SECRETARY TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE DURING HIS JOURNEY.
TRANSLATED BY JOHN D. GODMAN, M. D.
VOL. I.
PHILADELPHIA:
CAREY AND LEA.
1829.
Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:
Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth
year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D.
1829, Carey and Lea, of the said District, have deposited in this Office
the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the
words following, to wit:
“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to
the United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette
during his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled
“An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps
charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during
the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An act
supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement of
learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’
and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving,
and etching historical and other prints.”
(Signed) D. CALDWELL,
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.
iii
In publishing at this late period the journal of my voyage
to the United States, along with General Lafayette, in
1824 and 1825, I think it right to account for the circumstances,
which have so long delayed this publication.
The duties of private secretary, which I performed for
General Lafayette, were prolonged for three years after
our return. During all this time, I thought that the intimacy
of my relations with him, rendered it a point of delicacy,
that I should not cause to emanate from his cabinet
a narrative, of which he was the principal object. Swayed
by this sentiment, I resisted the solicitations of my friends,
and resolved to await the period, when having become entirely
independent, and entering into a career of industry, I
could publish my journal without exposing any one to participate
with me in responsibility for the opinions or facts
produced. This time has now arrived, and there is no
longer any inconvenience in my publishing details, not altogether
unknown, but which cannot be found any where so
complete as in this journal, which moreover, has a character
of incontestible authenticity, for in addition to the testimony
of several millions of witnesses, that might be adduced
if necessary, I can also say, all I relate I have seen.
I need not say, that in offering to my friends and the public,
the details of a triumph, which honours the nation that
decreed it, as much as the man who was its object, the recital
of which, I hope, will one day prove the greatest encouragement
that can be offered to the sincere friends of
a wise liberty, I am less concerned to adorn my narration,
than to preserve that character of verity, which will be its
greatest, perhaps even its only merit.
ivInvolved during fourteen months in the torrent of popular
festivities, which uninterruptedly followed the steps of
Lafayette throughout the twenty-four states of the Union,
it was only during the brief hours of the night, and as I may
say, in presence of the events of the day, that my journal
was written. It necessarily must partake of that extreme
agitation; however I have not thought of making any other
change in it, than that of dividing it into a certain number
of chapters, each of which contains a series of facts more
particularly attached to some epoch or locality. This division
appears to me more suitable, because it allows of the
suppression of all the dates, that would embarrass the narrative,
and a multitude of details which could only interest
a small number of individuals.
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.
The MSS. translation of the first volume, was revised by
an intimate friend and correspondent of the author, P. S.
Duponceau, Esq. whose name is justly associated with deep
learning, great intellectual acumen, and urbanity of manners;
he also furnished the occasional notes marked with
the letter D.
CONTENTS.
v
Chapter I.
Invitation of the Congress of the United States to General Lafayette: departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception at New York: review of the troops: entertainment given to Lafayette: statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.
Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown and Bunker’s hill.
Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history, constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.
Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes of the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.
Voyage upon the Hudson: treason of Arnold: military school at West Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskills Hudson: Albany: Troy: return to New York.
Streets of New York: drunkenness: prostitution: lotteries: hospitality: bankruptcy: women and young girls: luxury: hotels: police: anecdote: number of passengers arriving at New York, from 1818 till 1819.
Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of Pennsylvania: commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia: public buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.
Farewell to Lafayette by the inhabitants of Baltimore: journey from Baltimore to Washington: entry of that city: visit to the President: description of Washington: jesuits.
Masonic entertainment: journey to Petersburgh: visit to Mr. Jefferson: his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: religious liberty: return to Washington by Orange Court-house and Fredericksburg.
Invitation of the Congress of the United States to general Lafayette:
departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception
at New York: review of the troops: entertainments given to Lafayette:
statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.
Nearly half a century had elapsed, since Lafayette,
inspired by the love of glory and liberty, tore himself away
from the sweets of domestic affection and the dangerous
seductions of a court, to offer the aid of an illustrious
name and ample fortune, to a nation, which, though
bravely combating for independence, seemed by the inequality
of the contest to be threatened with destruction.
After his return to France, Lafayette, although entirely
occupied by the French revolution, for the success of
which he sacrificed his fortune and repose, and sometimes
endangered his popularity and life, often turned his
thoughts upon America, the theatre of his first exploits;
in the dungeons of Olmutz, and under the imperial despotism,
he comforted himself with the thought, that in America,
at least, the tree of liberty he had assisted in planting,
bore fruits as delightful as abundant, and that a happy
people, worthy of the happiness they enjoyed, remembered
him with sentiments of lively gratitude. But withheld by
various causes, he could only cherish the wish of again
10beholding America, without being able to form any plan
for revisiting it. The confidence reposed in him by his
fellow citizens, who after the events of 1815, recalled
him into political activity, appeared to be a still stronger
reason for his remaining in France. Nevertheless in 1824,
the intrigues of a corrupt and corrupting minister, having
removed him from the national representation, he was
free from engagements, when the following letter was addressed
to him by the President of the United States.
Washington City, February 24th, 1824.
My dear General,
I wrote you a letter about fifteen days since, by Mr.
Brown, in which I expressed the wish to send to any port
in France you should point out, a frigate to convey you hither,
in case you should be able to visit the United States.
Since then, Congress has passed a resolution on this subject,
in which the sincere attachment of the whole nation
to you is expressed, whose ardent desire is once more to
see you amongst them. The period at which you may
yield to this invitation is left entirely at your option, but
believe me, whatever may be your decision, it will be sufficient
that you should have the goodness to inform me of
it, and immediate orders will be given for a government
vessel to proceed to any port you will indicate, and convey
you thence to the adopted country of your early youth,
which has always preserved the most grateful recollection
of your important services. I send you herewith the resolution
of congress, and add thereto the assurance of my high
consideration and of my sentiments of affection.
James Monroe.
It was impossible for Lafayette to refuse so honourable
and so pressing an invitation, and the month of July was
resolved on for his departure. He had refused the offer
of Congress to send a frigate to convey him with greater
safety and comfort, and he was also obliged to refuse numerous
applications of his fellow citizens, who thinking
perhaps that some new expedition in favour of liberty,
was to be attempted, wished to share with him the perils
and the glory. Accompanied only by his son, and the
writer of this narrative, he left Paris on the 11th and arrived
11at Havre on the 12th of July, where the Cadmus, an
American merchant ship, had waited for him some weeks.
The patriotism of the citizens of Havre had prepared for
him a reception well calculated to gratify his feelings, but
the absurd jealousy of the police checked this expression of
the public sentiment, and would have produced a scene of
disorder and bloodshed, if the inhabitants had been less discreet.
Police officers, gendarmes, and Swiss soldiers, rivalled
each other in their zeal to repress the noble ardor
of the citizens, during the short time that general Lafayette
remained among them. However, it was in the
presence of the whole people, and amid the most vivid demonstrations
of public feeling, that he embarked at noon
on the thirteenth of July, 1824.
The weather being fine, and the sea perfectly calm, we
embarked with facility; all the crew, paraded upon deck,
waited for the arrival of the general, with an expression of
joy mingled with noble pride. As he passed beneath the
American flag, to whose glory and independence he had so
freely contributed, he was greeted with three cheers, which
were re-echoed by all the crews in port, and by the crowds
which thronged the shore. Some particular friends who
accompanied the general on board the Cadmus, received
his final adieus. Almost immediately afterwards, our sails
were filled by a fresh breeze, which wafted us along until
we lost sight of that loved land, in which, in spite of all
that may be said or done, virtue and patriotism will always
find courageous defenders.
In a good vessel, skilfully commanded and managed as
was the Cadmus, our voyage could scarcely be otherwise
than prosperous. The squall which struck us the next
morning and carried away two of our top-gallant masts,
produced no other effect than that of furnishing us with an
opportunity of admiring the calmness of our excellent captain
Allyn in giving, and the vigour of the crew in executing
his orders.
On the first of August we were becalmed, the sea was
motionless, and our progress suspended. Seated on deck,
about the general, with four young American passengers,
we contemplated with pleasure the smooth surface of the
ocean which nothing disturbed, when suddenly we perceived
as far as the eye could reach, a black speck near the horizon,
12that seemed to be advancing towards us. During
nearly half an hour, we were lost in conjectures as to what
that could be, which was evidently approaching us rapidly;
the motion of oars soon enabled us to perceive that it was
a boat, and the sound of a bugle led us to believe it contained
soldiers; we were not mistaken; in a few minutes
a light skiff, containing seven persons dressed in uniform,
came alongside. The leader of this adventurous party,
measuring with a steady eye the height of our ship’s side,
called for the ladder, that he might come on board; the
rope-ladder was thrown out, and in a moment his companions
and himself stood on the deck of our ship. He informed
us, in rather a cavalier manner, that they were English
officers, who were going in a transport, which he pointed
out at a great distance, and which was becalmed like
ourselves, to serve in garrison at Halifax, N. S. and that the
beauty of the sea, want of something to do, and curiosity,
had induced them to pay us a visit. Our captain received
them with cool politeness, the crew scarcely noticed them,
but their aspect and their arrogant manner appeared to recall
the burning of the capitol to the minds of the young
Americans. Notwithstanding their rather discouraging reception,
our English officers began at once to multiply their
questions, when captain Allyn, as a sufficient answer to the
whole, pointed out and named to them general Lafayette;
at this name, and so unexpected an appearance, their manners
immediately changed; they took off their hats and respectfully
received the hand which the general presented
them, with cordiality. They were then invited into the
cabin, where refreshments were served. Conversation followed,
but frequently during its continuance, they gazed
sometimes at the general, and then at the admirable arrangements
of the vessel and crew, which examination appeared
to cause them much absence of mind. How many
recollections, in fact, must have been awakened by the
sight of these Americans, but a short time since their tributaries,
now their powerful rivals, conveying to their country
the man who had so efficiently aided them in its noble
and just struggle for liberty against oppression. After half
an hour’s conversation, as the sun began to decline, they
took leave, accepting very frankly some bottles of madeira
and claret, which our captain had stowed in their boat.
13Our voyage was continued without any event of importance,
until the 14th, when we descried land. The next
morning at day-break, the pilot came on board, and in a few
hours we could easily distinguish the fresh verdure which
adorns Staten-island, the charming white dwellings which
enlivened it, and the movement of its inhabitants, which the
expectation of some great event had caused in all haste to
run down to the shore. Already the sea around us was covered
with a multitude of long, light and narrow boats, managed
by vigorous, active men, the neatness of whose dress
and the propriety of whose language contrasted singularly
with the ideas which in Europe are generally associated
with the sight of mere sailors. As soon as one of these
boats arrived near the ship, her course was slackened;
those on board cast anxious looks towards our deck, inquiring
of our sailors if Lafayette were among us; as soon as
answered in the affirmative, joy was expressed in all their
features; they turned quickly to each other, shaking hands
and congratulating themselves on the happiness they were
about to enjoy; then returning towards the vessel,
they asked a thousand questions, relative to the general’s
health, how he had borne the voyage, &c. but without noise
or disorderly impatience. We heard them rejoicing among
themselves that Lafayette’s voyage had been pleasant and
quick, that his health was good and that the wishes of their
fellow citizens were about to be gratified; and all as if they
had been the children of one family, rejoicing at the return
of a much-loved and long-expected parent. While contemplating
this novel and interesting scene, the thundering of
cannon called my attention in another direction; this was
from the artillery of Fort Lafayette, which announced the
arrival of the Cadmus to the city of New York. At the
same moment a steam-boat arrived, and we received on
board a deputation, at the head of which was Mr. Tomkins,
son of the Vice-President of the United States. He came
to inform the general, that this being Sunday, the city of
New York, which wished to give him a brilliant reception,
but was unwilling to break the Sabbath, and which moreover
had still some preparations to make, requested him to
postpone his entry until the next day; in the mean time the
Vice-President invited him to his house on Staten-island.
The general accepted this invitation, and in a few minutes
14afterward, we were on shore, where we found the second
officer of a great republic, on foot, without his coat, and his
head covered with a military cap, cordially greeting his old
friend, who on the morrow was to commence, amidst
twelve millions of freemen, the most brilliant, and at the
same time, the purest of triumphs. Mr. Tomkins conducted
us to his house, where we were kindly received by Mrs.
Tomkins and her daughters. But the report of Lafayette’s
arrival was quickly spread over the great city of New York,
and the bay was already covered with boats conveying
crowds of citizens, who hastened to Staten-island to give
him the first salutation, that Welcome, which the whole nation
afterwards repeated with so much enthusiasm.
Very early on the morning of the 16th, the preparations
for the reception of general Lafayette were completed in
New York, and about the same time he received a deputation
at Staten-island from the city, consisting of several members
of the municipal corps, and the commanding general
of the militia, who came to announce the arrival of the
steam-boat Chancellor Livingston, which was to convey
him to New York. At one o’clock the cannon of Fort Lafayette
gave the signal for embarking; we immediately descended
to the shore where we found numerous steam-boats,
all resembling floating palaces. On board of the
Chancellor Livingston, were the various deputations of the
city, the generals and officers of the militia, the army and
navy; a detachment of infantry and more than two hundred
of the principal citizens of New York, among whom
the general recognized many of his old fellow soldiers, who
threw themselves into his arms, felicitating themselves on
seeing him once more after so many years and dangers past.
During these moving scenes of gratitude and joy, a delightful
music performed the French air “Où peut-on être mieux
qu’au sein de sa famille,”[1] and the flotilla began to move.
It is impossible to describe the majesty of this procession
towards the city. The sea was covered with boats of every
15sort, elegantly decorated with flags and filled with people;
these boats which were moved with a swiftness and
lightness almost inconceivable, appeared to fly around us.
The Cadmus which followed us, appeared rather to be
led in triumph, than to be towed by the two steam-boats,
which accompanied her. As we advanced, the forts which
protect the harbour, and afterwards the houses bordering
on the water, became more distinctly visible: soon after we
could distinguish the crowd which everywhere covered the
shore, perceive its agitation, and hear the shouts of joy.
At two o’clock, the general landed at the battery amid the
acclamations of two hundred thousand voices, which hailed
him with sounds of blessing and welcome. The Lafayette
Guards dressed in an elegant and neat uniform, bearing on
their breast the portrait of the general, escorted him in front
of the long line of militia drawn up to receive him. The
general, attended by a numerous and brilliant staff, marched
along the front; as he advanced, each corps presented
arms and saluted him with its colours; all were decorated
with a ribband bearing his portrait, and the legend “Welcome
Lafayette;” words which were everywhere written
and repeated by every tongue. During this review, the
cannon thundered on the shore, in the forts, and from all
the vessels of war. “Ah! could this thundering welcome
but resound to Europe,” said a young American officer
who accompanied us, “that it might inspire the powers
which govern you with the love of virtue, and the people
with the love of liberty!” These wishes which were also
those of my own heart, turned my thoughts to my own
country, and drew from me an involuntary sigh.
At the extremity of the line of troops, elegant carriages
were in waiting. General Lafayette was seated in a car
drawn by four white horses, and in the midst of an immense
crowd, we went to the City Hall. On our way, all the
streets were decorated with flags and drapery, and from all
the windows flowers and wreaths were showered upon the
general. On his arrival at the City Hall, he was received
by the municipal authorities, at the head of whom was the
Mayor, who addressed the general, on behalf of the citizens
in an animated and appropriate manner.
After the general had expressed his grateful sense of the
honorable manner in which he had been received, and his
16admiration at the prodigies he witnessed, we were conducted
to the peristyle of the City Hall, to see that army of
militia file off, which we had found drawn up in line on
the battery. We could at our ease remark its composition
and equipments; its composition is that of a truly national
army, being formed entirely of young and vigorous citizens,
capable of bearing arms and enduring fatigue, without distinction
of wealth or birth. The firm march of the divisions,
and the martial air of the men, appeared to me a
proof of the care, with which each individual prepared
himself to be, in case of need, a defender of his country.
The artillery which followed the infantry is formidable in
number, but I believe is far from fulfilling the conditions
necessary to constitute a good light artillery. The variety
of caliber must necessarily prove an embarrassment in providing
munitions for a campaign. It is said this inconvenience
will soon disappear, because the government has undertaken
to furnish cannon to every new company that is
organized, and that the guns will be cast only of a very small
number of determined calibers.
After the troops had defiled, we entered the great saloon
of the City Hall, which is adorned with the portraits of
many men who, by their talents or valor, have rendered
service to their country: among the portraits was one of
general Lafayette. The doors of this saloon were left
open to the public, which pressed towards it, and during
more than two hours the general was as it were, given up
to the enthusiasm of the people. Mothers surrounded him,
presenting their children and asking his blessing, which
having obtained, they embraced their offspring with renewed
tenderness; feeble old men appeared to become re-animated
in talking to him of the numerous battles in which
they had been engaged with him for the sake of liberty.
Men of colour reminded him with tenderness of his philanthropical
efforts at various periods, to replace them in the
rank, which horrid prejudices still deny them in some countries;
young men whose hard and blackened hands announced
their laborious occupations, stopped before him
and said with energy, “We also belong to the ten millions
who are indebted to you for liberty and happiness!” Many
others wished to speak to him, but were prevented by their
tears; those who could not approach him, endeavoured to
17compensate for it by addressing George Lafayette, whom
they pressed in their arms, while talking to him of their
admiration for his father. At five o’clock, the general with
difficulty separated himself from the embraces of his numerous
friends, and was conducted to the City Hotel, which
had been magnificently fitted up for his reception. The
national standard displayed over the door, indicated from
afar the residence of “The Nation’s Guest,” the glorious
and moving title by which he was greeted with acclamations,
when he entered. A splendid dinner, at which all
the civil and military authorities were present, terminated
this day, which alone might be considered as a glorious recompense
for the greatest sacrifices, yet which, however,
was but the prelude to the unexampled triumph reserved
for Lafayette.
During the four following days, the general found it difficult
to divide his time in such a manner as to satisfy the
wishes of all his friends. He devoted, daily, two hours to
the public in the City Hall, into which the crowd pressed
as on the first day, and he there received numerous deputations
from neighbouring cities, and different states, which
expressed their desire and hope of receiving him. The
rest of the time was employed in attending the meetings of
the learned societies of the city. The Historical society
held an extraordinary session, under the presidency of Dr.
Hosack, and received him and his son as honorary members.
The members of the bar, the society of the Cincinnati,
and the French residents of New York came to compliment
him. The latter, under their president Mr. Monneron,
expressed with animation the sentiments which the
triumph of their compatriot inspired. At the conclusion
of his address, a little girl carried by her father, saluted
the general, and placed a chaplet of immortelles[2] on his
head. The general answered it with deep emotion.
At the mention of the best days of our revolution,
every one felt himself deeply affected, and came to shake
hands with the general, saying, “Yes, the condition of an
immense majority of the people is improved. May France
carefully preserve the remains of the public liberties won
by the revolution.”
18On the 18th, the officers of the navy wished to entertain
the guest of the nation, who crossed the East river in a
steam-boat to Brooklyn, where the navy yard and marine
arsenal are situated. On this short passage, the general
was saluted by the guns of several frigates and ships of the
line lying at anchor. This visit, which the naval officers
knew how to render both agreeable and interesting, gave us
an opportunity of examining a fine steam-frigate. This formidable
machine resembles a floating fortification; its sides
strengthened by strong masonry, are shot proof; its necessarily
slow movements do not allow of its being used in the
open sea, but render it very suitable for the defence of the
coasts, the threatened points of which it can readily cover,
by placing itself under the protection of the land batteries.
It is said that the government intends to complete its system
of maritime defence, by the construction of many similar
frigates.
From Brooklyn we could at our pleasure contemplate
the aspect of New York, its harbour and immense bay. I
believe it is difficult to find a more picturesque and at the
same time more commanding view. The Hudson and
East rivers, of which the latter is only an arm of the sea
running between Long Island and the continent, wash two
sides of the great triangle upon which the city stands, and
meeting in front of the battery, mingle their waters in the
bay formed by Long and Staten Islands. At the wharves
which margin the two rivers, we behold forests of masts at
all seasons, which present to the admiring beholder the
flags of all nations. The town which in 1615 was nothing
but a small fort built by the Dutch, is at present the most
populous, the largest and richest city of the New World.
Excepting the City Hall, there is not a single public edifice
worthy of the attention of an artist; but to compensate for
this, the breadth of the streets, the goodness of the pavements,
and the neatness of the houses are all admirably calculated
for the comfort and health of the inhabitants. Its
extent and population annually increases in a remarkable
manner. In 1820, it contained 120,916 inhabitants; at
present the number is 170,000, in which is included the
population of Brooklyn, which should be considered as a
suburb of New York. Notwithstanding the great advantages
of its situation, its commerce and its resources, the city
19of New York is not the seat of government for that State.
In this happy country where every thing is more calculated
for the good of the citizen than for the satisfaction of the
authorities, it is necessary, before all other requisites, that a
city should be as near the centre of a state as possible, in
order to be selected as the seat of government. The city
New York is at the extremity of the state. It has, however,
a sufficient number of other advantages; the security
of its harbour; the vastness of its bay, capable of containing
all the fleets in the world; the facility of its internal communications
by the navigation of the Hudson, and especially by
the grand canal which unites the waters of Lake Erie with
the ocean, must always make it one of the most important
commercial situations. More than eighty steam-boats, always
ready to brave contrary winds, convey in every direction,
not only the products of New York, but of all the adjacent
states.
In 1820, the exports from the port of New York amounted
to 13,162,000 dollars, $7,899,080 of which were in
the especial products of New York state. These details
which were given me by a naval officer, while from the
heights of Brooklyn, I gazed upon the imposing scene
around, greatly excited my curiosity, and induced me to
lay hold of the first favourable opportunity to gain a more
extensive knowledge in relation to a city and state, so suddenly
emerging to such a state of grandeur and prosperity.
Nor was my gratification long delayed. The same evening,
after a dinner which had been enlivened by the presence
of a great number of the distinguished men of New York,
I found myself near Mr. M., an old gentleman, whose conversation
is always interesting and instructive; during dinner
he had informed me that after having devoted his youth
to the establishment of the independence of his country, he
had not since ceased to employ himself in augmenting the
means of happiness to his fellow-citizens. Notwithstanding
the circumspection with which I asked my first questions,
he soon discovered my wishes, and having seated
ourselves in a corner of the room, he made the following
observations. “I hope, although our country is still very
new, and has not yet like Europe enjoyed the advantage of
a long civilization, that you will not receive the less pleasure
from your visit. You will not find the arts and sciences
20carried to the high degree of perfection here, in
which they exist in France, but every where you will discover
peace, abundance and liberty; you will see almost
every where, a numerous and active population, procuring
with facility the necessaries of life, by an industry which
government has no power to interrupt; and this view is
sufficiently rare in Europe, I believe, to be worthy of attention:
but without entering into details, which you had
better collect yourself during your excursions, I will by
giving you a short historical and statistical view of this
state, show you results, in which you will probably be obliged
to recognize the influence of our institutions, which
we have not the vanity to consider perfect, but which we
believe, nevertheless, to be superior to those of all the nations
that have preceded us in the vast career of civilization.
Our origin is not lost like yours in the night of time, and
the gods have never been at the trouble of showing by prodigies,
the interest they took in our first establishments.
The science of history is not, therefore, among us monopolized,
by a few of the initiated. It is a national domain
whose limits, still very close to us, may easily be examined
and understood by everyone. It was in 1609, that the
Hudson was discovered by the navigator whose name it
bears. As early as 1610, some Hollanders had built their
cabins by the side of the Indian lodges; but it was not until
1614, that permanent establishments were made. Soon
after the English came to dispute with the Dutch, the possession
of a country that belonged to neither, and the blood-stained
soil was covered with fortresses. Finally a treaty
was made in 1674, and in which the legitimate proprietors
were certainly not consulted, assuring tranquil possession
to the English. In 1683, the colonists for the first time assembled
a representative body to regulate their affairs, but
James II. of England alarmed at the representative system
and publications from the press, proscribed both. The
reign of Mary, who came to the throne in 1689, gave more
liberty to the colonists, who in 1691 re-assembled their representatives.
The population was then considerably augmented
by emigrants from Germany, who came in great
numbers to settle in the province. The first journal published
in the colony was printed in 1733, but after the following
year the press was altogether silenced, and the colonists
21again fell under arbitrary rule. In spite of the despotism,
which during the next twenty years, weighed down
the colony, the people remained strongly attached to
England, and were very active in the war which that power
carried on against France in 1754. Finally in 1765,
their patience was tried to the utmost; they burned the law
establishing the stamp-tax, refused English importations,
and ardently engaged in the revolutionary war. The state
of New York, during the entire duration of that struggle,
was the theatre of operations, and the city was almost constantly
in possession of the enemy; but the ardor of the
people was undiminished. I need not enter into the details
of that glorious campaign, which had our enfranchisement
for its result. Placed as you have been near the
man, who shared the labours of our immortal Washington,
you doubtless have frequent opportunities of collecting from
his lips more exact and interesting relations than I can give
you. Let us now pass on to a view of our present situation.
“From the peace of 1783, our state has made surprising
advances of every sort. Our territory has been ascertained,
and our limits determined by compacts with the neighbouring
states. At present we are bounded on the north
by Lower Canada, on the east by the states of Vermont,
Massachusetts and Connecticut; on the south by New Jersey
and Pennsylvania, and on the west and north-west by
Upper Canada, from which we are separated by Lake Erie,
Lake Ontario, the Niagara and St. Lawrence. Within
these bounds, the surface of our territory measures 46,200
miles. Eighty thousand souls, at most, were scattered over
this immense extent at the beginning of our revolutionary
war. Notwithstanding the continuance of this contest for
eight years, the population increased, and amounted in
1788 to 200,000, a number but little exceeding the present
actual population of the city alone. Since that period, the
increase has taken place in a ratio, which of itself will suffice
to demonstrate the superiority of our institutions over
the colonial government, from which we had freed ourselves.
In 1790, the general Census gave us a population
of 349,120 souls; in 1800, 586,050; in 1810, 959,049, and
in 1820 of 1,372,812; while at the present time we count
a population of 1,616,000 souls.
22“Our agriculture, manufactures and commerce have been
developed in proportion to the increase of our population.
Wheat is the principal product of the southern part of the
state; in the west we raise hemp in great quantity. 280,000
persons at least are employed in agriculture, and cultivate
169,167 acres of good land. We can readily collect
in the state 1,513,421 horned cattle; 3,496,539 sheep;
349,638 horses, and 1,467,573 hogs. Almost every county
has an agricultural society formed of the most enlightened
citizens, who devote themselves successfully to the advancement
of agriculture, and even to the progress of the arts.
“A capital of 15,000,000 of dollars, and about 70,000 persons
are employed in our various manufactories, which are
principally situated in the vicinity of New York city; upon
the banks of the Hudson; near to Utica, and in the fertile
western regions. One of the last computations, informs us
that we have 170 forges; 125 oil mills; seven pearl-ash
factories; 250 cotton and woollen manufactories; 1,222
fulling mills; 1,129 distilleries; 2,005 potash factories;
1,584 carding machines; 2,264 flour-mills; 5,595 saw-mills,—but
I perceive,” said my complaisant friend, interrupting
himself, “how much you are astonished at these details,
thinking perhaps that I exaggerate, or that my memory
enfeebled by age, recounts imaginary numbers. You
can readily convince yourself of the exactness of my calculations.
Examine Melish’s excellent work, entitled Geographical
description of the United States, a work carefully
prepared, and from the most authentic documents, and you
may there find numerous other views, which at this moment
escape my memory, that will excite your surprise to a very
different degree. If you were acquainted with our institutions,”
said he, with growing animation, “you would better
comprehend, how with us every thing turning to the benefit
of the community, necessarily adds every day to its prosperity
and happiness. Our simple and economical government
has no need as with you, frequently to seize upon the
necessaries of the citizen to cover expenses, which no one
has power nor courage to control. Whatever each of us
earns by his industry during one year, remains and augments
his means of industry for the year following, whence
flows the rapid augmentation of wealth at which you are
so much surprised.
23“I have now to speak of the form of our government. I
shall be very brief, for it grows late, and I believe you will
stand in need of some hours of repose, to enable you to
endure the fatigues of the entertainments we know to have
been long since prepared, on the route General Lafayette
is to travel.
“The constitution of New York state was adopted in 1777;
it was amended in 1801, and again in 1821. The authors
of our first constitution, thought correctly, I believe, that the
people should always have the right to modify the laws according
as their situations and necessities were changed;
we have twice, already, profited by this privilege, as above
stated, and it may be presumed that our posterity, profiting
by our experience and their own knowledge, will still farther
perfect this work of their ancestors. This constitution
thus revised, is very similar to that of other states of the
union, and establishes three distinct powers. These powers,
emanating from the people, are the legislative, executive
and judiciary. The legislative power is vested in a
senate and assembly of representatives. The senate is composed
of thirty-two members, elected for four years, and
one fourth of it is renewed every year. To be a senator,
it is requisite to be thirty years of age and an owner of property.
The house of representatives, or assembly, is composed
of one hundred and twenty-eight members, elected
annually by the different counties, according to their population.
The executive power is confided to a governor
and lieutenant governor elected by the people, bi-ennially.
The governor has the right of nominating to all the public
offices; but his nominations must be approved by the senate.
The highest judiciary authority is vested in a court
of appeal, composed of the senate, of the chancellor, and
the judges of the supreme court. These, as well as the district
judges are not removable, but cannot perform their
function after their sixtieth year.” “How,” exclaimed I,
“a judge declared incapable at sixty years of age? Do you
think then that the human faculties are so very limited, or
that this premature incapacity is owing to the influence of
your climate?” “Neither the one nor the other,” replied
he, “it is merely a great error committed by the authors of
our political code; it is hoped that it will be corrected at
the first revision of our constitution. It is truly absurd to
24dismiss a judge at the moment when age and experience
have enlightened his mind and ripened his judgment. It is
cruel also to discharge him at an age when neither time nor
energy enough is left him to commence a new career, and
consequently exposes him to the danger of ending miserably
a life honorably commenced in the service of his country.
“Every white man, having attained the age of 21 years,
resided six months in the state, and paid some tax during
the electoral year, has the right of voting. Every man of
colour, 21 years old, having been three years a citizen, a
holder of property, and paying a tax of 250 dollars, has also
the right of suffrage. This distinction of colours may surprise
you, I shall not attempt to justify it, but shall content
myself with requesting you, before you condemn it, to wait
until you shall have passed through the different parts of our
union, before you form your judgment of the relative conditions
of the two races.[3]
“This government which is sufficient for all our wants,
does not cost us very dear; its expenses together with the
salaries of the principal officers, does not exceed 300,000
francs per annum. The revenue of our western salines
alone, amounts to as great a sum; the money arising from
the sale of public lands, of our funds placed in banks, of
different investments in public and private institutions, is
reserved for the expenses of the state, and when we have
any extraordinary expenditures to meet, such as the purchase
25of arms, military equipage, the building of arsenals,
furnishing of magazines, &c., we are not obliged to increase
our taxes, which have not varied since the year 1800,
and are so slight that they do not exceed the thousandth
part of the value of the property taxed.
“Thanks to its economy and good administration, the government
has still found means to apply a fund of 1,730,000
dollars to public instruction. This year the treasury has
expended 730,000 dollars upon the schools, which moreover
have received from private subscription more than
150,000 dollars; so that at this moment there are 7,642
public schools established in the different districts, employed
in imparting instruction to 403,000 children and
youth, that is to say, to one fourth of the population.”
It was now midnight, and every one else had retired,
while I still continued to listen eagerly to the interesting
details given to me by Mr. M. when we were suddenly interrupted
by a great tumult of voices, mingled with the
sound of bells and the rumbling of fire engines over the pavement.
“This is fortunate for you,” said my friend, “fire
has broken out in some part of the town, go to it; what
you will witness, will teach you more of our habits of order
and police, than I could tell you during all the rest of
the night.” His advice was hardly necessary, for the moment
I had ascertained the cause of the tumult, I began to
move towards the door. On the stairs I met George Lafayette,
who was hurrying down as eagerly as myself.
Once in the street, it was only necessary to follow the
crowd in order to arrive at the fire. On our way, our imaginations
were excited, and presented this event, unfortunate
in itself, as still a fortunate circumstance for us, since
it would afford us an opportunity of testifying by our zeal
in the midst of danger, how much we were affected by,
and grateful for, the infinite kindnesses the citizens of New
York had shown us since our arrival. After a long race
we reached the extremity of a street, opening on one of the
wharves of the East river; here we found the burning
house. The fire had caught first in a store-house filled with
combustible materials, and had quickly communicated to
some neighbouring frame buildings. The flames which
blazed up with violence, gave us a fair opportunity to behold
the situation of the conflagration, and the surrounding
26crowd. Five or six thousand persons standing upon the
wharves, or mounted upon the masts of vessels, remained
still and almost as silent, as if they were at a theatrical
exhibition. This silence was only interrupted by the horrible
crackling of the rafters, which every moment were
tumbling amid the flames, by the monotonous sounds of the
engines, and the orders of their directors. To get near the
burning house, it was necessary to traverse a great part of
the surrounding crowd, which was difficult; but by the
light of the fire we were recognized by some one near us,
who pronounced the name of Lafayette. This name, repeated
from mouth to mouth, was the lucky talisman which
opened our way to the desired point. There, in a vast
space left free by the crowd, were more than thirty fire engines,
some of which only played upon the fire, while the
others supplied them with water by means of their long
hose. Upon the platform of each of the engines was the
director with his speaking trumpet, commanding the twenty
men working the engine. When the men belonging to one
engine were fatigued, they were instantly replaced by
others coming out of the crowd, at the order of the director,
who called in a loud voice, “twenty men of such a
company, advance;” immediately the number of men demanded
rushed to the engine requiring assistance, and the
wearied men retired to the crowd where they remained
peaceable spectators. In front of the crowd were some
police officers, who were distinguished by their long white
staves, by means of which they kept order, placing them
horizontally before the most impatient, and only allowing
those to pass who were called for by the directors of the
engines. We then perceived that this calm and obedient
crowd were nothing else than the young men enrolled in
the engine companies. One of the police officers, who had
dined with us in the evening, recognized us, and addressed
to us some compliments. “We take a lively interest in the
misfortune that demands your presence here,” said George
Lafayette, “and should be very happy if our feeble services
could be of any utility.” “We thank you,” said the
officer, “but you can see for yourselves how little we need
assistance; but, however, if you wish to approach nearer
to judge of the result of our efforts, follow me.” He conducted
us into the midst of the engines, and there we saw
27with what boldness and dexterity these youthful volunteers
devoted themselves to the preservation of their fellow-citizens.
We stopped for a moment near the engine which
was nighest to the burning house, and offered our services,
which were accepted, but in a manner which showed it to
be done solely through politeness. In five minutes the two
young men returned to reclaim their places, after kindly
shaking hands with us. In spite of its violence the conflagration
was forced to submit to the skill of the firemen, and
we soon perceived that all danger was past. In retiring,
we could not refrain from expressing to the police officer,
our admiration at the order and quiet which had constantly
reigned throughout this great crowd, which a few magistrates[4]
had sufficed to maintain, without the aid of a single
bayonet or uniform, and we were convinced on returning
to our hotel, that one such sight as we had witnessed was
sufficient to prove the great influence of the habit of order,
over a people who are their own legislators.
CHAPTER II.
Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry
at Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown
and Bunker’s hill.
We left New York on the morning of the twentieth of
August, for Boston, in the state of Massachusetts. At day
light several military corps were drawn up in front of the
hotel, for the purpose of escorting the general out of the
city, where a parting salute was fired from a battery of six
pieces of cannon, two of which had been taken from the
English at the siege of York-town, in 1781. A great number
of citizens on horseback, and in carriages, accompanied
28us as far as New-Rochelle, where we halted some time, to
give the general an opportunity of receiving some of his old
companions in arms, who being unable to come to New
York, had collected together on his passage, in order once
more to see him and take him by the hand.
At Sawpits we met an escort of cavalry, that joined the
escort from New York, which wished to continue its service
as far as Putnam’s mountain, where the young women
of the surrounding villages had caused a triumphal arch to
be erected. It was ornamented with the greatest possible
taste, and had an inscription upon it which expressed gratitude
to Lafayette, and alluded to the daring escape of General
Putnam. At the foot of the triumphal arch, I was made to
observe the extremely precipitate descent, down which
this intrepid man dashed with his horse, to escape the English
who were in hot pursuit, but dared not follow him by
so dreadful and dangerous a road.
Putnam, before he appeared upon the revolutionary stage,
on which he acted a glorious part, had already emerged
from the obscurity to which his rustic life seemed to have
condemned him. When very young, he had acquired a
great reputation among his youthful comrades for strength
and intrepidity, by going down into a cave to attack a she-wolf
that for many years had been the terror of the neighbourhood.
In the year 1755, when thirty-seven years old,
he relinquished the plough for the sword, and took the
command of a provincial regiment. In the war which
broke out in America between France and England, he became,
as a partizan leader, the astonishment and admiration
of his companions in arms. One man, alone, could then
be compared to him, and this one was a Frenchman, named
Molang.[5] In a rencontre between these two chiefs,
Putnam was beaten and taken prisoner; he even owed his
life to Molang, who rescued him from the hands of the Indians,
who were preparing to burn him; but his reputation
did not suffer by this affair, because he had by prodigies of
valour and skill, vigorously disputed the victory with Molang.
29The news of the battle of Lexington once more caused
him to relinquish his agricultural life, which he had long
since resumed. His long established reputation soon rallied
under his orders a great number of his fellow-citizens,
at the head of whom he appeared at the battle of Bunker’s
hill. From that time, till the end of the campaign of 1779,
when a stroke of palsy forced him to quit the army, he lost
no opportunity of proving that he had devoted his life to
the cause of liberty. His probity was proverbial, and the
following anecdote may give an idea of the inflexibility of
his character. An individual named Palmer, a lieutenant
in the tory new levies, was discovered in his camp; the
English governor Tryon, demanded him as an officer in the
king’s service, and threatened Putnam with his vengeance
if he did not immediately release him. Putnam answered
him by the following note.
“Sir,
“Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in the king’s service,
was taken in my camp as a spy, tried as a spy, condemned
as a spy, and shall be hanged as a spy.”
“P. S. Afternoon. He is hanged.”
Through the attention of the corporation of New York,
three members of which had been appointed to accompany
us until our return, numerous and excellent relays had been
arranged on the whole rout. Notwithstanding this necessary
precaution, our march was very slow, as we could
not pass a hamlet without being detained some moments by
collections of people from more than 20 miles around.
Every village had its triumphal arch, upon which was almost
always inscribed the names of Washington and Lafayette
or the dates of the battles of Brandywine and Yorktown.
Every where announced by the sound of cannon,
every where received and complimented by the magistrates
of the people, and every where obliged to alight to receive
the testimonials of the love of the entire population, it was
not until after five days and almost five nights that the general
arrived at Boston, which is but two hundred miles
from New York; I say almost five nights, because we constantly
travelled until near midnight, and set out again at
five o’clock in the morning. However, amid these moving
and sublime displays of the gratefulness of a whole people,
we did not dream of fatigue; even our night marches had a
30charm which caused us to be forgetful of it. The long file
of carriages escorted by horsemen bearing torches; the fires
lighted from place to place upon the tops of the hills, and
around which were grouped families whom the desire of
beholding their guest had kept watching; the somewhat
wild sound of the trumpet of our escort, repeated several
times by the woodland echoes, the sight of the sea which
occasionally came into view on our right, and the distant
and decreasing peal of the bells which had announced our
passage, all formed around us a picturesque and enchanting
scene, worthy of the pen of Cooper. In this manner we
passed through Fairfield, New Haven and New London in
Connecticut; Providence in Rhode Island, and finally the
route from Rhode Island to Boston.
New Haven is the largest town in the state of Connecticut,
and is, alternately with Hartford, the seat of government.
Its population amounts to more than ten thousand
souls. It is delightfully situated on a bay formed by the
East river. The shortness of our stay prevented us from
making more than a hasty visit to the College, which enjoys
a great reputation, not only in Connecticut but throughout
the union. It was founded in 1701 under the name of
Yale College, in honour of Elihu Yale Esqr. of London, its
principal benefactor, then governor of the East India company.
The favor which the people have constantly extended
to it, has rendered it a very considerable establishment.
At present the number of students is more than four hundred.
It has a president, four professors, six tutors, a treasurer,
housekeeper and purveyor. The college is directed by a
corporation composed of a president, vice-president, six ancient
members of the council, and of ten assistants, all clergymen.
Business is arranged by a committee of three or
four members who assemble three or four times a year.
The studies pursued in the college are the following;—1st,
Theology, of which the president is the professor; 2d. mathematics
and natural history; 3d. chemistry and mineralogy;
4th. languages and ecclesiastical history; 5th. jurisprudence.
In order to enter the 1st class, the candidate must be
able to translate the Greek testament, Virgil and Cicero;
and to write Latin according to Clark’s rules; he must also
31be acquainted with arithmetic. The price of boarding is
about two dollars a week.
The library contains more than 6,000 volumes, and a
fund of about two hundred dollars a year is devoted to it.
The greater part of the classical works, which are of great
value, are the gift of Berkely, the celebrated bishop of
Cloyne in Ireland, amounting to about 1,000 volumes, valued
at four hundred pounds sterling.
The chemical laboratory is remarkable for the number
and choice of its apparatus. The mineralogical cabinet
which at first contained 2,500 specimens, has been greatly
enriched by Colonel Gibbs who has bequeathed 24,000 specimens
for the use of the students; these are estimated at
20,000 dollars.
Yale college has also a medical institution in which lectures
are given on the following branches, 1st. theory and
practice of medicine; 2d. surgery and obstetrics; 3d. anatomy;
4th. chemistry, pharmacy and mineralogy.
The president of the college, the professors and trustees
conducted us through all parts of the establishment and
gave us all the information in their power with a degree of
complaisance worthy of our gratitude.
We were informed that there is near New Haven an admirable
manufactory of arms, but the short time the general
had to dispose of, would not allow us to visit it.
Public education, is in the state of Connecticut, as in
New York, or even more so, the constant object of the
care and attention of the people and government; it would
be difficult to find in this state a child of twelve years old,
unable to read and write. The law of the state directs that
there shall be a grammar school in every town. There are
every where a great number of academies in which the
various branches of human knowledge are skilfully taught,
at a slight expense. The single town of New Haven, besides
Yale College, has sixteen public and eight private
schools.
The school fund amounts to 1,500,000 dollars, the interest
of which with 12,000 dollars arising from public
taxes are annually expended for instruction; each town receives
a share, proportioned to the amount of its contributions,
and the schools are directed and superintended by a
committee appointed by the inhabitants, who will not allow
32so important a matter as public instruction, one of the first
safe-guards of liberty, to be monopolized by any religious
sect, or university.
The people of Connecticut are rigid observers of religious
customs; but they have long since freed themselves
from the persecuting spirit, which animated the founders
of the colony, whose first ecclesiastical ordinance, on taking
possession of the soil in 1637, was to refuse the privileges
of citizenship to all who did not entirely and unreservedly
submit to the formalities of the established religion.
Now that religious liberty is secured by law, the reciprocal
tolerance of the different communions has established a
sort of fraternity among them. We had a very striking
proof of it during the Sunday we stayed at New Haven.
On arriving in town, general Lafayette, that he might not
in any respect act contrary to the habits of the excellent
people, from whom he had received so many affecting
proofs of regard, expressed a wish to attend divine service.
The congregationalists and episcopalians, who formed the
principal communions of the town, immediately invited him
to their churches; it was difficult to accept the offer of one
without appearing to neglect the other, and the general answered
that he would willingly go to both. We attended
first at the congregational church, and afterwards at the
episcopal; we found them all surrounded and filled by the
crowd without distinction of sect; in both the sermon turned
upon morals, without any discussion of dogmas, and terminated
by reference to him whom God had so often conducted
across the dangers of the ocean, to secure the liberty
of America. These sermons were listened to with an equal
respect by all, and on coming out of church, the two ministers
cordially shook hands, mutually congratulating each
other on the happiness they had enjoyed of receiving among
them the nation’s guest.
The inhabitants of Connecticut have the reputation of being
litigious, which keeps, it is said, among them a great
number of lawyers who necessarily live at their expense.
But I believe that this reputation has no better foundation
than that which they formerly had of allowing their youth of
both sexes to live in a state of excessive familiarity before
marriage; and that both these inconveniences either no
longer exist, or at least are considerably diminished by the
33influence which time necessarily exercises upon a population
daily becoming more enlightened.[6]
The state of Connecticut contains within itself all the
elements of prosperity; its fertile soil offers rich products,
both of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms. Iron, lead, copper,
marcasite, antimony, marble, porcelain clay, and anthracite
coal are found in quantities in some of the counties.
To give an idea of the number, variety and activity
of the manufactures, it is sufficient to say that of a population
of nearly 280,000 souls, more than 18,000 persons are
constantly employed therein. Industry is indebted to Connecticut,
for many useful inventions; among others for the
following; Chittendon’s machine for making card-teeth, for
the carding machines invented in 1784, and since highly
perfected; this machine is set in motion by a mandrel twelve
34inches long and one inch in diameter, each revolution of
which makes a tooth; it makes 36,000 an hour.—Miller
and Whitney’s machine for separating cotton from the seeds.
Before this invention, the cotton was picked by hand, and
an individual could not pick more than a pound in a day;
by this new method more than a thousand pounds a day
are cleaned. The right of the inventors of this machine
was purchased for 50,000 dollars by the government of the
state.—Wm. Humphrey’s machine for spinning wool by
water power; twelve spindles of this machine spin as much
as forty common spindles. The right of constructing this
machine costs a dollar for each spindle. The machine
of Culver for clearing out basins, and removing sand-bars
from the mouths of the rivers; by means of this machine
the canal of the Thames has been considerably
deepened.
Lafayette experienced keen regret on entering the state
of Rhode Island, on account of his inability to delay his
journey for an instant. He would have enjoyed much pleasure
in revisiting places, which recalled so many of his
youthful recollections.
In 1778, Lafayette was detached from Washington’s
army with two brigades, to go to the assistance of Sullivan,
who was endeavouring to get possession of Rhode Island,
which the English had occupied since 1776. To render
the success of his operations more sure, he waited for the
arrival of the count d’Estaing, who commanded the French
squadron, which having troops on board, offered the double
advantage of cutting off the retreat of the British by sea,
and of reinforcing Sullivan in the attacks he meditated upon
Newport. But unfortunately a misunderstanding took
place between Count D’Estaing and Sullivan, the French
troops were not landed, and while Lafayette exerted himself
to restore harmony between the two commanders, the
arrival of the English squadron under Lord Howe was
made known. Count D’Estaing profiting by a favourable
wind immediately made sail to meet Lord Howe. Two days
were lost by the admirals in manœuvring for the weather
gage, and when, at length they were just about to come to
blows, a dreadful tempest separated them and injured both
squadrons so much, that one was obliged to seek shelter in
New York, and the other hastened into Newport Harbour.
35Upon the return of the French squadron, Sullivan hoped
to resume his operations, but the count D’Estaing informed
him, that after having consulted with his officers, he was
determined to sail for Boston; that his instructions, moreover,
directed him in case his squadron suffered any damage,
or should be menaced by a superior English force,
that he should seek shelter in that port.
The damage that D’Estaing’s squadron suffered by the
tempest, and the news of the appearance of a very numerous
English fleet upon the coast, may justify his retreat to
Boston, but his determination threw Sullivan and his army
into despair. Without the aid of the French squadron it
was impossible to count upon success. Her departure put
an end to all the hopes that had been entertained. Generals
Greene and Lafayette were deputed to visit Count
D’Estaing and oppose his fatal resolution. They talked to
him with energy of the glorious advantages which the
French and American arms would derive from his co-operation
against the English garrison of Rhode Island, which
could not escape, and of the disastrous effects which would
be produced upon the spirits of the American army by the
withdrawing of an ally, whose presence had at first caused
so much joy. They represented to him the dangers of his
retreat across Nantucket shoals, with his ships in bad trim,
and the advantages Newport possessed over Boston either
for repairing his squadron or for resisting the attacks of an
enemy, rendered daring by the superiority of his forces.
They concluded by beseeching him not to sacrifice to little
private quarrels, the glory and interests of two nations united
in support of so admirable a cause. Notwithstanding
the importance of all these considerations, the Count D’Estaing
persisted in his resolution, and sailed immediately.
Being thus abandoned by the squadron, Sullivan summoned
the general officers of his army to a council, to advise upon
the course to be pursued; whether to attempt to carry the
place by storm, or to evacuate the island, carrying off all
the magazines. The discouragement of the army caused
by the departure of the squadron rendered the first proposal
very difficult of execution; and the second was exasperating
to men who had been so near to success. Sullivan
decided on a middle course, and the council separated with
a determination to raise the siege and retire to the northern
36extremity of the island, where behind their entrenchments
they would wait the progress of events; this resolution was
carried into execution the following night by Sullivan, with
as much good fortune as skill. Sullivan once more turned
his hopes upon the French squadron, and wished to make
another effort with the Count D’Estaing. Full of confidence
in the great influence which Lafayette exercised over
all with whom he was engaged, he charged him with this
delicate mission; Lafayette accepted it, but not without
shewing with what reluctance he left his warlike companions,
at the moment when there could be little doubt but
that they would soon be attacked by the enemy. In fact,
during his absence the English several times attempted,
though unsuccessfully to carry the American post. These
different engagements had served to raise the confidence of
Sullivan’s forces. Lafayette was successful in obtaining a
promise that the squadron would return as soon as all its
damages were repaired. Every thing seemed to promise
Sullivan the reward due to his perseverance, when the
news of a reinforcement for the enemy of 4,000 men under
General Clinton himself, placed him under the sad necessity
of evacuating the island as speedily as possible, or
of being himself blockaded. He prepared to retire with a
peculiar degree of skill. The movement was about to commence,
when to the great astonishment of Sullivan, Lafayette
arrived to take command of the rear-guard. He had
travelled the distance from Boston to Rhode Island, about
thirty leagues, in seven hours, a circumstance almost incredible.
Sullivan was highly gratified by this zeal, and gave
him the command of the rear-guard; every thing was executed
with so much correctness, that at two o’clock in the
morning the movement was entirely terminated, and the
American troops placed in safety upon the continent from
Providence to Tiverton.
The thanks of Congress were presented to Sullivan for
this retreat, and they also commended Lafayette as much
for the sacrifice of his personal satisfaction, in consenting to
quit the army on the eve of a battle, for the sake of the interests
of the United States, as for the vigorous conduct he had
exhibited in commanding the rear-guard.
From the joy which was on all sides expressed on our
arrival at Providence, it was easy to perceive that the people
37of this country had not lost the recollection of Lafayette’s
conduct in the trying times of the revolution: neither
were the expressions of gratitude of Congress forgotten,
as I heard them repeated by many persons, and beheld them
inscribed upon all their triumphal arches. Notwithstanding
the solicitations of the people and magistrates, the general
could not delay longer than was necessary to take
some refreshment; we then hastened towards the frontier
of Massachusetts, where two aids of the governor of that
state waited for Lafayette, with other carriages and a fresh
escort. We met them at sunset. Colonel Harris, the governor’s
first aid, regulated our march with so much activity,
that we reached Dedham at eleven o’clock, and at
two o’clock in the morning, we arrived by torchlight in
Roxbury, a delightful village two miles from Boston, where
the residence of Governor Eustis was situated, who waited
for the general with eager impatience. In spite of the lateness
of the hour, all the inhabitants of the house were on
the alert, having the windows, avenues and the garden illuminated.
The governor received the general in a frank,
plain, and friendly manner, such as became an old republican
soldier, delighted to receive an ancient comrade whose
toils he had shared.
Two hours sleep made us forget the fatigues of the day,
and rendered us fit for entering Boston in the morning.
At day-break we were awakened by the sound of martial
music; it was from the light infantry which was already
manœuvring in front of our windows. The sight of the
uniform of this company deeply affected the general, he
could not keep his eyes off it, and exclaimed every moment,
“my brave light infantry! such was their uniform! What
courage! what resignation! How much I loved them!”
At this instant the governor’s aid introduced a man, still
young, but of a melancholy aspect; he carried a sword in
his hand, which he presented to the general: “Do you
know this sword?” said he. “I find at least,” said the general,
“that it strongly resembles those which I brought from
France to arm the sub-officers of my light infantry with.”
“It is one of them;——my father received it from your
hands: it has served gloriously in gaining our independence.
He religiously preserved it in memory of his general,
and would have been happy to have presented it to
38you himself; the day before yesterday he still hoped to do
so, and this hope softened his last moments,—on that day
he died. He has not bequeathed me wealth, but has left
me this sword, which will be the most precious of legacies
if you sanction his gift.” While he was speaking, the general
had taken the sword and examined it with interest; he
returned it to him immediately, saying, “Take it, guard it
carefully in order that it may in your hands be used to preserve
the rights it has so gloriously contributed to acquire
in the hands of your father.” The American received the
sword with joy, and left the room, pronouncing with tenderness
the names of Lafayette and of his father.
Soon after, the procession which was to accompany the
general arrived; the cannon gave the signal for marching.
The concourse of people coming out of the city was so
great, and so much obstructed the road, that we were two
hours in riding the distance of only two miles. All the road
was lined with troops on foot, and on horseback. The carters
of Boston, dressed in perfectly white frocks, formed a numerous
corps of well mounted cavalry. Sixty small boys,
from twelve to fourteen years old, organized as an artillery
company, and having two pieces of cannon proportioned to
their strength, ran in front of the procession. From time
to time they halted and fired a salute from their battery,
and then pushed forward with rapidity, to take another position,
and fire another salute. At noon we reached the
suburbs of Boston. At the entrance of the city, under a
triumphal arch we were met by the corporation; the mayor
alone in an open carriage, stopped by the side of the
open carriage of the general. Both rose to salute each
other, when the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city.
The calm and modest appearance of the general during
the discourse, the fine countenance of Mr. Quincy, which
became more animated as he proceeded in his address, the
triumphal arch which shaded the orator and hero,
together with the attitude and solemn silence of so many
thousand citizens, offered at this moment to my astonished
vision, the beau idéal of a popular festival, a republican triumph.
After the general had replied, we traversed the city
to visit the state house; during this passage, the evidences
of the love of the inhabitants lavished on the general, were
so affecting, that it was impossible to avoid shedding tears.
39In front of the state house, upon an immense terrace, whence
the sea might be discovered at a distance covered with
small vessels, was a long double row of girls and boys, from
the public schools, all decorated with Lafayette badges;
raising their little hands towards heaven, and uttering cries
of joy. One of the youngest girls advanced towards the
general; she was lifted up to his carriage, placed a wreath
of evergreens on his head, embraced him tenderly, and
called him Father. We then entered the senate chamber,
where all the public functionaries were collected, the society
of Cincinnati, the scientific bodies, and as many citizens
beside as the hall could contain. At the moment the general
appeared before Governor Eustis, who received him at
the door, the national standard was displayed from the
dome of the state house, and all the troops fired a volley.
After the address of welcome was pronounced in the name
of the government, and in the presence of the citizens of
the state of Massachusetts, the scene of the New York
City Hall was repeated; that is, the general was detained
for more than two hours, by the expressions of regard
from all who could approach him. From the state
house we were conducted to Park street, to an hotel prepared
for us. The mayor introduced us to our apartments,
which were richly furnished, saying, “here you are at home;
I hope you will find every thing that is necessary; if you
find no superfluities recollect that you have been received
by republicans.” These words of Mr. Quincy were doubtless
very amiable, but I confess they made us think a good
deal upon what the Boston republicans considered necessary,
especially when we found that fine horses and carriages
had been provided for our use, during all the time that we
should stay.
In the evening we dined at the Exchange Coffee-house
with the governor and staff, the corporation, and all the
other public authorities. The hall was decorated with devices
which referred both to the actions of Lafayette, and
the gratitude felt by the Americans for the assistance of
France, when Fortune, still wavering, held her scales
equally balanced between liberty and oppression. The
French and American flags waved united over the head of
the president of the banquet, and Chief Justice Parker gave
a toast to the memory of Louis XVI. adding, that none of
40the friends of liberty should be forgotten, although they
might have worn a crown.
On the 25th, at noon, we attended the commencement
at Cambridge University, which was conducted with a
pomp, the splendor of which was considerably increased
by the presence of a very great number of ladies, attracted
by the desire of seeing Lafayette, who it was known would
be present.
Cambridge is one of the richest and most beautiful villages
in New England: it is situated at three miles distance
from Boston, and contains more than 3,000 inhabitants.
Its university, called Harvard, in honour of its
founder, has produced a great number of distinguished men,
both in science and literature. The citizens of Massachusetts
are proud of its success, and support it with a liberality
which proves how much knowledge and education are
esteemed in this state. Besides the chairs of divinity, anatomy,
surgery, medical science, chemistry, theoretic and experimental
physics, mathematics, natural philosophy, logic,
metaphysics, Latin, Greek and the Oriental languages,
which have been long established, six new chairs and three
faculties have been founded for about twelve years, as
follows.[7]
1st. A chair of natural history founded by private subscription
for the establishment of a botanical garden and the
support of a professor.
2d. A chair of Rhetoric and Eloquence, established by
a donation of Ward Nicholas Boylston, Esq.
3d. A chair of Greek Literature founded in 1814, by an
unknown benefactor of Boston.
4th. A chair of the Spanish and French languages, founded
by a rich merchant of Boston, who bequeathed for this
purpose a sum of 30,000 dollars.
5th. A chair founded in 1816, by Count Rumford, for
the application of physical and mathematical sciences to
the useful arts.
6th. A chair of natural theology, and moral philosophy,
founded in 1817.
41The three faculties which complete the course of instruction
are,
1st. A school of medicine, 2d. a theological seminary in
which the education and all the wants of the students are
paid for by subscription. This subscription is completely
filled by persons who are devoted to the public good. 3d.
a law school for those who are destined to the bar.
The library contains about 20,000 valuable works, and
is augmented annually by private donations.
In short, this university by its revenues, its library and
cabinets, the merit of its professors, and the means it furnishes
for the acquisition of all the branches of education,
has not its equal, not only in the rest of the union, but perhaps
even in Europe.
General Lafayette was received at the door of the chapel,
in which the exercises were to take place, by the President
of the university, Mr. Kirkland, who addressed him with an
eloquence springing from the profound emotions of his
heart. When the general entered the hall, the acclamations
and transports of the crowd, and especially of the ladies
were so great, that the business of the meeting was
for a long time delayed. It certainly was an enchanting
spectacle to behold the vast galleries filled with young ladies
wreathed with flowers, waving their handkerchiefs in
salutation of him, whom they called their father, friend, defender,
and companion of the Great Washington. In vain
the president frequently called for silence, without which
it was impossible to be understood; every voice was
drowned with the cries and plaudits for Lafayette. At
length after half an hour had elapsed, quiet was established,
and the exercises began, but were often interrupted by the
eagerness, with which the audience seized upon all the allusions
to Lafayette, that occurred in the discourses.
We returned next day to the university, to be present in
the same hall, with the same audience, animated with equal
enthusiasm, at a meeting of the Hellenic Society.[8] Professor
42Everett, whose early talents and eloquence promise
a distinguished senatorial orator, delivered the opening discourse.
If mine were a more practised pen, I should attempt
to repeat here this discourse, which notwithstanding
its length, was throughout listened to with vivid interest,
and was often suspended by well merited applause.
The orator proposed to investigate the particular causes
which contribute most to the developement of intelligence in
the United States, and without difficulty proved that they
were to be found in the democratic character of our institutions.
After a long, but vigorous demonstration of the
superiority of a republican government as it is understood
and practised in the United States, over the monarchic system,
which after having divided a part of the nation into
nobles, privileged priests, and soldiers always armed as an
inquisitorial police, makes of the rest a class of political outcasts.
The orator concluded by paying to Lafayette his
tribute of gratitude.
Early on the morning of the 27th, carriages, an escort of
cavalry, the civil and military authorities, and a great number
of citizens came to convey the general to the navy
yard at Charlestown, which is only separated from Boston
by an arm of the sea, over which we passed on a fine bridge
a mile in length. We were received at the navy yard by
Commodore Bainbridge, whose name is associated with
more than one glorious engagement with the English navy.
After inspecting the works we ascended Bunker’s hill.
Bunker’s hill is one of those glorious monuments, unfortunately
too rare on the face of the earth, which will remind
the latest posterity of the noble struggles of liberty
against tyranny and oppression. It was at Bunker’s hill
that the Americans first dared in a regular fight to brave
the arms of their tyrants. It was there, that men almost
without arms, undisciplined, and far inferior in numbers to
their enemy, but encouraged by the presence of their wives,
children and fellow citizens, who from the heights of Boston
made them feel the magic of the words Independence,
43Posterity, sustained with a courage worthy of the heroic
ages, three successive attacks from numerous battalions,
which their experience and skill in the art of war, appeared
to lead to an easy victory. Forced at length to retire
before superior numbers, the Americans withdrew, but in
good order, leaving bloody proofs of their courage and vigorous
resistance. It was but a moment before this retreat,
which revealed to the friends of liberty their powers
and hopes, of this retreat which was equal to a victory,
that the young and interesting Gen. Warren fell. Though
incessantly engaged in daring death, he passed through the
battle unharmed. But on returning to the entrenchments
which he had left to pursue the English, who had thrice
fallen back in confusion, he received a fatal wound in the
loins. He now rests under a simple pyramid erected precisely
on the spot where his blood stained the soil. It was
at the base of this modest monument that General Lafayette
was received by some veteran soldiers, a glorious remnant
of this first combat of the war of Independence. In
their presence Dr. A. R. Thompson addressed the general
on behalf of the citizens of Charlestown. Lafayette was
much moved by his address, and his emotion was communicated
to all the byestanders. His answer was received
by the acclamations of the multitude and the roar of artillery.
Immediately after some battalions of young troops
led by Governor Eustis and Generals Brooks and Dearborn
filed off before the general to the sound of cannon and
martial music which performed that sublime air, dear to
French patriots, which reminds them that they too have had
their Warrens whose generous blood has watered the tree
of liberty, in whose shade they would at present gloriously
repose, had it not been shaken by anarchy and struck to
the heart by the sacrilegious steel of an audacious soldier.
A simple repast served under a tent terminated this ceremony,
after which we returned to the city to visit the military
arsenal; the ancient city hotel whence the people set
out in crowds for the port to destroy two cargoes of tea
sent by the British East India Company, and the Hall
where the declaration of Independence was signed in Massachusetts.
During the course of these visits I collected
the details relative to the history and present situation of
this state which will be found in the following chapter.
CHAPTER III.
44
First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events in
this province: its actual condition.
The first settlements made in that part of North America
called Massachusetts, owed their origin to the religious persecutions
in England under the reigns of Elizabeth, James I.
and Charles the first. The history of the first emigrants,
who came to seek amidst the savages of the New World,
liberty of conscience, which the European philosophy of
the seventeenth century refused them, offers nothing but a
mournful picture of continual struggles against climate, disease
and famine. It was not until 1630, that they were
reinforced by a more numerous and better regulated expedition,
which aided them in founding the towns of Boston,
Charlestown and Salem. Cromwell, Hampden and many
others who exercised so terrible an influence over the revolution
that broke out soon after, were to have accompanied
this expedition: they were already on board the
ships, and were about to seek in the New World, occupations
for their ardent dispositions, which would perhaps
have been less excited here, than in the presence of tyranny,
when Charles the first, as if urged by some fatality, had
them arrested and brought back to land.
It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the majority of these
emigrants who relinquished their country, families and
friends solely to escape religious persecution, and who by
consequence might be supposed to hate their persecutors,
continued, notwithstanding their exile, attached to the English
government, and honoured the names of their kings in
the land of their refuge by bestowing them upon the rivers
they discovered, upon the towns they founded, and the monuments
they erected. Was it from habitual reverence
for royalty, which in spite of its crimes, appeared still sacred
to them, that they acted thus? Or was it merely to
45cover and protect the weakness of their settlements with
the name of a powerful authority, and at the same time pay
a sort of tribute to the English government, the self constituted
proprietor of these vast regions, by right of discovery,
which would not have allowed the colonists peace, if they
seemed desirous of dissolving all ties, and obliterating all
recollections of the mother country? The latter appears
to us, to be the most probable, and is sufficiently confirmed
by the following declaration drawn up and signed by the
Pilgrims, who landed in 1620 at New Plymouth.
“In the name of God, amen, We, whose names are underwritten,
the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord,
King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, and having undertaken,
for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian
faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to
plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do
by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence
of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves
together in a civil body politick, for our better ordering and
preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by
virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and
equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from
time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient
for the general good of the colony; unto which we promise
all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we
have hereunder subscribed our names. Cape Cod, eleventh
of November in the year of the reign of our sovereign
Lord, king James of England, France and Ireland, the
eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. A. D. 1620.”
This act, as is evident, even in appearing to recognize the
authority of England, claims for the colonists the direct administration
of their affairs, and laid the foundation of that
spirit of Independence, which more than a century afterwards
threw off the yoke of the mother country, when she
wished to return to the exercise of a despotism, which she
seemed to consider her prescriptive right. In order to secure
its right of sovereignty over Massachusetts, the English
government in 1692, under the reign of William and Mary,
usurped the right of appointing governors of this province:
this however fell short of its aim, as the right of fixing and
paying the governor’s salaries, was left with the provincial
46legislature, so that he was without power or influence. The
English government soon perceived its error, and wished
to correct it, and thenceforth the misunderstandings commenced
between the colonies and the mother country, in
which the latter increased their resistance, in proportion as
the demands of the former were augmented.
The privileges of the different powers were soon entirely
confounded. The governor was invested by the crown
with the right of erecting courts and nominating judges;
privileges which were vividly contested by the people, who
claimed them as legislative prerogatives. Notwithstanding
the multifarious encroachments of the crown, the colony,
even when most actively opposing them, remained still attached
to the mother country, and willingly aided her in
the colonial war she had to sustain against France in 1744.
After this war, which had alternately been renewed and
suspended during sixteen years, with various successes and
reverses, and which finally terminated in the ruin of the
French colonies, the colonists hoped that the gratitude of
England for the services they had rendered, would assure
them thenceforth the enjoyment of their rights and liberties,
acquired by every kind of sacrifice; but scarcely had
two years elapsed after the establishment of peace, before
all their hopes were blighted.
England at that time triumphed by land and sea; her
commercial preponderance was felt in all parts of the world,
and aroused the envy of all European nations. But this
glory with which she was intoxicated, was not acquired
without waste of treasure, and the contracting of immense
debts. To pay these debts, and re-establish her finances,
new sources of revenue were to be created, and her attention
was turned towards her colonies.
The colonies had made an immense profit by their West
India trade, and by the aid of a good administration had
found means to form a sinking fund, which enabled them to
pay their debts, and successively to increase their importations
of English manufactures. The cupidity of the crown
was excited by this prosperity, and from that moment ministerial
adroitness was exercised in nothing but varying the
means of extracting money from the colonists. The commanders
on the coasts were converted into harsh excisemen,
charged to repress unlawful commerce, and prevent
47smuggling. These commanders, assured of impunity, since
they were only to be tried by the courts of Great Britain,
were not backward in making illegal seizures, for their own
profit. The import duties were raised to the highest pitch,
and these duties were made exclusively payable in gold or
silver, which rendered the paper money circulated among
the colonists of no value. In short, the new system introduced
by the English minister, became as tyrannical as ruinous,
because at the moment enormous duties were imposed,
it annihilated the means of paying them. Emboldened
by the forbearance of the colonists, the British government
knew not where to stop, and in the year 1765,
the oppressive law called the stamp act was passed, which
ordered, that for the future all contracts, wills, deeds, &c.
should be drawn on stamp paper, under penalty of being
rendered null, and imposed a tax on this paper, destined
to pay the expenses of the last American war. This law
produced universal exasperation, as soon as it was made
known; it became the subject of conversation and discussion
in all public and private societies; every one looked
to the past, and recapitulated with bitterness the outrages
perpetrated by England, and from that moment, it may be
said, the revolutionary fire was kindled. From supplications
and remonstrances, to which the colonists had hitherto
confined themselves, they advanced to threats; the people
of Massachusetts especially, expressed their resentment
forcibly. It was at the instigation of this state, that a congress
formed of deputies from many provinces, assembled
at New York, on the 7th of October. This Congress, composed
of men respectable for their characters and information,
and which eventually served as the model of the Congress
that so gloriously conducted the war of the revolution,
published an energetic declaration of the rights of the
colonies; a view of the oppressions of England; a petition
to the king, and a memorial to parliament. These acts of
Congress produced an effect upon parliament, which was
augmented by the presence and writings of Benjamin Franklin,
who was then in London, and had been called before
the house of Commons to be examined relative to the complaints
of his fellow citizens. He presented himself with
characteristic modesty, and a republican simplicity, which
was singularly in contrast with the insolent splendor of the
48minions of power, who attended his examination in crowds,
in hopes of seeing him humbled, whom they regarded as a
rebel, for presuming to speak of the rights of man in the
presence of royalty. His calm answers and profound arguments
produced a great impression upon the assembly,
causing the promoters of the stamp act to reconsider the
matter, and determined them to withdraw this monument
of their ignorance and tyranny.
In proportion to the height the indignation of the Americans
had been raised by the passage of the stamp act, was
their joy on hearing of its repeal. The British government
however, did not profit by this return of public feeling to a
milder mood; not only were all the odious restrictions upon
the colonial commerce continued, but the stamp act was
followed by an equally intolerable duty upon the paper,
tea, glass and colours imported by the colonists from England.
But the preamble to this act was most especially
grevious to the colonists; as it announced that the product
of these new taxes should be placed at the disposal of parliament,
to defray the expenses of the colonial administration,
and particularly to pay the salaries of the governors
and judges, who would thereby be rendered independent
of the provincial Legislatures and made dependent upon
the ministry. A permanent administration to superintend
these taxes was created by parliament and established at
Boston. The people of Massachusetts could not be deceived
as to the views of the ministry; accustomed for a long
time to discuss and manage their own affairs they resolved
not voluntarily to submit to the disgrace of being governed
by an unlawful authority, appointed at a distance of more
than 3,000 miles. The representative assembly was then
convened, and protested against the taxes and the use to be
made of them; and they addressed a circular to the other
provincial assemblies, in which, after recapitulating their
privileges, and the oppressions of England, they conclude
by asking for their co-operation in resisting a tyranny which
daily pressed with increased weight upon the colonies.
This step was treated as infamous and rebellious by the servants
of the crown, who redoubled their vexations. Two
English regiments arrived, which being refused quarters in
the city, by the council, landed under protection of their
ships, with fixed bayonets and two pieces of cannon, and
49established their guard-house in front of the state house,
which was thus turned into a barrack. The city was thenceforth
in the power of the military, who scoured the streets,
insulting the citizens, disturbing their rest or business, and
interrupting even their religious exercises by the continual
noise of their martial music.
Under these circumstances the assembly was convoked
at Boston, but did not meet, declaring that they did not feel
at liberty in presence of an armed force; the session was
consequently removed to Cambridge, where the governor
had the impudence to present himself and demand funds to
pay the troops; which being refused, the assembly was dissolved.
However, a change in the English ministry had determined
parliament to suppress all the duties except that on
tea; but this apparent return to a system of moderation in
no way appeased the resentment of the citizens of Massachusetts,
who saw nothing but caprice in the measure, or a
new method employed by parliament to establish its right
of interference in colonial affairs; and they determined not
to abandon the contested point.
A circumstance soon after occurred in Boston, which
might have been followed by the most serious consequences.
The English soldiers accustomed to regard the citizens
as rebels, treated them with severity; and the citizens
irritated by their incessant ill treatment, cherished a violent
hatred against the troops, allowing no opportunity of
expressing their dislike to escape. On the 5th of March,
1770, a detachment under command of Captain Preston
was insulted by some boys, who, it is said, pelted them with
snow balls, and abused them. Blinded by resentment, the
soldiers charged and fired upon the crowd, wounding five
dangerously, others slightly, and killing three outright. The
citizens immediately flew to arms, and but for the intervention
of the governor and magistrates, Preston and his men
would have been exterminated. The troop were arrested and
tried, but such was the feeling of justice that animated the
inhabitants of Boston, that the jurors, convinced that the
soldiers had been provoked, entirely acquitted them.
This event convinced the popular party that an open
struggle with the mother country was unavoidable, and
that they must prepare for it. In consequence, secret committees
50of correspondence were organized, in order to regulate
the measures that would soon have to be adopted.
The utility of this organization, then called the league and
covenant, soon became apparent.
From the time the tax on tea was established, the Bostonians
resolved to relinquish its use, rather than receive it
from the English, and thenceforward the East India company
received no more orders. The company, however
sorry for the loss of their market, determined to send several
cargoes of tea to their agents in Boston who would pay
the duties and thus avoid the difficulty. But scarcely was
the arrival of these cargoes known, before the public agitation
became great. The next morning the following hand
bill was widely circulated through the city.
“Friends, brethren, fellow citizens!
“The accursed tea sent to this port by the East India
company has arrived. The hour of destruction, or of
vigorous resistance to the machinations of tyranny has
struck. All those who love their country, who are jealous
of their own happiness and who wish to deserve well of
posterity, are invited to assemble at Faneuil Hall, to day at
9 o’clock (the bells will then ring) to concert a determined
resistance to this destructive and infamous measure of the
administration.
Boston 29th. Nov. 1773.”
The citizens eagerly responded to this patriotic call. The
concourse was so great that the Hall could not contain the
people, and they were obliged to adjourn to a more ample
space; the discussions which were commenced and continued
at this meeting prevented any resolution from being
adopted on that day. The meeting adjourned until next
day, and 500 persons under command of Capt. Proctor
were appointed to watch that the tea should not be landed
during the night. The meeting of the 30th. was still more
numerous, and the ardor of the citizens was farther augmented
by the governor’s proclamation, which commanded
them to renounce their projected resistance to the law, and
to disperse on peril of their lives. The governor’s orders
were treated with universal contempt, and the meeting
calmly proceeded to draft several propositions which were
51accepted, and it was decided, that those who had used the
tea without reflection since the tax was laid, should be censured,
and that those who received it for the future should
be declared enemies to their country. The members of
the assembly pledged themselves by oath, to support the
different resolutions with their lives and fortunes; after
which they voted thanks to their neighbours of the vicinity
of Boston for the promptness with which they had joined
them, and also to Jonah Williams for the manner in which
he had acted as moderator. After appointing a committee
to hasten the departure of the tea ships, the meeting adjourned.
Many days were spent in negotiation between the
committee and the authorities without producing the departure
of the vessels.
On the 15th of December, a more numerous meeting of
citizens than had yet been collected, occurred; more than
two thousand persons from the country were present. Samuel
Philips Savage, of Weston, was chosen moderator, and
Mr. Rotch, owner of one of the vessels, was cited before
the meeting to account for her remaining in port, and declared
that the collector of the customs had refused to clear
her. He was directed to have her ready to sail that day,
at his own risk and peril, to protest immediately against the
custom house, and to address the governor directly for a
clearance. The meeting was about to adjourn until the
next day, but Josiah Quincy, Jr. an influential member of
the popular party, endowed with great energy of character,
detained his fellow citizens and reminded them of their
pledge in the city to sustain all their resolutions at peril of
their lives and fortunes. At a quarter past six Mr. Rotch
returned. The governor’s answer was, that for the honour
of the laws, and the respect due to the king, he would not
allow the ships to depart, until all formalities should be
freely and fully concluded by the custom house. This answer
produced much commotion in the meeting. Immediately
a man who was in the gallery dressed in the costume
of a Mohawk Indian, uttered a war whoop, which was
re-echoed by about thirty persons at the door, dressed in
the same manner, when the meeting was dissolved as if by
enchantment. The crowd hastened towards the harbor.
The men disguised as Indians, rushed on board the tea ships,
and in less than two hours, all the tea chests were broken
52open and thrown into the sea; every thing else on board
was left untouched; and after this expedition, the multitude
withdrew silently and in order. This scene occurred
in presence of several vessels of war, and as it were under
the eyes and guns of the garrison of the fort, without the
government attempting to make the least resistance, so
grand and so imposing is the anger of a people who throw
off the shackles of tyranny.
The names of the citizens disguised as Indians were never
made known; several of them are said to be still living,
and enjoy with modesty the happiness of having struck the
first blow which shook the royal power on the American
continent.
The national pride of Great Britain, became indignant at
the news of this resistance, which was called an outrage
against the royal majesty. The governor and governed, all
uttered the same cry, vengeance! war! against the rebel
colonists; and this cry was followed by a host of laws, each
more tyrannical than the other, by the aid of which they
hoped to alarm and reduce the province of Massachusetts.
The port of Boston was interdicted for an unlimited time;
the provincial charter was destroyed; the citizens were
torn from their natural jurisdiction; the appointment of magistrates
was placed at the special pleasure of the crown,
which also arrogated to itself the right of billeting its soldiers
in the houses of the citizens. Far from being disheartened
or intimidated by the audacious folly of the English
government, the inhabitants of Massachusetts redoubled
their activity. A new assembly of the people was
convoked at Boston in which an appeal was made to God
and the world, against the tyranny and oppression of England.
An exhortation was addressed to the other colonies,
beseeching them to unite with Massachusetts for the maintenance
and defence of their common liberties. The other
colonies were not regardless of this appeal, and many of the
legislatures declared that the first of June, upon which the
port of Boston was shut up, should be ranked among unfortunate
days, and the bells on that day were muffled and
tolled; the people in crowds attended the churches, and
sought the protection of the Deity against those who meditated
civil war, and the destruction of their liberties.
The assembly of Massachusetts adjourned to meet at Salem,
53but Governor Gage, prevented the meeting. The
members of assembly formed themselves into a private society,
under the name of the League, in which they reciprocally
pledged themselves, before God, to suspend all relations
with Great Britain, until her unjust laws should be
repealed. The governor declared this league to be criminal,
and contrary to the rights of the king, and this declaration
was in turn treated as tyrannical, since it opposed
the people in attending to their own especial interests;
and the indignant people, after forcing the crown magistrates
to resign their functions, swore no longer to obey any
other authorities than those of their own creation, and to
recognize no other law than the ancient laws of the colony.
The suspension of all commerce soon plunged the inhabitants
of Boston into the deepest distress; their necessities
daily multiplied and were felt with increased severity, yet
no one thought of compounding with tyranny. In spite of
the injunctions of the English government, the citizens of
Marblehead and Salem hastened to alleviate the sufferings
of their Boston brethren; they furnished them with provisions
and money; offered them the free use of their ports,
wharves and warehouses, for the renewal of their commerce,
which could no longer be carried on at home, yet
without which it was almost impossible for them to subsist.
Encouraged by these evidences of the approbation of their
compatriots, the Bostonians were confirmed in their resolution
of maintaining the justice of their cause by force of
arms. They began immediately to make preparations; companies
of minute men were organized in the city and
throughout the province. At the first sound of the first call
of the league, or the first report of a new outrage by the
English, these minute men were to take up arms and attack
the aggressors wherever to be met with. Magazines of arms
and ammunition were collected with address and activity.
For several months, about thirty young mechanics had
formed a volunteer company for the purpose of watching
the movements of the English and informing their fellow
citizens; towards the spring of 1775 they increased their
activity, and every night patroled the streets two by two.
About midnight on the 15th of April, they observed that all
the boats were launched and ready astern of the ships of
war, and that the grenadiers and light infantry were making
54preparations, they gave immediate notice of this to Dr.
Warren, who despatched a messenger forthwith to John
Hancock and Samuel Adams with the news, they having
left the city to avoid being arrested by the governor, who,
it was reported, had issued orders to that effect. On the
18th additional indications of some projected movement
were perceived. The Light infantry and grenadiers were
concentrated upon the common, and at 10 o’clock at night,
800 men under command of Colonel Smith embarked, and
landed at Lechmere point, near Cambridge, whence, after
receiving a day’s rations, they marched at midnight. This
expedition was destined to destroy the magazines established
by the league at Concord. The secrecy observed in the
camp, and the silence maintained during the march, led
the English to believe that no one in Boston suspected their
departure. They pressed forward by moonlight, and arrived
at Lexington by daylight, six miles from Concord. But the
calm which had previously existed, was now interrupted by
the beating of drums through the country, which seemed
to call the inhabitants to arms, and a company of about
sixty Americans suddenly appeared before them. The English
immediately halted, closed up their ranks, and loaded
their arms: the Lexington company did the same, and were
ordered not to abandon the ground without orders, nor to
be the first to fire. Scarcely were these arrangements made,
when Major Pitcairn, commanding the British advanced
guard, came forward and cried out in an insolent voice,
“throw down your arms and disperse, you rebel scoundrels.”
This audacious summons was not answered, and
Pitcairn ordered his troops to fire: they eagerly obeyed, and
eight hundred Englishmen were not ashamed to utter shouts
of joy in commencing so unequal a combat, in which sixty
citizens offered with devotion their lives as a sacrifice in
the holy cause of their country.
The Americans received the first fire with firmness; one
of them seeing a friend fall at his side, cried out “you shall
be revenged,” fired upon the English, and the war of independence
was begun. But the Americans could not long
sustain themselves against so unequal a force. They abandoned
the ground, leaving eight killed and several wounded,
around whom the British proudly defiled, insulting them
with shouts of victory.
55Having reposed for some time after this terrible battle,
the fierce defenders of the crown marched for Concord,
where they arrived at nine o’clock. They found the inhabitants
in great agitation, but still ignorant of the assassination
of their fellow citizens at Lexington. A company of
citizens occupied the bridge, and this time the British fired
without any summons to surrender: the citizens of Concord
warmly returned their first fire, killing some soldiers and
officers of the king, after which, too weak to sustain a battle,
they dispersed and abandoned the magazines to the
English, which they destroyed in a few hours.
The alarm was soon spread throughout the country; the
tocsin called to arms all who were able to bear them, and
in a short time the English found themselves so surrounded,
that they began to feel that their retreat would not be so
easy as their two victories. From Concord to Lexington
their march was nothing better than a disorderly flight; the
well sustained and well directed fire of the rebels, who
were concealed along their route, in the barns, gardens, behind
the trees and in the ditches, did not allow them to halt
a moment to defend themselves. At Lexington they were
met by Lord Percy, who at the head of six companies of
infantry, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery,
which came in time to prevent their entire destruction, but
not to save them from disgrace. Notwithstanding this
reinforcement, they still reached Charlestown with great
difficulty, where they passed the night under the protection
of the guns of the ships; the next morning they re-entered
Boston, after having lost in this sad expedition, nearly two
hundred men, in killed and wounded.
It would be difficult to depict the astonishment and humiliation
of the English, at finding themselves thus driven
back by the rebels, and blockaded in their entrenchments
by an undisciplined multitude.
The royal army, however, was speedily reinforced by
12,000 men from England, commanded by General Burgoyne,
Clinton and Howe. General Gage resolved to strike
a great blow against the spirit of insurrection, in order to
wipe off the disgrace of the rout at Lexington; he commenced
by a proclamation in which he announced the vigorous
enforcement of martial law, and promised entire
pardon to all those who laid down their arms. Samuel
56Adams and John Hancock had the honour of being excepted
from this general amnesty. This distinction was in fact
well merited by their ardent love of liberty, their intelligence,
patriotic virtues, and the immense influence they exercised
over the minds of the people.
This proclamation was received as all the promises and
threats of despotism should be; it was entirely disregarded;
and the people closed up their ranks.
While the English army remained shut up in Boston, and
upon the narrow tongue of land, which unites the city with
the continent, 30,000 Americans kept them rigorously
blockaded. Their right was in front on the Dedham road,
their centre at Cambridge, and their left wing especially
composed of Massachusetts troops, rested upon Charlestown,
a village separated from Boston by a narrow stream,
traversed by a bridge. The English general resolved to
escape by this bridge, from his unfortunate position; but
the Americans suspected his plan, and hastened to prevent
its execution. During the night, a thousand men under the
command of Colonel Prescott established and entrenched
themselves upon Breed’s Hill, a small eminence, which
commanded the city of Boston, and the Charlestown bridge.
When the British at day-break discovered the redoubt,
which Colonel Prescott’s little troop had thrown up with
so much diligence, they attempted but in vain to destroy
it; General Gage then thought it highly important to the
safety of his army, that the Americans should be dislodged
from this commanding position, and made his arrangements
accordingly. Major general Howe at the head of ten companies
of grenadiers, ten companies of infantry, and some
field pieces, landed at Moreton point, and formed his troops
in line of battle; but perceiving that the Americans were
not intimidated by this hostile demonstration, he thought it
advisable to wait for a reinforcement, which he immediately
demanded from Boston. This delay gave the Americans
time to receive additional troops, which were led by General
Warren, and to complete their plan of defence. The
English began this attack by burning Charlestown; in a
few minutes this village containing more than five hundred
wooden buildings was devoured by the flames.
The inhabitants of Boston, and the reserve of the English
army were gazing from the amphitheatre formed by the
57heights of the city, with equal anxiety upon the dreadful
battle, with the results of which the destinies of each were
equally connected.
On the 17th of June 1775, at one o’clock, the English
army moved slowly to the fight, with shouldered arms, exhibiting
that calmness, which is inspired by a long habit of
military discipline. The Americans awaited them firmly,
with the coolness and resolution that is always imparted by
love of liberty. The English had already approached within
thirty yards of the entrenchments, without a single gun
being fired to break the ominous silence, under which their
movements were made, when suddenly they received a
volley of musketry so fatally aimed that their ranks were
disordered, broken, and flying in confusion towards the
shore, leaving behind them a great number of their officers
killed and wounded. A second attack was followed by a
similar result, and even at this time the English soldiers were
thrown into such a panic that many of them sought refuge
in the boats. Their officers could neither check their flight
nor rally them except by resorting to the severest measures.
Finally, a third attack, supported by some pieces of
artillery, aided by the fire of several ships, and two floating
batteries, was completely successful. The Americans,
forced from their entrenchments, still defended themselves
for a considerable time, fighting hand to hand, and giving
blows with the butts of their guns in return for the enemy’s
charges with the bayonet. Their retreat was more calm and
regular than could have been anticipated from inexperienced
militia. In this last attack, the royal troops showed great
intrepidity, and a courage worthy of a better cause. They
lost nearly 1,100 men killed and wounded, among which
were more than 90 officers. The patriot army, which
fought for a long time under cover, did not lose 500 men,
but had to lament the death of one of its most estimable
commanders, general Warren.
The English paid too dearly for this victory to follow
up its advantages; they were on that day contented with
the possession of the bloody field of battle.
The useless burning of Charlestown, which preceded the
battle, was regarded by the Americans, as an act of the
most shameful barbarity, and excited a general sentiment
of horror and indignation. It was at Charlestown, that the
58English after their rout at Lexington had found succour
for their wounded, and the most generous hospitality was
displayed towards their stragglers. The loss of the position
on Bunker’s Hill, did not prevent the Americans from
keeping the royal army closely blockaded in Boston. The
forces of the besiegers were daily augmented, and on the
2d of June, general Washington, in the name of the Congress
assembled at Philadelphia, took the command. Nothing
of importance, however was undertaken against the
city during the rest of the year. The approach of winter
rendered the condition of the besieged dreadful; the cold
was extreme and fuel was deficient; the English could not
obtain it but at the expense of the inhabitants whose
houses were demolished for the sake of the wood. The
situation of the inhabitants deeply affected Washington,
who wished to profit by several days of severe frost, which
would have allowed him to cross upon the ice, to make a
general attack: but this plan was unanimously opposed by
his council of war.
About the end of April 1776, having received some reinforcements,
he resolved to occupy the heights of Dorchester,
whence it would be easy to annoy the ships in the
harbour and even the garrison in the town. He hoped
moreover that this movement, by drawing the enemy from
his inaction, would give an opportunity of bringing him to
a general engagement, and he took his measures with
great skill, to derive all possible advantage therefrom.
The occupation of the heights of Dorchester was effected
on the night of the 2d March, with so much activity, that
at day-break the besieged beheld the Americans established
and capable of sustaining an attack in their new position.
General Howe immediately perceived the critical situation
into which he was thrown by this bold movement of
the Americans, and after several fruitless attempts to dislodge
them, he determined to evacuate Boston, while the
sea still remained open to him. On the 17th of March
he embarked with all his army, and his rear-guard might
have heard the shouts of joy with which the triumphal
entry of Washington was hailed in the city.
From that time, Boston, which is justly distinguished by
the glorious title of Cradle of the Revolution, ceased to be
the theatre of war. The town and province were forever
59freed from the presence of the enemies of liberty;
but the citizens of Massachusetts did not display less ardour
in the achievement of the great work, the liberation
of the colonies; their contingents to the continental army
were always furnished with exactness, and their troops
sustained to the end of the war, their admirable reputation
for courage and patriotism.
The news of peace arrived at Boston on the 23d April,
1783, and diffused among the people the most exhilarating
joy; the entire abolition of negro slavery was proclaimed,
and commerce and industry, under the protection of freedom,
appeared with renewed lustre.
The state of Massachusetts since that epoch has constantly
increased in wealth and happiness; it has regulated
and determined its boundaries in a friendly manner with its
neighbours, and at present it is bounded north by the
states of Vermont and New Hampshire; east by the Ocean;
south by the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut; and
west by the state of New York. The face of the soil is
infinitely varied, and its coasts are richly furnished with
convenient bays, which are adorned with a great number
of small islands. The soil of the sea board is generally
arid, but the lands of the interior are very productive, and
cultivated in such a manner as to impart to the whole
country the appearance of a smiling garden. Elegant
country houses, fine villages and large towns, amply attest
the numbers of the population, in fact about 530,000 souls
occupy a surface of 7,800 square miles. In 1790 the population
was only 370,787 souls; this increase is certainly
very rapid, but we shall find much more astonishing
changes in the new states.
65,000 persons are employed in agriculture. 36,000 in
the various manufactories of cotton, wool, cloth, glassware,
paper, soap, in the foundries, &c.; and about 14,000
in commerce. A considerable number are also engaged
in the fisheries, but of the exact amount we have been
unable to procure information; however, this sketch will
suffice to show to what degree public industry is carried
in this state; for if we subtract the individuals employed
in the various offices of government in public instruction,
or engaged in particular business, such as carpenters, masons,
tailors, &c. and then remove from the sum total of the
60population children still unfit for labor, and the aged who
are disabled by their infirmities, we shall see how small a
number of idle persons belong to this state. From this
active industry a degree of general domestic comfort is
produced, which strikes Europeans with astonishment
when they first visit this country.
The general welfare of the people, contributes to augment
between all classes, that equality which the constitution
establishes between individuals, in the eye of the law.
At church on Sunday, and at public meetings, it is impossible
to distinguish by his dress, and it might almost be
added, by his manners, an artisan, from what is called a
gentleman, in society: the multiplicity of schools, and the
right which every man enjoys of attending to public affairs,
diffuses among this class of Americans a knowledge
and a correctness of judgment, which would be sought
in vain in the middle classes of France. In Boston, what
is called the best society, that is, companies of literary men,
rich merchants, government officers, and professional men,
offer the surprising contrast of a rare degree of information,
with great simplicity of manners. The excessive
severity of character which distinguished the first settlers
of New England, is gradually becoming effaced by communication
with other people, and especially by the introduction
of religious toleration; the rigorism of the puritans
has given place to a mild harmony between the
numerous sects, which are not only numerous in New
England, but the whole Union. But it must not be supposed,
however, that indifference has succeeded to fervor;
religious exercises are observed with scrupulous exactitude;
and it would be difficult to find in Boston a pleasure
house open on Sunday. The chains which were formerly
stretched across the streets during divine service, are gradually
disappearing. The government never interferes
in any way in religious matters; the pastors of the different
congregations are paid by their parishioners, and if
an especial respect be publicly paid to those who frequent
the churches, those who never attend them are never persecuted.
Finally, there is but one remaining trace of the
religious tyranny of the first settlers, and unfortunately
that trace occurs in the state constitution. The 1st article
of the 6th chapter, excludes from the offices of government
61all candidates who are not christians, and who will
not swear that they are convinced of its truth.—“I, A. B.
do declare that I believe the christian religion, and have a
firm persuasion of its truth.”
We can scarcely comprehend how, in a society so free
and enlightened, where the progress of philosophy is every
day evident, the state still can continue to refuse the services
of a virtuous man, because the individual may be a
Jew or a Mussulman.
CHAPTER IV.
Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of
the Massachusetts militia.
On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by
the governor to visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles
from Boston; he accepted the invitation, and we arrived
there at noon. Savin Hill is a very picturesque situation
on the borders of the sea, where during the fine season the
volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to
pass some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise.
On our arrival we found them under arms. The
young officer in command came to receive the general,
and after a brief address he returned to the head of his
troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After
various movements of infantry, the artillery commenced
firing at a mark. Most of the shots were fired with great
skill, at a target floated at a sufficient distance on the water.
The artillerists invited the general to aim one of
their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target
in pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected
from a man of his age, procured him the applauses of all
the young soldiers, and of the ladies who usually visit the
62camp to see their brothers and husbands, but on this occasion
had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.
The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from
the moment of our arrival; after the exercises were finished
I approached to examine them more attentively, and
was considerably surprised to recognize our French models,
which were perfectly imitated. From the officers
who observed the interest with which we examined these
pieces, we learned that this improvement was owing to
general Henry Lallemand, who was forced by the proscriptions
of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United States,
where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted.
The militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great
improvements in their artillery; and he has left a treatise
on the subject, in three volumes, in which, it is true, he
has only reproduced in part the regulations already known
and practised in France, but which he has admirably
adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married
in Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who
during 50 years residence in that city, had by his success
in commerce, amassed one of the largest fortunes in the
United States. The situation of general Lallemand, however,
was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor.
His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter,
continues to reside at Philadelphia, under the protection
of her uncle.
After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took
us to dine at his country seat; whence we returned to attend
a brilliant ball, which Mr. Lloyd, senator of the
United States, gave to general Lafayette.
John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected
with all the great epochs of the American revolution, and
who had the honour of succeeding Washington in the first
magistracy of the republic, was then detained at his retreat
by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had
been acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict
friendship with him, was unwilling to depart without paying
him a visit: a feeling of delicacy, easy to be understood,
made him wish that this visit should be unattended
by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest
movements had been accompanied. In consequence,
he set out in a carriage, merely accompanied by two
63gentlemen of the city, and followed by his son and
myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our
carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house,
built of wood and brick, and but one story high. I was
somewhat astonished to learn that this was the residence
of an Ex-President of the United States. We found the
venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He received
and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight
of his ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction,
which appeared to renew his youth. During the whole of
dinner time, he kept up the conversation with an ease and
readiness of memory, which made us forget his 89 years.
The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted
to the service of his country and liberty, which from
his youth he passionately loved.
He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and
studied at Cambridge, which he left in 1755, to take charge
of a grammar school at Worcester, where, at the same
time, he applied himself to the study of the law, under
James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In
1770 he was chosen as a representative of the town of Boston,
in the Assembly of Massachusetts. When the quarrels
between the English soldiers and the citizens of Massachusetts
became sanguinary, he showed his full strength of
character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers,
for firing on the people; in this defence he was assisted by
Josiah Quincy, jr. and S. Blowers. He was unwilling that
the love of liberty should transcend the love of justice, and
his eloquence secured the safety of those unfortunates,
who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant instruments
of English tyranny.
In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of
Massachusetts, but the political opinions which he had already
expressed openly and energetically on numerous occasions,
caused him to be rejected by governor Gage. A
few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental
Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and
skilful defenders of liberty.
In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each
to draw up a Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s
address was preferred by Congress, as is known, but
Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and patriotism, was
64not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that immortal
assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and
Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification
of the colonies.
In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of
France, in place of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress
having censured all the other European commissioners,
made an honourable exception of John Adams. On his
return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member
of the Convention assembled to revise the Constitution
of Massachusetts. In the month of August of the same
year, he was sent to Europe with power to treat for a general
peace.
In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks
for the services he had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he
concluded with the provinces of Holland a treaty very
advantageous to his country.
In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England.
It was during this honourable mission, that he published,
in 1787, at London, his learned summary of all the
ancient and modern constitutions, under the title of Defence
of the American Constitutions. This profoundly erudite
work, in which the author in several passages appeared
to indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew
forth vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic
writers, and particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor
of New Jersey, who opposed him in an excellent
work, which he published under the title of Examination
of the English Constitution.
Recalled from England at his own request, he was received
with the thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress.
In 1789, after the adoption of the new constitution,
John Adams was elected Vice-President of the United
States, and remained in this honourable situation during
the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose
confidence in his talents and patriotism was unbounded.
In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy
of the republic, to succeed Washington, who refused a
third election. Circumstances were then very difficult.
The French revolution, which at first received the general
approbation of the United States, had at that time become,
through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object
65of horror, even to its warmest partizans. The French
question agitated all minds, and had become the subject of
vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent attacks, between
the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The ill-managed
attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United
States, to profit by these divisions, alarmed President
Adams, and induced him to propose to Congress, as a
measure of security, the suppression of the act of habeas
corpus. This proposition was too directly opposed to the
sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people,
not to be rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation.
The House of Representatives would not even
discuss the bill, and the popularity of John Adams received
at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of the
fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.
In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens
soon forgot the cause of his retreat, and only
remembered the great and numerous services he rendered
to his country during his long career. The governorship of
Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards
he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to
revise the constitution of the state. But he began to feel
the necessity of repose; he thanked them, and concluded
by praying the theologians, philosophers, and politicians,
to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal, he
had not become insensible to the great interests of the
country, and when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious
vexations of England, his patriotic voice was heard
from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that the national
honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence
was re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this
sentiment, those whom party spirit had most widely separated.
In short, he so generously sacrificed his private
opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his most ardent
adversaries could not withhold the expression of their
admiration and gratitude.
At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out
of his chamber, could scarcely raise himself from his chair,
and his hands were unable to convey the food to his mouth
without the pious assistance of his children or grand-children,
his heart and head felt not less ardour for every thing
good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most
66pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness
of the joy which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens
towards Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration
at the courage with which he supported the pains
and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a century had
necessarily accumulated upon him.
A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the
30th, in the morning the troops from the environs of Boston
arrived under command of general Appleton, those of
the city had pitched their tents upon the common, in front
of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising we
were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous
camp. At noon, about 8,000 men were drawn up in line
of battle, on this vast parade: a great concourse of ladies
adorned all the windows which overlooked the ground, or
filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general
Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor
and his staff, before the line, where he was received
by the acclamations of the troops, to which martial music
and the shouts of the spectators responded. After passing
in front of the ranks of these young soldier-citizens, whose
equipments and appearance might charm even eyes accustomed
to the regularity of hired European troops, the
general was conducted to the most elevated point of the
parade, to behold the military movements which were to
follow. We did not discover in the handling of their arms,
that minute precision to which European officers attach so
ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by
reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at
least, four hours a day; but we were forced to admire the
promptitude of the charges, and the union and vivacity of
the firing. Beyond doubt, the movements of the line were
somewhat defective as to calmness and precision; but it
was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater rapidity
and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This
sort of service appears to be very consonant to the American
character; it is also well suited to troops more particularly
called to the defence of situations where all the resources
are known to them, and which are particularly favourable
to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle, which was
performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and
interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went
67under an immense tent, where the principal citizens to the
number of 1200, were collected at table to receive the
adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on the next
morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the
places we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled
with fragments of arms or projectiles, military buttons,
&c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a long time after the battle
of the 17th June. The governor had the goodness to offer
us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully
accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust
that covered it, could readily be distinguished the number,
42; it is known that this number is one of those
which suffered most severely in attacking the American
entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve
and revere all the monuments of the revolution is
very remarkable; every thing which recalls this glorious
epoch, is to them a precious relic, which they regard almost
with religious reverence. This sort of devotion is
praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of
love of liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth
quite as much, I believe, as that profound veneration which
we have in Europe for the ribbands conferred by power.
During the review I remarked with surprise the variety
of uniforms; in the numerous companies that defiled before
us, scarcely could I find two companies somewhat
similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a luxury
that was very little adapted to war; while those from
the country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they
had nothing military about them but the cartridge box and
musket. This difference was explained to me by the formation
of volunteer companies. These are composed of
young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize
under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company;
the colour and fashion of their uniform is decided by
common consent; they elect their own officers, and choose
the name of their corps. Thus organized and constituted,
they remain always subject to the general regulations by
which all the militia are governed, but they meet much
more frequently for the purpose of military exercise; as
most of these young men are sufficiently well off, they can
afford to expend something upon a brilliant dress, and
hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this slight
68rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great
emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who
had the kindness to give me some information on these
points, it is unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to
be feared that this advantage may be attended by serious
inconveniences? May not the embroidery and plumes
which at present serve to distinguish one company from
another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich
merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction
between the rich and poor militiaman open the
door to the aristocracy of wealth, which is not less an enemy
to equality than the aristocracy of parchments? I am
aware that American manners and institutions diminish
this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because
it is still distant?
The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline
of the militia throughout the Union, are determined
by general laws emanating from congress. However, as
differences of situation or manners which distinguish the
aspect of the various states composing the great federation
require modifications in the application of these laws, each
state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their
especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c.
taking care, however, not to depart from the general principles
established by congress.
As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat
from each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious
to describe them all in detail, it may suffice to satisfy
the reader’s curiosity that we present in this place a
sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.
The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into
the ranks, all citizens capable of bearing arms from the age
of eighteen to forty-five, inclusively; the law of Massachusetts
makes an exception in favour of the individuals hereafter
designated: the lieutenant governor of the state; members
of the executive council; judges of the supreme court, the
inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature;
justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry
of deeds, &c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general;
secretary and treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs;
teachers of public schools; the ministers of all religious
sects, without distinction; all civil officers appointed by the
69United States, and finally the Quakers, when they present
a certificate signed by one or two of their elders, stating
that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is conscientiously
scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all
the individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged
from the age of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to
present at each annual review, the arms and equipments of
war prescribed by the laws of the United States: they
must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed
in the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in
arming and equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their
own accoutrements.
CHAPTER V.
Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history, constitution
and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from Portsmouth to
New York: description of Long Island.
The state of New Hampshire having sent a deputation
to invite general Lafayette to visit the navy yard at Portsmouth,
we set out for that place on the 31st of August, by
the way of Lexington, Concord, Salem, Marblehead and
Newburyport. We delayed but a few moments at Lexington,
but we left it deeply impressed by the touching
scenes we there witnessed, and the historical recollection
it awakens. We recollected that it was at this place in
1775, a few farmers were slaughtered by an English battalion;
and upon the same spot Lafayette was welcomed
by a free and happy population assembled to greet him.
We advanced through two handsome lines of militia troops
to the base of the pyramid which indicates the place where
the first martyrs of liberty fell, and now repose. There
two old men related to us this first scene of the grand revolutionary
tragedy, in which they were actors; and this
70circumstance lent a powerful charm to their recital, which
captivated our attention. They were delighted to recall
the smallest particulars of this action, repeated with heated
indignation the insulting and menacing words of the fierce
Pitcairn, when he summoned them to surrender, and the
smile of pity and contempt curled their lips when they told
how 800 Englishmen had fired upon sixty farmers: they
then named with tenderness those of their companions and
friends who fell by their sides, turning their eyes filled with
tears upon the ground, while our own involuntarily rested
upon the last asylum of these hero citizens, paying them a
tribute of gratitude and admiration. After some moments
of solemn silence, one of the two old men exclaimed, “we
still weep for our brethren, but we do not deplore them,
they died for their country and liberty!” At the words
country and liberty, the crowd, deeply affected, responded
by shouts of “long live Lafayette,” and during a long time
it was difficult to moderate this burst of public gratitude.
All the militia of the district were assembled at Lexington;
they defiled before the pyramid and Lafayette, lowering before
these two monuments of their revolution their standards,
upon which the murder of their ancestors was delineated,
by which hatred of despotism is perpetuated among
these youthful soldier-citizens.
Just as we were about to depart from the pyramid to re-enter
our carriages, a young man presented himself, having
in his hands a long rudely shaped and rusty musket; he
presented it to Lafayette with a solemnity which induced
us to suppose that the weapon by some peculiar circumstance
had acquired a right to the veneration of the bearer.
In fact, we learned that this was the musket from which
the first fire was returned to the English, upon the field of
Lexington. “My father bore it on the 19th of April,
1775,” said the young man; “in his hands it commenced
the work that Washington and you so gloriously achieved;
I am happy to make it known to you.” Lafayette examined
it with pleasure; all of us desired to touch it; in returning
it to him, the general advised him to have inscribed
on the stock the date of April 19th, and the name of the
brave citizen who bore it, and then to keep it in a box for
the purpose of securing it from the ravages of time. He
was moved by this advice and promised to follow it.
71Although Concord is but a short distance from Lexington,
we were nevertheless obliged to stop there. The inhabitants
of the vicinity were collected in the public square,
where a tent of flowers and verdure had been erected, under
which a troop of blooming and beautiful girls offered
refreshments to the Nation’s Guest, who was forced to
take a seat at the centre of an elegantly prepared table,
around which none but ladies were admitted. Young girls
crowned with flowers moved around the table of which
they did the honours with touching grace and ease; but it
was especially to Lafayette that all their attention was directed,
and upon him their tenderest care was concentrated.
All was smiling, all was gracious in the picture of happiness
and joy before us; but at the same instant we were
struck by a singular contrast. In front of the tent, at the
other extremity of the public square, we perceived upon a
hillock which terminated it, a confused collection of funeral
monuments. We recognized the place consecrated to
the dead. Of all these monuments, the greater number
were already blackened by time; some were still of a glaring
whiteness; near one of the latter was placed a female
and two children clad in black, whose sorrowing attitudes
seemed to say that festival days are not days of repose for
death; but not one of the gay party appeared to regard this;
all were too happy to remark the narrowness of the space
by which they were separated from the spot where all
sink into oblivion.
At Marblehead I was aroused from the profound reverie
into which the circumstances at Concord had plunged me,
by the sound of cannon, and the shouts of the people, who
rushed to meet Lafayette. Brilliant preparations had been
made to receive him, although it was known that he could
only stop to breakfast. In ascending Washington Hill, we
were met by the pupils of eleven public and twenty private
schools, conducted by their teachers and the president of
the board of instruction. There were nine hundred children
of both sexes. A deputation, formed by a representative
from each class, approached the carriage, and presented
an address to Lafayette, in which the children
expressed to him their gratitude for the services he had
rendered their parents. Salem is only 14 miles from Boston,
72and yet we did not reach there until afternoon, because
at almost every step Lafayette was obliged to stop to
receive testimonials of regard from all we met upon the
road. At the entrance of the city, we were received by
the magistrates, and by a numerous cavalcade of citizens;
several military corps were drawn up on each side of the
way, and his entry was announced by salutes of artillery
and the chiming of the bells. In spite of the rain, which
fell in torrents, the streets were entirely filled with the
crowds that rushed towards him, and uttered their benedictions.
We passed through the town on foot, in order to
go under a great number of triumphal arches decorated
with emblems and inscriptions. Upon one was “Honour
to Lafayette! honour to him who fought and shed his blood
for the peace and happiness we enjoy:” upon another,
“Lafayette, friend and defender of liberty, welcome to the
land of your adoption;” on another, “In the day of our
adversity, thou didst aid us, in the days of our prosperity,
we recall thy services with gratitude.” The dining-hall
and the dinner itself, had been decorated and prepared by
the hands of a great number of ladies. In front of Lafayette’s
seat, amid garlands of flowers, was the following inscription:
“Lafayette in America—Where can one better
be than in the bosom of his family?”
Ancient companions in arms, placed at his sides, claimed
the privilege of serving him, reminding him gaily, that they
acquired this right at Yorktown, where he had not refused
their services. The dinner ended with a great number of
toasts. One was drank to “France, the friend of liberty in
America; may she never become the friend of oppression
in Europe.” Immediately after, we quitted Salem to pass
the night at Newburyport. Although the weather continued
to be disagreeable, the general could not dissuade the Salem
citizens from escorting him; they galloped along side
of his carriage, sword in hand, for nearly nine miles, at the
risk of falling twenty times, so very bad were the roads.
Notwithstanding all our diligence, it was late at night
when we arrived at Newburyport. The brilliance of the
illuminations, and the fires lighted in appropriate places in
the street, the uninterrupted sounds of cannon, bells, the
shouts of people, and the sight of armed troops advancing
73rapidly to the sound of the drum, might have led one to
suppose we were entering a town taken by storm, and delivered
to the flames, if the words Liberty, Country, Washington,
Lafayette, which incessantly fell upon our ears,
had not reminded us that we were present at a truly national
and popular festival. Although the night was so far
advanced, the general was obliged to devote a considerable
time to the reception of the citizens who pressed forward
in crowds to greet him. We stopped at Tracy’s inn,
which had been prepared for our reception. General
Washington staid there in 1789. The chamber he used
was afterwards preserved with the greatest care; the furniture
had not been changed, and Lafayette had the pleasure
of resting in the same bed, where, thirty-five years ago,
his father and his friend had reposed. From the joy which
appeared to sparkle in the eyes of our host, it was easy to
divine the sentiments that animated him, and how difficult
it would be to induce him to part with the furniture which
had served Washington and Lafayette.
We left Newburyport early in the morning, and arrived
about mid-day at Portsmouth. Numerous corps of infantry,
and almost the whole population, headed by their magistrates,
came out of the city to meet Lafayette. A
thousand children from various schools were ranged in a
double row along the road, and though these poor children
had no other covering but wreaths of flowers, and the rain
was falling abundantly, none would relinquish their posts.
The procession formed to accompany the general’s entry
into the town, was more than two miles long. After it had
passed through the principal streets, we stopped in Congress
street, at Franklin Hall. There the president of the
town council pronounced on behalf of the assembled citizens,
an address.
The general was then presented to the governor of New Hampshire,
Mr. Morill, who had purposely come from his
residence, to receive him, after his introduction to the governor,
he was surrounded by his ancient companions in
arms, among whom he recognized general Smith, who had
served three years under him as a captain of light infantry.
While they were felicitating each other on their
meeting, they were interrupted by another old revolutionary
74soldier, who with tears in his eyes recounted aloud the
great number of services rendered to him during the war,
by the Marquis; Lafayette with much difficulty interrupted
his recital which embarrassed him exceedingly, but which
vividly excited the interest of the spectators.
In going to our lodgings, which were prepared in the
house of the late governor Langdon, we met some Indians
in the street; these were the first I had seen, and excited
my curiosity very much; some members of the committee
caused a dozen of these savages from the forests of Canada
to visit us at our lodgings. I learned that they came from
beyond the great lakes to exchange peltries for toys and
liquor. I confess that I found nothing in them which corresponded
with my ideas of these children of nature.[9]
Their dresses had no other character than that of misery;
crosses and chaplets had taken the place of their beautiful
head-dresses of plumes, their furs and their arms; their
drunken visages had nothing of that noble expression which
is said so particularly to distinguish the savage man: at
first their manners appeared affectionate, but it was soon
evident that they were only servile or interested. They
talked of beads and confession, as their fathers, no doubt
did of sorcerers and manitoes. In a word it appeared to
me that these poor wretches had only changed superstitions,
and that civilization had brought them its vices
without any of its benefits. In fact I was assured that the
75majority of them had become idle, drunken thieves, without
being in the least degree improved in knowledge. An
old man who spoke a little French, appeared to be their
chief, he told us they lived in Canada. When asked if
they were happy in the vicinity of the English, he replied
that they loved the French very much; and immediately
he and his companions shook hands very cordially with
us. They had with them several of their wives, some of
whom were suckling their children; they also appeared
very miserable, and by no means pretty.
During our conversation with the civilized Indians a
new procession was formed to conduct Lafayette to the
navy yard; he went thither a few moments afterwards,
but neither his son nor myself could accompany him, as
we were desirous of profiting by a sure and prompt opportunity
of writing to our friends in France. We regretted
however that we missed the chance of seeing the navy
yard which is said to be very fine and of considerable extent.
The remainder of the day was occupied by a public
dinner at which all the public officers and Mr. Salazar,
chargé des affaires for the republic of Columbia were present.
After dinner we went to a ball, where more than
four hundred ladies were introduced to Lafayette; we left
the ball at midnight to take our carriages for Boston, where
our travelling companions from New York awaited us.
Before resuming the account of our progress, I will devote
a few pages to the history, constitution, and present condition
of the state of New Hampshire, of which Portsmouth
is the most considerable town, both for its population,
which exceed seven thousand souls, and its commerce
which is very extensive.
The state of New Hampshire is situated between the
42° 42′, and the 45° 14′ N. Lat. and between the 4° 29′
and the 6° 10′ of east longitude, from Washington; its surface
contains 9280 square miles; its form is that of a trapezium,
having its base to the south. On the north it is
bounded by Lower Canada; south by Massachusetts; east
by Maine and the ocean; and west by the Connecticut river
which separates it from Vermont. The coast of New
Hampshire is about eighteen miles in extent, is generally
sandy and slightly indented. In the interior we find very
high lands, amongst which the white hills or mountains
76are the highest. The most considerable collection of water
are the lakes Umbagog and Winnipiseogee, and the
lakes Connecticut, Piscataqua and Merimac. The soil of
New Hampshire is of primitive formation and generally
fertile; however the most productive are on the borders of
the streams, which deposit a rich alluvion by their inundations.
On the banks of the sea an abundance of salt hay
is cured which is found to be very acceptable to the cattle.
The most abundant mines are those of iron in the
district of Franconia and at Enfield. A small quantity of
native silver in threads is found in the western mountains,
but it is not worth the expense of procuring it. Plumbago
is found in considerable abundance in Sutton county district,
and about Monadnock mountain.
The heats of summer are short but excessive; as to the
cold it must be very severe, since lake Winnipiseogee
which is twenty-four miles in length, and in some places
twelve miles wide, is frozen for three months in the year,
so hard as to bear heavy wagons. The climate is, however,
very salubrious, and examples of longevity are not uncommon;
individuals are frequently known to live over an
hundred years.
New Hampshire was discovered in 1614 by captain
Smith, and the first settlements were made by fishermen
and planters on the river Piscataqua, in 1623. These establishments
were placed under the government of Massachusetts
in 1692. In 1787 the first constitution of New
Hampshire was framed, and the limits determined between
it and Massachusetts. In 1765 the people rejected the
stamp act with energy, and afterwards engaged in the revolutionary
war, which they supported with vigour and perseverance
to the end. The state of New Hampshire was
the ninth that voted for the adoption of the new federal
constitution of the United States; it was carried in the legislature
by a majority of eleven, the number of members
being 300. This circumstance decided in favour of the establishment
of the federal government. The new constitution
was adopted in 1792; it was preceded by a declaration
of rights and recognised three powers, the legislative,
executive, and judiciary.
The legislative power is vested in the senate and a house
of representatives, which compose the general assembly, and
77each branch exercises a negative over the other. Bills relative
to monies originate in the house of representatives,
but it may be amended in the senate which directs the expenditures.
The senate is composed of thirteen, elected annually by
taxable citizens. A candidate must 1st, be thirty years
old; 2d, must own a freehold in the state worth £200—3d,
he must have resided in the state seven years previous
to the election, and be a resident of the county by which
he is elected.
The house of representatives is composed of members
from the different towns, the number of which is proportioned
to the population in the ratio of one representative
for every 150 taxable inhabitants, of 20 years old at least,
and of two for every 450, so that it requires 300 additional
taxable inhabitants for every new member.
The election is made by ballot, and no one is eligible
unless he own in the county a freehold, whereof he is seized
in his own right, of the value of £500. It is necessary also
that he reside in the district at the time of his election, and
have resided two years within the state.
Every male citizen of 20 years old, except paupers and
persons exempt from taxes at their own request, have the
right of voting for senators and representatives. The executive
power is confided to the governor and five councillors.
The governor is chosen annually by vote of all the taxable
citizens; and if two candidates have an equal number
of votes, the choice is decided by the joint ballot of both
houses of assembly. A candidate for the governorship must
be thirty years old, be an inhabitant of the state for seven
years preceding the election, have an estate of the value
of five hundred pounds, one half of which to consist of a
freehold in his own right, in the state. The governor is
commander in chief of the forces by land and sea, with the
advice and consent of the council of state, which he assembles
at will. He appoints the attorney and solicitor general,
and the other officers of justice. He has the right of
pardoning criminals, except such as are convicted before
the senate, by impeachment of the house. He signs all the
commissions which are moreover countersigned by his secretary.
78The councillors are also elected by all the taxable citizens
of 20 years old, and the same requisites are demanded
of them as of the governor, with this difference however,
that at least three hundred pounds of their property must
be in freehold.
The secretary, treasurer, and commissary general are
chosen by ballot by the senators and representatives.
The treasurer of the county and the town clerk are appointed
by the inhabitants of each county.
The members of congress are chosen by the inhabitants
assembled in town meetings, and their votes are sent to the
secretary, who opens them before the general court. It is
in the same way that candidates for the presidency and
vice-presidency are chosen. The two senators in congress
are elected by the general courts.
The judiciary court is composed of a superior court of
four judges who annually make two circuits through the
counties; an inferior court, with the same number of judges
in each county, who sit four times a year; a general court
of sessions of justices of the peace, who sit at the same
time; a court of probates, formed of a single judge who sits
every month in each county; and justices of the peace.
The judges are appointed by the governor and council,
and retain their places until they are 70 years old. They
are liable to impeachment for misbehaviour in office.
The jury composed of twelve freeholders whose verdict
decides the judgment in civil and criminal suits, is selected
by the municipal council from among persons worth fifty
pounds. The names of one third of the members are
placed in one box; and the names of the two-thirds in another.
The jurors for the superior court are drawn from
the first box, and those for the inferior court from the second,
by the town clerk in the public assembly.
The general court is authorized to reform the judiciary
system when it is deemed convenient or necessary to the
public service; to give to the justices of the peace jurisdiction
in civil causes, when real estate is not concerned and
the damages do not exceed four pounds, with the right of
appeal to another court and the trial by jury.
The chief justice receives 1500 dollars per annum; each
of the other judges receives 1200.
The sheriffs like the judges are ineligible after they have
79attained to seventy years, nor can they act or receive fees
as lawyers or counsel, while they are in office.
All the civil and military officers take the following oath
before entering upon office.
“I solemnly swear that I will bear faith and true allegiance
to the state of New Hampshire, and will defend the
constitution thereof, and I will faithfully and impartially
discharge and perform the duties incumbent on me as
governor, secretary, &c. &c. to the best of my abilities,
agreeably to the rules and regulations of this constitution,
and the laws of New Hampshire, so help me God.”
If the officer be a quaker his affirmation is received,
adding thereto, “I do this under the pains and penalties of
perjury.”
The financial organization is equally economic and liberal.
Every town appoints one or more collectors of
taxes, who are furnished with the tax lists and entrusted
with full powers to seize, in case of necessity, the goods or
persons of delinquents. If any one refuse to produce a
statement of his property subject to taxes, the municipal
council determines the sum such an individual shall pay to
the state. The levies upon the counties are divided by
the judges of a court which is held four times a year, and
the proportion that each town is to pay, is specified in the
order to the treasurer of the county.
A new assessment of taxes is annually made in the month
of April, upon the property of taxable individuals; all these
goods are taxed at six per cent of the value of their income;
except uncultivated lands, and ships which only pay ¼ per
cent of their real value. Mills and ferry-boats are taxed one-twelfth
of their annual income: funds in commerce according
to their value, and money at interest at from three-fourths
to one per cent.
The debts contracted by the state in 1814, amounting
with the interest to more than 30,000 dollars, have been
paid; and the state has at present considerable funds in the
bank of the United States.
The wisdom and economy of the administration, and the
equity of the government have borne their fruits. The
happiness of the people of New Hampshire is indubitable;
it is attested by the diffusion of knowledge, by the wealth
of commerce, the prosperity of agriculture, and the rapid
80increase of population. This increase in spite of the constant
emigration towards the new countries of the south,
and especially of the west, is still very remarkable. In
1755 the population was about 34,000 souls; in 1790 it
was 141,885; in 1800 it was 183,858; in 1810 it was
214,460, and at present it amounts to 244,161 souls. Of
this number about 800 are free persons of colour. Although
there is no special law against slavery, the philanthropic
spirit of the inhabitants, and a correct view of their
interests, have done justice in regard to this monstrosity, and
we may say at present, slavery does not exist in New Hampshire:
we may say the same indeed of all the New England
states.
This population of 244,161 souls, furnishes 2,384 persons
devoted to agriculture, 8,699 to manufactures, and
1,068 to commerce.
The state of New Hampshire could bring 25,000 men
into the field from the class of citizens from 16 to 45 years
old. In case of need this force could be considerably augmented
by the men who are on the alarm list, which is
formed of men from 45 to 60 years old, and of all those exempt
from ordinary service by the militia regulations. The
exemptions are the same as those of Massachusetts.
I have said that the diffusion of knowledge in New Hampshire
was great. The advantage of a good general education
is owing to the care of the government and the foresight
of the constitution, which directs the legislator and magistrate
always to regard as a sacred duty the advancement
of the interests of letters and science and of all the public
schools; to encourage private institutions; to give rewards
and privileges for the encouragement of agriculture, the
arts, sciences and commerce; the natural history and manufactures
of the country.
As in all the rest of the Union, absolute liberty in religious
concerns is declared by the constitution to be a natural
and inalienable right; no one can be disturbed or interfered
with on account of his religious views. The law
does not acknowledge any dominant sect. All the ministers
of the different communions have equal right to the
protection of the government, and receive their salaries
from their parishioners, whose good will they are obliged
to acquire, and they only obtain it by setting a virtuous
example. Thus their manners are generally pure,
81marriages common, and celibacy but little esteemed. It is
rare in the interior towns to find a bachelor over thirty
years old. The girls marry so young, that it is not uncommon
to see the mother and daughter both nursing their infants
at the same time. We may also readily find the grandfather,
father and son, at work together in the fields.
Many other particulars remained to be learned relative to
New Hampshire, but the general having promised to make
a second visit in the ensuing spring, I shall profit thereby to
collect the information I could not procure during so short
a stay.
We left Portsmouth for Boston, as already stated, at midnight
and arrived there at two o’clock; we set out again at
four, through Lexington, Lancaster, Worcester, Tolland,
and Hartford. In each of these places, Lafayette received
from all the citizens evidences of regard, which vividly affected
him, but to which he had scarce time to respond, so
rapid was our journey. We slept the first night at the
charming country house of Mr. Wilder, near Boston, whose
kind hospitality will never be effaced from our memory.
On the second, we stopped at Stafford, after having been
present at the brilliant festivities of Worcester, and on the
fourth day, at 10 A.M. we arrived at Hartford, a pretty and
very commercial town, situated upon the west bank of
the Connecticut river, fifty miles from its source. The
population of Hartford is 4726 souls, and it divides with
New Haven the advantage of being the seat of government
of the state of Connecticut.
Lafayette entered Hartford preceded by a numerous
escort of troops, and welcomed by the whole population with
the most lively demonstrations of veneration and love. The
municipal body came to meet him, and the mayor delivered
an address. He was then conducted with great pomp to
the State House where he was received by Governor Wolcott,
who in receiving him, addressed him in the name of
the state.
After his discourse, to which Lafayette made an affectionate
reply, numerous introductions of all the persons
who could come into the hall, took place. The assembly
could scarcely retain their emotion, when old general
Wadsworth entered, bearing the epaulettes and scarf worn
by Lafayette at the battle of Brandywine, where he was
82wounded. The scarf still retained traces of his blood.
These epaulettes and scarf were given to General Swift
after the peace, and his family had preserved them carefully,
in memory of him who wore them, and the cause he
defended.
At the moment we left the state house, he found himself
in the midst of eight hundred children from the public
schools, who presented him with a gold medal on which
was inscribed, “The Children of Hartford to Lafayette,
September 4, 1824.”
After passing through several streets strewn with flowers,
we arrived at the institution for the deaf and dumb. About
sixty of these young unfortunates arranged in a line, awaited
in the profound and eternal silence which the lamentable
caprice of nature had imposed on them, for the arrival of
Lafayette. As soon as they saw him, they pointed out to
him, while placing their hands on their hearts, a legend
containing these words, “What the nation expresses we
feel.” At their head was their teacher Mr. Clerc, pupil of
the Abbe Sicard and of Massieu.
Lafayette experienced lively pleasure in seeing this young
Frenchman, whose love of liberty and of humanity had
brought him to this country, where he had rendered the
most important services.
When General Lafayette had reviewed the troops, under
command of Colonel Johnson, and taken leave of the magistrates
and inhabitants of Hartford, he was conducted on
board of the steam-boat Oliver Ellsworth, by a detachment
of an hundred revolutionary veterans, preceded by the military
band. After taking leave of his ancient companions in
arms, the boat pushed off, and we began to descend the
Connecticut. This river which arises between lower Canada
and New Hampshire, a little above the 45th degree
parallel of latitude, serves as a boundary between this state
and that of Vermont, and traverses the states of Massachusetts
and Connecticut from north to south. Its course is
about three hundred miles long. Although much obstructed
by rocks, it is navigable by batteaux almost to its source,
and large vessels can ascend it nearly fifty miles. During
its course, it receives a large number of tributaries, and
empties into Long-Island sound about thirty miles east of
New Haven. Its banks are very delightful and fertile,
83though we had but little time to enjoy the sight. Soon after
leaving Hartford, our boat stopped in front of Middletown,
a beautiful little manufacturing town situated upon the
right bank of the river. The sound of cannon and the acclamations
of the crowd that thronged the bank, apprised
Lafayette of the impatience with which he was expected
by the people of Middletown. He hastened on shore to
express his satisfaction, and it was not until seven in the
evening that he returned on board the Oliver Ellsworth; so
that night soon came on and hid from our view the beautiful
dwellings which adorn both banks of the Connecticut.
However we could form some idea of their number by the
lights which appeared on the right and left, glittering like
stars amid the obscurity.
At day-break we emerged from the river into Long-Island
sound, commonly called the East River. We had Long-Island
on our left, and the state of New York on our right.—Whichever
way we turned, we beheld beautiful country
houses or farms, the mere aspect of which announced comfort
and abundance. Although the sun was but just risen
when I went on deck, I perceived a large number of ladies
at their windows, waiting for the vessel which they knew
was to bring back Lafayette, to New York. As soon as our
flag was perceived, it was saluted by the most animated
exclamations and signs of the warmest affection.
While breathing the fresh morning air, always more so
in the vicinity of the sea, and contemplating with pleasure,
the delightful harmony of a beautiful prospect, and a rich
and free industry, I was accosted by one of our travelling
companions, an old revolutionary soldier, who came with
us from Hartford, who said he could not sleep during the
night, so much was he excited by the pleasure of seeing his
general again. I asked him for some account of the most
remarkable dwellings, which were in view, and he replied
with much kindness, and in a way that led me to believe,
that he was familiar with the navigation of the sound.
When asked if he had occasionally visited Long-Island, he
replied, “Oh yes, certainly, and it is long since the first
time; it was in 1776, and without the courage and skill of
our worthy General Washington, it is probable that this
first visit to Long-Island would have also been my last, and
my bones would now rest in peace. It would have been a
84pity, however, as I should have missed the happiness I yesterday
enjoyed in shaking hands with one who has done so
much for the independence of my country,” and a tear of
gratitude and tenderness fell from his eyes. After some
moments of silence, emboldened by his frank and cordial
manners, I inquired in what manner his first visit occurred,
with which so many other recollections appeared to be
connected. He replied, by taking me by the arm, and
turning round towards Long-Island, which like a moving
panorama, was swiftly passing before our eyes, “in 1776,
I was no longer a child, as my bald head and white hairs
may show you, and served in the continental army; our
regiment made part of the forces destined to defend Long-Island.
On the 7th of August, the English and Hessians
to the number of about 24,000, protected by the guns of
their ships, landed upon the island. We had not more than
ten thousand troops, and were in such a position that the
greater part of these could not be brought into action.
The action was hot and our resistance obstinate, although
the enemy had every advantage over us in numbers, discipline
and experience.
“The attack of the English was conducted with intelligence
and bravery, but I dare say, if we were less skillful,
our courage was not undervalued by our adversaries. In
fact, we were soon surrounded, some were taken and the
rest dispersed, leaving the victory in the hands of the
enemy together with our two generals, Sullivan and Sterling.
We lost from 1000 to 1200 men, and the English
about as many.
“After this unfortunate engagement, we entrenched our
lines at Brooklyn, where we were not in safety; fatigued
and discouraged by our defeat, having in front of us, an
enemy of superior force, rendered daring by success, and
knowing that a numerous squadron was preparing to cut
off our retreat by entering the East river, we felt clearly,
that we could not escape complete destruction unless by
the aid of Providence, and the prudence of our commander-in-chief;
Washington resolved to withdraw us from this
dangerous position. Profiting by the darkness of the night,
he crossed the East river in person on the 29th of August,
and found us in our lines. His presence re-animated our
85hopes and courage; we relied with confidence on his direction,
and our retreat was effected with an address,
which alone would have sufficed to rank him among the
best generals. It is true that under these circumstances,
Providence vouchsafed us a striking evidence of its protection.
A thick fog enveloped Long-Island during the whole
night; so that our movements were completely concealed
from the enemy, although the atmosphere on the New York
side was brilliantly clear. We passed so near to the enemy,
that we could distinctly hear the labourers at work, preparing
for the attack of next morning. Before day-break,
our 9000 men, with their baggage, magazines, horses and
munitions of war, had crossed the river, where it is more
than a mile wide, and without losing a single man. An
hour after our arrival at New York, the fog dispersed as if
by enchantment, and permitted us to see the English entering
our lines with defiance, where not a single man was to
be found.”
During this recital of the old soldier, almost all our travelling
companions were collected on deck, grouped
around us, and the conversation soon became general. A
great deal was said of Long-Island, of the elegance and richness
of its country seats where the merchants of New York
go to seek repose and fresh air during the protracted heats
of summer. I learned that this isle, anciently called Matawack,[10]
by the Indians, its ancient inhabitants, is 140 miles
long, and its width varies from one to five miles. It is the
largest island existing between Cape Florida and Cape Sable.
The coast, which is washed by the Atlantic ocean, is
flat, sandy and indented by various bays. The greatest part
of its surface is level. The soil is composed of a blackish,
spongy earth, upon a basis of sand which absorbs the rain
and is little favorable to vegetation. Dr. Mitchill, the
learned translator of Cuvier’s theory of the earth, has remarked
that a bed of sea sand extends the whole length of
the island at the depth of from 30 to 50 feet, containing
clam and oyster shells, and that pieces of wood have also
been found in digging wells. A range of hills which traverse
the island from New Utrecht in the west, to the environs
86of South-hole in the east, is elevated at Harbour hill
more than 319 feet above the level of the sea. Notwithstanding
the unfavorable character of the soil, the finest orchard
of fruit trees is found on Long-Island, perhaps in all
America. It is cultivated by Mr. Prince, a skilful gardener
and orchardist, whose enlightened zeal renders great services
to his country, and who will without doubt, become
very serviceable to Europe, as his correspondence is already
much sought after.
It was about noon when we arrived at New York, General
Lafayette hoped to re-enter the city quietly, but the
streamers and flags of the Oliver Ellsworth betrayed his return;
and the Franklin ship of the line which was at anchor,
fired a salute of thirteen guns. This salute was a
signal to the citizens of New York, and when we landed at
Fulton wharf we found the population collected, as on the
first day of our arrival, who accompanied us with acclamations
to the City hotel, where we found our lodgings as we
had left them.
CHAPTER VI.
Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes of
the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by the
French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.
On his return to New York, General Lafayette was informed
that the society of Cincinnati intended to celebrate
the next day, 6th of September, the anniversary of
his birth, and he received an invitation to dine with them,
which he willingly accepted. About four o’clock in the
afternoon, a long file of venerable men arrived, marching
two and two, holding each other by the arm for the sake
of mutual support, which the weight of years rendered necessary.
They were preceded by a military band, with
which their tottering steps found it difficult to keep time.
We went down to meet them, and were received into their
87ranks; a decoration of the order of Cincinnatus which
had been worn by Washington, was attached to the button
hole of Lafayette, and we commenced our march for
the hotel where we were to dine. It was truly a touching
sight to behold these old soldiers, the glorious remains of
the war of Independence, conducting amongst them the
companion of Washington, the adopted son of America.
The crowd of people that filled the streets through which
we passed, showed by their serious and silent conduct the
respect which this procession inspired. The hall prepared
for the entertainment, was adorned with trophies of arms,
and with sixty banners bearing the names of the principal
heroes who died for liberty during the revolutionary war.
The repast was animated by the frank and cordial joy of
all these old soldiers, who were delighted at the recollection
of the dangers they had shared together. I had the
pleasure to be placed at table by the side of General Fish,
who at Yorktown commanded a battalion of intrepid militia,
which under the orders of Lafayette, entered the English
entrenchments with charged bayonets. He was kind
enough to relate to me the details of this glorious action,
and indeed of the whole campaign. The vivacity of his
recital, which made me forget his seventy years, and the
interesting traits of patriotism which were mingled with it,
inspired a very lively interest. “I am well aware,” said
he, in terminating, “that this campaign of Virginia, cannot
be compared to your campaigns of Germany or Italy; neither
were our fatigues and privations equal to your disasters
on the retreat from Moscow.” “Neither,” added I,
“can your results be compared with ours; you have won
happiness and liberty, and we have riveted our chains and
those of all Europe.” This melancholy reflection, poisoned
for an instant the pleasure I enjoyed at this feast of patriotism
and gratitude.
Towards the conclusion of the repast, a curtain was suddenly
drawn at the end of the hall, and a grand transparency
shown, exhibiting Washington and Lafayette holding
each other by the hand, before the altar of liberty, and receiving
a civic wreath from the hands of America. This
sight caused new transports of joy among the company, the
expression of which was only interrupted for a moment by
the strong voice of General Swartwout, who suddenly began
88to read the order of the day at York-town, on the 17th
of October, 1781.
Head Quarters, before York, Oct. 15th, 1781.
The Marquis de Lafayette’s division will mount the
trenches to-morrow.
The commander in chief congratulates the allied army
on the success of the enterprize last evening, against the
two important redoubts on the left of the enemy’s work.
He requests the Baron Viomenil who commanded the
French grenadiers, and the Marquis de Lafayette, who commanded
the American light infantry, to accept his warmest
acknowledgments, for the excellency of their disposition,
and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion; and he
begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer,
and to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit
and rapidity with which they advanced to the points of attack
assigned them, and for the admirable firmness, with
which they supported themselves under the fire of the enemy,
without returning a shot.
The general reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence
which the troops of the two nations must have hereafter
in each other; assured of mutual support, he is convinced
there is no danger, which they will not cheerfully
encounter, no difficulties which they will not bravely overcome.
Prolonged applauses followed the reading of this order,
and the hall was shaken by three cheers, when the company
were soon brought back to sentiments of a different nature,
by the plaintive voice of General Lamb, who sung a
ballet composed in 1792, during the imprisonment of Lafayette
in the Austrian dungeons, and which was then very
popular in America.
As beside his cheerful fire,
’Midst his happy family,
Sat a venerable Sire,
Tears were starting in his eye—
Selfish blessings were forgot,
While he thought on Fayette’s lot—
Once so happy on our plains,
Now in poverty and chains.
89Fayette! cried he, honour’d name;
Dear to these far distant shores,
Fayette, fir’d by Freedom’s flame,
Bled to make that freedom ours.
What, alas! for thee remains;
What but poverty and chains?
Soldiers! in the field of death
Was not Fayette foremost there?
Cold and shiv’ring on the heath,
Did ye not his bounty share?
What for this your friend remains;
What but poverty and chains?
Born to honour, ease and wealth,
See him sacrifice them all;
Sacrificing even health
At our country’s glorious call;
What reward for this remains;
What but poverty and chains?
Thus, with laurels on his brow,
Belisarius begged for bread:
Thus from Carthage forc’d to go,
Hannibal an exile fled.
Fayette now at once sustains
Exile, poverty and chains.
Courage, child of Washington,
Though thy fate disastrous seems;
We have seen the setting sun,
Rise, and burn with brighter beams.
Thy country soon shall break thy chain
And take thee to her arms again.
Soon after, the lateness of the hour, and the necessity of
terminating the fatigues resulting from the variety of emotions
we had experienced during this festival, caused us to
separate. Returning to the City Hotel, I recollected how
often I had heard the order of Cincinnatus mentioned in
Europe, and attacked by some persons with violence as
tending to destroy republican equality; and quoted by
others to justify the orders of knighthood, or privileged orders
of European monarchies. However, what I had seen
since my arrival in the United States, did not show the existence
of any order created or tolerated by the laws, and
destructive equality; but to dissipate all doubt on the subject,
I made inquiries next morning of one of our friends,
with whom we had dined, who called to visit General Lafayette.
He presented me a small pamphlet containing an
90account of the origin and regulations of the Society of Cincinnati.
A perusal of this pamphlet convinced me that the
character of this society had been ignorantly or maliciously
misrepresented in Europe, and that it is no more a privileged
society in the United States than the Benevolent Society
of Paris, or the Bible Society of England. The Society
of Cincinnati is nothing more than a voluntary association
of the ancient officers of the revolutionary army, united
with the double object of perpetuating the memory of their
patriotic labours, and for the aid of such members as age
and infirmities may render necessitous; as to the ribband
and badge worn by the society, it is only regarded as an
ornament which the members wear exclusively on public
occasions, and not as a decoration authorized or sanctioned
by the government.
The Society of Cincinnati has nothing in it dangerous to
equality, since it possesses no privilege. However, from all
parts of the union, accusations were made that the founders
of the society wished, under the guise of benevolence, and
patriotic recollections, to sow the seed of a hereditary nobility.
It is difficult to determine at present whether the
founders, or at least some among them had, or had not some
such prospective view in making the proposition; but it is
certain, that the article of the regulations allowing the sons
to succeed the father, were very capable of giving offence
to republicans as jealous of equality as the Americans.
Every one attacked with vivacity, the absurd principle of
hereditary transmission, which found enemies throughout
the country. Among the writings which appeared at the
time on the subject, a letter of Franklin, addressed to his
daughter, who had sent to him in France the papers announcing
the formation of the society, which has all the
piquancy and originality of that author, placed this matter
in a very ridiculous light, and contains such conclusive, and
at the same time, such pleasant arguments against hereditary
nobility, that no one can read it without being convinced.[11]
The sentiments of Franklin, and the opinion of the public,
did not prevent the formation of the Society of Cincinnati,
but reduced it to its just value; that is, every one became
91accustomed to regard this corps merely as a benevolent
association, and with pleasure paid a tribute of respect
to the members, who had acquired a right thereto by their
former services, and personal character. But the aristocratic
principle of hereditary succession was so much ridiculed
that few sons ventured to succeed their fathers in the
society, and in some states they are no longer admitted.
After our return to the city, our time was principally
occupied in the examination of the public works and forts,
which protect the port and bay of New York. The most
remarkable among them is fort Lafayette, situated at the
narrows, near the point of Long Island; its fire readily
crosses with that from the opposite fort on Staten Island.
The garrison officers belonging to a detachment of the regular
army of the United States, gave the general a very
cordial reception, and pointed out all the interesting particulars
of the fort, which has the advantage of being bomb
proof, without being exposed to the inconvenience of the
cannon smoke, which finds free exit by open galleries into
the interior of the yard. The rain which fell abundantly
prevented us from examining the other forts with much attention.
Of all the public schools we visited, that which inspired
the most lively interest was the Free School for young Africans,
founded and directed by the Abolition Society. The
general was accompanied in this school as he had been in
all the others by a great number of ladies, who all pay assiduous
attention to establishments of this sort. He was
there informed he had been unanimously elected member
of the society, at the same time with Granville Sharpe, and
Thomas Clarkson. This election agreed well with his character
and declared opinions relative to negro slavery, and
appeared to excite in him considerable feeling. Immediately
afterwards a black child advanced and said with vivacity,
“You see, General, these hundreds of poor African
children before you; they participate with the white children
in the blessings of education: like them they learn to
cherish the recollection of the services you have rendered
to America, and moreover they revere in you an ardent
friend to the emancipation of our race, and a worthy member
of the society to which we owe so much gratitude.”
It would be tedious and difficult for me to give exact details
92concerning all the benevolent establishments we visited
in the city of New York. They are very numerous and
as each of them has been erected by an association or voluntary
union of individuals, it would require a particular
history of each to make them properly known. In general
we may say that all these establishments are under the protection,
and not under the influence of the law. The majority
of the active offices are discharged by persons who
receive neither perquisites nor salaries, but regard their appointments
as honorable testimonials of public esteem, and
they discharge their duties with a zeal and probity which
justifies it. Only the inferior officers, whose time is altogether
employed, commonly receive salaries. Most of
these establishments are founded by societies or by legacies;
and supported either by public subscriptions or by appropriations
of the government. Thus for example, in examining
the books of the Orphan Asylum, founded in 1806, we
discovered that this establishment in the course of the year
1822, received from the legislature of the state five hundred
dollars; two hundred and eighty-seven dollars as a
part of the funds allowed to the public schools by the state;
fourteen hundred and thirty dollars from private subscriptions;
five thousand dollars, a legacy from Jacob Sherred;
twenty-five dollars, the interest of a legacy from Mrs. Mary
Williams; 390 dollars from anonymous donors; 17,000
dollars from the Magdalen Society; nineteen dollars for
work done by the children, &c. &c. and a host of private
donations, such as books, shoes, cloth, buttons, &c. &c.
Whatever may be the nature and value of the donations,
they are received and scrupulously registered along with
the names of the donors. By the aid of these supplies judiciously
directed, this house has received from 1806 to 1822,
and educated 440 children, of which 243 are already established
advantageously in society.
In the alms-house there are more than 1000 individuals
of both sexes and all ages.
The great hospital of New York may contain nearly two
thousand patients. The insane, although under the same
superintendence, are kept in a separate building.
In all these institutions, we were struck with the neatness
of the chambers, the whiteness of the linen, the good
quality of the food, and especially with the mild and kind
93treatment of the superintendents towards the persons under
their charge. It was easy to perceive that the directors are
encouraged by something more precious than emoluments,
public esteem.
The persons who accompanied us, and appeared to be
well informed, assured us that there were more than forty
charitable and philanthropic societies in New York, whose
continued zeal contributed much to the support of all the
establishments we had visited, as well as to the relief of
private misfortunes.
After visiting the Academy of Arts, where among a great
quantity of casts, engravings and paintings, there is nothing
very remarkable except a collection of paintings by Trumbull,
and a collection of engravings presented to the Academy
by the emperor Napoleon, we went to the public
library. It contains more than 20,000 volumes, well selected
and in good order. The library is open every day except
Sunday; none but stockholders can take out the books;
the number of stockholders is about five hundred.
During our stay at New York we several times visited
the two theatres, of which it would be difficult for me to
give any opinion, because every time that Lafayette appeared
there, he became so much the object of public attention,
and the tumult caused by the expression of the pleasure
of the spectators was so great that it was impossible for
the actors to continue their parts; they were only allowed
to sing some verses in honour of the Companion of Washington,
the Captive of Olmutz, or the Guest of the Nation.
Some persons of taste that I questioned informed me that
the stock pieces of these theatres were from England, and
generally but poorly selected, and that their companies of
actors were usually feeble. These two houses are evidently
too small for so numerous a population, and their construction
does not correspond either to the beauty or
wealth of the city of New York.[12] The rational answer of
the citizen to this, is, that before thinking of luxury and
pleasure, it is necessary to take care for useful things, and
that they should be very much humiliated if strangers were
94not more struck with the commodiousness and beauty of
their works of public utility than with the elegance of their
theatres.
On the 9th we attended a concert of sacred music given
in St. Paul’s Church, where the general was received with
the Marseilles’ Hymn. The number and elegance of the
ladies was very remarkable. The different pieces we heard
were executed with an effect which we had not previously
heard from any of the choirs or orchestras in the United
States; for it must be allowed that music is still in its
infancy in this country. The causes are sufficiently obvious;
on the one hand the English language is but slightly musical,
on the other the Americans have not yet time to devote
to the merely pleasing arts.—They have no school of music;[13]
there are some European artists, who endeavour to diffuse
a taste for the science, but these generally find access solely
to the very rich families, which are almost as rare as the
artists themselves.
After leaving St. Paul’s church, we visited the park in
front of the City Hall, where the firemen were drawn up
in line, and the General reviewed them. After reviewing
this new species of militia, but not less useful than that which
is called to the defence of the territory, they defiled with
as much order as a division of artillery. We saw thus pass
before us forty-six engines, each drawn and escorted by a
company of about thirty men, led by a captain with a speaking
trumpet. Each engine bore a standard and the emblems
of the company. Many of these standards were adorned
with portraits of men whose names are dear to the
people. The equestrian portraits of Washington and Lafayette
were peculiarly conspicuous. After all the engines
had defiled we ascended to the balcony of the City Hall,
95the general was addressed by the commander-in-chief of
the Firemen, and we next saw the manœuvres with the
engines. They were all formed into a circle around a pyramid
erected of the ladders and firehooks. At the top of
this pyramid was placed a small house filled with combustible
materials; it was set on fire, and on a signal being given,
all the engines were worked at the same time with so much
accuracy of aim that the whole was extinguished in two
minutes. In all thus meeting at the same point, the spouts
of water formed a most beautiful liquid dome, adorned with
the colours of the rainbow.
On the 10th, we were engaged to dine with Colonel Fish;
we were about to go there at four o’clock, when on going
out, we found the 9th regiment of artillery drawn up before
the hotel to escort Lafayette to the house of his friend.
At the moment the general appeared, Colonel Muir commanding
the regiment, advanced and presented him in the
name of his comrades, a richly wrought sword, all the parts
of which had been manufactured in New York. In expressing
his thanks, General Lafayette said, “it is with pleasure
and gratitude I receive this precious present from a
corps of citizen soldiers, each of whom knows that steel
was given to men to defend liberty, where it exists, and to
gain it, where it has been destroyed by crowned and privileged
usurpers.” This answer was received with loud
applause, and the general was escorted by the regiment and
a numerous concourse of citizens to the house of Colonel
Fish. The day was terminated by some beautiful fire-works
in honour of Lafayette.
The next day the general and his son were present at a
masonic celebration of the Knights Templars, who admitted
them to their lodge, and conferred upon them the highest
honours, of which they presented them the richly wrought
badges. In the evening, we dined with the French residents
of New York, who wished to celebrate the 47th anniversary
of the battle of Brandywine. The dinner was
prepared at Washington Hall, and this patriotic and family
festival was marked by a character both happy and original;
many Americans, who were present, were struck with
astonishment. Upon the very broad table a plan of the grand
canal, in relief, was exhibited, which traversing the state
of New York, unites Lake Erie with the Atlantic. This
96novel sort of chart occupied a length of sixty feet upon the
table, where it was hollowed out of the thickness of the
wood, and lined with lead; an extremely limpid water filled
the canal, which was bordered with green sod, imitating
meadows, in the midst of which were models of houses,
trees and animals. Bridges beautifully crossing the stream,
and masses of rock under which the canal passed, and forests
through which it wound along, all combined to complete
this unique masterpiece of topography. Over the centre
of the table was a large sun in continual rotation. Allegorical
pictures, full length portraits of Washington and Lafayette,
and trophies of French and American flags, completed
the decorations. Mr. Monneron presided over the
entertainment. After dinner, which was animated with a
frank and cordial joy, a great number of toasts were drank,
all impressed with that character of energetic patriotism
which distinguishes every thing said or done in a truly free
country. I cannot resist the desire to insert some of them
here.
By the committee. “The United States; their national
welfare is imperishable; it is founded upon religion, industry,
and liberty.”
By the President. “General Lafayette; we are proud that
he is a Frenchman.” And he added, “Gentlemen, in the
fourteenth century the Lafayettes of Auvergne, already
ameliorated the condition of what were at that period called
vassals.
“In the fifteenth century Marshal Lafayette drove the
enemies of France from her territory.
“In the sixteenth Mademoiselle Lafayette was the model
of beauty, virtue and charity.
“In the seventeenth century Madam Lafayette composed
works which will descend to the remotest posterity.
“In the eighteenth century, General Lafayette was born,
the enemy of tyranny, and passionate lover of liberty.
“During his youth, he came to support and defend the
cradle of liberty in the United States.
“At a more advanced age, he appeared at the public
bar, and spoke for liberty in Europe, as he knew how to
defend it in America.
“From the tribune he entered into the ranks of the defenders
of the country. I have seen him amidst the revolutionary
97dangers; his genius and coolness never abandoned
him: prompt to conceive, ardent to execute, he always
fought for true liberty.
“I am an ocular and faithful historian. Behold these
trophies, these flags and standards, upon all of them is written,
Liberty! Victory! Lafayette.”
To this toast the general replied by the following, “To the
memory of the French who died in the cause of true liberty,
from 1789 to the present day. Their manes demand of us,
that so many sacrifices should not be lost to the country.”
By M. Diaz. “The memory of Riego and the other
martyrs of liberty.—Crime, not the scaffold, brings disgrace.”
By Mr. Chevrolet. “France as I wish her to be; without
factious conspiracies, without corrupt ministers, without
mercenary accusers, and without that slow oppression
which silently undermine their energy and vigour.”
Some stanzas to Lafayette, full of grace, harmony and
patriotism, the composition of Mr. Pillet, read by Mr. Chegaray,
completed the enthusiasm of the guests, who separated
with cries, “Long live liberty! Long live Lafayette.”
During many weeks, preparations were made in the city
of New York for a magnificent festival, which should surpass
in taste and splendor any thing hitherto done in honor
of Lafayette. The place chosen for the occasion was
the circular fort, about six hundred feet in circumference,
called Castle Garden, built formerly for the defence of New
York, upon a mole in front of the Battery, now devoted to
public amusements. A bridge of three hundred feet long
joins the fort to the battery. We were to quit New York
on the 14th to make an excursion up the Hudson, and the
ball at Castle Garden took place on the 13th.—We went
there in the evening by the light of an illumination, we
found the bridge covered with rich carpets from one end to
the other, and on each side bordered with a line of beautiful
green trees. In the middle of the bridge arose a pyramid
sixty-five feet high, illuminated with coloured lamps,
surmounted by a brilliant star in the centre of which blazed
the name of Lafayette. Notwithstanding the magnificence
of the entry, our surprize and admiration were strongly
augmented on entering the circle of the fort. The hall,
about six hundred feet in circumference, around which was
98a vast amphitheatre, containing nearly six thousand persons.
An arch formed of the flags of all nations mingled with symmetry
and elegance, was supported in the centre by a column
sixty feet high. Over the principal entrance was a
triumphal arch of flowers, surmounted by a colossal statue
of Washington, resting upon two pieces of cannon. In the
centre stood the genius of America, having on a shield these
words, “To the Nation’s Guest.” In front of the gate
raised upon a platform was a richly decorated marquee,
ornamented with a bust of Hamilton; in front were
two pieces of cannon taken at York-town. The marquee
was intended for Lafayette. Around the hall thirteen columns,
bore the arms of the first states of the confederation.
This space was illuminated by a thousand torches, the brilliance
of which was reflected by numerous stands of arms.
When the general appeared, the air “See the conquering
hero comes,” was played, and murmurs of approbation
and respect accompanied him to his seat. At the
same instant, the cloths which surrounded and enclosed
the hall, were as rapidly raised as a theatrical scene, and
the interior became visible to the eyes of the crowd, who
had collected in boats about the battery, waiting for this
moment. The pure and brilliant moon shone on the harbor,
upon which batteaux and steam-boats were plying in
every direction. A few minutes after the general was seated
under the rich pavilion that had been prepared for him,
a grand transparency was suddenly uncovered in front of
him, and presented an exact picture of his residence at Lagrange,
with its large ditches and fine gothic towers: having
the following inscription below it, “Here is his home.”
Lafayette was very much touched with this delicate idea
of his friends, who wished to give to their entertainment,
by the presence of this picture the character of a family
festival. Several times during the evening, dances were
attempted, but every time the general moved a step to approach
them, the dancers broke off and came to group
themselves around him. Time flew swiftly in this delightful
assembly, and we were surprized at two o’clock to hear
the signal for our departure. The steam-boat that was to convey
us to Albany, approached the battery to receive us as
we left the ball. We embarked with the committee which
was to accompany the general, and a great number of ladies
99and citizens who were unwilling to separate from us. The
boat received as many of them as possible. We parted on
board with captain Allyn, of the Cadmus, who was to convey
letters to our friends in France, and in spite of the
darkness which succeeded to the setting of the moon, we
got under weigh. We soon lost sight of Castle Garden,
and instead of the joyous sounds of music, we heard nothing
but the monotonous noise of the steam machinery
struggling against the rapid waves of the Hudson.
CHAPTER VII.
Voyage upon the Hudson: Treason of Arnold: Military School at West
Point: Newburgh: Poughkeepsie: Clermont: Catskill: Hudson: Albany:
Troy: Return to New York.
The steam-boat James Kent, in which we were embarked,
had been prepared for this trip with the greatest
care by the committee appointed by the city of New York
to accompany general Lafayette; but as it had not been
foreseen that so many ladies designed to be of the party,
it happened that the greater part of the men were obliged
to sleep upon deck, although the steam-boat contained more
than eighty beds. For ourselves we in vain sought repose
in a very pretty state-room, which we occupied in common
with general Lewis and colonel Fish. The sound of cannon
which every few minutes announced our passage by
some village, and the noise of our crew, who were endeavouring
to push the boat off an oyster bank, upon which
she had grounded during the darkness, prevented us from
sleeping; at the first dawn of day, we went upon deck to
enjoy the view of the majestic banks of the Hudson. In
fact, nothing can be more imposing than the aspect of these
high mountains, which, covered with wood, or displaying
their naked rocks, border the river almost throughout its
length. On entering, for the first time, into the pass of the
highlands, one feels almost disposed to share the superstitious
terror of the Indians, and one understands how that
100phantoms and their sinister sighings have for a long time
exercised their empire, even upon the first Europeans who
inhabited these situations, where nature only shows herself
under strange forms, and in sombre colours. To the
man who delights in the recollection of the robberies of the
middle ages, and loves to contemplate the ruins of old
Donjon’s ancient refuges of fierce feudalities, nothing without
doubt is comparable to the banks of the Rhine; but
for one who prefers nature still virgin and wild, there is
nothing so beautiful as the banks of the Hudson. This
river has its source in the highest country between lakes
Ontario and Champlain, and divides the state of New York
from north to south for the length of 250 miles: it is navigable
for sloops of 24 tons, as far as Albany, 160 miles
from its mouth, and larger vessels can ascend as far as the
village of Hudson, at the distance of 132 miles from New
York. It would be difficult, I believe, to enumerate the
boats of all sorts and sizes which carry on the trade between
Albany and New York; the river is continually covered
with them, and you can rarely sail for a quarter of
an hour without meeting with a long succession of them.
The tide rises a few miles above Albany, where it is twelve
hours later than at New York. The water is salt for fifty
miles above Albany, where the rise of the tide is commonly
one foot. At Pellpel’s islands, north of the highlands,
it is about four feet, and at Kinderhook, situated
twenty-two miles south of Albany, three feet.
Notwithstanding the current, and contrary movement of
the tide, we advanced ten miles an hour. A group of old
revolutionary soldiers gathered around Lafayette on the
deck, and were pleased to repeat the details of events,
which were awakened in their minds by every point on the
banks. We had passed Tarrytown, and at the view of this
modest village, the old soldier-citizens pronounced with respect
the names of the three militia men, John Paulding,
David Williams, and Isaac Van Wert, who have immortalized
themselves as much by their noble disinterestedness,
as for the service they rendered to their country and
liberty in arresting Major André. Stony Point and fort
Lafayette, where Washington, by the judicious choice of
a good position, had broken the communications of the
English army, were far behind us, and our captain informed
101us we should soon see West Point, when I remarked that
the regards of our travelling companions were sadly turned
towards a house which stood alone, not far from the bank,
to which the foot of the mountain was gently inclined. I
soon heard the word traitor coupled with the name of Arnold;
and this house, which excited so much indignation,
was actually the one in which the infamous Arnold trafficked
for the blood of his companions in arms, and for the
subjugation of his country. The history of Arnold teaches
a great lesson; it proves once more, the importance, in a
well organized government, of not trusting offices to any
but men of acknowledged morality. In a captain as in a
magistrate, courage or talent without probity are dangerous
qualities, which cannot be employed without exposure to
great risks.
Arnold was born in Connecticut, but nature appears to
have denied him the virtues which so strongly characterize
the inhabitants of that state; however, from the commencement
he embraced the sacred cause of his country
with ardour. His military talent, courage in battle, resignation
and patience under fatigues and privations, and especially
his brilliant services during the Canadian expedition,
had gained him great reputation in the army, and the
confidence of Congress, which did not think it too high a
recompence to raise him to the rank of a major general.
He was wounded before Quebec, and was not yet entirely
recovered from his wounds, when the city of Philadelphia
was entrusted to him, after it was evacuated by the British
in 1778.
Unfortunately, Arnold, along with the bravery he had
shown before the enemy, had nothing of that firmness of
principle, and rectitude of judgment, which alone could
have enabled him to resist the numerous seductions which
necessarily surrounded him in the brilliant situation he now
held. Urged on by pride and a ridiculous vanity, and forgetting
his want of the resources of a large personal fortune,
he launched into all the unnecessary expenses of a
sumptuous table and luxurious train. He soon contracted
debts beyond his revenue; in the hope of liquidating which
he entered into speculations which his official duties forbade,
and which had most disastrous results. Pushed by
the demands of his creditors, he sought relief by embezzlement
102of public money; but the investigation of
a committee of Congress discovered a considerable deficit
in his accounts, many citizens of Philadelphia complained
of his numerous exactions, and the government of Pennsylvania
accused him of still more grievous offences. Finally,
in the month of June 1778, Congress arrested and
tried him by a court martial, which found him guilty, and
condemned him to be reprimanded by the commander in
chief. This sentence was approved by Congress, and carried
into effect in the beginning of 1779. Furious at being thus
struck at the same time by the law and public opinion,
Arnold made bitter complaints against what he called the
ingratitude of his fellow-citizens, and swore to be revenged.
Great importance was at that time attached to the fortress
of West Point, for the preservation of which the
American army had manœuvred a long time, and frequently
fought. This position was regarded as the key of communication
between the eastern and southern states. In fact,
its situation upon the brow of one of the highest mountains
on the right bank of the Hudson, and its double row
of batteries and redoubts, planned by the most skilful engineers,
made an excellent defensive post, the occupation
of which gave great influence over the state of New York.
Arnold was not ignorant of this, and cast his eyes upon
this important point to wreak his vengeance. By force of
intrigue and importunities, he obtained the command of
West Point, at the moment he wrote to the English colonel,
Robinson, that he abjured his revolutionary principles,
and sincerely desired to regain the esteem of the king, by
a striking proof of his penitence. This letter opened between
him and sir Henry Clinton an active correspondence
conducted with great secrecy. The principal object of this
correspondence was to decide upon the means of throwing
the fortress of West Point as speedily as possible into the
hands of the English. To conduct this intrigue with greater
certainty, the English general selected one of his aids, major
André, a young man equally distinguished by his amiable
qualities and military talents, who had already acquired
an excellent reputation among his companions in arms. A
sloop of war named the Vulture, carried up the Hudson
as far as the King’s ferry, twelve miles below West Point:
from this place his communications with Arnold became
103more frequent and easy, but for a fuller understanding, it
was indispensable that they should have an interview,
which Arnold insisted upon: André at first refused, either
because he felt a repugnance at finding himself in contact
with a traitor, or because he deemed it unworthy of a loyal
officer to penetrate an enemy’s lines under a name and
dress not his own. However, urged by a desire of answering
the confidence of his general, he finally accepted
the rendezvous, which had been proposed for the night at
the house of one Joshua Smith, who was reputed to belong
secretly to the English party. Smith himself came in
search of major André during the night of the 21st of September,
and brought him on shore in a boat rowed by his
own servants. André was received by Arnold on the bank,
and conducted to the house of Smith, where he remained
concealed until the next night. The conference being terminated,
and the plans definitively settled, André wished
to profit by the darkness of the night to retire; but on
coming to the shore, he found that the Vulture had been
obliged to haul off, to avoid the fire of a battery with which
she was threatened; the boatmen who had brought him on
shore, refused to carry him to the sloop of war, and he
was obliged to decide upon returning to New York by
land. To hasten his march, Smith furnished him with a
horse, and to render it secure, Arnold gave him a passport,
under the name of John Anderson, charged with public
service. This passport served him to get successfully
through the American lines, and arrive at Crompond, where
Smith, who had accompanied him, took leave, after giving
him directions for continuing his journey. He was approaching
the English lines near Tarrytown, when suddenly
a militia man, who was patrolling between the two
armies with two others, his comrades, rushed from behind
a bush, and seized his horse by the bridle. This sudden
arrest deprived André of his wonted presence of mind,
and instead of presenting his passport, he asked the militia
men, “to which side do you belong?” “to below,”
was the reply; (the English army which occupied New
York was thus designated;) “and so do I,” imprudently
answered André. Scarcely had he uttered this fatal avowal,
when the arrival of the two other militia men revealed to
104him his error and danger. He thought to remedy the one
and escape the other, by offering to his captors a purse full
of gold, his very valuable watch, and by promising them,
if they would let him go, great wealth, and the protection
of the English government. The more brilliant the rewards
he promised, the more were the three militia men
persuaded that his arrest would be serviceable to the cause
of independence, and they rejected his offers with disdain,
declaring that though they were very poor, all the gold
upon earth would not tempt them to forego their duty, and
they immediately commenced a rigorous search of their
unfortunate prisoner, to discover if he conveyed any papers
capable of explaining his real character. Their suspicions
were confirmed by finding in his boots exact plans
of the approaches and defences of West Point, and many
other details in Arnold’s hand writing, confirmed their suspicions:
they conveyed him to lieutenant colonel Jamieson,
who commanded the outposts. André, without doubt,
intending to let Arnold know that he must take care of his
own safety, demanded that Arnold should be immediately
informed of the arrest of his officer Anderson, on the way
to New York. On the receipt of this news the traitor fled,
and sought the recompence of his infamy in the ranks of
the British army.
Major André declared himself a British officer as soon
as he thought Arnold was in safety. The immediate return
of general Washington, hastened the formation of a
court martial, of which general Greene was president, and
general Lafayette and Baron Steuben, were among the
members. André appeared before this tribunal under the
terrible accusation of being a spy. His judges treated him
with great deference and lenity, and he was informed from
the beginning of his trial, that he need not answer any
question which could wound his conscience. But the
young unfortunate, more jealous of his honour than of his
life, freely avowed his projects, and exposed his conduct
without concealment, taking no other pains than to exculpate
those who had aided his enterprise. His courage
deeply affected his judges, who could scarcely conceal
their emotion in signing his condemnation. For himself
he awaited his fate with resignation. His last moments
105were worthy of his noble character; the following
details of which are given by an eye-witness, Dr.
Thacher.[14]
Extract from Thacher’s Journal.
“October 2d.—Major André is no more among the living.
I have just witnessed his exit. It was a tragical scene of
the deepest interest. During his confinement and trial, he
exhibited those proud and elevated sensibilities which designate
greatness and dignity of mind. Not a murmur nor
a sigh ever escaped him, and the civilities and attentions
bestowed on him were politely acknowledged. Having
left a mother and two sisters in England, he was heard to
mention them in terms of the tenderest affection, and in
his letter to Sir Henry Clinton, he recommends them to
his particular attention.
“The principal guard officer who was constantly in the
room with the prisoner, relates that when the hour of his
execution was announced to him in the morning, he received
it without emotion, and while all present were affected
with silent gloom, he retained a firm countenance,
with calmness and composure of mind. Observing his
servant enter the room in tears, he exclaimed, “leave me
till you can show yourself more manly.” His breakfast
being sent to him from the table of general Washington,
which had been done every day of his confinement, he
partook of it as usual, and having shaved and dressed himself,
he placed his hat on the table and cheerfully said to
the guard officers, “I am ready at any moment, gentlemen,
to wait on you.” The fatal hour having arrived, a large
detachment of troops was paraded, and an immense concourse
of people assembled; almost all our general and
field officers, excepting his excellency and his staff, were
present on horseback; melancholy and gloom pervaded
all ranks, and the scene was affectingly awful. I was so
near during the solemn march to the fatal spot, as to observe
every movement, and to participate in every emotion
which the melancholy scene was calculated to produce.
Major André walked from the stone house, in which
106he had been confined, between two of our subaltern officers,
arm-in-arm; the eyes of the immense multitude were
fixed on him, who, rising superior to the fears of death,
appeared as if conscious of the dignified conduct he displayed.
He betrayed no want of fortitude, but retained a
complacent smile on his countenance, and politely bowed
to several gentlemen whom he knew, which was respectfully
returned. It was his earnest desire to be shot, as being
the mode of death most conformable to the feelings of a
military man, and he had indulged the hope that his request
would be granted. At the moment therefore, when
suddenly he came in view of the gallows, he involuntarily
started backwards, and made a pause. “Why this emotion,
sir,” said an officer by his side. Instantly recovering his
composure, he said, “I am reconciled to my death, but I
detest the mode.” While waiting and standing near the
gallows, I observed some degree of trepidation; placing
his foot on a stone, and rolling it over and choking in his
throat as if attempting to swallow. So soon, however, as
he perceived that things were in readiness, he stepped
quickly into the wagon, and at this moment he appeared
to shrink, but instantly elevating his head with firmness,
he said, “It will be but a momentary pang,” and taking
from his pocket, two white handkerchiefs, the provost
marshal with one loosely pinioned his arms, and with the
other, the prisoner, after taking off his hat and stock, bandaged
his own eyes with perfect firmness, which melted
the hearts and moistened the cheeks, not only of his servant
but of the throng of spectators. The rope being appended
to the gallows, he slipped the noose over his head,
and adjusted it to his neck, without the assistance of the
awkward executioner. Colonel Scammel now informed
him that he had an opportunity to speak, if he desired it;
he raised the handkerchief from his eyes and said, “I pray
you to bear me witness that I meet my fate like a brave
man.” The wagon being now removed from under him,
he was suspended and immediately expired; it proved indeed,
“but a momentary pang.” He was dressed in his
royal regimentals and boots, and his remains in the same
dress, were placed in an ordinary coffin, and interred at
the foot of the gallows. Thus died in the bloom of life,
the accomplished major André, the pride of the royal army,
107and the valued friend of Sir Henry Clinton.” [Thacher’s
Military Journal, 1780, p. 272, &c.]
Some time after Arnold fled from West Point, and when
he had already signalized himself by the ferocity with which
he tore the bosom of his country by all the horrors of war,
an American grenadier was brought into his presence who
had been taken prisoner in a skirmish. Arnold recognized
him as having served under his orders at West Point, and
interrogated him upon the impression his flight had produced
upon the garrison. The bold grenadier answered
him with frankness, and did not in the least disguise the
general indignation. “What would they have done, had
they taken me?” “We should have buried your leg
wounded before Quebec with honour, and have hung the
rest of your body upon the gibbet.”
While the different groups upon our deck still execrated
the memory of Arnold, and pitied the unfortunate André,
the thunder of cannon a thousand times repeated by the
echoes of Hudson announced our arrival at West Point.
We were rapidly carried on shore in the boats. General
Lafayette was received by major Thayer, commandant of
the establishment, and by generals Brown and Scott, accompanied
by their staff. Lafayette was placed in an open
carriage, accompanied by the widow of Colonel Hamilton,
and followed by a long column of ladies who had come
with Mrs. H., and a numerous population which had collected
to receive him: they slowly ascended the road
which conducted them to the military academy. During
this march, two pieces of cannon placed on the summit of
a rock far above our heads, kept up an incessant roaring.
When we reached the plain upon which the buildings of
the institution stand, we found the cadets drawn up in line.
The general immediately passed them in review, and they
manœuvred before him. After their evolutions were completed,
they performed the honours of the entertainment
they had prepared for him, with the most kind solicitude.
West Point appears to me to be well chosen for a military
school. It is upon a very beautiful plain, elevated
upon the right bank of the Hudson, and crowned by other
high mountains, upon the summit of which, the ruins of old
Fort Putnam may still be perceived. Its separation from
108the large cities, the silence of the forest, and the aspect of
nature at once so imposing and beautiful, all appear to invite
to meditation and study.
The pupils are two hundred in number: vacant places
are at the disposal of the President of the United States.
To be admitted, the candidate must not be younger than
fourteen, nor older than twenty-one; must know how to
read, write and cypher, and must sign with his parent or
guardian an engagement to serve during five years, unless
dismissed previous to the expiration of that time. The
cadets are taught natural and experimental philosophy,
mathematics, chemistry and mineralogy, drawing, fortification,
strategy, fencing, and the French language. All the
expenses of the institution are paid out of the national treasury.
Every cadet receives a pay of six dollars a month,
and two rations a day. They are formed into companies,
and all do duty as privates or sub-officers, and live in camp
during three months of the year in order to learn camp duty.
At the conclusion of their term they are commissioned in
the different corps of the army when vacancies occur; but
most of them return again to civil life. Government rarely
refuses them this privilege when it is asked, because its
object is not so much to have a nursery of soldiers in this
establishment, as to form citizens capable of filling, when
necessary, the first offices in the militia service, which is
thus annually enriched by a number of instructed young
officers.
We had the pleasure of finding among the professors,
three of our countrymen, Messrs. Berard, Ducommun and
Gimbrede, who took great pleasure in answering our inquiries,
and who appeared to stand high in the estimation of
the officers and pupils of the institution.
At six P. M., we returned to the shore to embark. A
great number of our travelling companions, but particularly
the ladies finding it impossible to remain longer so much
crowded together in the James Kent, left us to go on board
another steam-boat which was returning to New York, and
we continued on our journey with the kind and amiable
members of the New York committee appointed to accompany
the general.
At 7 o’clock we arrived at Newburgh; we should have
arrived there at 3 o’clock, but for our accident upon the
109oyster bank, and thirty thousand persons waited on the
shore with the greatest impatience for the arrival of the
Nation’s Guest. The tables had been set from the morning.
In fact it was easy to perceive this, for our reception
here was more tumultuous than any we had yet witnessed.
But even this fermentation furnished us with an opportunity
to judge of the influence of the magistrates over the
people, who even in moments of excitement never lose
that respect which citizens owe the laws to which they
have freely consented. After a rapid passage by torch
light through the streets of Newburgh, in an open carriage,
we stopped at the Orange hotel, where we were to dine with
the principal inhabitants. While we were at table, a report
was spread that general Lafayette was to leave the town
immediately; and a vast concourse of people gathered in
front of the hotel, and a thousand confused voices cried
out that it was shameful thus to snatch from the citizens
of Newburgh, the friend they had so long and so ardently
desired; that the darkness which covered his arrival had
not allowed any one to see him; that they should have the
chagrin of being unable to render him the homage with
which they had prepared to receive him; and in short, that
they would not let him go until after sun-rise the next
day, in order that he might bestow his benediction upon the
children of Newburgh. To the noise of these clamours
soon was added that of the struggle between the crowd
and the guard stationed at the door of the hotel. During
some moments the mayor of the town who was at table
with us, paid but little attention to what was going on in
the street, when he was informed that the disorder might
become serious, that the militia and police officers began
to grow fatigued with their resistance, the mayor rose,
took general Lafayette by the hand and preceded by two
torches, went out into a balcony which overlooked the
street. At the sight of Lafayette the shouts and plaudits
increased from all quarters, when the mayor made a sign
for silence, which was immediately established. He then
addressed the people:—“Gentlemen! (for in America the
magistrates always speak politely to the people,) do you
wish to distress the Nation’s Guest?” “No! no! no!”
“Do you wish that Lafayette should be deprived of his
liberty, in a country indebted to him for its freedom?”
110“No! no! no!” “Then listen to what I am about to say,
and do not force me to call upon the law to restore order.”
The silence then became profound. “Your friend is expected
at Albany, he is engaged to be there to-morrow,
before evening; he has already been delayed for three hours
by an unexpected accident; if you retain him here until
to-morrow, you will deprive him of the pleasure of
visiting all the other towns which expect him upon his
passage, and you will make him break all his engagements;
do you wish to give him this pain?” “No! no! no!” and
the air rung with shouts and huzzas. Lafayette then addressed
a few words of thanks to the crowd, which were
received with the greatest enthusiasm. The people, however,
became silent, but still remained in the street though
without disturbing the door of the hotel. When Lafayette
came down, some citizens advanced and said it depended
upon him entirely to console the inhabitants of Newburgh,
and it would not cost him more than the delay of a quarter
of an hour—“our wives and children are collected close
by in a hall which was prepared for your reception; come
for an instant that they may see you, and we shall all be
happy.” It was impossible to resist so touching an appeal.
We entered this hall filled with ladies, and girls dressed for
a ball; they had already ceased to hope that they should
see Lafayette, and his presence caused them an agreeable
surprise. In the fulness of their joy they all crowded near
him, and showered over him the wreathes and flowers with
which they were adorned. In leaving this hall we found
the men all standing in a double row along the way which
led to the shore, and the general could not reach the
steam-boat without receiving the most endearing expressions
of the esteem of these excellent people, who in spite
of his assurances, still feared that they had caused him inconvenience.
He bade farewell to the authorities of Newburgh
on board of the boat, and at a signal given by our captain,
we recommenced our voyage in spite of the darkness.
The rising sun found us in the vicinity of Poughkeepsie,
where it was impossible for the general to refuse landing.
The wharves and shore were crowded with soldiers, citizens,
and even a great number of ladies, who had all night
waited for the arrival of Lafayette.
Poughkeepsie like all the towns bordering upon the Hudson
111is both manufacturing and commercial; the population
therefore is rapidly increasing. In 1820 it was 3400 souls,
at present it amounts to nearly 5000.
It was at the dwelling of George Clinton in Poughkeepsie,
that Washington, Hamilton, Chancellor Livingston and
Mr. Jay, used to meet to discuss the constitution adopted
by the United States. The general was eloquently reminded
of this circumstance by colonel Livingston, who
was appointed to address him in the name of his fellow
citizens.
In continuing our voyage we visited the family of the
ancient governor Lewis, who reside in a beautiful dwelling
on the right side of the river, and at four o’clock we arrived
at Clermont, where we landed in front of the elegant residence
of Mr. Robert Livingston, the former residence of
chancellor Livingston. The entertainments prepared for
us by the citizens of the environs, and the Livingston family,
detained us till the next morning.
Scarcely had we left Clermont when we came in sight
of the beautiful Catskill mountain, which arising at some
miles from the river, finely terminates the horizon by its
beautiful brown mass which is amphitheatrically developed,
in the centre of which shows forth the white house of the
pine garden situated 250 feet above the level of the Hudson.
This house is an object of curiosity to the traveller,
and a place of promenade for the neighbouring inhabitants.
The masses of soldiers and citizens which covered a
long pier projecting into the river, by their acclamations
informed general Lafayette that the inhabitants of Catskill
also expected a visit from the national guest. We remained
a few minutes only with this population, during which the
general had the satisfaction of conversing with some of his
former revolutionary companions, among whom he recognized
one named Foster, who had been particularly attached
to his service, when he was wounded at the battle
of Brandywine.
To land at the little town of Hudson, we had to cross
the river somewhat obliquely; at the port, which is very
commercial, we were received by the authorities and people,
at the head of whom was presented a detachment of
about 80 revolutionary soldiers. One of them advanced
from the ranks and showed him a sword he had received
112from Lafayette at Rhode Island. “After my death it will
change owners,” said he, “but its destination shall never
be changed, it shall always serve in defence of liberty.”
Triumphal arches had been erected, a public entertainment
prepared, and the ladies were ready for dancing, but
we had to forego all these festivities, in order to arrive at
Albany the same day, where the general was expected with
impatience. The inhabitants of Hudson perfectly comprehended
his situation, and had the kindness to detain him
but for a very short time.
The wealth of Hudson is daily increased by its commerce
and manufactures. The population which in 1820
was not quite 3000 souls, at present amounts to 5000.
The town is regular and well built; it arises in an amphitheatre
about an hundred feet above the level of the river.
The largest commercial vessels may lie at its wharves. Its
environs are strongly marked with an agreeable aspect, and
are well cultivated. Hudson was founded in 1784, and
still contains many descendants of the Hollanders who came
over in 1636.
In spite of the power of our steam engine, which enabled
us to ascend the river at the rate of six miles an hour, it
was five o’clock P. M. before we reached Overslaugh a
small town situated upon the left bank of the river, a short
distance from Albany. Here we were obliged to suspend
our voyage, as the steam-boat drew too much water. We
landed, and were immediately placed in an elegant barouche
surrounded by an escort of dragoons, commanded
by general Van Rensellaer and colonel Cooper, and in a
few minutes we arrived at Greenbush, another village, in
the centre of which we found a triumphal arch, beneath
which some refreshments were presented, while the members
of the corporation addressed the general, who answered
them with that facility and appropriateness, which at
least four or five times a day, caused the surprise and admiration
of those who heard him.
It was not until night that we arrived in front of Albany,
upon the banks of the river, which it was necessary we
should cross to enter the city, which stands upon the right
bank. A large team-boat called “Horses Back,” received
both our carriages at the same time, drawn by four horses
each, about thirty of the light-horsemen of the escort, and
113more than a hundred foot passengers, and bore us quickly
to the other shore, which rung with the acclamations of the
multitude, and the incessant thunder of artillery. The
situation in which we were placed was grand and majestic;
the obscurity of the night rendered it still more imposing;
but it was not without its dangers. Every discharge of
cannon, by its report and sudden light, startled the mettled
horses which surrounded us, and which had no other barrier
before them than a slight chain, that could not have
hindered them from leaping into the river, if they had not
been held by powerful men. George Lafayette’s filial
solicitude for his father, caused him to quit the carriage,
and take upon himself the securing of the horses which
drew the general. At the moment of our landing the multitude
redoubled their cries of joy; the escort and carriages
sprung rapidly on shore, amidst so thick a crowd, that it is
difficult to conceive how so many people, whom the enthusiasm
of gratitude had urged upon the very wheels of
Lafayette’s carriage, could escape uninjured. At the entrance
of the suburb a procession was formed in order; a
band of musicians led the march, and we went to the capitol
through the principal streets, all of which were rendered
light by innumerable illuminations, and high pyramids of
blazing wood. At the entrance of the street leading to the
capitol, was an arch of triumph, upon which was perched
a large living eagle, which flapped its wings as the general
passed, as if to render him homage.
We entered the senate chamber of the capitol. The
galleries were filled with a great number of ladies. The
municipality were assembled there. The general was received
and addressed by the mayor, who eloquently expressed
the gratitude of the United States, and especially
of the city of Albany, “those who have shared with you
the toils of our revolution, and who still live,” said he,
“hail you as a friend and brother. The generation which
has arisen since you quitted these shores, is animated with
the same sentiments, and those which shall be born in future
ages, will celebrate in you the benefactor of America,
the hero of liberty. In each of the hearts which beat
around you, you hold the place of friendship, and your
eulogy is in all mouths.”
In his reply Lafayette could not avoid expressing his
114astonishment at the numerous changes which had taken
place in the aspect of every thing at present offered to his
view. “It is not a half century, since the town, then ancient,
it is true, but still very small, served me for head
quarters, upon the frontier of a vast wilderness. I received
here, as commandant of the northern departments, the renunciation
of the royal power and the acknowledgement
of the more legitimate sovereignty of the people of the
United States. At present I find Albany a rich and powerful
city, the central seat of government of the state of
New York, and the surrounding wilds changed into fertile
and well cultivated plains. The present generation
is already distinguished by two glorious wars, and still
more by its sincere attachment to the institutions whose
excellence assures it an incontestible superiority over the
haughty power, which wished to arrogate over it the
right of control.”
From the senate chamber we went to the apartments
of governor Yates, who, surrounded by his staff, received
the general with great cordiality and addressed him in the
name of the state.
In leaving the governor, the general was conducted to
the principal balcony of the capitol to be presented to the
assembled people. At the moment he advanced between
the two central columns of the balcony, an eagle descended
and placed a crown of laurels and evergreens upon his
head. This was loudly applauded by the numerous spectators.
Before going to the hotel, which had been prepared for
our reception, the general wished to visit one of his old
companions in arms, Mr. Matthew Gregory, who, in the
assault at Yorktown, was one of the first to mount the
trenches, with him and Hamilton. We found there a numerous
company, composed of judges of the supreme
court, the bar and principal officers of the state.
This day of emotions and fatigues, under which a man
less robust than Lafayette must have sunk, was terminated
by a supper in which toasts were drank to the health of the
“Nation’s Guest,” and “to the liberty and sovereignty of
the people,” and by a brilliant ball, which we left at midnight
in order to seek a little rest.
Albany was founded in 1612, by a colony from Holland,
115and next to Jamestown in Virginia, is the most ancient settlement
in the United States. Situated on the right bank
of the Hudson, 150 miles from New York, this city does
not present a pleasing aspect: the ground is every where
unequal: the streets, it is true, are wide and regular, but
the architecture of the houses is in bad taste and reminds
one strongly of the old towns in Germany. With the exception
of the capitol there is no building which has a monumental
aspect; this building produces a very good effect,
being situated upon an eminence which terminates a fine
street called State street. This edifice which serves for the
senate, house of representatives, the courts of justice, the
society of arts, of agriculture, and also contains the
library, is constructed of granite from the banks of the
Hudson, and the columns, as well as all the exterior ornaments
are in fine white marble from the quarries of
Massachusetts. The principal façade is of the Ionic order.
Most of the halls are decorated and furnished with a luxury
which one at first admires, but cannot in the end avoid
blaming, when it is known that it has brought the corporation
into debts which necessarily fall upon the people. The
entire expense of the building amounted to 120,000 dollars,
of which at least 34,000 have been paid by the city.
The town house, academy, Lancastrian school, arsenal,
prison, and some other buildings of public utility are properly
and commodiously built of brick.
The city is governed by a corporation composed of a
mayor, recorder, and ten aldermen, and ten assistant aldermen,
all appointed by the people. To simplify the administration
and facilitate the superintendence of the police,
it is divided into five sections or wards. The watchmen
are especially charged to guard against the dangers of fire,
and an excellent organization of firemen, secure prompt
assistance in cases of conflagration. These precautions
are rendered particularly necessary by the presence of
numerous magazines of oil and spirits, imprudently established
in the heart of the city.
The police regulations are enforced with a rigidity
which allows no class of citizens to think of infringing
them with impunity. Among a multitude of examples related
to me, the following is very remarkable. It is expressly
forbidden to gallop through the streets. A short
116time since, the mayor was at his country seat, not far from
the city. Suddenly the ringing of bells and even the sight
of the flames informed him that a fire had broken out; he
mounted his horse and set out for town, through which he
gallopped to the fire; alighted, and placed himself at the
head of the firemen. In a few instants his example and
prudent advice, contributed to remove the danger, and he
quietly returned to his dwelling. The next morning he
received a summons to appear before a justice of the
peace, who fined him for breaking the ordinance which
forbids gallopping through the streets. The mayor did not
in any way attempt to justify his fault by the motive that
had caused him to commit it, and submitted without murmuring
to the award, which he acknowleged to be just.
This submission to the law was a good example, and on
going out of the magistrate’s office, he was met by a numerous
deputation of citizens, who presented him with the
thanks of the public for the eminent services he had rendered
the preceding evening, in courageously exposing
himself to save the property of his fellow citizens.
The annual expenses of the city amount to about 45,000
dollars; its revenues in 1824 were valued at 49,000, but its
debt amounted to more than two hundred and fifty thousand
dollars. This debt which necessarily depreciates the value
of property situated in Albany, was incurred by the
prodigality of former administrations. It is thought that it
will speedily be extinguished by a sinking fund of a hundred
thousand dollars, and especially by the resources
which are daily presented by the constantly increasing
prosperity of commerce.
As a commercial place, Albany is one of the most considerable
cities in the union. Ever since its foundation it
has been the place of deposit for all the western produce;
at present the facility of communication with lake Erie by
means of the Grand canal gives a still greater increase to
its commercial preponderance.
About twenty-four steam-boats ply incessantly between
Albany and New York, and the number of sloops that
trade between the two cities is very considerable.
In 1820 the population of Albany was 12,630 souls; it is
at present 16,000.
On the morning of the 18th September, at 8 A.M. De
117Witt Clinton with a large number of citizens visited general
Lafayette’s apartments, to present him in the name of the
literary and philosophical society of New York with a diploma,
constituting him a member of that society. On
this occasion Mr. Clinton pronounced an elegant discourse
which affected the general more, as coming from an orator
who was the son and nephew of two distinguished men,
with whom he had been intimately connected during the
war of Independence. During this short ceremony a numerous
procession was formed in front of our hotel, and at
nine o’clock we embarked amidst the thundering of cannon,
upon the canal which leads to Troy. Five handsome canal
boats had been prepared for our voyage. The first carried
a band of musicians; general Lafayette was in the second,
with governor Yates, the ex-governors Lewis and
Clinton, the mayor and city council, and some of the principal
citizens of Albany. In the three last followed the
escort commanded by major Coles, composed of an artillery
company and three companies of infantry. We stopped
a few minutes on the way to visit the Gibbonsville
arsenal, belonging to the United States. This arsenal, one
of the most considerable and best provided in the union,
was founded in 1813, under the direction of colonel Bumford
of the artillery, actually attached to the department
of war, and completed by major Dalliba of the same corps,
who has introduced into it a system of administration remarkable
for its order and economy. At his entrance into
the court of the arsenal the general was received by the
officers of the post, and saluted by the discharge of three
pieces of cannon taken at York-town. We remarked
among the pieces of artillery, some French pieces presented
by France to the United States during the revolutionary
war; and all the camp equipage taken with general Burgoyne
at Saratoga. We visited all the armouries, which
are kept with remarkable care and elegance. We found
there more than 30,000 muskets made after the best European
models, as well as a large number of well made
pistols and sabres. The powder magazine is also well
provided.
Before mid-day we arrived at a point where the canal
communicates with the Hudson opposite to Troy. At the
sight of this town, which at present contains 8000 inhabitants,
118and which in commercial importance, is next to Albany
in the state of New York, general Lafayette was
struck with astonishment. “What!” cried he, “this town
has arisen as by enchantment!” “No,” answered some
one near him, “but it has been created and peopled in a
few years, by industry protected by liberty.” The general
then informed us that when in 1778, he crossed the
Hudson at the same point, with a part of the army he
commanded, there was then but two or three little cabins
on the spot, in one of which, with some difficulty, he procured
a cup of milk, and some corn bread. While he was
giving us these interesting details our boat descended to
the river, where a dozen decorated boats towed us across
to Troy.
Landing in the midst of the numerous population which
crowded the shore, the general was received by a committee
appointed to express to him the sentiments of gratitude
and attachment of the citizens. “Your indefatigable devotion
to the cause of civil and religious liberty,” said the
speaker, “has rendered your name illustrious wherever
the rights of man are respected and honoured. The liberation
of this country was an act worthy of the patriots by
whose councils and arms it was consummated. Their
toils, privations and sacrifices, and still more particularly
your generous efforts, have impressed the hearts of the
citizens of these states with a profound sentiment of gratitude
which is increased daily by the development of an
unexampled prosperity, and the benefits of the wisest institutions.
May you long enjoy among us the fruits of
your glorious labours. These fruits you may gather in the
form of our government which guarantees to us, order and
liberty; in our legal system which at the same time secures
public peace and private rights; in our public
schools, which bestows upon the poor as well as the rich,
the benefits of a good education, in the change of our vast
deserts into fertile fields; in the origin, increase, and multiplication
of our cities, towns, and villages; in the creation
of numerous means of communication to facilitate our
commercial relations; in the variety and harmony of our
different religious sects; finally you will gather the fruits
of your labours and of those of our revolutionary patriots,
in the spirit of enterprise and industry of a frugal people,
119content with their condition, obedient to the laws, at peace
with themselves and the whole world, and lifting their
grateful voices first towards God, and then to their benefactors,
at the head of which your virtues and generous
services place you.”
Unanimous applause, and the cry a thousand times repeated,
of “Welcome! Welcome! Lafayette,” followed
this speech, and the answer of Lafayette. He was immediately
after raised in the arms of the people and placed
in an open carriage, accompanied by colonel Lane, who
fought with him at Brandywine, Monmouth, and York-Town.
The procession, preceded by the Masonic Lodge,
and followed by numerous corps of soldiers, passed
through the streets of the town, amid the shouts of joy of
a free and grateful people. While we were at breakfast
in the house, from the balcony of which we had seen the
troops of the town and adjacent country defile before us,
the general received a message from the ladies of Troy,
who invited him to visit the young ladies’ boarding school,
where they were collected to receive him. He accepted
the invitation with eagerness. The avenues to this establishment,
directed by Mrs. Willard, were decorated with
green branches and flowers, and terminated near the
house in a triumphal arch, under which he was received
by a committee of five ladies, headed by Mrs. Pawling,
who in a few words elegantly expressed the patriotic sentiments
of the ladies of Troy, and their tender gratitude
to the illustrious benefactor of their beloved country. He
was conducted by this committee into the interior of the
establishment, where no other man went with him, and
some moments after, we heard the pure and angelic voices
of the young girls repeating in chorus, “To visit us thou
hast left thy beloved family in a distant land, but be not
afflicted; art thou not here in thy country? Behold how
many of the daughters of Columbia are proud and happy
to salute thee by the tender name of father.”
The general soon returned from the house; his features
exhibiting profound emotion, and his eyes swimming in
tears. He slowly descended the steps surrounded and
supported by the principal ladies of the institution. Two
hundred young girls followed him, clothed in white, harmoniously
raising to heaven their grateful voices. They
120accompanied him to the outer gate where they took a tender
leave of him, in the presence of several thousand spectators,
whom this scene kept plunged in reverential silence.
General Lafayette was unwilling to quit Troy without
paying some private visits to different persons of his intimate
acquaintance, and particularly to Mrs. Taylor, with whose
family he was connected during the revolution. Mrs.
Taylor is a young lady much distinguished by her talents,
and the information which she acquired at the institution
we had just visited. We found at her house a very pretty
cabinet of mineralogy, remarkable for its richness and order.
She presented to the general as a remembrance of
Troy, a beautiful herbarium containing more than two hundred
of the most remarkable plants of the vicinity, collected,
arranged and described by herself.
After these visits, we slowly left the town, in the midst
of the population covering the road by which we had to
reach the Hudson. Every one pushed towards the carriage
and wished to shake hands with Lafayette. Fathers
raised their children above the crowd that they might get
a better view of him, and ask his benediction. At the
moment we crossed the river, three cheers and a salute of
artillery expressed the farewell and last wishes of this rich
and happy city.
The town of Troy is situated upon the left bank of the
Hudson, six miles from Albany, a little above tide water,
and in a somewhat extensive and very fertile plain of alluvial
formation. The river at this place is still more than
800 feet wide. Sixty sloops belonging to the inhabitants
of this town, are employed in commerce, which does not
prevent other vessels from finding occupation. The exportations
of grain especially are very considerable.
Upon all the water courses falling into the river, and
upon the river itself, are a great number of furnaces in full
activity, rolling, slitting, and casting iron, and lead. The
most considerable of these establishments is that of Adamsville.
The principal building which contains the nail factory,
has twenty-four machines for cutting and heading
nails; they are all put in motion by an enormous wheel,
turned by the force of the stream. This establishment
manufactures a thousand tons of iron annually.
About two miles from Adamsville is a fine cotton manufactory,
121which has constantly 1700 spindles in action,
moved by thirty machines turned by water. Near at hand
is a bleaching ground for cotton cloths, where the bleaching
is done by a chemical process for one or two cents a
yard.
Tanneries, potteries, paper making, soap making, and
lumber yards surround this city on all sides, which in
1786 did not exist; which in 1801 was nothing but a small
village; did not acquire the distinction of city until 1816,
and in 1820 was ravaged by a fire, the damages of which
amounted to more than 360,000 dollars! In the sixty
days following this catastrophe, the insurance company
faithfully fulfilled its engagements, amounting to 110,000
dollars; and in a short time the burnt buildings were replaced
by others more elegantly, more commodiously, and
durably constructed. At present the city daily increases
according to a regular plan; all the streets are large, right-lined,
and furnished with fine pavements.
The inhabitants of Troy are not less remarkable for
their love for letters and science, than for their activity and
intelligent industry. They have in the city three periodical
journals, four printing-offices, five considerable libraries,
and a great number of public schools.
Troy also possesses many other sources of happiness and
prosperity, concerning which out short stay in this city prevented
me from obtaining positive information. It appears
that the canal works for facilitating commerce are worthy
of particular attention. But perhaps I shall have an opportunity
of returning to this subject, as we expect to visit
the greater part of the canals in the state of New York.
I remarked, with pleasure that the black population,
which is not very numerous, (about 300) freely united
their wishes for the Nation’s Guest, with the white people.
At present there are scarcely thirty slaves in the city; from
1827 liberty will no longer have to blush in the presence
of coloured men!
In returning to Albany, whither we went back by land,
we visited governor Yates and De Witt Clinton, who was
also governor of the state in 1817 and 1818. The latter,
who has already passed through a long and brilliant political
career, is destined, unless I am deceived, to play an
important part in the affairs of his country. He has already
122successively been secretary to his uncle George
Clinton, member of the New York legislature; senator of
the United States; thrice mayor of New York; member of
the committee of internal navigation; president of the canal
board; lieutenant governor, and then governor of the
state; many benevolent institutions owe their existence to
him; he is member of almost all the scientific societies,
and I shall not be surprised to hear his name one day,
among the candidates for the presidency of the United
States. He is at present 55 years old. It is difficult to
find a man of more imposing figure, or of a nobler countenance.
Every one agrees that his ruling passion is to augment
the good of his fellow creatures. These are his titles
of recommendation to a nation that knows well how to reward
those who devote themselves to her service.[15]
It was very late when we left Albany: we came out of
the city as we entered it by the light of bonfires, and went
on board the steam-boat Kent at the place where we first
landed. A few moments after we began to redescend the
Hudson for New York, where we arrived at day-break on
Monday, after a navigation of thirty-six hours, only interrupted
by the short visits we made to Newburg, West
Point, &c.
CHAPTER VIII.
Streets of New York: Drunkenness: Prostitution: Lotteries: Hospitality:
Bankruptcy: Women and young girls: Luxury: Hotels: Police: Anecdote:
number of passengers arriving at New York from 1818 till 1819.
On returning from our voyage up the Hudson, general
Lafayette expressed his desire to enjoy the calm of private
life, that he might consecrate some moments to the kind
intimacy which a great number of his old friends demanded.
In consequence public entertainments were suspended, the
citizens resumed their usual occupations; and I had leisure
123to examine with advantage the customs and physiognomy
of the people of this great city, which until now I had only
beheld in gala dress.
My first excursion had naturally for object to visit the
whole length of Broadway, which is the bazar of American
industry, as it is of the productions of all the world. Its
length of about three miles, the width of the side walks,
solidly constructed and flagged with broad stones, the elegance
of the buildings, the richness and variety of its stores,
and the ever active crowd by which it is enlivened, makes
this beautiful street, one of the most interesting objects for
the traveller, who has time for observation. A single circumstance
renders it unpleasant, in my opinion, which is
that the immense grave yard of Trinity church is separated
from the streets by nothing but an iron railing. This
view contrasts in a painful manner with the gay groups of
young ladies, continually passing lightly along by this
sad receptacle of the dead. I am astonished that the wisdom
of the corporation of New York, which has done so
much for the improvement and health of the city, has not
yet thought of removing this focus of putrid exhalations,
which in some seasons of the year may become fatal to the
whole population.[16]
The greater number of the streets which open into Broadway,
are also very clean and regular; but those running in
the vicinity of the wharves are commonly disagreeable
enough. There are a great many dirty and badly built
frame houses, which serve as retreats for drunkenness and
debauchery. Drunkenness produces frightful ravages, and
annually plunges a great number of victims into the prisons
and hospitals. A vast number of crimes and diseases have
no other cause. The extreme facility with which the
poorest wretches acquire money, the low price of spirituous
liquors, which pay no duty, and perhaps also the excessive
heat of the climate, are without doubt the principal
causes of this disgusting passion. It is said that New
York contains more than three thousand grog-shops, in
which are annually retailed at least three millions of dollars
worth of wine and strong liquors. This appears a
124frightful amount when compared with that of the population.
Prostitution is less common here than one would suppose,
in a large commercial city constantly thronged with
strangers and sailors. There are not more than three thousand
public women, which is scarcely a sixtieth part of the
population. This would be a very small proportion for
Paris, and especially for London, where these unfortunates
commonly form a twentieth of the population. If we seek
for the causes of this great difference, it will be found principally
in the early and frequent marriages of the inhabitants.
Men usually marry here, from the age of twenty to
twenty-five, and the women from sixteen to twenty. Moreover
the marriageable age is not determined by law, neither
is there any law by which parents are authorized to
prevent the marriages of their children. The religious
ceremony alone constitutes the act of marriage, and difference
of sect never prevents a minister of another persuasion
from bestowing the nuptial benediction upon those who ask
it of him. Always sure of obtaining the means of support
for himself and companion, the young American is never
deterred by considerations of fortune to determine his choice
which is almost always according to his feelings. Hence
there are fewer single men in society, and consequently
fewer causes of corruption. A third scourge more terrible
than drunkenness or prostitution, extends its ravages
through the city of New York, and daily taints the public
morals: I wish to speak of those bottomless gulfs, which
swallow indiscriminately the wealth of the rich merchant,
and the savings of the poor labourer: which are the wreck
of so many long-tried good characters, and which in exchange
for the money which is paid them, make no other
return but disgrace and misery—In short I mean the
Lottery Offices.
The laws of the state of New York forbid the establishment
of new lotteries, but the legislature have thought it
right to respect those already existing, because they have
been founded in virtue of privileges anterior to the constitution.
Is not this respect for an evil consecrated by time,
a culpable weakness? Some persons with whom I have
spoken, have answered that the lotteries of New York do
not produce as much immorality as those of Europe, because
125their product does not go to the treasury of the government,
but in the support of the hospitals; nor are they
as dangerous to the working classes, because the high
price of tickets render them only accessible to the rich.
These arguments appear to me to be very weak, and by
no means reconciled me to the lotteries.
Of all the cities in the United States, New York is certainly
the one in which society has lost most of the national
character. The great number of foreigners which
incessantly flow into it, is a continually operating cause.
However we still find there some principal, strongly marked
features, which preserve in its physiognomy the character
of nationality. One of these features is hospitality. A
single letter of recommendation here suffices to give strangers
an entrance into the most distinguished society, and if
their character and conduct correspond honorably to the
kindness which every one is disposed to show them, it is
easy for them in a short time to derive therefrom both
pleasure and profit. Unfortunately many show themselves
unworthy of this kind reception, and I can scarcely comprehend
how, after so many unfortunate experiments the
New Yorkers can expose themselves again voluntarily to
have their generous hospitality returned by fraud, treachery
or calumny. It is not rare to find Europeans, who, when
interrogated on the character of the Americans, answer
with effrontery, “They are all corrupt, hypocritical egotists.”
If we take the trouble to examine the conduct of
those who accuse with so much asperity we are altogether
astounded to discover that one dare not appear in
presence of a certain individual, because he has been long
in his debt, is insolvent and unworthy; and that another
received at first with confidence into a particular family,
has been turned out of doors for having attempted the
basest seduction; and in short, that a third is at present an
object of public contempt, having at first conciliated public
opinion under the mask of virtues, which he was totally
incapable of exercising. It would be easy for me to prove
my assertion and name some of these wretches: but it
would be far more agreeable to me, if I did not fear to
wound their feelings, to name Messrs. P. B. M. G. &c.
who by their intelligence have secured themselves an honourable
existence, and by the nobleness of their characters
126have preserved the French name from the contempt into
which it would otherwise have been plunged by so many
adventurers.
Among so many calumnies diffused by ignorant and malevolent
travellers, there are some disagreeable truths concerning
which it would be weakness to remain silent.
Thus, I shall not pass by the numerous bankruptcies which
at New York, as in all the large commercial cities of the
union, inflict as severe injuries upon public morals as upon
that confidence and security which commerce every where
demands, as a basis indispensable to its existence and
prosperity. A faithless man is not withheld in his commercial
dealings by any restrictive law, and it must be
confessed that the justice of public opinion is not always
sufficiently severe. However, for some years past the correct
and upright part of the commercial society of New
York, forming an immense majority, have raised their
voice powerfully to ask of congress a law which shall secure
to the creditors of a broken merchant, an equal right
to share in the dividend of what he gives up, and to prevent
a merchant who finds his affairs embarrassed, from assigning
before-hand, all that he possesses for the payment of a
few confidential friends, who have lent him their names
and money, by the aid of which they have betrayed the
confidence of the public. Congress has not been deaf to
the chamber of commerce of New York and many other
cities; it has already carefully examined into the possibility
of making a law which shall repress these terrible
abuses, without interfering with the absolute liberty essential
to the existence of commerce. The difficulties have
appeared great to the legislators, but not insurmountable.
Much is expected from their conscientious and enlightened
zeal.
The ladies here dress in the French taste, but their manners
are still entirely American; that is, they devote almost
their whole existence to the management of the household,
and the education of their children. They generally
live much retired, and although many of them possess very
agreeable and excellent powers of conversation, they do
not however occupy much attention in society, where the
young ladies appear to have the exclusive right of reigning.
These latter, it is true, have from nature and education,
127all the means of pleasing. The unlimited liberty they
enjoy, without ever abusing it, gives a grace and frankness
to their manners, and a modest ease, which is sought in
vain in our companies, where, under the name of reserve,
the most painful insignificance is imposed upon our young
ladies.
The American ladies are not more remarkable for their
severe conjugal fidelity, than the girls are for their constancy
to their engagements. At parties I have often had
pointed out to me young ladies of eighteen or nineteen,
who had been engaged, and of whose future husbands, one
was in Europe pursuing his studies; another in China, attending
to commercial business, and a third dangerously
employed in the whale fishery, in the most distant seas.
Young girls thus engaged, hold the middle place in society
between their still disengaged companions and the married
ladies. They have already lost some of the thoughtless
gaiety of the former, and assumed a slight tinge of the
gravity of the other. The numerous aspirants, designated
here by the name of beaux, which at first surrounded them,
and were received until a choice was made, still bestow
upon them delicate attentions, but by no means so particular
as formerly, and should one of them, either from ignorance
or obstinate hopes, persist in offering his heart and
hand, the answer “I am engaged,” given with a sweet
frankness and an indulgent smile, soon destroys all his illusions,
without wounding his pride. Engagements of this
sort, preceding marriage, are very common, not only in
New York, but throughout the United States; and it is
exceedingly rare that they are not fulfilled with religious
fidelity. Public opinion is very severe on this point, and
does not spare either of the two parties which may dispose
of themselves without the consent of the other.
Persons who think republican principles incompatible
with the enjoyments procurable by wealth, will
find the luxury of New York excessive, and may suppose
that a people which treads upon the richest English carpets;
which profusely pours into gold and crystal, the
most delicate wines of France, and runs after pleasure in
elegant carriages, cannot long continue their independence.
Such persons might with reason be frightened, if luxury
here, like that of our princes and courtiers of Europe,
128sprung from the oppression and toils of the people; but
they may comfort themselves by reflecting that this luxury
is the offspring of industry, the rich and fruitful daughter
of liberty.
If luxury have invaded the dwelling of the banker; if
she be seated at the table of the manufacturer, or penetrated
even to the cabinet of the man of science, she has
not yet crossed the thresholds of the hotels. Nothing can
be more simple, nothing can be more modest, I might almost
say more incommodious than the boarding-houses of
New York, and indeed of all the other cities of the union.
The bed-rooms are commonly large halls, containing seven
or eight beds, placed not more than three or four feet apart,
in which travellers go to rest at night, and quit them very
early in the morning. Every one dresses and undresses
himself in silence, and as it were in public, as there are
neither screens nor curtains to conceal the business of the
toilet. Three meals are offered daily to the boarders; in
the morning at 8 o’clock, breakfast, composed commonly
of bread and butter, eggs, fish, smoked meats, with tea and
coffee for beverage: the dinner is amply supplied with
large pieces of boiled and roast meat, accompanied by
some pastry, and a few unseasoned vegetables; the whole
washed down by a large quantity of wines, and other liquors;
supper is exactly like the breakfast. These meals
are always announced at fixed hours by the ringing of a
bell, at the sound of which the boarders move with precipitation
to seat themselves at table, at which, with still
greater precipitation they take their food, and nothing is
heard but the clattering of knives, forks, and dishes, as
conversation is rarely carried on between persons entirely
unacquainted, unless they have been introduced to each
other by a common acquaintance. The parlour, or hall,
which the inmates frequent in the intervals of the meals,
is commonly a great compensation for the community of
the bed-chambers, and the silent precipitation of the dining-room.
Here one finds the newspapers; sometimes a
piano, and often a select society, the honours of which are
almost always gracefully done by the lady of the house,
whose education and manners differ essentially from those
of boarding-house keepers in Europe. It is especially in
the relations of host and hostess, with the guests, that the
129feeling of equality which here animates all ranks, displays
itself with all its force, and it is not in the least degree more
affected by the act of receiving than that of paying money.
Servility and arrogance are as uncommon in the boarding-houses
of New York as they are said to be frequent in those
of London. The mean price of boarding and lodging in
New York is about a dollar and a half per day. No deductions
are ever made for meals of which the boarder may not
have partaken.
Although New York is a very extensive city, containing
a numerous population, and annually receiving at least 30,000
foreigners, great disorders are unknown to it, and the
slightest crimes but rarely escape the vigilance of the police,
which is not less surprising for its activity than for the
quietness of its proceedings; from the perfect order
which reigns by day and night, it appears to be every
where present, and yet it is no where seen in operation.
The security which it guarantees to strangers, as to citizens,
is not as at Paris the result of the odious combination of
assassin soldiers and disgusting spies; the traveller is not
obliged on entering to declare his name, rank and business
to obtain the protection due to all; in short, after having
resided for some time in New York, one is forced to admit
that its government, like a good genius, makes its benign
influence every where felt, without allowing itself to be any
where seen.
Europeans for a long time accustomed to submit to one
man or several men, who under the name of government,
trammel at their pleasure the exercise of the natural rights
of other men, their subjects, with difficulty conceive of a
nation, in which all individuals without exception may travel
in every direction and for the greatest distances, enter
all cities and sleep tranquilly in all the inns, without being
obliged to carry with them that ridiculous and tyrannical
permission of the government written upon a scrap of paper,
called a passport. This unbounded liberty of travelling
in all directions causes them a surprise which sometimes
amounts to incredulity. The following anecdote
which is warranted as true, is a pleasant proof of the foregoing
assertion.
Proscribed in 1815 by the restoration, General C. had
been obliged to quit Paris precipitately, and seek an asylum
130near Havre with a friend, whence he hoped to have an opportunity
of passing without danger to some land less inimical
to him than his country. An opportunity was soon offered;
an American ship captain moved by his sad situation,
willingly received him on board and conveyed him to
the United States. The joy which General C. experienced
at being out of the reach of danger, was the sentiment
which at first entirely absorbed him; he forgot that he was
flying, perhaps forever, his country, family and friends;
the vast ocean and the coming thirty days which separated
him from New York, gave him a security, which was not
disturbed but by the sight of the new land whose hospitality
he came to seek. He then remembered with affright, that
he had left Paris so precipitately, that he had not brought a
paper with him. Without authentic documents, without a
passport, what was to become of him. However, he landed
and the custom house officer who questioned him politely
as to the contents of his portmanteau, caused him a degree
of fear he had never before felt, except when his master
the Emperor Napoleon looked at him with an air of dissatisfaction;
at the end of a few minutes the custom house
officer allowed him to proceed without demanding his passport!
doubtless it must have been through inadvertancy, by
which he resolved to profit. Our general officer much
lighter by half, had his baggage speedily conveyed by a porter
to one of the hotels in Broadway; there a servant received
him and shewed him into a chamber containing four
or five beds, on several of which were lying articles which
indicated that they had been taken possession of; he inquired
with uneasiness if he could not have a private room.
There was but one which contained two beds, which was
given him, with a promise that no one else should be introduced
there. Once alone, he breathed more freely, and
thanked his happy star that he had so fortunately passed so
many dangers. The next packet from Havre would bring
him letters of credit; he could then make himself known
and obtain protection. It was then only necessary to avoid
being arrested as an adventuring vagabond or suspected
person, to pass fifteen days in his retreat, and to this he was
resigned. He had already passed three days in his solitary
confinement, when on the morning of the fourth day, his
landlord presented himself and with an air of politeness
131without obtrusion, and of interest without curiosity, said
“I am not naturally indiscreet sir, nor am I in the habit of
troubling my guests with impertinent questions, but I fear
that the severe seclusion to which you appear to have condemned
yourself since you have been in my house is provoked
by chagrin or by some unfortunate embarrassment, and
I come to offer you without ceremony my services, which
I wish you to accept in the same manner.” The simple and
cordial manner in which this was said, encouraged our poor
hermit. “You appear to be a good man,” said he to his
host, “and I will confide in you; my situation is unfortunate,
as you shall judge.” Then casting an uneasy glance
around the chamber and lowering his voice, continued, “I
am a French officer, forced in consequence of the great
events which you know to have happened, to quit my country,
and to seek a refuge from proscription. The Americans
and their government are hospitable I know, but here,
as well as every where else, the police which watches over
the safety of the citizens, demand without doubt that strangers
shall make themselves known, and how can I do it, as
I have not even a passport? How can I then obtain
permission to reside in this city, or to go to another?
You offer your assistance; be then my security to the
police, that I may reside in and move about without interruption,
and my gratitude shall be unbounded.” From
this disclosure and the agitation which accompanied it,
the American thought the French officer must be mad,
and he would have remained in this belief, if the other
had not explained to him the indispensable importance
and necessity of a passport to a traveller in Europe.
He then hastened to quiet his fears by saying, “that the authority
which governs us emanates from ourselves, and we
have not been so senseless as to give it the absurd power of
paralyzing our most natural faculties, as those of going in
any direction, or as far as we please. Foreigners landing
on our soil are allowed to enjoy all their faculties, which
do not interfere with the rights of other men. Go then wherever
you wish, from Labrador to the Gulf of Mexico, from
the Atlantic Ocean to Lake Huron, or remain an inhabitant
of New York, and I guarantee you the most perfect security,
the most absolute liberty.” The general could scarcely
believe the assertion, but experience soon convinced him,
and in his first excursions he was less struck by the beauties
132of nature and the aspect of an entirely new country,
than by the happiness of not being obliged at the entry of
every town, or at every change of horses, to show his passport
to a police officer.
The movement of the port of New York is one of the
most animated and varied pictures that can be imagined.
Scarce a half hour elapses without a ship quitting or arriving
at the wharves. The wharves are constantly covered
by groups of travellers arriving or departing; the variety of
their dresses and languages prove that there are few parts
of the globe with which the United States have not intercourse.
In the midst of the crowd which is animated by
various sentiments of surprise or regret, it is easy to distinguish
the Americans by their calm, I might almost say their
indifference, on returning to or quitting their natal soil, and
their friends which accompany them to, or receive them
on the shore. Accustomed from infancy to compare together
the vast distances which separate the different points of
their country, the American is less affected at the moment
of sailing from New York to China, than a citizen of
Paris would be in going to view the sea at Dieppe. We
may perceive the facility with which Americans travel
abroad, by glancing at the tables of the number of passengers
landed at the different ports of the union: we shall find
that the citizens of the United States form a prodigious proportion,
in the ratio of their population.
The following table which contains the number of passengers
landed at the single port of New York from March
1st 1818, to the 11th of December, 1819, will enable one
to judge approximatively of the proportion of passengers
which each nation furnishes to the travellers of the United
States.
Americans
16,628
English
7,629
Irish
6,067
Scotch
1,492
French
930
Belgians
590
Germans
499
Swiss
372
Spaniards
217
Hollanders
155
Italians
103
Danes
97
Portuguese
54
Prussians
48
Swedes
28
Africans
5
Sardinians
3
Norwegians
3
CHAPTER IX.
133
Departure from New York: journey from New York to Trenton: battles
of Trenton and Princeton: visit to Joseph Bonaparte: state of New
Jersey.
On the 22d of September we left New York for the third
time. The profound silence of the crowd which filled the
streets, and the sadness impressed upon all countenances,
indicated that this third absence of Lafayette was to be
prolonged. How much this departure contrasted with our
arrival. At present not one cry of joy, not one acclamation;
but how much of expression in the very silence of the
people and soldiers, who stood in double ranks from our
hotel to the shore where the steam-boat awaited us. The
general wished to go on foot through the long space we had
to traverse, and sent away the carriages which had been
provided; but when he appeared at the door he was so
much crowded by those who wished still to see him once
more, that it was impossible for some moments to disengage
him, and open him a passage by which he might move
onwards. At every step he was retarded by the most touching
farewells; persons threw themselves before him, took
his hand and squeezed it with tenderness, and then abruptly
quitted him with averted countenances, to conceal the
tears they could not restrain.
Accompanied by a large deputation from the city, we
went on board the steam-boat Kent, which was to convey
us to the state of Jersey, from which we were only separated
by the North river, which at this place is of prodigious
width. At the moment we pushed off, the cannon thundered
forth farewell! but its sounds appeared to us to be
mournful! it appeared to be harmonious with the adieus of
the crowd which stood sadly on the shore. We participated
in this sadness, and perhaps we should have yielded to our
feelings, had we not suddenly been struck by a contrast,
which soon changed the nature of our sensation. On the
134left bank of the river we had left a bereaved family mourning
the departure of a father; while on the right bank we
heard shouts of joy from men who were waiting to receive
their liberator. We were soon among them, and their frank
and cordial reception lessened the pain of our recent separation.
Mr. Williamson, governor of New Jersey, had assembled
at Jersey city, where we landed, all his staff and a
detachment of militia, by which we were escorted during
all our route across New Jersey. Our journey was through
Bergen, Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, New Brunswick,
Princeton and Trenton, in each of which towns, and
in all the intervening villages, Lafayette was received
with the most brilliant festivities, prepared in the same
spirit of enthusiasm and gratitude which had actuated all
parts of New England. At Bergen a deputation of the
citizens presented him with a cane, in the name of the inhabitants,
made of a branch of the apple tree under which he
breakfasted with Washington, when he passed through the
town during the revolutionary war. This apple tree was
blown down in 1821 by a terrible storm. These different
circumstances were engraved on the golden head of the
cane.
At Newark, a pretty small town situated upon the Passaic,
the Nation’s Guest was hailed by the patriotic songs
of numerous chorusses of boys and girls. Lafayette passed
the night at Elizabethtown, and the next morning he entered
New Brunswick amid the ringing of bells and the thundering
of cannon. On the 25th he stopped for a few moments
at Princeton, where the President of the College, at the
head of the professors, presented him the diploma of membership
of the society, which under the presidency of Dr.
Witherspoon, had unanimously elected him. In the evening
we arrived at Trenton, where a great concourse of
people awaited Lafayette, at the head of which the magistrates
expressed the sentiments of love and gratitude by
which every citizen was animated towards him.
The whole line of country which we had passed through
during these two days, is commonly called the garden of
the United States. This name agrees admirably with this
fertile part of New Jersey, which is watered by numerous
streams, and adorned with the most beautiful plantations. If
135in this two days’ march our eyes were constantly delighted
with the beautiful aspect of nature, our imagination was
not less agreeably occupied by the historic recollections
which every step over this soil brought to mind. It was
by the same route that Washington effected his excellent
retreat in 1776, after having received some checks upon
the North river. It was at Trenton and at Princeton that
by a bold manœuvre, he resumed the offensive against his
presumptuous adversary, which inspired confidence into
his troops, and recalled victory to his standards.
The details of these glorious days could not but vividly
interest me; and I listened to them with avidity when I
heard them related by some old members of the Cincinnati
society with which we dined on the day of our arrival at
Trenton. The following is the account given of the facts,
which they witnessed.
“Washington having learned that an advanced corps of
five hundred Hessian and English cavalry, commanded by
Colonel Rahl, had taken position at Trenton, formed the
project of surprising and capturing them if possible. To
effect his design, he made choice of Christmas eve, thinking
correctly that discipline and vigilance would be somewhat
relaxed by the festival. He had not then more than 3000
men under his command: he took 2400 and formed them
into two divisions, one under general Green, and the other
under General Sullivan, and at their head he crossed the
Delaware in boats at midnight on the 25th of December,
during a tremendous storm of rain and snow. Having
landed on the Jersey shore, he directed one of his columns
to the left to gain the great road to Maidenhead, and the
other to march directly upon Trenton, following the river.
The march was so quick and secret, that the two columns
arrived at the advanced posts by seven o’clock in the morning
and entirely surprized them. At the first discharges of
musketry the brigade ran to arms, and some men attempted
to harness the artillery, which was parked in the church,
but they were prevented by the quickness with which the
American advanced guard came up. The Hessians and
English seeing themselves altogether surrounded, soon
ceased to defend themselves, Colonel Rahl and some other
officers having been dangerously wounded in the commencement
of the attack, the troop surrendered at discretion. This
136action which secured to the victors six pieces of cannon, a
hundred stands of small arms, three standards, twelve hundred
prisoners, and much baggage, did not at most cause
them the loss of ten men. General Washington decided that
the Hessians should be sent into the interior of Pennsylvania,
and should have all their baggage. This generous
treatment, which they were far from expecting, inspired
them with great veneration for the American general, who
they said was a very good and very amiable rebel.
“After this success Washington retired beyond the Delaware
where, after having received considerable reinforcements
from the states of Maryland and Virginia, he re-entered
Jersey and encamped at Trenton: at this news Lord
Cornwallis discovered himself to have been mistaken, when
he supposed the war to be at an end: he soon perceived that
his opponent was not a man to give up an undertaking as
long as a single musket remained; in consequence he resolved
to pursue him vigorously. Notwithstanding the rigors
of the season, he collected his scattered troops from
their winter quarters, and marched against him with considerable
forces. At this approach, Washington retired behind
the Assanpink, so that Trenton was placed between
the two armies, which during the first evening exchanged
some cannon shots, after having spent some time in reconnoitering.
However Cornwallis was daily reinforced, and
only waited for the arrival of the two brigades of Brunswick
to attempt the passage of the brook, and attack. Washington’s
situation was then very critical; provisions began to
fail, and all communication with Jersey and the Western
States was cut off, but he never despaired of the success
of the holy cause he defended. On the 2d of January at
one o’clock at night, he ordered fires to be lighted, and left
a few soldiers to keep them burning while the army marching
by its right to fall back subsequently upon its left, passed
behind the British army, and re-entered Jersey. The
movement was dangerous had it not been secret, for it was
necessary to prolong it considerably upon the right in order
to cross the Assanpink more easily at its sources, and then fall
back upon Princeton. It was executed with rare success;
about a mile from Princeton, the advanced guard of Washington
in entering upon the great road, found itself face to
face with the English regiment of Colonel Mawhood, which
137was marching in full security towards Trenton; the action
immediately began; the American advanced guard was
soon driven in by the vivacity of the English fire. General
Mercer who commanded it, yielding to his impetuosity
wished to renew the attack with the bayonet, but in leaping
a ditch he fell among the English, who mercilessly put
him to death, at the moment he was presenting his sword,
in the belief that he was a prisoner. The Americans discouraged
by the loss of their leader, concealed themselves
in the woods to wait the arrival of the main body of the
army, which was not long delayed. The English corps
continued its march upon Maidenhead, so that when Washington
arrived upon the place of action, he found only the
forty-eighth English regiment, which at the sound of the
first firing, had turned to the great road; this he suddenly
attacked, dispersed it and took some prisoners. During this
time, General Sullivan rapidly advanced, leaving the Princeton
road upon his left, with the intention of turning this
town and cutting off from the troops occupying it all hopes
of retreat upon Brunswick. A wood through which he had
to pass, was occupied by two hundred English, which were
dislodged in an instant, and rapidly pursued as far as Princeton
college, from which they might have maintained an
obstinate resistance, but this they did not attempt, and were
obliged to ground their arms almost without a combat.
Washington at the head of his principal corps, after having
dispersed or taken all before him, marched rapidly upon
Middlebrook. He was willing to push on as far as Brunswick,
which at that time he could have taken without difficulty,
but his troops had marched thirty miles in a day, and
were harassed with fatigue; he was therefore obliged to
halt. It would be difficult to depict the astonishment of
Cornwallis on hearing at twelve miles in his rear the audacious
attack of an enemy, whom he thought in front, amidst
the fires which still blazed upon the banks of the Assanpink.
He retired precipitately upon Brunswick, and from
that moment Jersey was free, and Pennsylvania secure.
“We arrived at Trenton on Saturday the 25th of September;
the next morning we attended divine service in the
presbyterian church, and afterwards Gen. Lafayette went
in a carriage with the governor and one of his aids, without
escort or parade, to Bordentown, the residence of Joseph
138Bonaparte. The Ex-King appeared much affected by the
visit of the nation’s guest, and received him with an expression
of sensibility and cordiality, which proved to General
Lafayette that time had not weakened the sentiments of affection
he had heretofore exhibited towards him. He detained
us to dinner, and introduced us to his family, which
at this time was composed only of his daughter and his son-in-law,
the Prince of Musignano, son of Lucian Bonaparte.
Before dinner was served, Joseph withdrew in company
with Lafayette to his cabinet and remained there for more
than an hour. We passed this time in conversation with
his son-in-law, a man of affable manners and apparently of
very cultivated intellect. He is devoted to scientific studies,
and particularly to natural history, with which he is
principally employed. He has continued with considerable
talent the great work of American Ornithology commenced
by Wilson. After dinner, of which Madame de
Musignano did the honors with much amiableness, we
found the gardens and yards crowded with the inhabitants
of the vicinity, who brought their children to receive the
benediction of the patriarch of liberty. Joseph himself
with eagerness ordered the doors to be thrown open and
in an instant the apartments were filled by the enthusiastic
multitude. It was truly a striking picture to behold these
good American villagers under the rich ceilings of such a
mansion. Although their eyes were unaccustomed to all
the splendor of a regal establishment, they stopped not to
dwell upon the beautiful productions of the French and
Italian schools, nor upon the bronzes and exquisite statuary
of which these apartments are adorned with elegant profusion;
it was Lafayette alone that they wished to see, and
after having seen him they retired satisfied and as if incapable
of noticing any thing else. When the crowd had silently
left the house, Lafayette hastened to excuse himself
to his host for having drawn upon him such a concourse;
to this Joseph replied with much kindness that he felt very
happy that his neighbours had associated their welcomes
with his, and added, moreover I have long been accustomed
to see them in as great numbers, as on every fourth
of July we celebrate together the anniversary of American
Independence.”
139Time flew rapidly during this visit, and the Governor of
New Jersey was obliged to remind the general that we had
only time enough to reach Trenton before night. We immediately
set out. Joseph and his family wished to accompany
the general a part of the way, we divided the
carriages which were prepared for us and slowly traversed
the large and beautiful property, the peaceable possession
of which appeared to me far preferable to that of the troubled
kingdom of Spain. When we reached the great road,
Joseph stopped the carriage and addressing Lafayette with
ardor, said “permit me to halt upon my frontiers and restore
you to the tenderness of the Americans, who claim
the happy right of doing you the honors of their country.”
He then warmly embraced the general, shook us kindly by
the hand, and retired rapidly with his family.
During all this visit Joseph Bonaparte showed himself to
be an amiable and intelligent man. The benevolence he
displays to his neighbours, the generosity with which he receives
strangers, and especially unfortunate Frenchmen,
and in short the amenity of his character have gained him
universal regard.
On our return to Trenton, we passed the evening with
the governor, his family, and some of the principal citizens
of the state; the conversation turned upon some of the
principal events of the revolution, in which General Lafayette
had been conspicuous. The recollection of the sacrifices
of all sorts made at that glorious period, naturally
led the conversation to the great benefits which have accrued
to all parts of the union. One of the governor’s officers,
a gentleman of cultivated mind and remarkable knowledge,
rapidly sketched for us the developement of the
prosperity of New Jersey, from the time it was freed from
the ridiculous and absurd colonial system.
This province was first settled in 1628, by a Swedish
company, and after passing through the hands of the Dutch
and English, changed masters at least ten times in seventy-two
years, scarcely contained twenty thousand inhabitants
a century after its commencement, and but 100,000 at most
when it was first called to participate in the advantages of
independence. At present it contains, at least, 280,000.
Although the state of New Jersey was constantly the theatre
of the revolutionary war, and its losses consequently
140considerable, its prosperity at this time equals that of the
most flourishing states; protected by forty years of peace
and liberty, its industry has created it a fruitful source of
wealth.
The constitution of New Jersey was discussed and adopted
by the continental Congress, held at Burlington on the
2nd of July, 1776. This constitution was preceded by a
declaration supporting the following principle.
“All constitutional authority, hitherto possessed by the
kings of Great Britain over these colonies, or their other
possessions, only existed by virtue of contract by the people,
granted it for the common interest of all society. Fidelity
and protection being in the nature of things, reciprocal
ties, depending equally upon each other, the contract
is susceptible of dissolution by the people, when these advantages
are withdrawn or refused, and seeing that George
the third, has refused his protection to the good people of
these colonies; has sought by divers acts to give them up
to the absolute power of the parliament, and has himself
made war upon them in the most cruel and unheard of manner,
for the sole reason that they wished to maintain their
just rights, all authority exercised by the king of England is
necessarily at an end.”
The constitution of New Jersey also establishes three
powers, the legislative, executive, and judiciary, but with
this difference, that in this state the governor is always a
member of the legislative assembly, and chancellor of the
state. He is annually elected by the council and general
assembly. He has the right of pardoning, even in cases of
treason; is commander-in-chief of the military forces, but
has no influence in the appointment of captains and subalterns,
which are always elected by the companies of each
county. None but the generals and officers of the staff are
elected by the council and assembly.
The military force is composed of about forty thousand
men, of every description of arms. The militia regulations
are very similar to those of Massachusetts.
CHAPTER X.
141
Entry of Philadelphia: history and constitution of the state of Pennsylvania:
commerce, agriculture, &c.: city of Philadelphia: public
buildings, public institutions, prisons, &c.
On Monday, the 27th of September, we crossed the Delaware
upon a bridge about nine hundred feet long, and
entirely roofed, so as effectually to preserve it from the
weather. Foot passengers cross on a good side walk; the
middle of the bridge is divided into two roads, one of which
carriages take in going, and the other in coming, in order
to avoid all accidents. It is built after the plan of Mr. Burr,
who laid the foundation in 1804; the structure was completed
in 1812. At his entrance into Pennsylvania, General
Lafayette was received by the governor and his staff, at
the head of a number of troops, and citizens of Morrisville;
from Morrisville we went to sleep at the arsenal in Frankford,
after passing through the charming little town of Bristol.
We resumed our march next morning, amidst a still
more numerous escort than that of the previous evening;
and as we approached Philadelphia, the footmen, horsemen,
and carriages, increased our procession so much, that we
could not without great difficulty advance. On a plain at
a short distance from the city, General Lafayette was received
by the civil and military officers, and about 6000
uniformed volunteer militia, drawn up in hollow square,
amid the thunder of cannon. After he had reviewed the
troops, and they had defiled before him under the command
of General Cadwalader, we resumed our march to enter
the city. Never could it be more truly said, that a whole
population came out to meet Lafayette; none remained at
home but those whom age and feebleness detained. Stages
had been erected on each side of the streets, as high as
the eves of the houses, for the accommodation of spectators.
In the principal street of the suburbs by which we entered,
the different trades were drawn up in line, at the head of
142each corps was a workshop, in which were workmen at
their employments; a banner accompanied each of these
workshops, containing portraits of Washington and Lafayette,
with this inscription, “To their wisdom and courage
we owe the free exercise of our industry.” The printers
were the most remarkable among all these mechanics. Over
a press which they had in operation in the open street, was
the following inscription, “Liberty of the Press, the surest
guarantee of the rights of Man.” From this press, an ode
to Lafayette, written by James N. Barker, was thrown
into the carriages, and among the crowd, as they passed.
After the mechanics, followed the public schools, the masters
and scholars all being decorated with a ribband bearing
a portrait of the general, and the motto “Welcome Lafayette.”
At the head of the procession marched a detachment
of cavalry; the nation’s guest followed in a magnificent
barouche drawn by six horses, and by his side was
placed the venerable Judge Peters, who was the secretary
and soul of the war office throughout the revolutionary
struggle. Then followed the mayor, city council, and
judges, in different carriages; then George Lafayette and
myself in a barouche, and behind us four large open cars
resembling tents, containing each forty revolutionary soldiers.
No one could, without emotion, behold these veterans
of liberty, whose eyes half extinguished by age, still
poured forth tears of joy at their unexpected happiness,
in once more beholding their ancient companion in arms.
Their feeble and trembling voices were re-animated by the
sounds of the martial music which accompanied them, and
acquired a new vigour in blessing the names of Washington
and Lafayette. A long column of infantry closed the procession.
After passing through the principal streets, and
under thirteen triumphal arches, we halted and alighted before
the state house. While we rested there a few moments,
the representatives and senators of Pennsylvania,
the city councils, judiciary, and military officers, assembled
in the principal hall, and a few minutes after, under a salute
of thirteen guns, we were conducted into the Hall of
Independence, and the general having been led to the foot
of the statue of Washington, was impressively addressed by
the mayor.
In listening to this address, and recognizing this hall in
143which the declaration of independence of the United States
was signed; this hall at whose door he had waited in 1777,
with so much impatience to devote his life and fortune to
an almost desperate cause, Lafayette felt an emotion he
could scarcely conceal, and which several times shewed
itself in his eloquent answer.
The people were then admitted to take the guest of the
nation by the hand; this greeting lasted for several hours,
and presented a picture of the most perfect equality that
can be imagined. Mechanics with their hardened hands
and uprolled sleeves, advanced to Lafayette; the magistrate
and plain clad farmer stood together; the clergyman and
player moved side by side, and children sure of having their
rights and feebleness respected, marched boldly along before
soldiers and sailors. The varieties of dress contrasted
singularly with the uniformity of physiognomy, which all
expressed the same sentiment of gratitude and admiration.
After this reception, General Lafayette was conducted
to Washington Hall amidst a constantly increasing crowd.—A
splendid dinner was here served up; all the public
officers were present, and numerous toasts were drank.
One was drank to Greece regenerated, wishing her a
Washington for a leader, and a Lafayette for a friend.
At night, a population of one hundred and twenty thousand
souls, augmented by forty thousand strangers from
various parts of the union, walked about by the light of an
illumination, celebrating the exploits of the champion of
liberty, and these rejoicings of the people, which in Europe
under the protection of the police would have been signalized
by murders, robberies, and accidents of all sorts,
here passed without the slightest disorder. The next morning
the mayor, Joseph Watson, came to visit General
Lafayette. He brought in his hand the report from the high
constable, which he showed us. “See there,” said he with
an expression of lively satisfaction, “see how freemen
behave! More than forty thousand strangers have come to
participate in the rejoicings of my fellow citizens, and I have
not found it necessary to increase the number of watchmen.
We have but a hundred and sixty, who are unarmed, and
they have not had a single tumult to repress in this night of
joyous and popular effervescence! Examine these reports!
not a single complaint—not the slightest trouble,” and joy
144sparkled in the eyes of this virtuous magistrate, whose chief
happiness has its source in the excellence of those over
whom he presides. In my opinion the mayor of Philadelphia
would make a very bad prefect of police in Paris.
On the succeeding days the general received in the Hall
of Independence, the addresses of various regularly constituted
bodies, such as the clergy, the Philosophical Society,
Bible Society, the University, the Chamber of Commerce,
the bar, children of the public schools, Washington Light
Infantry, Lafayette Benevolent Association, the revolutionary
soldiers, the French residents of Philadelphia, &c. &c.
To each of these addresses General Lafayette replied extemporarily
with an elegant facility, so appropriate to the
various circumstances by which he was surrounded or was
reminded of, that the admiration and surprize of the public
constantly increased.
The deputation of the clergy presented a very interesting
picture, and was well suited to fix the attention of an European.
Led by the venerable Bishop White, who was
chaplain to Congress during the revolutionary war, it consisted
of nearly eighty pastors of almost every different sect,
but all animated with the same sentiment of tolerance and
charity. The orator always expressing himself in the name
of the ministers of all denominations proved himself the
faithful organ of their unanimous sentiments in the following
address.
“General,
“The Ministers of the Gospel, in this City and
its Liberties, present to you their congratulations on your
arrival in the United States, and assure you of the interest
which they take in the satisfaction manifested universally
by their fellow-citizens, on the occasion: the effect of gratitude
for your services, in the infancy of their national existence.
“As Pastors of different religious denominations, we are
thankful to the Bestower of all Good, for the enjoyment of
a Government of equal laws, extending its protection to
professors of religion in every form, not hostile to the peace
and the due order of civil life. Possessed of this sentiment,
we honour and esteem those who have contributed to the
establishment, or to the stability, of the liberal institutions
145of our country. Among them we cannot but perceive a
conspicuous station to be occupied, by the eminent person
whom we have now the honour of addressing.
“It is gratifying to us, that having hazarded his person and
his fortune in the cause of our commonwealth, in the season
of her difficulties and her dangers, he has revisited her after
such a lapse of years; and become a witness of her subsequent
prosperity, and of her progress in whatever can
adorn society, or ensure its safety.
“With our congratulations, general, we request you to
accept of our affectionate wishes, and the assurances of our
prayers, that under the blessings of a gracious Providence,
your remaining days may be as happy, as the former have
been glorious.”
The following is General Lafayette’s answer.
“The joint testimonies of affection and esteem, with which
I am honoured by the respectable pastors of the several
denominations in the city and environs of Philadelphia, at
the same time that they fill my heart with sentiments of
high gratification and profound gratitude, afford an additional
proof of the holy fraternity which, in this happy land,
unite together the ministers of a gospel of liberty and
equality.
“How can republican principles be better supported than
by pastors, who, to their own eminent virtues, join the
inappreciable advantage of being the free elective choice of
their respective congregations.
“I beg you, reverend gentlemen, to accept my respectful
and affectionate thanks for your kind address, the more
gratifying to me, as it is delivered by a respectable old friend,
the friend of Washington, whose patriotic prayers and
blessings have in this Congress Hall been associated with
the most important events of the revolution.”
The discourse of bishop White, and the answer of Lafayette
awakened in me, I confess many new ideas; I began
to comprehend that under a good government, religion and
liberty, far from being incompatible, mutually support
each other, and to procure this happy alliance, unknown in
Europe, nothing is wanting but that government, renouncing
the absurd and monstrous system of wishing to make
146tool of religion, should leave the citizens to choose and pay
those to whom they entrust their consciences.
I have said that the French residents of Philadelphia,
expressed to General Lafayette their sentiments of personal
attachment, and the pleasure they experienced in seeing one
of their compatriots in the enjoyment of so glorious a
triumph. They were led by Mr. Duponceau, their orator,
who acquitted himself with that ardent eloquence which
has its source in loyalty and love of liberty.
Mr. Duponceau, whom we already had the pleasure of
hearing address General Lafayette, at the head of the Philosophical
Society, of which he is a member, and of the
Philadelphia Bar, of which he is one of the principal ornaments,
has resided in the United States since the war of
Independence, through which he served with distinction
under the command of Baron Steuben, whose aid-de-camp
he was. As a lawyer and learned man, Mr. Duponceau
has acquired in his adopted country a brilliant reputation,
which is enhanced by the practice of every virtue. During
our stay in Philadelphia, we counted among our happy
moments, those which were passed in his always amiable
and instructive conversation.
We found also in Philadelphia another of our compatriots,
whom we were very happy to embrace; this was
General Bernard, a man not less modest than learned,
whose talents and disinterested patriotism were not appreciated
by the French government of 1815. General Bernard,
who as is known passed with distinction through the
imperial court of Napoleon, without losing any thing of his
republicanism, which may be considered as a phenomenon,
has here found just estimators of his merits. Charged by
the American government to secure the defence of the
Union by a complete system of fortification, and the prosperity
of its commerce by the construction of canals and
roads of immense extent, he gives us the satisfaction of seeing
a French name nobly connected with all the sublime
enterprises of a great nation. No one can know General
Bernard without feeling for him sincere sentiments of esteem,
admiration and friendship.
All the time that General Lafayette could withhold from
the kindness of his numerous friends and the people of Philadelphia,
was spent in visiting the humane and public institutions,
147which are exceedingly multiplied in this vast
city; but before designating or describing them, I will give
a rapid glance at the settlement and history of Pennsylvania.
In 1627, a company of Swedes and Finlanders landed on
the banks of the Delaware, and laid the first foundations of
that colony, which was afterwards so rapidly developed
under the mild and humane institutions of William Penn.
The wisdom and moderation of the Swedes and their excellent
administration, should have secured them the peaceful
possession of a soil which they had acquired by the free
grant of the natural proprietors, the Indians, but scarcely
thirty years elapsed before they were deprived of their possessions
by the Hollanders, who themselves were soon dispossessed
by the English, not less rapacious, and more cunning.
In 1681, Charles II. king of England willing to reward
the services Admiral Penn had rendered to the crown,
granted to his son William Penn 20,000 acres of land upon
the banks of the Delaware; this grant was secured by a
charter which contained the following clause.
“The colony shall bear the name of Pennsylvania.
William Penn, his successors and lieutenants, with the consent
of a majority of the freemen, or their representatives
freely assembled, shall levy taxes for public service, establish
tribunals, appoint judges, &c. The laws shall be framed
with reason and in such manner as not to be in opposition
with those of England. The sovereign reserves to himself
the right of examining private affairs, and to judge them in
cases of appeal. In all cases where the positive law of the
province is mute, the laws of England shall be followed.
A duplicate of all the laws passed in the province shall be
forwarded every five years to the Privy Council, and if in
the lapse of six months afterwards, they are declared to be
contrary to the royal prerogative, or to the laws of England,
they shall be declared null. The proprietary shall collect
such taxes as the assembly shall fix upon merchandize:
they shall always have at the court of London a deputy to
answer any allegations against them; and in case they shall
be condemned by the courts, and shall not satisfy the award
within the lapse of a year, the king shall resume the government
until the demands are satisfied, nevertheless without
148prejudice to individual proprietors, as well as the inhabitants
of the province. They may transfer the property.
The property of lands already occupied by Christians shall
be respected. The monarch will neither impose fines nor
taxes upon the colony without the consent of the proprietary
or the assembly, or without an act of the government.”
On the 11th July 1681, the proprietary, and those who
were to emigrate with him, agreed “that before distributing
lands to purchasers enough should be reserved for the public
roads, and that all business with the Indians should be
transacted in the public market; that all differences with
the Indians should be settled by six emigrants and six Indians;
that of every five acres one should be left in wood,
in order to preserve the oaks and white walnuts for shipbuilding;
and that no one should leave the province without
giving three weeks previous notice at the public market.”
About the end of the same year the colonists arrived in
Pennsylvania, and commenced their settlement. Penn himself
arrived at the beginning of the next year, and bought
of Lord Berkely, and the heirs of George Carteret, for
the sum of £4,000, some parts of New Jersey, which he
added to his property, and thus became possessor of all the
space comprised between the 40th and 42d degree of latitude.
He also bought some lands of the Indians, which he
paid for with scrupulous exactness, never thinking that his
title of European gave him the right of unmercifully despoiling
the savage nations of their natural and legitimate possessions.
This spirit of justice and moderation soon conciliated
the attachment of the Indians, who from being as at
first hostile to the settlements of the whites, soon became
benevolent and faithful allies; Penn’s reputation soon reached
Europe, and inspired a multitude of unfortunate men
with the desire of seeking within his territories for peace
and liberty. The first colonists, who came over with him,
imitated his virtues, and the settlement flourished. In the
year 1682, William Penn called a general assembly of the
inhabitants, and employed their aid in drafting a constitution,
the execution of which should be confided to a governor
assisted by a provincial council, and the inhabitants
formed into a general assembly. The council was to be
149composed of seventy members chosen by the inhabitants,
and presided over by the governor or his representative.
One third of this council was to be renewed every year.—On
this occasion William Penn delivered an address in
which he established this proposition, too much misunderstood
by the people and governments of Europe.—
“Whatever may be the form of government, the people
are always free so long as they are only governed by the
laws, and they participate in the formation of these laws;
that it is the sole means by which they can be free; and
that beyond these conditions there is nothing but oligarchy
and confusion: that the great ends of all government are, to
make power respected by the people, and to guarantee the
people from the abuse of power; and that thus a people is
free in obeying, and the magistrates are honorable, and
honored by the justice of their administration and submission
to the law.”
Troubles, however ensued; they were caused by the
claims of the governor of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, and
William Penn was obliged to go to England to maintain his
rights. During his absence he confided the government to
five commissioners, who disappointed every one by abusing
their authority. Under these circumstances, king James
having abdicated, his successors seized on the government
of Pennsylvania, but three years after, that is, in 1696, it
was restored to the proprietary. In 1699 Penn returned
to Pennsylvania, and resumed the management of affairs;
he then proposed a new constitution which was adopted
and maintained until the revolution. New vexations soon
recalled Penn to England where he suddenly died of apoplexy
in 1718. His death was undoubtedly a great loss to
the colony, but the society of Friends, of which he was the
chief, showed itself a worthy inheritor of his virtues, and
continued by its liberal politics to attract to the province
all the men who were disgusted by regal despotism and religious
persecution in Europe. From 1729 to 1754 the colony
received 30,517 emigrants, principally Irish and Germans.
Then all the different doctrines arose from the bosom
of the new population, which affected their consciences,
and separated the colony into quakers, episcopalians, baptists,
presbyterians, catholics, lutherans, calvinists, moravians,
covenanters, methodists, universalists, &c. &c. Some
150of these sects unfortunately let loose their spirit of proselytism
and persecution, of which themselves had been victims
in Europe, and sometimes they were found to persecute
their neighbours the Indians, to impose upon them their
creeds. It was this fanaticism which led in 1763, under
the execrable pretext of freeing the land from the pagans
to the merciless massacre of the Conestoga tribe, which
lived so peacefully and securely under the treaty of William
Penn. This barbarous act destroyed the good understanding,
which had existed during nearly sixty years between
the Indians and colonists, and excited those wars which
were only terminated in 1779 by the almost total extermination
of the natives, the sad remains of which were sent
to the banks of Niagara.
From the death of Penn until 1763, the good understanding
between the colony and mother country appeared to
have suffered no alteration; but the stamp act met with as
much resistance from the Pennsylvanians as it did in New
England; and in 1768 the provincial assembly protested
with energy against the right which parliament wished to
arrogate of taxing the colonies. In 1773, the tea imported
into Philadelphia by the British was destroyed as it had
been at Boston, and all Pennsylvania answered by an unanimous
cry of approbation to the insurgent voice of Massachusetts.
Finally it was at Philadelphia that in 1776,
fifty-four representatives from thirteen states, headed by
John Hancock their president, signed the immortal declaration
of Independence of the United States.
Towards the end of the same year, the convention of
Pennsylvania assembled at Philadelphia, adopted and proclaimed
a new constitution, which was preceded by a preamble
and declaration of rights.
From the time that this constitution was adopted, Pennsylvania
has continually advanced in population, wealth,
and prosperity. In 1790, she had but 450,000 souls, at
present she contains 1,500,000, of which 41,000 are engaged
in agriculture, whose flourishing condition may be compared
with the most fertile parts of France. It is especially
since property has become more divided by the augmentation
of population, that agriculture has made such rapid advances.
Ancient estates of 1200 acres, are at present generally
divided into farms containing from eighty to a hundred
151acres, on which are erected commodious dwellings
and out-houses, and rich orchards, which constantly furnish
the markets with the finest fruits. Since the introduction
of plaster as a manure, lands have much increased in value.
It would be difficult, I believe, to purchase land in the vicinity
of large towns, lower than at the rate of one hundred
dollars an acre, or lower than from six to seven dollars
in the least inhabited parts of the state.
The greater part of the farmers are not only cultivators,
but also traders and manufacturers; they make the woollen
cloths for their own use, and sell a great deal of liquor distilled
from peaches, corn, rye, maple sugar, &c. They
make also large quantities of cider, and for their particular
occasions they make wine from currants, raspberries, &c.
&c. but seldom from the grape.
The war of 1812, which paralyzed foreign commerce,
largely contributed to the advancement of the manufactures
of Pennsylvania, which are at present very numerous and
very various. According to late estimates it appears, that
they employ a capital of more than 40,000 dollars, and at
least 60,000 persons.
Since the last war, commerce has resumed its wonted
activity; however, the exports are not in proportion with
the activity of the industry of the state. Exports consist
principally of corn, flour, beef, pork, flax-seed, iron utensils,
plank, soap, candles, &c.: in 1820 they did not exceed
8,000,000 of dollars. The coasting trade is considerable,
and about thirty ships are employed constantly in the India,
China, and North West Coast trade. Altogether, internal
and external commerce occupies about 7,000 persons.
As commerce, agriculture and industry, have no obstacles
to prevent their increase, and have no great burthens
to support, their prosperity is unavoidably augmented every
year. Taxes are light, since none of them can ever be
increased beyond one per cent. of the value of the goods.
They are levied and collected in the following manner.
Every three years, at the period of the general election,
the people choose assessors, who after having estimated in
money the value of the taxable property, send to the commissioners
of the county the names of two respectable freeholders
of the district, one of which is appointed receiver.
This individual announces to the citizens the amount of
152their taxes, and the day on which their objections will be
heard by the commissioners. The payments are then made,
and the money placed in the hands of the county treasurer,
who receives as his fee one per cent. of the funds that pass
through his hands. The taxes are levied upon lands,
houses, mills, manufactures, ground rents, cattle over four
years old; upon lucrative commercial charges, and in general
upon all offices, except those of ministers of the gospel,
and schoolmasters; and in short upon tavern licences,
and upon adults engaged in no profession.
The excellent financial organization of the state, and the
severe economy carried into all the expenses of government,
never require extraordinary taxes, and still allow
the public agents to devote sufficiently considerable funds
to the execution of the seventh article of the constitution,
which directs the legislative power to employ all the means
proper to multiply the means of public instruction, to procure
gratuitous elementary education for indigent children
and contribute to the rapid developement of the arts and
sciences. The primary schools for the poor, and academies
for the study of literature and the sciences are encouraged
not only by legislative enactment, but also by the
constant efforts of all the citizens, who subscribe together
to create new ones where a want of them is felt.
The civil laws of England are still generally in force in
the state of Pennsylvania; their conservation was one of
the conditions stipulated in the patent granted by Charles
the 2nd to Wm. Penn; they should have been entirely
changed at the epoch of the revolution, as all connection
with England was then broken off; but time and use had
so consecrated them that they were left untouched, and
even at present they have undergone but few and slight
modifications. The same could not be the case with the
criminal laws. The penal code of Great Britain, so often
sanguinary, is entirely repugnant to the principles of the
mild and philanthropic society of Friends; thus from the
earliest days of the colony the object of Penn’s attacks who
sought to substitute for it a code more conformable to the
spirit of his sect, which vigorously opposed capital punishment,
or at least desired that it should not be of such frequent
and easy application. But the English Parliament
was deaf to the cry of humanity and revoked
153the code of Penn and the tolerant decrees of Calvert which
preceded them about half a century.
After the revolution, the disciples of Penn always animated
by his philanthropic spirit, again raised their voice
against the barbarity of the English penal code. This
voice found an echo in the luminous and profound writings
of Franklin, William Bradford, Caleb Lowndes and Dr.
Rush, and soon after punishment by death was only inflicted
upon premeditated murderers or poisoners. Imprisonment
and labour proportioned to the strength of the
convict, displaced corporal punishment, and those shameful
brandings which complete the corruption of the soul, by
consigning the body to enduring contempt.
These happy changes were wrought in 1793; from that
period a considerable number of useful essays on the improvement
of prisons and amelioration of the condition of
prisoners, and particularly on the philanthropic system of
the moral improvement of the convicts, have appeared in
Philadelphia, and soon were imitated in other parts of the
union. The state and city governments have not been
the exclusive agents in this work, but a great number of
benevolent societies, among which the society of Friends
occupy a distinguished place, have devoted themselves to
this great and good work. Among all the evidences I
could cite, I shall confine myself to that of the most respectable
and useful philanthropist, the duke Delarochefoucault
Liancourt, who in a large and very instructive work, his
travels in the United States during the years ’95, ’96 and
’97, speaks with enthusiasm of the reforming prisons of the
United States, and particularly of the state prison of Philadelphia,
principally managed by the society of Friends.
This word state prison has another signification in Europe;
but it here signifies the prisons erected by the state legislatures,
for the criminals condemned by the courts of justice.
Whenever the prisons of France, England, or other parts
of Europe have been ameliorated, the prisons of the United
States, and especially those of Philadelphia, have been taken
as models.
However, the moral means of reformation so well detailed
in the works of Liancourt and other travellers, have
not entirely satisfied the ardor of improvement which animates
the managers of these establishments; on the other
154hand, it is probable that the prisons of Philadelphia, by receiving
a greater number of convicts, and among these a
greater number of Europeans, and a much larger proportion
of men less susceptible of reform, have furnished less
satisfactory results than at the period described by the
duke De Liancourt. These respectable friends of humanity
have thought to do still better, and by resorting to solitary
confinement, which leaving the prisoner to his reflexions,
or to those which may be suggested to him, and separating
him from other convicts, offers more chances of
his amendment. In consequence, and as no expense frightens
the Americans when they are once convinced of any great
public good, they have built at a great cost, near Philadelphia,
an immense building with its court yards and cells,
where every prisoner may be separately shut up, and where
from the form of the edifice, an easy and continual watch
may be kept up.
This superb establishment was still unfinished, when
general Lafayette, accompanied by the committee appointed
to do the honours of the city went to visit it, and were
received by the respectable directors and managers, who
explained to him the improvements made. One must have
courage to venture upon contradicting men so virtuous and
experienced, as generous in design as in the execution of
their benevolent works. The frankness and conviction of
the general, overcame his repugnance, and with all the
regard and respect which were due, and which his personal
situation rendered still more necessary, he represented
to them that solitary confinement was a punishment which
should be experienced to be rightly appreciated; and that
the virtuous and enlightened Malesherbes, who during his
administration under the monarchical government of
France, had ameliorated the condition of prisoners of state,
regarded solitary confinement as leading to madness. The
general observed that during his five years’ captivity, he
had passed an entire year in solitary confinement, and another
part of the time seeing a companion but during a
single hour, and he added, smiling, that he had not found
it to be the means of reformation, since he was imprisoned
for wishing to revolutionize the people against despotism
and aristocracy, and passed his solitude in thinking upon
it, without coming out corrected in that respect. He
155also made some observations on a too assiduous watchfulness,
such for example as that he had been subjected to,
during the early part of his captivity, when he was constantly
guarded by a sub-officer who remained in sight of
him, and was relieved every two hours. Mr. Adams, at
this time secretary of state, appeared to be of the same
mind with Lafayette. These opinions have since been
discussed in newspapers and pamphlets, in which persons
on both sides, understanding the subject thoroughly, have
maintained opposite opinions. “I observe,” said Lafayette,
“that in the states where the prisons are less crowded,
in New Hampshire, or in the state of Vermont, the
managers, (in New Hampshire the senate have charge of
the prisons,) the legislators and the public, find the old
method still good, and it procures the reformation of the
convicts, which you complain of being unable to effect in
Pennsylvania, and in the most populous states. Why may
not your fine building be divided into several parts, each
of which to contain the same number of prisoners as the
prisons of New Hampshire and Vermont, which would be
a mode of separating the criminals and exciting the emulation
of prisoners who behaved well; and since in your
admirable and philanthropic generosity, you have gone to
the expense of a cell for each prisoner, shut them up separately
at night, instead of crowding them together in
those vast sleeping rooms, where it is true the convicts
mutually corrupt each other more than in the day time
and at work, when they are watched by their guards.” This
discussion of equally well meant opinions, in which it must
be confessed the directors and managers have the advantage
of experience, has not been limited to Pennsylvania,
nor even to America. Many philanthropic Europeans who
considered the prisons of Pennsylvania as the type of perfection,
have become alarmed at this avowal of their insufficiency,
this necessity for change, as likely to trammel
the efforts of the friends of humanity in Europe. One of
the most distinguished Englishmen, Roscoe, the historian,
has already written against some opinions which he regards
as erroneous, contained in a report made upon prisons
to the legislature and public. Soon after Mr. Roscoe
entered into a discussion relative to the prison of Philadelphia,
and has published some pamphlets on the subject
156which do equal honour to his understanding and his heart.
Such was the existing state of the question, which the circumstance
of our visit to the prison caused me to consider.
A numerous, enlightened, and experienced portion of the
citizens of Pennsylvania, and especially of Philadelphia,
appear disposed to try solitary confinement, not as an exception
to, but as the basis of, the penitentiary system.
Many worthy men whom I have seen and conversed with
on both sides of the Atlantic, are of an opposite opinion;
but it is exceedingly fortunate for a country that already
bestows so much attention upon questions of this sort, that
the experiment will be made by well meaning persons,
who beyond doubt will modify their system when they
perceive its unfitness. After having obtained such wise
and generally desired reforms, the ever active philanthropy
of the Pennsylvanians has been unremittingly directed to
every thing which can contribute to repair or diminish the
evils of humanity. The government and directors have
vied with each other in zeal; in all parts of the state, hospitals
and charitable establishments have exceedingly multiplied.
In the year 1774, a society devoted to the abolition
of the slave-trade, and to the succour of blacks illegally
held in bondage was formed, of which Franklin was the
first president.
The Humane Society for affording succour to apparently
drowned persons, was established in 1780. This society
has considerably diffused the apparatus necessary for attempting
to afford such relief; and has established prizes
for those who have in any way contributed to save the life
of a fellow creature.
Four female benevolent societies, for the relief of widows
and orphans, were founded during the years 1793,
1802, 1809, and 1811. The Washington Benevolent Society
of Pennsylvania, founded in 1812, also deserves to
be mentioned; it was composed of more than 3,000 members,
each of which payed two dollars on admission, and
the same sum annually into the treasury. These funds
were devoted to the relief of members of the society, or
to their families.
Nearly thirty benevolent associations for mutual assistance,
have been established by the different classes of mechanics,
designated by the names of the society of master
157masons; of carpenters; of stone-cutters, &c. There are
similar associations for foreigners, and their descendants,
among which may be numbered the benevolent society for
Frenchmen in distress, founded in 1805. That for the Germans
was founded in 1801.
A circumstance well worthy of remark, is that of four
great benevolent establishments in Philadelphia; there is
not one which is not founded and supported by private donations
or subscriptions, and managed by citizens who devote
their time and attention to them without fee. These
four institutions are the Pennsylvania hospital; Christ
church hospital; the Philadelphia dispensary, and the lunatic
asylum.
Most of the travellers who have visited Philadelphia,
agree in this point, that the rigid manners and grave characters
of the Friends, who are very numerous in the city,
have produced an unfortunate effect upon general society,
by impressing upon it an air of frigidity and monotony,
which render it insupportable to Europeans. I can neither
contradict nor adopt these opinions; for how can I form a
judgment upon a population which I have only seen in an
accession of enthusiasm and gratitude, which reigned in
all hearts, and drew along with it the most serious, even
the Friends themselves, after him who was the cause of the
sentiment. It is difficult, however, to believe that society
lacks charm and resources in a city where science and the
arts are cultivated so successfully. The learned men who
belong to the philosophical society, the medical society,
to the academy of natural sciences, the agricultural society,
&c. &c. the large public libraries, rich museums, numerous
journals of all sorts, &c. ought to offer in this city sufficient
aliment to the most active mind, and in my opinion may
largely compensate for the absolute want of all the frivolities
to which we unfortunately attach so high a price in
Europe.
One may affirm that Philadelphia is the most regularly
beautiful city, not only of the United States, but in the
world. Its fine streets crossing all at right angles, its large
and always clean foot pavements, the elegance of its houses,
built of brick, and adorned with fine white marble, and the
good taste of its public buildings, at first sight present a seducing
view; but may eventually become fatiguing from
158their exceeding regularity. The plan of the city which
was drawn by Penn himself, extends from the right bank of
the Delaware to the left bank of the Schuylkill; this distance
is about two miles long by one broad; two-thirds only
of this space is at present covered with buildings, but new
houses are daily erected, and I believe a few years will be
sufficient to fill with houses all the space at present remaining
unoccupied between the city and the Schuylkill.
Among the public buildings which adorn this beautiful
city, we cannot avoid indicating the old bank of the United
States, in Third street, the first edifice erected in Philadelphia
with columns and a portico. It was begun in 1795,
and finished in 1798. Its principal front is entirely of
white marble, and resembles considerably the Dublin exchange,
which is said to have served for its model. It is
at present the banking-house of Stephen Girard.
The new bank of the United States in Chesnut street,
the work of the American architect Strictland, is generally
considered as one of the finest pieces of architecture in
the union. It presents in miniature a tolerably exact
image of the temple of Minerva at Athens. It is entirely
built of white marble, brought from Montgomery county,
in the state of Pennsylvania.
Perhaps, before ending this chapter, I should resume the
description of the brilliant and varied festivities which the
inhabitants of Philadelphia offered to the Nation’s Guest,
during the eight days we passed among them; but a simple
enumeration of them, would carry me far beyond the circle
to which I wish to confine the narration of this journey, or
rather triumph; and notwithstanding all the pleasure I
should have had in speaking of the masonic dinner, the
civic ball, the visit of general Lafayette to the arsenal, and
navy yard, the party at general Cadwalader’s, &c. &c., I
am forced to pass from Philadelphia to Baltimore, where
the guest of the nation was received with equal transports
of love and gratitude.
CHAPTER XI.
159
Voyage from Philadelphia to Baltimore: American aristocracy: Fort
M’Henry: Entry of Baltimore: Description of Baltimore: Defence
of the city in 1814.
On the 5th of October, received the touching adieus of
the inhabitants of Philadelphia, and at 8 o’clock, P. M. we
embarked on the Delaware to go down to Chester. We
were accompanied by the committee of arrangement, a
battalion of volunteers and a great number of staff officers.
We arrived at Chester by 11 o’clock at night, and found
the town illuminated; the hall in which general Lafayette
was received and addressed, reminded him of a very memorable
epoch of his life; it was in this very hall that the
wound was first dressed, which he received at the battle
of Brandywine. Before dismounting he still had the
strength and presence of mind to rally a party of troops
which were flying in disorder, and placed them at the entrance
of the bridge to check the enemy, if he had conceived
the thought of following up his first success. These
different circumstances were recalled in a very affecting
manner, by the orator charged to receive the general in
the name of the inhabitants of Chester. After partaking
of an excellent supper prepared by the ladies of Chester,
we went to pass the rest of the night at the dwelling of
colonel Anderson, an ancient companion in arms of general
Lafayette.
Next morning we continued our journey, and arrived at
an early hour at the borders of the state of Delaware, the
point of which we were to cross where it lies between the
states of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and New Jersey. There
we took leave of our Philadelphia friends, who only left
us after consigning us to the care of the Delaware committee,
at the head of which general Lafayette recognized
with pleasure, captain M’Lane, who commanded with
great intrepidity under his orders, a company of partizans
160during the campaign of Virginia, and who at this time in
spite of his 80 years of age, came to receive him on horseback,
wearing the revolutionary hat and feather.
We arrived, to dinner, at Wilmington; this handsome
town, regularly built between the Christiana and Brandywine,
is the largest in the state of Delaware; although its
population does not exceed six thousand souls, it is nevertheless
the centre of a considerable commerce, which is
facilitated by its means of navigation. The vicinity of Philadelphia
and Baltimore imparts a great activity to its
manufactures. Notwithstanding the entreaties of the inhabitants,
general Lafayette was obliged to continue his route
to Frenchtown, in order to arrive the same day, where we
were to find a steam-boat to convey us to Baltimore. We
delayed for some hours at New Castle, to be present at the
nuptials of the son of Mr. Victor Dupont, with Miss Vandyke.
The marriage ceremony, which was conducted
according to the rites of the reformed church, interested
us extremely by its touching simplicity of character. It
was performed in a hall in presence of the collected members
of both families, and of some invited friends. The
minister of the gospel before uniting the young couple,
made them a short address, in which he explained clearly
and without mysteriousness, the duties which their new
situation would impose on them in the social order, and
spoke of the virtues which could alone contribute to their
happiness, like a husband and parent to whom the practice
of these virtues had long been familiar. After having
united them he terminated by a touching prayer, in English,
in which every one could heartily unite, as it was perfectly
intelligible to all. Notwithstanding the absence of
robes and decorations, this service appeared to me as worthy
and imposing as that of the Roman Catholic church.
The night was far advanced when we arrived at Frenchtown,
where the steam-boat United States had waited for
us a long time. At a short distance from Frenchtown,
general Lafayette was met by a numerous deputation, and
the aids of the governor of Maryland, who informed him
that they were charged to convey him to Fort M’Henry,
where the governor had established his head quarters to
receive him. Among this deputation Lafayette recognized
with pleasure many of his old friends, especially two
161Frenchmen, colonel Bentalou, ancient officer of Pulaski’s
legion, and Mr. Dubois Martin, an old man of 83 years,
who commanded the vessel in which Lafayette escaped
from Bordeaux to come to the United States. At the moment
of our embarkation we learned that Mr. John Adams,
secretary of state, had arrived at Frenchtown, on his way
to Washington, and that he had accepted with pleasure
the invitation given him to join the company of general
Lafayette, to whom this was an especial satisfaction, as
Mr. Adams was also an old and kind acquaintance.
Many travellers who have visited the United States, and
who pretend to be well acquainted with the manners of
the country, have stated that the Americans, in spite of
their republican institutions, are essentially aristocratic in
their habits, the following fact, will, I think, victoriously
refute the accusation; and this fact is not an insulated one,
nor an exception, as I shall have many others to relate.
On board the steam-boat which conveyed us across the
Chesapeake, a chamber was prepared for general Lafayette,
and as the committee of arrangement had the kindness
to think that those who had participated in his fatigues
ought to share in his repose, they had caused two other
beds to be placed in the same chamber, one for his son,
and the other for me. We were ignorant how our numerous
travelling companions were arranged to pass the
night; when George Lafayette going on deck for the sake
of air, observed that the great cabin in which we had supped
was converted into a vast dormitory, the floor of
which was covered with beds, which the crowd occupied
without ceremony. Among those who were preparing to
lie down on the humble mattresses, he remarked with astonishment
the secretary of state, John Adams. He immediately
addressed him, and besought him to change beds
with him; which he refused, declaring that he was very
well accommodated, and should be grieved to separate him
from his father. I arrived at the same moment and joined
my intreaties to those of George Lafayette, remarking to
Mr. Adams that the same objection would not apply to my
proposition, and added I hoped he would not condemn me
to lie in a good bed, when a man of his character was
stretched upon a hard mattress: he replied very obligingly,
but gave a formal refusal. In short, pressed by our united
162requests, and the name of general Lafayette which we
made use of, he stated that if he even felt disposed to accept
our offer, he should still be obliged to refuse it, because
before every thing else he must respect the dispositions
of the committee of arrangement, and the committee
had determined that no one should be admitted into general
Lafayette’s chamber but his travelling companions.
Mr. George Lafayette now sought a member of the committee
of arrangement, and requested in the name of his
father, that Mr. Adams should be admitted into the chamber
instead of one of us. This latter clause was considered
inadmissible by the committee, which, after a short deliberation,
determined that a fourth bed should be prepared
in general Lafayette’s chamber for Mr. Adams, not because
he was secretary of state, but because general Lafayette
desired to have one of his old friends near him. Mr.
Adams did not consent to relinquish his mattress in the
common room, until formally invited by the committee.
If there be any aristocracy in American manners, it
must at least be confessed, that the great officers of the
government partake of no such privileges.
During the night we advanced in exceeding bad weather,
but in the morning when we entered the beautiful river
Patapsco, on the banks of which the rich city of Baltimore
stands, the sun dispersed the clouds, and his first rays
gilding the vast horizon unveiled before us, permitted us
already to see the spires of the city and the grove of
masts of vessels which habitually fill the port, and the
bastions of Fort M’Henry, which defends the entrance of
the harbour.—At nine o’clock four steam-boats, the Maryland,
Virginia, Philadelphia and Eagle, covered with flags
and streamers, and crowded with a multitude of citizens,
who came to receive their guest by saluting him with a
triple welcome, with which their grateful voices made the
air ring, came out of port and formed a line behind the
United States, which majestically continued her course towards
the shore. When we came within a short distance
a number of boats came off to land the company. The
first which landed conveyed general Lafayette, the secretary
of state Mr. Adams, general Smith, Mr. Dubois Martin,
and Mr. Morris, president of the committee. Captain
Gardener acted as cockswain, and it was rowed by twelve
163ship masters of Baltimore. We went on shore in the other
boats, and were landed at the wharf of fort M’Henry. The
National flag which had floated over it during the last war
was hoisted: its ample field pierced by a bomb-shell,
attests the vain efforts of the British engineers. At the
gate of the fort general Lafayette was surrounded by a
number of persons in citizen’s dress, for the most part mutilated.
These were some of the individuals who in the
year 1814, proved so energetically to the English, how
much superior are men who combat for their liberty,
country and families, to vile mercenaries hired by kings
to gratify their passions. Fort M’Henry defended by a few
citizen soldiers, saw before its feeble walls the pride and
rage of an English fleet rendered vain, and the enemy
obliged to retire disgracefully after a bombardment of 48
hours.
As general Lafayette entered the fort, the salute of cannon
announced it to the citizens of Baltimore, who at this
time crowded forth to meet him, and covered the long peninsula
which extends from the city down to fort M’Henry,
between the two bays formed by the river Patapsco. On
the parade of the fort were collected a great number of
old revolutionary officers, the magistrates, &c. and a detachment
of infantry, which, by opening their ranks, allowed
to be seen behind them the tent of Washington. If
at this sight general Lafayette was affected by various emotions,
his son was not less moved in beholding once more
the person who had formed the happy and noble idea of
bringing it to aid in the solemnities of the day. Mr. Custis,
the author of this delicate attention, is the nephew of
general Washington; with him George Lafayette passed
two years of his youth under the hospitable roof of Mount
Vernon, during the imprisonment of his father in the dungeons
of Olmutz. The remembrance of their former fraternity,
and of the cruel loss of him who had been their
common father, caused them an emotion of mingled pleasure
and pain, which could only be expressed by their silent
tears and embraces.
General Lafayette having endeavoured to calm his first
emotion, advanced towards the tent of Washington, where
he was received by governor Stevens with an appropriate
address.
164After this discourse, to which general Lafayette replied
with the sincere expression of a grateful and profoundly
touched heart, we went into the tent, under which was old
colonel Howard, who signalized his youth by the war of
independence, and crowned his old age by the laurels
gathered in 1814, in defence of Baltimore, and who filled
the interval of these two great epochs of his life by the
devotion of all his time to the cause of liberty. This venerable
patriot, at the head of the society of Cincinnati,
also addressed the general, and expressed the sentiments
of all his old companions in arms, who could not longer
contain the impulse of their joy, and hastened to throw
themselves into the arms of their ancient leader, who, as
they presented themselves, recognized nearly every one,
and reminded them, with vivacity, of the times and places
in which they had shared the same dangers and fatigues.
At length we left fort M’Henry, and the procession was
formed to enter Baltimore; general Lafayette led the way
in an open carriage, drawn by four horses; the vast extent
of ground we had to pass on our left, was ornamented
by a line of militia on foot and horseback, which formed
in column behind us as we passed. On our right were the
people who had flocked to meet us from Baltimore. We
arrived at the entry of the town, where we found a triumphal
arch, supported upon four beautiful Ionic columns.
Under this arch 24 young ladies, robed in white, crowned
with myrtle, and bearing lances, upon which were inscribed
the names of the states of the union, received the
Nation’s Guest, encircled him with garlands, and crowned
him with laurels. At the same instant, the roar of cannon,
mingled with the acclamations of the multitude. The procession
continued its progress, and passing through all the
streets, finally stopped in front of the City Hall, in the
principal hall of which the general was received and welcomed
in a speech by the mayor.
In his reply, general Lafayette proved that he had not
forgotten the zeal of the inhabitants of Baltimore in the
cause of liberty.
After this answer, and when all the members of the corporation
were introduced, we went to the principal street
of the city, in the centre of which an alcove, covered and
adorned with rich carpets, had been prepared for the reception
165of general Lafayette and his companions. Here
the militia of Maryland, whose martial air disclosed the
warlike character of this fine country, defiled before us to
the sound of Lafayette’s march. Among the numerous
corps which passed before us, one was pointed out to the
general which marched under a ragged standard; this corps
was Forsyth’s riflemen, and the flag was that under which
Pulaski died at Savannah.
Pulaski,[17] after having long and uselessly fought for the
liberty of his country, Poland, only abandoned it when the
cause of independence was altogether desperate, and in
search of places where he might still shed his blood for the
principles he had hitherto defended. Virginia and Maryland
were completely devastated by the war in 1778;
when he organized a legion at Baltimore, the arts were
no longer cultivated, and the entire activity of the citizens
was turned towards war: he was then obliged to have recourse
to the most simple colours. A piece of crimson
silk, obtained with great difficulty, was embroidered in silk
by the religious Moravian women of Bethlehem in Pennsylvania.
On one side were the letters U. S. (United States)
and the words “vis unita fortior,” on the other side was a
field emblazoned with 13 stars, with this legend, “non
alius reget” Such was the flag of Pulaski, which always
conducted to the path of glory, the warriors who rallied
under it. In 1778, the lieutenant colonel of this legion
fell under the British bayonets at Egg-harbour, in New
Jersey; in 1779, the colonel, who had previously commanded
a regiment of hussars in the army of Frederick
the Great, was sabred before Charlestown; on the 9th of
October of the same year, general Pulaski, who had given
his name to the legion, was mortally wounded by a shell,
in the attack upon Savannah. In 1770, the major was sabred
at Mark’s Corner; colonel Bentalou was then the
oldest surviving officer; he took command of the legion,
and at the end of the war inherited its flag, which he carefully
preserved. Since the revolution it had never been
displayed, but he thought that the arrival of Lafayette was
a sufficiently glorious occasion for bringing it to light. After
166the ceremony, he presented it to the museum, where it was
received by the hands of the ladies of Baltimore.
After the review, we were conducted to our head quarters,
which were established in the elegant hotel kept by
Mr. John Barney, brother of the intrepid commodore
Barney, who gloriously fell, dreadfully wounded, at the
head of his sailors, (at that time acting on shore as soldiers,)
in the battle of Bladensburg.
In the evening, the city corporation, the senators and representatives
of Maryland, and the governor and his staff
dined with the general. After dinner, numerous toasts were
drank, which for the most part were expressive of attachment
to the person and principles of Lafayette, or sometimes
according to the American custom, the opinion of
their political party. Mr. Adams, still affected by the
touching scenes he witnessed at fort M’Henry in the morning,
gave the following, which was received with unanimous
applause: “The tears of glory, gratitude, and joy,
shed under the tent of Washington.”
Every instant of our stay in Baltimore, was marked by
the most brilliant festivals, and the most delicate attentions.
It is difficult to give a just idea of the elegance and delicacy
of manners of the inhabitants of this city, in which
we find the amiable union of American frankness, and
French ease. The ball given by the city was every thing
that was perfect of the kind; it was prepared in the theatre,
and disposed with inimitable taste. All the boxes were
occupied by ladies, and the carpet was entirely vacant.
We were introduced from the stage, only accompanied by
some members of the committee. At the moment the general
appeared, he was announced by an invisible music,
which played Lafayette’s march, and the gas blazing abundantly
from numerous pipes, and throwing floods of dazzling
light over the hall, discovered to our delighted eyes
the most ravishing picture I ever beheld. The splendour
of a parterre covered with the most beautiful flowers,
would have looked pale along side of this crowd of beautiful
ladies, waving their handkerchiefs, scattering flowers,
and expressing, by their sweet tears, the happiness they
experienced in beholding the Nation’s Guest. In an instant
they abandoned their places, advanced to the middle
167of the hall, and surrounded the general, who remained for
some moments incapable of expressing his gratefulness, so
much was he affected. The dancing soon after commenced,
and gave us an opportunity of admiring more in detail the
graces and beauty of the ladies of Maryland.
We only remained five days at Baltimore, but general
Lafayette’s time was so skillfully divided, that he could attend
to nearly all the invitations he received. He was present
successively at the entertainments of the freemasons,
of the Cincinnati society, &c. &c. He daily received numerous
deputations from a great number of cities earnestly
requesting him to visit them. He visited the various public
establishments of Baltimore, and on Sunday attended
divine service, celebrated by the archbishop. The mass,
in music, was admirably chanted by the ladies of Baltimore,
under the direction of Mr. Gilles, an excellent professor,
who for some years has diffused in the city a taste
for good music, and formed a large number of distinguished
pupils. On the same day the corps of militia officers was
introduced by general Harper, who, on this occasion, pronounced
a discourse, the following passage of which, appeared
to me, to be especially remarkable.
“This free homage of our hearts,” said he, “stranger to
flattery and ambition, is the more precious to you, as you
well know, that it is the testimony of a nation, in favour of
those principles of government, for which you have shed
your blood in this hemisphere, and suffered so much in the
other. This testimony perhaps will not be useless to the
sacred cause you have embraced: at a moment when Europe
is divided between two parties, one of which is endeavouring
to perpetuate absolute power, and the other
courageously combats for equality of rights and the establishment
of a constitutional government; it will we hope
be a great encouragement to the friends of the good cause
to know that here we are undivided, and that the American
nation is unanimous in its attachment to liberty.”
General Lafayette replied to the orator, assuring him
that he participated in his opinions, his wishes, and his
hopes.
The testimonials of affection both public and private,
which the citizens of Baltimore heaped upon their guest,
168are too numerous to be all related; however I cannot refrain
from stating the following.
The evening before our departure we had passed at the
house of general Smith; whence we returned on foot accompanied
only by two or three persons. Notwithstanding
the lights which illuminated the street, we hoped to be able
to pass through the crowd which was considerable, without
being known, but the size and gait of general Lafayette
betrayed us. He was recognized by some of the passers-by,
and his name flying from mouth to mouth, brought the
crowd immediately around us. Nevertheless we approached
our place of residence, and were already rejoicing that we
had not been too long delayed, when George Lafayette
feeling himself strongly pulled by his coat, turned round
and saw a most beautiful girl, who with her hands joined,
and with the most touching voice, exclaimed “I beseech
you to enable me but to touch him and you will make me
happy.” General Lafayette hearing her, turned towards
her and gave her his hand, which she seized and kissed
with transport, after which she retreated concealing, her
tears and blushes with her handkerchief. Such a circumstance,
especially when it is not insulated, says more than
the most skilful historian.
We visited in nearly all its details the city of Baltimore,
which appeared to me to be one of the most handsome
cities in the union. Although its streets are all very broad
and regular, still they have not the monotony of those of
Philadelphia. The ground upon which Baltimore is built
is undulating, which gives to every part a character of
variety: from several elevated points of the city, the eye
can take in not only the whole of the buildings, but also a
part of the port. The sparkling waters of the Patapsco,
and the sombre forests which extend in the distance, seem
placed there like shadows fit to bring out more strongly the
magic picture of a city containing 60,000 souls, which has
sprung up in half a century. The inhabitants of Baltimore
generally have a decided taste for the fine arts. I have already
said that it was to a Frenchman that they were indebted
for their marked superiority in music, over almost
all the cities in the union. They are also much indebted
to a Frenchman for much of their good taste in architecture.
Several of their public buildings are built from designs
169furnished by Mr. Godefroy, who resided a long time
in Baltimore. The Unitarian church is a masterpiece of
elegance and simplicity. The battle monument (by Capellano)
is of a chaste style and fine execution. The Washington
monument (by Mills) is considerably similar in its
form and elevation to our column in the Place Vendôme,
at Paris. It is built of beautiful white marble, and stands
on a gentle elevation, whence it may be seen from various
parts of the city, and it may be also seen from a great distance
upon the water.
The harbour of Baltimore is safe and commodious; it occasionally
happens, however, that it is frozen over in rigorous
winters. Although two hundred miles from the sea,
it is much frequented; the great number of navigable rivers
which flow into the Chesapeake, makes Baltimore the centre
of a very active internal commerce. Nevertheless,
within a few years a very sensible diminution has taken
place in the commercial activity of Baltimore, which is attributed
to various causes. It is believed that these will
be removed, or at least cease to operate prejudicially so
soon as the Ohio rail road shall be completed.
Baltimore appears to me to be one of the most agreeable
places of residence; its inhabitants although occupied
ardently in all sorts of industry, do not neglect those studies
which form the taste and enlarge the dominion of intellect.
Several scientific societies exist there; one of them, the
Newtonian Society of Maryland, formed in 1818, encourages
with vigor the study of the natural sciences; the Economic
Society, founded in 1819, is intended to forward manufactures
and domestic economy. The Agricultural Society
is not less remarkable than the others for the services it
renders, and by the merit of its members. Before our departure,
we were all three distinguished by being elected
honorary members of this society. The cabinet of anatomy
by Chiappi, (at the hospital,) the museum of natural
history, the gallery of paintings by Rembrandt Peale,
and the mineralogical collection of Mr. Gilmore, are beautiful
and valuable. The city library is composed of about
14,000 volumes, and belongs entirely to the public. What
tends to give a great charm to the advantages of the city of
Baltimore, is its vicinity to Washington, the seat of the
general government, which is about 35 miles distant; which,
170during the session of congress, offers great attraction to
those who wish advantageously to attend to the political
debates. However, at Baltimore, as throughout New England,
Sunday is rather a dull day; religious observances
are austere, though the most perfect liberty of conscience
exists. The city contains at least twelve sects; the Catholics
are the most numerous, and although thus superior in
numerical force, the sect is as mild, as tolerant and as charitable
as the others; because it is well known that it
would meet with no support from government if it wished
to intrigue and domineer as in some parts of Europe.
This city, so beautiful and interesting at present, was
forty-five years ago, nothing but a small collection of badly
built houses. In 1790, its population amounted suddenly
to 13,500 inhabitants: in 1800, by the new census, it was
found to contain 26,514: in 1810, 35,583: in 1820, 62,738;
and in 1824, it amounted to 65,000, of which at least fifty
thousand were whites, and eleven thousand free citizens of
colour; the remaining four thousand were slaves. The
numbers of the latter are fortunately daily diminishing:
the progress of philanthropy, and of interest well understood,
although slow, is nevertheless constant, and the
friends of humanity have a right to hope that before many
years the inhabitants of Baltimore will be disembarrassed
from this pest of slavery, which might be called disgraceful
if we were not aware how many obstacles have been
surmounted to the present time, to abolish this horrible inheritance
which England has bequeathed to the United
States, as if to punish her for having broken her colonial
yoke.
The luxury and the arts introduced into Baltimore, have
not brought with them the effeminacy and corruption,
which some persons believe to be their inseparable companions.
The defence of Baltimore during the late war,
sufficiently proves that the inhabitants are still, as in the
glorious days of the revolution, passionate lovers of liberty,
and courageous defenders of their independence. Their
campaign of 1814, did them much honour, and pleads
victoriously in favour of the militia system in a defensive
war.[18]
CHAPTER XII.
171
Farewell to Lafayette, by the inhabitants of Baltimore: Journey from
Baltimore to Washington: Entry of that city: Visit to the President:
Description of Washington: Jesuits.
Our departure from Baltimore was as brilliant as our
entry, but not like the latter enlivened by resounding acclamations
of public joy. The troops paraded on the plain
between the city and fort M’Henry, to perform some grand
manœuvres in presence of general Lafayette, after which
we were invited to a farewell dinner, under an immense
tent, whence we could behold nearly all the points rendered
illustrious by American valour during the war of
1814. Generals Smith, Stricker, and Harper, colonels
Howard, Carrol, Bentalou and other veterans of liberty
were present at this repast, during which a number of
toasts were drank, among others was one paying to general
Smith a tribute of eulogy and gratitude for his excellent
conduct as commander-in-chief, during the late war. The
modesty with which the veteran received this testimonial
of esteem from his fellow-citizens, proved to us what generous
sentiments are inspired by liberty and excellent institutions.
He rose with vivacity, and in a short address replete
with the fervour of feeling, reproached his friends for
heaping their gratitude exclusively on him, while so many
brave men had an equal claim to it.—“My plans and orders,”
said he, “would have been unavailing, if my troops
had not been freemen, and had I not been so ably aided by
my worthy friend general Stricker. Cease then fellow-citizens
to thank me exclusively, you cannot wish that a
republican should appropriate to himself a victory common
to all.”
Towards the conclusion of the entertainment a young
172officer requested permission to sing some verses of his own
composition. They were filled with those generous sentiments
which among Americans naturally arise at the magic
names of liberty, Washington, and Lafayette. He sung
them with an engaging expression, but as he drew near the
conclusion, and was to pronounce the name of him he celebrated,
his emotion overcame his voice, he could not complete
his song, and falling upon the hand of Lafayette, he
bathed it with tears, and rushed out to escape the praises
merited by his feelings and intelligence.
The approach of the sun to the horizon warned us that
no time was to be lost, if we wished to profit by his light in
commencing our journey; we therefore quickly left the table
to join our carriages, which waited for us at some distance;
but, so great was the crowd surrounding them, that,
notwithstanding the care of those who accompanied us, we
were soon separated; the general and his son were literally
carried in triumph by the citizens, and it was a long time
before I could rejoin them.
Night closed in upon us while on our journey, and rendered
the march very painful to our escort, which had been
constantly mounted since morning. On this account, added
to the general’s wish to enter Washington by daylight, the
committee of arrangement determined to propose that he
should sleep on the way. To this the general assented, and
soon after we arrived in front of an hotel, at which we
were to halt, but as we were about to alight, we heard a
great tumult of confused voices pronouncing angrily the
name of Waterloo: at the same moment an officer of the
escort came to the door and informed the general that the
name of the house was Waterloo, inquiring if it was agreeable
to him to lodge there. The general replied that he
would willingly go on, but that he feared to fatigue his escort.
They however declared they had rather founder
their horses than that he should remain in a house whose
name might awaken unpleasant reflections; we therefore
continued our journey. Our escort, enraged at the innkeeper,
wished before we left the place to pull down his
sign, and would have done it, if their officers had not prevented
it by reminding them of the sacred right of property.
We stopped for the night at an excellent inn two or three
173miles distant, where we learned that an old tory of this
country, still besotted by his love for the English, had
rented the other house to a poor innkeeper, on condition that
he named it “Waterloo.” Our informant added that every
one despised him, and as no one goes to his tavern, he is
obliged to indemnify the tenant; however he is rich and
obstinate.
On the morning of the 12th of October, captain Sprigg
was at the head of his beautiful volunteer cavalry, ready
to escort general Lafayette to Washington. Captain Sprigg
was not long since governor of Maryland, which office he
discharged for several years in a manner that conciliated
universal esteem and regard. In relinquishing his public
office to return to private life, he did not think he had discharged
all his duties towards his country. He organized,
almost entirely at his own expense, a company of volunteer
cavalry, gave them for instructor a brave Polish officer,
colonel Leymanowski, who served for twenty years in the
French army, and forgetting his previous elevation, did not
think it beneath his dignity as ex-governor, to assume the
modest uniform of a captain. One cannot avoid feeling a
sentiment of profound respect on beholding this patriotic
soldier surrounded by his cavalry, nearly all of whom are
farmers residing in the county he lives in, continually employing
himself with their military improvement and the
perfection of their organization, and especially with the development
of their patriotic sentiments, which his conversation
and example daily augments. Captain Sprigg is also
a tender parent, and an active and enlightened agriculturist.
We soon after met the corporation of Washington, the
troops and people who came to meet general Lafayette.
We then left our carriages for open barouches, and in a
short time entered the capital of the United States. We
were already half an hour within the limits of the city,
without finding a single habitation; the plan of Washington
is so gigantic that it will require a century for its completion.
It is only built up in the interval which separates
the president’s house from the capitol, and this space at
present forms a moderate town. Our march from the entrance
of the city to the capitol, was marked by the firing of
cannon, and frequently impeded by the crowd which pressed
upon the procession. After passing under an arch of triumph
174Lafayette entered the capital, where all the municipal
authorities awaited him: he was conducted to an outer gallery
where the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city,
in presence of the people. Leaving the capital the procession
moved slowly through the city to the president’s
house. The way was thronged with the youth of the
schools, and by numerous corps of militia. In this part of
our progress we passed under the windows of several ambassadors
of the holy alliance, to whom doubtless a triumph
so excellent, so pure, and simple, must have been an incomprehensible
phenomenon.
We arrived at the president’s mansion, which is a very
simple building, but in good taste: it is constructed of very
hard white stone, has but one story, and terminates by a
platform in the Italian style. The first floor is somewhat
raised from the ground, and an elegant peristyle leads to it.
The yard in front of the house is surrounded by a handsome
iron railing, having three gates, which are neither defended
by guards, constables, nor insolent lackies. The crowd
which accompanied the procession stopped in front of the
railing, and none but the city authorities accompanied us
into the house. A single domestic opened the principal
door, and we were immediately introduced into the hall of
audience, which is of considerable size, elliptical in shape,
and decorated and carpeted with a remarkable correctness
of taste. The president at the upper end of the room, was
seated upon a chair not differing in form or elevation from
the rest, and had near him the four secretaries of the cabinet,
the officers of the army and navy; some senators and
public officers were arranged in a semicircle on his right
and left. Like the president, they were all dressed in
plain blue, without lace, embroidery or decorations, without
any of those puerile ornaments for which so many silly
men dance attendance in the antichambers of European
palaces. When general Lafayette entered, the whole assembly
rose, the president advanced eagerly to meet him,
embraced him with fraternal tenderness, then came to us
and shook us kindly by the hand, after which he introduced
us all three individually to the persons present. After this
official introduction, the circle broke up, groups were
formed, and particular conversations ensued on various
points. During this time the president having drawn us
175three near him, addressed the general thus:—“you are
aware from my last letter how much I desired to have you
in my house along with your two companions, during your
stay in this city; but I am obliged to renounce this pleasure.
The people of Washington claim you; they say that as the
Nation’s Guest, none but the nation has a right to lodge
you. I must yield to the public will, and the municipalty
have prepared a hotel, provided a carriage, and in short, anticipated
all your wants. You must accept their invitation,
but I hope that this will not hinder you from considering
my house as your own; you will always find your places
ready at my table, and I wish whenever you have no engagement
with the citizens, that you will dine with me.
This evening, the municipalty expect you at a public banquet:
to-morrow you will be present at a grand dinner
which I give to the principal officers of government, but
once these ceremonies are concluded, I will do every thing
I can, that you may be as frequently as possible, a part of
my family. This invitation was so cordial and pressing,
that general Lafayette frankly accepted it, and retained
our united thanks.”
The next day we went to dine with the president, and
found there, all the ministers, the municipal, judiciary and
military officers. Before taking our places at table, Mr.
Monroe introduced us to his wife, two daughters, and his
sons-in-law. We found throughout the family, the same
cordiality and simplicity, which distinguished the president.
Mrs. Monroe is a fine and very agreeable woman.
In sitting down to dinner I observed that but one place
was distinguished from the rest, and this was for general
Lafayette, whom the president caused to sit on his right.
All the rest took seats without ceremony, but all with remarkable
modesty. Every one appeared to try to make
his rank forgotten. Accident placed me between the secretary
of the navy, Mr. Southard, and major general Macomb.
The latter speaks French fluently, and had the
kindness to answer my numerous questions, as almost every
thing I saw appeared strange to me. “You see here,”
said he, “nearly all the principal officers of our government;
that is, the upper servants of the people. They are
not numerous, and consequently the easier to superintend.
The people are so much the better served, and the expense
176is trifling, for among all these officers there is not
one who dreams of enriching himself. Their appointments
are generally too small to excite cupidity; it is a fact that
most of them are obliged to neglect their personal concerns,
in order to attend to those of the public, and quit
the administration poorer than when they enter it; but an
ample recompense awaits their return to private life, in the
esteem and gratitude of their fellow citizens, if they have
faithfully performed their duties.”
I wished much to obtain some details concerning most
of the persons who are here called public servants, but the
conversation became general, and interrupted our particular
observations. “On your return from Yorktown,” said
general Macomb, “you will probably pass some time here,
and you can then study the public characters and domestic
habits of our statesmen at your ease. This study may
prove very interesting to an European, and if I can aid
you, you may command my services.” I accepted of his
offer with eagerness, and promised myself much advantage
from his good advice.
The three following days of our sojourn at Washington
were employed by the general in visiting Georgetown,
which is only separated from the capital of the United
States by a small stream, where he met with a brilliant
reception; in receiving daily a great number of citizens,
and in passing a few moments with the family of his paternal
friend, general Washington. This time I employed in
examining the city and its public buildings, and in collecting
some notes relative to the District of Columbia.
Some time after freedom, commerce, and industry had
effaced the bloody traces of the revolutionary war, and
rendered calm the great American family of the union,
Congress thought justly that as every state required its entire
independence, none of them could long be satisfied
with the presence of the central government, which itself
needed to be so situated as to be free from all local influence.
In consequence a small portion of land, situated
upon the borders of Maryland and Virginia, was purchased
by government, which made it the seat of its operations in
1800. This territory is ten miles square, and is traversed
by the river Potomac, and under the name of District of
Columbia is subjected to the immediate administration of
177Congress. The two most considerable cities of the District
of Columbia are Georgetown and Alexandria, both
much older than the formation of the district. The first
is very prettily situated on the declivity of a hill between
the Potomac and Rock Creek; its population is about
7,000 souls: it contains a foundery of cannon, of which I
shall hereafter speak; but its commerce, although somewhat
active, is much less than that of Alexandria, situated
much lower down, on the right bank of the Potomac.
The population of Alexandria amounts to 8,000 souls, and
its exports, consisting principally of flour, annually amount
to nearly 9,000,000 dollars. As to Washington city, it is
upon too vast a scale to derive the aspect of a city from
its 13,000 inhabitants. But for its public buildings, one
might take it for an infant colony struggling against difficulties.
In some parts of it, a quarter of an hour is necessary
to walk from one dwelling to the next, and it is
not rare to see on the way a plough heavily tracing a furrow
which will probably bear harvests for another half
century, instead of buildings. The projected streets are
all large, straight, and parallel to each other, but the greatest
error committed in tracing them was that of not preserving
a row of trees on each side which would have better
marked their direction, and have offered a shelter from
the heat of the sun. The most beautiful building in Washington,
beyond doubt, is the capitol. It contains two spacious
and well arranged halls for the senate and house of
representatives; another for the supreme court of the
United States, and a third for the national library. The
capitol was burned by the English in 1814, who behaved
like Vandals when they took Washington; but it has risen
from its ashes, more vast and splendid. The workmen
were still engaged upon the capitol when I visited it. The
navy yard, situated at a short distance from the capitol, is
one of the richest and most beautiful establishments of this
kind. All the works in wood and iron are effected by
steam machinery. I saw there several large frigates building.
The armoury appeared to be amply supplied. I was
shown some repeating guns for defending entrenchments,
consisting of several barrels, connected with one lock,
firing fifty successive shots without being re-loaded. Commodore
Tingey, who commanded the navy yard, and did
178the honours with most laudable politeness, promised to
show me one of these guns in operation, but not having
time to witness it, I could not judge of its usefulness, which
some American officers boast much of. In the centre of
the principal court-yard, a rostral column is erected in
honour of the Americans who fell before Tripoli. It
is of white marble, and was surrounded with allegoric
figures, skilfully executed; but in 1814, the British, basely
jealous of all foreign glory, endeavoured to destroy it; it
still bears numerous marks of sabre cuts with which it
was struck in brutal rage. The Americans have effaced
none of them, and have scarce complained against this act
of Vandalism; but they have carved in large letters, on
the base of the monument, this severe sentence, “Mutilated
by the British in 1814.”
Next to the capitol, the most remarkable building is the
mansion of the president. The four large buildings which
surround it, and are occupied by the departments of state,
are commodiously and solidly built, but are by no means
remarkable for their architecture. The town house is not
yet finished, and is so little advanced, that one can form no
idea of its effect as a public building. As to the theatre,
it is a trifling little house, in which three or four hundred
spectators can hardly venture without danger of suffocation.
Columbian college, founded but a short time since, at
present contains but a small number of pupils. The choice
of the trustees and president promise a brilliant futurity to
the institution, but it has a formidable disadvantage in the
proximity of Georgetown college. This institution, which
we visited on the morning after our arrival at Washington,
and in which general Lafayette was received with great
evidences of gratitude and patriotism, is under the direction
of the Jesuits. I could not avoid feeling a painful sensation
when I saw the reverend fathers in the costume of
their order. All the mischief with which the Jesuits are
reproached in Europe, presented themselves in a crowd to
my alarmed imagination, and I deplored the blindness of
the Americans who confide the education of their children
to a sect so inimical to liberty. On returning to Washington,
I could not avoid mentioning my reflexions and fears to
Mr. C——, a senator, with whom I passed the evening.
179He listened, at first smiling, but when he heard me express
the wish that the Jesuits in all countries should not be allowed
to interfere in public instruction, he shook his head
with an air of disapprobation. “Such a measure,” said
he, “will never be adopted in our country, I hope at least;
it would, in my opinion, be contrary to the spirit of liberty
which animates us, and unjust towards the Jesuits, against
whom we have no cause of complaint. Nor do I know of
any power in our society which has a right to prescribe
such a measure.” “It is possible,” I replied, “that you
have nothing to complain of, because they are here few in
number, and have not yet attained power; but patience—see
what happens in Europe and tremble.” “What happens
in Europe can never occur here, so long as we are
wise enough to continue our present institutions; so long as
we have neither king, state religion, nor monopoly, we have
nothing to fear from the intrigues nor the influence of any
association. With whom will the Jesuits intrigue here?
with the government? the people are the government. I
can well conceive how the Jesuits of Europe by force of
intrigue possess themselves of the king’s ear, and fill his
mind with religious terrors, by the aid of which they gain
from him riches, honour, power, &c.; but really do you
believe that with all the trick and address that you attribute
to them, that your Jesuits will ever be able to persuade
a whole free and enlightened nation to plunder
themselves on their account, and to deliver themselves up
shackled hand and foot? Never. And in what way are
they to accomplish this? By public instruction? In order
that this instruction should be an efficacious instrument,
they must have a monopoly of it; but thanks to our institutions
we have no monopolies of any kind. We do not
groan as you do in Europe under the yoke of a privileged
university. Here every parent is the sole judge of the
manner in which his children shall be instructed and educated.
Hence the concurrence among all those who wish
to devote themselves to the exercise of public instruction,
a concurrence which is only supported by a sincere attachment
to our institutions, a profound respect for the laws
which are our work, and the practice of all the virtues
which make a good citizen. The Jesuits themselves are
obliged to fulfil these conditions in order to obtain public
180confidence, and they do obtain it; so long as they continue
to deserve it, I see no pretext for depriving them of a right
common to all, and should they ever become unworthy of
confidence, public opinion will render them justice.”
“Alas!” continued I, “public opinion can do them justice
with us also, but can neither drive them from the councils
of the prince, nor from the university, nor the rich establishments
they have founded, nor the offices they have
secured.” “Then,” coolly replied the senator, “have
none of these things, and your Jesuits will be as harmless
as ours.”
CHAPTER XIII.
Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: Celebration of the anniversary
of the surrender of Yorktown: Details of its siege in 1781.
The Virginia militia had long since expressed their desire
to general Lafayette, of having him present at the
celebration of the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown,
on the very soil where this great event occurred, which, in
terminating the revolutionary war, forever secured the independence
of the United States. To accept this honourable
invitation, general Lafayette left Washington the 16th
of October, crossed the Potomac upon a wooden bridge
nearly a mile long, and was received upon the Virginia
side by a corps of troops, under command of general
Jones. His march to Alexandria, and his entry into that
city, were marked by the continual thunder of artillery,
placed along the road, and by the acclamations of the people.
We dined and slept at Alexandria. As we were sitting
down to table with all the magistrates, and a great
number of citizens, Mr. Adams, the secretary of state, informed
us of the death of the king of France, Louis the
eighteenth.
On the 17th, we embarked in the steam-boat Petersburg,
in company with the secretary of war, Mr. Calhoun, generals
Macomb, Jones, and a great number of other officers
181and citizens. After a voyage of two hours, the guns of
fort Washington announced that we were approaching the
last abode of the father of his country. At this solemn
signal, to which the military band accompanying us responded
by plaintive strains, we went on deck, and the venerable
soil of Mount Vernon was before us; at this view
an involuntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel.
We landed in boats, and trod upon the ground so often
worn by the feet of Washington. A carriage received general
Lafayette, and the other visitors silently ascended the
precipitous path which conducted to the solitary habitation
of Mount Vernon. In re-entering beneath this hospitable
roof, which had sheltered him when the reign of terror tore
him violently from his country and family, George Lafayette
felt his heart sink within him, at no more finding him
whose paternal care had softened his misfortunes, whose
example and wise counsel inspired his youthful mind with
those generous sentiments which at present render him an
example of good citizenship, a model to parents and husbands,
the most devoted of sons, the most stable of friends.
His father again sought with emotion for every thing which
reminded him of the companion of his glorious toils.
Three nephews of general Washington took Lafayette,
his son, and myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle;
our numerous companions remained in the house; in
a few minutes after, the cannon of the fort, thundering
anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage to the
ashes of Washington. Simple and modest as he was during
life, the tomb of the citizen-hero is scarcely perceived
amid the sombre cypresses by which it is surrounded: a
vault slightly elevated and sodded over, a wooden door
without inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands,
indicate to the traveller who visits this spot, the
place where rest in peace the puissant arms which broke
the chains of his country. As we approached, the door
was opened; Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and
a few minutes after re-appeared, with his eyes overflowing
with tears. He took his son and me by the hand, and led
us into the tomb, where by a sign he indicated the coffin
of his paternal friend, along side of which was that of his
companion in life, united to him forever in the grave. We
knelt reverentially near his coffin, which we respectfully
182saluted with our lips; rising, we threw ourselves into the
arms of Lafayette, and mingled our tears with his.
In leaving the vault, we were met by the three nephews
of Washington: one of them, Mr. Custis, presented general
Lafayette with a gold ring, containing some of the hair
of the great man, and we returned to the house where our
companions awaited us. An hour was devoted to visiting
the house and grounds, which at present belong to a nephew
of Washington, who bears the same name, and is
one of the judges of the supreme court of the United
States. He has made no alteration in the property left him
by his uncle, for whose memory he entertains the most profound
and tender respect. George Lafayette assured us
that every thing in the house was as he saw it twenty-eight
years ago. He found in the place where Washington himself
had left it, the principal key of the bastile, which was
sent him by Lafayette, at the time this monument of despotism
was destroyed. The note sent with the key is still
carefully preserved.
The situation of Mount Vernon, upon the right bank of
the Potomac, is very picturesque, and is seen to a great
distance from this majestic river. The house is small, very
plain, and surrounded by fine trees. The tomb is about
two hundred paces from the house.
After resting a few moments, we resumed the path leading
to the shore: our march was silent; each of us bore
a branch of cypress, cut from over the tomb of Washington.
We resembled a bereaved family, who had entombed
a beloved father, recently dead. We were already on
board our vessel—and the waves had borne us afar, and
no one had interrupted our silent meditation. At last
Mount Vernon disappeared behind the high and winding
banks of the river; all then grouped themselves on the
quarter deck of the steam-boat, and listened attentively till
evening to Lafayette, who talked of Washington.
Soon after leaving Mount Vernon we met the steam-boat
Potomac, having on board a volunteer company from
Fredericksburgh, commanded by captain Crutchfield, and
a great number of passengers who came to meet general
Lafayette. The two boats after exchanging salutes, sailed
in company during the night, and arrived next day at noon
at the mouth of York river, where were five other boats,
183which ascended the river with us to Yorktown. We delayed
a moment in front of a point marked for our landing,
and at a signal given by the artillery on shore, we debarked
in boats commanded by captain Elliot. The general was
received on shore by the Yorktown committee, the governor
of Virginia and council, the chief justice of the
United States, John Marshall, and numerous officers of the
army. The upper banks of the river were covered with a
crowd of ladies from great distances, and its waters offered
an entirely picturesque view from the number, variety and
disposition of the vessels with which it was covered. After
having replied to the addresses of Mr. Leigh, president of
the committee, and to that of the governor of Virginia,
general Lafayette was conducted amid the acclamations of
the people, to the head quarters prepared for him. It was
in the very house that Cornwallis inhabited during the siege
of Yorktown, forty-three years previous.
Yorktown, which has never recovered from the disasters
of the revolutionary war, because its unhealthy situation
prevented the access of new inhabitants, appeared
from its actual condition very properly adapted to the celebration
which was to take place on the following day:
houses in ruins, blackened by fire, or pierced by bullets;
the ground covered with fragments of arms, the broken
shells, and overturned gun-carriages; tents grouped or
scattered according to the nature of the ground; small
platoons of soldiers placed at various points, all in a word,
conveyed the idea of a camp hastily formed near a village
taken and occupied after an obstinate battle. The manner
in which we were lodged, tended to keep up the illusion;
a single bed was prepared for general Lafayette; all who
accompanied him, officers, generals, and the governor,
placed themselves at random on mattresses or straw, in the
half open and unfurnished apartments. During the night
sixty officers formed a volunteer company, to guard the
head quarters, around which they were bivouacked. We
were awaked at day-break on the 19th, by the cannon
thundering from the plain, calling all the surrounding
troops to arms. General Lafayette, accompanied by the
committee of arrangement, went to Washington’s marquee,
which had travelled with us, and was erected at some distance
from the head quarters: there he received the different
corps of officers from the surrounding regiments. During
184this presentation we were witness to the most affecting
scenes: two old revolutionary soldiers fainted away in shaking
hands with the general. The appearance of colonel
Lewis who presented himself in the dress of a Virginian
mountaineer, and asked permission to address Lafayette on
behalf of his county, attracted great attention.
As soon as colonel Lewis had finished this discourse,
which was much applauded by the auditors, the general
kindly took his hand into his own, thanked him affectionately,
and begged him to express all his gratitude to the
mountaineers of Virginia, whose excellent and numerous
services rendered during the revolution, he rapidly enumerated.
At eleven o’clock the troops approached the head quarters
near which they formed two columns, and some moments
after they marched to conduct general Lafayette
under a triumphal arch erected over the situation of the
English redoubt which he formerly carried, at the head of
the American troops he commanded during the siege of
Yorktown. His march now took place through a double
row of ladies whose vivid joy and elegant costume singularly
contrasted with the warlike arrangements around us.
He was received under the triumphal arch by general
Taylor who after the different corps had taken the places
assigned them, and silence was established among the surrounding
crowd, commenced an eloquent address, in which
he developed the motives of American enthusiasm and gratitude,
towards Lafayette.
General Lafayette was profoundly moved, and his emotion
was still more augmented by the enthusiasm with which
the last words of the orator were received by the people.
However, always governed by that modesty which so strongly
characterizes him, he immediately removed the wreath
which had been placed upon his head, and turning to colonel
Fish, one of the officers who valiantly seconded him in the
attack upon the redoubt; “take it,” said he, “this wreath
belongs to you also, preserve it as a deposit for which we
must account to our comrades.” Then addressing general
Taylor, he returned his thanks, thus:
“I am happy to receive such honourable evidences
of friendship from my ancient companions in arms, in
the place where the American and French arms were
so gloriously united in a holy alliance in favour of
185American independence, and the sacred principle of the
sovereignty of the people. I am happy also to be thus received
on the very place where my dear comrades of the
light infantry acquired one of their most honorable rights to
the love and esteem of their fellow-citizens.” He finished
by paying a tribute of gratitude to the officers who directed
the attack upon the redoubt, and among them named Hamilton,
Gimat, Lawrence, Fish, and added that it was in
their name, in the name of the light infantry, and only in
common with them, that he accepted the proffered wreath.
After this ceremony all the troops defiled before Lafayette,
and we returned to Yorktown, where we passed the
rest of the day in festivity. A circumstance of considerable
piquancy augmented the interest of this patriotic and military
celebration: I have already stated that General Lafayette
on arriving at Yorktown, established his head quarters
in the same house in which Cornwallis had his, forty-three
years before. Some servants, in examining the cellars,
in order to put away the refreshments and provisions
conveniently, discovered in an obscure corner a large
chest; its weight and apparent antiquity excited their curiosity;
they opened it, and to their great astonishment found
it filled with candles, blackened by time: by an inscription
on the lid it was found that they formed part of Cornwallis’s
stores during the siege. They immediately made it
known in the house, and the intelligence speedily reached
the camp. Shortly after all the candles were removed,
lighted and arranged in a circle, in the centre of the camp,
where the ladies and soldiers danced during the evening.
A ball in York-town in 1824 by the light of Cornwallis’s
candles, appeared so pleasant an occurrence to our old revolutionary
soldiers, that notwithstanding their great age,
and the fatigues of the day, most of them were unwilling
to retire until the candles were entirely consumed.
Although more than half the night was passed before we
could retire to rest, the desire of attentively considering the
place in which American independence was secured by a
decisive victory, did not permit me to waste much time in
sleep. I awoke just at dawn of day, and reached the ruins
of the ancient entrenchments of the town as the first rays
of the sun fell upon the temporary encampment of the militia,
which they had already abandoned; I saw a part of
186the troops going on board of vessels, which were preparing
to leave the shore, while the decreasing sounds of the drum
behind the forest, which begins at a short distance from the
town, indicated the route of those detachments which
sought their homes by land. Although every thing around
me offered an exact and piquant scene of war, my attention
was not long withheld from my principal object, and I
soon began to reconnoitre the situation of the town, the exterior
works and the position of the two armies, whose
holy alliance had secured the independence of a young
nation, and the rights of man on the American continent.
Notwithstanding some gardens, and the useless efforts of
the plough to fertilize some spots of a soil consisting almost
entirely of sterile sand, I could easily find the trace of the
fortification of the town, which describes an arc whose
chord was formed by York river, which in this place is
large and navigable even for frigates; but I had much difficulty
in recognising the exterior works. However by the
aid of a plan of the siege, I pursued my researches, when I
remarked a man seated at the foot of a small pyramid, and
who appeared to be plunged in profound meditation. On
this pyramid is inscribed in large letters, the names of Viomenil,
Rochambeau, Lauzun, St. Simon, Dumas, in short of
all the principal officers of the French corps who had fought
and conquered at York-town. While I read again and
again with satisfaction the glorious names which will remind
remotest posterity of the honourable part France took
in the struggle of American liberty against British tyranny,
the old man rose; I saluted him, and we soon entered into
conversation relative to the objects which appeared to interest
us equally. He informed me that he had served with
Lafayette during the campaign of Virginia, and the siege of
York-town; that having lived for forty years since on a
farm but a few miles distant, he had not passed an anniversary
since the capture of York-town, without coming to the
spot, and paying the tribute of his regrets to his ancient
comrades, and of gratitude to the French nation. “Since,”
said he, “you appear to take so much interest in the details
of this event, in which I had the good fortune to take an
active part, let us ascend together this point of a bastion,
which remains standing among all these ruins, whence we
can take in the plan of operations at a glance, and I can
187make myself better understood.” After the old soldier
had looked around to collect his recollections, we sat down
together, with our backs toward the town, and in front of
us the plain, which the besieging army occupied. “You
know,” said he, “how Cornwallis, after a campaign of six
months, was driven by the young Lafayette, from post to
post through Virginia, to shut himself up in York-town,
whence he could only escape by laying down his arms. I
shall therefore commence my recital from the period when
Lafayette by establishing himself at Williamsburg, rendered
it impossible for Cornwallis to escape.”
“In the early part of September, Cornwallis attempted
to reconnoitre our position, but judging that it would be
impossible to force it, and knowing that all retreat by sea
was cut off by the French fleet under Count de Grasse, determined
to run the chances of a siege, and endeavoured to
fortify himself as well as he could. We all thought, that
profiting by the enthusiasm which our late successes had
excited in the army, Lafayette would not give his adversary
time to prepare himself, but would lead us at once to a final
victory. But the young general on this occasion manifested a
moderation perhaps still more admirable than his bravery and
talents; neither the solicitations of his officers, who pressed
him not to lose this opportunity of winning new laurels, by
striking the last blow at the English army, nor the offers of
Admiral De Grasse, who through M. De St. Simon offered
him the support of the marines, and even a part of the crews
of his thirty-eight vessels, could determine him to attempt
any thing before the arrival of the allied army commanded
by Washington and Rochambeau. “When great interests
are in question,” answered he, “I shall never prefer the
gratification of self-love, to the certainty of a assured success,”
and he waited to the end with a patience which
would have excited surprise even in an old captain.
“On the 13th Washington and Rochambeau arrived at our
camp, and on the 17th went on board the Ville de Paris to
concert with Count de Grasse the measures necessary to
render the French fleet tributary to the success of the enterprize.
On the 26th and 28th all the combined forces
were united, and we marched to invest York-town, which
was accomplished without the loss of a single man. The
French corps commanded by Rochambeau, occupied the
188space between the river and a marsh which is nearly in
front of us, but which is now masked by some trees and ravines,
under shelter of which, without risk, we could approach
within pistol-shot of the enemy’s works. The Grenadiers
and Chasseurs of the advanced guard of this army
was commanded by Viomenil. Next morning the American
army passed the same marsh, established its left there,
and placed its right below upon York river. The investment
of the place was thus as close and complete as possible.
The legion of Lauzun, a corps of cavalry, and a half
brigade of American militia, took post at Gloucester on the
other side of the river, where they could only establish
themselves after dislodging Tarleton, who occupied it with
400 horse and 200 infantry.
“During the night of the 29th and 30th, the enemy
dreading to be attacked by a coup-de-main in the very extensive
position he had fortified, resolved to abandon his
camp at Pidgeon hill, and to retain only two redoubts in
front of the body of the place. The day of the 30th was
employed by us in occupying the works abandoned by the
enemy, which enabled us to enclose him within a narrower
circle, and gave us the greatest advantages. From this moment
we opened our trenches, and a noble emulation was
established between our allies and us. Although we were
very young soldiers and inexperienced in the operations of
a siege, we had the satisfaction of meriting the praise of the
French, who agreed that our zeal and intelligence made us
worthy of being associated with veteran troops.
“Messrs. Duportail and de Querenet superintended the
works as chiefs of Engineers. M. D’Aboville commanded
the French artillery, and General Knox the American.
Notwithstanding the enemy’s fire, the trenches were rapidly
advanced. On the 9th, three batteries were ready to
play upon the town. General Washington himself fired
the first gun, and at this signal we commenced a furious
cannonade, which the enemy answered with great vigour.
On the 10th a red-hot shot fired from a French battery at
the little English squadron stationed in the river, set fire to
a ship of 44 guns and two other smaller vessels. This conflagration
which commenced in the evening and continued
till late at night, presented a terrible and magic spectacle.
The devouring flames which blazed in tall columns up the
189masts, threw a lurid light upon all our batteries, and seemed
to lend us their light to facilitate their destruction.—The
battle only ceased when the cessation of the conflagration
left us in darkness.
“On the 14th, the English possessed no other external
works but two large redoubts, on the situation of one of
which Lafayette yesterday received the civic wreath; the
other much more to the right, precisely where the pyramid
is raised, at whose base we first met. Washington resolved
to take them, and all the 14th and part of the 15th was employed
in cannonading them to destroy the abattis which
defended the approaches, and facilitate the storm. During
this cannonade Washington and Rochambeau, on foot, surrounded
by the officers of the staff, remained as near as possible
to the enemy’s works, to judge better of the effects of
our batteries, and caused the whole army to admire their
calm intrepidity. Rochambeau, to calm the impatient ardor
of Viomenil, who thought they were burning powder
uselessly, and that the moment was arrived for the assault,
descended alone into the ravine which separated him from
the enemy, tranquilly mounted the opposite side, entered
the abattis within pistol-shot of the English batteries, and
returned to assure Viomenil coolly that the abattis was not
sufficiently destroyed, and he must wait until the parapet
was more levelled, in order that his grenadiers should be exposed
as little time as possible. At length the enemy’s fire
began to slacken, and Washington judged the moment favorable
for the assault. Lafayette at the head of the American
light infantry was charged with the attack of the redoubt
on the left of the beseiged, and Viomenil, at the head
of the French grenadiers with the left. Lafayette thought
correctly that to carry entrenchments defended by experienced
soldiers with young troops, he could only count on
the audacity and rapidity of the attack; in consequence he
had all the arms of his division discharged, formed it in column,
and led it himself, sword in hand, at full speed across
the abattis, and in spite of the enemy’s fire entered the redoubt,
of which he was soon master with the loss of but few
men. He immediately sent his aid, Barbour, to Viomenil
to inform him he was in his redoubt, and inquire where he
was. The aid-de-camp found the French general at the
head of his column of grenadiers, waiting patiently under
190arms, under the terrible fire of the enemy until his sappers
had methodically prepared a path across the abattis. “Tell
Lafayette,” said Viomenil, “that I am not yet in mine, but
will be there in five minutes,” and in fact within five minutes,
his troops entered the redoubt by beat of drum, and
in as good order as if on parade. This action displayed in
the strongest manner the discipline, bravery and coolness of
the French grenadiers, but cost them a considerable number
of killed and wounded. As soon as we were masters
of the two redoubts, we established there good lodgments
which were connected with the second parallel, and new
batteries were constructed, which completed the enclosure
of Cornwallis’s army, and battered effectually the interior
of the place in a very destructive manner.
“During the night of the 15–16th, the enemy made a
sortie of 600 picked troops, commanded by Abercrombie,
who met with resistance from all our redoubts, but succeeded
in deceiving the French post of the second parallel,
by presenting themselves as Americans, and by the aid of
this manœuvre gained and spiked a battery of four pieces.
Chevalier Chastellux arriving immediately with his reserve,
forced the British to retreat precipitately. Thanks to the
care of General Aboville, commanding the French artillery,
the four badly spiked pieces were ready to be used in six
hours afterwards.
“It appeared that this sortie was intended to cover the
retreat of Cornwallis and his army. In fact we learned
soon after, that general Cornwallis had resolved to leave
his sick and baggage, cross the river during the night, attack
the troops which occupied Gloucester unexpectedly,
and after routing them, to force his way by land even to
New York. The plan was a bold one, and worthy of such
a man as Cornwallis. His boats were all in readiness, and
part of his troops had already landed on the opposite side
of the river, when a violent tempest suddenly coming on,
rendered it impossible for him to continue his operations.
He esteemed himself very fortunate in getting his troops
back to York-town, before the daylight betrayed his secret.
He then perceived there was no longer a hope of escape
for him, and on the 7th he demanded a parley. The negociations
continued until the 19th: they were conducted by
the American colonel Laurens, whose father was a prisoner
191in England, and the Viscount de Noailles. The capitulation
specified that Cornwallis and his army should be prisoners
of war; that the troops should defile with shouldered
arms, with flags rolled up, and drums beating an English
or German march, and that they should ground their arms
on the glacis, in face of the allied armies. This capitulation
was ratified by the general in chief, and at noon detachments
of the allied troops occupied the principal posts.
When the British came out of the city to defile before us,
we were ranged in two lines, the Americans on the right,
and the French on the left; at the extremity of both lines
were all our general officers. In the midst of them, the
beloved Washington was conspicuous, from his great
height and beautiful charger, which he managed with inimitable
grace. At the moment when the head of the column
appeared, all eyes sought Cornwallis, who being detained
by indisposition, was represented by General O’Hara.
The latter either through mistake or determination, offered
his sword to General Rochambeau, who by a sign pointed
out General Washington, and said, that the French army
being only auxiliary, it was from the American general
that he should receive orders. O’Hara appeared
piqued, and advanced towards Washington, who received
him with a noble generosity. It was evident to us that the
English in their misfortune were especially mortified to be
obliged to lay down their arms before Americans, for the
officers and soldiers affected to turn their heads towards
the French line. Lafayette perceived this, and revenged
himself in a very pleasant manner. He ordered the music
of the light infantry to strike up yankee doodle, an air which
the British applied to a song composed to ridicule the Americans
at the beginning of the war, and which they uniformly
sung to all their prisoners. This pleasantry of Lafayette
was so bitter to them, that many of them broke their arms
in a rage in grounding them on the glacis. Cornwallis himself
participated in their weakness of self-love, which made
them blush to be conquered by those they chose to consider
as rebels, rather than as citizens armed in defence of
their rights. The day after the capitulation, being amid
the allied generals who came to visit him, he affected in
speaking of Lafayette always to separate his glory from that
of the Americans. “I determined more willingly to surrender,”
192said he, addressing our young general, “as I knew
that the French were associated with the Americans, and
their character assured me of an humane and honourable
treatment for my army.” “What,” replied Fayette, “has
your lordship so soon forgotten that we Americans are also
humane to captive armies?” This answer which alluded
to the taking of Burgoyne’s army by the Americans, some
time previous, prevented Cornwallis from returning to the
subject. You see,” said the old soldier, whom I had not
once ventured to interrupt, during his recital, so strongly
was I interested, “that Lafayette was on all occasions a
strong and ardent friend; he was not contented to serve
our cause by his counsels and sword in her battles, but he
defended our character and reputation, when they were
unjustly attacked, and identifying himself with us, rendered
himself as it were bondsman for all our actions.
Moreover the English who affected so much contempt for
us, ought at least to have talked less of humanity, as they
every day outraged this virtue by the most horrible actions.
We should never forget that during this campaign of Virginia,
so glorious for our arms and fortunate for our independence,
fire, pillage and murder accompanied them through
our towns and villages; frequently they massacred their prisoners
in cold blood after battle, and, in short, during the
seige of York-town, despairing to conquer us by force of
arms, they attempted to poison us, by sending among us
more than an hundred unfortunate negroes, affected with
the small-pox, and which our pity succoured at the foot of
their ramparts.
“But why dwell so long upon the crimes of a tyranny
we have destroyed, and which half a century of happiness
and liberty, should efface from our memory!—Have I not
moreover a much more pleasant task to accomplish in speaking
of the rights which the French army and its virtuous
leaders have acquired to American gratitude by their courage
and generosity.” He then related to me with emotion
a number of incidents, which proved that there never was
a better disciplined army, nor understood their duties as
allies better, than this little French army, and I ought to
add that this evidence of an old American soldier, speaking
as it were in presence of the facts he cited, is not the only
one I collected during our journey. Every where, even to
the smallest villages, which were formerly occupied by the
193French army, I heard its severe discipline, its profound respect
to propriety, patience under fatigues, courage in battle
and moderation in victory, highly praised; and I avow
that this eulogium on the noble conduct of my countrymen
always made my heart beat with a delightful emotion.
Why then, does the French restoration of 1815, (which, to
attach to its colours, glorious recollections, or to cause to
be forgotten the warlike prodigies of the tri-colored cockade,
incessantly invokes the standard of Henry IV, which
was only distinguished in civil wars, or of Louis XIV, whose
banners were merely witness to useless victories or devastating
retreats,) not claim as a legitimate heritage a part
of the glory of the War of American Independence?
Was it not under this White flag that Rochambeau’s grenadiers
marched to the capture of Yorktown? Was it not under
the banners of legitimacy that our navy immortalized itself
in securing the freedom of a young nation by the dispersion
of the English fleets? Or does the restoration spurn the
glory because it was acquired to the advantage of Liberty?
I know not; but what is certain, is, that while we were
celebrating the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, the
French squadron commanded by Admiral —— which
was then lying in Hampton roads, where they might hear
the acclamations of American gratitude for French benefits,
remained coldly strangers to a festival which ought to
have been regarded as a family celebration by both nations.
However, we are satisfied that this inexplicable indifference
or repugnance, was not participated in by a majority of
the officers or crews. Of the officers some privately came
on shore and in citizen’s dress, were witness to this patriotic
scene, in which the Americans would have speedily assigned
them a distinguished place, if they had been permitted
to present themselves in their proper uniform.
When I returned to the headquarters, I found our travelling
companions very much occupied with this question,
and many of them affirmed that the French admiral would
not have acted thus unless he had received instructions on
the subject from a superior authority.
CHAPTER XIV.
194
Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History
of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.
The acclamations of gratitude and tumult of arms, which
momentarily interrupted the habitual calm of Yorktown,
had already ceased, when on the morning of the 20th, we
departed for Williamsburgh, formerly the capital of Virginia,
but at present a small town retaining very little of its
ancient importance. Its college which was founded under
the reign of William and Mary, and bears their name, was
celebrated for the excellence of its learning until within
about half a century, since when it appears to have partaken
of the sad destiny of the town, to which it belongs.
Williamsburg is situated on a plain between York and
James rivers. Two creeks which fall into these great
rivers approach each other in front of the town and form a
sort of narrow road upon which General Lafayette established
the excellent post which Cornwallis attempted unsuccessfully,
when he essayed to escape from the snare into
which he had been drawn by his youthful adversary. Although
the population of Williamsburg is not more than 14
or 1500 souls, the general was received with great feeling,
and had the pleasure of greeting a considerable number of
ancient friends, with whom he passed the day. The day
following, we embarked at Jamestown for Norfolk, and our
voyage down James river was very interesting to General
Lafayette and some of our old travelling companions, who
at each point of the shore again reviewed a page of the history
of their glorious Virginian campaign.
In about five hours we arrived in the vast road of Hampton;
the declining sun threw his rays obliquely upon the
fort of old point Comfort, which in the distance seemed
to rest upon the level surface of the sea.—Beyond that, upon
the Chesapeake, we beheld several ships whose majestic
sides seemed elevated like high walls, which belonged to
195the French squadron; some cannon which we heard towards
the south, and the columns of smoke seen rising in
that direction, indicated the position of Norfolk, which, situated
upon a flat and marshy ground at the mouth of Elizabeth
river, does not appear above the surface of the water,
unless it be closely approached. Our boat soon reached
the wharf, and at his landing General Lafayette was saluted
by the two forts which defend the entrance of the river,
and by the shipping in port. I shall not undertake to describe
the festivities prepared by the citizens of Norfolk for
the reception of the nation’s guest; they were, as every
where else, strongly impressed with the patriotic and grateful
character of the people. The young lady, who as the
emblem of the Genius of Norfolk, received General Lafayette
under the triumphal arch, and expressed the sentiments
of the citizens, merits an especial remembrance; her beauty,
eloquence and the modest firmness with which she performed
her part, made a deep and ineffaceable impression upon
all the spectators.
Of all the cities we had visited, Norfolk had the least
agreeable aspect; the houses are generally badly built, and
the streets narrow and crooked. On account of the circumjacent
marshes, the air is unhealthy, and diseases common
during autumn. Its population does not exceed 4000
souls. Its commerce however is very active with the northern
states, Europe and especially the West India Islands;
its harbour is deep enough for the largest, has room for at
least three hundred vessels, and is the only good port in
Virginia and North Carolina, so that all the imports and
exports of these two states are made thereby. The exports
consist principally of corn, flour, wheat, all sorts of lumber,
salt-meat, and fish, iron, lead, tobacco, tar and turpentine.
A great number of French families, emigrants from
St. Domingo reside at Norfolk. These families first made
choice of this asylum because of its proximity, and were
eventually induced to fix themselves there, because they
had permission to retain and work the unfortunate slaves
they brought with them. It is a sad and revolting spectacle
which is presented at present by some of these refugees,
who have no other means of struggling against misery, than
by hiring their wretched slaves out to severe labour, for
which they receive the pay. Many of the negroes who
196work about the harbour are slaves thus hired to the merchants,
who feed them and pay about 65 cents a day, which
they faithfully carry home at night to their indolent master.
On the following morning, we visited Portsmouth, a small
village situated immediately opposite Norfolk upon the
left bank of James river, and contains a fine navy yard,
where we saw a superb sixty-four gun ship, the North
Carolina, which had not long been launched. On re-entering
Norfolk, we were received with great pomp by the
freemasons, who had the kindness to receive us all three as
honorary members of their lodge. In the evening there was
a brilliant ball, to which the citizens of Norfolk hoped to
have had the company of the officers of the French squadron,
but it appeared that the same causes, which had prevented
their participation in the Yorktown festival, also
prevented them from having the pleasure of dancing with
the Norfolk ladies, for we did not see one of them, at least
in uniform.
After the ball, about eleven P. M. we returned to the
steam-boat to ascend James river to Richmond, the capital
of Virginia, distant about one hundred miles. The nation’s
guest was expected there with more impatience because
this city in proportion to its population contained a
greater number of witnesses of his efforts in favour of American
independence. At Richmond, in fact, and its vicinity,
the multiplied movements between Lafayette and the
traitor Arnold, supported by General Philips took place.
All business was suspended to receive Lafayette, and in
spite of the inconvenience of a profuse rain, which detained
us for some hours on board the boat, the crowd had pushed
forward to meet us at Osborn where we were to land. The
solemn entry could not take place till next morning. Forty
revolutionary soldiers who had served under him in Virginia,
were introduced to him immediately after his arrival.
It was with great feeling that they again beheld their old
general, and he, full of emotion, astonished them by remembering
and calling by name those who most particularly
shared his toils and dangers.
The next morning, as the bad weather ceased, the festivities
were resumed with increased splendour. The general
was received at the capital, built in imitation of the
197square house of Nimes, and welcomed in a speech by Chief
Justice Marshall, in presence of the civil and military officers,
and a vast concourse of citizens, among whom we had
the pleasure of finding some Frenchmen, and particularly
Mr. Chevalié, who for thirty years has lived in Virginia,
where he has uniformly enjoyed the friendship and esteem
of his adopted fellow-citizens.
Notwithstanding the multiplicity of entertainments into
which we were almost forced, during our stay in Richmond,
we were able to pass some moments in private society,
with some of the most distinguished men of the city. From
their uniformly instructive conversation, I collected the details
relative to the history, constitution, and manners of
Virginia, which will be found below.
That part of the American continent called Virginia,
which was one of the most ancient English colonies in the
western hemisphere, and at present forms one of the vastest
states of the great republican family of the union, was
first discovered by John Cabot, according to English, and
by Verrazano according to the French historians, who took
possession of it in the name of Francis I. But whoever
was the fortunate navigator who first landed upon this fertile
soil, it is not the less true, that its first establishments
do not date earlier than 1587, at which time Sir Walter
Raleigh took possession on behalf of a company of English
merchants. This feeble colony was composed of but 500
individuals in 1605, and was soon reduced to sixty by all
sorts of privations, and the reiterated attacks of the Indians.
It is probable that this shattered remnant would soon have
been entirely destroyed, if a new expedition of three ships
under Captain Newport, had not arrived to assist them with
men, arms and provisions. At this time Jamestown was
founded, and its slender ramparts offered a shelter to the
colonists from the Indian arrows. War, famine and discord
would speedily have extinguished the colony, if the
influence of one man of genius had not sufficed to save it.
Captain Smith, by his skill and bravery, soon became the
soul of the settlement; he waged successful war with some
of the tribes which refused to negociate, and formed friendly
alliances with others, so that the colony was soon in a
nourishing condition. It was in this state, and already beginning
to forget its first troubles, when Captain Smith was
198taken prisoner by hostile Indians, who would inevitably
have killed him, if the young Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan
chief of the tribe, by her prayers and tears had not obtained
his pardon, at the moment he was about to be sacrificed.
As soon as he was set at liberty, he hastened to return to
Jamestown, where he found the colony once more reduced
to the most miserable state. But thirty-eight persons survived,
and were willing to risk in a frail shallop, the lives
they had compromitted by their imprudence and presumption.
Smith still had sufficient ascendance to retain them;
his activity created new resources, and another reinforcement
was brought by Newport. The colony again began
to prosper, but a novel incident again threw them into necessity,
and was near extinguishing them forever. They
thought they had discovered gold in a rivulet flowing
through a bank of sand above the town, and the senseless
wish of amassing gold caused them to abandon the only
exertions by which they could hope for a happy existence.
Famine again began to decimate the colonists who were
obliged to recur to him, whose prudence had so often saved
them. Smith taking advantage of the terror with which he
had impressed some tribes, and the friendship he had excited
in others, obtained succours from them, which they
brought to Jamestown in abundance. He then undertook
to explore the country to great distances to ascertain its
resources. For this purpose he embarked in a small canoe,
and amid all perils explored most of the rivers flowing into
the Chesapeake, and collected concerning them, and especially
of the actual territory of Virginia. Such exact details
that they still serve as the basis of the best efforts of
the best geographers. In short the genius of Smith preserved
the colony, and continued to extend its limits until
1610, at which time a fatal accident prevented him from
making farther attempts. In returning from his expedition,
his powder flask exploded and wounded him dreadfully.
His friends urged his return to England; he yielded to their
intreaties, and in six months after the five hundred colonists,
whom he had left well armed, well provisioned and beginning
to enjoy their flocks and harvests, were reduced to
sixty individuals, looking like spectres more than men.
The colony would have soon ceased, but for the arrival of
three ships and a great number of new emigrants, brought
199by Lord Delaware. This reinforcement raised the spirits
of the colonists, and the wise administration of Sir Thomas
Dale gave to the settlement an unexpected increase of prosperity.
At this time Mr. Rolfe, one of the settlers, married
Pocahontas, the same that saved the life of Captain Smith.
This alliance was immensely advantageous to the colony,
because Powhatan pledged himself and all the tribes under
his influence, to aid the English in all their wars, and furnish
them with provisions. How much is it to be regretted
that Rolfe’s example had not been followed by his companions!
It would have been easy for them to have secured
their own prosperity by such alliances, and they would
have spared humanity much blood and tears.
After this marriage, the settlers peacefully applied themselves
to the culture of tobacco, which brought them great
wealth, and subsisted almost entirely at the cost of the Indians,
who were faithful to their treaty, although it was
truly onerous to them. Sir Thomas Dale profited by this
tranquillity to perfect the administrative system, but unfortunately
he was succeeded in 1617, by Captain Algal,
whose haughty and tyrannic disposition was near causing
the greatest disorders, and the colony already experienced
some vicissitudes. Recalled by the company, he was replaced
by George Hardly, who to obtain the means of repairing
the errors of his predecessor, convoked a general
assembly of the inhabitants of Virginia. The introduction
of the representative system into the colony dates from this
period, which was not slow in feeling its happy effects.
The London Company assented to this new form of government,
and determined its basis by a charter granted on
the 24th of July 1621. This charter established, “That
in Virginia for the future, there should be a legislative body,
called the General Assembly, consisting of the governor,
twelve counsellors, and representatives of the people; that
the counsellors and representatives should make the laws,
and that the government should have the right to approve
or reject them; that the laws should have no effect until
ratified by the company; and that as soon as the colonial
government was well established, the orders of the company
should not affect the colony, without consent of the
General Assembly.”
200The company however, reserved the right of nominating
and displacing the governor and counsellors at pleasure.
Notwithstanding this reservation, the constitution of Virginia
thenceforth remained fixed, and its inhabitants, servants
of a company as they were, at once changed into freemen
and citizens. At this period the company sent to Virginia
160 poor young women of irreproachable character; they
were received with eagerness, and married to the young settlers,
who payed the expense of their transportation at the
rate of 120 lbs. of tobacco for each one.
The rights of the London Company, already weakened
by concessions made to the colonists, were soon contemned
by king James I. and three years after Virginia passed
under the immediate domination of the English government.
The population of Virginia, at first confined to the environs
of Jamestown, began gradually to extend over a vast
country, following the rivers which fell into the Chesapeake.
But their imprudence towards the natives increased with
their increase of strength, and they inflicted upon the Indians
all sorts of vexations. Powhatan was dead, and the
tribes he had governed had elected in his stead a renowned
warrior from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, named Opecancanough.
This prince felt a profound hatred of the
Europeans, because he foresaw how fatal they would become
to his nation; he found it easy to impart his hatred
and fears to his countrymen, and induced them to enter
into a vast conspiracy against the common enemy. The
secret was faithfully kept during four years, and was only
betrayed at the moment of execution, by an Indian who
was baptised by the English. Notwithstanding this treason,
the plot was partially executed, and four hundred settlers
fell under the savage tomahawk. The retaliations were
cruel, and only suspended by a treaty which concealed the
most atrocious design. The Indians, relying with confidence
upon the protestations of their enemy, applied themselves
without suspicion to their agricultural labours, when
the English fell upon them unexpectedly, and committed
the most horrible butchery; the feeble remnants of the
tribes which escaped this terrible massacre, soon miserably
perished in the forests, and disappeared forever. The
colonists, thenceforward masters of this great country,
201could extend themselves at will, but even this advantage
was fatal to them, and they would inevitably have fallen
under the horrors of famine, if a new reinforcement of settlers
and provisions, had not arrived, to replace those destroyed
by the Indians. These succours were not sent by
the company, as this was dissolved by king James. This
violence of the crown against a company which had expended
more than three millions for the establishment of
the colony, and who in spite of its faults merited encouragement
for its astonishing perseverance, at first afflicted the
colonists, but eventually turned to their actual advantage.
They knew how to defend themselves against the encroachments
of the royal government, and obtained the confirmation
of all the rights acquired before the extinction of the
company.
The colony was peaceful and prosperous until 1651.
The troubles produced in England by the decapitation of
Charles I. agitated it but slightly, and had no other result
than a treaty, in which Cromwell acknowledged in an especial
article, the exemption of Virginia from taxes, and
impositions of all sorts; nor without the consent of the general
assembly, could any charge be laid upon her, forts or
castles be built, nor troops be kept in service. But from
the year 1652, the colonists began to feel the narrow policy
of the commonwealth of England, relative to the commerce
of the colonies, during the ten years of Cromwell’s reign;
their discontent augmented to such a degree, that when
Governor Matthew, who was appointed by the usurper,
died, the inhabitants of the colony profiting by this sort of
interregnum, overturned the republican authorities, and
proclaimed Charles II. who was then sheltered in Holland,
and who thus found himself king of Virginia, before he was
certain of remounting the throne of England. The death
of Cromwell which occurred in 1660, saved the colony
from the danger to which its imprudent attachment to the
Stuart cause would infallibly have exposed it.
The Virginians soon repented of their devotion to the
new king, whose ingratitude was more injurious to them
than Cromwell’s tyranny. Charles II. far from abolishing
the restrictions, which already shackled the commerce of
Virginia, aggravated and perpetuated it by the navigation
act. The re-establishment of the Gallacan church with all
202its intolerance, the violent revocation of all the acts that
could perpetuate the memory of the revolution, the spoliations
of property to recompense the instruments of the restoration;
the constitutional depreciation of the value of
tobacco, every thing in a word, concurred to offend the
colonists, and dispose to a popular insurrection; an occasion
soon offered, and civil war broke out in the colony.
A squadron sent by Charles II. to the relief of Governor
Berkeley, arrived at the moment Bacon, chief of the insurgents,
who were already masters of Jamestown, died; no
one feeling possessed of the talents necessary to complete,
what this hardy and skilful leader had undertaken, they accepted
the amnesty offered by Berkeley; but this attempt
at insurrection only angered Charles II. whose despotism
soon surpassed all limits. He went so far as to interdict by
law all complaint of, or evil speaking against the administration
of the governor, under pain of the severest chastisement,
and several seditions were quelled by force. However,
notwithstanding the violence and injustice of the metropolis,
commerce regained some activity, and the population
finding daily new resources in its industry, rapidly augmented.
In 1688, there were already more than 40,000
souls. But with their increase of strength the colonists
increased in hatred to the royal authority; and to the first
cries of independence made in the northern colonies, Virginia
answered by raising the standard of revolt. From the
month of June 1776, the representatives of the people, assembled
to the number of one hundred and twelve, at the
capitol in Williamsburg, drew up and signed a declaration
which forever broke the tyrannical chains which previously
bound the colony to the mother country. This declaration,
in establishing in a clear and precise manner the rights of
every member of the social body, consecrated the principle
of the sovereignty of the people, and repelled as a monstrosity,
the hereditary principle in the exercise of power.
This was soon followed by the publication of the constitution,
which triumphantly came out of the revolutionary
war. In 1785, the assembly passed the act revising the
laws, and establishing religious liberty; finally, in 1788,
Virginia completed her revolution, and strengthened her
independence, by adopting the confederate constitution of
the United States.
203The state of Virginia, which on account of its long establishment,
the extent and fertility of its soil, and the pleasantness
of its climate, should now be the richest and best
peopled state in the union, has still but 1,600,000 inhabitants,
dispersed over a surface of 40,960,000 acres. That
is to say, in proportion to its extent, it has not more than
half the population of the state of New York, its cotemporary;
and not more than the state of Ohio, whose constitution
and existence as a state, are not much more than
twenty years old. This difference, which at every step
betrays itself to the attentive traveller, by the separation of
the towns, the smallness of the villages, and the poverty of
the cultivation, will not disappear, until Virginia, comprehending
her true interests better, and placing them in harmony
with the principles of liberty and equality so clearly
established in her declaration of rights, and so vigorously defended
by her arms, shall have finally abolished negro slavery.
When we have examined the truly great and liberal institutions
of the United States with some attention, well
comprehended their action, and admired their happy influence,
the soul feels suddenly chilled and the imagination
alarmed, in learning that at many points of this vast republic
the horrible principle of slavery still reigns with all its sad
and monstrous consequences; we demand with astonishment
the source of this contradiction between such sublime
theories, and a practice so shameful to humanity! This
question which for a long time has been always keenly discussed
by philanthropists and politicians of both hemispheres,
though not always in good faith, we hope will
speedily be settled by the well-understood interests of those
immediately concerned. In the mean time I shall hazard
some observations here, not with the expectation of ending
the discussion, but in the hope of establishing in their true
condition, some facts which have been misrepresented by
the ignorance or bad faith of some writers.
Happily, there is no part of the civilized world in which
it is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle
of negro slavery; at the present day every sane man
agrees that it is a monstrosity, and it would be altogether
inaccurate to suppose that there are in the United States
more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently senseless to
204seek to defend it, either by their writings or conversation.
For myself, who have traversed the 24 states of the union,
and in the course of a year have had more than one opportunity
of hearing long and keen discussions upon this subject,
I declare that I never have found but a single person
who seriously defended this principle. This was a young
man whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its organization,
was filled with confused and ridiculous notions relative to
Roman history, and appeared to be completely ignorant of
the history of his own country. It would be waste of time
to repeat here his crude and ignorant tirade; for every man
of good faith, the following I believe are the most essential
points for discussion concerning slavery in the United
States.
1st. Have the Americans adopted it voluntarily?
2d. Since they have secured their independence
have they practically testified their aversion to slavery?
3d. Do they at present well understand the entire
danger in which slavery places them, and do they conscientiously
do their best to eradicate the evil?
4th. What are the most efficacious means to attain
as speedily as possible, the enfranchisement of the
blacks?
If these four questions were impartially examined, it is
probable that those violent declamations which offend without
instructing would be relinquished, as they offer no
mode of redressing the evil of which they accuse others. I
shall not attempt a profound investigation of these questions,
which demand a vaster field than I can give them; I
shall but skim over them, but always in the course of my
journey, if opportunities present, I shall exactly state the
facts I witness, and this I hope will make known the state
of slavery, and the daily progress of public opinion on the
subject, better than all discussion.
This crime, by which man abusing his power and intelligence,
subjects to his caprices or to the supply of his wants
another man less enlightened than himself, was first committed
in Virginia in the year 1620. It originated in the
misery of the colonists whose small numbers and exhausted
strength could no longer till the soil, and the avarice of the
Hollanders, who sold them like beasts of burthen, the unfortunate
205negroes they had stolen from the shores of Africa.
The English, not less avid of money than the Hollanders,
soon perceived in this abuse of power, encouraging idleness,
a source of wealth, which they hastened to turn to
their advantage, and from that time their ships annually cast
forth upon the American continent thousands of slaves.
However, the sentiments of humanity which famine had
for some time smothered in the bosoms of the colonists,
were re-animated by the return of prosperity and abundance.
The general assembly of Virginia about 1680, demanded
of the metropolis that an end should be made of
this infamous and now unnecessary commerce in human
flesh, since the population was sufficiently numerous and
active to cultivate a country which richly recompensed the
slightest labour; other colonies repeated this call of justice
and philanthropy, but the metropolis was insensible thereto,
and only replied by this atrocious declaration of parliament;—the
importation of slaves into America, is too lucrative,
for the colonies to ask that England should ever give
it up;—and this declaration was followed by threats, to
which they were obliged to yield, since they were unable
to resist.[19] The general assembly nevertheless frequently
renewed its demand, which had no other result than to obtain
in 1699 an act by which the importation of slaves into
Virginia, was heavily taxed. It was not a remedy for the
evil, though it was somewhat palliative.
This condition continued as long as the colonies remained
under the English yoke; when that was broken, and
their independence was assured, the different state governments
turned their attention towards slavery, and sought
means to cause its disappearance. But this frightful evil
had taken such deep root, that, so to speak, it was fixed in
the manners of the citizens. The remedy was therefore
difficult of attainment, and could not produce immediate
effects; however, those who had undertaken the cause, did
206not lose courage; their writings and conversation animated
all minds, and the state of Virginia had still the honour to
give a great example, in being the first to proscribe the importation
of slaves into her territory. This example was
soon followed by nearly all the other states, and some went
still farther; several, like Pennsylvania, declared all coloured
children born, after the promulgation of the law, free;
others, as the state of New York, declared that after a given
time no one could hold a slave. Congress, following the
general movement of opinion, did what no European power
had dared to attempt; it proscribed the slave-trade,
which it assimilated to piracy, by making it a capital offence;
finally, of the thirteen primitive states, eight proclaimed
the freedom of the blacks by special legislative
acts; none but the most southern states refrained from the
same movements, as their black population had so rapidly
increased, that at some points it was quadruple that of the
whites, to whom they caused some fear.
At present the Union is composed of twenty-four states;
thirteen of them have abolished slavery by law; the eleven
others are still soiled by it; among these last, five are of the
ancient or original states, the others are formed of portions
of the old states, or parts of the territory of Louisiana after
it was bought from France. In this part of the United
States, the prejudices against the blacks, it must be confessed,
keep a great number of slave-owners blindfold; accustomed
as they are from infancy to see in the African nothing
but an inferior race, incapable of ever acquiring the qualities
belonging to a free citizen, they do not attempt to give
their slaves that instruction, without which, it is very true
that liberty would be hurtful to themselves and to society;
they think they have done enough for humanity in softening
the rigours of slavery by kind treatment; but in their blindness
they forget that in the social state, the rights of citizen
cannot be refused to one class of men, without placing them
in a state of war in relation to those who do enjoy them;
and if the oppressed be sufficiently numerous to demand
the reason of this refusal, it is to be presumed that they will
not always tranquilly suffer such an injustice, at least unless
they be crushed beneath the weight of tyranny. This terrible
truth, for a long time repeated at all points of the
union by the voice of philanthropy and religion, which although
207less powerful in the south than in the north, still
exerts a considerable influence, begins to affect the minds
of persons in the slave states, and every day finds the number
of individuals increased, who desire to seek the means
of freeing their country from this horrible scourge.
Of all the plans yet presented, none has produced any
very marked result; it is true that all are very difficult of
execution; for whatever certain European philanthropists
may say, who would perhaps be very much embarrassed if
placed in the situation of a Carolina or Georgia planter, the
general and instantaneous enfranchisement of the slaves
cannot be thought of without exposing to the greatest evils,
not only the whites, but the blacks also, who on account of
their extreme ignorance, see nothing better in liberty than
the privilege of doing nothing, or of committing every excess.
I may venture to affirm that to four fifths of the
slaves in the United States, immediate liberation would be
nothing but a condemnation to die of famine after having
destroyed every thing around them. Consequently I believe
that under such circumstances to withhold from these
men, the immediate exercise of their rights, is neither to
violate these rights nor to protect the violaters of them, but
is merely employing in the mode of removing the evil, the
prudence necessary to make the justice we wish to render
them more surely a mean of happiness. Here prudence
requires that the enfranchisement should be gradual. It
remains, therefore, to inquire if the slave-owners really take
means to produce surely and rapidly this gradual liberation.
Among those who wish to deliver their country from the
opprobrium and degradation of slavery, all are not agreed
upon the measures to be taken in relation to the fate of the
slaves. Some persons have proposed that in order to indemnify
owners for the loss of their slaves, they should be
sold in the English or French West India Islands: but this
inhuman plan was repelled with horror by most of the
planters, who declared they could never determine to send,
to perish under the lash of the drivers of Guadaloupe or
Martinique, men, whom they had accustomed to be treated
with mildness. Some others thought of devoting a portion
of the vast territories extending towards the foot of the
Rocky mountains, to the establishment of a colony, to which
all the young blacks of twenty, and all the females of eighteen
208years old, should be sent, after having first given them
at the public expense, an education, and furnished them
with all the objects necessary to their establishment. This
colony might eventually govern itself, and become a powerful
ally of the United States; but when this proposition was
made, the prosperity of the United States was not sufficiently
great to afford the funds necessary for such an enterprize,
nor was public opinion sufficiently formed at that
time to feel all its importance.
Some years afterwards this idea was resumed, modified,
and finally carried into execution by a society formed in
1818, under the presidency of Judge Bushrod Washington.
This society, which now counts among its members the
most distinguished men of the different states of the union,
and of which General Lafayette is a vice-president for life,
has founded, under protection of the American government,
a colony upon the coast of Africa, which probably
will soon attain the double end of affording an asylum to
the blacks of the United States, in proportion as they receive
their liberty, and at the same time as a centre of light
and industry, whence hereafter civilization may be introduced
into that part of the world.
However, whatever may be the efforts and success of
this philanthropic colonization society, it cannot reasonably
be hoped that it will alone prove sufficient to produce the
abolition of slavery. If slave-owners do not endeavour to
instruct the children of the blacks, to prepare them for liberty;
if the legislatures of the southern states do not fix
upon some period, near or remote, when slavery shall
cease, that part of the union will be for a still longer time
exposed to the merited reproach of outraging the sacred
principle contained in the first article of the declaration of
rights; that all men are born free and equal. But every
thing leads to the belief, that the moment has arrived, when
the gradual abolition of slavery will rapidly advance. The
sentiment of well understood personal interest, now better
comprehended by the southern proprietors, begins to make
them feel, that in a few years their products will scarcely
be able to maintain the competition with those of Mexico
and South America, if they do not relinquish a ruinous system
of culture; and already many of them do not fear
openly to attack the unfortunate prejudices of their fellow
209citizens, by declaring that they would be happier, and much
richer, if the black population was sufficiently diminished
for them to hire free black labourers, and thus by the emulation
of free labour, replace the ruinous mass of children
and old men, they are now obliged to support in idleness.
Thus then, according to the opinion of men most disposed
to abolish slavery, the greatest obstacle to enfranchisement,
whether general or gradual, is the too great population
of the blacks; this population must consequently be
diminished as the first step, and the system of colonization
is therefore wisely conceived, since its object is to offer an
outlet to this superabundance of population. The emancipation
of Hayti, also adds to the facilities offered by the
African colony of Liberia, but in order not to compromit
the safety and prosperity of this colony, and of the republic
of Hayti, no emigrants should be sent to either, except such
whose manners and intelligence may contribute to the prosperity
of these new societies: it is unfortunately but too
true, that almost the whole of the blacks in the United
States, are still too much brutalized by ignorance and slavery,
to furnish good subjects for emigration. The efforts
then, of the friends of humanity, and of that true liberty
which does not admit of the ridiculous distinction between
men, founded upon colour of skin, should all be directed
to enlighten the minds of the rising generation of blacks.
This noble end can only be attained by establishing, multiplying,
and encouraging, every where, free schools for coloured
children of both sexes. It is in vain that some individuals,
blinded by their prejudices, exclaim that there is
no hope of improving the African race, which is only intermediate
to man and the brutes, in the scale of being. Numerous
facts have long since refuted this absurd assertion;
and moreover, may it not be asked of those who are so
proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who judge the
blacks only by what they are, not what they are capable of,
if they know well what would be the condition of their descendants
after several generations, were slavery suddenly
transferred from the blacks to the whites? But why fear
the opposition of prejudices which are daily weakened, and
whose approaching extinction is presaged by the humanity
with which, in general, all the American planters believe
themselves at present obliged to treat their slaves.
210Some facts which I shall have occasion to cite, will, I
hope, complete the proof that relative to slavery, public
opinion is in a good train in the United States, and that it
only requires encouragement, and that good advice relative
to the means to be employed, would be more serviceable
than violent attacks which are often unjust and exaggerated.
I shall conclude these observations by remarking, that
the state of Virginia in a population of 1,065,366 contains
462,281 coloured people, of which 37,113 are free. This
last number appears never to increase much, because this
state in particular supplies colonists for Liberia, and emigrants
to Hayti and that in general the irregular life of the
free negroes in the large cities; considerably prevents their
reproduction.
CHAPTER XV.
Masonic Entertainment: Journey to Petersburg: Visit to Mr. Jefferson:
his mansion: plantation: slaves: Montpelier: Mr. Madison: Religious
Liberty: Return to Washington by Orange Court House and Fredericksburg.
Among the splendid festivities prepared by the citizens
of Richmond for the National Guest, the particular description
of which I am obliged to forego, there was one I
must speak of, as affording an idea of free-masonry in the
United States; an institution, for whose persecution the
Inquisition has so often lighted its faggots in Spain and
Italy, and which some European governments do not tolerate
at the present day, without repugnance.
On Saturday, the 30th October, after having been introduced
with the accustomed ceremonies into the Masonic
Temple, where the members of the various lodges of
Richmond were collected, we marched forth in grand procession,
to go to a fraternal banquet prepared at a hotel in
the other end of the city. The procession, consisting of
more than three hundred persons, moved in the following
order:—
211A detachment of brethren with drawn swords, preceded
the march. After this detachment came a band of musicians,
playing American and French national airs, among
which the Marseilles hymn was not forgotten. Behind the
music marched two long files of brethren of the lower degrees,
and between these two files, all the grand dignitaries
of the society, carrying in the centre a bible, placed
on a rich velvet cushion embroidered with gold, and surrounded
by masonic symbols. Among the grand dignitaries,
the governor of Virginia, chief justice Marshall, and
many other officers of state, were conspicuous. All the
brethren wore the badges of their degrees, and their variety
presented a truly original picture. All the streets we
passed through were crowded with spectators, who by
their attitude and silence, expressed the respect inspired
by this ceremony. Before taking our places at table, a
protestant clergyman belonging to the masonic order, pronounced
a discourse, in which he reminded us that true
masonry reposed on truth, equality, and charity, and that to
fulfil our duties as masons, was, in other words, to discharge
our duties towards God and man. He concluded his discourse
by blessing our repast, which was commenced with
much gravity, but concluded amidst those bursts of frank
and hearty merriment so distinctive of the inhabitants of
Virginia. A great number of patriotic toasts were drank
by the guests; that of general Lafayette was enthusiastically
received. It was as follows—“Liberty, Equality,
Philanthropy, the true masonic symbol. May the practice
of these principles always secure us the esteem of our
friends, and the dislike of the enemies of the human race.”
After the entertainment we resumed our rout to the
temple with the same ceremonies, and in the same order
observed in coming to the hotel; we returned to spend
the evening gaily in the company of a numerous society
collected at our dwelling.
On leaving Richmond general Lafayette expected to
pay a visit to his old and good friend, the ex-president,
Jefferson, but a pressing invitation from the citizens of
Petersburg, caused a slight change in his plan. He resolved
first to attend to this invitation, and then to return
to Richmond, and set out thence for Monticello. Nearly
six hours were occupied in traversing the woody and
212sandy road from Richmond to Petersburg, which is not
more than twenty-five miles. While on the way, some of
our escort pointed out an old frame church, which had
been occupied by Lafayette, as his head quarters during
the campaign of Virginia, when he manœuvred on this
ground to prevent the junction of Cornwallis with general
Phillips. In approaching the town general Lafayette recognised
the position whence he cannonaded and burnt
Petersburg, in order to dislodge the British, who had entered
by so rapid a march that he could not prevent it.
The details of this part of the campaign of Virginia are
briefly and clearly related in Marshall’s excellent Life of
Washington.
The twenty-four hours passed by general Lafayette
among the citizens of Petersburg, were signalized by great
variety of pleasures; in passing through the streets the inhabitants
with much glee made him remark how much
the town had gained by being burnt by him in 1781. “At
that time,” said they, “we had none but miserable wooden
houses to receive you in, and now there are large well
built brick dwellings, in which we can offer you all the
comforts of life.”
Petersburg has in fact an agreeable aspect, which declares
the prosperity of its inhabitants. It is a pretty small
town, containing about 7000 inhabitants, built on the southeast
bank of the Appomatox river, which is navigable from
this place to its confluence with James river, for vessels of
sixty tons. All the products of the south of Virginia, and
most of those of North Carolina, have no other outlet but
Petersburg. The commerce of this place is, consequently,
considerable in tobacco and flour, which is in great part,
manufactured at the numerous mills situated near the town,
below the falls of Appomatox.
After returning to Richmond, we rested for forty-eight
hours, and then set out for Monticello, distant eighty miles,
accompanied by the volunteer cavalry of Richmond, and
a deputation of the committee of arrangement. The first
night we slept at Milton, a small town, half way to our
place of destination; there a great many planters of the
vicinity had assembled to offer a patriotic entertainment to
Lafayette. The next morning at the time of starting, I
was so severely indisposed, that I could not leave my room;
213it was thought I was threatened with a bilious fever, a disease
very common in Virginia at this time of the year, and
frequently fatal.—However, a cup of tea and two hour’s
sleep restored me so far, that I was able to continue my
journey in the carriage. Notwithstanding all my entreaties,
Mr. George Lafayette had left the company, and remained
with me; an evidence of his kindness, I shall never
forget. We arrived at Monticello, a short time after general
Lafayette. We found Mr. Jefferson still deeply affected
by the pleasure of having embraced his ancient friend.
He received us amidst his numerous family, with an amenity
which instantly dissipated the timidity, which I could
not help feeling on my first approach to a man who had
performed so much for the human race.
When one recollects how much the life of Jefferson was
occupied, and useful to his fellow creatures, one feels penetrated
with a deep veneration for him, but to this sentiment
is soon added that of confidence and friendship, when we
have lived a few days near him. It is difficult to find a
man of more agreeable and instructive conversation: endowed
with a memory which readily reconveyed him
amidst all the events of his life; familiar with most of the
arts and sciences, his conversation could easily satisfy all
the demands of a mind desirous of instruction.
Thomas Jefferson was born at Chadwell, in Albemarle
county, Virginia, on the 2d of April, 1743; he was educated
at Williamsburg college, and devoted his early years to the
study of the law. The advantageous situation in which he
was placed by the considerable fortune left him by his father,
Peter Jefferson, one of the oldest settlers, and still
more the elevation of his mind and character, soon caused
him to be sent to the legislature of Virginia, by which he
was sent in 1775, as its representative to the continental
congress. He was not long in obtaining a great reputation
amidst that august assembly, which in 1776, adopted his
draft of the Declaration of Independence, a composition
not less remarkable for the depth of its thought, than
for the clearness, dignity, and energy of its style, of
itself sufficient to immortalize the author. But Jefferson
could not stop at so glorious an opening of his
political career; he must traverse the whole course with
the same step, and on his way, still find means of paying
214tribute to the sciences and arts, which he never neglected.
Successively legislator, governor of Virginia, representative,
minister plenipotentiary, secretary of state, vice president
of the United States, he passed during twenty-five
years through all the high public offices, to arrive at the
first magistracy of the republic. His election, which
occurred in 1801, in opposition to John Adams, was regarded
as the triumph of the democratic over the federal
party; then, as at all times, the vanquished party exhaled
its rage in outcries, murmurs, and incendiary pamphlets.
The newspapers, which were its organs, declaimed incessantly
against the new president, and against all the persons
who aided him to suppress unnecessary offices; reduce
the army to what was strictly necessary, and to give
to the constitution that steady movement which agrees so
well with the simplicity of its conception. But Jefferson
contemned these idle clamours, and did not remit the work
of reform and amelioration he had undertaken. In vain
the mistaken zeal of his friends urged him to recur to a
law repressive of the abuses of the press: he repelled their
dangerous suggestions. “I am happy,” he replied, “in
this continual censure which the papers exercise against
my administration, because among all the violence dictated
by passion, some truth may be found and I shall profit by
it. Moreover, a government whose acts are all done in
public, whose members live amidst their fellow citizens,
to whom all their words are addressed, and under the eyes
of whom all their measures are executed, has nothing but
bad conduct to fear.” Sublime and severe lesson by which
European governments might well profit!
So much wisdom and firmness was not to pass unrewarded
in a correctly thinking nation: Jefferson was re-elected
president in 1805. Among the remarkable circumstances
which signalized his administration, was the acquisition of
Louisiana in 1803, which was very advantageous to the
United States.
In 1809 he returned to private life, and sought repose
in his retreat of Monticello; there at the summit of a mountain,
which towers far above the fertile and smiling valley,
under a simple roof, but in good taste, raised under his direction,
and we may almost say, by his own hands, amidst
his children and grand-children, by whom he is idolized,
he still devotes all his time and faculties to the amelioration
215and happiness of his race.[20] Through his efforts, Charlotteville
has beheld her university erected, richly endowed,
and already containing a great number of pupils. In another
year this establishment will be for the southern and
western states, what Cambridge is to those of the north, a
fruitful source of improvement, whence the youth may obtain
the knowledge and principles requisite to the formation
of good citizens.
The hospitality of Mr. Jefferson is proverbial, his house
is constantly open, not only to numerous visitors from the
neighbourhood, but also to all the foreign travellers who
were attracted by curiosity or the very natural desire of
seeing and conversing with the sage of Monticello. The
dwelling is built in the figure of an irregular octagon, with
porticoes at the east and west, and peristyles on the north
and south. Its extent comprising the peristyles and porticoes
is about 110 feet by 90; the exterior is in the Doric order,
and surmounted by balustrades. The interior of the house
is ornamented in the different orders of architecture, except
the composite; the vestibule is Ionic; the dining room
Doric, the drawing room Corinthian, and the dome Attic.
The chambers are ornamented in the different forms of
these orders in true proportion as given by Palladio.
Throughout this delightful dwelling are to be found proofs
of the good taste of the proprietor, and of his enlightened
love for the arts. His parlour is ornamented by a beautiful
collection of paintings, among which we remarked with
pleasure an ascension by Poussin, a holy family by Raphael;
a flagellation of Christ by Rubens, and a crucifixion by
Guido. In the dining room were four beautiful busts; of
Washington, Franklin, Lafayette and Paul Jones. There
are also some other fine pieces of sculpture in different parts
of the house. The library without being extensive is well
selected; but what especially excites the curiosity of visitors
is the rich museum situated at the entrance of the house.
This extensive and excellent collection consists of offensive
and defensive arms, dresses, ornaments and utensils of different
savage tribes of North America. Mr. Trist, son-in-law
of Mrs. Randolph, daughter of Mr. Jefferson, an amiable
and enlightened gentleman, pointed out to me the arms
216which had belonged to Tecumseh; they are not especially
remarkable, as to form or materials, but one cannot help
regarding them with interest when the extraordinary character
of their former owner is known.
Tecumseh, born among the Chippewa Indians, on the
frontiers of Canada, was the chief of his nation, and his
courage and talent acquired for him an immense influence
over the neighbouring tribes. This child of nature was
born with the impress of grandeur; a body of perfect symmetry,
and a most imposing aspect, contained the soul of a
hero, and one might affirm that if he had come into existence
amidst the lights of civilization, his vast intelligence
would soon have assigned him a place among the first men
of his age. For a long time he secretly nourished the hope
of opposing an insurmountable barrier to the constantly increasing
power of the whites; to this end he had during
several years visited nearly all the Indian tribes to induce
them to enter into the league he wished to form. His
persuasive and forceful eloquence had secured him numerous
partisans; already he saw at no distant period, the
epoch in which by raising the tomahawk against the whites
he should regenerate his brethren, when suddenly the war
broke out between the United States and England. Tecumseh
was rejoiced at this occurrence, because in his
opinion it favoured his projects, since it would hasten the
destruction of his enemies by their own hands. At first
he resolved to remain an inactive spectator, but soon
changed his views; it appeared to him a wiser policy first
to aid in the destruction of the strongest, in order to have
afterwards none but the weakest to attack; and he willingly
yielded to the solicitations of the English, who eagerly
sought his alliance. He was then 40 years old; from his
youth he had taken part in all the engagements against the
whites, and still no one could reproach him with one of
those cruel actions so common to his compatriots in the
intoxication of victory. He abhorred bloodshed after battle,
and was often seen defending prisoners from the fury
of his own warriors: with so noble a character, he must
soon have blushed at the atrocious conduct of his allies
who basely excited the Indians they had intoxicated to
murder their wounded prisoners; he manifested to them all
the contempt they had inspired, when he refused with
haughtiness the rank of brigadier-general, and the silk scarf
217presented in the name of the king of England, as a reward
for his bravery at the battles of Brownstown and Mayagua.
Being always pre-occupied with his vast plans, he thought
it right to persist in his alliance with the British, until the
Americans whom he regarded as his most dangerous enemies
were destroyed. Called by his formidable voice,
new tribes ranged themselves under his orders, and it was
at the head of the flower of his warriors, that he marched
to the river Thames, to lend for the last time aid to
his allies, in the battle fought with the Americans under
general Harrison. From the beginning of the action, Tecumseh
had thrown himself with fury amid the ranks of the
enemy, and had at first shaken them by the audacity of his
attack, but the troops soon rallied, and the combat became
horrible. The Indians, excited by the example of
their valiant chief, repeatedly renewed their attacks, which
the Americans repelled with equal intrepidity. In the
midst of the struggle, colonel Johnson advanced almost
alone towards a dense body of Indians, who were rallying
under the voice of Tecumseh. His uniform and white
horse rendered him remarkable, and he became a mark for
all shots, and in a moment fell under numerous wounds:
at this instant Tecumseh approached and raised his tomahawk
to give him the death blow; but, struck with his intrepidity,
or his unfortunate situation, he hesitated an instant,
and this hesitation proved fatal to him. Colonel
Johnson collecting his strength, and perceiving the extent
of his danger, drew a pistol from his belt and discharged it,
almost touching the breast of Tecumseh, who fell dead by
his side. Thus perished this extraordinary man, upon
whom rested all the hopes of many nations, who daily diminish,
and of which civilization will soon destroy every
trace of their past existence. The body of Tecumseh was
found among the dead after the battle, and recognized by
the Americans, who, in respect to the well known valor of
the chief, interred it with all the honours of war.
The plantation surrounding Mr. Jefferson’s dwelling,
consists of several thousand acres, but not more than
twelve or fourteen hundred are cultivated, the rest being
still in wood; the principal products are grain and tobacco.
Cultivation appeared to me to be well conducted in general,
but judging from the observations I made, it must be
218very expensive, and consequently leave very little profit to
the proprietor. Like all the planters of Virginia, Mr.
Jefferson employs slaves to do his work; that is to say,
if he require the labour of fifty negroes, he must feed,
lodge and clothe a hundred, for if from this number of
slaves we subtract the old men, children, and weakly or
sick women, certainly not more than fifty individuals are
in a working condition. After all, it may be added, that
these fifty active individuals do not effect more, than
would be accomplished by thirty free men hired by the
day, as may be easily understood. The free labourer,
hired by the day, knows that if he does not exert all his
power and all his intelligence, he will cease to be employed,
another more laborious will be hired in his place, and
be will be reduced to misery; the slave labourer, on the
contrary knows, that whatever he may do, his condition
will remain unchanged; he is aware that to preserve the
capital which he represents, his master will be always
forced to feed, lodge, clothe, take care of his health, and
defend him; thus without disquiet as without hope for the
future, the slave labourer can have but one desire, that of
repose. In fact, what is it to him whether his master’s
prosperity increases or is diminished? The consequences
to him are always the same; is he not always a slave?
From these considerations we may boldly conclude, that
thirty free labourers paid by the day, would do the work
of a hundred slaves, which the owner is obliged to feed
and clothe throughout the year, to have fifty labourers. I
suppose that the support of each slave costs but one franc
a day, and the hire of a labourer would be three, there
would then be a difference of ten per cent. a day in the
labour, in favour of cultivation by free hands. This difference
does not appear at first very considerable, but if we
then take into account the enormous capital of 50,000 dollars
at least for the purchase of the slaves; the fifty-two Sundays
and other holidays, during which nothing is paid to
the free labourer, and during which the slaves eat although
they do not work, we shall then find that the difference
is still greater, and shall scarcely comprehend why
a planter (apart from all sentiments of humanity, and consulting
his personal interests exclusively,) should not make
his best efforts to substitute the labour of free men for that
of slaves.
219The good appearance and gaiety of the negroes at Monticello
attested the humanity of their master, if so noble a
character had need of an attestation; all those with whom
I conversed assured me that they found themselves perfectly
happy, and were not subject to bad treatment; that
their task was light, and that they cultivated the grounds
of Monticello with greater satisfaction, because they were
nearly certain of not being torn from their homes to be
sent elsewhere, during Mr. Jefferson’s life. This conversation
proved to me that, notwithstanding what some persons
say, it is possible to excite in slaves a love of labour
and gain their affections; this infallible mode would be to
attach them to the soil, and teach them to consider themselves
as an inalienable part of the property to which they
belong; to assure them in short, that they should enjoy the
ameliorations or embellishments created by the sweat of
their brows; when they knew that their natal soil was to
nourish them to the end of their days, they would be attached
to it, and take pleasure in rendering it productive.
The masters themselves would have more regard for beings
whom they would no longer consider as beasts of burden,
which are to be gotten rid of, if the owner have not talent
to guide them. Obliged to keep them, he would take
more care of their moral and physical improvement; then
those horrible markets would cease, which pitilessly breaking
the ties of nature and affection, tear the infant from
its mother, separate the wife from the husband, the brother
from the sister, the unfortunate from the friends to
which at least they were united by the same chain.
The objections to general and immediate emancipation
are unanswerable; the objections to gradual emancipation
are subject to discussion; but the objections against changing
slavery into servitude, appear to be easy of refutation.
The government of the United States has given a great lesson
to the whole world in abolishing and punishing as a
capital crime the trade in slaves. Virginia has acquired
great claims upon the gratitude of the friends of humanity
in opposing from her infancy the importation of slaves into
her territory; but many palms still remain to be merited in
this career of justice and philanthropy; the first to be decreed,
will belong in my opinion to the states which shall
first replace the slaves by servants.
220Before leaving Mr. Jefferson, we went with him to visit
the University of Virginia, at Charlotteville; he conveyed
us thither in a very elegant calash, made by negroes on his
own place; it appeared to be very well made, and in its
construction I found a powerful argument against those who
pretend that the intelligence of negroes can never be raised
to the height of the mechanic arts.
Every thing had been prepared at Charlotteville, by the
citizens and students, to give a worthy reception to Lafayette.
The sight of the Nation’s Guest, seated at the
patriotic banquet, between Jefferson and Madison, excited
in those present an enthusiasm which expressed itself in
enlivening sallies of wit and humour. Mr. Madison, who
had arrived that day at Charlotteville to attend this meeting,
was especially remarkable for the originality of his
expressions, and the delicacy of his allusions: before leaving
the table, he gave a toast, “To liberty, with virtue
for her guest, and gratitude for the feast,” which was received
with transports of applause.
After dinner, we visited the establishment; it is composed
of two parallel lines of small buildings, all of different
architecture; at the extremity is another building,
constructed after plans of the Parthenon at Athens, reduced
to one-fifth of the original dimensions, containing
the library, and a vast circular saloon for public meetings.
All these different buildings have been superintended by
Mr. Jefferson himself, who passed several hours daily either
among the workmen, or amidst the pupils and professors,
who all profited by his wise counsel.
Before taking leave of the youth of Charlotteville, and
its respectable professors, one of the latter took us into a
little hall where he showed us a rattlesnake moving at freedom,
upon the floor. It was caught a few days previous,
in the woods, and was intended as a present for Mr. George
Lafayette, who had expressed a desire to obtain one. We
contemplated with pleasure this dangerous reptile, whose
piercing eye, supple movements, livid body, crossed by
broad black bands, and sounding tail, would doubtless have
inspired sentiments of another nature, if we bad not known
that his venom had been rendered harmless, by the extraction
of the canulated fangs, through whose instrumentality
this animal so subtlely introduces its poison into the veins
221of the victims it strikes. The poison of the rattlesnake is
so violent, that it is said frequently to produce death in
less than half an hour. The possibility of obtaining an
efficacious remedy against the bite of this reptile, has long
been, and still is doubted; however, Doctor Thacher affirms
positively, in his excellent Military Journal of 1776,
that the employment of olive oil and mercury perfectly
succeeded in his hands, in saving the life of a soldier bitten
by a rattlesnake.
Notwithstanding the happiness enjoyed by general Lafayette
in the company of his old friend Mr. Jefferson, he
was obliged to leave him, because other affections and other
engagements still called him from numerous points. Of this
vast republic, of which we have not yet visited but a small
part, although since our landing we have constantly travelled
at the rate of nearly forty miles a day. From Monticello
we went to Montpelier, the charming residence of
the ex-president Madison; there we found with some slight
shades of difference the same habits and virtues as at
Monticello.
The career of Mr. Madison has a surprising conformity
with that of Mr. Jefferson, with whom he was always connected
by the warmest friendship. Like his illustrious
friend, Mr. Madison, early devoted himself to the study of
law, and while still young, was called upon by his fellow-citizens
to defend their dearest interests in the legislative
assembly; like him he was distinguished by his oratorical
talent, and the boldness of his conceptions, in that congress
which immortalized itself in declaring the country
independent. Like him he was twice called by the people
to the chief magistracy of the republic, and moreover, during
a part of his administration, he had to sustain a foreign
war, which terminated gloriously; like him, finally, in leaving
the government-house of the United States, he retired
to cultivate his fields, and devote himself to letters, which
he had never wholly relinquished, amid the multifarious occupations
of his active political life.
Mr. Madison at the time of our visit was seventy-four
years of age, but his well preserved frame contained a
youthful soul full of sensibility, which he did not hesitate to
show, when he expressed to general Lafayette the pleasure
he felt at having him in his house. Although the habit of
222reflection and application, give to his countenance an aspect
of severity, all the impressions of his heart are rapidly
depicted in his features, and his conversation is usually animated
with a gentle gaiety. Mrs. Madison also contributes
much by the graces of her mind, and the amenity of her
character to exalt the excellence of that frank hospitality
with which strangers are received at Montpelier.
The four days passed with Mr. Madison were agreeably
employed in promenades over his beautiful estate, and still
more agreeably by our evening conversations, particularly
concerning all the great American interests, which are so
dear to general Lafayette. The society which at this time
habitually assembled at Montpelier, was almost entirely
composed of the neighbouring planters, who for the most
part appeared as well versed in all great political questions
as in agriculture. Lafayette, who though perfectly understanding
the disagreeable situation of American slaveholders,
and respecting generally the motives which prevent
them from more rapidly advancing in the definitive
emancipation of the blacks, never missed an opportunity
to defend the right which all men without exception have to
liberty, broached among the friends of Mr. Madison the
question of slavery. It was approached and discussed by
them frankly, and in a manner to confirm me in the opinion
I had previously formed concerning the noble sentiments
of the majority of Virginians upon this deplorable circumstance.
It appears to me, that slavery cannot exist a long
time in Virginia, because all enlightened men condemn the
principle of it, and when public opinion condemns a principle,
its consequences cannot long continue to subsist.
After the question of personal slavery in the United
States, the equally important question of the spiritual slavery,
to which some of the people of Europe are condemned
by the dominant or state religions, was discussed. The
friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at
least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved
country; they entered into some details which showed me
that they were not men to be contented with what we incessantly
invoke as a benefit in Europe, that is religious
tolerance. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond doubt
preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable
in a free country, because it marks an insulting
223pride. To give one religion the right to tolerate, and subject
others to the disgrace of being tolerated, it would be
first necessary to prove that the tolerant is the only good
one, and that all the tolerated were bad. This proof is unobtainable,
since each believes his own religion to be the
best. The word toleration is, therefore, an insult, and cannot
reasonably be replaced except by the word liberty.
This liberty we now enjoy in the fullest sense of the term,
and we are sure that throughout our twenty-four states, not
one is to be found in which it is not better understood than
in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our
times of tolerance, indeed I may say of intolerance; before
our glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under
laws, by which for certain degrees of heresy, a father could
be deprived of the privilege of educating his own children.
Every individual might lose the rights of citizen, and a part
of the protection of the laws, and sometimes even be
burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks to
our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed
them, no individual can be forced to observe any religious
worship, nor to frequent any place, nor to support any minister,
of whatever religion he may be, nor be constrained,
retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own person, or his
goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on
account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty
to profess and sustain by reasoning their religious opinions,
and these opinions can neither diminish nor increase any
of their civil rights.”
To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention;
one of the persons engaged in it, who had observed
me, took me aside while tea was preparing, and said:—“Since
you take so deep an interest in every thing relating
to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one
which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending
the modesty of our host.—Previous to the revolution,
the episcopal religion was the prevailing form of worship
in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at the equality
established between different sects by the law of 1776, and
still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of
the appointments, which they had previously received from
government, declared that they could not be contented with
voluntary contributions, and caused a petition to be presented
224to the general assembly in 1784–5, praying for the
support of the ministers of the gospel by the government.
This petition supported by the most popular talents of the
house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success,
some members proposed and obtained a reference of the
petition to the ensuing session, as well as to have it printed
and submitted to public examination; during the interval,
Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas besought Mr. Madison to
draw up a refutation of the petition. This refutation was diffused
extensively among the people, and was so successful,
that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of persons
of all sects, and at the following session the petition
was altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to
read this production, which in my opinion, contains all that
can be most strongly and judiciously said in favour of religious
liberty. On reading this refutation, I found it worthy
of the commendations bestowed. The principles it contains,
are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently established
and defended.”
On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to
Fredericksburg by the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous
escort commanded by Captain Mason came in the
morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison
wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house,
we found all the inhabitants drawn up in two lines,
between which the general advanced to Col. Barbour, the
governor of the state of Virginia, deputed by his fellow citizens
to make an address to the nation’s guest. In passing
along these two lines, the general received the expression
of the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had
been prevented by age and the distance from joining their
military companions at the Yorktown celebration; he consoled
them by evidences of friendship and remembrance,
for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s
address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her
youthful companions with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied
it by a tender and respectful address.—We did not
remain longer than was necessary to be present at an entertainment,
over which Col. Barbour presided, who according
to custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the
dessert; these official or regular toasts were followed by
numerous volunteers, all expressive of patriotism and gratitude.
225After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison, who,
notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse
with activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful
dwelling. We continued on our journey, accompanied
by the escort with which we arrived, now considerably augmented
by a large number of citizens, who wished to prolong
the pleasure of being near Lafayette.
We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a
great crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erected at
the intersection of the road, and a narrow path scarcely to
be distinguished from the thickness of the wood. We soon
learned, that this path, over which young females were
strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with
such touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette,
on the 15th June, 1781, in order to make a forced march
from the banks of the Rapidan to Michunk Creek, where
Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared for
battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without
resistance upon the magazines of the middle states established
at Albemarle. This new proof of the honourable recollection
in which the Americans held all his actions,
deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears,
when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies,
when in descending from his carriage be found himself surrounded
and tenderly embraced by the citizens, who awaited
him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a long time
with them, and related to the young people how strongly
these places reminded him of the obligations he owed to
their parents. “It was here,” said he, “at the moment
when I effected by this path a movement which would
have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned
their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole
campaign, the separation from their families, fatigues of
every description, the ruinous abandonment of agriculture,
and the difficulty of procuring provisions, did not prevent
them from remaining with the army far beyond the time
we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not
relate, because modesty prevented him, the address with
which he raised the courage of the most dejected, and kept
those nearest himself, who were most disposed to withdraw.
A detachment of militia were retained beyond their
time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them,
226and complaining daily more and more, the general agreed
that their discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible
he was of the considerable injury which must result to
those who were so long detained from homeland especially
by this unexpected delay, which he could not provide
against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of
it; apologized for having retained them beyond their time,
and declared that he had not the courage to keep them
longer, and therefore gave permission to all to withdraw,
adding, that for his own part he could not abandon
the post confided to him, and should remain with the small
number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the
character of the men he commanded, and by this method
obtained the desired results, for after speaking thus he
would have found it difficult to have induced one to go,
without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave
him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who
could ever dream of abandoning the marquis,” by which
name the Americans distinguished Lafayette throughout
the war. This mode of designating him had become so
habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used
when we arrived at New York. During several days the
newspapers, in giving an account of his movements, and of
the entertainments given to him, used no other appellation
in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it when they
learned that the general constantly refused to resume this
title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly.
His cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing
an old habit which was not without its charms to them,
since it reminded them of their youthful days. I recollect
at Philadelphia an old lady, who had known him well during
the revolution, and who probably thought of him as he
appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the
crowd, saying, “Let me pass, that I may again see that
good young marquis.”
It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we
arrived at Fredericksburgh, where the general was received
by the little boys formed into a battalion under the name
of Lafayette Cadets; the night was already dark, and the
town glittered with illumination, when we arrived at the
place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid
supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburg
227were present, terminated the day. Next day being
Sunday, we went to the Episcopal church, escorted by the
free masons in grand ceremony. The clergyman who officiated
was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed
part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General
Washington, and in the evening we set out for Washington,
accompanied for several miles by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh.
At the Strafford county line, the extremity of
which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort
him to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and
conveyed us to Washington by a pleasant night voyage.
1. Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This
quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national airs,
and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his memoirs,
relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families reconciled
who had been before at deadly variance.—D.
2. Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is
emblematic of lasting affection.—D.
3. The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union,
that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but gradual
emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to the
full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry and economy,
have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus given a pledge
to the country, for their future good conduct. It seems, indeed, the best
course to be pursued with a population which circumstances have placed
in an inferior degree of civilization to the rest of the community.
If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be freed from the pest of
slavery, it is by such measures as this (in connection with others) that
the event is to be prepared, so that it may be met without some dreadful
catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author, who sees in this an unjust
and invidious distinction between the two races, had not yet, as his interlocutor
very properly observes, prepared his mind for a correct judgment,
by a visit to those states, whose situation requires that their
friends and neighbours should not be too hasty in carrying into effect
their liberal theories; but should guard and measure their steps with a
view to future, as well as present circumstances, and to the ultimate
welfare and safety of the whole American union.—D.
4. Those whom our author here calls magistrates, were probably no
other than constables, who are the executive officers of our police. The
service of Justices of the Peace, whom in this country we distinguish by
the name of magistrates, is seldom required on such occasions.—D.
5. It is a pity that the proper spelling of the name of this brave man
has not been preserved. As written here, it has not the appearance nor
the sound of a French name. It was probably Molan, or Molant, or perhaps
Moulin. Molang is evidently a corrupt spelling.—D.
6. The people of Connecticut are not more litigious than those of the
other states, nor are lawyers more plentiful among them, or live more
at the people’s expense. The members of the legal profession are as
honourable, and as liberal, in this country, as in any part of the world,
and the frequency of law suits which has induced the unfounded charge
of litigiousness against the people of America, is not to be ascribed to
their natural disposition, but to the confusion and uncertainty of the
laws which the Normans introduced into England, and the English into
this country. The fathers of this complicated code, the Normans, were
stigmatized in France, before the Revolution, as a litigious people, and
this character was produced by the same cause. In England, the excess
of litigation is prevented by measures which we do not wish to see
introduced among us. High and heavy taxes upon legal proceedings,
effectually protect the rich against the litigation of the poor, and prevent
the latter from entertaining suits against each other. The evil,
however, has reached to such a height, that the government themselves
are setting on foot a revision of the whole legal system. We have
amended it here in a considerable degree; but much remains yet to be
done, and will be done, by prudent and gradual steps, so that we may
not be obliged, at a future day, like our brethren of England, to tear up
the whole edifice from its foundation.
As to the excessive familiarity which is supposed to exist in some
parts of New England and particularly in Connecticut, between young
people before marriage, it has been at all times greatly exaggerated.
However dangerous the custom alluded to might be considered in other
countries, it is certain that in Connecticut, it seldom led to criminal intercourse,
and when it did, the mischief was speedily repaired by the
legal union of the parties. At present the custom has entirely disappeared,
or if it ever exist, it is confined to the very lowest class of
society. There is not a people on earth more truly moral and religious,
than the people of that state, and illegitimate children are not
more numerous in it proportionally, than in the other parts of the
union.—D.
7. Historical, Statistic and Political Description of the United States,
by Warden.
8. Our author evidently means here the Phi Beta Kappa society,
which is an association of students, who meet together at stated times,
to promote and encourage among each other classical learning and the
study of the belles lettres. The denomination which they have assumed,
consists of the first letters of three Greek words, the meaning of
which none are supposed to understand but the initiated. The members of this association continue to belong to it, not only after the termination
of their collegiate studies, but even after being raised to the
first political honours of the country. The professors and the heads of
the university make it a point to encourage this meritorious society by
all the means in their power.—D.
9. The notions commonly entertained by Europeans relative to the aborigines
of America, are principally derived from the exaggerated statements
of early voyagers, or from the fantastic creations of romance
writers, who, in representing these supposed “children of nature,” have
endowed them with qualities they never possessed, and bestowed upon
them ideas, sentiments, and expressions utterly unknown, as well as perfectly
incomprehensible, to the race. An opinion of the character of our
savages, formed from an examination of the miserable stragglers which
still hang upon the out-skirts of civilization, would be quite as inadequate
and inaccurate. The unvarnished truth is, that the best of the known
tribes exhibit specimens of humanity in its extreme of degradation, from
a more perfect condition of which but few, faint and almost obliterated
traces, are occasionally to be discerned. Inevitably destined to extinction,
they appear, like another coloured race, to be suffering under the infliction
of a tremendous temporal punishment for some ancient national
crime. Such a conclusion is at least strongly borne out by the history of
this continent, and we have already lived to see Spain beginning to receive
her reward for the part she played in the dreadful tragedies by
which this history is dedecorated; must not the day of retribution for the
United States also arrive?—T.
12. The Bowery, and Lafayette theatres, the Mount Pitt Circus, and
other places of public amusement, have been built since. Some of them
have also been burnt down and rebuilt within a short time.
13. The writer was probably not acquainted with the Musical Fund
Society of Philadelphia, which had been but lately established when
General Lafayette arrived, and which is rapidly becoming an excellent
school of music. It has already performed in public in a very creditable
manner, several English and German oratorios, such as Handel’s Messiah,
and Haydn’s Creation. Since Lafayette’s departure from this
country, New York has had an Italian opera led by Garcia, Angrisani,
Signorina Garcia, &c. &c. The New Orleans troop of Comedians has
performed with great applause both at New York and Philadelphia.
They have met with so much encouragement that a regular annual
visit is expected from them.—D.
14. This venerable man is still living in Massachusetts; October, 1829.
15. These were his titles of recommendation! They now serve but to remind
his country of the vast loss sustained by his death!—T.
16. By the existing laws of New York, interments can no longer be made
in the city.—T.
19. This miserable pretext, of the profitableness of the traffic to the merchants
[robbers] concerned, was resorted to till the last, in the British
parliamentary discussions relative to abolition, and unfortunately was
allowed to exert considerable influence. The last time we recollect to
have seen this seriously urged as an argument in favour of the continuance
of the slave-trade, was by that prig Boswell, in his life of Dr.
Johnson.—T.