raised, the reservoirs which must
be excavated to a great depth in the solid rocks, it is almost
inconceivable that so many things could be achieved in so
short a time. Money, it is true, was not withheld, but
money is not always sufficient, we well know amongst us,
for the accomplishment of great affairs; to act well and
229promptly, we must have agents of promptness and ability,
and at the same time animated with honest zeal for the
public welfare: such was Cooley, who unfortunately forfeited
his life in consequence of his activity in the accomplishment
of his duties. Incessantly exposed either to the
heat of the sun or to the freshness of the nights, he contracted
a fatal disease, which did not permit him to enjoy
the fruits of his labour. Philadelphia, to this day, regrets
in him a good citizen, an accomplished and disinterested
artist.
As we have now seen them, the Water works at Fairmount
can abundantly supply the demands of the city, and
afford to the friends of the useful arts a monument worthy
of their attention. The building that encloses the machinery,
is constructed of stone of a brilliant whiteness. It
is two hundred feet in length and fifty in breadth, and
built in the Doric order of architecture. The interior section
is divided into twelve solid vaulted apartments, designed
for the reception of eight forcing pumps, to be put in
operation by wheels of fourteen feet in diameter, and fourteen
feet in length. Each extremity of the building is terminated
by a pavilion of the same order of architecture,
the one serving for the meetings of the watering committee,
the other appropriated to the superintendent of the establishment.
Of the eight pumps there are yet but three in
operation, and by these alone there are carried into the
reservoir of distribution, which is more than a hundred
feet above the level of the river, nearly five millions of
gallons of water in twenty-four hours. Each wheel performs
thirteen revolutions per minute; they are formed
with buckets perpendicular to the circumference, and
revolve with surprising regularity. Their construction is
due to the talents of Mr. Drury Bromley, who in this circumstance
has forfeited no part of his reputation as an able
mechanician.
The pumps are from the establishment of Messrs. Rush
and Muhlenburg; they are castings of sixteen inches diameter,
and are placed horizontally after the plan of Mr. Graff.
Their play is so simple and so easy, that when they are in
motion neither the smallest noise nor friction can be observed.
Throughout all the parts of this admirable monument
of American industry have been executed with the
230same care, and it is impossible to visit it without a strong
excitement of admiration for all the individuals who have
contributed to its design and completion. Mr. John Moore,
mason, and Mr. Frederick Erdman, carpenter, have an
equal share of honour with their collaborators; nor does any
one omit a just tribute of praise to the precision in the
calculations of Mr. Thomas Oaks, respecting the estimate
and the application of the forces requisite to obtain, with
the least possible expense, the most advantageous results.
The total sum of expenditure, made in the construction of
this establishment, amounts to four hundred and twenty-six
thousand three hundred and thirty dollars, the interest
of which at five per cent, is twenty-one thousand three
hundred and sixteen dollars. The annual expense for
salaries of workmen, repairs of machinery, fuel, oil, &c.
is only fifteen hundred dollars, which added to the interest
makes a total sum of only twenty-two thousand eight hundred
and sixteen dollars, for distributing in the city of Philadelphia,
almost five millions of gallons of water every
twenty-four hours. The original steam engine could not
supply more than one million six hundred thousand gallons
of water, in twenty-four hours, and cost annually thirty-thousand
eight hundred and fifty-eight dollars: and in order to
obtain, by steam power, a daily supply of five millions of
gallons, it would have required an annual expense of at
least sixty-one thousand seven hundred and sixteen dollars.
Thence there has been secured, by the introduction of the
new machinery, an annual saving of thirty-eight thousand
nine hundred dollars. To this great improvement must
likewise be added many other equally important advantages,
such as the healthfulness of the city, its great security
against the ravages of fire, the embellishment of public
places by abundant fountains, the opportunity afforded to
every inhabitant of supplying his residence with water, at
the moderate price of five dollars a year, and the facility
of establishing in the city various factories, &c. by the aid of
water power.
All these details were received with a lively interest by
General Lafayette, who expressed his satisfaction and
admiration, saying that the water works at Fair Mount
appeared to him the perfect representation of the American
government, in which were combined simplicity, power and
231economy. Just as we were leaving this interesting spot,
Mr. Lewis, as president, and in behalf of the committee,
presented the general a mode of the machinery, and a vertical
section of the building perfectly executed in mahogany.
He received it thankfully, and assured Mr. Lewis
that he would have sincere pleasure in exhibiting to
his friends in Europe, this evidence of the perfection of
mechanic arts in the United States.
Although, during the whole period of our second visit to
Philadelphia, the heat was excessive, so that Fahrenheit’s
thermometer was generally at the 98th degree, and rose
sometimes to 104°, General Lafayette was not the less
assiduous in employing every day either in uniting with
his friends in the festivities to which he was invited, or in
visiting the environs of the city, nor did his health sustain
one moment’s unfavourable impression.
It was the 20th of June that we went to visit the field
of battle at Germantown and the mansion of Mr. Chew, on
the walls of which may yet be discovered traces of the
cannon and musket balls, proving the prominence of its
situation in the battle that raged around it. After having
breakfasted with Mr. Benjamin Chew, the proprietor of
this historic mansion, the general continued his route to
Chesnut Hill, in sight of Barren Hill, where on the 20th of
May, 1778, he effected so happily and so successfully the
famous retreat which laid the foundation of his fame in
military tactics: thence he returned to Germantown, to
pass a short time with the inhabitants, who anxiously requested
he would visit their academy, at which he was received
by the students with enthusiasm. We found amongst them
the young Fernando Bolivar, adopted son of the Liberator.
General Lafayette spoke to him with pleasure of the hopes
which the friends of liberty and humanity repose in the
character of his uncle, who, until the present moment, had
advanced with a firm pace in the career pursued by Washington;
the young man seemed penetrated with grateful
emotions, and expressed himself in such a manner as to
excite a hope, that his having been sent to the United
States to study her political institutions would not be without
permanent benefit.
As we were leaving Germantown, Mr. John F. Watson offered
for the acceptance of the general a present of great
232value, on account of the recollections it awakened. It was
a box formed of many pieces of different kinds of wood,
the origin and history of which he thus recited:
“The body of the box is made of a piece of black walnut,
an ancient son of the forest, that once occupied the
spot where Philadelphia now stands. Cotemporary with
the trees which lent their shade to William Penn and his
companions, it continued till 1818, spreading its noble
branches in view of the hall in which our declaration of
independence was ratified.
“The cover is composed of four different pieces.
“The first is of a branch of a forest tree, the last surviving
of those which were removed in order to dig the first
foundations of Philadelphia.
“The vigour that yet animates the vegetation of this ancient
tree, is an evidence of the rapid growth of the city,
which has risen and become great whilst the tree is still
flourishing.
“The second is a piece of oak, broken off the first bridge
built in 1683, over the little river Canard. This piece was
found in 1823 at about six feet below the surface of the
earth.
“The third is a piece of the famous elm under which
Penn’s first treaty with Shackamaxum was made. It fell
from old age in 1810, but a branch from it is now growing,
and in a flourishing state, in the garden of the hospital, and
our fellow citizens delight to recount the story of its origin
whilst protected by its shade.
“The fourth awakens recollections of yet more olden
time. It is a fragment of the first house raised by European
hands upon the American shores! It is a piece of mahogany
of the habitation constructed and occupied in 1496, by the
immortal Columbus. Honour to the Haytien government,
which still watches with care for the preservation of this
precious monument.
“I offer you these reliques with confidence,” continued
Mr. Watson, “persuaded, as I am, that it is with interest
you receive every thing connected with the remembrance
of the first movements of a nation that has received so
many proofs of your friendship.”
General Lafayette was, indeed, highly flattered by Mr.
Watson’s present. He received it with gratitude, and
233a pledge that it should find a place amongst the most precious
memorials of his tour. To this first present Mr.
Watson added also another not less valuable; a piece of
the American frigate “Alliance,” in which Lafayette had
twice crossed the ocean during the revolutionary war.
On the 21st, we went to spend the day in the state of
Schuylkill. But before speaking of the honours conferred
there on the voyager, a few words of explanation of this
“state,” will be requisite. “In 1731 some citizens of Philadelphia
united themselves into an association having both
pleasure and beneficence for its design. They purchased
a large tract of land near the falls of the Schuylkill, built a
house for the accommodation of their meetings, elected a
governor, council, secretary of state, treasurer, and judge,
established a seal, and constituted themselves the ‘Colony of
the Schuylkill.’ More than half a century passed away
without the slightest circumstance transpiring to give occasion
of trouble to the colony: every day was marked by its
benefactions, and delight and mutual confidence presided at
all the periodical festivals, at which the members were assembled
at a common table. But subject to the destiny of
states, all of which have their vicissitudes, the colony of
Schuylkill was also to experience a revolution. In 1783,
at the conclusion of a dinner of more than fifty covers, the
colony rose and declared independence: resolved to revise
their constitution, and the Colony of the Schuylkill became,
in the course of a few hours, the ‘republic of the State of
Schuylkill,’ and no attempt was made on the part of the mother
country to oppose it. Since that time the new republic
has gone on advancing in strength and riches; its pleasures
and its acts of benevolence followed at an equal rate. Possessed
now of an enlarged estate acquired by a treaty with
a farmer, she has transferred her seat of government, that is,
her nets, her kitchen and cellar, three miles farther down
the stream, under the cool shades on the banks of the river.”
Here it was that General Lafayette was received by the
citizens and magistrates, who in the costume of fishermen,
awaited his arrival on the frontier of their state. In a short
and eloquent address, the secretary of state recounted to
him the history of the republic, from its establishment to
the present time, and concluded by announcing to him that
the title and all the rights of citizen had been granted
234to him by a unanimous vote. As soon as the general had
expressed his acceptance of the honour and his gratitude,
he was invested with the national costume, and, his head
being protected with the large straw hat, he entered into
the occupations of the community. Mr. George Lafayette,
Mr. de Syon, and myself, were also admitted
to partake of the duties of the day; people and magistrates,
all with one accord, assisted without distinction
in the work. We embarked in the batteaux belonging
to the republic, and obtained an abundant supply
of fish, and in four hours we were seated at the banquet
prepared by our own hands. Never was a repast attended
with greater gaiety, nor cheered by better wine, and long
shall we have the pleasure of remembering the delight and
good cheer we found in the state of Schuylkill.
The week we had just spent in Philadelphia, as it were
in his own family, had entirely composed the fatigue of the
general; and although the heat continued excessive, he undertook,
on the 25th, his journey to Wilmington, where a
great number of Pennsylvanians and Virginians were in
waiting to conduct him to the field of the battle of Brandywine.
This field was not rendered illustrious by a victory,
as has been said, but its remembrance is not less dear
to Americans, who gratefully recollect the blood spilled
there by their fathers, and by young Lafayette, in the defence
of their rights, and to secure their independence.
Happy that country in which events are appreciated more
by their influence on its destinies than by the eclat of the
moment! The men who took the first steps in procuring
the liberties of the United States in the battles of
Bunker’s hill and on the banks of the Brandywine, are at
this day not less honoured in the eyes of the nation than
those who sealed it last, at the battle of Yorktown.
In the beginning of September, 1777, General Howe, at
the head of eighteen thousand men of the British army,
embarked on board the fleet commanded by his brother,
and left New York without the possibility of the Americans
ascertaining precisely the object of his expedition.
A few days after it was ascertained that he had entered
the Chesapeake, and had landed at the Head of
Elk, for the purpose of marching to attack Philadelphia,
Washington immediately marched through this city, where
235the congress were then in session, and advanced to meet
the enemy, annoying him with several attacks between the
point of his debarkation and a small stream, the Brandywine,
behind which the American army, greatly inferior in
number, and composed almost wholly of militia, had just
taken their position. Chads-Ford was in front of their encampment,
where it was contemplated to give them battle,
but General Howe leaving a body of troops on the opposite
side of the stream, in order to cover his manœuvre,
marched forward to pass another ford on the right of
the Americans. This movement was so much the more
difficult to reconnoitre, as the banks of the stream were
densely grown with wood, and, by a singular fatality, the
two parallel roads leading to the two fords were called by
the same name, so that the reports received by Washington
from his scouts, though apparently contradictory, were
nevertheless true. This confusion of names threw the
American general into a most painful anxiety; he hesitated
too long on the course he was to pursue, and lost a most
precious moment which might have given him the victory.
Had he been able to procure definite intelligence of the
movements of the enemy, he would have passed the ford
before him, and most certainly would have defeated the
British division which remained at Chads-Ford, commanded
by Knyphauzen, and then falling suddenly on the body
under General Howe, surprising him by an attack in
flank, would almost inevitably have succeeded in a complete
defeat of the English army; but the occasion passed
rapidly, and the firing of muskets on his right soon apprized
Washington of the danger of his situation. Happily he had
established a position behind the second ford, of three brigades,
commanded by Sullivan and Sterling. These three
brigades sustained the attack with vigour, and for a short
time arrested the British by a deadly fire: but their line
being attacked both right and left, by superior forces, the
wings gave way. The centre continued its position firmly,
in defiance of the shower of broken brass that was poured
in upon them. But this centre itself at last began to yield,
and was about to beat a retreat, when young Lafayette,
notwithstanding his rank of brevet-major, was yet serving
as a simple volunteer near the commander-in-chief, dismounted
from his horse, and went, sword in hand, to place
236himself at the head of a company of grenadiers, who, reanimated
by this noble effort, maintained themselves firmly
for a few moments. Soon, however, Lafayette received
a shot below the knee, and was obliged to retire with
his grenadiers; but he had already reaped the reward of
his devotedness, for he had procured the opportunity for
Washington to join the division of General Greene, and
of recommencing the action in a second line. Here the
fight raged on either side with obstinate perseverance,
and the astonishing spectacle was exhibited of militia rallying
after a first check, and fronting with firm step an
enemy superior in numbers and in discipline. The event
of this second contest was yet doubtful, when suddenly
Washington learned that the pass of Chads-Ford was
forced, and that Knyphauzen was about to fall on his left
flank; he immediately resolved to secure a retreat to
Chester, where he arrived with his army the same evening.
The battle was lost, but the British had paid dear for
their victory, and the moral force of the Americans was
augmented even by their defeat. In this day’s engagement
Lafayette had sealed with his blood his alliance with the
principles for which he had crossed the ocean, and forever
secured to himself the gratitude of a nation amongst whom
generous and noble sentiments outlive the ravages of time.
It was once more to evince their gratitude for their long
tried friend, that the revolutionary soldiers of Pennsylvania
and Virginia had now assembled with their sons to conduct
Lafayette to the field of the battle of Brandywine. We left
Chester on the 26th of July, with a retinue, at the head of
which appeared the two oldest revolutionary officers of the
neighbouring counties, Colonel M’Lean and Captain Anderson.
Numerous bodies of militia had preceded us, and
were already gone to take their position at the ancient encampment
of the American army, where may yet be discovered
traces of one of the redoubts. It was about noon
when we arrived on the borders of the Brandywine, along
which we were to travel to the point at which, as we had
been informed, the army had passed. But on approaching
the stream, General Lafayette cast a glance on the surrounding
country and said, “It cannot be here that we passed
in 1777, it must be a little higher up the stream.” It was
237in fact ascertained that the passage had been effected just
above the spot we occupied. This accuracy of observation
and vivid recollection excited in a high degree the
admiration of the numerous witnesses.
At Chads-Ford the general learned that one of his companions
in arms, Gideon Gilpin, under whose roof he had
passed the night before the battle, was now confined to bed
by age and infirmity, and despaired of being able to join
his fellow citizens in their testimony of respect to the
general: he went to visit the aged soldier, whom he found
surrounded by his family. Gideon Gilpin, notwithstanding
his extreme weakness, recognized him on his entrance, and
proved by tears of grateful and tender recollection how
much this visit tended to the comfort and soothing of his
last moments.
On arriving at the field of battle, General Lafayette recognised
successively, and pointed out to us himself, all the
principal points on which the two armies had manœuvred
and fought on the 11th of September 1777; nor did his recollection
wander a single moment. Being arrived at the
spot where the first attack was made, and where he had
been wounded, he paused a moment; his ancient companions
pressed around his carriage, and the militia passed
before him, amid the loudest acclamations and the cry a
thousand times re-echoed, “long live Lafayette.” During the
whole of this scene, of profound emotion on his part, and
which his modesty induced him frequently to attempt to
abridge, he spoke to those around him of nothing but the
presence of mind evinced by Washington on the fatal day
of the 11th September, and of the courage manifested by
the officers and soldiers in supporting him. But in vain
he recalled the names of the most illustrious chiefs, and
attributed to them all the glory of having saved the army:
the reply he received was by pointing him to the soil on
which he had spilled his blood, and the sight of this indestructible
monument exalted to the highest degree the
gratitude of the crowd of spectators who accompanied him.
In prolonging our excursion along the route by which the
British had conducted their first attack, we arrived at the
house of Mr. Samuel Jones. It had been for a short time
occupied by General Howe during the battle, and yet retains
traces of the well directed fire of the American artillery.
238After the elegant collation with which we were
entertained by Mrs. Jones, we had presented to us various
implements and remains of arms found on the field of battle;
and we returned with these precious reliques to West
Chester, where we concluded the day in the enjoyment of
festivities prepared by the inhabitants.
In the multiplied recitals I have made of the public rejoicings
at which I assisted, during my stay in the United
States, it was impossible not to be struck with the constant
association of religious ideas and patriotic sentiments
which so strongly characterise the citizens of this republic:
but what is not less remarkable is, that their religion, free of
practical minutiæ, seems as much an uniform sentiment as
their love of liberty resembles an uniform faith. With them
a political orator never terminates a prepared address without
an invocation, or grateful recognition of divine power;
and a minister of the gospel on taking the pulpit commences,
by recalling to the notice of his auditors their duties as
citizens, and their peculiar privileges in living under the
wise institutions of their country. It may also be remarked,
that this union of political morals and theology influences
all the actions of the Americans with a gravity and deep
conviction, the charm and tendency of which are wholly inexpressible.
How could any one listen to these simple and
touching invocations without being deeply affected, and
without uniting in their humble and pious acknowledgements?
We were about being seated at the hospitable
board prepared by the citizens of West Chester at the National
Hotel, when the president of the day remarked that
a minister of the church was in the company, and invited
him to ask a blessing on the assemblage, which was
done in the most affecting manner by the Rev. William
Latta.
A committee of the citizens of Lancaster having been
deputed to escort General Lafayette from West Chester,
he committed himself to their care on the 27th, after taking
leave of a great number of the soldiers of 1776, who
could not receive the last adieu of the aged general without
testifying their emotion with tears.
I have already, I believe, mentioned the remarkable
fact, that at the south, as at the north, and from the east
to the west of the United States, we had met with men of
239different manners and languages, submitting for the general
good to the same democratic government; living in
harmony, in the enjoyment of domestic happiness and of
public prosperity, under the shield of the same institutions.
Having made this observation, we naturally concluded
that neither great wealth nor diverse habits of the people
of this country, are obstacles to the establishment and the
administration of republican government, which is founded
on an equal appreciation of the interests and rights of all.
Nothing perhaps more strongly confirmed General Lafayette
in this opinion, than a view of the city and county of
Lancaster, where are found men from all parts of America
and Europe, and of almost every diversity of religious
faith, yet all attached to the wise and excellent institutions
by which they are governed.
I shall not describe the festivities with which the citizens
of Lancaster entertained the man, who, whilst they received
him as a guest, they most warmly claimed as their
friend, though they were not inferior either in elegance or
cordiality to those of the largest cities of the Union. I
shall not, however, pass over in silence, events which by
their nature serve to explain the unity of sentiments and
principles which characterise all classes of the American
people. I shall, therefore, relate the proceedings of the
clergy of every denomination in the city and vicinity, who,
at the intelligence of the arrival of the general, spontaneously
collected to unite their patriotic felicitations with
those of the other citizens. Their congratulations were
conveyed by the dean on their behalf, without distinction
of sect. If the address were to be given at length, it would
give additional weight to the opinion I have already advanced
respecting the American clergy: but it will suffice,
I trust, to relate a portion of the general’s reply, in which
this opinion is expressed with a strength and precision
which leave no doubt of his convictions.
“I accept,” replied he, “with sincere gratitude the
proofs of kindness and regard which the clergy of this city
and vicinity have voluntarily accorded to me, and which you,
sir, have expressed in so impressive a manner. In my
happy sojourn in this country, I have often had occasion
to remark the veneration which the clergy of every denomination
inspire, whose individual members, apostles of
240the rights of man, are the immediate functionaries of a religion
founded on the principles of liberty and equality,
and on the principle of elections by the people of evangelical
ministers.”
On quitting Lancaster, we travelled to Port Deposit, on
the shore of the Susquehanna, where we were met by a
deputation from Baltimore, with whom we embarked, destined
for this latter city. On our way we visited Havre-de-Grace,
a small town situated on the Susquehanna, at its
entrance into the Chesapeake. Here we remained several
hours, and then continued our voyage favoured by
fine weather, our way being beguiled also by the pleasures
we enjoyed on board. From the deck of our vessel, we
beheld expanded to our view the delightful vallies and the
rich hills of Maryland: the companions of our voyage,
pressing around Lafayette, and designating to him the
fields in which, during their struggle for liberty, he had
fought to obtain it: and at short distances on the shores,
groups of the inhabitants attracted by the sounds of national
airs which echoed from our deck, testified, by incessant
acclamations, the delight occasioned by the presence
of the adopted son and benefactor of their country.
The sun had left the horizon some time ere we arrived
at the mouth of the Patapsco, and it was not till midnight
that we touched the wharf at Baltimore. Though at
that advanced and unseasonable hour, a large number of
persons were in waiting for the appearance of our vessel,
and on disembarking General Lafayette found himself surrounded
by a crowd of friends. At the moment of placing
his foot on shore, an immense burst of light suddenly illuminated
the port, and looking to the southern quarter of
the city we saw volumes of flame rising almost to the
clouds. Instantly the hollow cry of “fire, fire,” resounded
in every street. Anxious to offer the first assistance, we
left the general in care of two members of the committee,
who conducted him directly to the hotel provided for him,
and we ran at our utmost speed toward the scene of conflagration,
but we discovered that we had been outstripped
by four engines, which on our arrival were already in full
operation. Other engines arrived from all quarters, directed
by young men, volunteers in this patriotic employment,
and commenced their operations with such promptness
241and activity, that, although the fire had originated in a
frame building occupied as a store, the flames were very
soon subdued, and indeed wholly extinguished. We found
ourselves involuntarily amidst the inactive crowd of spectators,
and returned to our lodgings at two o’clock in the
morning, filled with admiration of the spontaneous exertions
as well as the zeal and ability of the young firemen
of Baltimore.
CHAPTER XVI.
Return to Washington—Character of the new President—Visit to the
ex-president, become a farmer and justice of peace—Government
offers Lafayette a ship of war to return in to France—Presents made
to Bolivar through Lafayette—New homage from the city of New
York—Farewell of the President to the Nation’s Guest—Departure
from Washington city—Embarkation in the Brandywine—Voyage—Testimonies
of attachment and regret of the crew of the Brandywine
to Lafayette—Reception at Havre—Some hours at Rouen—Reception
of Lafayette at La Grange by the inhabitants of his vicinity.
After resting two days at Baltimore we set out for
Washington city. General Lafayette wished to depart
privately, and the citizens, always solicitous to satisfy his
desires, contented themselves with calling in the evening
to take leave and express their regrets. This circumstance
employed several hours, and left in our hearts impressions
of profound melancholy. We commenced our journey
on the 1st of August, accompanied by two members of
the Baltimore committee. A few miles from Washington
we were met by an elegant carriage, which drew up near
us, from which a young gentleman alighted and inquired
for General Lafayette. This was the eldest son of the
new president Mr. Adams, who was sent by his father to
the nation’s guest, to inform him that he had solicited and
obtained from the citizens of the metropolis, permission
to offer him the use of the president’s house. The
general accepted the invitation for himself and travelling
companions, entered Mr. Adams’s carriage, and we continued
242on our route. Our two members of the Baltimore committee
had not anticipated such an occurrence, which
threw them into considerable embarrassment. They had
been zealous “Jackson men,” and had declared themselves
strongly against Mr. Adams, during the election; of this
Mr. Adams was not ignorant, and on this occasion it appeared
difficult to them to present themselves under the
auspices of General Lafayette, without exposing themselves
to the chance of being thought willing to make the amende
honorable. They determined to separate from our party,
on entering the city, and took lodgings in a hotel.
During the canvass of the presidential election, I had
frequently heard the adversaries of Mr. Adams accuse him
of aristocratic habits, contracted, as they said, in the foreign
courts at which he had passed many years. This accusation
appeared to me much opposed to what I had seen and
have related of his conduct in the steam-boat going from
Frenchtown to Baltimore; but, at length, in consequence
of hearing the charge frequently repeated, I began to fear,
that, with the exercise of power, he might fall into what
we call in Europe the manners of a prince; my surprise
was therefore the more agreeable, to find, on reaching
Washington, that the president was not changed. It is
true, we found Mr. Adams in the place of Mr. Monroe;
but the public man was still the same. The plainness of
the domestics, and facility of access to the house, appeared
not to have undergone the least alteration, and in Mr.
Adams’s reception of us we experienced all the cordiality
of his predecessor. He soon ascertained why our companions
had not remained with us, and hastened to send them
an invitation to dinner, which they accepted without embarrassment
or hesitation, as men who understood the
politeness intended them, but who did not consider themselves
as being in any way pledged by accepting it.
The lodgings prepared for us in his own house by the
president were plain, but commodious and in good taste.
Anxious to enable General Lafayette to enjoy the repose
he thought him to need after so many and such long voyages,
and after numerous and profound emotions, he secluded
himself with us in entire privacy. Aided by Mrs. Adams,
her two sons, and two nieces, he made us taste, if I may
so express myself, the sweets of domestic life. During
243the early portion of our stay, there rarely set down to table
or around the hearth more than two or three persons at
once, and usually these were some public officers who,
after being occupied all day with the president in business,
were detained by him to dinner and the familiar conversation
of the evening. It was during this period which glided
away so swiftly, that I could appreciate the character of
Mr. Adams, whom I had previously known only by the
eulogies of his friends or the attacks of opponents. I discovered
that the first had but done him justice, and the
last been misled by party spirit. It is difficult to find a
more upright and better cultivated intellect than is possessed
by the successor of Mr. Monroe. The beautiful
reliefs of the capitol, to which he is not a stranger; his
treatise on weights and measures, and the numerous diplomatic
missions he has discharged with distinction, bear
witness to his good taste in the arts, the correctness of his
scientific judgment, and his skill in politics. As to the accusation
of aristocracy, which some have preferred against
him, it is sufficiently refuted by his manners, which remain
unaltered by his elevation to the chief magistracy of the
republic.
Notwithstanding that General Lafayette was daily preparing
to return to Europe, before quitting the American
soil, he wished once more to see some of his old Virginia
friends, and especially desired again to embrace and thank
him, who, as head of the government, had first welcomed
him to its capital, and who, at present returned to private
life, continued to give his fellow citizens an example of all
the virtues, in cultivating his modest patrimony. The general
mentioned the subject to Mr. Adams, who offered to
accompany him on this visit, saying, “that he would gladly
take this occasion to go and present to his predecessor his
tribute of veneration and attachment.” The 6th of August
was the day fixed upon for this visit, and we set out for
Oak Hill, the seat of Mr. Monroe, which is thirty-seven miles
from Washington, unaccompanied by any escort. Mr.
Adams took the general and Mr. George Lafayette, with
one of his friends, in his carriage; I rode in a tilbury with
the president’s son. At the Potomac bridge we stopped to
pay the toll, and the gate-keeper, after counting the company
and horses, received the money from the president,
244and allowed us to pass on; but we had gone a very short
distance, when we heard some one bawling after us, “Mr.
President! Mr. President! you have given eleven-pence
too little!” Presently the gate-keeper arrived out of breath,
holding out the change he had received, and explaining the
mistake made. The president heard him attentively, re-examined
the money, and agreed that he was right, and
ought to have another eleven-pence. Just as the president
was taking out his purse, the gate-keeper recognized General
Lafayette in the carriage, and wished to return his
toll, declaring that all gates and bridges were free to the
nation’s guest. Mr. Adams told him, that on this occasion
General Lafayette travelled altogether privately, and not as
the nation’s guest, but simply as a friend of the president,
and, therefore, was entitled to no exemption. With this
reasoning, our gate-keeper was satisfied, and received the
money. Thus, during his course of his voyages in the
United States, the general was but once subjected to the
common rule of paying, and it was exactly upon the day
in which he travelled with the chief magistrate; a circumstance
which, probably in every other country, would have
conferred the privilege of passing free.
We did not reach Oak Hill until the morning after we
left Washington. We found the ex-president of the United
States, now a farmer, pleasantly settled with all his family,
in a handsome house near his farm. He was engaged in
superintending his agricultural affairs, and endeavouring to
improve his property, which had long been neglected for
public business. Some of Mr. Monroe’s friends had collected
to assist him in entertaining Lafayette. We passed
three days in their company, and then the inhabitants of
Leesburg, a small adjacent village, came in company with
the Loudon county militia, to invite the presence of the nation’s
guest at an entertainment prepared for him. The
president, ex-president, and chief justice of the United
States, accompanied him, and received their share of popular
attention; but it was easy to perceive that this homage
was inspired by the veneration of their virtues, rather than
by any titles which they possessed.
After the Leesburg and Loudon county festivals we took
leave of Mr. Monroe to return to Washington. Wishing to
make the journey in a single day, we set out very early, but
245soon had cause to repent of this arrangement; about two
o’clock the heat became so oppressive, that one of Mr.
Adams’s horses was struck down by apoplexy. The driver
in vain attempted to save its life by copious blood-letting,
and in a few minutes the animal expired in the ditch where
it had fallen. As soon as the accident happened, we all
alighted to help the horse, but finding him dead, we took
seats on the grass until a waiter went to the nearest village
for another horse. Travellers were passing us continually,
and cast inquisitive glances upon our group, without once
suspecting the presence of the first magistrate of the republic,
or that of the adopted son of a great nation. Having
procured another horse, we resumed our journey, but
the delay caused by this accident prevented our arrival at
Washington until long after sunset, which prevented us
visiting the falls of Potomac, near to where we crossed the
river. Although these falls are of slight elevation, their effect
is said to be very fine.
A few days afterwards we again left the capital to make
a last tour in Virginia. On this occasion we visited Albemarle,
Culpepper, Fauquier, Warrenton and Buckland.
Although in all these towns the progress of Lafayette was
marked by popular festivals, he could not avoid feeling
pained by the recollection that in a few days he was about
to leave, perhaps for ever, a country which contained so
many objects of his affection. At Albemarle we were re-joined
by Mr. Monroe, whom we now found invested with
a new public character. Faithful to the doctrine that a
citizen should always be entirely at the service of his country,
he did not think that his title of late president of the
republic withheld him from being useful to his countrymen;
and he had therefore accepted the office of justice of the
peace, to which he had been elected by the confidence and
suffrages of the people of his county. Mr. Madison had
also left his retreat and re-joined us on the road to Monticello,
whither the general went to take leave of his old
friend Jefferson, whose enfeebled health kept him at present
in a state of painful inaction. The meeting at Monticello,
of three men, who, by their successive elevation to
the supreme magistracy of the state, had given to their
country twenty-four years of prosperity and glory, and who
still offered it the example of private virtues, was a sufficiently
246strong inducement to make us wish to stay there a
longer time; but indispensable duties recalled General
Lafayette to Washington, and he was obliged to take leave
of his friends. I shall not attempt to depict the sadness
which prevailed at this cruel separation, which had none
of the alleviation which is usually left by youth, for in this
instance, the individuals who bade farewell, had all passed
through a long career, and the immensity of the ocean
would still add to the difficulties of a reunion.
One of Mr. Adams’s first cares on attaining the head of
the administration had been to decide General Lafayette to
accept the use of a public ship for his return to France.
This vessel, built in Washington navy yard, was launched
about the end of June, and was to be ready for sea by the
beginning of September, the time fixed upon by General
Lafayette for his departure. “It is customary,” Mr. Adams
wrote to him, “to designate our frigates by the names of
rivers of the United States; to conform to this custom, and
make it accord with the desire we have to perpetuate a
name that recalls that glorious event of our revolutionary
war, in which you sealed with your blood your devotion to
our principles, we have given the name of Brandywine to
the new frigate, to which we confide the honourable mission
of returning you to the wishes of your country and
family. The command of the Brandywine will be entrusted
to one of the most distinguished officers of our navy,
Captain Charles Morris, who has orders to land you
under the protection of our flag, in whatever European port
you please to designate.”
This invitation was too honourable, and made with too
much delicacy, to be for an instant refused by General Lafayette;
therefore he hastened to return to Washington to
express his gratitude to the president, and concert with
Captain Morris the day of sailing, which was settled for the
7th of September. When this determination became known,
a great number of persons thronged from the neighbouring
cities to take a last farewell of the nation’s guest; and all
the constituted authorities of the capital determined to take
a solemn leave of him. From this time to the day of our
embarkation the general devoted his whole time to the duties
of friendship, and in answering to the invitations of
247various cities, which, for want of time and on account of
their distance, he had been unable to visit.
The fame of Bolivar’s exploits in combating for the
liberty and independence of the South American republics,
at this time resounded through the United States, whose
citizens applauded with transport his republican patriotism,
which then was free from all suspicion. Mr. Custis,
the adopted son of Washington, whose ardent spirit is ever
ready to sympathise with all that is great and generous,
conceived the thought of presenting to the Liberator, as a
testimonial of his admiration, a fine portrait of General
Washington, and a medal of pure gold, which had been decreed
to the great citizen by the American nation, at the
festival of independence. He thought that these presents,
although sufficiently precious on account of their origin,
would acquire a still greater value by passing through the
hands of the veteran of liberty in the two worlds, and
General Lafayette consented with pleasure to the request
made him to be the organ of communication. On the 2d
of September these presents were placed in the hands of
M. Villenilla, member of the Colombian Legation, with a
letter for Bolivar, from Lafayette.
On the 6th of September, the anniversary of Lafayette’s
birth, the president gave a grand dinner, to which all the
public officers, and numerous distinguished persons then in
Washington, were invited. The company had already assembled
and were about to sit down to table, when the
arrival of a deputation from the city of New York was announced,
which came to present to General Lafayette, on
behalf of the city council, a book containing an account of
all the transactions and events occurring during his stay in
that city. This magnificent volume, removed from its case,
and exhibited to the company, excited general admiration.
It is in fact a masterpiece that may be compared with the
most beautiful and rich of those manuscripts which formed
the glory and reputation of libraries before the discovery
of printing. It contained fifty pages, each ornamented with
vignettes designed and painted with the greatest skill;
views and portraits perfectly executed, completed this
work, of which the writing was done by Mr. Bragg, and
the paintings by Messrs. Burton, Inman, and Cummings.
The view of the Capitol at Washington, of the City Hall of
248New York, and the portraits of Washington, Lafayette, and
Hamilton, left nothing to be desired; and in order that this
beautiful work should be altogether national, it was upon
American paper, and bound by Mr. Foster of New York
with admirable richness and elegance.
General Lafayette gratefully accepted this fine present,
to which the president and his cabinet gave additional value
by placing their signatures in it. Although a large company
partook of this dinner, and it was intended to celebrate
Lafayette’s birth-day, it was very serious, I may say,
almost sad. We were all too much pre-occupied by the
approaching journey to be joyous: we already felt, by anticipation,
the sorrowfulness of separation. Towards the
conclusion of the repast, the president, contrary to diplomatic
custom, which forbids toasts at his table, arose and
proposed the following: “To the 22d of February and 6th
of September, birthdays of Washington and Lafayette.”
Profoundly affected to find his name thus associated with
Washington, the general expressed his thanks to the president,
and gave this toast, “To the fourth of July, the birth-day
of liberty in both hemispheres.”
At last the day which we ardently wished for, and
whose approach, however, filled us with profound sadness,
the day which would begin to convey us towards our
country, but must, at the same time, separate us from a nation
which had so many claims to our admiration and affection,
the day of our departure, the 7th of September, dawned
radiantly. The workshops were deserted, the stores
were left unopened, and the people crowded around the
president’s mansion, while the militia were drawn up in
a line on the road the nation’s guest was to move to the
shore. The municipality collected about the general to
offer him the last homage and regrets of their fellow citizens.
At eleven o’clock he left his apartment, slowly passed
through the crowd which silently pressed after him, and
entered the principal vestibule of the presidential dwelling,
where the president, surrounded by his cabinet, various
public officers, and principal citizens, had waited for him
a few minutes. He took his place in the centre of the
circle which was formed on his approach; the doors were
open, in order that the people who were assembled without
249might observe what took place, and the slight murmur
of regrets which were heard at first among the crowd, was
succeeded by a solemn and profound silence; the president,
then visibly agitated by emotion, addressed him as follows,
in the name of the American nation and government:—
“General Lafayette—It has been the good fortune of
many of my distinguished fellow-citizens, during the course of
the year now elapsed, upon your arrival at their respective
places of abode, to greet you with the welcome of the nation.
The less pleasing task now devolves upon me, on bidding you,
in the name of the nation, adieu.
“It were no longer seasonable, and would be superfluous, to
recapitulate the remarkable incidents of your early life—incidents
which associated your name, fortunes and reputation, in
imperishable connection with the independence and history of
the North American Union.
“The part which you performed at that important juncture was
marked with characters so peculiar, that, realizing the fairest
fable of antiquity, its parallel could scarcely be found in the
authentic records of human history.
“You deliberately and perseveringly preferred toil, danger, the
endurance of every hardship, and the privation of every comfort,
in defence of a holy cause, to inglorious ease, and the allurements
of rank, affluence, and unrestrained youth, at the most
splendid and fascinating court of Europe.
“That this choice was not less wise than magnanimous,
the sanction of half a century, and the gratulations of unnumbered
voices, all unable to express the gratitude of the heart
with which your visit to this hemisphere has been welcomed,
afford ample demonstration.
“When the contest of freedom, to which you had repaired as
a voluntary champion, had closed, by the complete triumph of
her cause in this country of your adoption, you returned to fulfil
the duties of the philanthropist and patriot in the land of your
nativity. There, in a consistent and undeviating career of forty
years, you have maintained, through every vicissitude of alternate
success and disappointment, the same glorious cause to
which the first years of your active life had been devoted, the
improvement of the moral and political condition of man.
“Throughout that long succession of time, the people of the
United States, for whom, and with whom you had fought the
battles of liberty, have been living in the full possession of its
fruits; one of the happiest among the family of nations. Spreading
250in population; enlarging in territory; acting and suffering
according to the condition of their nature; and laying the foundations
of the greatest, and, we humbly hope, the most beneficent
power that ever regulated the concerns of man upon earth.
“In that lapse of forty years, the generation of men with whom
you co-operated in the conflict of arms, has nearly passed away.
Of the general officers of the American army in that war, you
alone survive. Of the sages who guided our councils; of the
warriors who met the foe in the field or upon the wave, with
the exception of a few, to whom unusual length of days has been
allotted by heaven, all now sleep with their fathers. A succeeding,
and even a third generation, have arisen to take their
places; and their children’s children, while rising up to call
them blessed, have been taught by them, as well as admonished
by their own constant enjoyment of freedom, to include in every
benison upon their fathers, the name of him who came from
afar, with them and in their cause to conquer or to fall.
“The universal prevalence of these sentiments was signally
manifested by a resolution of congress, representing the whole
people, and all the states of this Union, requesting the president
of the United States to communicate to you the assurances of
grateful and affectionate attachment of this government and
people, and desiring that a national ship might be employed, at
your convenience, for your passage to the borders of your country.
“The invitation was transmitted to you by my venerable predecessor;
himself bound to you by the strongest ties of personal
friendship, himself one of those whom the highest honours of his
country had rewarded for blood early shed in her cause, and
for a long life of devotion to her welfare. By him the services
of a national ship were placed at your disposal. Your delicacy
preferred a more private conveyance, and a full year has elapsed
since you landed upon our shores. It were scarcely an exaggeration
to say, that it has been, to the people of the Union, a
year of uninterrupted festivity and enjoyment, inspired by your
presence. You have traversed the twenty-four states of this
great confederacy: You have been received with rapture by
the survivors of your earliest companions in arms: You have
been hailed as a long absent parent by their children, the men
and women of the present age: And a rising generation, the
hope of future time, in numbers surpassing the whole population
of that day when you fought at the head and by the side of their
forefathers, have vied with the scanty remnants of that hour of
trial, in acclamations of joy at beholding the face of him whom
they feel to be the common benefactor of all. You have heard
251the mingled voices of the past, the present, and the future age,
joining in one universal chorus of delight at your approach;
and the shouts of unbidden thousands, which greeted your landing
on the soil of freedom, have followed every step of your
way, and still resound, like the rushing of many waters, from
every corner of our land.
“You are now about to return to the country of your birth, of
your ancestors, of your posterity. The executive government
of the Union, stimulated by the same feeling which had prompted
the congress to the designation of a national ship for your accommodation
in coming hither, has destined the first service of
a frigate, recently launched at this metropolis, to the less welcome,
but equally distinguished trust, of conveying you home.
The name of the ship has added one more memorial to distant
regions and to future ages, of a stream already memorable, at
once in the story of your sufferings and of our independence.
“The ship is now prepared for your reception, and equipped for
sea. From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions
will ascend to heaven that her passage may be prosperous,
and your return to the bosom of your family as propitious to
your happiness, as your visit to this scene of your youthful glory
has been to that of the American people.
“Go, then, our beloved friend—return to the land of brilliant
genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic valour; to that beautiful
France, the nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the
fourth Henry; to the native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne
and Catinat, of Fenelon and D’Aguesseau. In that
illustrious catalogue of names which she claims as of her children,
and with honest pride holds up to the admiration of other
nations, the name of Lafayette has already for centuries been
enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into brighter fame;
for if, in after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate
the character of his nation by that of one individual, during the
age in which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle
in his cheek, the fire of conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye,
and he shall pronounce the name of Lafayette. Yet we, too,
and our children, in life and after death, shall claim you for our
own. You are ours by that more than patriotic self-devotion
with which you flew to the aid of our fathers at the crisis of their
fate. Ours by that long series of years in which you have
cherished us in your regard. Ours by that unshaken sentiment
of gratitude for your services which is a precious portion of our
inheritance. Ours by that tie of love, stronger than death,
252which has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, with
the name of Washington.
“At the painful moment of parting from you, we take comfort
in the thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation
of your heart, our country will be ever present to your affections;
and a cheering consolation assures us, that we are not called to
sorrow most of all, that we shall see your face no more. We
shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of beholding our friend
again. In the mean time, speaking in the name of the whole
people of the United States, and at a loss only for language to
give utterance to that feeling of attachment with which the
heart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man—I bid you a
reluctant and affectionate farewell.”
An approving murmur drowned the last words of Mr.
Adams, and proved how deeply the auditors sympathised
with the noble sentiments he had expressed in favour of
France, and her children whose whole life and recent triumph
would add still more to his glory and exaltation.
General Lafayette, deeply affected with what he heard,
was obliged to pause a few moments before he was able
to reply. At last, however, after having made an effort to
regain his voice, he thus expressed himself:
“Amidst all my obligations to the general government, and
particularly to you, sir, its respected chief magistrate, I have
most thankfully to acknowledge the opportunity given me, at this
solemn and painful moment, to present the people of the United
States with a parting tribute of profound, inexpressible gratitude.
“To have been, in the infant and critical days of these states,
adopted by them as a favourite son, to have participated in the
toils and perils of our unspotted struggle for independence,
freedom and equal rights, and in the foundation of the American
era of a new social order, which has already pervaded this, and
must, for the dignity and happiness of mankind, successively
pervade every part of the other hemisphere, to have received at
every stage of the revolution, and during forty years after that
period, from the people of the United States, and their representatives
at home and abroad, continual marks of their confidence
and kindness, has been the pride, the encouragement, the
support of a long and eventful life.
“But how could I find words to acknowledge that series of
welcomes, those unbounded and universal displays of public
253affection, which have marked each step, each hour, of a twelve-months’
progress through the twenty-four states, and which,
while they overwhelm my heart with grateful delight, have most
satisfactorily evinced the concurrence of the people in the kind
testimonies, in the immense favours bestowed on me by the
several branches of their representatives, in every part and at
the central seat of the confederacy?
“Yet, gratifications still higher await me; in the wonders of
creation and improvement that have met my enchanted eye, in
the unparalleled and self-felt happiness of the people, in their
rapid prosperity and insured security, public and private, in a
practice of good order, the appendage of true freedom, and a
national good sense, the final arbiter of all difficulties, I have
had proudly to recognise a result of the republican principles for
which we have fought, and a glorious demonstration to the most
timid and prejudiced minds, of the superiority, over degrading
aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded on the
plain rights of man, and where the local rights of every section
are preserved under a constitutional bond of union. The cherishing
of that union between the states, as it has been the farewell
entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever
have the dying prayer of every American patriot, so it has become
the sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world, an
object in which I am happy to observe that the American people,
while they give the animating example of successful free
institutions, in return for an evil entailed upon them by Europe,
and of which a liberal and enlightened sense is every where
more and more generally felt, show themselves every day more
anxiously interested.
“And now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep and lively
feelings for the assurances, most peculiarly valued, of your esteem
and friendship, for your so very kind references to old times, to
my beloved associates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your
affecting picture of the blessings poured by the several generations
of the American people on the remaining days of a delighted
veteran, for your affectionate remarks on this sad hour
of separation, on the country of my birth, full, I can say, of
American sympathies, on the hope so necessary to me of my
seeing again the country that has designed, near a half century
ago, to call me hers? I shall content myself, refraining from
superfluous repetitions, at once, before you, sir, and this respected
circle, to proclaim my cordial confirmation of every one
of the sentiments which I have had daily opportunities publicly
to utter, from the time when your venerable predecessor, my
254old brother in arms and friend, transmitted to me the honourable
invitation of congress, to this day, when you, my dear sir, whose
friendly connection with me dates from your earliest youth, are
going to consign me to the protection, across the Atlantic, of
the heroic national flag, on board the splendid ship, the name of
which has been not the least flattering and kind among the numberless
favours conferred upon me.
“God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless
the American people, each of their states, and the federal government.
Accept this patriotic farewell of an overflowing
heart; such will be its last throb when it ceases to beat.”
In pronouncing these last words, General Lafayette felt
his emotion to be rapidly increasing, and threw himself
into the arms of the president, who mingled his tears with
those of the national guest, in repeating those heart-rending
words, Adieu! Adieu! The spectators, overcome by
the same feelings, also shed tears and surrounded their
friend, once more to take him by the hand. To abridge
this scene, which could not be suffered much longer, the
general retired for a short time into his own apartment,
where Mrs. Adams surrounded by her daughters and
nieces came to express their wishes and regrets. On the
evening before, this lady, whose cultivated mind and
amenity of character had greatly contributed to the pleasure
of our visit to the president’s house, had presented
him with a fine bust of her husband, and had added to this
present a copy of verses in French, whose charm and
elegance proved that this was not the first occasion in
which her muse had spoken in our language.
Detained as if by a magic spell, General Lafayette could
not make up his mind to leave his friends; a thousand pretexts
seemed to retard the definitive moment of separation,
but at last the first of the twenty-four guns, which announced
his departure, having been heard, he again threw
himself into Mr. Adams’s arms, expressed to him his last
good wishes for the American nation, and retired to his
carriage. The president repeated the signal of adieu from
the top of the steps, and at this sign the colours of the
troops which were drawn up before the president’s house
were bowed to the earth.
Accompanied by the secretaries of state, treasury, and
navy, the general proceeded to the banks of the Potomac,
255where the steam-boat Mount Vernon was waiting for him.
On a level above the river, were all the militia of Alexandria,
Georgetown, and Washington, drawn up in solid
columns, waiting to defile before the general. In advance
of the troops were the magistrates of the three cities, at the
head of their fellow citizens, to whom numbers of strangers
had joined themselves. When the general arrived
at a point from whence he could embrace this scene at a
glance, the family of General Washington and the principal
officers of government, ranged themselves around him,
when all the different masses of men who had hitherto
been so motionless, moved on to the sound of artillery,
and advanced melancholy and silent to receive his last
adieu. When the different corps had passed, the general
took leave of all the friends that surrounded him, and went
on board of the Mount Vernon, with the secretary of the
navy and those officers of government who were to accompany
him on board of the Brandywine.
During this time, the innumerable crowd which lined
the shores of the Potomac for a great distance, governed by
a painful feeling of sorrow produced by his departure, remained
in the most profound silence; but when the steam-boat
had pushed off with the object of their affections, they
gave vent to a mournful cry, which, repeated from echo to
echo, was finally mingled with the deep sound of the artillery
of fort Washington. A few moments afterwards we
passed Alexandria, and the general received the same marks
of regret from the population of that city. But it was when
he came in view of Mount Vernon, that he felt most deeply
affected, and experienced the great sacrifice he made to
his country in leaving the American soil, that hospitable,
land, where every step he made was accompanied with
heartfelt recollections.
In a few hours we reached the Brandywine, which was
anchored at the mouth of the Potomac, where she only
awaited our arrival to set sail. The general was received
on board with the greatest honours, the yards were manned,
the gunners at their posts, and the marines drawn up on
deck. Of the whole company that had attended us from
Washington, the secretary of the navy, Mr. Southard, alone
went on board the Brandywine with the general, to present
and recommend him to the care of Commodore Morris in
256the name of the American nation and its government. We
had experienced so many marks of kindness from Mr.
Southard, that it was with real grief that we took leave of
him. As soon as he had received our last farewells, he
returned on board the Mount Vernon, and our commander
gave orders to weigh anchor; but at this moment another
steam-boat appeared in sight, which apparently wished to
speak to us; we soon recognised her as the Constitution, which
had arrived from Baltimore, carrying a great number of the
inhabitants of that city, who desired once more to see General
Lafayette, and to express to him the good wishes of
their fellow-citizens, as well as their own. We experienced
great pleasure in observing among them a majority of those
with whom we were most intimate in our different visits
to Baltimore. Their presence, at this time, in recalling to
our minds the happy time we spent with them, made us
forget, for a moment, that we had already left the American
soil, perhaps for ever, and our illusion was prolonged until
the evening gun announced that all communication between
us must cease.
The night was now too far advanced to get under sail,
and Commodore Morris waited till next day to weigh anchor.
It was the 8th of December we entered the Chesapeake
under full sail, traversing the centre of a brilliant
rainbow, one of whose limbs appeared to rest on the Maryland
shore, and the other on that of Virginia. Thus the
same sign that appeared in the heavens on the day on which
Lafayette landed on the American soil, also appeared
when he left it, as if nature had reserved to herself
the erection of the first and the last of the numerous
triumphal arches dedicated to him during his extraordinary
journey.[22]
The wind blowing brisk and favourable, we soon passed
the capes of Virginia, and were in a short time out at sea.
It was then only that our captain, disengaged from the care
257a difficult navigation, near the shore always induces, made
us more particularly acquainted with his officers and our
new abode. From the character of the former and commodious
arrangement of the latter, it was readily perceived
that the American government had neglected nothing that
could contribute to the safety or comfort of Lafayette’s return
to his own country. The captain announced to the
general, that the last instructions he had received from the
president, was to put himself entirely at the general’s disposal,
and to conduct him to any part of Europe that he
might designate, and to land him under the protection of
the American flag; hence, that he must from that moment
consider himself as absolute master, and to be assured that
his orders would be executed with the greatest readiness.
The general was deeply affected but not surprised at this
fresh instance of kindness in the American government, and
declared to the captain, that the only use he should make
of these honourable prerogatives would be a passage to
Havre. Two motives, added he, make me desirous of reentering
France by that city; my family will be there to
receive me, and my heart feels a strong desire to present
myself, in the first instance, to those who received my farewell
with such kindness, when I last year left my country.
The wind blew so violently, that in forty-eight hours from
our leaving Chesapeake bay, we were in the Gulf stream,
whose waves, opposed by the wind, made us experience all
the agonies of rolling and pitching horribly combined.
Added to the sea-sickness which attacked nearly all of us,
another source of anxiety arose. The frigate leaked without
it being discovered at what place; the pumps, in spite
of their constant employment, could not keep the vessel
clear, and some persons already regretted we were so far
from the land, but our captain and his crew were not to be
intimidated so easily. After a close examination of our
situation, Captain Morris was of opinion that the vessel was
too deep in the water, and should be lighted; he therefore
had 32,000 weight of iron, part of his ballast, thrown overboard.
This operation which was performed in a few
hours, remedied every inconvenience. The frigate being
lighter was in better trim, and in rising some inches more
above the surface of the water, discovered the leak, which
was just under the water-mark: from this moment the danger,
258which had never been serious, entirely disappeared,
and our voyage was accomplished without the slightest
anxiety.
As the president had told the general, in offering him the
use of the Brandywine to carry him to France, we had for
commander one of the most distinguished officers in the American
navy. During his youth, Captain Morris had distinguished
himself in several engagements before Algiers, under
the command of Commodore Rogers. At a later period,
during the last war with Great Britain, he had added to his
reputation, from his skill in manœuvring his vessel, in the
presence of an overwhelming force; and his comrades generally
attributed to him a great part of the glory of the
victory of the Constitution over the Guerriere, who, proud
of her formidable artillery and the experience of her numerous
crew, had sent a challenge to any American vessel,
that had the courage to meet her, and seemed to wait with
impatience for some one to accept her defiance, when the
Constitution appeared and soon made her repent of her
presumption.
The officers who served under the orders of Captain
Morris, on board of the Brandywine, had also distinguished
themselves in the last war, and each could boast of having
added to the glory of the American navy, by his own gallant
deeds. I regret that I cannot record all their names, and
some of the actions by which they merited the gratitude of
their country, and the esteem of their fellow-citizens; but
such details would lead me far beyond all due bounds, and
I hope that my silence will be taken rather as a proof of
my incapacity to act as their historian, than as a proof of
my indifference to men, whose society was so delightful to
us, during a voyage which would have appeared very short,
if we had not been returning to our own country.
The government of the United States has no theoretical
school for her marine officers, but each national vessel,
when going on service, receives on board a certain number
of midshipmen, and thus forms a practical school at little
expense as to money, and attended with the happiest results.
When it was rumoured, that the Brandywine was destined
to conduct Lafayette back to France, all those parents
who intended their children for the navy, were ambitious
to obtain them a birth on board of this frigate, and the
259president found himself beset with petitions from all parts
of the Union. Not being able to satisfy all, but at the same
time wishing to amalgamate, as much as possible, private
interests with public good, he decided that each state
should be represented by a midshipman, and hence the
Brandywine had on board twenty-four, instead of eight or
ten, as is usual in vessels of her size. It was gratifying to
the general, thus to find himself surrounded by these young
representatives of the republics he had visited with so much
pleasure, not only as their presence recalled spots he loved,
but also as some of them, being sons of old revolutionary
soldiers, gave him an opportunity of speaking of his former
companions in arms; and the young men, on their
part, proud of the mission they were engaged in, endeavoured
to render themselves worthy of it, by strict attention to
study, and the performance of their duties. The paternal
friendship testified towards them by the general, during the
voyage, so completely gained their affection, that they could
not separate from him without shedding tears. They begged
that he would permit them, to offer him a durable mark
of their filial attachment, that would also recall to his mind
the days passed with them on board the Brandywine.[23]
The wind continued strong during the whole passage,
but was very variable, thus rendering our voyage unpleasant.
Nevertheless, in spite of their inconstancy, Captain
Morris found means to make us advance rapidly; and on
the 3d of October we arrived in sight of the coast of Havre,
in twenty-four days after leaving the Chesapeake. This
passage ought to be considered as very short, particularly
when it is considered that it was our vessel’s first voyage,
and consequently that she required to be studied with
greater care by those who navigated her.
260I will not speak of the feelings that agitated us at the
sight of our country. There are few who have not experienced
them on again seeing their native land, even after
a short absence; and to those who have never known the
torments of absence, or the sweet emotions of a return, I
fear that my words would appear exaggerated or ridiculous.
As there was a great swell, and the wind variable, the
captain would not hazard the frigate by approaching too
near land in the night; he therefore sent one of his officers
to Havre for a pilot, and stood off and on until his return.
About midnight, a fishing boat boarded us, and brought letters,
by which we learnt, that a great part of General Lafayette’s
family, and numbers of his friends, among whom
was my father, had waited for us at Havre for several days,
and would join us in a few hours.
It may be readily supposed, that such news kept us
awake all night, expecting with impatience the return of
day, to restore us to our friends, our families, and our country.
At six o’clock, the pilot being on board, he cautiously
guided the vessel towards Havre, which we saw gradually
becoming more visible on the horizon. At three o’clock
we anchored, from the impossibility of approaching nearer
without danger in a vessel the size of our frigate. Captain
Morris then fired a salute of twenty-four guns, which was
answered from the fort a few moments afterwards. At 11
o’clock, a steam-boat having boarded us, we experienced
the happiness of seeing our friends.
We also received on board some citizens of Havre,
among whom was M. de Laroche, who begged the general
to accept of lodgings in his house, as long as he should remain
in the city. Mr. Beasley, American consul at Havre,
was also among our visiters. Our captain and his officers
received them with distinction, and showed them every
part of the frigate, whose beautiful proportions and admirable
order excited their admiration.
But the time rapidly passed, and the moment of separation
from our fellow passengers arrived. It would be difficult
to portray the expression of grief and regret that was
observable on the faces of all on board, when they advanced
for the last time to bid farewell to him whom they had
so proudly conducted across the ocean. The officers surrounded
him for a long time, not being able to permit him
261to depart. Their first lieutenant, Mr. Gregory, who had
been commissioned by them to express their sentiments,
experienced so much emotion, that his voice faltered in
pronouncing the first words; but, as if suddenly inspired,
the young seaman sprung towards the national flag which
floated at the stern of the vessel, rapidly detached it, and
presented it to the general, exclaiming, “We cannot confide
it to more glorious keeping! Take it, dear general,
may it for ever recall to you your alliance with the American
nation; may it also sometimes recall to your recollection
those who will never forget the happiness they enjoyed
of passing twenty-four days with you on board of the
Brandywine; and in being displayed twice a year on the
towers of your hospitable dwelling, may it recall to your
neighbours the anniversary of two great epochs, whose influence
on the whole world is incalculable,—the birth of
Washington and the declaration of the independence of
our country.”
“I accept it with gratitude,” replied the general, “and
I hope that, displayed from the most prominent part of my
house at La Grange, it will always testify to all who may
see it, the kindness of the American nation towards its
adopted and devoted son. And I also hope, that when
you or your fellow countrymen visit me, it will tell you,
that at La Grange you are not on a foreign soil.”
At this moment, the noise of cannon and the huzzas of
the sailors on the yards, prevented any further adieus, and
we went on board the steam-boat, whence we saw the
Brandywine spread her sails, and leave us with the majesty
of a floating fortress.
Captain Morris, who was to accompany the general to
Paris; Captain Reed, a distinguished officer of the American
navy, charged with a scientific mission to Europe by
his government; and Mr. Somerville, envoy from the
United States to the court of Sweden, left the Brandywine
with us; and this vessel, under the command of Lieutenant
Gregory, sailed for the Mediterranean, to reinforce the
squadron there.
On his landing, General Lafayette perceived that the
sentiments expressed towards him by the citizens of Havre,
at his departure, had not changed, and he was much affected
at their warmth. As to the administration, it was what it
262ought to have been the preceding year, that is, it permitted
a free expression of public opinion, so that in his passage
from the quay to Mr. de Laroche’s, the general had not the
grief of seeing his friends menaced by the sabres of the
gens d’armes, or humiliated by the presence of foreign
troops.
General Lafayette ardently desired to see such of his
children as could not come to meet him, and waited for him
at La Grange, and he therefore decided on leaving Havre
the day after his arrival. His son embarked on the Seine
with his family and friends, to proceed to Rouen, where he
would wait for him, whilst, accompanied by Captain Morris
and the author of this journal, he went by land. On
leaving the suburb, his carriage was surrounded by a
large cavalcade of young men, who asked permission to
accompany him to some distance. After an hour’s march,
the general stopped to thank his escort, who did not separate
from him until they had expressed the most flattering
sentiments, through their young leader, Mr. Etesse, to
whom his fellow citizens bad also this day given a proof of
their esteem and friendship in placing themselves under
his orders.
On arriving at Rouen, we stopped at M. Cabanon’s, a
worthy merchant, who has always been charged with the
interests of his department in the chamber of deputies,
whenever his fellow citizens have been unshackled in their
choice. As an old friend and colleague of the general, he
had insisted on his right of receiving at his table the guest
of America, and had prepared him the pleasure of once
more being seated with his family and a great number of
the most distinguished citizens of the ancient capital of
Normandy. Towards the end of the dinner, some one
came to announce to the general that a crowd of persons
in the street, accompanied by a band of musicians, wished
to salute him. He eagerly went out on the balcony to reply
to this mark of esteem from the population of Rouen,
but scarcely were the first acclamations heard, when detachments
of the royal guard and gens d’armes appeared
from the extremities of the street, who, without any previous
notice, began to disperse the crowd. The moderation
with which the royal guard executed the orders they
had received from an imprudent and blind administration,
263proved how repugnant they were to them, but the gens
d’armerie, anxious to prove themselves the worthy instruments
of the power that employed them, bravely charged
on the unarmed citizens, and were not to be checked by
the cries of the women and children overthrown by the
horses. A manufacturer of Bolbec, an elderly man of
Rouen, and several other persons, were severely wounded.
Many others were illegally and brutally arrested. After
these glorious exploits, the gens d’armes, being conquerors,
waited for the appearance of General Lafayette, and, sabre
in hand, accompanied the carriage to the hotel where we
were to spend the night. But here their success was
checked; young men stationed at the door forbid all entrance
into this asylum, where many of those who were
obliged to fly had taken refuge, and where General Lafayette
could receive, in peace, the feeling and honourable
congratulations of those citizens who wished, in spite of
the interdict of those in authority, to testify the satisfaction
they felt at the return of a man, who by the triumphs decreed
to him by a free nation had so much added to the
glory of the French name.
This atrocious conduct of the magistrates and their servile
instruments afflicted us the more, from having a few
days previous enjoyed the free expression of the feelings
and enthusiasm of the American people, and which in spite
of ourselves forced a comparison that was far from being
favourable to our own country. The presence of Captain
Morris and some of his countrymen who had accompanied
him to Paris, added still more to our sorrow and embarrassment.
We seemed to read in their stern expression,
the feelings they experienced in seeing a people once so
energetic in the cause of liberty, now timidly submitting to
the despotism of bayonets. As soon as I found an opportunity
of speaking to them for a moment, I hastened to tell
them that they must not confound prudence and moderation
with weakness, which was here only so in appearance.
That, in this instance, the citizens could not have supposed
that the local authorities would have been foolish enough
to oppose the expression of sentiments so inoffensive and
natural, and consequently no one had thought of making
preparations for a resistance, whose necessity had not been
foreseen. Some young men who were near us overhearing
264this conversation, added with warmth, “we hope our moderation
will not be misinterpreted by those who know us, and
that they will understand that we only submitted to be thus
driven back by some gens d’armes, because we wished to spare
our friend General Lafayette the chagrin of being the
cause of a greater disturbance.” The American officers
applauded the courage and delicacy of this feeling, and
comprehended that under other circumstances, the triumph
of the police and its gens d’armes over the citizens of Rouen
would not be so easy.
The next morning, October 8th, the court of the hotel
was filled by young men on horseback, intended as an escort
to the general as far as the first post-house. Their countenances,
and some words I overheard, proved to me that
they were full of the scene of the evening before, and were
firmly resolved that it should not be renewed with impunity.
The posts of the infantry and gens d’armerie had been doubled
during the night, as if the day was to be productive of great
events; but the magistracy confined itself to those ridiculous
demonstrations, and General Lafayette left the city in
peace, receiving on his way numerous testimonials of the
good wishes of the citizens.
At the end of the suburb, the escort was augmented by
more young horsemen, who accompanied him to the first
relay of horses, where they took leave of him, after having
presented him with a crown of “Immortelles,” which was
laid in his carriage on the sword given him by the New
York militia.
That evening we slept at St. Germain-en-Laye, and the
next day, October 9th, we arrived at La Grange, where,
for the three last days, the neighbouring districts had been
occupied in preparations for a fete on the arrival of one so
long and ardently looked for.
At a certain distance from the house, the carriage stopped;
and the general on descending from it, found himself
in the midst of a crowd, whose transports and joy would
have deceived a stranger, and led him to suppose that they
were all his children. The house was filled until evening,
by the crowd, who only retired after having conducted the
general, by the light of illuminations and to the sound of
music, under a triumphal arch, bearing an inscription, in
which they had dedicated to him the title of “friend of the
265people.” There he again received the expressions of joy
and happiness induced by his return.
The next day, the general was occupied in receiving the
young girls who brought him flowers and chaunted couplets
in his honour, the company of the national guard of Court
Palais, and a deputation from the town of Rosay. The
inhabitants of the commune in offering a box of flowers to
their friend, congratulated him on his arrival through their
leader M. Fricotelle.
The following Sunday, the inhabitants of Rosay and its
environs gave the general a brilliant fete, the expenses of
which were defrayed by common subscription. The preparations
which had required several days’ labour, were the
work of the citizens, who did not wish to be aided by any
mercenary hands. At five o’clock in the evening, more
than four thousand persons, many of whom had arrived
from a distance of some leagues, filled the apartments and
courts of La Grange, to salute him, whom all voices hailed
as the friend of the people. At seven o’clock, a troop of
young girls marching at the head of the population of Rosay,
presented a basket of flowers to the general, and chaunted
some simple and touching couplets; after which Mr. Vigne
pronounced in the name of the canton a discourse filled
with noble sentiments. After the general’s reply, which
was received with transports of joy, he was conducted in
triumph to the meadow, where an elegant tent had been
erected for him and his family. Illuminations artfully disposed,
fire-works prepared by Ruggieri, animated dances,
a great number of booths of all kinds, and a population of
upwards of six thousand persons, all contributed to recall to
Lafayette some of the brilliant scenes of his American triumph;
and with the more truth, since he found so much
conformity in the feelings which dictated both.
The dancing lasted all night; the cries of “long live the
people’s friend” were to be heard until the next day, when
Lafayette, once more in the bosom of his family, enjoyed
that happiness and calm which only result from the recollection
of a well spent life.
THE END.
1. Since our return to France, the general has received a similar boiler
from Mr. Morris of Baltimore, which is now in use at La Grange.
2. This animal was a common seal, phoca vitulina, vulgarly called sea-dog.
The sea-lion is another species of seal.—T.
3. See Art. 32 of the Constitution of North Carolina.
[Whatever may be the condition of the statute on this subject in
North Carolina, it can be little better than a dead letter or nullity, since
it is so entirely inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States.
We do not recollect to have read of any instance in which this offensive
peculiarity has been productive of practical disadvantage. It is unquestionably
a blemish that calls for removal.—T.]
The 31st article excludes from the senate, the house of representatives,
and the state councils, all members of the clerical profession, without
distinction of faith or sect, so long as they continue in the exercise of
their pastoral functions.
4. This is a common but inaccurate saying; an oblique shot will certainly
glance from the skin of the alligator, but one striking perpendicular
to the surface will as certainly penetrate, if within a proper distance.—T.
5. This is another very common and ancient error, which has been
repeated from the days of Herodotus, who said it of the Egyptian crocodile,
to the present. The deceptive appearance is produced by the
manner in which the lower jaw is articulated; the joint being situated
very far back, when the mouth is opened, casual observers easily mistake
the part actually moved. See the article Alligator, in the lately
published Encyclopædia Americana.—T.
6. See the fable of the ass disguised in the lion’s skin, as related by
Æsop, Phædrus, or Lafontaine, in explanation of this allusion. T.
7. See the excellent work of Captain Hugh M‘Call, published in 1811,
entitled “The History of Georgia.”
8. In speaking of the morals of New Orleans, it is but just to discriminate
between its permanent and fluctuating population. Being the
only mart to a vast extent of country, and the most frequented port on
the Gulf of Mexico, it always contains a large number of individuals of
the rudest and most licentious class, who can scarcely be said to belong
to any country, are certainly of no religion, and are of every shade of
colour. It is therefore by no means surprising, that gamblers, brawlers,
and stabbers, should be numerous where such a class abounds, more
especially, as New Orleans tolerates, by license granted, numerous establishments
openly devoted to gambling and all its consequences.—T.
9. Since the establishment of steam navigation, boatmen rarely return
by land. They pay a trifle for a deck passage; find their own provisions,
and aid the crew to bring wood, &c. on board, at the stopping
places.—T.
10. These geese, together with the Mexican hoccos presented by Mr.
Duplantier; wild turkeys presented by Mr. Thousand, of Baltimore; Devonshire
cows, given by Mr. Patterson; American partridges, presented
by Mr. Skinner, etc. at present ornament the farm of La Grange, where
General Lafayette exerts himself to multiply their numbers.
11. See upon this subject Mr. Warden’s very curious work, entitled
Remarks upon the Antiquities of North America.
[No theory, formed from the examination of a few of these mounds,
can, with any propriety, be resorted to for the purpose of explaining the
intentions of the ancient tribes in their formation. That they were
erected for various uses, is sufficiently evident from their difference of
construction, some being evidently merely monumental, while others
must have been designed for military, religious, or other services. No
one has examined the square and circular erections at Circleville,
in Ohio, (now rapidly disappearing before the industry of the brick-makers),
or those found near Piqua, or elsewhere in that state, without feeling
convinced that they were destined to different uses from the mounds
which occur in their vicinity, and appear to have been erected by the
same people. Dr. Clarke, and other travellers in the north of Asia, inform
us, that mounds, in all respects similar to those of St. Louis, are
very numerous in many places, and that they are unquestionably sepulchral
is proved by the bones, urns, and ornaments found within them.
These observations go far also to establish the belief of the common origin
of the American aborigines and the nomadic tribes of the old continent.
See Atwater’s very interesting Archæologia Americana.—T.]
12. The grizzly bear is unquestionably a ferocious and sanguinary animal,
and is so much dreaded by the Indians and traders, that it is not
surprising they should give currency to endless fables and exaggerations
concerning it. But we cannot avoid a feeling of surprise, mingled with
some mortification, to find respectable and intelligent travellers repeating,
as actually true, statements of the habits of our animals, which a
very slight effort of reason would show to be utterly absurd. Here we
have A BEAR, the largest species known, coursing after men in packs, and
yelping like hounds! when we have not on record, evidence, perhaps,
of more than thirty of these animals having been seen since the existence
of the species was discovered; nor the slightest evidence that any
bear ever uttered any other sound than a low harsh growl!—T.
13. Since his return from America, General Lafayette has received a
young grizzly bear from the Missouri, sent him by Governor Clark. He
has presented it to the proprietors of the Jardin du Roi, who have
placed it in the menagerie, where it may now be seen.
14. Another still more laborious mode of going up stream, was by extending
a long line from the bow, by which the crew, walking along the
margin of the river, dragged the boat along. This is what is called cordelling,
and when it is recollected how rugged and irregular the shores
of the western rivers are, and the necessity of carrying the cord clear of
trees, rocks, &c., a more painful and exhausting kind of labour can
scarcely be imagined.—T.
15. Vevay wine is a perfect nondescript; in colour it slightly approaches
thin claret; its taste is altogether peculiar; something like it
might be made by sweetening vin de grave with brown sugar. Nothing
but a strong effort of courtesy, however, can induce any one seriously
to call it wine, unless the fact of its being made from grapes be sufficient
to secure it this title. As to its being “the best of the wines
made in the United States,” we apprehend the author’s experience was
scarcely sufficient to make his opinion decisive. It is certainly far
inferior to the best of our cider, in all the requisites of a pleasant beverage.—T.
16. The canal has been completed since this journal was written, and
fully equals all anticipations.—T.
17. The territory of Vermont was at first part of the state of New
Hampshire, from which it was separated in 1764, to be annexed to that
of New York. It was not until 1791, that Vermont was admitted into
the confederation as an independent state.
18. Professor List was condemned to ten years of hard literary labour,
for having consented to be the organ of his fellow citizens to the king of
Wirtemberg.
19. Among these was General Lallemand, who is too well known for
me to eulogise him, and my two friends, my companions in arms, the
brothers Peregnet, who for a long time followed in Europe by honourable
persecutions, finally obtained in New York a safe asylum, where American
hospitality has enabled them to obtain the means of living independently.
The military academy which they have established upon the
most extensive and liberal scale, already enjoys popular favour.
20. The wish of the Whitehallers is accomplished. The American Star
is now at La Grange, placed with its oars and rudder under an elegant
building which the general has had built expressly to shelter it, worthy
of the recollections it represents.
22. The day of our arrival at Staten Island, whilst the general was receiving
the congratulations of the people, from the balcony of the vice
president’s house, a rainbow, one of whose limbs enveloped and tinged
fort Lafayette with a thousand colours, appeared; the multitude, struck
with the beauty and opportuneness of this circumstance, exclaimed,
“that heaven was in unison with America in celebrating the happy arrival
of the friend of the country.”
23. This present, which was received by General Lafayette a short time
after his arrival at Paris, is a silver urn, of an antique form and beautifully
engraved. It rests on a base of the same metal, three of the faces
of which are ornamented with exquisite sculptures, representing the capitol
at Washington; the visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Washington,
and the arrival of the Brandywine at Havre. On the fourth face is
inscribed, in relief, the offering of the young midshipmen to their paternal
friend. This magnificent work was executed at Paris, under the
direction of Mr. Barnet, the American consul, who replied to the confidence
of the young seamen, with that zeal which he always displays, in
every thing relating to the glory of his country, or the interests of his
fellow-citizens.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed.
Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the
last chapter.