Independence of the United States of America

CCXI

Before you have an account of the American proceedings in respect to the teas of the East-India Company, you must be presented with some matters of an earlier date.

[May 14, 1773.] The Bostonians persisted in discovering on every occasion, a determined opposition to ministerial measures. Twelve days before the election day, the town resolved, “That if the council apply for Faneuil-hall for to dine in on the anniversary CCXIIIelection day, the select men should not grant it but upon the express conditions that neither the commissioners of the customs, nor their attendants, nor the officers of the army and navy, stationed here for the purpose of enforcing unconstitutional acts of parliament by military execution, be invited.” It has been an established custom for the governor, council, and many other gentlemen, to dine there on that day; but the resolve prevented an application, and occasioned their dining elsewhere, with the commissioners and officers.

Whether the votes of Boston, sent to Virginia, as the patriots say, or their own private letters might or might not lead to it, the house of burgesses resolved, in the beginning of March, to maintain an intercourse with the sister colonies. They therefore appointed a committee of eleven persons, “whose business it should be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to or affect the British colonies, and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with their sister colonies.” They then resolved, “That their speaker transmit to the speakers of the different assemblies their resolutions, to be laid before their assemblies, and requesting their appointing committees.” Nothing could be more acceptable to the Massachusetts assembly. It was the first particular business they entered upon when they met. [May 28.] They came to several resolves, and were careful in the first to speak highly in praise of Virginia. They appointed a committee of fifteen members, and directed them “to prepare a circular letter to the speakers, requesting them to lay the same before their respective assemblies, in confidence that they will comply with the wise and salutary resolves of the house of burgesses of Virginia.” Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Maryland, and New-Hampshire, entered into similar measures; but the answer ordered by the New-Hampshire assembly, to be given to the speakers of Virginia and Rhode-Island, was guardedly expressed; they gave assurance that their sister colonies might rely upon their sincerely joining them in every constitutional plan for securing the rights of America. The institution of these committees tends greatly to unite the colonies, and to render them more alert and formidable in resisting the encroachments of ministry. They by this mean become early prepared to meet new and unexpected occurrences; and are drawn in to look upon themselves as jointly interested in each others safety and public concerns.

An event has happened in the Massachusetts, which has excited on the part of the people, the utmost indignation and animosity; on the side of the governor and other, the greatest confusion.

CCXIVThe agent, Dr. Franklin, has by some means yet unknown, obtained and sent over to Mr. Bowdoin, a number of letters, to be communicated by him, after perusal, to a few trusty gentlemen, viz. the honorable James Pitts, Mr. Thomas Cushing, Mr. Samuel Adams, Dr. Winthrop, Dr. Chauncey, and Dr. Cooper: it is added, they are to be returned and put into the place whence they were taken. The letters are signed Tho. Hutchinson, And. Oliver, Ch. Paxton, Thomas Moffat, Robert Achmuty, Nath. Rogers, George Rome. Though they were partly private and confidential, they were designed to procure public coercive measures; and tended to incense the mother country against her colonies, and by the steps recommended, to widen the breach, which they have undoubtedly effected. Their contents were the subject of conversation and solicitous enquiry; till at length Mr. Sam. Adams acquainted the assembly [June 2.] that he had perceived the minds of the people to be greatly agitated with a prevailing report, that letters of an extraordinary nature had been written and sent to England, greatly to the prejudice of this province—that he had obtained certain letters, which with the consent of the gentleman from whom he had received them, might be read in the house under certain restrictions, namely, that the said letters be neither printed nor copied in whole or in part; the proposal was considered, and they were read under the said restrictions. A committee of the whole house afterward reported, “that the tendency and design of said letters was to overthrow the constitution of this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province.”—Yeas 101—Nays 5.

The restrictions under which the letters were communicated, were invalidated by contrivance; and in a week’s time [June 9.] Mr. Hancock acquainted the house that he had received copies of certain letters, which he supposed were copies of the letters before the house, and moved that they might be compared. The next day [June 10.] one of a committee appointed to consider some means whereby the house might be honorably and fully possessed of the letters, reported, “That Mr. S. Adams had acquainted him, that having conversed with the gentleman from whom he received the letters, he was authorised to inform the house, that the said gentleman consented (as he found that copies of said letters were already abroad, and had been publicly read) that the house should be fully possessed of them, to print, copy, or make what use of them they pleased, relying on the goodness of the house, that the original letters be returned, they retaining attested copies for their use.” Mr. S. Adams being called upon, declared the same. [June 16.] At length the assembly resolved to petition the king to remove governor Hutchinson CCXVand lieutenant governor Oliver for ever from the government of the province. [June 22.] They agreed also to furnish the council with the original letters upon the express condition, that the board would by no means suffer them to go out of their hands. The council complied with the insulting stipulation aimed at the governor; and upon his requiring the letters for examination, refused to deliver them into his hands, but sent a committee to open them before him, that he might examine the hand writing. [June 24.] To this indignity he was obliged to submit, as well as to the mortification of acknowledging the signature. After which they resolved, “that the removal of the governor and lieutenant governor will be promotive of his majesty’s service.”

The Boston committee of correspondence, that they might add weight to the doings of the general court, enclosed the governor’s letters and also the resolves of the house, in a spirited circular letter, and sent them to the several town clerks through the province, to be communicated to their respective towns.

The house of assembly in their petition and remonstrance to his majesty, charged the governor and lieutenant governor with being betrayers of their trusts and of the people they governed, and with giving private, partial, and false information; declared them enemies to the colony; and prayed for justice against them, and for their speedy removal. So prevalent was the resentment, that these charges, with many others, were carried through by a majority of 82 to 12.

To enter now upon the subject of the TEA. While the bill for allowing the East-India Company to export it, was in parliament, letters from Britain insinuated into the minds of the colonists, that a plan was laid to bring them into a snare; that a noble resistance on this occasion, would free them from the slavery intended for them; that if this opportunity was lost they never would have another; and that if they suffered the ships to land the tea, and the duty to be paid, they would rivet their own chains. The British merchants have been alarmed with the thought of the losses which must necessarily accrue to themselves from the exportations of the company, and from the sales going through the hands of consignees; and have contributed to the strengthening of that resistance to which the people were already inclined; through their prevailing jealousy at the reservation of the tea duty when the other duties were repealed. The united opposition of the colonies was to be secured; but the event was precarious. The Bostonians were much suspected by the sons of liberty in the other provinces, on account of the many goods which were imported into the town during the general non-importation agreement, and CCXVIagreement of the teas contrary to the agreement respecting that article. New-York and Philadelphia had kept to the agreement, and had run all the teas that the market demanded; but there had been imported into Boston, from the beginning of 1768 to the end of last year, not less than 2714 chests, by more than a hundred different persons. Mr. Hutchinson and his sons were considerable importers. It was evident that the body of merchants could not be depended upon. Mr. Thomas Mifflin, of Philadelphia, being at Boston, put it therefore to the sons of liberty, when the teas were expected, “Will you engage that they shall not be landed? If so, I will answer for Philadelphia.”—They pledged their honor.

[Oct. 2.] The inhabitants of Philadelphia assembled, and unanimously entered into various resolves, in which they censured the resolution of the East-India Company to send out their tea to America, subject to the payment of duties on its being landed, as an open attempt to enforce the ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the liberties of America; and declared it to be the duty of every American to oppose this attempt, and that whoever should directly or indirectly countenance it, was an enemy to his country. They then fixed upon a committee to wait on the gentlemen, reported to be appointed to receive and sell the tea, and to request their resigning. Within three days the whole number resigned; Messrs. Whartons and Brown, without making the least difficulty; the other two, not till the treatment they met with (on appearing at the coffee-house) for the shuffling answer they had given, convinced them that it was not safe trifling with the public opinion. Since this meeting, the Boston sons of liberty have assured by letter the sons of liberty at Philadelphia, that no tea shall be landed.

At New-York, when captain Sears and captain M‘Dougall heard that the tea was to be sent, they concluded that an opposition to it was necessary, and agreed upon contriving to unite the tea-smugglers, the merchants, and the sons of liberty in that service; and that captain M‘Dougall should write against the design of introducing and vending the tea agreeable to the ministerial plan, but should remain concealed as the author. A few of each class were called together, and the mode of opposition settled. Publications, tending to spread and increase the alarm of imminent danger to the liberties of the country, appeared periodically. As the time approached for the arrival of the tea ships, the publications became more spirited and threatening. [Nov. 5.] An hand-bill addressed to the friends of liberty and commerce was circulated through the city, calculated to provoke resentment against all the encouragers of the tea plan. Afterward CCXVIIwritten papers were stuck up at the coffee-house and other places [Nov. 8.] menacing destruction to any person who should accept a commission for the sale of the East-India Company’s teas, or be an accessory. In rather more than a week, there was published [Nov. 18.] a paper signed Legion, addressed to the stated pilots of the port, and all others whom it might concern, directing them how to proceed in reference to any tea-ship, and requiring them, at their peril, to bring her no farther than the Hook. In another paper, signed the Mohawks, the tea-ship is said to be laden with fetters, forged for them in Great-Britain, and every vengeance is denounced against all persons, who dare in any manner to contribute to the introduction of these chains. In December, the London, captain Chambers, and the tea ship arrived on the same day; the former came up directly to the wharf, the other remained at the Hook, and was watched till she returned, by a vessel stationed there for the purpose. On her arrival a committee waited on the consignees, who, agreeable to a former promise, assured them that they would neither receive nor sell the tea, as it came liable to an American duty. Captain Chambers ventured to bring seventeen chests on a private account, which were taken and thrown overboard into the harbor. Had the company’s ship come to the wharf, she would probably have been burnt, for captain Sears and five others had determined upon it, and provided themselves with combustibles for that purpose.

At Philadelphia, printed papers were dispersed, warning the Delaware pilots not to conduct any of the tea ships into harbor, as they were only sent for the purpose of enslaving and poisoning all the Americans; and at the same time plainly intimating, that it was expected they would apply their knowledge of the river, under the colour of their profession, so as effectually to secure their country from such an imminent danger.

In most places the consignees were obliged to relinquish their appointments, and to enter into engagements not to act in that capacity, and no other persons daring to receive the cargoes consigned to them, the captains of the New-York and Philadelphia ships, from these circumstances, and the knowledge of the risk they ran from the determined resolution of the people, concluded upon returning directly to Great-Britain, without entangling themselves by any entry at the custom-houses. But it was otherwise in the Massachusetts.

Methods were taken to spirit up the people at large by fugitive pieces, hand-bills, resolves of town-meetings, the mutual intercourse of committees, and the like. [Nov. 3.] At length some hundreds of the inhabitants of Boston and the neighboring towns, CCXVIIImeet at Liberty-tree, agreeable to a notification issued the day before, “for to hear the consignees resign and swear, that they will re-ship any teas, that may by the East-India Company be assigned to them.” The consignees are in general obnoxious to the public by reason of their near and intimate connections with the governor, on whose support they depend. They are not terrified into an appearance at the place proposed; but meet together by agreement at the store of Mr. Clark, who is one of them, in King-street. A committee is appointed by the assembly to wait upon them with a message, to which they pay no regard. The people, who attend the committee as spectators, upon this force open the doors of the ware-house, and enter with great violence; and then attempt getting up stairs into the compting-house but are driven back. [Nov. 5.] The sons of liberty not having succeeded in this procedure, a town-meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants is called. A large number is collected; and it is agreed to adopt the resolves of the citizens of Philadelphia. A committee is chosen to wait upon the consignees, who decline complying with the request of the town by letters, which tho’ decent, are the next day voted daringly affronting, when the meeting is immediately dissolved. Some of the sons of liberty are fearful of pushing the matter too far, lest the town, and then the colony, should be drawn into a quarrel with Great-Britain. To such it is said, “It must come to a quarrel with Great-Britain and the colony, sooner or later; and if so, what can be a better time than the present? Hundreds of years may pass away before the parliament will make such a number of acts in violation of the British constitution as it has done of late years, and by which is has excited so formidable an opposition to the measures of ministry. Beside, the longer the contest is delayed, the more administration will be strengthened. Do not you observe, how the government at home are increasing their party here, by sending over young fellows to enjoy appointments, who marry into our first families, and so weaken the opposition? By such like means, and by multiplying posts and places, and giving them to their own friends, or applying them to the corruption of their antagonists, they will increase their own force faster in proportion, than the force of the country party will increase by population. If then we must quarrel before we can have our rights secured, now is the most eligible period. Our credit also is at stake; we must venture; and unless we do, we shall be discarded by the sons of liberty in the other colonies, whose assistance we may expect upon emergencies, in case they find us steady, resolute and faithful.” They conclude to venture onward.

CCXIX[Nov. 18.] A new town-meeting is called, and a new committee appointed to wait upon the consignees, to know whether they will resign their appointment; to which they answer, “It is out of our power to comply with the request of the town.” This answer may be built upon solemn engagements not to resign; otherwise it is hard to conceive how it should be more out of their power, than the power of the Philadelphia consignees, who have resigned six weeks ago. It is a managed affair between them and the governor, who calls a council for advice [Nov. 19.] upon measures proper for preserving the peace, and for supporting the authority of government. While the council are debating a petition of the consignees is presented, praying leave to resign themselves and the property committed to them, to his excellency and their honors as the guardians of the people. After debate, the further consideration is postponed to the 23d, then to the 27th, then to the 29th, when the council make a few observations, decline complying with the petition, and advise his excellency to renew his orders to the justices and others, to exert themselves for the security of his majesty’s subjects, the preservation of peace and good order, and for preventing all offences against the law. About this time the consignees, consisting of the governor’s sons, cousins, and particular friends, remove to the castle for personal safety. The day before the last meeting of the council, captain Hall in the Dartmouth, came to an anchor near the castle, having on board one hundred and fourteen chests of tea; and on the day of their meeting comes into the harbour. On the same day a notification is posted up in all parts of the town, inviting every friend to his country to meet at nine o’clock to make united resistance to the most destructive measures of administration. The Meeting of the people at Boston and the neighbouring towns, is continued by adjournment to the next day, [Nov. 30.] when it is determined that the tea shall be returned. Faneuil-hall being too small for the assembly, they adjourn to the Old South Meeting-house, and confirm the former determination by voting, “that the tea shall not be landed, that no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent back in the same bottom.” They further vote, “that Mr. Rotch, the owner of the vessel, be directed not to enter the tea at his peril, and that captain Hall be informed, and at his peril not to suffer any of the tea to be landed.” They also appoint a watch of twenty-five men to be a guard upon the Dartmouth, lying at Griffin’s wharf. A letter is received from the consignees, offering to store the teas till they can write and receive further orders; but the proposal is rejected. Mr. Greenleaf, the sheriff, appears and begs leave to read a proclamation from the governor, which requires the people forthwith CCXXto disperse and to surcease all further proceedings. He is allowed to do it; and, upon finishing, there is a loud and general hiss. The people afterward vote, “that captain Bruce, on his arrival do conform to the votes respecting Hall’s vessel; that no tea from Great-Britain be landed or sold till the act imposing the duty is repealed; that the captain of the present watch be desired to make out a list for the next night, and so on, until the vessels leave the harbor; that should the watch be molested, that the inhabitants be alarmed by the tolling of the bells at night, and the righing of them in the day; that six persons be appointed to give notice to the country towns, upon any important occasion; that every vessel arriving with tea have a proper watch, and that their brethen in the country be desired to afford their assistance on the first notice.” They determine to carry their votes and resolves into execution at the risk of life and property; thank their brethren in the neighbouring towns, and then dissolve the meeting.

After the dissolution, the committee of correspondence for the town of Boston held their meetings, and invite the like committees of the adjacent towns to join them; several do it; the whole jointly assume the direction of all that relates to the teas of the East-India Company. They keep a constant military watch of twenty-five men every night, generally with fire arms, to prevent the tea being privately landed. The vessels belonging to captains Bruce and Coffin, are upon their arrival ordered to Griffin’s wharf.

[Dec. 14.] The people of Boston and the neighboring towns, that have agreed to act in concert with Boston, meet at the Old South Meeting-house, and conclude upon ordering Mr. Rotch to apply immediately for a clearance for his ship. Meanwhile the governor receiving intimation that she would be sent to sea, and that it might not be through the ordinary channel by the castle, acquaints admiral Montague, and desires him to take the proper precautions, on which the admiral orders the Active and King Fisher to be fitted for sea, and to fall down and guard the passages out of the harbour. The governor likewise renews in writing his orders to colonel Leslie, to suffer no vessel, coasters excepted, to pass the fortress from the town without a permit signed by himself. A sufficient number of guns are loaded on this special occasion.

The assembly are acquainted, that the collector cannot give Mr. Rotch a clearance, until the vessel is discharged of dutiable articles. [Nov. 16.] Mr. Samuel Philips Savage, of Weston, is chosen moderator. The number assembled from town and country is thought to be some thousands. Upon the present crisis CCXXIseveral gentlemen deliver their sentiments; and Mr. Josiah Quincy, jun. his to the following purpose;—“It is not, Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events, which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation.—Whoever supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, the sharpest conflicts——to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapor, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end.—Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw.”

About three o’clock in the afternoon the question is put, “Will you abide by your former resolution with respect to not suffering the tea to be landed?” It passes in the affirmative, nem. con.

Mr. Rotch is ordered to make a protest, and procure a pass for his vessel. He waits upon the governor at Milton, who offers to give him a letter to the admiral for protection, which he declines, fearing in that case the rage of the people, and being in no concern about his ship, as that is not the object of resentment, but the tea. He intimates to the governor, that some of the leaders of the people wish the ship to go down and be stopped at the castle, “for then they will be rid of the affair, and may say they have done all in their power.” While Mr. Rotch is absent, the speakers in the meeting keep the people together by engaging their attention till he returns, which is before six o’clock, when he informs the body, that upon applying to the governor for a pass, he received for answer, “I cannot give you a pass consistent with the laws and my duty to my king, unless the vessel is properly qualified from the custom-house.”—Upon this there is a great deal of disputing, when a person disguised like an Indian, gives the war-whoop in the front gallery, where there are few if any besides himself. Upon this signal it is moved and voted that the meeting be immediately dissolved.—The people crowd out and run in numbers to Griffin’s wharf. At the same instant a number of persons, chiefly masters of vessels and ship-builders from the north end of the town, about seventeen, CCXXIIthough judged to be many more as they run along, cross Fort Hill, dressed as Indians, and repair to the tea ships; and in about two hours hoist out of them and break open 342 chests of tea, and discharge their contents into the salt water. They are not in the least molested. The multitude of spectators upon and about the wharf, serve as a covering party. The whole business is conducted with very little tumult, and no damage done to the vessels or any other property; when finished, the people return quietly to their own towns and habitations.

Prior to the destruction of the tea, captain Loring in a brig, being the fourth and last vessel on the East-India Company’s account, was cast ashore at Cape-Cod; and what tea was saved has been conveyed to the castle.

The arrival of the tea ships first at Boston, the consignees refusing to resign, though they had the example of others to induce them, and the governor’s resolution to pay no regard to the voice of the public, brought on the destruction of the tea. The sons of liberty were sensible, that if it was landed and stored, it would some how or other obtain a sale; and that the virtue of the people, to decline buying and using a commodity to which they were so attached from love and habit, was too precarious a ground on which to risk the salvation of their country. They have been obliged, but with the utmost reluctance, to venture upon a desperate remedy. Many of their friends, who are not acquainted with circumstances, or do not attend to them, may be ready to censure them severely. But had the tea been landed, the union of the colonies in opposing the ministerial schemes would have been dissolved; and it would have been extremely difficult ever after to have restored it. The fulfilment of their solemn declaration, that the tea should not be landed, though in a way which would not have been chosen had any other effectual one offered, has secured them the good opinion and confidence of their co-patriots in other parts. The governor has that influence with the consignees, that he could undoubtedly have prevailed on them to resign; but he has encouraged them to the contrary; and therefore what he has written, “It has been absolutely out of my power to prevent the destruction of the tea, without conceding to the unreasonable demands of a lawless set of men, and thereby giving government up and rendering myself obnoxious to my sovereign,” will scarce be admitted as a sufficient justification. Sovereigns themselves, upon special emergencies, wisely give place to the opinions and wishes of their subjects; but are often disgraced and forced into difficulties, through the want of like wisdom in their representatives. Had the governor given a pass for the ship in the present instance, CCXXIIIhe would not have been viewed by considerate persons as breaking either the laws or his oath. Cases offer, when statute laws and oaths of office are required to give place to the supreme law of society, the safety of the community. Had he looked back to the time of the stamp act, he would probably have found many precedents of ships having permits from his predecessor in office, Sir Francis Bernard, to pass the castle without being duly qualified for want of stamps; and yet the granting them did not render Sir Francis obnoxious to his sovereign.—But the truth was, Mr. Hutchinson had repeatedly urged government at home to be firm and persevering; this was a favorite topic on which he was often insisting; he himself therefore could not think of yielding; and then he would not believe that the people were determined at all adventures to perfect their engagements; but expected that when the critical moment came, they would desist. Whereas when that moment came, and the tea on board the Dartmouth, captain Hall was in danger of being seized and secured by the custom-house officers, who might have been supported by admiral Montague, the sons of liberty projected the destruction of it in the manner above related: and in order to make short work of the whole business, and prevent their repeating the preceding formalities, they did not confine their operations to the tea on board the Dartmouth, but extended them to the teas brought in afterward by captains Bruce and Coffin.

Some expected that the destruction of the tea will issue in the destruction of the charter, which will make the inhabitants of the colony furious beyond expression. One gentleman, apprehensive of the fatal consequences that will follow upon the parliament’s meddling with the charter, the great darling of the people, has written freely and fully upon the subject to his correspondent, an influential member in the house. Another, being desirous of learning the real sentiments of the more moderate party, and of such as have not plunged themselves into the politics of the day, has conversed with several of them; but has discovered in them the warmest indignation and the highest resentment at the thought of being deprived of their charter. A major in the militia (whom Mr. Hutchinson honored with the commission, for his good conduct as foreman of the jury on the trial of the soldiers for killing the persons on the 5th of March, 1770) told him, “Sir, you know that I am a friend to government, and wish to support it; but if there is an attempt to take away our charter, I will fight up to my knees in blood in defence of it.” The gentleman has perceived such a spirit to predominate among all the people, that he has judged it right to CCXXIVcommunicate his knowledge to Sir Francis Bernard, and to acquaint with his apprehensions as to the fatal consequences which will follow upon the adoption of violent measures. He has written also to another friend upon the subject, in hope that the intelligence will get to the ministry, and prove beneficial to the public by preventing harsh proceedings. At Charleston the Carolinians have unloaded the tea, and stored it in cellars, where it cannot be used, and where it will finally perish.

Let me pass from hence to relate the doings of the Massachusetts assembly respecting the judges, which you will probably pronounce intemperate.

The house being informed, that each of the judges refused to take more than one half of the sum granted them the last year, which they considered as implying on the part of the judges, a determination to accept of their support from the crown, resolved, “That it is the incumbent duty of the judges explicitly to declare, whether they are determined to receive the grants of the general assemble, or to accept of their support from the crown; and their delaying any longer to let the public know their determination, will discover that they have little or no regard for the peace and welfare of the province; and in such case it will be the indispensable duty of the commons of this province, to impeach them before the governor and council. Four of the judges, in the beginning of February, 1774, acquainted the house they had received their whole salary granted them by the general court, and not any part of the grant made by the crown, and that they were determined still to receive the grants of the general assembly, which was pronounced satisfactory. But the chief justice, Peter Oliver, esq. sent them a letter [Feb. 3.] informing them, That since being upon the bench seventeen years, he had suffered above three thousand pounds sterling; that he had been encouraged not to resign with the hope of a support, but never had been relieved; that he had taken his majesty’s grant from the 5th of July, 1772, to the 5th of January, 1774, and that without his majesty’s leave he dare not refuse it.

[Feb. 11.] The house resolved, “That Peter Oliver hath, by his conduct proved himself an enemy to the constitution of this province, and is become justly obnoxious to the good people of it; that he ought to be removed from the office of chief justice; and that a remonstrance and petition to the governor and council for his immediate removal be prepared”—yeas 96—nays 9.

[Feb. 24.] The house prepared to exhibit articles of impeachment, in their own name, and the name of all the inhabitants of the province, against the chief justice. His excellency excepted CCXXVto the proceedings of the house as unconstitutional; for which reason he could not give them any countenance.

[March 1.] They prepared articles of high crimes and misdemeanors against the chief justice, to present to his excellency and the council, in which they said, “The salary, and hopes of augmentation must have the effect of a continual bribe, and expose him to a violation of his oath. His accepting hath betrayed the baseness of his heart and the lust covetousness, in breach of his engagements to rely solely on the grants of the assembly, necessarily implied and involved in his accepting said office. By receiving a grant out of the revenue unjustly extorted from the American colonies, he hath as far as lay in his power, put a sanction on, and established the said revenue, counteracted the reasonable petitions of the people to his majesty, and in defiance of the known sense of the body of this people, hath wickedly endeavoured to increase the discontent and jealousies of this people and the grievance aforementioned.”

[March 9.] It was resolved, “That the house have done all that in the capacity of representatives can be done for the removal of Peter Oliver; and it must be presumed, that the governor’s refusing to take any measure therein, is because he also receives his support from the crown.”

It is not to be thought, that the leading gentlemen in these proceedings expected to obtain the removal of the chief justice; but by the help of them, they rendered him and the governor more and more obnoxious to the body of the people; added to the dignity and importance of the house in the eyes of the representatives, by placing them upon an apparent level with the house of commons in Britain; and preservd the general animosity against ministerial measures from falling into a decline.

The real, genuine sentiments of the professed patriots may be desired; let me therefore mention, that these are divided in wish and opinion. The great body of them through the several colonies, and even in this, aim at no more than the removal of all the innovations since the expiration of the war. They want to have matters revert back to the state in which they were when the peace commenced, and to be fixed in that state. They wish most ardently to continue in union with Great-Britain; and abhor the thought of a separation. They judge that it would be neither safe not beneficial; that it is infinitely more eligible to have the protection of the mother country, and to remain under her shadow; and that no greater happiness can be enjoyed by them, than a thorough restoration of harmony and affection between them and the parent state, so as to obliterate the remembrance of all past animosity. But there are a few in this colony who hanker CCXXVIafter independency, and will be likely to bend their whole influence for the obtaining of it, whenever there is the least opening to encourage their efforts. At the head of these we must place Mr. Samuel Adams who has long since said in small confidential companies—“The country shall be independent, and we will be satisfied with nothing short of it.” At one time his influence was small, owing to defects in pecuniary matters, especially as collector of the taxes for Boston, in which office he served for years. He was accountable to the town for between one and two thousand pounds; but a great part of it had never been gathered. What with not pressing the payment of the taxes in time, as is too generally the case; not calling when the money happened to be ready and other casualties, no inconsiderable sum was lost. His necessities probably (for he appears to be addicted to no extravagances) urged him to supply himself, time after time, from the cash in hand, without attending to the accumulation of the balance against him till called upon to settle. The town had several meetings upon the business; at length, by the exertion of his friends, a majority was obtained for the relinquishment of the demand upon him. Since his first election into the house in 1765, his influence had been gradually increasing, until he has obtained a great ascendency in directing the town of Boston, and the house of representatives, and conseqently the council. His abilities and policy will foster the idea of independency, by the aids of those very severities the ministry may adopt, in order to compel the colonies into a submission to parliamentary authority in all cases whatever.

The letters sent over to the Massachusetts by Dr. Franklin, have produced a duel between Mr. Whateley, the banker, brother to the late secretary to the treasury, and John Temple, esq. in which the former was dangerously wounded. This has led the doctor to inform the public, that both the gentlemen are totally ignorant and innocent as to the transaction and its circumstances CCXXVIIabout which they fought. He declares that he alone was the person who obtained and transmitted to Boston the letters in question and says—“Mr. W. could not communicate them, because they were never in his possession; and for the same reason they could not be taken from him by Mr. T.” The doctor justifies his own conduct, and concludes with telling the world, he “thought it his duty to transmit them to his constituents.” But if they were sent over to be communicated to a few confidential gentlemen only, instead of being addressed to the speaker of the assembly, or one of the committee appointed to correspond with him, with orders to lay them before the house, how were they transmitted to his constituents? There is something mysterious in this business, which it is apprehended will not bear a discovery at present. It is suspected that the letters were procured out of some public office; and that Mr. Temple is not so perfectly ignorant of all circumstances as the doctor’s language seems to express.

[Jan. 29, 1774.] The merits of the petition, presented some time ago by the doctor as agent for the Massachusetts, praying for the removal of the governor, came on to be heard before the privy council. It is reported, that Mr. W——, wandering from the question before their lordships, poured forth such a torrent of virulent abuse on Dr. Franklin as scarce ever before took place in judicial proceedings. His reproaches appeared to some present to be incompatible with the principles of law, truth, justice, propriety and humanity. And it was thought it would have redounded more to the honor of their lordships, had they seemed to enjoy less the lashes which the doctor underwent; and had they expressed their dissatisfaction by reducing the orator to the remembrance of the exalted characters before whom he uttered such language. The petition was dismissed, and the doctor is displaced from the office of deputy post-master general for the colonies. The philosopher may recollect in some future day the liberties taken with him before the privy-council on the twenty-ninth of January, and take ample revenge on British ministers and courtiers.

[March 7.] A message from his majesty, on account of the late disturbances in America, was presented to both houses. Particular mention was made of the outrage committed by the people at Boston. Matters are now brought to a crisis, and ministry are bent upon vigorous, sperited measures. To prevent opposition from the merchants, the public papers were filled with writings on the subject, which painted the misconduct of the colonies in the strongest colours, and urged in particular the impossibility of the future existence of any trade to America, if this CCXXVIIIflagrant outrage on commerce, as it is pronounced, went unpunished. These, with other endeavors, had the proposed effect. The resentment against the Americans became as high and as strong as could be desired, within the house; but the storm was to be directed against the Massachusetts. The minister, in debate, stated that the opposition to the authority of parliament had always originated in that colony; and that that colony had always been instigated to such conduct, by the irregular and seditious proceedings of Boston. It was become necessary therefore to begin with that town. He had forgot, or would not mention, that the violent opposition to the stamp act originated in Virginia.

[Mar. 14.] Leave was given to bring in a bill “for the immediate removal of the officers concerned in the collection of the customs from Boston, and to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares and merchandises at Boston, or within the harbor thereof.” At the first introduction of the bill it was received with general applause. Mr. Bollan, however petitioned to be heard for the Massachusetts council, and in behalf of himself and other inhabitants of Boston. The commons refused to admit his petition, though a few days back they had received one from him as agent for the council. The lords were actually hearing him on a petition, as a person duly qualified. On the third reading of the bill another petition was presented in the name of several natives and inhabitants of North America; which insisted strongly on the injustice of the act, and its tendency to alienate the affections of America; and expressly declared, that the attachment of America could not long survive the justice of Great-Britain. The minority members maintained that the bill stood simply as a proscription of one of the greatest trading towns in the British dominions from the use of their port, and from all the commerce by which thousands obtained their bread. “Have we not (say they) given an extent of power to his majesty to prevent the port of Boston from ever being reinstated, if the king should think proper? A fine is laid; the trade is prohibited until it is paid; and when the fine is paid, the town may be as far from recovering her trade as ever. The act provides, that the crown must have satisfaction, and that the laws of trade and revenue should be obeyed. There is a sting in this. The act, under pretence of an indemnity to the East-India Company, is meant to enforce the submission to taxes. America will see this; and the cause of Boston will be made the cause of all the colonies. They are all as guilty as Boston. Not one has received the tea; some have destroyed it, others sent it back.” But all opposition was ineffectual; for the projected measures of government CCXXIXwere immutable. The bill passed; and was carried up to the house of lords, where it was warmly debated, but, as in the house of commons, passed without a division.

[March 31.] It received the royal assent.

The Boston port bill formed only one part of the coercive plan proposed by ministry. A bill was soon brought in for “the better regulating the government of the Massachusetts Bay.” The purport of it was, to alter the constitution of the province, to take the whole executing power out of the hands of the democratic part, and to vest the nomination of counsellors, judges, and magistrates of all kinds, including sheriffs, in the crown, and in some cases in the king’s governor, and all to be removeable at the pleasure of the crown.

In the debates it was asked of ministry, whether the colonies already regulated nearly in the manner proposed by the bill, were more submissive to the right of taxation than the Massachusetts. It was justly argued, the disorder lay much deeper than the forms of government; that the people throughout the continent were universally dissatisfied; and that the uneasiness and resistance was no less in the royal governments than in any other. Mr. Bollan again made an effort in favor of his province; but the commons refused to receive his petition. The ministry having carried the preceding bill, prepared another, without which, it was said, the scheme would be entirely defective.

[April 21.] Lord North presented the third bill “for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults in the Massachusetts Bay.” This bill provided, that in case any person was indicted in that province for murder, or any other capital offence, and it should appear to the governor that the fact was committed in the exercise or aid of magistracy, in suppressing tumults and riots, and that a fair trial could not be had in the province, he should send the person so indicted, &c. to any other colony, or to Great-Britain to be tried. The charge on both sides was to be paid out of the customs. The minority opposed this bill with great vehemence. They insisted that having no sort of reason for impeaching the tribunals of America, the real intention was to set up a military government, and provide a virtual indemnity for all the murders and capital outrages which might be committed by the barbarous hands of authority. From the impossibility of prosecuting in Great-Britain, they strenuously maintained that this was holding out encouragement for all kinds of lawless violence. Colonel Barre’s speech upon the occasion, commanded the attention of the whole house, and closed admirably, with “You have changed CCXXXyour ground. You are becoming the aggressors, and offering the last of human outrages to the people of America, by subjecting them in effect to military execution. Instead of sending them the olive branch, you have sent the naked sword. By the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all the late laws, fruitless to you and oppressive to them. Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, and they will give it to the utmost of their ability. They never yet refused it when properly required. Your journals bear the recorded acknowledgments of zeal with which they have crontributed to the general necessities of the state. What madness is it that prompts you to attempt obtaining that by force, which you may more certainly procure by requisition. They may be flattered into any thing, but they are too much like yourselves to be driven. Have some indulgence for your own likeness; respect their sturdy English virtue; retract your odious exertions of authority; and remember that the first step toward making them contribute to your wants, is to reconcile them to your government.”

The publications of the day quote an old member rarely in opposition, as having closed his speech with these remarkable words—“I will now take my leave of the whole plan. You will commence your ruin from this day. I am sorry to say, that not only the house has fallen into this error, but the people approve of the measure. The people, I am sorry to say it, are misled. But a short time will prove the evil tendency of this bill. If ever there was a nation running headlong into ruin it is this.” It is much questioned by many, whether the member did not mistrake in saying—The people. The same natives of America who petitioned against the Boston port-bill [May 2.] renewed their endeavours by a petition against these two bills.—It was pointed with an uncommon energy and spirit; and strongly indicated the effects that these bills would produce in the place where they were intended to operate. It was admitted to lie on the table, and had no other notice taken of it.

Both bills were opposed in the house of lords, and the minority entered on each a very strong protest. On both however in each house, the number of the minority continued all along very low and inadequate. Mr. Bollan applyed for a hearing in the house of lords upon the last bill, but was refused. He has stood up in defence of the rights and liberties of the Massachusetts, when no other of the numerous advocates of the colonies, out of parliament, have appeared to check the torrent of the most grievous proceedings against them, in like manner, by their learning and fortitude.

CCXXXIUpon the first of the two bills, the protesting lords Richmond, Portland, Abingdon, King, Effingham, Ponsonby, Rockingham, Abergavenny, Leister, Craven and Fitzwilliam, dissented among other reasons, “because definitive legal offence, by which a forfeiture of the charter is incurred, has not been clearly stated and fully proved, neither has notice of this advers proceeding been given to the parties effected; neither have they been heard in their own defence—because all the judges are to be nominated, not by the crown, but by the governor; and all except the judges of the superior court, are to be removable at his pleasure, and expressly without the consent of that very council, which is to be nominated by the king; the sheriff is made changeable by the governor and council, as often and for such purpose as they shall think expedient, whereby the governor and council are intrusted with powers, with which the British constitution has not trusted his majesty and privy council, and have the means of returning such a jury in each particular case, as may best suit with the gratification of their passions and interests, so that the lives and properties of the subject are put into their hands without control.” The protesting lords took occasion to mention concerning the Boston port-act, “that, unexampled on the records of parliament, it had been entered on the journals of the house as voted nemine dissentiente, and had been stated in the debate of the day, to have been sent to the colonies as passed without a division in either house, and therefore as conveying the uncontroverted universal sense of the nation; and that an unfair advantage had been taken, on the final question for passing the penal bill, of the absence of those lords who had debated it for several hours, and strongly dissented from it on the second reading, the period on which it is most usual to debate the principle of a bill.”

On the second bill, the protesting lords Richmond, Fitzwilliam, Ponsonby, Rockingham, Portland, Craven, Leister, and Manchester, dissented among other reasons “because the bill amounts to a declaration, that the house knows no means of retaining the colonies in due obedience, but by an army rendered independent of the ordinary course of law in the place where they are employed; because the bill seems to be one of the many experiments toward an introduction of essential innovations into the government of the empire.” They said, “The authority given by this bill to compel the transportation from America to Great-Britain, if any number of witnesses at the pleasure of the parties prosecuting and prosecuted, without any regard to their age, sex, health, circumstances, business or duties, seems to us so extravagant in its principle, and so impracticable in its CCXXXIIexecution, as to confirm us further in our opinion of the spirit which animates the whole system of the present American regulations.”

[May 20.] His majesty gave his assent to both bills.

The session was drawing near to the usual time of recess, and the greater number of the members were retired into the country. In this situation a bill was brought into the house of lords, “For making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, in North-America.” It passed through that house with little if any observation. When it came down to the house of commons, it met with a very different reception. The principal objects of the bill were, to ascertain the limits of the province, which were extended far beyond what were settled as such by the king’s proclamation of 1763—to form a legislative council for all the affairs of the province, except taxation, which council was to be appointed by the crown, and the office to be held during pleasure, and his majesty’s Canadian Roman Catholic subjects were to be entitled to a place in it—to establish the French laws and a trial without jury in civil cases, and the English laws, with trial by jury in criminal—and to secure to the Roman Catholic clergy, except the regulars, the legal enjoyment of their estates, and of their tythes from all who were of their own religion. The minority insisted, that the Protestant religion, by this establishment, enjoyed at best no more than a toleration. “The popish clergy,” they said, “have a legal parliamentary right to maintenance, the protestant clergy are left to the king’s discretion. Why are not both put at least on an equal footing, and a legal support provided for both?” The minority was uncommonly small; nevertheless the bill produced much greater uneasiness and discontent out of doors, than any of those for punishing the old colonies. The present policy of it is, among other things, to gain, through the influence of the priests, the assistance of the laity in subjugating the other provinces.

[June 22.] It received the royal assent, when his majesty went to the house, at the close of the session; the business of which being ended, the ministry entertained the most sanguine expectations that the submission throughout America would be immediate, and that complete obedience and tranquility would be secured. The speech from the throne expressed similar sentiments. The triumphs and mutual congratulations of all who have supported the ministerial plan, within doors and without, are unusually great. These may be owing, not a little, to the assurances that governor Hutchinson has repeatedly given to many, that if the parliament would but act with resolution, and CCXXXIIIadopt spirited measures, a speedy submission would take place without any call for fighting.

By the Quebec act, the total revenue of the province is consigned, in the first instance, to a warrant from the lord of the treasury, for the purpose of pensioning judges during pleasure, and the support of a civil list totally unlimited. The first lord of the treasury, without controul of parliament, is therefore in actual possession of the revenues of one American province, under the authority of an act of parliament, with no other obligation expressed, than in general to defray the expences of the administration of justice, and to support civil government. The residue, as in the tea act, is to be reserved for the disposal of parliamentary despotism committed into the hands of the crown and its minister; for the crown of Great-Britain is constituted as absolute in the province, under an act of parliament, as any despot that ever existed in the world. Hence is inferred what ministers would do through all America, did they possess the power.^[108]

Your present governor, general Gage, has been appointed as the most proper person to see to the execution of the laws which have been passed respecting both the colony and its capital; when he has settled matters, and established order and due submission to the power of parliament, Mr. Hutchinson is to return and resume the chair. The last, since his arrival, has been graciously received; his influence with ministry will continue, till events convince them that they have been greatly mistaken in relying upon his judgment on American subjects. A commission during pleasure has passed the great seal, granting to general Gage full power and authority, where he shall see cause, to pardon and remit all treasons, murders, felonies, crimes, and misdemeanors whatsoever, and all fines or penalties whatsoever incurred in the Massachusetts.

CCXXXIV

CCLV

A strange supineness prevailed for some time after my last was closed, among the great body of the English nation; and the colony contests were little regarded. Numbers flattered themselves, that as things had formerly so often appeared at the verge of a rupture, without actually arriving at it, some means would be found for accommodating the present dispute. The CCLXXVIIopinion also was circulated, that a continuance of resolution persisted in, would certainly put an end to the contest, which (it was said) had been nourished wholly by former concessions; people in general were therefore inclined to trust the trial of perseverance and resolution to a ministry who valued themselves upon these qualities. The times have been highly favorable to any purpose which only required the concurrence of the parliament and the acquiescence of the public. Administration has taken advantage of these circumstances [Sept. 30, 1774.] and the late parliament has been dissolved a twelvemonth before the expected time. This may be meant as a preparatory step to the most coercive measures with America; but in a new house of commons, ministry will be left at large, to choose or alter their line of conduct as incidents may vary, and if necessary can throw all the odium of the late laws upon the former parliament.

[Nov. 30.] His majesty in his speech informed the new one, that a most daring spirit of disobedience to the law, still unhappily prevailed in the Massachusetts, and had broken forth in fresh violences of a criminal nature; that these proceedings had been encouraged in other colonies, and unwarrantable attempts been made to obstruct the commerce of the kingdom, by unlawful combinations; that such measures had been taken, and such orders given, as were judged most proper for carrying the laws into execution; and that they might depend upon a firm resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken the supreme authority of the legislature over all the dominions of the crown, his majesty being assured of receiving their support while acting upon these principles.

The proposed address in the house of commons, produced a considerable debate; and the minister was reminded of the mighty effects he had predicted from the late acts against America—They were to humble that whole continent in the dust, without further trouble, and the punishment of Boston was to strike an universal panic on all the colonies; that refractory town would be totally abandoned, and instead of obtaining relief, a dread of the same fate would even prevent the appearances of pity. But the address was carried, without any amendment, by a majority of more than three to one.

That from the house of lords was couched in strong terms, and was warmly debated. It was rendered memorable by a protest, thought to be the first upon an address, and which was very pointed; it concluded with the following remarkable declaration: “But whatever may be the mischievous designs, or the inconsiderate temerity which leads others to this desperate course, we wish to be known as persons who have disapproved of measures CCLXXVIIIso injurious in their past effects and their future tendency, and who are not in haste, without enquiry or information, to commit ourselves in declarations which may precipitate our country into all the calamities of a civil war.”^[113] The address was carried by a majority of 63 to 13.

Notwithstanding the hostile tone of the speech, and the great majority that supported the addresses, there appeared an irresolution on the side of ministry; and previous to the Christmas recess they seemed evidently to shrink from all contest upon American subjects. The national estimates were entirely formed upon a peace establishment; and the minister of the naval department publicly asserted in the house of lords, that he knew it would be fully sufficient for reducing the colonies to obedience. He spoke with the greatest contempt both of the power and courage of the Americans; and held that they were not disciplined, nor capable of discipline, and that formed of such materials, and so indisposed to action, the numbers, of which such boasts had been made, would only add to the facility of their defeat.

The establishment will indeed be fully sufficient, if the ministry mean to employ the navy only, and to recal the military. Ships may effect that with little hazard and expence, which if once attempted by soldiers, may plunge the nation into enormous disbursements, and yet not be accomplished. A few ships of the line stationed singly near the capital ports of the colonies, and a number of frigates employed as cruisers to stop the Americans from sending any vessels to sea; and this measure continued, would at length weary out the inhabitants of the towns and cities upon the sea-coast of the continent, and induce one or other of them to submit; and if but one link of the chain give way, the whole would soon come to the ground; and were the sea-ports once brought to adjust the present dispute with administration, the towns in the back country might be gradually inclined to the same, whatever may be their present apprehensions. The proper application of the navy to the American contest, would also exclude all foreign interference.

The congressional proceedings were received before the Christmas recess, and ministry were disposed to retract their violent measures and to redress American grievances. To this end, application was made, under the auspices of the minister, to the body of the American merchants, desiring them to frame petitions for the redress of American grievances and the restoration of American rights, and promising compliance with them, as it was CCLXXIXmost agreeable to the ministry to repeal the obnoxious acts, seemingly in consequence of petitions at home. While this was in agitation, letters were received from New-York, assuring that the assembly would reject the proceedings of the general congress, and that there would be a separation of that colony from the rest. Fresh hopes were conceived from the prospect of a division, upon which ministry reverted to measures more adapted to their own inclination.^[114]

But during the recess, persons began to consider the consequences which might follow the congressional proceedings, and a general alarm was spread. This produced several meetings of the North-American merchants in London and Bristol; and petitions to parliament were prepared and agreed upon in both places. But the times were so altered from what they were formerly, that no mercantile opposition could prove efficacious by endangering the continuance of the ministry.

On the first day of the meeting after the recess, the nobleman at the head of the American affairs, laid the papers belonging to his department before the lords, on which lord Chatham rose, and expressed his utmost dissent and disapprobation of the whole system of American measures.

Being in possession at present of your friend Mr. Quincy’s journal, wherein he gives a particular account of his lordship’s speech, of the copies of several letters sent by himself to America, and of other matters, permit me to transcribe from the same, and give you the thoughts and expressions of Mr. Quincy, with the dates.

[Nov. 11, 1774.] Viewed Plymouth docks. My ideas of the riches and powers of this great nation are increased to a degree I should not have believed if it had been predicted to me. I am not in any measure reconciled to the British plan of taxing America, but I should with cheerfulness accede to a contribution from the colonies (they being the sole judges of the time and quantity of their grants) toward the charges of the British government.

[Nov. 18.] This morning J. Williams, esq. informed me, that governor Hutchinson had repeatedly assured the ministry, that a union of the colonies was utterly impracticable; that the people were greatly divided among themselves in every colony; and that there could be no doubt but that all America would submit; that they must, and would soon. Several of the nobility and ministry assured Dr. Franklin of the same facts.

CCLXXX[Nov. 19.] Lord N—— repeatedly said to me, “We must try what we can do to support the authority we have claimed over America; if we are defective in power, we must sit down contented, and make the best terms we can; and nobody then can blame us after we have done our utmost; but till we have tried what we can do, we can never be justified in receding; and we ought to, and shall be very careful not to judge a thing impossible because it may be difficult; nay, we ought to try what we can effect, before we can determine upon its impracticability.”

[Nov. 24.] To ——. “The following language hath been reiterated to me in various companies,”—“We are afraid of nothing but your division and your want of perseverance. Unite and persevere—you must prevail—you must triumph.”

“From parliament expect no favor but what proceeds from fear. Depend not upon commercial plans for your safety.—Dr. Franklin is an American in heart and soul. His ideas are not contracted within the narrow limits of exemption from taxes, but are extended upon the broad scale of total emancipation.—He is explicit and bold upon the subject.”

[Nov. 26.] Governor P—— assured me, that all the measures agains America were planned and pushed on by Bernard and Hutchinson. They were incessant in their applications to administration, and gave the most positive assurances of success.

[Dec. 6.] Mr. commissioner M—— waited on me. In the course of conversation he said, “You can have no idea of the taxes of this kingdom, and the distress of our poor. They are extreme poor and wretched indeed—every thing here is taxed to the utmost. The colonies must relieve us; they must ease us of our taxes, &c.” He also affirmed to me, that governors Bernard and Hutchinson were principally attended to in the late measures against the colonies. But he added, that government had found many things had turned out different from Hutchinson’s representation, and had not been at all conformable to what he foretold.

To ——. “My whole time is employed in endeavoring to serve my country. I find every body eager to hear, most people willing to be set right, and almost all grossly ignorant of the American world. It is agreed on all hands, that your courage—your courage, I repeat it—will be brought to the test.—Should it prove answerable to your ostentations, and worthy of your ancestors, your friends will amazingly increase—your hearty friends will be in raptures. Prepare—prepare I say, for the worst.

“Many of your friends here, in both houses, will not take a decisive part till they see how you act in America. For should CCLXXXIthey take a determined part now in favor of that country, and in a short time America give back, their hopes of rise into power and office (which are the hopes of all British statesmen) would be for ever at an end. Therefore, till the colonists discover that union and spirit, which all parties here agree must force success, you are not to expect any great exertions in your favor. But when once there is a conviction that the Americans are in earnest, that they are resolved to endure all hazards with a spirit worthy the prize (and not till then) will you have many firm, active, persevering, and powerful friends. For, strange as it may seem, there is a great doubt here, among many, whether you are really in earnest, in the full force and extent of those words.”

[Dec 12.] Lord —— appeared a very warm friend to the Americans; and said, “If they continue united, they must have all they ask.” He particularly mentioned, that lord M—— last sessions, assured the house of lords, that the plan they had laid would go down in America, sine clade; and also that he had the best intelligence what might be carried through there. His lordship had no doubt that such assurances was grounded on Hutchinson’s information.

[Dec. 14.] To E——. “Your countrymen must seal their cause with their blood. They must preserve a consistency of character. They must not delay. They must——or be trodden down into the vilest vassalage—the scorn—the spurn of their enemies—a by-word of infamy among all men.”

[Dec. 16.] To E——. “Permit me to congratulate my countrymen on the integrity and wisdom with which the congress have conducted. Their policy, spirit, and union, have confounded their foes and inspired their friends. All parties agree in giving them a tribute of honor and applause. My lord N—— endeavored to explain away his expression—“I will have America at my feet.” Beware of the arts of negociation.”

“By the way, there is no doubt but the ministry sent large sums to New-York, in order to bribe your continental delegates. It was openly avowed and vindicated; and great boast was made of ministerial success in this way, with the delegates from New-York. It was said, that they had effected a dis-union which would be fatal to the cause of America. You can’t well imagine the chagrin with which the ministry received the result of that glorious body. They are viewed as the northern constellation of glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the new world.”

CCLXXXIITo Joseph Reed, esq. (of Philadelphia.)

[Dec. 17.] “Sure I am that the ministry have no where such sanguine hopes of a defection as from that quarter (New-York.) Their influence is no where so forcibly extended; it is certain they will be astonishingly disappointed if they do not find a sensibility to their touch. Lord C—— said in the house of lords, the other day, “Were I an American, I would resist to the last drop of my blood.” Your parliamentary friends say, snatch the opportunity for peace and reconciliation. Your sanguine and warm partizans say, “You are united and inspired now, circumstances that may never happen again. Seize the happy and glorious opportunity for establishing the freedom and social felicity of all America. There is a tide in the affairs of men.”

[Jan. 2, 1775.] While (at Bath) viewing the most magnificently elegant new rooms, in company with colonel Barre, he said, pointing to the pictures taken from the ruins found at Herculaneum, “I hope you have not the books containing the draughts of those ruins with you.” I replied, “There was one set I believed in the public library at our college.” “Keep them there (said he) and they may be of some service as a matter of curiosity for the speculative, but let them get abroad and you are ruined. They will infuse a taste for buildings and sculpture; and when a people get a taste for the fine arts, they are ruined. ’Tis taste that ruins whole kingdoms. ’Tis tase that depopulates whole nations. I could not help weeping when I surveyed the ruins at Rome. All the remains of the Roman grandeur are of works which were finished, when Rome and the spirit of Romans were no more, unless I except the ruins of the Emilian baths. Mr. Quincy, let your countrymen beware of taste in their buildings, equipage and dress, as a deadly poison.”

Colonel Barre also added, in the course of conversation—“About fourteen or fifteen years ago, I was through a considerable part of your country; for, in the expedition against Canada, my business called me to pass by land through Pennsylvania, New-Jersey, York and Albany; and when I returned again to this country, I was often speaking of America, and could not help speaking well of its climate, soil and inhabitants; for you must know, sir, America was always a favorite with me. But will you believe it, sir, yet I assure you it is true, more than two-thirds of this island at that time, thought the Americans were all negroes.” I replied, “I did not in the least doubt it; for if I was to judge by the late acts of parliament, I should suppose that a majority of the people of Great-Britain still thought so, for I found that their representatives still treated them as CCLXXXIIIsuch.” He smiled, and the discourse dropped. The colonel was among those who voted for the Boston port-bill.

[Dec. 20.] Attended the debates of the house of lords.—Good fortune gave me one of the best places for taking a few minutes.

Lord Chatham rose like Marcellus. “Viros superiment omnes.” He seemed to feel himself superior to those around him. His language, voice and gesture, were more pathetic than I ever saw or heard before at the bar or senate. He seemed like an old Roman senator, rising with the dignity of age, yet speaking with the fire of youth.

The illustrious sage stretched fourth his hand with the decent solemnity of a Paul, and rising with his subject, he smote his breast with the energy and grace of a Demosthenes. He opened with some general observations on the importance and magnitude of the American quarrel (as he called it.) He enlarged upon the dangerous and ruinous events that were coming upon the nation in consequence of the present dispute, and the measures already begun and now carrying on by his majesty’s ministers. He arraigned their conduct with great severity and freedom. He then proceeded:

“My lords, these papers from America, now laid for the first time before your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five or six weeks in the pocket of the minister. And notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs upon the event of this great controversy, we are but this moment called to a consideration of this important subject. My lords, I do not want to look into one of those papers; I know their contents well enough already. I know that there is not a member in this house but is acquainted with their purport also. There ought therefore to be no delay in entering upon this matter; we ought to proceed to it immediately. We ought to seize the first moment to open the door of reconciliation. The Americans will never be in a temper or state to be reconciled (they ought not to be) till the troops are withdrawn. The troops are a perpetual irritation to these people: they are a bar to all confidence, and all cordial reconcilement. I therefore, my lords, move—That an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that, in order to open the way towards an happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments, and soften animosities there; and above all, for preventing, in the mean time, any sudden and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under the daily irritation of an army, before their eyes, posted in their town, it may graciously please his majesty, that immediate orders may be dispatched to CCLXXXIVgeneral Gage, for removing his majesty’s forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigor of the season, and other circumstances indispensible to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, may render the same practicable.”

“The way, my lords, must be immediately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know not who advised the present measures. I know not who advises to a perseverance and enforcement of them; but this I will say, that whoever advises them ought to answer for it, at his utmost peril.—I know that no one will avow, that he advised, or that he was the author of these measures: every one shrinks from the charge. But somebody has advised his majesty to these measures, and if his majesty continues to hear such evil counsellors, his majesty will be undone. His majesty indeed my wear his crown; but the American jewel out of it, it will not be worth the wearing.”

“What more shall I say? I must not say, that the king is betrayed; but this I will say, the NATION is ruined. What foundation have we for our claims over America? What is our right to persist in such cruel and vindictive measures against that loyal and respectable people? They say you have no right so tax them without their consent. They say truly. Representation and taxation must go together: they are inseparable. Yet there is hardly a man in our streets, though so poor as scarce to be able to get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legislator of America. Our American subjects is a common phrase in the mouth of the lowest orders of our citizens; but property, my lords, is the sole and entire dominion of the owner: it excludes all the world besides the owner. None can intermeddle with it. It is a unity; a mathematical point. It it at atom; untangible by any but the proprietor. Touch it—and the owner loses his whole property. The touch contaminates the whole mass; the whole property vanishes. The touch of another annihilates it; for whatever is a man’s own, is absolutely and exclusively his own.”

“In the last parliament all was anger—all was rage. Administration did not consider what was practicable, but what was revenge. Sine clade victoria was the language of the ministry last sessions, but every body knew, an idiot might know, that such would not be the issue. But the ruin of the nation was a matter of no concern, if administration might be revenged. Americans were abused, misrepresented, and traduced in the most atrocious manner, in order to give a colour, and urge on the most precipitate, unjust, cruel, and vindictive measures that ever disgraced a nation.”

“My lords, the very infernal spirits, they chastise, castigatque: sed auditque, my lords. The very spirits of the infernal regions HEAR before they punish. But how have these respectable people behaved under all their grievances? With unexampled patience, with unparalleled wisdom. They chose delegates by their free suffrages: no bribery, no corruption, no INFLUENCE here, my lords. Their representatives meet with the sentiments and temper, and speak the sense of the continent. For genuine sagacity, for singular moderation, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sentiments and simplicity of language, for every thing respectable and honorable, the congress of Philadelphia shine unrivalled. This wise people speak out. They do not hold the language of slaves; they tell you what they mean.—They do not ask you to repeal your laws as a favor; they claim it as a right; they demand it. They tell you, they will not submit to them; and I tell you the acts must be repealed; they will be repealed; you cannot enforce them. The ministry are checker-mated. They have a move to make on the board; and yet not a move but they are ruined.

Repeal, therefore, my lords, I say. But bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and spirited people. What! repeal a bit of paper: repeal a piece of parchment! That alone won’t do, my lords. You must go through. You must declare you have no right to tax; then they may trust you; then they will have confidence in you. I have heard a noble lord speak, who seemed to lay some blame upon general Gage. I think that honorable gentleman has behaved with great prudence and becoming caution. He has entrenched himself and strengthened his fortifications. I don’t know what he could do more. His situation puts me in mind of a similar transaction in the civil wars of France, when the great Condee on one side, and Marshall Turenne on the other, with large armies lay many weeks very near each other. Turenne, conscious of the terrible consequences of a victory to himself and country, though the armies were several days in sight of each other, never came to a battle. On his return to the court of France, the queen asked him, “Why, Marshall, I think you lay several days in sight of your enemy, and you might have been up with him at any time; pray why did you not take him?” The general very shrewdly replied, “Should I have taken him, please your majesty, I was afraid all Paris would have taken me.”——My lords, there are three millions of whigs. Three millions of whigs, my lords, with arms in their hands, are a very formidable body. ’Twas the CCLXXXVIwhigs, my lords, that set his majesty’s royal ancestors upon the throne of England. I hope, my lords, there are yet double the number of whigs in England that there are in America. I hope the whigs of both countries will join and make a common cause. Ireland is with the Americans to a man. The whigs of that country will, and those of this country ought, to think the American cause their own. They are allied to each other in sentiment and interest, united in one great principle of defence and resistance; they ought therefore, and will run to embrace and support their brethren. The cause of ship-money was the cause of all the whigs of England. You shall not take my money without my consent, is the doctrine and language of whigs. It is the doctrine and voice of whigs in America, and whigs here. It is the doctrine in support of which I do not know how many names I could—I may call in this house; among the living I cannot say how many I could, to join with me and maintain these doctrines with their blood; but among the dead I could raise an host innumerable. And, my lords, at this day, there are very many sound, substantial, honest whigs, who ought, and who will consider the American controversy as a great common cause.”

“My lords, consistent with the preceding doctrines, and with what I have ever and shall continue to maintain, I say, I shall oppose America whenever I see her aiming at throwing off the navigation act, and other regulatory acts of trade, made bona fide for that purpose, and wisely framed and calculated for reciprocation of interest, and the general extended welfare and security of the whole empire. It is suggested such is their design. I see no evidence of it. But to come at a certain knowledge of their sentiments and designs on this head, it would be proper first to do them justice. Treat them as subjects before you treat them as aliens, rebels, and traitors.”

“My lords, deeply impressed with the importance of taking some healing measurs at this most alarming distracted state of our affairs, though bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawled to this house, to give you my best experience and counsel; and my advice is to beseech his majesty, &c. &c. This is the best I can think of. It will convince America that you mean to try her cause in the spirit and by the laws of freedom and fair enquiry, and not by codes of blood. How can she now trust you, with the bayonet at her breast? She has all the reason in the world now to believe you mean her death or bondage.”

“Thus entered on the threshhold of this business, I will knock at your gates for justice without ceasing, unless inveterate infirmities stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never to leave CCLXXXVIIthis business: I will pursue it to the end in every shape. I will never fail of my attendance on it, at every step and period of this great matter, unless nailed down to my bed by the severity of disease. My lords, there is no time to be lost; every moment is big with dangers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the decisive blow may be struck, and millions involved in the consequence. The very first drop of blood will make a wound that will not easily be skinned over. Years, perhaps ages may not heal it. It will be irritabile vulnus, a wound of that rancorous, malignant, corroding, festering nature, that in all probability it will mortify the whole body. Let us then, my lords, set to this business in earnest, not take it up by bits and scraps as formerly, just as exigencies pressed, without any regard to the general relations, connections and dependencies. I would not by any thing I have said, my lords, be thought to encourage America to proceed beyond the right line. I reprobate all acts of violence by her mobility, but when her inherent constitutional rights are invaded, those rights that she has an equitable claim to the full enjoyment of by the fundamental laws of the English constitution, and ingrafted thereon by the fundamental laws of nature, then I own myself an American, and feeling myself such, shall to the verge of my life, vindicate those rights against all men who strive to trample upon or oppose them.”

From the effects of this speech on the great audience without the bar, and from my own emotions and feelings, the miracles of ancient eloquence—the blaze of genius and the burst of thought—with which Grecian and Roman orators have been said to work wonders in the senate and the field, no longer appeared fabulous.

Lord Camden spoke next on the side of America, and in support of the motion. He equalled lord Chatham in every thing but that fire and pathos which are the forte of his lordship. In learning, perspicuity, and pure eloquence, probably no one ever surpassed lord Camden.

His lordship opened briefly upon the nature of property, the right of taxation, and its inseparability from representation. “My lords (he said) I will not enter into the large field of collateral reasoning applicable to the abstruse distinctions touching the omnipotence of parliament. The declaratory law sealed my mouth. But this I will say, not only as a statesman, politician and philosopher, but as a COMMON LAWYER, my lords, you have no right to tax America. I have searched the matter. I repeat it, my lords, you have no right to tax America. The natural rights of man, and the immutable laws of nature, are all with that people. Much stress is laid on the supreme legislative authority of CCLXXXVIIIGreat-Britain, and so far as the doctrine is directed to its proper object, I accede to it. But it is equally true, according to all approved writers on government, that no man, agreeable to the principles of natural or civil liberty, can be divested of any part of his property without his consent. Every thing has been staked on this single position, that acts of parliament must be obeyed; but this general, unconditional, unlimited assertion, I am far from thinking applicable to every possible case that may arise in the turn of times. For my part, I imagine that a power resulting from a trust arbitrarily exercised, may be lawfully resisted; whether the power is lodged in a collective body, or single person, in the few or the many. However modified makes no difference. Whenever the trust is wrested to the injury of the people, whenever oppression begins, all is unlawful and unjust; and resistance of course becomes lawful and right. But some lords tell us seriously, that administration must reduce the Americans to obedience and submission; that is, you must make them absolute and infamous slaves, and then——what? We will, say they, give them full liberty. Ah! is this the nature of man? No my lords, I would not trust myself, American as I am, in this situation. I do not think I should, in that case, be myself for giving of them liberty. No, if they submitted to such unjust, such cruel, such degrading slavery, I should think they were made for slaves; that servility was suited to their nature and genius. I should think they would best serve this country as their slaves; that their servility would be for the benefit of Great-Britain; and I should be for keeping such Cappadocians in a state of servitude, such as was suited to their constitution, and might redound much to our advantage.”

“My lords, some noble lords talk very much of resistance to acts of parliament. King, lords, and commons, are fine sounding names. But, my lords, acts of parliament have been resisted in all ages. King, lords, and commons, may become tyrants as well as others. Tyranny in one or more is the same. It is as lawful to resist the tyranny of many as of one. Somebody once asked the great Mr. Seldon in what law-book, in what records or archives of the state, you might find the law for resisting tyranny. “I don’t know (said Mr. Seldon) whether it is worth your while to look deeply into the books upon this matter; but I’ll tell you what is most certain, that it has always been the custom of England—and the custom of England is the law of the land.”

“There is a gentleman, whom I need not name, his works are well received and well known, who avoids stating any rule when resistance is lawful; and he lays down the revolution as the only CCLXXXIXprecedent. He says, that the various circumstances, events, and incident that may justify, cannot be defined; but the people at large will judge of their welfare and happiness, and act accordingly. The same writer says, that whenever a case exactly similar in all its parts and circumstances to the revolution, when a case shall run upon all fours with that, then the law seems to be settled that resistance is lawful. I do not pretend to quote his words. I think his meaning is very much as I have stated it. But undoubtedly in cases in many respects dissimilar, but in equal degree tyrannical and oppressive, resistance may be lawful, and the people in all ages, countries, and climes, have at times known these things, and they have, and will for ever act accordingly.”

Lord Shelburne, in the course of his argument, said, “My lords, we know, we all know, that justice and injustice, right and wrong, are not at all considered in the course of our parliamentary proceedings. We all know that nothing is debated in parliament for information or conviction, but for mere form. Every thing is considered in the cabinet, and brought into parliament, not for consideration, but for the sanction of the legislature, and the screening the counsellors of the king. The measures of parliament are the measures of the minister; and the measures of this minister are very often those of his commissioner.” The marquis of Rockingham also supported the motion.

Lords Littleton, Suffolk, Gower, Townsend, Rochford, and Weymouth, spoke in opposition. I omit relating what their lordships said, lest I should be suspected by any who may see this journal, of an unfair report of their speeches. But a very remarkable saying of lord G—— I cannot omit. His lordship said, “I am for enforcing these measures (and with great sneer and contempt) let the Americans sit talking about their natural and divine rights, their rights as men and citizens, their rights from God and nature.”

The house, at about ten, divided after the preceding debates on the question.—Contents 18—Non-contents 77, including proxies.

Thus far from Mr. Quincy’s papers.

The language of the lords in administration, was high and decisive. And it was declared, that the mother country should never relax till America confessed her supremacy; and it was acknowledged to be the ministerial resolution, to enforce obedience by arms.

The principal trading and manufacturing towns in the kingdom, having waited to regulate their conduct as to American affairs, by that of the merchants of London and Bristol, followed CCXCthe example of these two great commercial bodies, and prepared petitions upon that subject to be presented to parliament.

[Jan. 23.] The petition from the merchants of London was of course the first delivered, and it was moved to be referred to the committee appointed to take into consideration the American papers; but it was moved by way of amendment on the ministerial side, that it should be referred to a separate committee to meet on the 27th, the day succeeding that appointed for the consideration of American papers. This was objected to as a shameful pitiful evasion; but upon the question’s being put, the amendment was carried, 197 against 81, who supported the original motion.

A similar fate attended the petitions from Bristol, Glasgow, Norwich, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Dudley, and some other places; all of which, in turn, were consigned to what the opposition termed the committee of oblivion.

[Jan. 26.] On the day appointed for the consideration of American affair a second and very strong petition was presented from the merchants of London. On which it was moved, that the order for referring the merchants petition to a separate committee should be discharged, and that it should be referred to a committee of the whole house, appointed to consider the American affairs. The indignity and mockery offered to so great a body as the merchants of London by the late resolution, which with an insidious affectation of civility, received the petition with one hand, and threw it out of the window with the other, was painted in strong colours. All the debates, on the subject of the petitions, were attended with an unusual degree of asperity, and even acrimony on the side of opposition. The conduct also of the late parliament was scrutinized without mercy, and its memory treated with more than want of respect. A gentleman, remarkable for a sarcastic poignancy in his observations, in sketching a short history of that parliament, said, that they began their political life with a violation of the sacred right of election in the case of Middlesex; that they had died in the act of popery, when they established the Roman Cotholic religion in Canada; and that they had left a rebellion in America as a legacy. The question was rejected upon a division by a very great majority.

Though it was then late, a petition was offered from Mr. Bollan, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Lee, stating that they were authorised by the American continental congress, to present a petition from the congress to the king, which petition his majesty had referred CCXCIto that house, and that they were enabled to throw great light upon the subject: they prayed to be heard at the bar in support of the said petition. A violent debate ensued. The ministry alledged, that the congress was no legal body, and none could be heard in reference to its proceedings, without giving that illegal body some degree of countenance. It was answered, that the congress, however illegal as to other purposes, was sufficiently legal for presenting a petition. It was signed by the names of all the persons who composed it, and might be received as from individuals. It was said, That it was their business rather to find every plausible reason for receiving petitions, than to invent pretences for rejecting them; that the rejection of petitions was one principal, if not the most powerful cause of the present troubles: and that this mode of constantly rejecting their petitions, and refusing to hear their agents, would infallibly end in universal rebellion, and not unnaturally, as those seem to give up the rights of government, who refuse to hear the complaints of the subject. The ministry insulted the petition as containing nothing but pretended grievances, while they refused to hear and discuss it. It was rejected by 218 to 68. This rejection must have been foreseen by all who knew, that on the fourth of the month, Lord Dartmouth, by the king’s orders, had written a circular letter to the governors of his majesty’s colonies, requiring them to use their utmost endeavors to prevent the holding of any more congresses; and that the American grievances were in the letter termed pretended. This letter was written a few days after the petition had met with an apparent gracious reception, and had been promised a due consideration; but probably not before favorable advices had been received respecting the New-York assembly.

It was evident, that both houses of parliament were ready to adopt any measures which administration should propose; and it was confidently believed and asserted, that when the merchants and manufacturers were deprived of all hopes of preventing the operation of force, it would then become their interest to give all possible effect to it. They would thus become by degrees, a principal support of that cause which they now so eagerly opposed.

The opinion of the efficacy of a forcible mode of proceeding in America, and the hopes of compelling a great body at home to concurrence, have made the ministers more and more resolved to go through, and complete the plan with which they have begun. It may however be much doubted, whether they suspect that the American contest will end in blood. Some of them in all probability have such a firm reliance upon Mr. Hutchinson’s CCXCIIjudgment, as to flatter themselves that the colonists will give way to those appearances of coercion, which they have adopted, and mean further to adopt; and so have engaged in the present hazardous politics, in hopes of enjoying a bloodless conquest, and therein a complete triumph over all opposition.

[Feb. 8.] Lord Chatham persevered in the prosecution of his conciliatory scheme with America, and accordingly brought into the house of lords the outlines of a bill, which he hoped would answer that salutary purpose, under the title of “A provincial act for settling the troubles in America, and for asserting the supreme legislative authority, and superintending power of Great-Britain over the colonies.”

This bill caused a variety of discussion within and without doors. The ministry observed, that it was a proposition of reconciliation by concession, which was cause sufficient to induce them to reject it; their plan being, at present, to show a firm resolution not to give way in any instance, while the opposition in America continued. It was usual in parliament to reject, on the first proposition, any bill for any object allowed to be necessary; and promising, however faintly or rudely, any plan for obtaining the end proposed. But the proceeding on this occasion was different. They condemned without reserve the bill in the whole, and in all its parts; and it was moved, and strongly supported by all the lords on the side of administration, that the bill be rejected in the first instance. The noble framer defended himself and his bill from the numerous attacks which were made on both, with great spirit and vigor. The indignity offered him, seemed to renew all the fire of youth; and he retorted the sarchasms, which were levelled at him from different quarters, with a most pointed severity. The nature of the subjects debated, and the state of temper on both sides, produced much warmth, severe altercation, and even personal animadversion. The bill was rejected by a majority of 61 to 32, not being allowed to lie upon the table. The rejection of it may be of no disservice to the colonists. It contained in it, a proposal to require of congress the making of a free grant to the king, of a certain perpetual revenue, subject to the disposition of the British parliament; and congress was to adjust the proportions of the several charges to be borne by each province toward the general contributory supply. Had it passed into an act, the colonists might not have united in the proposal, but dangerous divisions have followed, so that you may have no occasion to regret its fate, especially as that will strengthen your union, and increase your friends.

A petition was presented to the commons, from the planters of the sugar colonies residing in Great-Britain, and the merchants CCXCIIIof London trading to those colonies, setting forth the distress to which the West-India islands will be reduced, unless the former harmony between this kingdom and the American colonies is restored. Like all the former upon the subject, it was referred to the established petition committee. The day it was presented, the minister opened his designs in respect to America. Having prepared the way by a speech, he moved for an address to the king, and for a conference with the lords, that it might be the joint address of both houses. The address returns thanks for the communication of the American papers; and declares, that they find from them, that a rebellion actually exists within the province of the Massachusetts Bay; that the parties concerned in it have been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements entered into, in several of the other colonies; that they never can relinquish any part of the sovereign authority over all the dominions, which by law is vested in his majesty and the two houses of parliament; but they ever have been, and always shall be ready to pay attention and regard to any real grievances of any of his majesty’s subjects, which shall in a dutiful and constitutional manner be laid before them; but at the same time they beseech his majesty to take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the authority of the supreme legislature; and in the most solemn manner assure him, that at the hazard of their lives and properties, they will stand by him against all rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of his majesty and the two houses of parliament.

Lord North then gave a sketch of the measures he intended to pursue, which were to send a greater force to America, and to bring in a temporary act to put a stop to all the foreign trade of the different colonies of New-England, particularly their fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, till they returned to their duty.

The address was so loaded with consequences, the extent of which could not be defined, that it called up all the powers of opposition; and even some few of the most moderate in the house seemed to feel a kind of horror, at entering upon a measure so dangerous in the tendency, and inexplicable in the event.

A gentleman, of the first eminence in the law, followed the minister through the whole detail of his speech, and answered the different positions. He insisted, that having examined with legal precision the definitions of treason, the Americans were not in rebellion, and said, “Whatever the disorders may be, they are created by the conduct of those, whose views are to establish despotism, and which are manifestly directed to reduce America to CCXCIVthe most abject state of servility, as a prelude to the realizing the same wicked system in the mother country.” He concluded by maintaining, that an opposition to arbitrary measures is warranted by the constitution, and established by precedent.

The other gentlemen of the minority entered but little into the juridical part of the debate; but maintained, that it would be imprudent for the parliament at this time to declare the disturbances rebellious. They said, “It is well known no act of violence has been committed in the Massachusetts Bay, which has not been equalled by something similar in every other province, and sometimes even exceeded by acts of a more heinous nature; that therefore the only effect of this violent, but partial declaration of rebellion, will be to delude ourselves into preparations of hostility, as if against one province only, when in truth we have to contend with twelve.”

On the other side, the crown lawyers and ministerial debaters maintained, that such Americans as come within certain descriptions, and have been guilty of certain acts, and still persevere in the support and commission of such acts, are in a state of actual rebellion; that the punishment of a few of the worst sort of traitors, such as Hancock and his crew, may be sufficient to teach the rest their duty in future; and that the boasted union of the colonies will dissolve the moment parliament shows itself resolved on vigorous and severe measures. Some gentlemen of rank in the army, treated all idea of resistance by the Americans with the utmost contempt. They said, “They are neither soldiers, nor ever can be made so, being naturally of a pusillanimous disposition, and utterly incapable of any sort of order or discipline; and by their laziness, uncleanliness, and radical defect of constitution, they are disabled from going through the service of a campaign, but will melt away with sickness before they can face an enemy; so that a slight force will be more than sufficient for their complete reduction.” Many ludicrous stories to that purport were told, greatly to the entertainment of the house. A motion however was made for an amendment, which, upon a division, was rejected by a large majority, 304 against 105. The question being then put for the address, was carried by nearly The same majority.

But the minority had not done with the business. [Feb. 5.] Upon receiving the report from the committee a few days after, a noble lord made a motion to re-commit the address, and supported it with many arguments. He stated our domestic situation, and inferred the impropriety and danger of a declaration from that house, of the existence of a rebellion in any part of our dominions; and showed the desperate measures into which it might CCXCVprecipitate the Americans, and the advantage that might be taken of such an occasion by our powerful and watchful neighbors, whose ancient enmity and jealousy were much increased by the glory we had acquired, and the disgrace and loss they had suffered in the last war. He said, “My head and my heart join in deprecating the horrors of a civil war, which will be rendered still more dreadful, by its involving in it certain consequences, a foreign one with the combined forces of great and powerful nations.”

This motion introduced the longest and most interesting debate that had taken place in the new parliament. It was acknowledged on all hands, that the present crisis was the most perilous and intricate in which the nation had been involved since the revolution. It was contended by those who opposed the motion, that the Americans were not to be won by kindness, or retained by benefits; and that the tenderness, which had been constantly practised by government, had produced the present fatal consequences. The danger from foreign powers supporting the Americans, was said to be imaginary: and it was still contended by several that an appearance of vigorous measures, with some reinforcement of the troops at Boston, would prove sufficient to quell the disturbances in America, without the drawing of blood.

On the other side, the address was stigmatized as cruel, sanguinary, and unjust. It was urged, “The Americans have given the strongest and most unequivocal demonstrations of their filial piety toward the mother country. They have fought and bled by our side. In the present state of distraction, they require no more for the restoration of harmony, than to be placed in the same situation they were in at the close of the last war. They have been nursed up, for a long series of years, in ideas of certain rights, of which, the electing of their own representatives, and the disposal of their own money for the public service only through them, are among the principal. If this is an error, the crown and parliament are equally faulty with the Americans, having in their whole conduct constantly nourished the delusion. At the time of the repeal of the stamp-act, two of the first names of this kingdom, for ability as well as legal knowledge, beside many others, utterly denied the right of taxation. Is it then to be wondered at, that the Americans, with such authorities on their side, are tenacious of a right so invaluable in its nature, which has at all times been considered as the distinction between freemen and slaves, which has been confirmed by so long a prescription, and upon which, to this instant, the wisest and honestest men, even in the mother country, are divided in opinion?—Philip the second, and his seventeen provinces, are the counterpart CCXCVIof what we are acting. In comparing the probability of events, can any man say, Great-Britain has such a prospect of victory in the event as Spain might then have expected? If we imagine that the powers of Europe will sit still during this contest, we must suppose a system of policy now to prevail, or rather an extension of folly, all over Europe, which never before was known in any period of its existence.

Much ill temper appeared in every part of the house in the course of these debates. The ministry were charged with acting uniformly and systematically upon tory and arbitrary principles, which had thrown the whole empire into a state of confusion and distraction. “In a word,” it was said, “the short and simple question before the house is, whether we shall lose the colonies, or give up our ministry.”

The ministry, on the other hand, talked much about faction at home, and republican principles; and the Americans being spirited up to their rebellion by incendiary writers and speakers in England. After a debate, which continued till half an hour after two in the morning, the motion for the re-commitment of the address was rejected by nearly the former majority.

When it was moved in the house of lords, to fill up the blank, left open in the address, by the insertion of the words, “The lords spiritual and temporal, &c.” to render the instrument the joint act of both houses, a debate ensued. The questions of treason, rebellion and constructive treasons, were deeply entered into by two great law lords, who differed totally in their legal and political sentiments, and carried on a long argument between them, with great warmth and ability; in which a large stock of professional and general learning was displayed on each side. It is to be lamented, that with all the boasted excellency of our constitution, a question of so vast magnitude as to include in its consequences, the lives, fortunes, and honors of all the subjects of this empire, still remains involved in such obscurity, as not only to admit of a difference of opinion, but that even the great oracles of the law are bewildered in its darkness. This extraordinary debate was attended with some singular circumstances. Lord Mansfield, to the great surprize of most of his auditors, condemned, in very explicit and unreserved terms, the measure of laying on the duties in 1767, which he declared to be the most absurd and pernicious that could be advised, and the cause of all the present impending evils. The duke of Grafton, Lord Shelburne, and Lord Camden, who were at that time cabinet counsellors and held the first offices in the state, declared separately in their places, that they had no share in that measure, nor had ever given any approbation. The manner in which a measure of ministry CCXCVIIwas carried against the opinion of ministers was not explained. A disclosure relative to a matter, which had already convulsed the whole empire, and was still more to be dreaded in its future consequences, excited general amazement, mixt with indignation and regret in individuals. The fatal and over-ruling secret influence, which had so long guided and marred all public affairs, was deplored and animadverted upon in different parts of the house.

When the question came to be put, whether to agree with the commons in the address, by inserting the words necessary to fill up the blank, it was carried by a prodigious majority. But the lords Richmond, Craven, Archer, Abergavenny, Rockingham, Wycombe, Courtenay, Torrington, Ponsonby, Cholmondeley, Abington, Portland, Camden, Effingham, Stanhope, Scarborough, Fitzwilliam and Tankerville, protested against “an address amounting to a declaration of war, which is founded on no proper parliamentary information, which follows the rejection of every mode of conciliation, which hold out no substantial offer of redress of grievances, and which promises support to those ministers, who have inflamed America, and grossly misconducted the affairs of Great-Britain.”

[Feb. 9.] The address was delivered, and an answer given, wherein his majesty assured both houses, that they might depend upon his taking the most speedy and effectual measures for enforcing due obedience to the laws, and the authority of The supreme legislature.

On that or the preceding day, the petition and memorial from the assembly of Jamaica to his majesty, was laid before the commons. It was drawn up in very strong terms. The petitioners entered into a full, free, and argumentative discussion of the late claims of the mother country, and of the rights of the colonies: the former of which they combated, and the latter defended with great force. They equally deplored and beheld with amazement, a plan almost carried into execution for reducing the colonies into the most abject state of slavery; and they supplicated the throne, and demanded and claimed from the sovereign, as the guarantee of their just rights, that no laws should be forced upon them, injurious to their rights as colonists or Englishmen; and that, as the common parent of his people, his majesty would become a mediator between his European and American subjects.

[Feb. 10.] The next day the minister moved for leave to bring in a bill to restrain the trade and commerce of the New-England provinces, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British West-India islands, and to prohibit them from carrying on any CCXCVIIIfishery on the Banks of Newfoundland, and other places therein to be mentioned, under certain conditions, and for a limited time. In answer to the objections made to it while the subject of debate, the charges of injustice and cruelty were denied; and the contrary maintained; it was declared to be necessary; and it was observed, that though the innocent were involved with the guilty, and friends with foes, the necessity might be lamented, but could not be helped. The motion for a bill was carried by a majority of three to one.

In the progress of the bill, the London merchants and traders interested in the American commerce, petitioned against it, and were allowed to be heard. In consequence of this a long train of witnesses were examined, and it appeared, That in 1764, the four New-England colonies employed in their several fisheries, no less than 45,880 ton of shipping, and 6002 men, and that the produce of their fisheries in the foreign markets for that year, amounted to £.322,220 16s. sterling—that the fisheries were greatly increased—that all the materials used in them, except salt, and the timber of which their vessels were built, were taken from this country, and that the nett proceeds of the fish were remitted here—and that there was near a million of money owing from New-England to the city of London only. They stated to the house, that the calamities consequent upon the bill must fall in a particular degree, upon the innocent. The case of the inhabitants of Nantucket, would be particularly hard. They amounted to some thousands; nine-tenths of them quakers, inhabiting a barren land; but by an astonishing industry they kept 140 vessels in constant employ, eight in the importation of provisions for the island, and the rest in the whale fishery.

[Feb. 20.] While the bill was pending, lord North amazed all parties, and seemed for a time nearly to dissolve his own, by a conciliatory motion in regard to America. It proposed, “That when the governor, council, and assembly, or general court, of his majesty’s provinces or colonies, shall propose to make provision, according to their respective conditions, circumstances, and situations, for contributing their proportion to the common defence (such proportion to be raised under the authorities of the general court or general assembly of such province or colony, and disposable by parliament) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government, and the administration of justice in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such proposal should be approved by his majesty in parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to levy any duties, tax, or assessment: or to impose any further duty, tax, or CCXCIXassessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of the commerce, the nett produce of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such province, colony or plantation, respectively.” The numerous high prerogative party, who had ever opposed any relaxation in favor of the colonies, heard the proposition with horror, and considered themselves as abandoned or betrayed. They pronounced it a shameful prevarication, and a mean departure from principle; and finally concluded with declaring, that they would make no concessions to rebels with arms in their hands; and that they would enter into no measure for a settlement with the Americans, in which an express and definitive acknowledgment from them of the supremacy of parliament was not a preliminary article. A gentleman of the long robe, and who has lately distinguished himself for his zeal in promoting all the measures for reducing the colonies (Mr. W——) had the address in a few minutes to hush the commotion, by convincing the mal-contents, that the appearance of concession, lenity, and tenderness, which had so much alarmed them, were of such a nature, that they could not interfere with the most rigid measures which they wished to enforce. The gentlemen in opposition said, “The motion is insidious, base and treacherous in the highest degree.”—The minister acknowledged it to be a cheat, and designed for the purpose of dis-uniting the Americans; but it will tend only to consolidate that common mass of union into which they have been thrown by the Boston port act. The question was carried by a majority of three to one.

[Feb. 27.] A petition from the merchants, traders, and principal inhabitants of Poole in Dorsetshire, was presented, in avowed opposition to that from London, and in support of the principle of the fishery-bill. This petition set fourth, that the restraints upon the colonies would not by any means be injurious to commerce; and that the foreign markets might be amply supplied, by extending the Newfondland fishery from England.—They concluded by soliciting, no less for their own immediate advantage, than for the universal benefit of their country, such encouragement as parliament should think proper.

A petition was also delivered from the Quakers in behalf of their brethren and others, the inhabitants of Nantucket, in which they stated their innocence and industry, the utility of their labours to themselves and the community, the hazards attending their occupation, and the uncertainty of their gains; and showed, that if the bill passed into a law, they must shortly be exposed to all the miseries of a famine.

CCCIn every stage of the bill, the debate re-kindled; and in the course of it, the minority observed, “When it was thought wisdom to overthrow established privileges, and to combat national prejudices, by starting the new claim of taxation, the Americans went no further than to deny our right of internal taxation. Having gained the point of urging them to question one right, we soon convinced them, both by argument and practice, that an external tax might be made to answer all the purposes, and to produce all the mischiefs of internal taxation. They then denied our right of taxing for supply. Parliament then proceeded to deprive them of their charter, and to change the course of justice and trials. Then they were pushed to deny the power of internal legislation. But still they had hitherto never formally rejected the power of parliament to bind their trade. We are now to convince them, however, that if but a single branch of legislative power is left to this country, we can distort that branch in such a manner, that it shall include all the purposes of unlimited tyranny.” It appeared upon evidence, at the bar of the house, that by the operation of the bill, many thousands of innocent inhabitants would be reduced to the sad alternative, either of perishing through want at home, or of removing to some other less rigorous government for protection and support; so that a famine among the New-Englanders was predicted, as the consequence of the bill.

Some gentlemen on the other side of the question, acknowledged the harshness of the measure; but lamented its being indispensably necessary. A much greater number contended, that the bill was in an high degree merciful, and that the New-England colonies did not want resources to prevent a famine. A few went so far as to regret that the bill did not convey punishments adequate to the crimes of the Americans, and to dread that the famine which had been strongly prognosticated, and pathetically lamented, would not take place.

Mr. Quincy sails to-morrow for the Massachusetts. He is very far from being well; and has been attended upon repeatedly by Dr. Fothergill. The doctor thinks the Bristol air and water would give him perfect health; and it is greatly against his own opinion and inclination that he takes the voyage. But he risks his life for the good of his own colony in particular, and of America in general. His most intimate friends insist upon his going directly to Boston. They say no letter can go with safety; and that he can deliver more information and advice, viva voce, than can or ought to be written. They urge that by going now, if he arrives safe, he must be of great advantage to the American cause.

CCCIHe is to tell the people of your colony, by no means to take any step of great consequence (unless on a sudden emergency) without the advice of the continental congress; and is to repair to that honorable body, when met at Philadelphia.

You will hear from him, how egregiously the Americans have been insulted by several in both houses of parliament, in being pronounced dastardly cowards and paltroons, to be looked into submission at the approach of a regiment; and that if this is your true character, there will be no great exploit in the brave general Grant’s marching successfully, with only five regiments, from one end of the continent to the other, of which he has declared himself capable. It is said that an American durst not look at a red coat. The senator holds this language in the senate; and the general at the head of an army. It passes for a maxim, and it is thought scepticism to doubt it. Every subaltern, upon half-pay, looks upon himself as qualified for subduing America. If a man says otherwise, the finger is pointed at him as to an enemy of his country. Mr. Quincy will be likely also to give you the name of the member, who in a late speech adulterated the English tongue, that he might gratify his inveteracy by punishing you with starvation.

By a future opportunity you will receive an account of the progress of the restraining and fishery bill, through the house of lords; of the further proceedings of parliament and ministry; and of the national complection.

While the Massachusetts had no provincial congress, the active friends of government had an opportunity to try their strength in a few places, and to attempt resisting the general current, by refusing a compliance with the resolutions of the colony congress; but the dissentients were overwhelmed by numbers, and their attempts proved abortive.

The royal proclamation prohibiting the exportation of military stores from Britain, his majesty’s speech, and the addresses of CCCIIthe new parliament, in the opinion of many, cut off all hopes of reconciliation, more especially in New-England.

[Feb. 1.] The new Massachusetts congress met at Cambridge, and Mr. Hancock was unanimously chosen president. They adjourned to Concord in about a fortnight, that the distance might afford them greater personal security, and render them less liable to interruption by any measures of the governor, That the colony might be somewhat prepared for the sorest trial, they urged in the strongest terms, the militia in general, and the minute-men in particular, to spare neither time, pains, nor expence, at so critical a juncture, for perfecting themselves forthwith in the military discipline. They passed resolutions for the providing and making of fire-arms and bayonets, and renewed the prohibition of their predecessors, against supplying the troops at Boston, with any of those necessaries peculiarly requisite for the military service. The committee of safety had directed in the beginning of January, that all the cannon, mortars, cannon-balls and shells, should be deposited at Worcester and Concord, in the same proportion as was done by the provision; and while the congress was sitting, [Feb. 13, 21.] voted, “that the committee of supplies do purchase all the powder they can, and also all kinds of warlike stores, sufficient for an army of fifteen thousand men to take the field.”

The propriety of the precautions taken to guard against a surprise, was manifest from the following event.

[Feb. 26.] General Gage receiving intelligence that cannon and carriages were deposited in the neighborhood of Salem, sent a corps of troops from the castle, under lieutenant colonel Leslie, on board a transport, to seize and bring them away. They landed at Marblehead, proceeded to Salem, found nothing there, and passed on to the draw-bridge leading to Danvers, where a number of people assembled, and those of the opposite side took up the bridge to prevent their crossing. The officer ordered it to be let down; the people peremptorily refused, saying, “It is a private road, and you have no authority to demand a passage this way.” On this refulal he determined to make use of the boats which were at hand; his intention was perceived, and the owners jumped into their own boats, and with their axes scuttled them, to make them useless for the present; during the transaction there was some scuffle between them and the soldiers. Things were apparently tending to an extremity. The reverend Mr. Bernard, a congregational clergymen of Salem, and other gentlemen, urged the letting down of the draw-bridge; but it was not done, till much time had been spent in altercation, during which period the articles that colonel Leslie was after, were conveyed CCCIIIaway. When the opportunity of crossing offered, he marched about thirty rods, to the spot where the artificers had been employed in making carriages, &c. but finding nothing, and it being now late in the evening, returned and went on board the transport without meeting with any molestation. This expedition took place on the Lord’s day, which might contribute to its ending happily without mischief. On any other day when the people were not attending public worship, but dispersed about and following their secular business, the landing of the troops would have been discovered, and some quarrel might have ensued while they were making it good, or afterward upon their march. The governor probably pitched upon the Lord’s day, in hopes that it would prevent every painful catastrophe; but the expedition spread an alarm.

The Massachusetts congress were displeased with the proceedings of the New-York general assembly; who renounced all concern with the late continental congress, declined choosing delegates for the proposed new one, and in their own single capacity sent a petition to the king, a memorial to the lords and a remonstrance to the house of commons. In the remonstrance they represented the grievances under which they labored, by the innovations that had been made in the constitutional mode of government since the close of the last war. They renounced the most distant desire of independence, acknowledged the supreme government of the British parliament over the whole empire, and their authority to regulate the trade of the colonies: remonstrated in the behalf of their brethren in the Massachusetts, for whose distresses they could not help feeling; but at the same time expressed their disapprobation of the violent measures pursued in some of the colonies. They claimed a restoration of those rights which they enjoyed before the close of the war; but without entertaining an idea of diminishing the power of the mother country, or lessening the dignity of parliament. Should the ministry embrace the offering thus given by the general assembly of New-York, they may possibly separate this central province from the others, and break the communication between the northern and the southern. But the apprehension of such an event is abated by the intelligence which the Massachusetts congress have received from the city of New-York. The whig citizens, whose hearts were set upon having delegates for the new continental congress, upon the assembly’s declining to appoint them, contrived to collect their fellow-citizens [Mar. 5.] together in order to obtain their opinion. When assembled in a body, there was a confused cry of “Congress, or no Congress?” After much altercation the tories had a recourse to CCCIVcompulsive reasoning and began dealing about their blows.—The whigs were in the worst situation, not being provided with similar arguments, till two of their party repaired to an adjoining cooper’s yard, from whence they drew forth to the assistance of their friends a number of hoop-sticks, which they reduced to a proper length, and forwarded to the combatants. The whigs, being thus supplied, soon carried the day by club-law, and beat their opponents off the ground. The tories, being worsted, and not a little terrified lest the fury of captain (whom they term in a way of reproach king) Sears, should lead him to head a mob, and do them some capital injury, promoted a provincial convention, which otherwise would not have existed. The battle royal at New-York, will prove the turning point as to that colony.

The Massachusetts congress continued their session, and recommended the sixteenth of March to be observed as the annual day for fasting and prayer, which was kept accordingly by the inhabitants of Boston, no less than of the country. But they did not presume to rely upon religious exercises in the neglect of those civil means which prudence prescribed. The people, both within and without, used every device for conveying safely from Boston into the country, all kinds of military articles, which might be wanted in case of a rupture. Cannon balls, and such like heavy stores, were put into carts, and carried out over the Neck, under the appearance of loads of dung. Half barrels of gun-powder were put into butchers peds, or the hampers of the market people, and brought out under some slight, negligent, and unsuspected cover, as they returned home in the evening. Cartridges were packed up in candle boxes, and sent off under that deception; but some were at length discovered. The soldiers on the Neck did not make many prizes; however, one day [Mar. 18.] they seized 13,425 musket cartridges, with 3000lb. weight of ball, which, though private property, the general was warranted in refusing to restore, on the application of the owner.

That general Gage might not succeed in seizing any military stores in the country, should he send out troops upon that errand, the committee of safety had voted four days before, “that members from this committee belonging to Charlestown, Cambridge, and Roxbury, be desired to procure at least two men, for a watch every night, to be placed in each of these towns, and that said members be in readiness to send couriers forward to the towns where the magazines are placed, when sallies are made from the army at night.”

[April 23.] The select men of the town of Billerica presented a most spirited remonstrance to general Gage, on account of CCCVan inhabitant of that town’s being tarred and feathered, and much abused on the 8th of the month, by a party of his majesty’s 47th regiment, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Nesbit. The firmness, resolution, and freedom, with which the people both of town and country have conducted, when their business called them to an intercourse with the governor, have often embarrassed and convinced him, that they were not wholly destitute of sterling courage. There might be some ground for punishing the person whose case produced the remonstrance; but the punishment should have been under the direction of a civil, and not a military officer, and of another kind; for, though it may be deemed a retaliation, upon the country, it has tended greatly to irritate.

The Massachusetts congress were solicitous to keep their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of general Gage; but from several circumstances which occurred, they entertained a strong suspicion that they had some one among them, who betrayed their counsels. A gentleman, who is not a stranger to many considerable defects in the moral and political character of Dr. Church, is apprehensive that he is the person; but is exceedingly cautious of mentioning his suspicion, considering the high reputation in which the doctor is among the sons of liberty.

[Mar. 30.] General Gage marched out about eleven hundred men into the country; who doing much damage by throwing down the stone fences, occasioned a committee’s waiting upon the Massachusetts congress on the Saturday, when upon the point of adjourning, which kept them sitting till they received, on the Monday following, accounts by a vessel from Falmouth, of what parliament had done and was doing in relation to their colony.

It was a providential circumstance that they had so early intelligence, and obtained it before general Gage had received his dispatches: they were careful to improve it. The intelligence spread fast, and induced more of the inhabitants of Boston to remove out of the town. A number had been for some time withdrawing themselves. The town was liable to be converted instantly, at the discretion of the governor, into a secure prison; and the people of it might be held as hostages for the conduct of the province at large, or be kidnapped and sent to England, to stand trial for supposed offences. Continuance in it was hazardous to many, who had distinguished themselves by taking an active part against the measures of government. But the dauntless courage of some such inclined them to remain, though there was no knowing what private orders might be sent to general Gage, who was not inattentive to the service in which he was employed, while he evidenced a prevailing desire after a peaceable accommodation. CCCVIHe sent private orders to the commanding officer at New-York, to purchase up all the duck, blankets, pick-axes, pots, and other articles proper for camp service. Application was made by the officer to the Philadelphia merchants, who penetrated the design, and no less nobly than unanimously refused a compliance. Three of the New-York merchants had for some time been buying up, selling, and sending the several articles to Boston; but at length a stop was put to their proceedings by the influence of captain Sears, who, upon his return to Philadelphia, urged that they might want those things themselves, and made a considerable stir upon the occasion. But a great number were purchased at Portsmouth, before the discovery of the general’s intention.

The news of the parliamentary proceedings encouraged the soldiery to insult the people more than ever; their conduct seemingly intimated, that they meant to provoke the other to begin a quarrel; while these bore all with patience, as they were determined not to be the aggressors. Nothing was wanting but a spark to set the whole continent in a flame. The important moment, big with inconceivable consequences, was evidently approaching, when, through accident or design, it would be applied to those combustibles which had been long collecting.

The grenadier and light infantry companies were taken off duty, upon the plea of learning a new exercise, which made the Bostonians jealous that there was some scheme on foot. A daughter of liberty, unequally yoked in point of politics, sent word, by a trusty hand, to Mr. Samuel Adams, residing, in company with Mr. Hancock, at Lexington, about thirteen miles from Charlestown, that the troops were coming out in a few days. Upon this their friends at Boston were advised to move out their plate, &c. and the committee of fafety voted, “that all the ammunition be deposited in nine different towns; and that other articles be lodged, some in one place, some in another, so as to the 15 medicinal chests, 2000 iron pots, 2000 bowls, 15,000 canteens, and 1100 tents; and that the six companies of matrosses be stationed in different towns.”

Mr. Adams inferred from the number to be employed, that these were the objects, and not himself and Mr. Hancock, who might be more easily seized in a private way, by a few armed individuals, than by a large body of troops, that must march for miles together under the eye of the public.

The provincial stores had been hitherto deposited at Worcester and Concord. To the last of these places, but half the distance of the other from Boston, the general turned his attention; and, being continually pestered by the repeated solicitations of the American CCCVIItories, with whom he was surrounded, and who persuaded him there was no danger of resistance, their whig countrymen being too cowardly, he determined, without the advice of the council, when and in what way to attempt the seizure of the many stores supposed to be in that place.

[April 18.] A number of officers dined together at Cambridge, and toward night scattered themselves upon the road leading to Concord; and took their station so as to be ready to intercept any expresses going from Boston to alarm and raise the country with intelligence of the troops being upon their march. When the corps was nearly ready to proceed upon the expedition, Dr. Warren, by a mere accident, had notice of it just in time to send messengers over the Neck and across the ferry, on to Lexington, before the orders for preventing every person’s quitting the town were executed. The officers intercepted several; but some, being well mounted, escaped their vigilance; and the alarm being once given, spread apace, by the ringing of bells and the firing of signal guns and vollies. By eleven at night, eight hundred grenadiers and light infantry, the flower of the army, embarked at the common, proceeded and landed at Phipps’s farm, from whence they marched for Concord, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith, aided by major Pitcairn, who led the advanced corps.

[April 19.] About two in the morning, the Lexington company of militia, to the amount of one hundred and thirty, repaired to the green, close in with the meeting-house. The air being chilly, and the intelligence respecting the regulars somewhat uncertain, the men, after the roll-call, were dismissed, with orders to appear again at beat of drum. Some went home, others to the adjoining public house. Word being brought between four and five, that the troops were not far off, they that were at hand collected, to the number of about seventy, by the time the regulars made their appearance. They were mostly in a confused state, and a few only were drawn up. There were present at the time about forty spectators without arms. The militia were too few to think of beginning an attack. But major Pitcairn rode round the meeting (as the meeting-house is generally called) and approaching them called out, “Disperse you rebels, throw down your arms and disperse.” An instant compliance not taking place, which he might construe into contempt, he rode a little further, fired his pistol, flourished his sword, and ordered the soldiers to fire, with which they complied, huzzaing upon the occasion. This produced an immediate dispersion; but the firing was continued. Individuals finding they were fired upon, though dispersing, had spirit enough to stop and return the fire. CCCVIIIThree or four were killed upon the green; the rest, making the whole number of the slain eight, were shot on the other side of the walls and fences, over which they had fled in order to escape. During this interesting period, Messrs. S. Adams and Hancock, whose residence was near at hand, quitted and removed to a further distance. While walking alone, Mr. Adams exclaimed, “Oh! what a glorious morning is this!” in the belief that it would eventually liberate the colony from all subjection to Great-Britain. His companion did not penetrate his meaning, and thought the allusion was only to the aspect of the sky. Lest it should be said and believed, that the meeting was crowded with militia, before and during the fire, let me mention that there were only a man and a boy in it. The detachment marched on to Concord. The people of the town, having received the alarm, drew up in order for defence; but observing that the regulars were too numerous, retired over the north bridge and waited for reinforcements from the neighboring towns. A party of light infantry followed, and possessed themselves of the bridge, while the main body entered the town, and proceeded to execute their commission. They disabled two twenty-four pounders, and destroyed their carriages and seven wheels for the same, with their limbers beside sixteen wheels for brass three pounders, and two carriages with limber and wheels for two four pounders. They threw 500lb. of ball into the river, wells, and other places; and broke in pieces about sixty barrels of flour, half of which was saved. These were all the stores that they could discover and destroy, on the account of which a civil war has commenced between the colonies and the parent state. The inhabitants of Britain may see reason, for many ages, to curse the memory of the man or men, who has or have been at the foundation of this fatal catastrophe, should they ever be known. The militia being reinforced, Mr. John Butterick, of Concord, major of a minute regiment, and who commanded, ordered the men not to give the first fire, that so the provincials might not be the aggressors, for he was ignorant of what had passed at Lexington. Upon his advancing with them, the light infantry retired to the Concord side of the river, and began pulling up the bridge; and on his approaching nearer, immediately fired, and killed captain Isaac Davis of Acton (who with his company of minute-men made the front) and one of the privates. The fire was returned, a skirmish ensued, and the troops were forced to retreat, having several men killed and wounded, and lieutenant Gould (who would have been killed had not a minister present prevented) with some others taken. One of their wounded, who was left behind, attempting to get up, was assaulted by a young fellow going after the pursuers to join them, CCCIXwho, not being under the feelings of humanity, barbarously broke his skull with a small hatchet, and let out his brains, but neither scalped him nor cut off his ears. This event may give rise to some malevolent pen to write, that many of the killed and wounded at Lexington, were not only scalped, but had their eyes forced out of the sockets by the fanatics of New-England; not one was so treated either there or at Concord. You have the real fact. The poor object languished for an hour or two before he expired.

The party was joined by the main body; and the whole detachment retreated with the utmost expedition; for all the country was now up in arms, and attacked the troops on every quarter. In their march of six miles back to Lexington, they were exceedingly annoyed, not only by those who pressed upon their rear; but by others, who fired upon them from behind the stone walls and other coverts, which supplied the place of lines and redoubts to the provincials. At Lexington they were joined by a detachment under lord Percy.

The news of what had happened at Lexington, in their way to Concord, flew to Boston and the neighborhood. But the slaughter of the militia men was carefully concealed from general Gage, who was not made acquainted with it till late in the afternoon. He had however, early intelligence of the rising of the country, and therefore detached, about eight in the morning, lord Percy, with 16 companies of foot, and a number of marines, 900 men in the whole, and two pieces of cannon, to support colonel Smith. The brigade marched out, playing, by way of contempt, Yankee Doodle, a song composed in derision of the New-Englanders, scornfully called Yankees. A smart boy observing it as the troops passed through Roxbury, made himself extremely merry with the circumstance, jumping and laughing, so as to attract the notice of his lordship, who, it is said, asked him at what he was laughing so heartily; and was answered, “To think how you will dance by and by to Chevy Chace.” It is added, that the repartee stuck by his lordship the whole day.

You may wish to know the origin of the term Yankee. Take the best account of it which your friend can procure. It was a cant, favorite word with farmer Jonathan Hastings, of Cambridge, about 1713. Two aged ministers, who were at the college in that town, have told me, they remembered it to have been then in use among the students, but had no recollection of it before that period. The inventor used it to express excellency. A Yankee good horse, or Yankee cider, and the like, were an excellent good horse, and excellent cider. The students used to hire horses of him; their intercourse with him, and his use of CCCXthe term upon all occasions, led them to adopt it, and they gave him the name of Yankee Jon. He was a worthy honest man, but no conjurer. This could not escape the notice of the collegiates. Yankee probably became a by-word among them, to express a weak, simple, aukward person; was carried from the college with them when they left it, and was in that way circulated and established through the country (as was the case in respect to Hobson’s choice,^[115] by the students at Cambridge, in Old England) till, from its currency in New-England, it was at length taken up and unjustly applied to the New-Englanders in common, as a term of reproach.

The junction of the brigade under lord Percy, with the detachment under colonel Smith, gave the last a breathing time, especially as they now had cannon, which awed the provincials from pressing upon the rear in a direct line. But the whole force ventured not to halt long; for far and wide the minute-men and militia were collecting, in order to cut off their retreat to Boston. They soon renewed their march; constant skirmishing succeeded, and a continued fire, though often irregular and scattering on their side, as well as on the part of the provincials. The close firing from behind the walls, by good marksmen, for such were almost all the provincials, put the troops into no small confusion, and made it so dangerous for the officers, that they were more attentive to their safety than in common. Major Pitcairn quitted his horse, which was taken with the pistols in the holsters. The soldiers loaded and fired over the stone walls, when there was not a single man behind them. They were incommoded by the wind’s blowing the smoke directly back upon them all the time they were retreating; during which they burnt some houses, attempted others, and plundered many of every thing valuable, destroying what they could not carry off. They killed several innocent unarmed persons; and murdered two old men at Menotomy. Before they reached this place, a few Americans, headed by the Rev. Mr. Payson, of Chelsea, who till now had been extremely moderate, attacked a party of twelve soldiers, carrying stores to the retreating troops, killed one, wounded several, made the whole prisoners, and gained possession of their arms and stores, without any loss whatever to themselves. The regulars, when near Cambridge, were upon the point of taking a wrong road, which would have led them into the most imminent danger, but were prevented by the direction of a young gentleman residing at the college; by which mean they made good their retreat a little after sun-set over Charlestown Neck, to CCCXIBunker’s Hill, but spent and wore down by the excessive fatigues they had undergone, having marched that day between thirty and forty miles, here they remained secure till the next day, when they crossed at Charlestown ferry, and returned to Boston.

Lieutenant-colonel Smith was much displeased with the soldiers firing at Lexington; probably general Gage had given orders that they should not fire unless they were first fired upon. Major Pitcairn undoubtedly directed them to fire, from the mistaken apprehension he had entertained of American resolution, for he has the character of a good tempered officer. There were never more than about four hundred provincials together, attacking at one and the same time; and often scarce that number. But as some tired and gave out, others came up. They had very little appearance of discipline. Privates and officers fired away as they had opportunity of doing execution, without waiting for the word of command; and used their knowledge of the country to gain the opportunity, by crossing fields and fences, of acting as flanking parties against the regulars, while these proceeded along the road. Colonel Pickering, of Salem, had the command of a fine well exercised provincial regiment; had he pushed on with his men, so as to have headed the British before they had gained Charlestown Neck (and he was near enough) they must have clubbed their firelocks, for they were quite wearied out with the services of the day, and had but a round or two of ammunition remaining. No satisfactory reason has been assigned for the want of greater alertness in colonel Pickering’s regiment. The British officers are astonished, chagrined, and mortified beyond measure at what has happened. It’s death to all their glorying; their best troops have been obliged in this manner to flee before a number of Yankees, “when all the officers in general did every thing that men could do, and when the soldiers behaved with their usual intrepidity.”^[116] They are sore at heart upon the occasion. They have had 1 lieutenant killed, 2 lieutenant-colonels wounded, Smith is one, 2 captains and 9 lieutenants wounded, 1 lieutenant missing, 2 ensigns wounded, 1 sergeant killed, 7 wounded, 2 missing, 1 drummer killed, 1 wounded, 62 rank and file killed, and 157 wounded; in all, 65 killed, 180 wounded, and 28 made prisoners; total, 273.

Of the provincials, 50 have been killed, 34 wounded, and 4 are missing; in all, 88. The following officers and gentlemen are of the number, viz. justice Isaac Gardner, of Brookline, capt. Isaac Davis, of Acton, capt. Jonathan Wilson, of Bedford, CCCXIIlieut. John Bacon, and sergeant Elisha Mills, of Needham, and deacon Josiah Haines, of Sudbury, killed; capt. Eleazer Kingsbury, of Needham, capt. Samuel Williams, of Cambridge, captains Charles Miles, Nathaniel Barret, and George Minot, of Concord, capt. Oliver Barnes, and deacon Aaron Chamberlain, of Chelmsford, wounded. The persons who have fallen, are regretted with the deepest concern, and are honored not only as patriots, but as martyrs, who have died bravely in the cause of their country.

Captains John Ford and Oliver Barron, and deacon Davis, all of Chelmsford, distinguished themselves in the course of the day. It can be fully proved that captain Ford killed five regulars. James Howard, a private in the Acton company, and a regular coming out of a house, caught sight of each other, and discharged their pieces at the same instant; both shots taking effect, the last dropt down dead, and the first expired a few hours after. A big boy joined in the chace of the retreating troops, and was very expert in firing at them; at length a ball from the enemy grazed his head, and produced a flesh wound; he soon recovered the shock, bound up his head with a handkerchief, and renewed his pursuit.

Two British officers who have been taken, and the privates who are wounded and prisoners, are treated with humanity by the provincials; and general Gage may, if he pleases, safely send his surgeons to dress and attend them.

If the contest is to become general between the colonies and the mother country, it may be deemed a happiness for them that it has commenced in the Massachusetts, where all the inhabitants are so connected with each other by descent, blood, uniformity of manners, similarity of civil and religious sentiments, mediocrity of circumstances, and a general equality, that the killing of a single individual interesteth the whole province in the event, and makes them consider it a common cause.

The inhabitants are now everywhere in arms; and collecting in such numbers about Boston, that they will not only invest the town effectually, but excite disagreeable apprehensions in general Gage. No one is suffered to go in or out at present. The provincials have for their commander in chief, a native of the Massachusetts, general Ward; the honorable Jedediah Pribble having, more than a month ago, declined, on account of his bad health. General Ward might have pleaded the like excuse; but he wishes to serve his country to the utmost of his abilities, and is ready to risk his life in the cause of American liberty. He is to be trusted, being a gentleman of great integrity. His commission as commander in chief of the Bay troops, was delivered to CCCXIIIhim on the 20th of April, by the provincial congress. Three days after, they chose general John Thomas, lieutenant-general.

The day general Ward received his commission, the committee of safety sent letters to New-Hampshire and Connecticut, with an account of the enemy’s proceedings the day before, and praying all the assistance in their power. The next day they agreed upon enlisting 8000 men out of the Massachusetts forces; but the provincial congress being adjourned from Concord to Watertown, resolved the succeeding day, “that an army of 30,000 men be immediately raised and established; that 13,600 be by this province; and that a letter and delegate be sent to the several colonies of Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island.” Head-quarters are at Cambridge; and the students quit the college that the provincials may be accommodated. General Thomas commands at Roxbury. He is a cool, courageous, discerning and active officer, well qualified for guarding the important post he occupies, and preventing the enemy’s making a sally over the Neck into the country should they be inclined to attempt it; but for the present they are more afraid of being attacked.

General Gage, to secure the people within from taking up arms against the king’s troops, in case of an assault, has agreed with the committee of the town [April 22.] after a long conference, that upon the inhabitants in general lodging their arms in Faneuil-Hall, or any other convenient place, under the care of the select men, all such inhabitants as are inclined, may depart from the town with their families and effects; that those who remain may depend upon his protection; and that the arms aforesaid, at a suitable time, shall be returned to the owners. The town agreed to this proposal, and their vote upon it was read by the committee, upon their return to his excellency, who accepted it; and further agreed, that the inhabitants may remove from town by land and water with their effects, within the limits specified by the port act. He also informed the committee, that he would desire the admiral to lend his boats to facilitate the removal of the effects of the inhabitants; and that he would allow carriages to pass and repass for that purpose. He said likewise, that he would take care that the poor, who may remain in town, shall not suffer for want of provisions after their own stock is expended; and desired that a letter might be written to Dr. Warren, chairman of the committee of congress, that those persons in the country, who may incline to remove into Boston with, their effects may have liberty so to do without molestation.—An account of these proceedings was sent to Dr. Warren; who was further informed by the town committee [April 25.] “Permission will be given for 30 waggons to enter the town at once, CCCXIVto carry away the effects of the inhabitants; so soon as those have returned to the end of the causeway leading to Roxbury, then others will be permitted to come in. None will be permitted to enter till after sun-rise, nor remain after sun-set. If any vessel or boat now in the harbour, be employed to remove the inhabitants effects, security must be given that it be returned. It is expected that leave be obtained for some persons to go to the different parishes, to give notice to such persons who incline to come, with their effects, into Boston, that they may come without molestation; and it is desired, that the waggons and vessels employed to come to carry away the goods of the inhabitants of Boston, may bring the effects of those who are desirous to leave the country, they paying half the charge.

[April 26.] Doctor Warren has this day written to general Gage:

The unhappy situation into which this colony is thrown, gives the greatest uneasiness to every man who regards the welfare of the empire, or feels for the distresses of his fellow men; but even now much may be done to alleviate those misfortunes which cannot be entirely remedied; and I think it of the utmost importance to us, that our conduct be such, as that the contending parties may entirely rely upon the honor and integrity of each other, for the punctual performance of any agreement that shall be made between them. Your excellency, I believe, knows very well the part I have taken in public affairs. I ever scorned disguise. I think I have done my duty; some may think otherwise; but be assured, Sir, as far as my influence goes, every thing which reasonably can be required of us to do, shall be done; and every thing promised shall be religiously performed. I should now be very glad to know from you, Sir, how many days you desire may be allowed for such as desire to remove to Boston with their effects, and what time you will allow the people in Boston for their removal. When I have received the information, I will repair to congress, and hasten, as far as I am able, the issuing a proclamation. I beg leave to suggest, that the condition of admitting only thirty waggons at a time into the town, appears to me very inconvenient, and will prevent the good effects of a proclamation intended to be issued for encouraging all waggoners to assist in removing the effects from Boston with all possible speed. If your excellency will be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and favor me as soon as may be with an answer, it will lay me under a great obligation, as it CCCXVso nearly concerns the welfare of my friends in Boston. I have many things which I wish to say to your excellency, and most sincerely wish I had broken through the formalities which I thought due to your rank, and freely told you all I knew or thought of public affairs; and I must ever confess, whatever may be the event, that you generously gave me such an opening as I now think I ought to have embraced; but the true cause of my not doing it, was the knowledge I had of the vileness and treachery of many persons around you, who I suppose had gained your entire confidence.

The committee of safety have sent letters to Rhode-Island and Connecticut, importuning immediate assistance; and that as large a number of troops as can be spared, may be immediately marched forward, well stocked with provisions and ammunition, and accompanied with as large a train of artillery as can be granted. They express their determination, at all events, to act their parts with firmness and intrepidity, knowing that slavery is far worse than death.

The committee appointed to examine into the damages done on the 19th, at Cambridge, Lexington, and Concord, have reported, that by fire, robbery, and destruction, the same are as follows: at Cambridge, £.901 16s. 5d. 1–4; at Lexington, £.1320 16s. 0d. 3–4; and at Concord, £.206 2s. 5d. 1–4; in all £.2428 14s. 11d. 1–4. sterling. The parties exhibited their accounts on oath, and the greatest care was taken that the state of the damages might be just.

My friend Quincy has sacrificed his life for the sake of his country. The ship in which he sailed, arrived at Cape Ann within these two days; but he lived not to get on shore, or to hear and triumph at the account of the success of the Lexington engagement. His remains will be honorably interred by his relations. Let him be numbered with the patriotic heroes who fall in the cause of liberty; and his memory be dear to posterity. Let his only surviving child, a son of about three years, live to possess his noble virtues, and to transmit his name down to future generations. You have my warmest acknowledgments for your last manuscript. See that you embrace every safe opportunity of continuing your correspondence; you will find me in that line of conduct.

The supreme power now extant in the Massachusetts, has given their first naval commission to captain John Derby, of Salem, who is entrusted by the provincial congress with dispatches for Dr. Franklin, containing an account of the Lexington fight, and CCCXVIan address to the inhabitants of Great-Britain. He sails without delay. In the address the congress profess to place much dependence on the honor, wisdom, and valor of Britons; from which they hope for their interference in preventing the prosecution of present measures. They make great professions of loyalty; but declare, that they will not tamely submit to the persecution and tyranny of a cruel ministry; and that they are determined to die or be free. They appeal to Heaven for the justice of their cause. Should not an accommodation take place, Heaven must grant them its special protection, or they will be crushed before the power of Britain, notwithstanding all that the other colonies can do for them; unless the officers who are employed against them, are not supplied with an adequate force, or are wretchedly defective in courage, inclination, activity, prudence, or other military abilities; or unless some foreign power for its own interest, and to injure the parent state, takes them by the hand. Their military stores are scarce worth mentioning. They reckon upon sixteen field pieces. It is well if six of them are calculated for much actual service. There are four brass ones, of a small size, that may answer a good purpose. They have a few large iron cannon, two or three mortars and howitzers, cannon ball, and shells; but they have only eighty-two half barrels of powder belonging to the public store; most towns have a small quantity, that however will be soon exhausted. Considering what ought to be the case to warrant a reasonable expectation of success in a military contest with a nation that abounds in all the apparatus of war, they may be pronounced destitute of every article but men; and, though these are not wanting in natural courage, it will take a considerable time to make them thorough good soldiers. They have neither money nor magazines.

The restraining and fishery bill did not pass through the house of lords with less opposition than what it had met with in the house of commons. Upon the motion for committing CCCXVIIit after the second reading, the marquis of Rockingham opposed it with great ability, and in the course of his speech showed, that in 1704, the whole amount of the exports to the New-England colonies was only about £.70,000 annually; that in 1754, it had arisen to £.180,000, in the succeeding ten years to £.400,000, and in the last ten years, had nearly doubled that sum.

The bill was carried by a majority of more than three to one; but was productive of a protest, signed by sixteen lords. It is particularly distinguished, by the severe censure passed upon a lord high in office, who in the late debates, most unadvisedly threw out a charge of general cowardice against the Americans.

The fishery bill had scarce cleared the house of commons, when lord North brought in another, [March 9.] “To restrain the trade and commerce of the colonies of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and South-Carolina, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British islands in the West-Indies, under certain conditions and limitation.” While this bill was in agitation, a long series of evidence, in behalf of the West-India merchants and planters, was laid before the house. It appeared, that upon a very moderate computation, the capital in the West-India islands, consisting of lands, buildings, negroes and stock of all kinds, did not amount to less than £.60,000,000. sterling; that their exports of late years to Britain, ran to about 190,000 hogheads and puncheons of sugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000 tons, and in value about £.4,000,000 exclusive of a great number of smaller articles, and of their very great export to North-America; that their growth was so rapid and improvement so great, that within a few years, their export of sugar to this kingdom was increased 40,000 hogsheads annually, amounting to about £.800,000 in value. The probability, was apparent, that more than half of the capital of £.60,000,000 was either the immediate property of persons resident in this country, or owing to them; and also that the revenue gained above £.700,000 a year upon the direct West-India trade, exclusive of its eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade.

[March 20.] Mr. Burke made a number of conciliatory propositions with respect to the colonies, contained in a set of resolutions, which he accompanied and elucidated by a celebrated speech. He traced that unconquerable spirit of freedom, that violent passion for liberty, by which the colonists are distinguished from all other people of the world, from the sources of their descent, education, manners, religious principles, forms of government, and distance from the head of the empire. He made it appear, that the whole exports to North-America, CCCXVIIIthe West-Indies, and Africa, in 1704 (from England it must be, for the union of the two kingdoms had not then taken place) amounted only in value to £.569,930 but the comparative value of money at that period, was much greater than at present. In 1772, the exports from Great-Britain to the same places, amounted at a medium, to no less than £.6,024,171. He also shewed that the whole export trade of England, including that to the colonies, amounted in 1704, only to £.6,509,000. Thus the trade to the colonies alone was in 1772, within less than half a million of being equal to what was carried on by England with the whole world, at the beginning of the present century. However astonishing this general increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the province of Pennsylvania is still more extraordinary. In 1704, the whole exports to that colony, amounted to no more than £.11,459 and in 1772, they were risen to £.507,909 being nearly fifty times the original demand, and almost equal to the whole colony export at the first period.—This astonishing growth of the colonies, within little more than half a century, and the prodigious share they contribute to our greatness, makes them a matter of the first importance to ourselves, and must excite the admiration of future ages.

The previous question was moved on the first proposition, and carried by 270 to 78; and thus ended the business.

But the ill success which has attended all conciliatory propositions hitherto, excepting those which have originated from government, did not deter Mr. Hartley from making a similar attempt. [April 27.] The motion, however, was rejected without a division.

During the progress of the second restraining bill, an additional clause was moved for by the minister; whereby the counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex, on the Delaware, were included in the prohibitions of that bill, and carried without a division.

While these matters were transacting, several petitions were received from manufacturing towns in Britain and Ireland, against the coercive acts. Some counter petitions were also received, calling for an enforcement of the laws of Britain, as the only means of preserving a trade with the colonies. Much altercation arose on the truth of the facts alledged on both sides, as well as on the manner of obtaining the signatures, and the quality o£ those who signed. The minority insisted, that the most who signed the war petitions, as they called them, were persons who had little or no interest in the American trade, but of that description of warm and active party men, commonly called tories. And they entered into several examinations to prove the truth of the CCCXIXformer part of their assertion. This produced many long and hot debates. Other petitions were presented to the crown, and equally disregarded; one from the British settlers in Canada, against the Quebec bill; one from the quakers, in which besides endeavoring to diffuse the influence of that spirit of peace which is the predominant principle in their religious system, they declared themselves persuaded, that there are not in his majesty’s extensive dominions, subjects more loyal, and more zealously attached to his royal person, his family and government, than in the provinces of America, among all religious denominations. His majesty, however, went in person to the house, and gave the royal assent to the restraining and fishery bill, in the usual form. In this season of public discontent, when the minds of all were agitated on one side or other, the city of London, not discouraged by the fate of all its applications for a number of years past, once more approached the throne with an address, remonstrance, and petition [April 10.] upon a subject, and in a manner as little calculated to obtain a favorable reception, as any of the preceding. In this remonstrance they recapitluated the whole catalogue of American grievances; declared their abhorrence of the measures which had been pursued, and were then pursuing; and justified the resistance to which the Americans had been driven, upon the great principles of the constitution; “actuated by which,” they said, “at the glorious period of the revolution, our ancestors transferred the imperial crown of these realms to the illustrious house of Brunswick.” They beseeched his majesty immediately and for ever to dismiss from his councils, those ministers and advisers who had been at the bottom of the preceding measures. His majesty delivered the following answer: “It is with the utmost astonishment, that I find any of my subjects capable of encouraging the rebellious disposition which unhappily exists in my colonies in North-America. Having entire confidence in the wisdom of my parliament, the great council of the nation, I will steadily pursue those measures which they have recommended for the support of the constitutional rights of Great-Britain, and the protection of the commercial rights of my kingdom.”

The earl of Effingham has uniformly opposed the whole system of measures pursued against the Americans, and finding that the regiment in which he served was at length destined for America, and thinking it inconsistent with his character, and beneath his dignity to enforce measures with his sword, which he had so utterly condemned in his legislative capacity [Mar. 12.] he wrote a letter of resignation to the secretary of war. In it he deeply regretted his being necessitated to quit the military profession; CCCXXbut said, “I cannot, without reproach from my own conscience, consent to bear arms against my fellow-subjects in America, in what, to my discernment, is not a clear cause.” Pity that it is not a point of honor with all military officers, to consider the merits of the cause wherein their swords are to be employed, and when they are not satisfied in their own judgments, to practise as the noble earl has done. Such a point of honor might hinder many a war.

The British ambassador at the Hague, applied to the States to forbid their subjects supplying the Americans with arms, ammunition, gun-powder &c. and they by proclamation prohibited the exportation of all such articles, in Dutch or foreign ships, from any of their dominions, without licence, on penalty of forfeiting about £.90 sterling. Judge whether the profits of the voyage will not be so great as to make it worth the merchants while to run the risk of that sum. Let the American vessels repair to Holland, and the Dutch will furnish them with gun-powder in large glass bottles of several gallons dimensions, under the notion of spirits, or liquor of one kind or other.^[117] France was also applied to, and could have crushed all assistance, by express prohibition; but only told her subjects, that if they afforded any, it was at their own risk; tantamount to—if you will venture, you may. Spain roundly refused giving the least hindrance to her subjects.

[March 13.] His majesty went to the house of peers, and gave the royal assent to the bill for restraining the trade of New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, &c. Thus the probability of the colonies dividing from each other is lessened, and their union becomes more established. Some future proceedings in the provinces of New-York and North-Carolina will be likely to consolidate the whole continent.

The American fisheries being now abolished, measures were necessary to supply their place, and to guard against the consequences of the foreign markets either changing the course of consumption, or falling into the hands of strangers. It was also expedient to pay a greater attention to the interests of Ireland, than what had been practised for many years. The minister therefore moved for a committee of the whole house [Mar. 27.] to consider of the encouragement proper to be given to the fisheries of Britain and Ireland. The committee, in its progress, granted several bounties to the ships of Britain and Ireland, for their encouragement in prosecuting the Newfoundland fishery; and two resolutions were introduced and passed, in favor of the latter CCCXXIkingdom. Complaints, however, were made, that clauses were insidiously stolen into the act, to prevent its operating in any considerable extent. The committee agreed also to the granting of bounties for encouraging the whale fishery, and to take off the duties payable upon the importation of oil, blubber, and bone, from Newfoundland, &c. and on the importation of seal skins.

Ministry have not confined themselves to the making of laws; they have also sent out against the Americans, generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, in the Cerberus [Mar. 28.] The transports with troops to reinforce governor Gage, sailed a week after from Cork.

[May 15.] Toward the close of the session, Mr. Burke acquainted the house with his having received a paper of great importance from the general assembly at New-York. He observed that it was a complaint, in the form of a remonstrance, of several acts of parliament, some of which they affirmed had established principles, and others had made regulations subversive of the rights of English subjects. He afterward moved that it might be brought up. The minister immediately moved an amendment, which proved an indirect but effectual negative upon Mr. Burke’s motion. The amendment was carried by a majority of 186 to 67; the question being then put on the amended motion, it was rejected without a division. The New-York memorial to the lords was brought in by the duke of Manchester, who moved for its being read. After some altercation the question was called for, and upon a division, the motion was rejected by a majority of 45 against 25. The petition to the king was received, but the prayer of the petition was not granted. Such is the fate of the applications made by the general assembly of New-York, for a redress of their supposed grievances. It must tend to widen the breach between Britain and the colonies.

[May 17.] Lord Camden presented a petition to the house of lords, from the British inhabitants of the province of Quebec, in which they stated their grievances, and implored their lordships favorable interposition that the Quebec act might be repealed or amended, and that they might enjoy their constitutional rights, privileges, and franchises. His lordship, after expatiating on the evils of the act, proposed a bill, which was read, for the repeal of the late act. This measure was strongly opposed by administration, and a motion was made by lord Dartmouth, that the bill be rejected, which was carried by a majority of 60 out of 88, there being only twenty-eight lords who supported the bill. Much censure having been expressed or implied, both within doors and without, relative to the whole conduct of the bishops in the Canada transactions, the reverend father of that CCCXXIIbench, stood up during the debate to justify the Quebec act, so far as it related to religious matters, which he did upon the principles of toleration, the faith of the capitulation, and the terms of the definitive treaty of peace, but many were far from being convinced, that these principles required such a full and perfect establishment of the popish religion, as is granted by the act itself.

[May 18.] Sir George Saville presented to the house of commons, another petition from the same inhabitants of Quebec, in which, among other things, they represented with too much truth, that the petition to his majesty, in the name of all the French inhabitatnts of that province, and upon which the late law had been avowedly founded, was not fairly obtained, and had neither received the concurrence of the people in general, nor even been communicated to them, but had been carried about in a secret manner, and signed by a few of the noblesse, advocates, and others, who were in their confidence. They affirmed that the inhabitants in general were as much alarmed as themselves, at the introduction of the Canadian laws. They concluded by praying, that the said act might be repealed or amended. Sir George examined and laid open the week or obnoxious parts of the act, and threw new light even upon those which had already undergone the highest degree of colouring, and then concluded his speech with moving for a repeal of the late act for the better government of the province of Quebec. Considerable debates ensued, in the course of which the minister avowed his intention, if it should become necessary, of arming the Canadians against the other colonies. But he declared his firm persuasion, that the troubles in America, would be speedily and happily settled without blood-shed. Notwithstanding this declaration it was whispered, that he was uneasy and from what general Gage wrote last, dreaded the news by the April packet. For some, who professed to have the best information, asserted that orders were sent to apprehend Messrs. Cushing, Samuel Adams, Hancock and others, and to transport them to Great-Britain; and that the receipt of these orders had been acknowledged; but that second orders had been dispatched to hang them at Boston. Sir George Saville’s motion was rejected by a majority of more than two to one, the numbers being 174 to 86.

[May 26.] The speaker, when he presented the money bills for the royal assent, gave an assurance in his speech to his majesty, that if the Americans persisted in their resolutions, and the sword must be drawn, the commons would do every thing in their power to maintain and support the supremacy of this legislature.

CCCXXIIIThe king gave his royal assent to the several bills, both public and private, which remained to be passed into acts; and closed the session by a speech from the throne, in which he expressed the most perfect satisfaction in the conduct of the parliament, during the course of their session; and his persuasion, that the most salutry effects must, in the end, result from measures formed and conducted on such principles, as those on which they had acted. A favorable representation was made of the pacific disposition of other powers, and the usual assurence given of endeavoring to secure the public tranquility.

[May 28.] Captain Derby arrived with his dispatches for Dr. Franklin got to London in the evening, and delivered them to Dr. Lee, as the other agent had left the country. The circulated accounts of the action were vague; is was plain however, that the troops had been worsted; and that government feared it, though they disclaimed all knowledge of what had happened.

The Sukey, captain Brown, though she sailed four days before captain Derby’s vessel, did not arrive till the ninth of June with general Gage’s dispatches. The Gazette has given us the govermental account of the Lexington engagement. From the praises bestowed upon officers and men for their activity and bravery, it is evident, that the Americans made the business of the day a hard, difficult and dangerous service to them. The nation in general is not so shocked with this transaction as the importance of it requires. It was a fatal mistake to send soldiers instead of shipping; and no less so to order them to Boston, instead of planting them in New-York (where government has a strong interest) and securing a fortified line of communication from thence to Canada, with which to divide he southern from the New-England colonies.

Six more regiments of foot have received orders to hold themselves in readiness to embark for America. They are encouraged by an expectation, into which they are drawn by the informations given them, of possessing farms and other confiscated property.

CCCXXIV

The accession of Georgia to the colonies, will occasion their being called henceforward THE THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES. To aid in the defence of that colony, congress resolved early in November, to keep up a battalion there at the continental expence. Toward the close of the year, Dr. Zubly, perceiving that there was an apparent propensity to independency in several of the delegates, withdrew and returned to Georgia. His opposition to it being well known, and his influence upon the Georgia inhabitants being feared, it was contrived that one of his brother delegates, Mr. John Houston, should likewise return, with a design of counteracting him, in case he soould set himself to oppose independency.

CCCLXXXVThe first hostilities which happened in this colony between the opposite parties, commenced about the middle of November, when a number of royalists attacked the American whigs, and by their superiority obliged the latter, after three days, to surrender the fort, in which they expected to make an effectual resistance.

The governor of South-Carolina, lord William Campbell, after the provincial congress had raised troops, gave commissions to the officers of the volunteer companies of militia, that were formed and trained on the recommendation of the popular leaders. His lordship also convened an assembly, of which several officers in the provincial regiments were members; but finding them and their colleagues inflexibly set against his schemes, he dissolved them [Sept. 15.] and never afterward issued writs for a new election. He was indefatigable in secretly promoting opposition to the popular measures, and kept up a constant correspondence with the back country royalists. These people were told, that it would be impossible to resist the power of Britain; that the whole dispute was about a trifling tax on tea; and that the expences of the new raised provincial regiments would be infinitely more than the insignificant taxes imposed by the British parliament. They were therefore much disaffected with the proceedings of the provincial congress. It being suspected in Charleston that their disaffection was greatly owing to the governor, in order to ascertain, if possible, the connection between them, captain Adam M‘Donald, of a new raised provincial regiment, introduced himself to his lordship about the middle of September, under the feigned name of Dick Williams, a supposed confidential messenger from these royalists. In this assumed character he had a long conversation with his lordship, and was informed, that a letter received the day before, set forth, “That his majesty was determined speedily to send out troops to execute his schemes from one end of the continent to the other.” The conversation being reported to the general committee, they sent a deputation, of which captain M‘Donald was one, to demand a communication of his lordship’s late dispatches from England, and a perusal of his correspondence with the back country. These requisitions being refused, it was moved to take the governor into custody, but the motion was rejected by a great majority. His lordship, mortified at the deception which had been passed upon him, and distrustful of his personal safety in Charleston, took the provincial seal with him, and retired on board the Tamar sloop of war.

CCCLXXXVI[Nov. 1.] When the new provincial congress met, it was thought by the royalists, that the determinations of the former would have been reversed; but they were disappointed.

In order to obstruct the passage of the king’s ships to Charleston through Hog-Island channel, a number of hulks were ordered to be sunk, and captain Tufts had the charge of covering the workmen, on board a schooner, armed for the security of the town, and called the Defence. [Nov. 12.] The Tamar and Cherokee warped in the night, within gun-shot of him, and began a heavy cannonade; but at sun-rise dropped down to their moorings, without having done any material injury. This was the commencement of open hostilities in South-Carolina.

[Nov. 13.] The provincial congress impressed the ship Prosper, and ordered her to be fitted as a frigate of war. They voted to raise a regiment of artillery, [Nov. 14.] to consist of three companies of a hundred men each; and that bills of credit, amounting to £.17,000 sterling should be struck for their support. About the same time a new council of safety was appointed, and authorised “to do all such matters and things relative to the strengthening and defending the colony, as should by them be judged expedient and necessary.”

That you may comprehend the nature of the opposition to popular measures in this colony, you must be informed of various events relative to the back country. About 1770, the extreme difficulty of bringing criminals from remote settlements to a legal condemnation, induced numbers, stiled regulators, to take the law into their own hands. They inflicted corporal punishment on persons without a regular condemnation. Lord Charles Greville Montague, the governor, to correct these abuses, advanced one Scovil, a man of low character, to the rank of colonel, and employed him to enforce settled law among these regulators. He adopted severe measures, which involved multitudes in great distress, who having suffered so for opposing regular government, could not be persuaded to co-operate with their countrymen in the support of congresses and committees, whom they conceived to be similar to their own regulating assemblies.

A number of Dutch inhabitants had settled in the same part of the country, on lands granted by the government. They brought from Europe the monarchical ideas of the holding their possessions at the king’s pleasure. They were therefore easily made to believe, that the loss of their freeholds would be the consequence of their acceding to American measures. After the peace of Paris, lands were offered upon easy terms, to induce foreign Protestants to exchange their native country for a settlement in South-Carolina. The Irish, who accepted these offers, CCCLXXXVIIowed all their indulgences to the bounty of the king, and so took part with his friends. Their countrymen, who had emigrated from the northern provinces, commonly entered with zeal into the new measures.

The violence of some over-zealous friends, who insisted upon their neighbors signing the association, produced in several a determined spirit of opposition.

At an election for representatives in the first popular assemblies, Moses Kirkland was an unsuccessful candidate. In wrath he exclaimed, “If this dispute becomes serious, the people of South-Carolina shall feel the weight of my influence.” The provincial congress, to gain him, gave him the rank of captain in one of the provincial regiments; but he was disgusted that his rival was promoted to the higher rank of major. He accepted his commission, and inlisted men; but soon resigned, and to the utmost encouraged opposition to the measures of congress.

The people in general felt themselves secure in their persons and property. It was therefore easy to offer arguments against renouncing present comforts, to ward off future evils. It was insinuated to them, that the gentlemen on the sea-cost, in order to obtain their tea free from tax, were adopting measures which would involve the back country in the want of salt, osnaburgs, and imported necessaries. The popular leaders could not urge the inhabitants to the dangers and expences of war, otherwise than on speculation, to prevent the more alarming consequences which would probably take place in future, if the proceedings of the British parliament, against Boston and the Massachusetts, were suffered to pass into precedent.

Though there were many royalists in most parts of the colony, the principal settlement, in which they out-numbered the friends of congress, was in the country between the Broad and Saluda rivers. When it was determined to raise troops, the inhabitants of that part could not be persuaded that the measure was necessary. They were happy, and free from present oppression, and averse to believing that any designs, inimical to American liberty, had been adopted by the British government. The council of safety sent the honorable William Henry Drayton, and the reverend William Tennent, to explain to them the nature of the dispute. They had several meetings, and much eloquence was exerted to induce them to sign the association. Some subscribed; but the greater part could not be persuaded that there was any necessity for congresses, committees, or military establishments. Suspicions prevailed. The friends of the royal government doubted the authenticity of all pamphlets and news-papers, which ascribed to the British troops in Boston, or to the British government, CCCLXXXVIIIany designs injurious to the rights of the colonists. They viewed the whole as an imposition by artful men. The friends of congress suspected the leading men of the loyalists to be in the pay of lord William Campbell. Reports were circulated by one party, that a plan was laid to seize the commissioners sent by the council of safety: by the other, that the third provincial regiment was brought up to compel the inhabitants to sign the association. Motives and designs were reciprocally attributed to each other of the most mischievous tendency. The royalists imbodied for reasons similar to those which had induced the other inhabitants to arm themselves against Britain. They suspected their adversaries of an intention to dragoon them into a compliance with the measures of congress; and they in their turn, were suspected of a design to commence hostilities against the associators, for disturbing the established royal government. Camps were formed in opposition to each other, and great pains taken to increase their respective numbers. Moderate men employed their good offices; and after some days, the leaders on both sides met in conference. Several explications having taken place, a treaty was reciprocally agreed to, [Sept. 16.] by which it was stipulated, that the royalists should remain in a state of neutrality. Both parties retired to their homes, and a temporary calm succeeded.

But Mr. Robert Cunningham, a principal leader among the royalists, continued to encourage opposition to popular measures, and declared that he did not consider himself as bound by the treaty. This declaration was construed as an evidence of a fixed intention again to disturb the peace. To prevent his attempting it, he was apprehended, brought to Charleston, and committed to jail. His brother Mr. Patrick Cunningham, instantly armed a party of friends and pursued, in expectation of rescuing him. The party collected on this occasion seized a thousand pounds of power, and a quantity of lead, which was passing through their settlement, as a present to the Cherokee Indians; and was intended to confirm them in their pacific disposition. Some persons among the royalists propagated a report, that it was accompanied with instructions to them, to kill every man who should refuse to sign the association. This answered the purpose of inflaming the minds of several. It was also confidently asserted that private marks had been agreed on by the popular leaders and Indian chiefs, to distinguish the associators from the non-associators; the former of whom were to be spared, and the latter sacrificed. Great pains were moreover taken, to exasperate the inhabitants against the council of safety, for furnishing CCCLXXXIXthe Indians with powder, at a time when the white people could not be supplied with that article.

Lord William Campbell had uniformly recommended to the royalists to remain quiet till the arrival of a British force. This advice had been providentially frustrated. Similar reasons of policy to those which induced the royal governor to recommend inaction to the royalists, operated with the council of safety to crush their intestine foes before that force should arrive. The rising occasioned by the seizing of Mr. Cunningham, was construed into a violation of the treaty, and gave ground to doubt the sincerity of their engagements to continue in a state of neutrality. It was feared, that as soon as a proper opportunity offered, they would throw their weight into the royal scale. It was therefore judged necessary, to march an army into their settlements before that event should exist. But to remove prejudices, the provincial congress, first of all circulated through their settlements, [Nov. 19.] a declaration assigning the reasons for the present to the Cherokees, and detesting the invidious misrepresentations that had been put upon the measure. They solemnly declared before Almighty God, that they did not believe any order was ever issued, or any idea ever entertained by the late council of safety, or any member of it, or by any person under authority of congress, to cause the Indians to commence hostilities upon the frontiers or any part thereof. They then sent forward a large body of militia and new raised regulars who were joined by seven hundred militia from North-Carolina, and two hundred and twenty regulars. They soon had an army of seven thousand men under their direction, with instructions “to apprehend the leaders of the party which had seized the powder, and to do all other things necessary to suppress the present and prevent future insurrections.” Assurances were publicly given, that no injury should be done to inoffensive persons, remaining quietly on their plantations. The leaders of the royalists found great difficulty in persuading their followers to imbody; and they themselves were destitute of political knowledge and military experience. The unanimity of the whigs and the numbers, which from all sides invaded the settlements of the royalists, disheartened them from facing their adversaries in the field. The whigs acted by system, and in concert with their brethren of neighbouring colonies, and were directed by a council of safety, composed of the greatest and wisest men in the province. They easily carried every point, seized the leaders of the royalists, and dispersed their followers, without the loss of a single man; most of the royalists returned to their plantations, while several retired over the mountains.

CCCXCIn North-Carolina, the committees of the district of Wilmington alledged a number of charges against governor Martin, particularly those of fomenting a civil war, and of exciting an insurrection among the negroes; upon which they declared him an enemy to America in general, and to that province in particular, and forbad all persons holding any communication with him.

[Aug. 8.] When their proceedings appeared in print, the governor published his remarks upon them, in a proclamation of uncommon length; which the provincial congress, in their subsequent meeting at Hillsborough, [Aug. 25.] resolved unanimously, to be a false, scandalous, scurrilous, malicious and seditious libel, and ordered it to be burnt by the hands of the common hangman. Four days before, a plan of confederation was laid before them. Upon mature deliberation they resolved, that “They are of opinion, that the plan of general confederation between the united colonies is not at present eligible; and that the present association ought to be further relied on for bringing about a reconciliation with the parent state, and a further confederacy ought only to be adopted in case of the last extremity.” Afterward [Sept. 8.] Mr. Hooper submitted to them an address to the inhabitants of the British empire, which was unanimously received. In answer to the suggestion, that independence was their object, they say, “We again declare, that we invoke that Almighty Being who searches the recesses of the human heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that it is our most earnest wish and prayer to be restored, with the other united colonies, to the state in which we and they were placed before the year 1763, disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had made previous to this, and which seems to be injurious and oppressive to these colonies, hoping that, at some future day, she will benignly interpose, and remove from us every cause of complaint.”

They broke up two days after, having sat three weeks. During the session, they agreed upon raising a 1000 men; upon striking a quantity of paper money, for the subsistence of the troops; upon inlisting a considerable body of minute-men; in a word, upon putting the colony immediately into a state of defence.

Within a fortnight after the session closed, the grand repository of the governor’s magazine was discovered. In the palace garden, under a bed of cabbages, was found a barrel, containing about three bushels of gun-powder. In the palace cellar were dug up two quarter casks of the same commodity; and in the garden about 1000lb. of musket-balls, about 500 weight of CCCXCIiron, swivel balls, a large quantity of small shot, lead, iron, worms for the cannon, and the whole apparatus for his park of artillery.

The Virginia convention continued to establish rules for the defence and regulation of the colony; and passed an ordinance for imbodying a sufficient force for its protection. It appearing to them, that only 15 half barrels of powder had been taken out of the magazine by lord Dunmore’s order, they valued it fairly, and then directed the surplus money received by Patrick Henry, esq. to be returned to the receiver general. [August 22.]

Upon a petition of sundry merchants and others, natives of Great-Britain, mostly from Scotland, praying to be exempted from bearing arms against the people among whom they were born, and promising to observe a strict neutrality in case the colony was attacked by the British troops, the convention unanimously recommended to the committees, [Aug. 25.] and others the good people of the colony, to treat all such resident natives as did not show themselves enemies to the common cause of America, with lenity and friendship; to protect all persons whatsoever in the just enjoyment of their civil rights and liberty; to discountenance all national reflections; and to promote union, harmony, and mutual good will, among all ranks of people.

Before the session ended, the delegates in a declaration set forth the cause of their meeting, and the necessity of immediately putting the country into a posture of defence, for the better protection of their lives, liberties and properties. In it they solemnly declare, “before God and the world, we do bear faith and true allegiance to his majesty; and will, so long as it may be in our power, defend him and his government, as founded on the laws and well-known principles of the constitution: we will, to the utmost of our power, endeavor by every honorable mean, to promote a restoration of that friendship and amity, which so long and happily subsisted between our fellow subjects in Great-Britain, and the inhabitants of America: and as, on the one hand, we are determined to defend our lives and properties, and maintain our just rights and privileges, at even the extremest hazard, so, on the other hand, it is our fixed and unalterable resolution to disband such forces as may be raised in this colony, whenever our dangers are removed, and America is restored to its former state of tranquility and happiness.”

Lord Dunmore, however, being joined by a number who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the country, as well as by a parcel of run-away negroes, and supported by the naval force upon the station, endeavored to establish such a marine, as might enable him, by means of the noble rivers with which the CCCXCIIcolony abounds, to be always at hand, and ready to profit by every favorable occasion which should offer. He by degrees fitted and armed several vessels, in one of which he constantly resided, never setting his foot on shore, but in an hostile manner. The force was calculated only for depredations; and while these were confined to the procuring of provisions or other necessaries, respect was shown to the rank and office of the governor: but being at length changed into open and avowed hostility, his lordship met with resistance. The Virginians could not brook his seizing persons, and conveying them on board the ships; destroying plantations, and carrying off the negroes, and burning houses. They therefore sent detachments of the new-raised forces to protect the coasts; and from thence ensued a small mischievous war, incapable of affording honor or benefit.

During this state of hostility, his lordship procured a few soldiers, with whose assistance an attempt was made to burn the port-town of Hampton. The inhabitants having a previous suspicion of the design, sunk a number of boats across the channel to prevent a landing. The ships, having surmounted all obstacles in the night, drew up close to the town, [October 27.] and began a furious cannonade in the morning. At this critical period, a detachment of riflemen from Williamsburgh, that had marched all night, arrived, and being joined by the minute-men and others, who had assembled the day before, took such a position as enabled them, with their small arms, to compel the enemy precipitately to quit their station, with the loss of some men and of a tender.

[Nov. 7.] In consequence of this repulse, the governor issued a proclamation, declaring that martial law should take place, and be executed through the colony; requiring all persons capable of bearing arms, to resort to his majesty’s standard, or to be looked upon as traitors; and further declaring all indented servants, negroes or others (appertaining to rebels) free, who were able and willing to bear arms, upon joining his majesty’s troops. The Virginians highly resented his lordship’s declaring martial law; and by his single fiat attempting to strip them of their property, and to arm their negroes and servants against them to effect their destruction. This measure occasioned to government the loss of many friends.

The proclamation, with his lordship’s presence and his marine, produced some effect in the town of Norfolk and the adjoining country, where many were well effected to the old government. He was accordingly joined by some hundreds of blacks and whites; but the pleasure it afforded, was soon interrupted by intelligence that a party of Virginians were marching toward them CCCXCIIIwith great expedition. To obstruct their designs, and protect the well effected, he took possesion of the Great Bridge, near Norfolk, a pass of much consequence, being the only way by which the town could be approached He constructed a fort on the Norfolk side, and rendered it as defencible as time would admit. His force consisted of about 200 regulars, including the grenadiers of the 14th regiment, and a body of Norfolk volunteers; the rest was a motley mixture of blacks and whites. The Virginians, under colonel Woodford, fortified themselves within less than cannon shot of the royalists, having a narrow causeway in front, which was to be passed to come at their works.

In this state they continued quiet on both sides for some days. At length a servant belonging to major Marshall, being properly tutored, deserted to the royalists, and told them that colonel Woodford had not more than 300 shirtmen (as they called the riflemen, on account of their being dressed in their hunting shirts) badly provided with ammunition. The bait took, and a design was formed for surprising the Virginians in their entrenchments. Captain Leslie, with the regulars, arrived at the bridge about three in the morning; and being joined by about 300 white and black slaves, laid planks upon the bridge, and crossed just after the Virginians had beaten the reveille, a lucky time for the last, as their men were of course all under arms. Captain Fordyce, at the head of his grenadiers, amounting to about sixty, led the van, while lientenant Batut commanded the advanced party. They passed the causeway, which admitted only of a few men’s marching abreast, and approached the intrenchments with fixed bayonets, and a coolness and intrepidity which excited astonishment. They were not only exposed naked to the fire in front, but infiladed by another part of the provincial lines. The captain fell with several of his men, within a few yards of the breast work. The lieutenant with others were taken, and all the survivors of the grenadier company, whether prisoners or not, were wounded. The royalists were soon obliged to sound a retreat, having sixty-two men killed and wounded. The provincials, during the whole action, did not lose a single man, and had only one slightly wounded. The fire of the artillery from the fort covered the retreat of the royalists. None of the blacks, &c. in the rear, with captain Leslie, advanced further than the bridge. Captain Fordyce was buried with every military honor by the victors, who showed a due respect to his former merit, as well as to the gallantry which signalized his last moments. The British prisoners were treated with great kindness: the American royalists, who joined the king’s standard, with rigor. The king’s CCCXCIVforces retired the ensuing night, without other loss than a few pieces of cannon. Captain Leslie, it is said, has absolutely refused to act any more on shore, till he can be better supported; on the other hand, the Norfolk volunteers, and the black battalions, have declined acting without the regulars; this has induced his lordship to abandon the entrenchments at Norfolk, and to go on board the ships. Most of the wretched negroes who had joined him, were now left to shift for themselves.

[Dec. 14.] Colonel Woodford, with the provincials, entered Norfolk; but almost all the inhabitants had fled on board the ships. At night he resigned the command to colonel Howe, designing to return to his family, and attend on his private affairs.

Many of the Scotch petitioners having, contrary to their faith, solemnly plighted, become strict adherents to lord Dunmore, and active promoters of his measures; and having excited their slaves to act against the colony, the convention has totally rescinded the former recommendation in their favor. But persons of ability, declining to act with the Virginians, and who have not taken up arms nor showed themselves against them, may be permitted to leave the country.

A scheme for raising a considerable force for the service of lord Dunmore, has been lately discovered in Maryland.

One John Connelly, a native of Pennsylvania, waited on his lordship with certain proposals, toward the latter end of July, which being approved of, he dispatched intelligence to the officers of the militia on the frontiers of Augusta county, with assurances from his lordship, that such of them as would hereafter evince their loyalty to his majesty, by putting themselves under his command, should be amply rewarded. He had before, by direction, prepared the Indians on the Ohio, to act in concert with him against his majesty’s enemies in that quarter. His lordship sent him to general Gage, at Boston, about the 15th of September; and about the middle of October he returned with instructions from the general to his lordship. A commission of lieutenant-colonel commandant of a regiment, to be raised in the back parts and in Canada, was to be granted to this adventurer; who was to be assisted by the garrisons at Detroit and Fort Gage, at the Illinois, with artillery and ammunition. He was to use means to urge the Indian chiefs to act with vigor in the execution of his orders; and to have the supreme direction of the new forces. When they were in sufficient condition, he was to penetrate through Virginia, so as to meet lord Dunmore at a set time in next April, at Alexandria, on the Potomak; his lordship was to bring such a naval strength and other assistance, as CCCXCVmight be deemed necessary for the purpose. He had so far succeeded, that he was on his way, with two associates, to Detroit; where he was to meet his commission and instructions; but when they had reached about five miles beyond Hager’s-town, they were taken into custody and brought before the county committee, at Frederick-town, in Maryland [Nov. 23.] for examination, about ten days after parting with lord Dunmore. Their papers have betrayed every thing. Among them were the geneneral plan of the whole business, and a letter from lord Dunmore to one of the Indian chiefs, and other authentic vouchers, which leave nothing to be doubted. His lordship’s letter was accommodated, as is usual in all such cases, to the Indian taste, and addressed to Brother Captain White Eyes, who was to acquaint the Corn-Stalk, as well as the chiefs of the Mingoes, and the other six nations, with the sentiments contained in it.

The capture of Connelly and his associates, is ascribed to the seizure of an express passing between an Indian commissary and the governor; from whose papers such intelligence was gained as to put the provincial committee upon keeping a good look-out for the parties. The Indian commissary was known to be disaffected to the American cause, by a gentleman whose suspicions made him a principal in effecting the discovery.

The Pennsylvania general assembly, in their November session, instructed their delegates to exert their endeavors at the continental congress, for the adoption of such measures as might afford the best prospect of obtaining a redress of American grievances, and of restoring the union and harmony between Great-Britain and the colonies. They said, “Though the oppressive measures of the British parliament and administration have compelled us to resist their violence by force of arms, yet we strictly enjoin you, that you, in behalf of this colony, dissent from, and utterly reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form of this government.” The reason for mentioning a change in the form of this government, was, congress’s recommendation of a measure of that kind to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, which will be properly noticed in its place.

[Nov. 16.] Governor Franklin met the general assembly of New-Jersey. In his speech he acquainted them, “That the commanders of his majesty’s squadrons in America, have orders to proceed as in the case of a town in actual rebellion, against such of the sea-port towns and places, being accessible to the king’s ships, as shall offer any violence to the king’s officers, or in which any troops shall be raised, or military works erected, CCCXCVIor other than by his majesty’s authority, or any attempts made to seize or plunder any public magazine of arms or ammunition.” He said “Sentiments of independency, are by some men of present consequence, openly avowed, and essays are already appearing in the public papers, to redicule the people’s fears of that horrid measure.” The house of assembly in their answer declared, [Nov. 29.] “There is nothing we desire with greater anxiety, than a reconciliation with our parent state, on constitutional principles. We know of no sentiments of independency that are by men of any consequence openly avowed; nor do we approve of any essays tending to encourage such a measure. We have already expressed our detestation of such opinions; and we have so frequently and fully declared our sentiments on this subject, that we should have thought ourselves, as at present we really deserve to be, exempt from all suspicion of this nature.” The governor in his reply mentioned, that he had not the most distant thought while speaking of the sentiments of independency openly avowed by some that they would consider the remark as at all meant for, or applicable to their house. He concluded with pointedly saying, “I sincerely wish that both you and I may ere long have the happiness to see those who either openly or privately avow sentiments of independency, men of no consequence.”

The New-York convention having resolved upon the removal of the cannon from the battery in the city, captain Sears was appointed to the business. Captain Vandeput, of the Asia man of war, was privately informed of the design, and prepared to oppose its execution. Learning when it was to be attempted, he appointed a boat to watch the motion of the people assembled for that purpose about the dead of night. The sailors in the boat giving the signal, with a flach of powder, of what was going forward, the persons on shore mistook it for an attempt to fire a musket at them, and immediately aimed a volley of shot at the boat, by which a man was killed. Captain Vandeput soon after commenced a firing from the Asia with grape shot, swivel shot, 18 and 24 pounders, without killing a single person, and wounded only three, two slightly, the other lost the calf of his leg. He then ceased for a considerable time, supposing that the people had desisted from their purpose, while they were only changing their mode of operation. Captain Sears provided a deceiving party, intended to draw the Asia’s fire from the line of the working party. He sent the former behind a breast-work, by which they were secured on dodging down upon observing the flash of the Asia’s guns. When all was in readiness, they huzzaed, and sung out their notes, as though tugging CCCXCVIIin unison, and fired from the walls: while the working party silently got off twenty-one eighteen pounders, with carriages, empty cartridges, rammers, &c. Upon hearing the noise, and seeing the fire of the musketry, the captain ordered the Asia to fire a whole broad-side toward that part of the fort, where the deceiving party had secured themselves, without intending a particular injury to the city; however, some of the shot could not but fly into it and do damage. This affair happened at a very late hour, between twelve and two, [August 22.] and threw the citizens into the utmost consternation. Such was the stillness of the night, that the report of the cannon was heard at Philadelphia, ninety miles off. The distress of the Yorkers was much increased, by a painful apprehension, that captain Vandeput would renew the firing upon the city. A removal of men women, children and goods commenced and continued till Saturday. Matters were afterward so adjusted, as to quiet the apprehensions of the people, in reference to their suffering further from the Asia. To prevent it, the convention permitted Abraham Lott, esq. to supply all his majesty’s ships stationed at New-York, with all necessaries, as well fresh as salted, for the sole use of said ships.

The art and influence of governor Tryon alarmed the continental congress, some of the members especially, so that it was moved, that he should be seized. But Mr. Duane, one of the New-York delegates, speaking in behalf of, and answering for him, no resolution to that purpose was taken. Mr. Duane saying, in his eagerness to defend the governor, that he was as good a friend to the American cause as any one present, called up captain John Langdon from New-Hampshire, who resenting the assertion as an aspersion on the several members, answered with much acrimony, and was permitted to go on as long as he pleased, Mr. Duane’s conduct not having answered, in several instances, the warm wishes of the zealous delegates. Though nothing was resolved upon against governor Tryon, the matter only subsided for the present, under an apprehension that if the motion was made, it would not be carried, or when carried, would be conveyed to the governor time enough for him to secure himself. The affair was brought on again after a while in another form; and congress resolved, [October 6.] “That it be recommended to the several provincial assemblies or conventions, and councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large may in their opinion endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America.”

CCCXCVIIIAn authentic copy of the resolve was to be transmitted by the delegates, to proper persons in the different colonies. The fathers of it aimed at governor Tryon; they had little or no expectation that the New-York convention would secure him; but they hoped that the sons liberty at large would effect the business. It has been asserted, that Mr. Duane was uneasy at the resolution, and withdrew from congress for near an hour before he returned to his seat. Be that as it may, it is certain that Mr. Duane’s footman went off to governor Tryon in season to give him information of what was resolved; which occasioned his writing to the mayor of New-York [Oct. 13.] acquainting him that he knew from undoubted authority, what was recommended to the provincial congress, and desiring to be informed whether he should be secure in the protection of the corporation and citizens. The provincial congress had not then received the recommendation. Several letters passed upon the occasion, but the governor not obtaining satisfaction as to his being secure, went on board the Halifax packet [Oct. 19.] of which he informed the mayor by letter; and in that expressed his readiness to do such business of the country, as the situation of the times would permit.

A correspondent residing at New-York complains, that the leaders of the people in that colony, are inconsistent and perfidious, and that their councils are stampt with folly, timidity, and treachery. Some days before the governor went on board, members of the provincial convention declared, even in the convention, that they would not receive the bills of credit to be emitted by themselves; that they would join the king’s standard if troops came, in order to save their estates, &c. These speeches were uttered without meeting with any censure.

The day the governor sent his letter from on board, Messrs. Low, De Lancey, Walton, Kissam, Verplank, &c. &c. labored hard in the provincial congress, to preclude the freemen of the city from voting for new members, and the mode of voting by ballot. They were for polling, as formerly, and expected, that if the freemen were excluded, the freeholders would return none but such as would be for preserving the city, though at the expence of the liberties of America.

The New-York troops are not to be depended upon in general. Persons who have been pretty hearty, are now afraid of falling a sacrifice. The defection becomes greater every day in both city and country. This may be owing to the arts of governor Tryon, whose exertions may be as strenuous and successful in the ship as in the city. He is not at a loss how to intrigue with the people of his government.

CCCXCIXSuch is the importance of securing the North River, that the continental congress have given direction for rendering it defensible, by erecting a fortification in the High-lands, and garrisoning the same. They have also directed Mr. Alexander, titular lord Sterling, to collect the troops in and for the defence of New-Jersey [Nov. 27.] (except six companies ordered to the forts on the North River) and to place them in barracks in the eastern division of the colony, as contiguous to New-York as can be, there to remain till further orders. The city abounds with persons opposed to congressional measures. This opposition was much strengthened by Mr. Rivington’s press, which was carried off four days before the above order. Captain Sears observing the mischievous effects of this press, determined upon a violent and effectual mode of silencing it. He procured seventy-five Connecticut horsemen, well armed, with muskets, &c. unexpectedly entered the city at the head of them; repaired immediately to Mr. Rivington’s, and seized all his types and printing materials, many of which were destroyed. While he was thus employed, people collected, and the street was thronged. To prevent interruption, he called out and told them, that if they attempted to oppose him, he would order his men to fire upon them; and preparation was made for doing it, in case it should be needful. This appearance instantly cleared the street, when captain Sears and his party rode off in triumph, with the booty they were pleased to take away.

[Sept. 30.] Captain Wallace, in the Rose man of war, and two tenders, began in the morning to fire upon Stonington, in Connecticut, close in with the Sound; and continued it the whole day, with very little intermission. They killed two men, much shattered the houses, stores, &c. and carried off a schooner loaded with molasses, and two small sloops. The firing was brought on by a vessel (which he was in chace of) escaping and securing itself in the harbour of the town. The men of war and transports at Newport, exciting a suspicion by their movements, that there was an intention of taking off live stock from the farms in the south part of Rhode-Island, a number of persons went down in the evening [Oct. 2.] and brought off about 1000 sheep and 50 head of cattle. The next day and the following one, the ships took off a quantity from the two farms, where it was thought they were collected for the purpose of supplying the British troops at Boston. Soon after 300 minute-men arrived, who marched to the spot [Oct 5.] and brought off the remaining cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry, though fired upon by the ships which lay within gun shot. The interposition of the minute-men subjected the town to threats of being cannonaded CDby the men of war; so that many of the inhabitants moved their effects, while others left the place. On Saturday afternoon [October 7.] the ships weighed anchor, went up the river to Bristol, and demanded 300 sheep, which not being complied with, between eight and nine o’clock, they began a heavy fire on the town, and continued it upward of an hour. The women and children, in great anxiety (dark and rainy as it was) were obliged to leave their habitations, and seek shelter in the adjacent country. Between nine and ten a committee went on board, and purchased peace and the safety of the town at the expence of forty sheep. The firing thus upon a defenceless town, greatly irritated the minds of the Americans in distant colonies, and they have censured it in their public transactions.

[Nov. 11.] The general assembly of Rhode-Island passed an act for the capital punishment of persons who should be found guilty of holding a traitorous correspondence with the ministry of Great-Britain, or any of their officers or agents, or of supplying the ministerial army or navy employed against the united colonies, with provisions, arms, &c. or of acting as pilots on board any vessels. They however excepted the negociation and treaty of the town council with captain Wallace, respecting the supplying the ships of war stationed in the harbour of Newport, and regulation thereof by the commanding officer, which they had before permitted. They also passed an act for sequestring the estates of several persons, whom they considered as avowed enemies to the liberties of America.

[Nov. 30.] Captain Wallace, about one in the morning, left the harbour of Newport, went to Conanicut with several vessels, and landed about 200 marines, sailors, and negroes, who were employed in burning the houses and barns upon the island. The men, while upon the service, were ordered to fire on one Mr. Martin, who gave no provocation, and was standing unarmed at his own door. He was shot in the belly, and died. He was an inoffensive person, and had treated captain Wallace with great civility and friendship.

General Lee was at length detached with a small corps, from the army in the Massachusetts, to the assistance of the Rhode-Islanders; on whom, upon his arrival, he imposed a most tremendous oath. This act of the general’s does not meet with the approbation of the congress.

The Massachusetts military and naval transactions will be related separate from the civil, as far as convenient.

The American prisoners taken on the 17th of June, were thrown indiscriminately into the jail at Boston, without any consideration being paid to those of rank, though languishing with CDIwounds and sickness. The sick and wounded were put under the hands of a man who had never before been employed but in the diseases of horses.^[133] The inhabitants of the town who befriended the American cause, were not allowed to afford the prisoners all that relief they were entitled to upon the principles of humanity. The sufferers had even some of their books of devotion taken from them, and were reproached for their much reading, as leading them into rebellion. Being accounted rebels, no cruelty was thought more than they deserved, while their existence was not terminated by a halter.

The education and reading of the colonists have undoubtedly contributed to encourage and support their opposition to measures deemed destructive to the liberties of their country. Every town in the Massachusetts and Connecticut, has a public English school for the education of youth, supported by an annual tax upon the inhabitants; to which any one may send his children, while the expence of their education is nothing more than his proportion of the tax. The masters are often young men who have finished their college education; and who spend a year or more in this employ, till they take to a different one, which often leads to their becoming some of the first persons in the colony. The universal education promoted by these schools, spreads a general knowledge among the lowest orders of people; and gives them a taste for reading the interresting publications of the day; while able writers have been and are employing their pens in nourishing the spirit of resistance, by arguments, historical narrations, and all the various arts of animated persuasion.

[Aug, 11.] General Washington wrote to general Gage upon the subject of the ill treatment of the prisoners, and apprized him, that he should regulate his conduct toward those gentlemen who are or may be in his possession, exactly by the rule that the other should observe toward the Americans who may be in his custody. [Aug. 13.] General Gage in his answer asserted, that the prisoners had hitherto been treated with care and kindness, though indiscriminately, as he acknowledged no rank that was not derived from the king. He mentioned, “I understand there are of the king’s faithful subjects, taken by the rebels, laboring like negro slaves to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the wretched alternative to perish by famine, or take arms against their king and country.” He remarked upon the passage relating to retaliation, with an appeal to God; and closed with this charge, “unfortunately for both countries, those who long since projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of America, CDIIhave views very distant from accommodation.” General Gage was mistaken, in charging the party alluded to, with projecting the present crisis, which is the casual and unexpected consequence of pernicious ministerial councils. He was no less far from the truth, while he intimated that the American leaders “have views very distant from accommodation.” Some few have such views, but the great body of them at present long for an accommodation.

[Aug. 19.] General Washington replied to general Gage, in a pointed manner, and told him, “I have taken time, Sir, to make a strict enquiry, and find the intelligence you have received, has not the least foundation in truth. Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even those execrable parricides, whose councils and aid have deluged the country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly enraged people. You affect, Sir, to despise all rank, not derived from the same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more honorable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. May that God to whom you appeal, judge between America and you! Under his providence, those who influence the councils of America, and all the other inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privileges which they received from their ancestors.”

[Aug. 26.] At night about two thousand of the American troops intrenched on Plow’d Hill, within point blank shot of the British on Bunker’s Hill: notwithstanding a continual fire almost all the day following, they had only two killed and two wounded. While the intrenchments were carrying on, parties of riflemen were employed in firing upon the advanced guards on Charlestown Neck. One of the British officers and several men were seen to fall. Two of the British floating batteries attempting to annoy the Americans at work upon the hill, were silenced in Mystick river, and one partly sunk. More than 300 shells were thrown at the fortress on Plow’d Hill, without a single person’s being thereby hurt; and the consequent contempt they entertained of shells, induced them to omit providing a bomb-proof cover for the garrison. Bunker’s Hill, Plow’d Hill and Winter Hill, which last the Americans have possessed and fortified for some time, are situated in a range from east to west, each of them on or near Mystick river. Plow’d Hill is in the middle, and the lowest of the three, the summit is about half a mile from the works on Bunker’s Hill. The British finding that their firing did CDIIInot answer, relaxed, and after a while desisted entirely, and the Americans remained quiet in their new post. General Washington received, in the beginning of September, a very acceptable remittance of ammunition from Rhode-Island, even 7000lb. of powder—a great quantity, compared with the late amazing scarcity. It is probably a part of what has been brought from Africa. The Americans practised a manœuvre, which credits their understanding. They sent out a quantity of New-England rum, which was exchanged for a fiery commodity of a different quality, so successfully as not to leave an ounce for sale in any of the British forts on the African coast.

The general having obtained pleasing accounts from Canada, being assured that neither Indians nor Canadians could be prevailed upon to act against the Americans, and knowing there was a design of penetrating into that province by Lake Champlain, concerted the plan of detaching a body of troops from head-quarters, through the province of Mein, across the country to Quebec. He communicated the same to general Schuyler, who approving it, all things were got in readiness. The corps was to be commanded by colonel Arnold, aided by colonels Christopher Green and Roger Enos, and majors Meigs and Bigelow; and was to consist of ten companies of musket men, and three companies of riflemen, amounting to eleven hundred.

[Sept. 13.] In the evening the detachment marched from Cambridge for Newbury-port, where, six days after, they embarked on board ten transports bound to Kennebec, fifty leagues distant. [Sept. 20.] They entered the mouth of the Kennebec in the morning, and favored with the wind and tide proceeded up to Gardner’s town. It was only fourteen days from first giving orders for building 200 batteaux, for collecting provisions, and for draughting the 1100 men, to their reaching this place. Such was the dispatch!

[Sept. 22.] The troops embarked on board the batteaux, and proceeded to Fort Western on the east side of the river. From thence, captain Morgan, with three companies of riflemen, was sent forward by water, [Sept. 25.] with orders to get on to the great carrying place in the most expeditious manner, and to clear the road, while the other divisions came up. The second division embarked the next day, and the third the day after. As they advanced up the river, the stream grew very rapid, and the bottom and shores were rocky. [Sept. 29.] By eleven in the morning, major Meigs with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax, standing on a point of land between the rivers Kennebec and Sebasticook. In their progress up the river, they met with two carrying-places, over which they were obliged to carry CDIVtheir batteaux, baggage, and every other article, till they came again a part of the river which was navigable, and no longer obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or other encumbrances, as was that which they avoided. [October 3.] They got to Norridgewalk, where the major’s curiosity was entertained by the sight of a child 14 months old, the first white one born in the place. After crossing over more carrying places, he and his men encamped at the great carrying place, [Oct. 10.] which was twelve miles and a half across, including three ponds that they were obliged to pass. These ponds had plenty of trout. Two days after colonel Enos arrived at the same place with the 4th division of the army consisting of three companies of musket men. [Oct. 13.] Colonel Arnold meeting with an Indian, wrote to general Schuyler, and inclosed his letter to a friend in Quebec. Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he venturously intrusted the packet with him, to be carried and delivered according to order. This strange confidence may ruin his expedition, beside involving his friend in great trouble. [Oct. 15.] The provision was so reduced, that the men were put to allowance, 3–4lb. of pork and 3–4lb. of flour a day for each. The next day they reached Dead river. Colonel Enos having got up with his division in about three days, was ordered to send back the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provision; but, contrary to colonel Arnold’s expectation, returned to Cambridge with his whole division a few days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on with his division, [Oct. 19.] for Chaudiere head, with the greatest expedition. But they proceeded very slowly by reason of falls, carrying places and bad weather. Their course was only three miles. [Oct. 22.] The rains made the river raise the preceding night in some parts eight feet perpendicular: and in many places it overflowed its banks, and rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to march. The next day the stream was so rapid, that, in passing it, five or six batteaux filled and overset, by which they lost several barrels of provision, a number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such was the rapidity of the stream, and interruptions by carrying places, that it was with much fatigue they got on one-and-twenty miles within the three following days. To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying place, [Oct. 27.] which lies across the height of land that runs through the colonies to Georgia, and on the further side of which the stream run the reverse of the river they had ascended. They crossed the heights to Chaudiere river, and continued their march by land to Quebec. [Nov. 1.] The marching through the woods was extremely bad. Major Meigs passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It was CDVnot in his power to help or relieve them. But one or two dogs were killed, which the distressed soldiers eat with a relishing appetite, without sparing either feet or skin. A few eat their cartouch-boxes, breeches and shoes, being several days without provision. The major and his men marched on upon the banks of the Chaudiere, [Nov. 3.] and at twelve o’clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible joy of the soldiers, who were near starving. Colonel Arnold, with a small party, made a forced march, and returned with provisions purchased of the inhabitants; on which the hunger-bitten adventurers made a voracious meal. [Nov. 4.] The next day at eleven, major Meigs and his men arrived at a French house, and were hospitably treated. It was the first house he had seen for 31 days, having been all that time in a rough, barren, and uninhabited wilderness, where he never saw a human being except those belonging to the detachment. He and his party were immediately supplied with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables, at this settlement called Sertigan 25 leagues from Quebec. They were kindly entertained while marching down the country. When colonel Arnold got within two leagues and a half of Point Levi, [Nov. 8.] he wrote to general Montgomery, that as he had received no answer either from general Schuyler or his friend, he made no doubt but that the Indian had betrayed his trust: and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding that the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time apprised of his coming, and had destroyed all the canoes at Point Levi to prevent the detachments from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead of delivering the packet as directed, carried it to the lieutenant-governor, who on reading the letters, secured Mr. Mercier the merchant, and began immediately to put the city in the best state of defence he could; whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and might easily have been carried by surprise. [Nov. 9.] Colonel Arnold arrived at Point Levi, where we leave him to remove, if possble the embarrasments into which his own imprudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an unknown Indian with dispatches of the utmost consequence. The detachment suffered hardships, beyond what can well be conceived of, in the course of the expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying places; and to march through morasses, thick woods and over mountains, for about 320 miles. In many places they had to pass over the ground and the mountains several times, as without it they must have left much of their baggage behind, and have failed in the enterprise. They lost all their powder, except what was in cartridges and horns, while penetrating through the woods. But what proved the greatest trial to them, was the starving CDVIcondition to which they were reduced, when approaching the end of their tedious and distressing march. The pork being gone, they had for four days only half a pound of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was then divided, which yielded about four pints of flour per man—a small allowance for men near a hundred miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It was used sparingly; but several when they had baked and eaten their last morsel, discovered, to their great confusion, that they had thirty miles to travel before they could expect the least mouthful more. But their dread of consequences was soon removed, by the unexpected return of colonel Arnold with cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest fortitude and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty and an easy situation, soon lost all painful remembrance of what had happened, and gloried in having accomplished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an undertaking above the common race of men in this debauched age. Let us attend to colonel Enos. His return to camp excited both astonishment and indignation. [Dec. 1.] A court martial was ordered to sit upon him; when it appeared, that he had but three days provisions, and was about one hundred miles from the English settlements; that a council of war was called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel’s whole division, and that he was for going on without, but that it was opposed. It was the unanimous opinion of the court, that colonel Enos was under a necessity of returning, and he has been acquitted with honor. A number of officers of the best character are fully satisfied, and persuaded that his conduct deserves applause rather than sensure. Had he not returned, his whole division must have been starved.

We must now resume the account of the military transactions in the Massachusetts, from the period of colonel Arnold’s leaving the camp.

The Americans, that they might equal in some measure the British, have built some floating batteries with a deck, to secure the people on board from suffering by musketry. General Washington perceiving that the expence of supporting the army will by far exceed any idea formed of it in congress, is alarmed at the apprehension of consequences, and most earnestly wishes for such a termination of the campaign, as may make the army no longer necessary. The want of powder has subsided in part. Salt-peter is made in every colony. Powder-mills have been erected at Philadelphia and New-York. Non only so, but upward of a hundred barrels of powder have been taken out of the magazine at Bermuda, as supposed by a sloop from Philadelphia, and a schooner from Carolina. It was easily accomplished CDVIIfrom the magazine’s being situated far distant from the town, without any dwelling-house in the vicinity. Some of the inhabitants were probably concerned in the transaction. It might be connected with the address to the deputies from the different parishes of Bermuda presented to congress in July, and might influence the subsequent resolve of congress in November, “That the inhabitants of Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America, and ought to be supplied with such a quantity of the produce of these colonies, as may be necessary for their subsistence and home consumption.”

[Oct.] The perfidy of Dr. Church has been at length detected, by the discovery of a traiterous correspondence with a British officer in Boston. He had intrusted a letter in cypher with his kept mistress to be forwarded, which being found upon her, she was taking and carried to head quarters. The Doctor not being suspected, had an opportunity of speaking to her, so that she would not discover the writer, till terrified into it by the severest threats. The general was shocked at the discovery, and talked with the doctor upon the baseness of his conduct. The marks of guilt were apparent. The doctor was confounded, and never attempted to vindicate himself. He was immediately secured. Since the letter has been decyphered, and the doctor has had opportunity of recollecting himself, he has pleaded that his intentions were not criminal; admitting his plea, so gross a piece of stupidity in so sensible a man is quite a prodigy. But this plea was invalidated, though not by the contents of the letter, which served mainly to point out the necessity of a speedy accommodation; yet by the marks of guilt he discovered in the presence of the general, and in his attempt to conceal the writer, instead of declaring at once who he was, what was his design, and what he had written. The doctor being a representative, was, on the 27th of October, examined at the bar of the house. He endeavored to evade the censure of the house, by insisting, that as the affair would be before another court where the matter must have a final issue, should the house proceed to expel him it would have a fatal effect whenever a final judgment was to be given on his conduct. He made the most solemn appeal to heaven, that the letter was written with the design of procuring some important intelligence. He observed, that there was not a single paragraph in it which contained information that could hurt the Americans; and that the exaggerated accounts of their force, strength and unanimity, tended to dishearten the enemy, and keep them quiet, at a time when the Americans were poorly able to have withstood a vigorous attack. It is impossible to write all he said; but if the force of rhetoric and the powers of language, CDVIIIif the most pathetic arts of persuasion, enforced by all the ingenuity, sense, and spirit of the doctor, could have made him innocent, he would have appeared spotless as an angel of light.—The house however expelled him as guilty; and congress afterward resolved, “That he be close confined in some secure jail in Connecticut, without the use of pen, ink and paper, and that no person be allowed to converse with him, except in the presence and hearing of a magistrate or the sheriff of the county.”

The time for which the continental soldiers were engaged to serve, was hastening to a close; the evil of a very short inlistment was felt; it was therefore unanimously agreed at a council of war, [Oct. 8.] that the men to be raised for the future army, should be engaged to the first of December 1776, but be discharged sooner if necessary. Hopes still remain, that an accommodation may possibly take place.

[October 10.] General Gage sailed for Great-Britain, leaving several thousand of the inhabitants of the town in want of bread and every necessary of life. Before his departure, he was addressed by his majesty’s mandamus council; by a number of gentlemen and principal inhabitants of the town; and by such as were driven from their habitations in the country to Boston, amounting to no more than seventy-six, a small number considering the extent and populousness of the colony, and that many of them would not pass for gentlemen in Great-Britain. The command of the army devolved of course upon general Howe, who issued one proclamation, condemning to military execution, such inhabitants as attempt to quit the town without a written licence, if detected and taken; if they escape, they are to be proceeded against as traitors, and their effects are to be forfeited: and another, declaring that if such as are permitted to depart, attempt carrying away more than five pounds in specie, to which sum they have been restrained for some time past, they shall forfeit the whole sum discovered, beside suffering fine and imprisonment.

Congress having intimated to general Washington, that an attack upon Boston was much desired, a council of war was called, [October 18.] but unanimously agreed that it was not expedient, at least, for the present. On the same day captain Mowat destroyed 139 houses, and 278 stores and other buildings, the far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth in the northern part of the Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in compliance with a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories carrying out their effects, gave some violent obstruction to the loading of a mast ship, which drew upon them the indignation CDIXof the admiral. Captain Mowat was dispatched in the Canceaux, of sixteen guns, with an armed large ship, schooner and sloop. After anchoring toward the evening of the seventeenth, within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore giving them two hours for the removal of their families, as he had orders to fire the town, they having been guilty of the most unpardonable rebellion. A committee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that his orders were to set on fire all the sea-ports between Boston and Halifax; but agreed to spare the town till nine o’clock the next morning, would they consent to send him off eight small arms, which was immediately done. The next morning the committee applied afresh; he concluded to spare the town till he could hear from the admiral, in case they would send him off four carriage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. and four gentlemen of the town as hostages. That not being complied with, about half past nine he began to fire from the four armed vessels, and continued it till after dark. With shells and carcases, and about thirty marines whom he landed, he set the town on fire in several places. About a hundred of the worst houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage. The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of their furniture, and had not a person killed or wounded, though the vessels fired into the town about three thousand shot, beside bombs and carcases. General Lee reprobates their cowardice, in admitting such a paltry party to land with impunity, an set their town in flames, when they had at least two hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. In the private letter wherein he expressed these sentiments, he made no mention of the sailors being repulsed, with the loss of a few men; though this might happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for its being related by others. The burning of Falmouth spread an alarm upon the sea-coast, but produced no disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the armed British agents. The people in common, chose rather to abandon the sea-ports that could not be defended, than quit their country’s cause; and therefore removed back with their effects to a safe distance.

The congress, the latter end of September, concluded upon sending a committee of three members, to confer with general Washington and the governor of Connecticut, the lieutenant-governor of Rhode-Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the president of the convention of New-Hampshire, and others, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. They met and agreed on the measures to be pursued. Dr. Franklin being one of the committed, CDXthe Massachusetts general court embraced that opportunity [Oct. 23.] of ordering the treasurer to pay him £.1854 sterling, in full for his late services as agent, from October 31, 1770, to March 1, 1775. You may recollect that governor Hutchinson always refused signing the grants made him by the house of assembly. The doctor might lave liked specie at the time such grants were made, better than the present paper money; but his foresight will undoubtedly transform the latter into some solid substance. He had to pay £.100 of it back into the hands of a committee, appointed to wait upon him within a day or two, being the amount of a sum sent by several persons from England, for the relief of those Americans who were wounded in the battle of Lexington, and of the widows and children of those who were then slain.

[October 27.] The old south meeting-house, a large, handsome brick building, well fitted up without and within, was taken possession of, and destined for a horse riding-school and the service of the light dragoons. It is said and believed, that an offer was made of building a complete riding-school for less money than it would cost to remove the pews and the side galleries (the front remains for the accommodation of tea-company and others) and to make a proper flooring for the horse. In clearing every thing away, a beautiful carved pew, with silk furniture, formerly belonging to a deceased gentleman in high estimation, was taken down and carried to Mr. John Amory’s house, by the order of an officer, who applied the carved work to the erecting of a hogsty. Had the meeting-house and its contents been honored with episcopal consecration, these proceedings would be deemed by multitudes, profane and sacriligious. But they, who in the present day hold not with the holiness of any buildings, will censure the insults offered professors of whatever denomination, by needlessly demolishing their places of worship, or consigning them to despicable and filthy uses. When Roman virtue and patriotism were at their height, the Roman officers would not allow the religion or temples of the persons with whom they fought, to be insulted and profaned. They were more politic than to exasperate men into a ferocious courage for the defence of their altars. But too many of the present British officers act as though they owed a spite to all the meeting-houses of the presbyterians, by which common name they stigmatize those who dissent from the church of England, without reflecting that it is no stigma in Scotland, but the reverse.

The southern colonies, in consequence of accounts transmitted to them from the camp, begin to entertain prejudices with respect to the troops raised in the Massachusetts. They ought to allow CDXIfor the precipitation with which the army was necessarily collected. General Thomas declared [Oct. 24.] that the regiments at Roxbury were equal, as to the privates, to any with whom he served the last war, and many of them have proved themselves brave. The greatest part of the officers are unexperienced, and in general unqualified, being strangers to subordination, which was not unexpected to the general, as they were chosen by their privates. He complained of many of the southern riflemen, that they often deserted to the enemy, were mutinous, repugnant to all kind of duty, and so exceedingly vicious that the army would be as well without them; but spake with satisfaction of their officers. It is a mortifying truth, that some of the Massachusetts officers disgrace the colony, by practising the meanest arts of peculation. Every subtilty that avarice can invent, or rascality carry on, are used to cheat the public, by men who procured commissions, not to fight for the liberty of their country, but to prey upon its distresses. The army about to be enlisted, will undoubtedly be better officered.

Gentlemen, ladies, and others, from neighboring and distant colonies, attracted by curiosity, have visited the American troops, and animated them by their presence. A number of Indian chiefs have also been down, that they might see and judge for themselves, how far the reports propagated among them, were true or false. They were treated at head-quarters, and by different officers, with much respect. One evening they entertained the general and others with a war dance, if that may be called an entertainment, wherein the motions and actions of the dancers were calculated to alarm and terrify those who were not acquainted with such sights. They were pleasant and agreeable company. Two of them had their squaws or wives with them; who were well looking women, allowing for their dark complexion; one of them was much dejected, having lately lost her papoos or child. When the Indians danced in company with the American gentlemen and ladies, both men and women kept time with far greater exactness than the others. They went off upon their return, fully satisfied with the treatment they had received; and it is hoped will carry back those accounts which will keep their tribes peaceable.

Many of the Americans have sickened and died of the dysentery, brought upon them, in a great measure, through an inattention to cleanliness. When at home, their female relations put them upon washing their hands and faces, and keeping themselves neat and clean; but being absent from such monitors, through an indolent heedless turn of mind, they have neglected CDXIIthe means of health, have grown filthy, and poisoned their constitutions by nastiness.

[Nov. 2.] The weather set in very cold, and the soldiers were distressed for want of wood. The building of barracks had been delayed too long: and they were not in sufficient forwardness to admit and accommodate all the troops. Several regiments were obliged to keep the field; and some in a bleak position on the brow of hills, where it was difficult to drag up the wood with which they could be supplied. It is mortifying to reflect how these supplies have been reduced by short measure. But many persons think it no harm in this way to cheat the united colonies, and to deliver a less quantity than they are paid for.

[Nov. 9.] Several companies of the British regulars passed over from Charlestown to Phipp’s farm, and kept possession of the ground for near an hour before they could be obstructed, owing to a high tide that prevented the Americans crossing the causeway, which was overflowed. During this period they were employed in shooting cattle with a design of carrying them off. At length a battalion of riflemen, under colonel Thomson, took to the water, when up to their middles, and a quarter of a mile across; at their approach the British hastened to their boats.—The Charlestown forts, one in Boston and a frigate, kept up a warm fire upon the Americans the whole time, killed them one man and wounded three. The British have provided for the security of Charlestown, by the erection of a strong citadel on Bunker’s Hill, with convenient barracks for the garrison. [Nov. 16.] Such was the distress of the inhabitants in Boston, that fences, trees, houses, &c. were taken down and carried off for fuel: beef, mutton and pork, were 1s. 1½d. sterling per lb. geese, half a guinea a piece, and fowls five shillings. At the scarcest season half a guinea was given for a dozen of common eggs.

General Washington, desirous of improving the troops to the utmost ere the army was weakened by the return of the Connecticut ones to their own colony, resolved upon securing Cobble, or Miller’s Hill, about half a mile in a direct line from the enemy’s works on Bunker’s Hill, and at a like distance from the shipping at West Boston. About 1000 men broke ground on the hill, [Nov. 22.] without having a single cannon fired at them. They went on intrenching and planting several 9, 18, and 24 pounders, till they made themselves secure. General Howe does not seem so fond of cannonading as was general Gage. [Oct. 24.] To lessen the demand for provision, he ordered a transport ship to carry about 400 of the inhabitants out of the town to Point Shirley, to be taken care of by the country. Ten days after he sent out 300 more. The persons thus sent out were not thought to CDXIIIbe wholly free from the small-pox; and it was suspected that there might be a design of spreading that disorder among the American troops, which induced the Massachusetts assembly to resolve upon measures for preventing such an event.

The Massachusetts assembly resolved, October the ninth, to fit out armed vessels; which proving a sufficient encouragement for individuals to apply themselves to that business, and some being in proper forwardness, an act was passed in November for granting letters of marque and reprisal, and the establishment of courts of admiralty. The declared intention of the act was for the defence of the American coast, and the condemnation of those vessels only which should be proved to be the property of, or in any wise employed by the enemies of the united colonies, or for supplying said enemies. The Lee privateer, captain Manly, belonging to Marblehead, was soon at sea, and took the brig Nancy, [Nov. 29.] an ordinance ship from Woolwich, containing, beside a large brass morter upon a new construction, several pieces of fine brass cannon, a large quantity of small arms and ammunition, with all manner of tools, utensils and machines, necessary for camps and artillery, in the greatest abundance. General Washington, but thirteen days before wrote, “I am in very great want of powder, lead, morters, indeed of most sorts of military stores.” Had congress sent an order for articles most wanted, they could not have made a more satisfactory invoice. The morter is now at Cambridge, in the park of artillery, is named the Congress, and is much admired for its size by every spectator, whether acquainted or nor with the uses for which it is designed. About two months before this capture, a ship from Bristol with flour for Boston, having parted with her convoy, was decoyed into Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, and secured for the benefit of the Americans.

[Dec. 8.] Three ships from London, Glasgow, and Liverpool, with various stores for the army, and a brig from Antigua with rum, were taken in the bay by captain Manly, by whale-boats, &c. A number of men in whale-boats can overpower unarmed vessels, and carry them off into secure harbours. These and the privateers captured several more store-ships before five days were ended. Among the privateers were some continental ones, for general Washington fitted out a few armed vessels, which has met with the approbation of congress. These repeated and considerable captures have increased the distress of the troops and people in Boston, and furnished the continental army with many, valuable articles. But though the success of the Americans upon the watery element has been matter of joy and triumph, their affairs upon land do not answer the wishes of the CDXIVgenuine patriots. On the first of the month the enlistment of the Connecticut troops expired. They were urged to tarry longer by different persons, who harrangued them upon the occasion. A few hundreds were prevailed upon to continue; but the main body marched off, leaving the army in too week a condition. It is true they had suffered greatly through the intenseness of the cold, and the want of fuel, with which they ought to have been more faithfully and punctually supplied. The Massachusetts and New-Hampshire men complete their term the first of January; and the enlistment of the new army goes on very heavily. There is a general reluctance among the soldiers to inlisting afresh. The Massachusetts people show as much backwardness as the others. In short, they expect to be hired, and that at a very high price, to defend their own liberties; and choose to be slaves unless they can be bribed to be freemen. Quid facit libertas, cum sola pecunia regnat? How must it afflict general Washington to observe in the present crisis, so little of that patriotic spirit, which he was taught to believe was the characteristic of the Massachusetts people; and on which he relied greatly for support. While burdened with an apprehension that he might possibly be deserted, he could recollect the severity of the season, and the distresses of his fellow-creatures at a distance, and wrote to the gentleman with whom he had intrusted the management of his concerns at Mount-Vernon, “Let the hospitality of the house be kept up with respect to the poor. Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, when you think it will be well bestowed. I mean, it is my desire that it should be done. You are to consider, that neither myself or wife are now in the way to do these good offices.”

[Dec. 11.] About 2000 militia arrived in camp, and 3000 more were expected every hour, making in the whole the number required by the general to supply the deficiency of the continental regiments. The American army being by this mean sufficiently strengthened, carried their approaches to within half a mile of Boston, and broke ground at Lechmere’s Point which brought on a cannonade from the batteries of Charlestown and Barton’s Point, that continued for four days, without obliging them to desist. Their labor was hard, owing to the ground’s being so frozen; but they persevered till they had perfected their design.

[Dec. 25.] Some persons have been so curious as to note the number of men killed by the firing of the enemy on Cambridge CDXVside of the American lines, and on the Roxbury, as also, the number and nature of their firings. The accounts stands thus “From the burning of Charlestown down to this day, the enemy have fired upward of 2000 shot and shells, an equal number of 24 pounders with any other sort. They threw more than 300 bumbs at Plowed Hill, and 100 at Lechmere’s Point. By the whole firing on Cambridge side, they killed only seven, and on Roxbury side five, just a dozen.”

Let me now give you the following anecdote. Deacon Whitcomb of Lancaster, (who was a member of the Massachusetts assembly till the present contest, had served in former wars, and been in different engagements) has served as a colonel in the American army; but on account of his age was left out upon the late new regulation. His men highly resented it, and declared they would not inlist again, after their time was out. The colonel told them, he did not doubt there were sufficient reasons for the regulation, and he was satisfied with it; he then blamed them for their conduct, and said he would inlist as a private. A colonel Brewer heard of it, and offered to resign in favor of colonel Whitcomb. The whole coming to general Washington’s ears, he has allowed of colonel Brewer’s resignation in colonel Whitcomb’s favor, appointed the former barrack-master, till he can further promote him, and acquainted the army with the whole affars in general orders. This terminates the narrative of the military and naval transactions within the Massachusetts; little remain to be mentioned of the civil. The great call there was for salt-petre, put the house of assembly upon resolving [Oct. 30.] to pay a bounty of three shillings sterling in paper currency per lb. for all that shall be manufactured before the first of next June, beside two shillings and three-pence per lb. purchase money. The assembly was far from giving satisfaction to general Lee, who about the middle of November, pronounced them benumbed in a fixed state of torpitude, without the symptoms of animation, unless an apprehension of rendering themselves unpopular among their particular constituents, by any act of vigor for the public service, deserved the name of animation. He charged them with inconsistent and timid conduct; and ascribed it to their torpor, narrow politics, or call it what you will, that the army had been reduced to very great distress. There was however, about the beginning of December, an act passed for emitting bills of credit to the amount of more than £.50,000 sterling, with a pretty device on the back, viz. an American with a sword in his right hand, with the following inscription suspended therefrom, “Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem;” and from his left hand “Magna Charta;” and round the figure these CDXVIwords, “Issued in defence of American liberty.” The assembly also gave orders relating to wood [Dec. 26.] that so the great distresses of the army on that head might be removed.

New-Hampshire colony has presented us with a novelty, which the polititians will apply to the purpose of promoting independency. By some dextrous, or rather sinister management, instructions were delivered to the New-Hampshire delegates at the continental congress containing these expressions, “we would have you immediately use your utmost endeavours to obtain the advice and direction of the congress, with respect to a method for our administering justice and regulating our civil police. We press you not to delay this matter, as its being done speedily will probably prevent the greatest confusion among us.” They were laid before congress Oct. the eighteenth, and proved a fine opening for those individual delegates, who were looking forward to a separation from Great-Britain, to introduce an entering wedge wherewith to divide the empire. Even these very instructions might be designedly obtained by confidential letters written to trusty deputies in the New-Hampshire convention, by certain delegates in the general congress. The first step to be taken by such was, to procure, in some one colony, the establishment of a new form of government, in which the people at large should have a leading influence, that so their attachments and efforts might be secured in support of the same. The inhabitants of adjoining colonies would soon be eager to enjoy the like power and importance, which would pave the way for their insisting also upon a change. These changes being once effected, the parties will then have gone too far to retreat, and must seek their security in independence. The scheme met with opposition, and the New-Hampshire delegates used unwearied importunity, both within doors and without, before they obtained the recommendation they were after. At length the report of the committee was taken into consideration, and it was resolved by congress, [Nov. 3.] “That it be recommended to the provincial convention of New-Hampshire, to call a full and free representation of the people, and that the said representatives, if they think it necessary, establish such a form of government, as in their judgment will best produce the happiness of the people, and most effectually secure the peace and good order in the province, during the continuance of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. The vote was far from being unanimous; and, in order to make it pass, was qualified with a seeming desire of an accommodation with Britain, and of restoration by that mean to the old form of government. The provincial convention, without waiting for the arrival of the recommendation, CDXVIIappointed a committee to report a mode of representation, which being laid before them, [Nov. 14.] they agreed, that precepts be sent to elect persons to represent the towns, &c. in congress, to meet at Exeter on the twenty-first of December, and to be empowered to prosecute such measures as they may deem necessary for the public good, during the term of one year, unless they see fit to disolve themselves sooner. And in case there should be a recommendation from the continental congress for this colony to assume a government, in a way that will require a house of representatives, that the said congress of this colony be empowered to resolve themselves into such a house as may be recommended, and remain such for the aforesaid term of one year.” The provincial congress met agreeable to the receipts, and after a while voted, “That congress will at any time take up civil government, to continue during the present contest with Great-Britain; and resolve themselves into a house of representatives, and then choose a council to continue one year from the twenty-first of December.”

The continental congress having dispatched the New-Hampshire case, immediately took into consideration the state of South-Carolina and appointed a committee to consider a number of papers relative thereto, and to report what in their opinion was necessary to be done. What this opinion would be was easily foreseen, from Messrs. Chase and Samuel Adams being of the committee. The report was brought in the next day, [Nov. 4.] and it was resolved, “That for the defence of South-Carolina, there be kept up in that colony, at the continental expences, three battalions of foot: That if the convention, or council of safety shall think it expedient, for the security of the colony, to seize or destroy any ship or vessel of war, this congress will approve of such proceeding:—That Charleston ought to be defended against any attempts to take possession thereof by the enemies of America; and that the convention or council of safety ought to proceed immediately to erect such fortifications and batteries as will best conduce to its security;—That if the convention of South-Carolina shall find it necessary to establish a form of government in that colony, it be recommended to that convention to call a full and free representation of the people, &c. &c.” as to the convention of New-Hampshire.

The measures pursued by lord Dunmore naturally led congress to resolve, [Nov. 10.] “That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the colony of Virginia, to consider what provisions may be necessary for its defence, and to report the same.” Mr. Samuel Adams was of the number. New information being received before they reported, when they did it, it CDXVIIIwas in such a way that congress resolved [Dec. 4.] “That three companies of the Pennsylvania battalion immediately march into Northampton county, in Virginia, for the protection of the association—That it be recommended to the inhabitants to resist to the utmost, the arbitrary government intended to be established therein.” They then said, “Whereas lord Dunmore by his proclamation, has declared his intention to execute martial law, thereby tearing up the foundations of civil authority and government within the colony; resolved, therefore, that if the convention of Virginia, &c. &c.” as to the conventions of New-Hampshire and South-Carolina.

A growing change in the sentiments of congress, would of course follow upon the dispatches received the day before the committee on the state of Virginia was appointed. Their agents informed them, that the American minister told them, some days after the delivery of the petition by the late governor Penn, No answer will be given to it; and that no one person in authority had, since the arrival of that gentleman, deigned to propose a single question to him, or to desire the smallest information from him. This cavalier treatment of a petition containing professions of the greatest loyalty to the king, and attachment to the mother country, and couched in terms the most moderate and humble; and of the person who was intrusted with it; left no reasonable ground for hoping that the present dispute could be amicably adjusted.

Having been led by the New-Hampshire instructions, to mention some of the doings of congress, let me proceed to relate some others which have been unnoticed.

Congress resolved, that the new army intended to lie before Boston [Nov. 4.] consist of 20,372 men, officers included. Beside, it has been recommended to particular colonies to raise battalions at the expence of the continent. Orders have also been given for fitting out four armed vessels, for the intercepting of such transports as may be laden with warlike stores and other supplies for the enemy; and for the protection and defence of the united colonies. [Nov. 9.] It was agreed, “That every member consider himself under the ties of virtue, honor, and love of his country, not to divulge, directly or indirectly, any matter or thing agitated or debated in congress, before the same shall have been determined, without the leave of congress; or any other matter or thing determined in congress, which the majority of congress shall order to be kept secret; and that if any member shall violate this agreement, he shall be expelled this congress, and be deemed an enemy to the liberties of America, and liable to be treated as such; and that every member signify his consent to this CDXIXagreement by signing the same.” [Nov. 10.] They resolved upon raising two battalions of marines, to be considered as part of the number of which the continental army before Boston is to consist.

[Nov. 28.] A committee appointed to take into consideration the state of North-Carolina, made their report, whereupon it was resolved, among other matters, that two ministers of the gospel be applied to, to go immediately among the regulators and highlanders of that colony, for the purpose of informing them of the nature of the present dispute between Great-Britain and the colonies. Instead of a similar recommendation to what was given to South-Carolina about establishing a form of government, it was only recommended to the convention or committee of safety, in case the method of defending the colony by minute-men, be inadequate to the purpose, to substitute such other mode as to them should appear most likely to effect the security of the colony.

[Nov. 29.] Congress resolved, that a committee of five be appointed for the sole purpose of corresponding with their friends in Great-Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world. Information being given, that there is a large quantity of powder in the island of Providence, the secret committee were ordered to take measures for securing and bringing away the said powder. To prevent any petition to the king from a particular colony, they declared [Dec. 4.] that in the present situation of affairs, it would be very dangerous to the liberties and welfare of America, if any colony should separately petition the king, or either house of parliament. This declaration is thought to be owing to an apprehension that the New-Jersey assembly would be drawn in, by the art and persuasion of governor Franklin and his adherents, to adopt such a measure. Congress were certainly alarmed at some disagreeable appearances, for they appointed a committee to confer with that assembly immediately after the declaration. [Dec. 6.] They agreed to the report of the committee on proclamations. It contained many severe remarks upon the royal proclamation of August, for suppressing rebellion and sedition; together with many pointed questions, designed to sink it into equal contempt with what it experienced at the Royal Exchange, where we have heard it was read by one of the lord mayor’s officers, accompanied only by the common crier, without horse or mace to grace the ceremony, and when finished, saluted with a general hiss. Toward the close, the report holds forth the following threat; “we, in the name of the people of these united colonies, and by authority, according to the purest maxims of representation, derived from them, declare, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted CDXXupon any persons in the power of our enemies, for favoring, aiding, or abetting the cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the same kind and the same degree, upon those in our power, who have favored, aided, or abetted, or shall favor, aid, or abet the system of ministerial oppression.”

[Dec. 13.] Congress determined upon building five ships of 32 guns, five of 28, and three of 24, in all 13; one in New-Hampshire, two in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode-Island, two in New-York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. [Dec. 20.] They, having taken into consideration the dispute between the people of Pennsylvania and Connecticut, on the lands near Wyoming, on the Susquehannah river, recommended, that “the contending parties immediately cease all hostilities; that all persons seized and detained on account of said dispute, on either side, be dismissed and permitted to go to their respective homes; and that, things being put in the same situation they were before the late unhappy contest, they continue to behave themselves peaceably, until a legal decision can be had on said dispute, or congress shall take further order thereon.” The committee appointed to fit out armed vessels, having procured a few, laid before congress [Dec. 22.] a list of the officers by them appointed; and were directed to give such instructions to the commander of the fleet, Ezekiel Hopkins, esq. touching the operations of the ships under his command, as should appear to them most conducive to the defence of the united colonies, and to the distress of the enemy’s naval forces and vessels.

In Canada, Sir Guy Carleton was no sooner acquainted with the Americans having surprised Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and obtained the command of Lake Champlain, than he planned a scheme for their recovery. The British troops he had with him were too few to admit of their being drawn out of garrison. He expected a supply of Canadians sufficient for his purpose, and to have the assistance of the Indians in his intended operations; but both failed him. He established martial law in the province, that he might be able in that way authoritatively to force the people to take arms, but they refused. They had tasted the sweets of the English mode of government since the conquest of the country; and were disgusted (the noblesse excepted) at the re-establishment of the French. The Quebec act was of no use in exciting them against the colonists; on the contrary they talked much of liberty.^[134] They declared themselves ready to defend the province, but absolutely refused to march out of it, and commence hostilities upon their neighbors. The governor applied to the bishop CDXXIof Quebec to use his spiritual influence, particularly to issue an episcopal mandate, to be read by the parish priests in the time of divine service, but the bishop excused himself. The ecclesiastics, in the place of this, issued their letters, which were however greatly disregarded. The noblesse alone, who were chiefly considered in the Quebec act, showed a zeal against the English colonists.

Colonel Johnson, a son of the late Sir William Johnson, had repeated conferences with the Indians; at the one in Montreal, he delivered to each of the Canadian tribes a war-belt and the hatchet; after which he invited them to feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood, figuratively, an ox being roasted for the purpose, and a pipe of wine given; but the entertainment could not prevail with them to take up the hatchet. The congress, being made acquainted with the disposition of the Canadians, and the designs of governor Carleton, and expecting a powerful opposition from that quarter when European troops were arrived, unless they could prevent it by securing the country, determined upon penetrating into Canada, in hope of gaining the speedy possession of it, and of joining it to the union. The more effectually to support the reasonableness of the measure, and to strengthen the operation, it was given out, that the powers with which governor Carleton was entrusted by his commission, were special and extraordinary, purposely designed to warrant his attempting by force to suppress the opposition making in the colonies to the British measures. Several, or even most of the members of congress could not but know, that the words of the commission for governing their own colonies, name and place excepted. Sir Guy’s commission was in the usual mode, and similar to what was given to Danvers Osborne, esq. governor of New-York.^[135]

General Montgomery was sent forward to Tyconderoga with a body of troops, New-Yorkers and New-Englanders. When he took leave of his lady, his parting words were, “You shall never blush for your Montgomery.” [Aug. 21.] He arrived with the continental army (if not too diminutive to be so called) at the place of destination. General Schuyler, who was the chief commander, remained at Albany, to attend the Indian treaty carrying on in that city. General Montgomery made a movement down Lake Champlain, without waiting the arrival of more troops, that so he might hinder the enemy’s armed vessels getting into the lake. [Sept. 4. 5.] Schuyler having pushed forward, notwithstanding great indisposition, and joined Montgomery at Isle la Motte, they moved on, and arrived at Isle aux Noix. Here CDXXIIhe drew up a declaration, which he sent among the Canadians by colonel Allen and major Brown, assuring them, that the army was designed only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties or religion. [Sept. 6.] The army, not exceeding a thousand men, proceeded without any obstruction toward St. John’s. When in sight of the works, and about two miles distant, the enemy began to fire, without doing any damage. After advancing half a mile nearer, the troops landed without opposition, in a close deep swamp; and being formed, marched through grounds marshy and covered with woods, in order to reconnoitre the fortresses. The left was attacked in crossing a creek, by a party of Indians, who killed a sergeant, corporal, and three privates, beside wounding eight, three of whom died. Three officers also were wounded. The Indians were soon compelled to give way, and had five killed and four badly wounded. Gen. Schuyler receiving certain intelligence in the evening, that the enemy’s fortifications were complete, and plentifully furnished with cannon, it was thought advisable the next morning, to return to Isle aux Noix, which was accordingly done; and the troops were employed in erecting proper works to secure the entrance into the lake; and in getting ready, on the arrival of further reinforcements, to take advantage of any events that might happen in Canada. Schuyler returned, leaving the command to Montgomery; who, being strengthened by an addition of men and artillery, and receiving orders to undertake the siege of St. John’s, [Sept. 17.] proceeded to execute the same. The next day the enemy threw bombs, but did no damage. The Americans returned the salute. [Sept. 21.] The lines of circumvallation were finished; but between 20 and 30 waggons with provisions, rum, brandy, &c. for the garrison, were taken prior to it. Afterwards there was a continual firing for some days and nights; and could the general have depended upon the troops, he might have ventured to promise success, but he could say nothing pleasing on that head. The men took good care of themselves; and one night captain Mott, of the 1st regiment of Yorkers, basely deserted the mortar battery without ever being attacked.

Colonel Allen being upon his return, with a guard of about eighty men, from a tour upon which he had been sent by the general, was desired to halt by major Brown, who proposed that colonel Allen should return to Longuil, procure canoes and cross the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal; while he crossed a little to the south of the town with near 200 men, as he had boats sufficient. The plan was approved of, and colonel Allen crossed in the night. Major Brown by some means failed on his part; and colonel Allen found himself, CDXXIIIthe next morning, in a critical situation; but concluded upon maintaining his grounds. [Sept. 25.] General Carleton learning how weak colonel Allen was, marched out against him with about forty regulars, together with Canadians, English and Indians, amounting to some hundreds. The colonel defended himself with much bravery; but being deserted by several, chiefly Canadians, and having had fifteen of his men killed, was under the necessity of surrendering with thirty-one effectives and seven wounded. He was directly put into irons. Had the plan been executed according to major Brown’s proposal, Montreal would probably have been surprised and taken. Success would have prevented the censures, which are now passed upon the one for proposing, and the other for adopting a plan of operation to which the general was an entire stranger. [Oct. 4.] A party of Canadians, who had joined and greatly assisted the besiegers, intrenched themselves on the east side of the lake, on which the enemy sent an armed sloop with troops to drive them away; but the Canadians attacked the sloop with vigor, killed a number of the men, and obliged her to return to St. Johns in a shattered condition. The main body of the army decamped from the south, [Oct. 7.] and marched to the north side of the fort: and in the evening began to throw up a breast work, in order to erect a battery of cannon and mortars. The continental troops brought such a spirit of liberty into the field, and thought so freely for themselves, that they would not bear either subordination or discipline. The general could not in truth direct their operations, and would not have stayed an hour at their head, had he not feared that the example would be too generally followed and so the public service suffer. There was a great want of powder, which with the disorderly behavior of the troops was a damp to the hope of terminating the siege successfully.

[Oct. 18.] The prospect was much brightened. The Canadians planned an attack upon Chamblee, and carried down in batteaux the artillery, past the fort of St. John’s. After a short demur it surrendered to major Brown and major Livingston.—The greatest acquisition was about six tons of powder, which enabled the general to accomplish his wishes. The other particulars you have below,^[136] except the colours of the 7th regiment, which were immediately transmitted to congress—the first present CDXXIVof the kind they ever received. The garrison became prisoners of war, but were allowed all their baggage, the quantity of which was astonishing. Their women and children, whose number was equally astonishing, were permitted to go with them and to take their effects. The besiegers having obtained a full supply of ammunition, went to work in earnest, compleated a battery within 250 yards of the fort, and mounted in it [Oct. 30.] four guns and six mortars, in defiance of the continual fire of the enemy. While the army was busily engaged in preparing for a cannonade, and an assault if necessary, they received the agreeable news of governor Carleton’s being repulsed. [Oct. 31.] The governor, with a view of raising the siege, collected a body of about 800 forces, consisting of the militia of Montreal, a number of Canadians, whom he had maintained for some time, a few troops, not a hundred, and some Indians. They left Montreal in high spirits, and attempted to cross the river St. Lawrence and land at Longeuil; but colonel Warner, with 300 Green Mountain boys, and a four pounder which kept pouring grape-shot into the boats, prevented their making good a landing. They were suffered to come very near the shore, and then the fire was so hot and distructive, that they were thrown into great confusion, and retired with the utmost precipitation. [Nov. 1.] The batteries kept an incessant fire all day on the garrison of St. John, which returned a very brisk one.—In the evening general Montgomery sent a flag, with a letter to major Preston, the commander, by one of the prisoners taken by colonel Warner, informing him of governor Carleton’s defeat, and recommending to him the surrender of the fort, as he could now have no longer reason to expect relief from that quarter. Major Preston in return sent an officer to the camp, proposing to answer the letter fully in the morning, and that in the mean time hostilities should cease on both sides. Two officers came into the camp [Nov. 2.] with an answer from major Preston, who requested the general to wait four days, to see whether no relief would come in that time, if not, they would make proposals for a surrender. The advanced season of the year did not allow of the general’s complying. He required them immediately to surrender prisoners of war; but referred them for the truth of the governor’s defeat to another prisoner. It was at length agreed that the garrison should march out with the honors of war, as what was due to their fortitude and perseverance. The non-commissioned officers and privates were to ground their arms on the plain; the officers were to keep their side arms, and their fire arms were to be reserved for them. The effects of the garrison were not to be CDXXVwithheld from them. The Canadian gentlemen and others, at St. John’s, were considered as part of the garrison, which amounted to about 500 regulars, and better than 100 Canadian volunteers. The next morning they marched out [Nov. 31.] and the continental troops took possession of the fort, in which were 17 brass ordnance, from 2 to 24 pounders, 2 eight inch howitzers, seven mortars, and 22 iron ordnance, from 3 to 9 pounders, a considerable quantity of shot and small shells, and about 800 stand of small arms, beside a small quantity of naval stores. The ammunition and provision was trifling, these having been nearly expended.

General Montgomery pressed on to Montreal. It being capable of making no defence, governor Carleton quitted it in one day; the general entered it the next [Nov. 12.] He treated the inhabitants with becoming liberality, engaging upon his honor to maintain the individuals and religious communities of the city in the peaceable enjoyment of their property of every kind; and the inhabitants, whether English, French, or others, in the free exercise of their religion. The general, in all his transactions, wrote, spake, and behaved with that attention, regard, and politeness to both privates and officers, soldiers and citizens, which might be expected from the gentleman. He was careful to push forward in time, a number of continental troops under colonel Easton, to the point of Sorel River, which they guarded so with cannon, an armed gondola, and their fire arms, that the fleet which had fallen down below Montreal, would not venture to attempt passing it. General Prescot, who was on board, with about 120 privates and several officers, was reduced to the necessity of surrendering by capitulation. [Nov. 17] 11 sail of vessels, with all their contents, consisting of, beside sailors and soldiers, 760 barrels of flour, 675 ditto of beef, 376 firkins of butter, 3 barrels of powder, 4 nine and six pounders, cannon cartridges and ball, 2380 musket cartridges, 8 chests of arms, 200 pair of shoes, and a quantity of entrenching tools; all of which proved very acceptable to the continental troops, who had no redundency of any articles whatever. In the preceding midnight, governor Carleton was conveyed, in a boat, with muffled paddles, by a secret way, to the Three Rivers, and arrived safe at Quebec the Sunday following.

Notwithstanding the advanced and severe season, general Montgomery marched on for the capital, expecting to be joined by colonel Arnold and his detachment in its neighbourhood, and designing to complete the reduction of Canada before the arrival of any British reinforcement. But while he was advancing, numbers were returning. An unhappy home sickness prevailed, CDXXVIand no specific was so efficacious as a discharge. No sooner was it administered, but the cure of nine out of ten was perfected; who, refusing to wait for boats to go by the way of Fort George, upon their arrival at Tyconderoga, flung their heavy packs over their shoulders, crossed the lake at that place, and undertook a march of two hundred miles with the greatest good will and alacrity. Three hundred of the continentals passed by Tyconderoga on their way home, by the end of the month. The ruin of the cause was further hazarded by the turbulent and mutinous spirit of several officers.

Colonel Arnold’s arrival with his detachment, at Point Levi, was not known at Quebec for twenty-four hours; and was at length discovered by his ordering out some men to secure the midshipman of the Hunter sloop of war, who was just landed on that side the river; the boat returned, and carried the intelligence to Quebec; on which two ships of war were stationed, one above and the other below Wolfe’s Cove, to prevent the Americans crossing over. A council was called, and by a majority of one it was agreed not to proceed immediately to attack the town. The contrary resolution, backed by vigorous exertion, would probably have put him into the possession of it. On the fifth of November it was really in a defenceless state, without a single soldier. Had the detachment crossed, the gates would, it is thought, have been opened by the disaffected and faint-hearted. The colonel however declared, that he would certainly make the attack when he had crossed, in case they were not discovered to be over. In the mean time the troops were employed in preparing scaling ladders. Before they were ready with these, colonel Maclean, the deputy governor, arrived at Quebec from Sorel [Nov. 12.] with about 170 men of his new raised regiment of emigrants; of this colonel Arnold had advice the next day, when, in the evening at nine o’clock, he began to embark his forces on board thirty-five canoes, leaving the ladders behind, and by four the next morning, got over and landed 500 men, wholly undiscovered. They landed in the small cove where the brave and enterprising general Wolfe did, now called Wolfe’s Cove. The Lizard’s barge rowing up the river, the colonel ordered her to be hailed, and fired upon for refusing to come in shore; on which she pushed off, and carried the account of the detachment’s having crossed over. But before this discovery, the men paraded on the Heights of Abraham. From thence they sent out a reconnoitering party toward the city, marched across the plain, and took possession of a large house, formerly owned by general Murray, and other adjacent houses, which afforded CDXXVIIfine accommodations for the troops. Guards were placed on the different roads, to cut off the communication between the city and country. The main body, about noon, marched fairly in view of the enemy, and gave them three huzzas, which were returned by a few shot from the ramparts. In the evening the colonel sent a flag of truce with a demand of the garrison, in the name and on hehalf of the united colonies, which was fired upon as it approached the walls. The colonel was certainly overseen; he should have taken the scaling ladders along with him, have concealed his being over, and attempted a coup-de-main the next night, which might have been done with a prospect of success, as his Canadian friends, English and French, were in the city to second his operations, and as the sailors were then scattered on board the ships, some about Quebec, and others up the river. [Nov 16.] A company of men were sent to take possession of the general hospital. The Canadians were continually coming in to express their satisfaction at the continental forces having entered the country. The next day a certain account was received of the capture of Montreal. Early in the morning [Nov. 19.] the troops decamped, and marched up to Point-au-Trembles, about seven leagues from Quebec, through a thick settled country, where you meet every few miles with a handsome little chapel. This was the day on which governor Carleton arrived at Quebec; and the first thing he did was to turn out the suspected, and all who would not assist in the defence of the city. [Nov. 23.] By express from Montreal, the forces were informed that Montgomery was upon his march, and had sent down clothing for them. The general finding plenty of woollens at Montreal, at a reasonable price, gave his soldiers new clothes, after their having suffered much by the severity of the climate, to which they submitted with patience and resolution, particularly in marching from St. John’s to Montreal, the road being half leg deep in mire. He was also mindful of colonel Arnold’s detachment, which had suffered still greater hardships. General Montgomery arrived at one o’clock [Dec. 1.] with three armed schooners, men, ammunition, and provision, to the great joy of the colonel’s forces, who toward evening turned out and marched to the general’s quarters, and were there received and complimented by him upon their appearance. The next day the batteaux were sent to Point Levi for the scaling ladders. The general appeared before Quebec [Dec. 5.] which is the last we have heard of his movements.

[Dec. 14.] General Howe issued orders for taking down the old north meeting-house, a large wooden building, containing CDXXVIIIa great deal of timber; and a hundred old wooden dwelling-houses and other buildings, to be used for fuel. The scarcity of this article, now that the usual supplies from the country are cut off, will reduce the inhabitants to an entreme difficutly.

[Dec. 30.] P. S. Admiral Shuldham is just arrived from Great-Britain in the Chatham man of war of 50 guns, to supersede admiral Greaves.

---