HISTORY OF THE Settlement of Upper Canada, (ONTARIO,) WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE BAY QUINTÉ.
Transcriber's Note:
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
BY
WM. CANNIFF, M.D., M.R.C.S.E.,
PROFESSOR OF SURGERY UNIVERSITY VICTORIA COLLEGE, AUTHOR OF THE “PRINCIPLES OF SURGERY.”
TORONTO:
DUDLEY & BURNS, PRINTERS, VICTORIA HALL.
1869.
TO
THE HONORABLE
SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD, K.C.B., D.C.L., M.P.,
PREMIER OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA,
THIS VOLUME IS BY PERMISSION RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
AS
A RECOGNITION OF HIS ABILITIES AS A CANADIAN STATESMAN, AND AS A TRIBUTE TO A LONG STANDING INHABITANT OF BAY QUINTÉ, WHO HAS GIVEN HIS TALENTS AND ENERGIES TO LAY A SURE FOUNDATION FOR “A GREAT NORTHERN NATION.”
BY HIS RESPECTFUL ADMIRER,
WILLIAM CANNIFF.
PREFACE.
v
In the year 1861 a meeting was convened at the Education
Office, Toronto, with the view of establishing an Historical Society
for Upper Canada. The writer, as an Upper Canadian by birth,
and deeply interested in his country with respect to the past as well
as the future, was present. The result of that meeting was the
appointment of a Committee to frame a Constitution and By-Laws,
and take the necessary steps to organize the proposed Society, and
to report three weeks thereafter.
The Committee consisted of the Hon. Mr. Merritt, Rev. Dr.
Ryerson, Col. Jarvis, Mr. DeGrassi, Mr. Merritt, J. J. Hodgins, Dr.
Canniff and Mr. Coventry. For reasons unknown to the writer,
this Committee never even met. The following year the writer
received a printed circular respecting an “Historical Society of
Upper Canada” which had been established at St. Catharines, of
which Col. John Clarke, of Port Dalhousie, was President; Hon.
Wm. H. Merritt, Vice-President, and George Coventry, of Cobourg,
Secretary.
“HONORARY MEMBERS.”
“Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Bart.,
Colonel Jarvis, Toronto,
Doctor Canniff, Toronto,
Henry Eccles, Esq., Q.C.,
William H. Kittson, Esq., Hamilton,
Henry Ruttan, Esq., Cobourg,
The Venerable Lord Bishop of Toronto,
Alfio DeGrassi, Esq., Toronto,
J. P. Merritt, St. Catharines,
Thomas C. Keefer, Esq., Yorkville,
Hon. George S. Boulton, Cobourg,
David, Burn, Esq., Cobourg.”
At the request of this Society the writer undertook to prepare
a Paper upon the Settlement of the Bay Quinté. Having been
induced to take up his abode for a time at Belleville, near which he
was born, the writer availed himself of every opportunity he could
vicreate while engaged in his professional duties, during a period of
five years, to collect facts pertaining to the subject. After some
months of labor, he was advised by friends, in whose judgment he
had confidence, to write a History of the Bay Quinté, for publication.
Acting upon this advice, he continued, with increased energy,
to collect and elaborate material. In carrying out this object, he
not only visited different sections of the country and many individuals,
but consulted the libraries at Toronto and Ottawa, as well as
availed himself of the private libraries of kind friends, especially
Canniff Haight, Esq., of Picton. As the writer proceeded in his
work, he found the subject assuming more extended proportions
than he had anticipated. He found that, to write an account of
the Settlement of the Bay Quinté, was to pen a history of the
settlement of the Province. Finally, he has been induced to designate
the work “A History of the Settlement of Upper Canada.”
The labor, time and thought which has been given to the
subject need not to be dwelt upon. Every effort has been made,
consistent with professional duties, upon which the writer’s family
is dependent, to sift a mass of promiscuous material which has
come under investigation, so that grains of truth alone might fill
the measure which this volume represents.
Various sources of information have been duly indicated in
the text; but there are a large number of individuals, from whom
information has been obtained, whose names could not be recalled.
This work has been one of love as well as labor; yet time and
again the writer would have relinquished it had it not been for the
words of encouragement, volunteered by his friends.
The writer has explained the cause of his writing this volume.
He now presents it to the reader—to Canadians—to the world.
He loves his country so well, that he regrets an abler pen had not
undertaken the task, that justice might be more fully done to the
worthy.
Fault may be found because of repeated and earnest protests
against the attitude assumed by the United States: the comments
viimade in respect to their history: the contrast drawn upon the
subject of Liberty and Freedom. The writer offers no excuse.
He has endeavored to adhere to truth. It is true these pages have
been written during a period of great irritation to Canadians, from
the hostile and aggressive spirit which the United States have displayed
towards us; but a record has been made which, it is trusted,
will stand the test of the closest examination.
As to the work, apart from its historical character, no remark
is offered, except that the writer is perfectly conscious of errors
and imperfections. Time has not been allowed to polish; and
while the pages have been going through the press, other necessary
duties have prevented that close and undivided attention which the
work demanded. But subscribers to the volume were urgent in
their requests to have the work without further delays. The reader
is referred to a page of Errata.
A concluding chapter it has been found necessary to omit, in
consequence of the size already attained. In this it was intended
to discuss the future prospects of the Dominion. The writer has
unbounded faith in the Confederation scheme. Before this scheme
was initiated, the writer, in a lecture delivered to a Toronto
audience, uttered these words. Pointing out the elements
which constitute the fabric of a great nation, he remarked that he
“loved to contemplate the future, when all the British American
Provinces would be consolidated into a grand whole; when, from
the summit of the Rocky Mountains, would be seen—to the East
along the magnificent lakes and river to the Atlantic, and down
the western slopes to the Pacific—the ceaseless industry of the
Canadian beaver, and the evergreen Maple Leaf overshadowing the
peaceful homes of Canada.” The prospects now are far brighter
than when those words were spoken; and notwithstanding the
obstacles—an unpatriotic company of Englishmen, the unscrupulous
designs of covetous Americans, and the apathy of the British Government—the
belief is broad and strong that the dream of the
future will be realized. There is life in the tree whose seed was
viiiplanted eighty years ago, and as it has in the past continued to
grow, so it will in the future.
In concluding these prefatory remarks, we desire to tender our
thanks to all who have assisted us directly or indirectly, by supplying
information, and by encouraging words. Particularly we
thank those gentlemen who gave their names as subscribers, some
of them voluntarily, years ago, before the work was fairly commenced;
also the Hon. Lewis Wallbridge, for procuring for us,
when Speaker, copies of manuscript in the Parliamentary Library,
at Ottawa.
Finally, we express our obligations to the Publishers and
Printers.
Toronto, 27th March, 1869.
[Copy Right secured.]
CONTENTS.
ix
A SKETCH OF FRANCO-CANADIAN HISTORY.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Antiquarianism—Records of the Early Nations—Tradition—The Press—The Eastern World—The Western World—Importance of History—Columbus—Colonization—Canada—America—Cartier—French Canadian writers—Cartier’s first visit—Huguenots—Cartier’s second visit—Jean Francois—Sir George E. Cartier—Establishment of the Fur Trade—Champlain—Discovery of Lake Ontario—Bay of Quinté—Quebec founded—First fighting with Indians—First taking of Quebec by the British—Returned to France—The Recollets and Jesuits—Death of Champlain—Foundation of Montreal—Emigration from France—The Carignan Regiment—DeCourcelle—Proposal to found a Fort at Lake Ontario—Frontenac—Fort at Cataraqui—La Salle—Fort at Niagara—First vessel upon the Lakes—Its fate—Death of La Salle, the first settler of Upper Canada—Founder of Louisiana—Discoverer of the mouth of the Mississippi
Cataraqui Fort strengthened—Kente Indians seized and carried captive to France—Massacre of Lachine—Commencing struggle between New England and New France—Siege of Quebec by Sir Wm. Phipps—Destruction of Fort Cataraqui—Its re-erection—Treaty of Ryswick—Death of Frontenac—Iroquois in England—Another attempt to capture Quebec—Decline of French power—Population of Canada and of New England—Continuation of the contest for the fur trade—Taking of Fort Louisburg—Col. Washington, dishonorable conduct—Inconsistency of Dr. Franklin—Commencement of seven years’ war—Close of first year—Montcalm—His presentiment—Taking of Fort Oswego—Of Fort William Henry—Fearful massacre—The state of Canada—Wolfe appears—Taking of Frontenac—Duquesne—Apathy of France—The Spring of 1759—Reduced state of Canada—Overthrow of French power in America—The result—Union of elements—The capture of Quebec—Wolfe—Death of Montcalm—Fort Niagara—Johnson—Effort to retake Quebec—Wreck of the French army—Capitulation at Montreal—Population—The first British Governor of Canada—The Canadians as British subjects—The result of French enterprise—Rebellion
First American rebellion—Independence—Traitors made heroes—Loyalists driven away to found another colony—The responsibility of rebelling—Treatment of the Loyalists—The several colonies—The first Englishman in America—Receives £10—English colonization—Virginia—Convicts—Extent of Virginia—First Governor—Virginians not willing to rebel—Quota supplied to the rebel army—New York—Hudson—The Dutch—New Netherlands—Price of New Amsterdam (New York)—First Legislative Assembly—Not quick to rebel—Quota of rebel troops—Gave many settlers to Upper Canada—New Jersey—Its settlement—A battle ground—Gave rebel troops; also loyal troops—Furnished settlers to Upper Canada—Massachusetts—Captain Smith—New England Puritans—The “Mayflower”—First Governor—Cruel treatment of Indians—Massachusetts takes the lead in rebelling—Troops—Loyalists—New Hampshire—Troops—Delaware—Settlement—Quota of rebel troops—Connecticut—Education—Troops—Roman Catholics—Toleration—Rhode Island—Providence—Inconsistency of the Puritans—Roger Williams—North Carolina—Inhabitants—South Carolina—Many Loyalists—Pennsylvania—William Penn—Conduct toward Indians—The people opposed to rebellion—Georgia—Oglethorpe—Policy of New England—New England
American writers—Sabine—Loyalists had no time to waste—Independence not sought at first—Adams—Franklin—Jay—Jefferson—Washington—Madison—The British Government—Ingratitude of the Colonists—Taxation—Smugglers—Crown officers—Persistence—Superciliousness Contest between Old England and New England
The signers of the Declaration of Independence—Their nativity—Injustice of American writers for 80 years—Cast back mis-statements—The Whigs had been U. E. Loyalists—Hancock—Office-seekers—Malcontents stir up strife—What the fathers of the Republic fought for—Rebel committees—Black mail—Otis, John Adams, Warren, Washington, Henry, Franklin—What caused them to rebel—What the American revolutionary heroes actually were—Cruelty, during and after the war—No Freedom—The political mistake of the rebels in alienating the loyalists—The Consequence—Motives of the loyalists—False charges—Conscientious Conservatives—Rebellion not warranted—Attachment to the old flag—Loyalists driven away—Suppressio veri—Want of noble spirit towards the South—Effects—Comparison between loyalists and rebels—Education—Religion—The neutral—The professions
Republicanism—The lesson of the first rebellion—The late civil war—The Loyalists; their losses and hardships—Ignored by Americans—Unrecorded—The world kept in ignorance—American glory—Englishmen—Question of Colonial treatment—The reason why Great Britain failed to subdue the rebellion—Character of the rebel bravery—The great result—Liberty in England and United States contrasted—Slavery—The result to U. E. Loyalists—Burgoyne—Mobocracy—Treatment from “Sons of Liberty”—Old men, women and children—Instances of cruelty—Brutality—Rapacity—Torture—The lower classes—“Swamp Law”—Fiendish cruelty—Worse than Butler’s Rangers—Seward and the Fenians—Infamous falsification—Close of the war—Recognition of independence by Great Britain—Crushed hopes of the Loyalists—In New York—Their conduct—Evacuation day—The position of the Loyalists—Confiscation—“Attainting”—Seizing Estates—Paine—Commissioners at Paris—British Ministry—Loyalists’ petition—King’s speech—Division of claimants—Six classes—The number—Tardy justice—Noble conduct of South Carolina—Impostors—Loyalists in Lower Canada—Proclamation—The soldiers’ families—Journeyings—Meeting of families
A spirit of strife—The French war—British American troops—Former comrades opposed—Number of U. E. Loyalists in the field—General Burgoyne—Defeat—First reverse of British arms—The campaign—Colonel St. Leger—Fort Stanwix—Colonel Baume—Battle of Bennington—General Herkimer—Gates—Schuyler—Braemar Heights—Saratoga—Surrender—The result upon the people—Sir John Johnson—Sir William—Sketch—Indian Chief—Laced coat—Indian’s dream—It comes to pass—Sir William dreams—It also comes to pass—Too hard a dream—Sir John—Attempt to arrest—Escape—Starving—Royal greens—Johnson’s losses—Living in Canada—Death—Principal Corps of Royalists—King’s Rangers—Queen’s Rangers—Major Rogers—Simcoe—The Rangers in Upper Canada—Disbanded—The Hessians
Indian names—The Five Tribes—The Sixth—Confederation—Government—Subdivisions—Origin—Hendrick—Death—Brant—Birth—Education—Married—Teaching—Christianity—Brant elected Chief—Commissioned a British Captain—Visits England—Returns—Leads his warriors to battle—Efforts of Rebels to seduce Brant to their cause—Attempted treachery of the Rebel Herkimer—Border warfare—Wyoming—Attempt to blacken the character of Brant—His noble conduct—Untruthful American History—The inhabitants of Wyoming—The Rebels first to blame—Cherry Valley—Van Schaick—Bloody orders—Terrible conduct of the Rebels, Helpless Indian families—Further deeds of blood and rapine by the rebel Sullivan—A month of horrible work—Attributes of cruelty more conspicuous in the Rebels than in the Indians—The New Englander—Conduct toward the Indians—Inconsistent—The “down trodden”—The Mohawks—Indian agriculture—Broken faith with the Indians—Noble conduct of Brant—After the war—His family—Death—Miss Molly—Indian usage—The character of the Mohawk—The six Indians as Canadians—Fidelity to the British—Receiving land—Bay Quinté—Grand River—Settling—Captain Isaac, Captain John—At present—Mohawk Counsel
Indian paths—Portages—Original French routes—Mer de Canada—Original names of St. Lawrence—Ontario—Huron—Route by Bay Quinté—Old French maps—Original English routes—Four ways from Atlantic to the Lakes—Mississippi—Potomac—Hudson—Indian name of Erie—From New York to Ontario—The Hudson River—Mohawk—Wood creek—Oneida Lake—Oswego River—The carrying places—West Canada Creek—Black River—Oswegotchie—The navigation—Military highway—Lower Canada—An historic route—The paths followed by the Loyalists—Indian paths north of Lake Ontario—Crossing the Lake—From Cape Vincent to the Bay Quinté—From Oswego by Duck Islands—East Lake—Picton Bay—Coasting Ontario—Two ways to Huron—By Bay Quinté and Trent; by Don River—Lake Simcoe—Point Traverse—Loyalists—Travelling by the St. Lawrence—First road—Long remembered event
Indians traveled by foot or by canoe—Secreting canoes—Primeval scenes—Hunting expeditions—War path—In 1812—Brock—A night at Myers’ Creek—Important arrival—The North West Company—Their canoes—Route—Grand Portage—The Voyageurs—The Batteaux—Size—Ascending the rapids—Lachine—A dry dock—Loyalists by batteaux—Durham boats—Difficulties—In 1788, time from Lachine to Fredericksburgh—Waiting for batteaux—Extracts from a journal, traveling in 1811—From Kingston to Montreal—The expenses—The Schenectady boats—Trade between Albany and Cataraqui—The Durham boat—Duncan—Description of flat-bottomed boat by “Murray”—Statement of Finkle—Trading—Batteaux in 1812—Rate of traveling—The change in fifty years—Time from Albany to Bay Quinté—Instances—Loyalists traveling in winter—Route—Willsbury wilderness—Tarrying at Cornwall—The “French Train”—Traveling along north shore of Ontario—Indian path—Horseback—Individual owners of batteaux—Around Bay Quinté—The Last regular batteaux—In 1819—“Lines” from magazine
The first Vessel—The French—La Salle—The Griffon—Vessels in 1770—During the Rebellion—Building at Carleton Island—Captain Andrews—The Ontario—Col. Burton—Loss of the Ontario—The Sheehans—Hills—Givins’—Murney’s Point—Schooner ‘Speedy’—Mohawk—Mississauga—Duke of Kent—Capt. Bouchette—Paxton—McKenzie—Richardson—Earle Steele—Fortiche—The Governor Simcoe—Sloop ‘Elizabeth’—First vessel built at York—Collins’ Report upon Navigating the Lakes—Navy in Upper Canada, 1795—Rochfoucault—Capt. Bouchette—Officers’ Pay—York, the centre of the Naval Force—Gun Boats—The Loss of the “Speedy”—Reckoner—Dr. Strachan—Solicitor-Gen. Gray—Canada took the lead in building Vessels—First Canadian Merchant Vessel—The York—A Schooner on runners round the Falls—Sending Coals to Newcastle—Upon Bay Quinté—The Outskirts of Civilization—“The Prince Edward” built of Red Cedar—In 1812—Schooner “Mary Ann”—1817—Capt. Matthews
Major Gen. Holland—Surveying on Atlantic Coast—An adherent of the Crown—Removal to Montreal—Death—Major Holland—Information from “Maple Leaves”—Holland Farm—Taché—First Canadian Poem—Head Quarters of Gen. Montgomery—Hospitality—Duke of Kent—Spencer Grange—Holland Tree—Graves—Epitaphs—Surveyor Washington—County Surveyor—Surveyors after the War—First Survey in Upper Canada—Commenced in 1781—The Mode pursued—Information in Crown Lands Department—The Nine Townships upon the St. Lawrence—At the close of the War—Non-Professional Surveyors—Thomas Sherwood—Assisting to Settle—Surveying around the Bay Quinté—Bongard—Deputy-Surveyor Collins—First Survey at Frontenac—Town Reserve—Size of Township—Mistakes—Kotte—Tuffy—Capt. Grass—Capt. Murney—Surveying in Winter—Planting Posts—Result—Litigation—Losing Land—A Newspaper Letter—Magistrates—Landholders—Their Sons’ Lawyers—Alleged Filching—Speculators at Seat of Government—Grave Charges—Width of Lots—Mode of Surveying—Number of Concessions—Cross Roads—Surveyors Orders—Numbering the Lots—Surveying around the Bay—The ten Townships—Their Lands—The Surveying Party—A Singer—Statement of Gourlay
The term Concession—First Concession of Land in Canada—The Carignan Regiment—Seigniories—Disproportion of the sexes—Females sent from France—Their appearance—Settling them—Marriage allowance—The last seigniory—New Longeuil—Seigniory at Frontenac—Grants to refugees—Officers and men—Scale of granting—Free of expense—Squatting—Disbanded soldiers—Remote regions—A wise and beneficent policy—Impostors—Very young officers—Wholesale granting of land—Republicans coming over—Covetous—False pretensions—Government had to discriminate—Rules and regulations—Family lands—Bounty—Certificates—Selling claims—Rear concessions—Transfer of location ticket—Land board—Tardiness in obtaining titles to real estate—Transfer by bond—Jobbing—Sir Wm. Pullency—Washington—Giving lands to favorites—Reserves—Evil results—The Family Compact—Extract from Playter—Extract from Lord Durham—From Gourlay—Recompense to Loyalists—Rations—Mode of drawing land—Land agent—Broken front—Traitor Arnold—Tyendinaga
Lines—Western Settlement, 1783—Population—Settlement upon St. Lawrence and Bay—Number, 1784—Proclamation to Loyalists—Society disturbed—Two kinds of Loyalists—St. Lawrence and Bay favorable for settlement—Government provisions—State of the Loyalists—Serving out rations—Clothes—Utensils for clearing and fencing—The axe—Furniture—Attacking a last enemy—Tents—Waiting for their lots—“Bees”—Size of dwellings—Mode of building—Exchanging work—Bedsteads—Clearing—Fireing trees—Ignorance of pioneer life—Disposing of the wood—No beast of burden—Logging—Determination—All settlers on a common ground—Additional refugees—Advance—Simcoe’s proclamation, 1792—Conditions of grants—The response—Later settlers—Questionable Loyalists—Yankees longing for Canada—Loyalty in 1812
Father Picquet—Provision of Forts in Upper Canada just before conquest—Frontenac—Milk—Brandy—Toronto—The several forts—Detroit—British garrisons—Grasping rebels—Efforts to starve out Loyalists in Canada—Worse treated than the Acadians—Efforts to secure Fur Trade—The frontier forts—Americans’ conduct to Indians—Result—Conduct of British Government—Rations for three years—Grinding by hand—“Hominy blocks”—“Plumping mill”—The women—Soldier farmers—The Hessians—Suffering—The “Scarce Year”—Charge against the Commissariat officers—Famine—Cry for bread—Instances of suffering—Starving children—No salt—Fish—Game—Eating young grain—Begging bran—A common sorrow—Providential escapes—Eating buds and leaves—Deaths—Primitive fishing—Catching salmon—Going 125 miles to mill—Disconsolate families—1789—Partial relief—First beef slaughtered in Upper Canada—First log barn—A “Bee,” what they ate and drank—Tea introduced—Statements of Sheriff Sherwood—Roger Bates—John Parrott—Col. Clark—Squirrel swimming Niagara—Maple sugar—How it was made—Women assisting—Made dishes of food—Pumpkin loaf—Extract from Rochefoucault—1795—Quality of grain raised—Quinté Bay—Cultivation—Corn exported—The grain dealers—Price of flour—Pork—Profits of the merchants
Kingston Mills—Action of Government—The Millwright—Situation of the first Mill—Why Selected—The Machinery—Put up by Loyalists—No Toll—Only Mill for three years—Going to Mill, 1784—The Napanee Mill—Commenced 1785—Robert Clarke—An old Book—“Appenea” Falls—Price of certain articles—What Rum cost, and was used for—The Mill opened 1787—Sergt.-Major Clarke in charge—Indian Corn—Small Toll—Surveyor Collins in charge—Becomes the property of R. Cartwright, 1792—Rebuilt—Origin of Napanee—Price of Butter, 1788—Mills at Four Mile Creek, Niagara Falls, Fort Erie, and Grand River—Mills on the St. Lawrence—The Stone Mills—Van Alstine—Lake of the Mountain—1796—Natural Beauty, versus Utility—The Mill—Van Alstine’s Death—Wind Mill—Myer’s Mill—Mill at Consecon
Clothing—Domestic and Farming Implements—Style of Dress eighty years ago—Clothing of the Refuges—Disbanded Soldiers—No Fresh Supply—Indian Garments of Skin—Deerskin Pants—Petticoats—Bed Coverings—Cultivating Flax—Sheep—Home-made Clothes—Rude Implements—Fulling—French Mode—Lindsay Woolsey—The Spinning-wheel—Young men Selecting Wives—Bees—Marriage Portion—Every Farmer his own Tanner and Shoemaker—Fashions—How odd hours were spent—Home-made Shoes—What Blankets were made of—Primitive Bedstead—Nakedness—Bridal Apparel—No Saddles—Kingston and Newark—Little Money—Bartering—Merchants from Albany—Unable to buy—Credit with Merchants—The Results—Itinerant Mechanics—Americans—Become Canadians—An old Stone-mason—Wooden Dishes—Making Spoons—Other Hardships—Indians Friendly—Effects of Alcohol upon the Mississaugas—Groundless Panic—Drunken Indians—Women, defending Themselves—An erroneous Statement about Indian Massacre in “Dominion Monthly Magazine”—Statement of an Old Settler, Sherwood—Wild Beasts—Few Fire-arms—Narrow Escapes—Depredations at Night—Destroying Stock—An Act of Parliament—“A traveller’s statement”—The Day of Small Things—Settlers Contented—The Extent of their Ambition—Reward of Industry—Population in 1808—Importations—Money—The Youth
Sweat of the brow—No beast of burden—No stock—Except by a few—Horses and oxen—From Lower Canada—York State—Late comers, brought some—No fodder—First stock in Adolphustown—Incidents—Cock and hens—“Tipler”—Cattle driving—First cow in Thurlow—First house in Marysburgh—The first oxen—No market for butter and cheese—Sheep—Rev. Mr. Stuart, as an Agriculturist—Horses at Napanee—An offer for a yoke of steers
Old channels of trade, and travel—Art and science—New channels—The wilderness—Loyalists Travelling on foot, from Kingston to York—Formation of roads—Act of parliament—1793—Its provisions—Crooked roads—Foot-path—Bridle-path—King’s highway from Lower Canada—When surveyed—Road from Kingston westward—Its course—Simcoe’s military road—Dundas street—Asa Danforth—Contract with government—Road from Kingston to Ancaster—Danforth road—1799—Misunderstandings—Danforth’s pamphlets—Slow improvement—Cause—Extract from Gourlay—Thomas Markland’s report—Ferries—1796—Acts of parliament—Statute labor—Money grants—Commissioners—Midland district—Distribution—The Cataraqui Bridge Company—The petitioners—An act—The provisions—The plan of building—The bridge—Toll—Completing the bridge—Improvements of roads—McAdam—Declines a knighthood
Ode to Canada—Early events—First English child in America, 1587—In New England—First French child, 1621—First in Upper Canada, 1783—In Prince Edward—Adolphustown—Ameliasburgh—North of the Rideau—Indian marriage ceremony—Difficulty among first settlers to get clergymen—First marriage in America, 1608—First in New England, 1621—First in Canada, 1621—Marriageable folks—No one to tie the matrimonial knot—Only one clergyman—Officers marrying—Magistrates empowered—Legislation, 1793—Its provision—Making valid certain marriages—Further Legislation, 1798—In 1818—1821—1831—Clergymen of all denominations permitted to marry—Methodist ministers—Marriage license, 1814—Five persons appointed to issue—A noticeable matter—Statements of Bates—Mode of courting in the woods—Newcastle wedding expeditions—Weapons of defence—Ladies’ dresses—The lover’s “rig”—A wedding ring—Paying the magistrate—A good corn basket—Going to weddings—“Bitters”—Old folks stay at home—The dance, several nights—Marriage outfit—Frontier life—Morals in Upper Canada—Absence of irregularities—Exceptional instances—Unable to get married, Peter and Polly—A singular witness—Rev. Mr. Stuart—Langhorn—McDowell—How to adorn the bride—What she wore—A wedding in 1808—On horseback—The guests—The wedding—The banquet—The game of forfeits—The night—Second day wedding—The young folks on horseback—Terpischorean—An elopement by canoe—The Squire—The chase—The lovers successful—The Squires who married
Burying places—How selected—Family burying place—For the neighborhood—The Dutch—Upon the Hudson—Bay Quinté—A sacred spot to the Loyalists—Ashes to ashes—Primitive mode of burial—The coffin—At the grave—The father’s remarks—Return to labor—French Burying-place at Frontenac—Its site—U. E. Loyalists’ burying place at Kingston—The “U. E. burying-ground,” Adolphustown—Worthy sires of Canada’s sons—Decay—Neglect of illustrious dead—Repair wanted—Oldest burying-ground in Prince Edward—Ross Place—At East Lake—Upon the Rose farm—“The Dutch burying-ground”—Second growth trees—In Sophiasburgh—Cronk farm—In Sidney—Rude tomb stones—Burial-place of Captain Myers—Reflections—Dust to dust—In Thurlow—“Taylor burying-ground”—The first person buried—Lieut. Ferguson—An aged female—Her work done—Wheels stand still
French missionaries—First in 1615—Recollets—With Champlain—Jesuits, in 1625—Valuable records—Bishopric of Quebec, 1674—First Bishop of Canada, Laval—Rivalry—Power of Jesuits—Number of missionaries—Their “relations”—First mission field; Bay Quinté region—“Antient mission”—How founded—First missionaries—Kleus, Abbe D’Urfé—La Salle to build a church—The ornaments and sacred vessels—The site of the “Chappel” uncertain—Bald Bluff, Carrying Place—Silver crosses—Mission at Georgian Bay—The “Christian Islands”—Chapel at Michilmicinac, 1679—The natives attracted—Subjects of the French King—Francois Picquet—La Presentation—Soegasti—The most important mission—The object—Six Nations—The missionary’s living—“Disagreeable expostulations”—Putting stomach in order—Trout—Picquet’s mode of teaching Indians—The same afterwards adopted by Rev. W. Case—Picquet’s success—Picquet on a voyage—At Fort Toronto—Mississaugas’ request—Picquet’s reply—A slander—At Niagara, Oswego—At Frontenac—Grand reception—Return to La Presentation—Picquet in the last French war—Returns to France—By Mississippi—“Apostles of Peace”—Unseemly strife—Last of the Jesuits in Canada
First church in New York, 1633—First Dominie, Rev. Everardus Bogardus—The Dutch, Huguenots, Pilgrims—Transporting ministers and churches—First Rector of New York, Wm. Vesey—Henry Barclay, 1746—First Catholic Bishop in America, 1789—Episcopalian Bishop, 1796—Moral state of Pioneers in Canada—Religion—No ministers—No striking immorality—Feared God and honored their King—The Fathers of Upper Canada—Religious views—A hundred years ago—“Carousing and Dancing”—Rev. Dr. John Ogilvie—First Protestant clergyman in Canada—Chaplain, 1759, at Niagara—A Missionary Successor of Dr. Barclay, New York—Death, 1774—Rev. John Doughty—A Graduate ordained—At Peekskill—Schenectady—A Loyalist—A Prisoner—To Canada—Chaplain—To England—Returns—Missionary Resigns—Rev Dr. John Stuart—First clergyman to settle—His memoir—The “Father of the U. C. Church”—Mission work—The five nations—The Dutch—Rev. Mr. Freeman—Translator—Rev. Mr. Andrews—Rev. Mr. Spencer Woodbridge, Howley—New England missionaries—Rev. Dr. Whelock—The Indian converts—The London society—Rev. Mr. Inglis—John Stuart selected missionary—A native of Pennsylvania—Irish descent—A graduate, Phil. Coll.—Joins Church of England—To England—Ordination—Holy Orders, 1770—Enters upon his work
At Fort Hunter—Mr. Stuart’s first sermon, Christmas—Officiates in Indian tongue—Translates—The rebellion—Prayers for the King—The Johnsons—Rebels attack his house—Plunder—Indignity—Church desecrated—Used as a stable—A barrel of rum—Arrested—Ordered to come before rebel commissioners—On Parole—Limits—Idle two years—To Albany—Phil—Determines to remove to Canada—Not secure—Exchanging—Security—Real estate forfeited—Route—Negroes—The journey, three weeks—At St. John’s—Charge of Public School—Chaplain—At the close of the war—Three Protestant Parishes—Determines to settle at Cataraqui—Chaplain to Garrison—Missionary—Bishop of Virginia, Dr. Griffith—Visits Mr. Stuart—Invitation to Virginia declined—“Rivetted prejudices,” satisfied—“The only refuge clergymen”—Path of duty—Visits the settlements, 1784—Mohawks, Grand river—Reception of their old pastor—First church—Mohawks, Bay of Quinté—Remains in Montreal a year—Assistant—Removes to Cataraqui, 1785—His land—Number of houses in Kingston—A short cut to Lake Huron—Fortunate in land—5000 settlers—Poor and happy—Industrious—Around his Parish, 1788—Two hundred miles long—By batteau—Brant—New Oswego—Mohawk village church, steeple, and bell—First in Upper Canada—Plate—Organ—Furniture—Returns—At Niagara—Old parishioners—Tempted to move—Comfortable, not rich—Declines a judgeship—New Mecklenburgh—Appointed Chaplain to first House of Assembly—Mohawk Mission—At Marysburgh—Degree of D.D.—Prosperity—Happy—Decline of life—His duties—Illness, Death, 1811—His appearance—“The little gentleman”—His manners—Honorable title—His children—Rev. O’Kill Stuart
A Missionary—Chaplain at Niagara—Pastors to the settlers—Chaplain to Legislature—Visits Grand river—Officiates—A land speculator—Receives a pension, £50—1823—Rev. Mr. Pollard—At Amherstburgh—Mr. Langhorn—A missionary—Little education—Useful—Odd—On Bay Quinté in Ernesttown—Builds a church—At Adolphustown—Preaches at Hagerman’s—Another church—A diligent pastor—Pioneer preacher around the bay—Christening—Marrying—Particular—His appointments—Clerk’s Fees—Generosity—Present to bride—Faithful to sick calls—Frozen feet—No stockings—Shoe buckles—Dress—Books—Peculiarities—Fond of the water—Charitable—War of 1812—Determined to leave Canada—Thinks it doomed—Singular notice—Returns to Europe—His library—Present to Kingston—Twenty years in Canada—Extract from Gazette—No one immediately to take his place—Rev. John Bethune—Died 1815—Native of Scotland—U. E. Loyalists—Lost Property—Chaplain to 84th Regiment—A Presbyterian—Second Legal Clergymen in Upper Canada—Settled at Cornwall—Children—The Baptists—Wyner—Turner—Holts Wiem—Baptists upon river Moira—First Chapel—How built—Places of preaching—Hayden’s Corners—At East Lake—The Lutherans—Rev. Schwerdfeger—Lutheran settlers—County Dundas—First church east of Kingston—Rev. Mr. Myers lived in Marysburgh—Marriage—His log church—Removes to St. Lawrence—Resigns—To Philadelphia—Mr. Weant—Lives in Ernesttown—Removes to Matilda—Not supported—Secretly joins the English church—Re-ordained—His society ignorant—Suspicious—Preaching in shirt sleeves—Mr. Myers’ return, by sleigh—Locking church door—The thirty-nine articles—Compromise—Mr. Myers continues three years a Lutheran—He secedes—The end of both Seceders—Rev. I. L. Senderling—Rev. Herman Hayunga—Rev. Mr. Shorts—Last Lutheran minister at Ernesttown, McCarty—Married
Bishop Strachan—A teacher—A preacher—A student—Holy Orders—A Presbyterian—Becomes an Episcopalian—A supporter of the “Family compact”—Sincere—His opinion of the people—Ignorant—Unprepared for self-government—Strachan’s religious chart—He was deceived—The Methodists—Anomalous connection—A fillibustering people—Republicanism egotistical—Loyalty of the Methodists—American ministers—Dr. Strachan’s position—His birth place—His education—A.M., 1793—Studying Theology—Comes to Canada—A student of Dr. Stuart’s—Ordained Deacon—A missionary at Cornwall—Rector at York—Archdeacon—Bishop of Toronto—Coadjutor—Death—A public burial—Rev. Mr. McDowell—First Presbyterian at Bay Quinté—Invited by Van Alstine—On his way—At Brockville—Settles in a second town—His circuit—A worthy minister—Fulfilling his mission—Traveling on foot—To York—Marrying the people—His death—His descendants—Places of preaching—A Calvinist—Invites controversy—Mr. Coate accepts the challenge—The disputation—Excitement—The result—Rev. Mr. Smart—Called by Mr. McDowell—Pres. clergyman at Brockville—Fifty years—An earnest Christian—A desire to write—“Observer”—A pioneer—A cause of regret—Not extreme—Mr. Smart’s views on politics—The masses uneducated—The “Family Compact”—Rise of responsible government—The Bidwells—Credit to Dr. Strachan—Brock’s funeral sermon—Foundation of Kingston gaol—Maitland—Demonstration—Sherwood’s statement
The Quakers—Among the Settlers—From Penn—Duchess County—First Meeting-house—David Sand—Elijah Hick—Visiting Canada—James Noxen—A first settler—Their mode of worship—In Sophiasburg—The meeting-house—Joseph Leavens—Hicksites—Traveling—Death, aged 92—Extract, Picton Sun—The first preaching places—First English church—In private houses—At Sandwich—The Indian church at the bay—Ernesttown—First Methodist church—Preaching at Niagara—First church in Kingston—At Waterloo—At Niagara—Churches at Kingston, 1817—In Hallowell—Thurlow—Methodist meeting-houses, 1816—At Montreal—Building chapels in olden times—Occupying the frame—The old Methodist chapels—In Hallowell township—In the fifth town—St. Lawrence—First English Church, Belleville—Mr. Campbell—First time in the pulpit—How he got out—The old church superseded—Church, front of Sidney—Rev. John Cochrane—Rev. Mr. Grier—First Presbyterian Church in Belleville—Rev. Mr. Ketcham—First Methodist Church in Belleville—Healey, Puffer—The site of the church—A second one
The first Methodist Preachers—The army—Capt. Webb—Tuffey—George Neal—Lyons—School-teacher—Exhorter—McCarty—Persecution—Bigotry—Vagabonds—McCarty arrested—Trial—At Kingston—Banished—“A martyr”—Doubtful—Losee, first Methodist missionary, 1790—A minister—A loyalist—Where he first preached—“A curiosity”—Earnest pioneer Methodist—Class-meetings—Suitable for all classes—Losee’s class-meetings—Determines to build a meeting-house—Built in Adolphustown—Its size—The subscribers—Members, amount—Embury—Those who subscribed for first church in New York—Same names—The centenary of Methodism—New York Methodists driven away—American Methodist forgetful—Embury and Heck refugees—Ashgrove—No credit given to British officers—Embury’s brother—The rigging loft, N. Y.—Barbara Heck—Settling in Augusta—First Methodist Church in America—Subscribers—“Lost Chapters”—The Author’s silence—What is acknowledged—“Severe threats”—Mr. Mann—To Nova Scotia—Mr. Wakely “admires piety”—Not “loyalty”—Second chapel, N. Y.—Adolphustown subscribers—Conrad VanDusen—Eliz. Roblin—Huff—Ruttan—The second Methodist chapel—The subscribers—Commenced May, 1795—Carpenter’s wages—Members Cataraqui Circuit—Going to Conference—Returns—Darias Dunham—Physician—First quarterly meeting—Anecdotes—Bringing a “dish cloth”—“Clean up”—The new made squire—Asses—Unclean spirits—Losee discontinues preaching—Cause—Disappointment—Return to New York—Dunham useful—Settles—Preachers travelling—Saddle-bags—Methodism among loyalists—Camp-meetings—Where first held in Canada—Worshipping in the woods—Breaking up—Killing the Devil—First Canadian preacher—Journey from New York
Henry Ryan—Ryanites—He comes to Canada—His associate, Case—At Kingston—A singer—Preaching in the market-place—Their treatment—In office—His circuit—1000 miles—What he received—Elder—Superseded—Probable cause—A British subject—During the war of 1812—President of Conference—“High-minded”—Useful—Acceptable to the people—Desired independence by the Canadians—How he was treated—His labors—Brave—Witty—“Fatherless children”—“Impudent scoundrel”—Muscular—“Methodists’ bull”—“Magistrate’s goat”—Ryan seeks separation—Breckenridge—Conduct of the American Conference—Ryan’s agitation—Effect upon the Bishops—First Canada Conference—At Hallowell—Desire for independence—Reasons, cogent—Fruit of Ryan’s doings—The way the Conference treated Ryan—Withdraws—No faith in the United States Conference—Ryan sincere—“Canadian Wesleyans”—The motives of the United States Conference questionable—The wrong done Ryan—Second Canada Conference—Case, first Superintendent—Visit of Bishop Asbury—Account by Henry Bœhm—Asbury an Englishman—During the rebellion—A Bishop—His journey to Canada—Crossing the St. Lawrence—Traveling in Canada—An upset—“A decent people”—His opinion of the country—The Bishop ill—At Kingston—Bœhm at Embury’s—A field meeting—Riding all night—Crossing to Sackett’s harbor—Nearly wrecked
McDonnell—First R. Catholic Bishop—A “Memorandum”—Birth-place—in Spain—A priest—In Scotland—Glengary Fencibles—Ireland, 1798—To Canada—Bishop—Death in Scotland—Body removed to Canada—Funeral obsequies—Buried at Kingston—Had influence—Member of Canadian Legislative Council—Pastoral visitations, 1806—A loyal man—A pioneer in his church—The Bishop’s Address, 1836—Refuting Mal-charges—Number of the R. C. clergy in 1804—From Lake Superior to Lower Canada—Traveling horseback—Sometimes on foot—Hardships—Not a politician—Expending private means—Faithful services—Acknowledged—Roman Catholic U. E. Loyalists—First church in Ernesttown—McDonnell at Belleville—Rev. M. Brennan—First church in Belleville—What we have aimed at—The advantages to the English Church—The Reserves—In Lower Canada—Dr. Mountain—Number of English clergymen, 1793—A Bishop—Monopoly initiated—Intolerance and exclusion swept away—An early habit at Divine Service
First Sabbath teaching—Hannah Bell, 1769—School established, 1781—Raikes—Wesley—First in United States—First in Canada—Cattrick—Moon—Common in 1824—First in Belleville—Turnbull—Cooper—Marshall—Prizes, who won them—Mr. Turnbull’s death—Intemperance—First temperance societies—Change of custom—Rum—Increasing intemperance—The tastes of the pioneers—Temperance, not teetotalism—First society in Canada—Drinks at raisings and bees—Society at Hallowell
The Six Nations—Faithful English Allies—Society for Propagation of Gospel—First missionary to Iroquois—John Thomas, first convert—Visit of Chiefs to England—Their names—Their portraits—Attention to them—Asking for instructor—Queen Anne—Communion Service—During the Rebellion—Burying the plate—Recovered—Division of the articles—Sacrilege of the Rebels—Re-printing Prayer Book—Mr. Stuart, missionary—The women and children—At Lachine—Attachment to Mr. Stuart—Touching instance—Mr. Stuart’s Indian sister—Church at Tyendinaga—School teacher to the Mohawk—John Bininger—First teacher—The Bininger family—The Moravian Society—Count Zinzendorf—Moravian church at New York—First minister, Abraham Bininger—Friend of Embury—An old account book—John Bininger journeying to Canada—Living at Bay Quinté—Removes to Mohawk village—Missionary spirit—Abraham Bininger’s letters—The directions—Children pleasing parents—“Galloping thoughts”—Christianity—Canadian Moravian missionaries—Moravian loyalists—What was sent from New York—“Best Treasure”—The “Dear Flock”—David Zieshager at the Thames—J. Bininger acceptable to Mohawk—Abraham Bininger desires to visit Canada—Death of Mrs. Bininger—“Tender mother”—Bininger and Wesley—“Garitson”—“Losee”—“Dunon”—Reconciled to Methodists—Pitying Losee—Losee leaving Canada—Ceases to be teacher—Appointing a successor—William Bell—The salary—The Mohawks don’t attend school—An improvement—The cattle may not go in School-house—The school discontinued
The first Church at Tyendinaga grows old—A Council—Ask for assistance—Gov. Bagot—Laying first stone of new Church—The Inscription—The Ceremony—The new Church—Their Singing—The surrounding Scenery—John Hall’s Tomb—Pagan Indians—Red Jacket—His Speech—Reflection upon Christians—Indians had nothing to do with murdering the Saviour
Mississauga Indians—Father Picquet’s opinion—Remnant of a large tribe—Their land—Sold to Government—Rev. Wm. Case—John Sunday—A drunkard—Peter Jones—Baptising Indians—At a camp-meeting—Their department—Extract from Playter—William Beaver—Conversions—Jacob Peter—Severe upon white Christians—Their worship—The Father of Canadian missions—Scheme to teach Indians—Grape Island—Leasing Islands—The parties—“Dated at Belleville”—Constructing a village—The lumber—How obtained—Encamping on Grape Island—The method of instruction—The number—Agriculture—Their singing—School house—The teacher—Instructions of women—Miss Barnes—Property of Indians—Cost of improvements—A visit to Government—Asking for land—“Big Island”—Other favors—Peter Jacobs at New York—Extracts from Playter—Number of Indian converts, 1829—River Credit Indians—Indians removed to Alnwick
Education among the Loyalists—Effect of the war—No opportunity for Education—A few Educated—At Bath—A common belief—What was requisite for farming—Learning at home—The school teachers—Their qualifications—Rev. Mr. Stuart as a teacher—Academy at Kingston—First Canadian D.D.—Mr. Clark, Teacher, 1786—Donevan—Garrison Schools—Cockerell—Myers—Blaney—Michael—Atkins—Kingston, 1795—Lyons—Mrs. Cranahan—In Adolphustown—Morden—Faulkiner—The school books—Evening schools—McDougall—O’Reiley—McCormick—Flogging—Salisbury—James—Potter—Wright—Watkins—Gibson—Smith—Whelan—Articles of Agreement—Recollections—Boarding round—American teachers—School books—The letter Z
Mr. Stuart’s school—Simcoe—State Church and College—Grammar schools—Hon. R. Hamilton—Chalmers—Strachan—Comes to Canada—Educational history—Arrival at Kingston—The pupils—Fees—Removes to Cornwall—Pupils follow—Strachan, a Canadian—Marries—Interview with Bishop Strachan—His disappointment—A stranger—What he forsook—300 pupils—Their success—Stay at Cornwall—Appointments at York—A lecturer—At Kingston—Member of Legislative Council—Politician—Clergy Reserves—Founds King’s College—The thirty-nine articles—Monopoly swept away—Voluntaryism—Founds Trinity College—Bishop Strachan in 1866—What he had accomplished—Those he tutored—Setting up a high standard—“Reckoner”—Sincerity—Legislation, 1797—Address to the King—Grammar Schools—Grant, 1798—Board of Education—Endowment of King’s College—Its constitution—Changes—Upper Canada College—Endowment—“A spirit of improvement”—Gourlay—The second academy—At Ernesttown—The trustees—Bidwell—Charges—Contradicted—Rival school—Bidwell’s son—Conspicuous character—Bidwell’s death—Son removes to Toronto—Academy building, a barrack—Literary spirit of Bath—Never revived—York
Extract from Cooper—Educational institutions—Kingston—Queen’s College—Own’s Real Estate—Regiopolis College—Roman Catholic—Grammar School—Attendance—School houses—Library—Separate School—Private Schools—The Quaker School—William Penn—Upon the Hudson—Near Bloomfield—Origin of school—Gurnay—His offer—Management of school—The teaching—Mrs. Crombie’s school—Picton ladies’ Academy—McMullen, proprietor—Teachers—Gentlemen’s department—Popular—The art of printing—In America—Book publishing—First in America—Books among the loyalists—Few—Passed around—Ferguson’s books—The Bible—Libraries at Kingston and Bath—Legislation—In Lower Canada—Reading room at Hallowell—Reserves for education—Upper Canada in respect to education—Praiseworthy—Common School system bill introduced 1841—Amended, 1846—Dr. Ryerson’s system—Unsurpassed
First Newspapers, 1457—Year, 66—English Newspapers—In America—In Canada—‘Gazette’—Founder—Papers in 1753—Quebec ‘Herald’—Montreal ‘Gazette’—‘Le Temps’—Quebec ‘Mercury’—Canadian ‘Courant’—‘Royal Gazette’—First in Newfoundland—‘U. C. Gazette’—First paper—Subscribers—Upper Canada ‘Guardian’—Wilcox—Mr. Thorpe—Opposition—Libel—Elected to Parliament—York Jail—Leader—In 1812—Deserted—York ‘Gazette’—Kingston ‘Gazette’—Only Paper—News sixty years ago—In Midland District—Rev. Mr. Miles—Pioneer of Journalism—His Birthplace—Learns the printing business—Mower—Montreal ‘Gazette’—Kendall—Partnership—To Kingston in 1810—The printing office—Kingston ‘Gazette’—Mr. Miles sells out—The concern purchased—Mr. Miles asked to be Editor—Their kindness—Gratitude—Second Volume—Extract from ‘Gazette’—The Price—Kingston ‘Chronicle’—Upper Canada ‘Herald’—‘Canadian Watchman’—Mr. Miles at Prescott—Returns to Kingston—Enters the Ministry—Loyal Subject—In 1812—On Duty—Archdeacon Stuart—Col. Cartwright—Contributors to ‘Gazette’—Our Thanks—A Watch—Faithfulness—“A Good Chance”—Subscribers at York—Kingston ‘Spectator’—‘Patriot’—‘Argus’—‘Commercial Advertizer’—‘British Whig’—‘Chronicle’ and ‘News’—First Daily in Upper Canada—Paper Boxes—Brockville ‘Recorder’—A Reform paper—McLeod—Grenville ‘Gazette’—Prescott ‘Telegraph’—‘Christian Guardian’—Reform Journals
First paper between Kingston and York—Hallowell “Free Press”—The Editor—“Recluse”—Fruitless efforts—Proprietor—Wooden press—Of iron—“Free Press,” independent—The “Traveller”—Press removed to Cobourg—“Prince Edward Gazette”—“Picton Gazette”—“Picton Sun”—“Picton Times”—“New Nation”—“Cobourg Star”—“Anglo-Canadian” at Belleville—The Editor—Price—The “Phœnix”—Slicer—“Canadian Wesleyan”—“Hastings Times”—The “Reformer”—The “Intelligencer”—George Benjamin—The “Victoria Chronicle”—“Hastings Chronicle”—Extract from Playter—“Colonial Advocate”—“Upper Canada Herald”—“Barker’s Magazine”—“Victoria Magazine”—Joseph Wilson—Mrs. Moodie—Sheriff Moodie—Pioneer in Canadian literature—Extract from Morgan—“Literary Garland”—“Roughing it in the Bush”—“Eclectic Magazine”—“Wilson’s Experiment”—“Wilson’s Canada Casket”—The “Bee” at Napanee—“Emporium”—The “Standard”—The “Reformer”—“North American”—“Ledger”—“Weekly Express”—“Christian Casket”—“Trenton Advocate”—“British Ensign”—The “Canadian Gem”—“Maple Leaf”—Papers in 1853—Canadian papers superior to American—Death at Boston—Berczy—Canadian idioms—Accent—Good English—Superstition—Home education—Fireside stories—Traditions
The Indians—Their origin—Pre-historic Canada—Indian relics—Original inhabitants—Les Iroquois du nord—Original names—Peninsula of Upper Canada—Champlain exploring—Ascends the Ottawa—His route to Lake Nippissing—To Lake Huron—French river—The country—Georgian Bay—Lake Simcoe—Down the Trent—A grand trip—Bay Quinté and Lake Ontario discovered—War demonstration—Wintering at the Bay—A contrast—Roundabout way—Erroneous impressions
Appearance—Mouth of Bay—Length—The Peninsula of Prince Edward—Width of Bay—Long Reach—Course of Bay—The High Shore—Division of bay—Eastern, central, western—Taking a trip—Through the Reach—A picture—A quiet spot—Lake on the mountain—A description—Montreal Gazette—Beautiful view—Rhine, Hudson—Contrast—Classic ground—A sketch—Birth place of celebrated Canadians—Hagerman—A leading spirit—Sir J. A. McDonald—Reflections—A log house—Relics of the past—Lesson of life—In the lower bay—Reminiscences—The front—Cradle of the province—Shore of Marysburgh—In the Western Bay—Cuthbertson—Up the bay—A battle ground—Devil’s Hill—In the depths—Prosperity—Geological supposition—Head of bay—The past
The “Big Bay”—Musketoe Bay—Mohawk Bay—Hay Bay—“Eastern Bay”—Site of Ancient Kentes—The name—Old Families—An Accident, 1819—Eighteen Drowned—Extract from Playter—Searching for the Bodies—Burying the dead—Picton Bay—Appearance—The “Grand Bay”—Upper Gap—Lower Gap—Kingston Bay—A Picture—Recollections—A Contract—Ship Yards—Extract from Cooper—Inland Lakes
The French—Their policy—Trading posts—Cahiaque—Variations—Name of river—Foundation of Fort Frontenac—A change—Site of old fort—La Salle’s petition—A Seigniory—Governors visiting—War Expedition—Fort destroyed—Rebuilt—Colonial wars—Taking of Fort Oswego—Frontenac taken—End of French domination
Cooper’s Essay—Loyalists naming places—King’s Town—Queen’s Town—Niagara—Spanish names—Cataraqui from 1759 to 1783—Desolation—The rebellion—Station, Carleton Island—Settling—Refugees at New York—Michael Grass—Prisoner at Cataraqui—From New York to Canada—Captain Grass takes possession of first township—First landholders—A letter by Captain Grass—Changes—Surveying forts and harbors—Report to Lord Dorchester—Kingston, versus Carleton Island—The defenses—Troops—King’s township—First settlers—“Plan of township No. 1”—First owners of town lots—Names—Settlers upon the front—First inhabitants of Kingston—A naval and military station—The Commodore—Living of old—Kingston in last century—New fortifications
The situation of Kingston—Under military influence—Monopolist—Early history of legislation—In 1810—Gourlay’s statement—Police—Modern Kingston—Lord Sydenham—Seat of government—Perambulating—Surrounding country—Provisions—An appeal for Kingston as capital—Barriefield—Pittsburgh—Building of small crafts—Famous—Roads—Waterloo—Cemetery—Portsmouth—Kingston Mill—Little Cataraqui—Collinsby—Quantity of land—Early and influential inhabitants—Post masters—“Honorable men”—Deacon, Macaulay, Cartwright, Markland, Cummings, Smiths, Kerby—Allen McLean, first lawyer—A gardener—Sheriff McLean—“Chrys” Hagerman—Customs—Sampson, shooting a smuggler—Hagerman, M.P.P.—Removes to Toronto
The second town—Ernest’s town—King George—His children—Settlers of Ernesttown—Disbanded soldiers—Johnson’s regiment—Major Rogers’ corps—The “Roll”—Number—By whom enlisted—An old book—Township surveyed—Settling—Traveling—Living in tents—A change—Officers—Names—Occupants of lots—Mill Creek—The descendants—Quality of land—Village—The settlers in 1811—The main road—Incorporation of Bath—Trading—Fairfield—The library—Bath by Gourlay—Bath of the present—Bath versus Napanee—In 1812—American Fleet—Wonderful achievement—Safe distance from shore—Third township—Fredericksburgh—After Duke of Sussex—Surveyed by Kotte—A promise to the disbanded soldiers—Johnson—Fredericksburgh additional—A dispute—Quantity of land—Extract from Mrs. Moodie—Reserve for village—Second surveys
The fourth township—Adolphustown—After Duke of Cambridge—Quantity of Land—Survey—Major VanAlstine—Refugees—From New York—Time—Voyage—Their Fare—Names—Arrived—Hagerman’s Point—In Tents—First Settler—Town Plot—Death—The Burial—A Relic—Commissary—Dispute of Surveyors—The Settlers—All things in common—An aged man—Golden rule—Old map—Names—Islands—The township—Price of land—First “town meeting”—Minutes—The Officers Record—Inhabitants, 1794—Up to 1824—First Magistrates—Centre of Canada—Court Held in Barn—In Methodist Chapel—“A Den of Thieves”—Court House erected—Adolphustown Canadians—Members of Parliament—The Courts—Where first held—Hagerman—Travelers tarrying at Adolphustown
Marysburgh—Origin—Once part of a Seigniory—Survey—Hessians—Old map—The lots—Officers of the 84th Regt.—Original landowners—Indian Point—McDonnell’s Cove—Grog Bay—“Accommodating Bay”—“Gammon Point”—Black River—“Long Point”—Reserves—Course pursued by the Surveyor—Number of Hessians—Their sufferings—Dark tales—Discontented—Returning to Hesse—A suitable location—Not U. E. Loyalists—Received land gratis—Family land—Their habits—Capt. McDonnell—Squire Wright—Sergt. Harrison—The Smith’s—Grant to Major VanAlstine—Beautiful Scenery—Smith’s bay—“The Rock”—Over a precipice
Sixth township—Name—Survey—Convenient for settlement—First settlers—A remote township—What was paid for lots—“Late Loyalists”—Going to Mill—Geological formation—Along the fronts—High shore—Grassy Point—Its history—Marsh front—Central place—Stickney’s Hill—Foster’s Hill—Northport—Trade—James Cotter—Gores—Demerestville—The name—“Sodom”—First records—Township meetings—The Laws of the township—Divided into parishes—Town clerk—Officers—The poor—The committee—Inhabitants, 1824—Fish Lake—Seventh Township—The name—Survey by Kotte—At the Carrying Place—Surveyor’s assistant—No early records—First settlers
Prince Edward—The name—Rich land—Size of peninsula—Shape—Small Lakes—Sand hills—The Ducks—Gibson’s rock—The past—First settler—Col. Young—Prospecting—Discovery of East Lake—West Lake—Moving in—Settlers in 1800—East Lake—Capt. Richardson—“Prince Edward Division Bill”—Office seekers—Township of Hallowell—The name—Formation of Township—First records 1798—The officers—The laws—Magistrates—Picton—Its origin—Hallowell village—Dr. Austin—Gen. Picton—His monument—Naming the villages—A contest—The Court house—An offer—Enterprise—Proposed steamboat—Churches—Rev. Mr. Macaulay—Rev. Mr. Fraser—Rev. Mr. Lalor
Eighth Township—Sidney—Name—Survey—Settlement, 1787—Letter from Ferguson—Trading—Barter—Potatoes—Building—Cows—No salt to spare—First settlers—Myers—Re-surveying—James Farley—Town Clerk at first meeting—William Ketcheson—Gilbert’s Cove—Coming to the front—River Trent—Old names—Ferry—Bridge—Trenton—Its settlement—Squire Bleeker
Ninth town—Thurlow—Name—When surveyed—Front—Indian burying ground—Owner of first lots—Chisholm—Singleton—Myers—Ferguson—Indian traders—To Kingston in batteau—Singleton’s death—Ferguson’s death—Distress of the families—Settled, 1789—Ascending the Moira—Taking possession of land—Fifth concession—John Taylor—Founder of Belleville—Myers buying land—Settlers upon the front—Municipal record—Town officers—1798—Succeeding years—Canifton, its founder—Settling—The diet—Building mill—Road—River Moira—Origin of name—Earl Moira—Indian name—Indian offering—“Cabojunk”—Myers’ saw-mill—Place not attractive—First bridge—The flouring-mill—Belleville—Indian village—Myers’ Creek—Formation of village—First Inn—Permanent bridge—Bridge Street—In 1800—Growth—A second mill—McNabb’s—Sad death—Captain McIntosh—Petrie—Inhabitants, 1809—Dr. Spareham—Naming of Belleville—Bella Gore—By Gore in council—Petition—Extract from Kingston Gazette—Surveying reserve—Wilmot—Mistakes—Granting of lots—Conditions—Board of Police—Extent of Belleville—Muddy streets—Inhabitants in 1824—Court-house—First Court, Quarter Sessions—Belleville in 1836
Tenth township—Richmond—Origin—Quantity of land—Shores of Mohawk Bay—Village on south shore—Original land holders—Names—Napanee—The falls—The mill—Salmon River—Indian name—Source of Napanee River—Its course—Colebrook—Simcoe Falls—Name—Clarke’s Mills—Newburgh—Academy—The settlers—“Clarkville”—No records
Military rule—Imperial Act, 1774—French Canada—Refugees—Military Government in Upper Canada—New Districts—Lunenburgh—Mecklenburgh—Nassau—Hesse—The Judges—Duncan—Cartwright—Hamilton—Robertson—Court in Mecklenburgh—Civil Law—Judge Duncan—Judge Cartwright—Punishment inflicted—First execution—New Constitution of Quebec—1791, Quebec Bill passed—Inhabitants of Upper Canada
Simcoe—His arrival in Canada—Up the St. Lawrence—An old house—“Old Breeches’ River”—Simcoe’s attendants—The old veterans—“Good old cause”—“Content”—Toasting—Old officers—Executive Council of Upper Canada—First entry—Simcoe inducted to office—Religious ceremony—“The proceedings”—Those present—Oath of office—Organization of Legislative Council—Assembly—Issuing writs for elections—Members of Council—Simcoe’s difficulty—At Kingston—Division of Province—The Governor’s officers—Rochfoucault upon Simcoe—Simcoe’s surroundings—His wife—Opening Parliament in 1795—Those present—Retinue—Dress—The nineteen counties—Simcoe’s designs—Visit of the Queen’s father—At Kingston—Niagara—A war dance
General Hunter—Peter Russell—Francis Gore, 1806—Alex. Grant—Brock—1812—United States declare war—Prompt action—Parliament—Proclamation—The issue—Second proclamation—General Hull—His proclamation—Bombast and impertinence—The Indians—Proclamation answered—Hull a prisoner—Michigan conquered—To Niagara—At Queenston heights—“Push on York Volunteers”—Death of Brock—McDonnell—War of 1812, the Americans—Extract from Merritt—What Canadians did—Brock’s monument—General Sheaffe—General Drummond—Invading the States—What Canada will do—Lord Sydenham—A tribute by Dr. Ryerson—Union of the Provinces
Kingston—First capital—First act of government—Niagara—Selecting the capital—Niagara in 1788—Carrying place—Landing place—Newark—In 1795—Mr. Hamilton—The inhabitants—Little York—The Don—The Harbor—Survey—De la Trenche—London—Inhabitants of the Don—Yonge street, a military road—Governor at York—Castle Frank—York in 1798—The Baldwins—In 1806—Buffalo—York, 1813—Taken by the Americans—The Combatants—Toronto—“Muddy York”—A monument required
Parliament—Simcoe’s Proclamation—Nineteen counties formed—Names and boundaries—First elections—Names of members—Officers of the House—A Quaker member—Chaplain—Meeting of Parliament—The Throne, a camp stool—Address—To both houses—Closing address—Acts passed—Simcoe’s confidential letters—A contrast—A blending—2nd Session—The Acts—Quarter Sessions—3rd, 4th, 5th Sessions—New division of Province—1798—Modes of punishment—Burning the hand—Whipping—Salaries of officers—Revenue first year—The members of Parliament—Education—Offering for Parliament—A “Junius”—Early administration of justice—“Heaven-born lawyers”—First magistrates
In 1812, around Bay Quinté—The declaration of war—The news at Kingston—The call to arms—Hastings—Events at Kingston—In 1813—Attack upon Sacket’s Harbor—Oswego—American fleet before Kingston—Royal George—Kingston prepared—Chrysler’s farm—A “Postscript”—Along the St. Lawrence—Ribaldry—The Commissary—Capt. Wilkins—Quakers—Rate of pay—American prisoners—The Wounded—Surgeons, Dougal, Meacham—Jonathan Phillips—Militiamen’s reward—Militia orders—Parliamentary grants
The Six Nations in 1812—American animus—“Manifest Destiny”—Mohawk Indians—A right to defend their homes—Inconsistency—American savages—Extract from Playter—Brock’s proclamation—Indian character, conduct, eloquence—Deserters in 1812—Few of them—Court-martials—The attempts at conquest by the Americans—The numbers—Result of war—Canadians saved the country—And can do so—Fraternal kindness
Canada’s first step in civilization—Slavery in America—By whom introduced—False charge—Slavery in Canada—History—Imperial Acts—Legislation in Canada—The several clauses—In Lower Canada—Justice Osgood—Slavery at the Rebellion—Among the U. E. Loyalists—Those who held slaves—Descendants of the slaves—“A British slave”—“For sale”—“Indian slave”—Upper Canada’s Record—Compared with the States—Liberty—Why the United States abolished slavery—Honor to whom honor is due
Returns to the Pioneer—Bay Region—Garden of Canada—Clogs—False views of settlers—Result—New blood—Good example—Anecdote—The “Family Compact”—Partiality—Origin of the Compact—Their conduct—The evil they did—A proposed Canadian Aristocracy—What it would have led to—What may come—“Peter Funks”
Agriculture—Natural Products—Rice—Ginseng—Orchards—Plows—Reaping—Flax—Legislation—Agricultural Society organized by Simcoe—A Snuff Box—Fogies—Silver—Want of help—Midland District taking the lead—Societies—Legislative help—Prince Edward—Pearl Ashes—Factories—Tanneries—Breweries, Carding Machines—Paper—Lumber—First vehicles—Sleighs—Waggons—Home-made—Roads—First Public Conveyances—Stages—Fare—Building Greater—Sawing Mills introduced by the Dutch—First Brick Building—Myers’ House—Its past history—Furniture from Albany—Currency—Paper Money—Banks—First Merchants—Barter—Pedlars—On the Bay
Steam vessels—Crossing the Atlantic in 1791—First Steam Vessel—Hudson—The second on the St. Lawrence—First across the Atlantic—In Upper Canada—Frontenac—Built in Ernesttown—The Builders—Finkle’s Point—Cost of Vessel—Dimensions—Launched—First Trip—Captain McKenzie—‘Walk-in-the-Water’—Queen Charlotte—How Built—Upon Bay Quinté—Capt. Dennis—First year—Death of Dennis—Henry Gilderslieve—What he did—Other Steamboats—Canals—First in Upper Canada—Welland Canal—Desjardin—Rideau—Its object—Col. By—A proposed Canal—Railroads—The first in the world—Proposed Railway from Kingston to Toronto, 1846—In Prince Edward District—Increase of Population—Extract from Dr. Lillie—Comparison with the United States—Favorable to Canada—False Cries—The French—Midland District, 1818
Notice of a Few—Booth—Brock—Burritt—Cotter—Cartwright—Conger—Cole—Dempsey—Detlor—Fraser—Finkle—Fisher—Fairfield—Grass—Gamble—Hagerman—Johnson’s—“Bill” Johnson—Macaulay—The Captive, Christian Moore—Parliament—Morden—Roblins—Simon—Van Alstine—Wallbridge—Chrysler—White—Wilkins—Stewart—Wilson—Metcalf—Jayne—McIntosh—Bird—Gerow—Vankleek—Perry—Sir William Johnson’s children
INTRODUCTION. — CHAPTER I. A SKETCH OF FRANCO-CANADIAN HISTORY. — CHAPTER II.
1
Contents—Antiquarianism—Records of the Early Nations—Tradition—The
Press—The Eastern World—The Western World—Importance of History—Columbus—Colonization—Canada—America—Cartier—French
Canadian
writers—Cartier’s first visit—Huguenots—Cartier’s second visit—Jean
Francois—Sir George E. Cartier—Establishment of the Fur Trade—Champlain—Discovery
of Lake Ontario—Bay of Quinté—Quebec founded—First
fighting with Indians—First taking of Quebec by the British—Returned to
France—The Recollets and Jesuits—Death of Champlain—Foundation of
Montreal—Emigration from France—The Carignan Regiment—DeCourcelle—Proposal
to found a Fort at Lake Ontario—Frontenac—Fort at Cataraqui—La
Salle—Fort at Niagara—First vessel upon the Lakes—Its fate—Death
of La Salle, the first settler of Upper Canada—Founder of Louisiana—Discoverer
of the mouth of the Mississippi.
There exists, as one characteristic of the nineteenth century,
an earnest desire on the part of many to recall, and, in mind, to live
over the days and years that are past; and many there are who
occupy more or less of their time in collecting the scattered relics
of bygone days—in searching among the faded records of departed
years, to eagerly catch the golden sands of facts which cling to
legendary tales, and to interpret the hieroglyphics which the footsteps
of time have well-nigh worn away. To this fact many a
museum can bear ample testimony. The antiquarian enjoys intense
satisfaction in his labors of research, and when he is rewarded by
the discovery of something new, he is but stimulated to renewed
exertion. In the old world rich fields have been, and are now being
explored; and in the new laborers are not wanting.
2Since the days when man first trod the virgin soil of this
globe, he has ever been accustomed to preserve the more important
events of his life, and, by tradition, to hand them down to his children’s
children; and likewise has it been with communities and
nations. Every people who are known to have occupied a place
upon the earth, have left some indication of their origin, and the
part they played in the world’s great drama. In recent days, facts
pertaining to nations and particular individuals are preserved in all
their amplitude, through the agency of the Press. But in former
centuries, only a few symbols, perhaps rudely cut in solid stone,
commemorated events of the most important kind. The historians
of Eastern nations have had to look far back into the misty past,
to learn the facts of their birth and infant days; while the dark
days of barbarism hang as a thick veil to obstruct the view. The
middle ages, like a destructive flood, swept away, to a great extent,
the records previously in existence. But out of the debris has been
exhumed many a precious relic; and the stone and the marble thus
obtained, have supplied valuable material on which to base trustworthy
history.
In recording the events which belong to the Western world—this
broad American continent—the historian has far less of toil
and research to undergo. It is true the native Indian, who once
proudly ruled the vast extent of the new world, has a history yet
undeveloped. An impenetrable cloud obscures the facts appertaining
to his advent upon this continent. The nature of his origin is
buried in the ocean of pre-historic time. But in reference to the
occupation of America by Europeans, the subjugation and gradual
extermination of the Indian, the life of the pioneer, the struggles
for political independence, the rapid growth and development of
nations; all these results, embraced within the space of a few
centuries, are freely accessible to the American historian.
The importance of history cannot be questioned; the light it
affords is always valuable, and, if studied aright, will supply the
student with material by which he may qualify himself for any
position in public life. In the following chapters it is intended to
draw attention more particularly to the new world, and to examine
a few pages in the history of North America.
In the absence of any data upon which to base statements
relating to the aborigines, we may say the history of the new
world begins with the memorable and enterprising adventures of
Christopher Columbus, in 1492; although there is evidence that
3America had been previously visited by the people of Northern
Europe, about the year 1000. The steady flow of emigrants which
commenced a century later, from the old world to the new, of bold,
energetic people, is a spectacle of grand import.
Almost every nation of Europe has contributed to the colonization
of America. All, however, were not at first actuated by the
same motives in braving the perils of the deep—then far greater
than at the present day—and the dangers of the wilderness. The
Spaniards were searching for the precious gold. The English
desired to acquire territory; the Dutch sought to extend their
commerce; and the French, it is said, were, at first, intent only on
converting the pagan Indians to Christianity.—(Garneau.) Space
will not permit to trace the course of events in connection with
the first settlements in America; the history of the several colonies,
the bloody Indian wars, the contentions between the different
colonizing people, the rebellions of the colonies and their achievement
of independence. We shall mainly confine ourselves to those
events which led to, and accompanied the settlement of Upper
Canada.
Canada, the coast of which was first discovered by John Cabot,
in 1497, is an honorable name, far more so than America. It has
been a cause of complaint with some that the United States should
appropriate to their exclusive use the name of America. But it is
quite right they should enjoy it. It is after a superficial impostor,
Amerigo Vespucci, who availed himself of the discoveries of
Columbus, to vaunt himself into renown.
The word Canada is most probably derived from an Iroquois
word, signifying Cabin. It has been stated on the authority of a
Castilian tradition, that the word was of Spanish origin. The
Spaniards, looking after gold, ascended the St. Lawrence, but failing
to find the precious metal, exclaimed “Aca nada,” (Here is nothing.)
The natives hearing the land thus called, when Europeans again
visited them, upon being asked the name of their country, replied
“Canada,” in imitation of the Spaniards. Again, Father Hennepin
asserts that the Spaniards, upon leaving the land, gave it the appellation
“El Cape di nada,” (Cape nothing,) which in time became
changed into Canada. But Charlevoix, in his “Histoire de la Nouvelle
France,” says that Canada is derived from the Iroquois word
“Kannata,” pronounced Canada, which signifies “love of cabins.”
Duponcion, in the “Transactions of the Philosophical Society of
Philadelphia,” founds his belief of the Indian origin of the name
4Canada, on the fact that, in the translation of the Gospel by St.
Matthew into the Mohawk tongue, by Brant, the word Canada is
always made to signify a village. Taking the whole matter into
consideration, there appears the best of reasons to conclude that
Canada, a name now properly bestowed upon the Dominion, is of
Indian origin, and signifies the country of a people who are
accustomed to live in villages or permanent cabins, instead of in
tents and constantly changing from one place to another.
The history of French Canada is one of unusual interest—from
the time Jacques Cartier, in 1534, with two vessels of less than 60
tons burden each, and 122 men in all, entered for the first time the
Gulf of St. Lawrence—up to the present day. It was not until the
first decade of the 17th century, nearly a hundred years after
Cartier first landed, that successful colonization by the French
was accomplished. Nevertheless, Canada has as early a place
among the colonies of America as New Netherlands or Virginia,
which are the oldest States of the neighboring Union. Virginia
was planted in 1608; New Netherlands (now New York,) was not
settled until 1614. Prior to that, in 1609, Hudson had ascended
the river now bearing his name, as far as the present site of
Albany; but at the same time the intrepid Champlain was traversing
the wilds of the more northern part of the territory to the
south of Lake Ontario.
Although the history of New France is one of great interest,
yet, in this local history, space can only be allowed to glance at
the course of events in connection therewith. But French Canada
is not in danger of suffering for want of historians to pen the
events of her life. Already enthusiastic countrymen have done
justice to the patriotism, valor and ability of the Franco-Canadian
race. And, at the present time, earnest workers are in the field,
searching among the records of the past, stowed away in Paris,
with the view of making known all that can be learned of their
sires. We find no fault with the intense love they bear to their
language, their laws, their religion, their institutions generally.
Such is characteristic of a high-spirited race; and, as common
Canadians we rejoice to have so devoted a people to lay with us the
foundation of our northern Dominion.
It has already been said that Jacques Cartier first landed in
Canada in 1534. At this time the pent up millions of Europe,
lying in a state of semi-bondage, were prepared to strike off the
chains which had hitherto bound them, both in mind and body, to
5the select ones, who claimed that prerogative, as of Divine origin,
and to avail themselves of the vast territory which Columbus had
recovered from oblivion. Then was the future pregnant with events
of the most startling nature—events fraught with interests of the
most colossal magnitude. While America was to open up a new
field for active labor, wherein all might pluck wealth, the art of
printing, so soon to be in active operation, was to emancipate the
mind, and cast broadly the seeds of universal liberty. Already
was being broken the fallow ground, in the rich soil of which was
to germinate the great truths of science.
In May, 1535, Cartier set out on his second voyage to the New
World, in “La Grande Hermion,” a vessel of 110 tons, accompanied
by two other vessels of smaller size, with 110 men altogether.
Reaching Labrador in July, he on St. Laurence Day entered St.
John’s River; and thus arose the name of St. Lawrence, afterward
applied to the mighty river now bearing that name. Guided by
two natives, Cartier ascended the St. Lawrence as far as the Isle
d’Orleans, where he was received by the Indians in a friendly
spirit. Cartier having determined to stay the winter, moored his
vessels in the St. Charles River, with the Indian village of Stadaconé
upon the heights above him. The same autumn he ascended
with a small party to visit Hochelaga, now Montreal. Here he
found a considerable village of fifty wooden dwellings, each fifty paces
long, and twelve and fifteen broad. This village was fortified. An
aged and withered chief accorded Cartier a distinguished reception;
after which Cartier ascended to the top of the mountain, to which
he gave the name Mont Real, or Royal Mount, a name subsequently
given to the village which has become the commercial capital of
the Dominion, and which is destined to rival even New York.
Cartier’s stay in Canada during the winter was attended with
much distress, and the loss by death of twenty-six of his men;
while most of the rest were almost dying, being, it is related, saved
by the medical skill of the natives. In the Spring he returned
to France, carrying with him several Indians. It was five years
later before another visit was made to Canada, owing to the civil
and religious wars existing in France. It was the cruel laws
enacted and put in force at this time in France that expatriated
so many noble Huguenots who were dispersed throughout Great
Britain, Ireland, and afterward America, the blood of whom yet
flows in the veins of many of the descendants of the loyal refugees
from the rebelling States of America. In the Summer of 1541
6Cartier again set sail for the St. Lawrence. He was to have been
accompanied by one Jean Francois de la Roque, a brave and faithful
servant of the king, to whom had been conceded the privilege of
raising a body of volunteers to form a permanent settlement upon
the St. Lawrence. But unforeseen difficulties prevented his sailing
until the following year. In the meantime Cartier, to whom had
been given command, with five ships, had, after a tedious passage,
reached Canada, and ascended to Quebec. The intending colonizers
immediately went ashore and commenced the work of clearing the
land for cultivation. The winter was passed in safety, but in the
spring, tired of waiting for the Governor, who ought to have followed
him the year before, and discovering signs of hostility on
the part of the savages, he determined to return to France. So he
embarked all the men and set sail. Before he had reached the
Atlantic, however, he met la Roque, with some two hundred more
colonists, who desired Cartier to return, but he continued his course
to France. Jean Francois landed safely at Quebec. In the autumn
he sent home two vessels for provisions for the following year,
while he prepared to undergo the severity of the coming winter,
a season that brought severe trials, with the death of fifty of his
men. The following year he set out with seventy men to seek
fresh discoveries up the river, but he was unsuccessful. France,
again immersed in war, paid no attention to the request for succor
in the New World, but ordered Cartier to bring back the Governor,
whose presence as a soldier was desired. With him returned all
the colonists. Thus the attempt to establish a settlement upon the
St. Lawrence failed, not, however, through any want of courage,
or ability on the part of Cartier, the founder of Canada. The name
thus immortalized and which disappeared from the history of
Canada for many years, again occupies a place. And, Sir George
Etienne Cartier, of to-day, although not a lineal descendant of the
first Cartier, holds a position of distinction; and, as one who
has assisted in effecting the Confederation of the provinces, his
name will ever stand identified, as his great predecessor and namesake,
with the history of our Canada.
In 1549, Jean Francois a second time, set out for Canada with
his brother, and others, but they all perished on the way. This
disaster prevented any further immediate attempt at settlement in
Canada.
The commencement of the seventeenth century found France
again in a state suitable to encourage colonial enterprize, and she,
7in common with other European nations was directing her attention
to the yet unexplored New World. At this time one Pont-Gravé,
a merchant of St. Malo, conceived the idea of establishing a fur
trade between Canada and France; and to this end he connected
himself with one Chauvin, a person of some influence at court,
who succeeded in obtaining the appointment of governor to Canada,
with a monopoly of the peltry traffic. These two adventurers, with
a few men, set out for Canada, but arrived in a state of destitution.
Chauvin died, while the others were preserved alive by the kindness
of the natives. Chauvin was succeeded by De Chastes,
Governor of Dieppe; and Captain Samuel Champlain, who had
distinguished himself as a naval officer, was appointed to command
an expedition about to proceed to the New World.
The name of Champlain is indelibly fixed upon the pages of
Canadian history. It was he who traversed trackless forests,
ascended the most rapid rivers, discovered the Lake of Ontario,
by way of Bay Quinté, and gave his name to another lake. It was
in 1603 that Champlain set out upon his voyage. He had but three
small vessels, it is said, of no more than twelve or fifteen tons
burden. He ascended as far as Sault St. Louis, and made careful
observations. He prepared a chart, with which he returned to
France. The king was well pleased with his report, and De Chaste
having died, Governor de Monts succeeded him, to whom was
granted, exclusively, the fur trade in Canada. But their operations
were confined, at first, to Acadia, now Nova Scotia. In 1607 De
Monts abandoned Acadia and directed his attention to Canada.
Obtaining from the king a renewal of his privileges, he appointed
Champlain his lieutenant, whom he despatched with two vessels.
The party arrived at Stadaconé, on the 3rd of July. The party
commenced clearing land where the lower town of Quebec now
stands, and erected cabins in which to live. Having determined
to make this the head-quarters of his establishment, he proceeded
to build a fort. Thus was founded the ancient capital of Canada
upon the Gibraltar of America. The powers granted to Champlain
were ample, whereby he was enabled to maintain order and enforce
law. During the well nigh one hundred years that had passed
away since Cartier attempted to colonize, great changes, it would
seem, had taken place among the Indians. Altogether different
tribes occupied the Laurentian valley; and the former Indian
villages of Stadoconé, and Hochelaga had been entirely destroyed,
Champlain found the Indians of this place, the Algonquins, at
8enmity with other tribes to the west, the Iroquois. The Algonquins
were glad to form an alliance with him against their long standing
enemy. It suited the purpose of Champlain to thus ally himself;
but the policy may well be questioned; at all events it inaugurated
a long course of warfare between the French and the Iroquois,
which only terminated when Canada became a British dependency.
He, no doubt, was ignorant of the great power and superiority of
the confederated five nations which formed the Iroquois people.
The first encounter between Champlain and the Indians took place
the 29th of July, 1609, by the lake which now bears his name,
which had been known by the Indians as Lake Corlar. The
Iroquois, who had never before seen the use of fire-arms, were
naturally overwhelmed with surprise at this new mode of warfare,
by which three of their chiefs were suddenly stricken to the earth;
and they beat a hasty retreat, leaving their camp to the pillage of
the enemy. The following year Champlain again set out with his
Indian allies, and a second time drove them from the well contested
field by the use of fire-arms. It was on this occasion he first met
the Hurons, which were to become such fast allies, until almost
exterminated. But the time came when the Iroquois, supplied
with arms and trained to their use, by the Dutch, became better
able to cope with the French. In 1612 Count de Soissons succeeded
De Monts. Champlain, who was again engaged in war, was at the
same time endeavoring to advance the peltry traffic, a trade that
had many vicissitudes, owing to the changing opinions at home,
and the uncertain support of merchants. He commenced the
erection of a fort at Montreal, and formed an alliance with the
Huron Indians.
In the year 1615, the Iroquois were collected near the foot of
Lake Ontario, a body of water as yet unseen by Europeans. At
the request of the Indians, it has been said Champlain set out to
attack them, after having ascended the Ottawa. The course
taken by him, and the disastrous result are given in connection
with the discovery of the Bay Quinté. The year 1628 saw
Canada, as well as the colony of Florida, pass under the power of
the “Company of the Hundred Partners.” The same year saw
Quebec in a state of great distress, the inhabitants almost starving,
and a fleet of British war vessels at the entrance of the St. Lawrence
demanding the surrender of the fort. War was then existing
between England and France, arising out of the intestine war of
France, between the Huguenots and the Catholics, which had
9resulted in the subjugation of the former, many of whom had
sought refuge in England and entered her service. Two of the
vessels now threatening French Canada were commanded by
Huguenots, one Captain Michel; the other David Kertk. The
latter demanded the surrender of Quebec, but Champlain concealed
the great straits to which he was reduced and bravely withstood the
famine and cold through the long winter, in the hopes of relief in
the spring, which was destined never to reach him. Instead of
relief, the spring brought three vessels of war, commanded by
Kertk’s two brothers, Louis and Thomas. The demand to surrender
could no longer be refused, and upon the 29th July, 1618,
the English took possession of Quebec. Louis Kertk became
Governor, while Champlain accompanied Thomas Kertk to Europe.
Quebec remained in British possession until the treaty of St-German-en-Laye,
signed 29th March 1632, by which England
renounced all claims upon New France.
Quebec was governed by Louis Kertk during the three years
it was in possession of England, and he returned it to the French,
it was alleged, a heap of ruins. On the ensuing year, the “Hundred
Partners” resumed their sway, and Champlain was re-appointed
Governor, who came with much pomp and took possession
of Fort St. Louis with the beating of drums. Hereafter emigration
from France was accelerated. Even some of the higher classes
sought in Canada, repose from the troubles incident to religious
and domestic war, although Catholics. The Jesuits were now
superseding the order of Recollets, and were earnestly seeking to
convert the Hurons; and at the same to secure their trusty allegiance.
For two years prosperity continued to smile upon the province,
and in 1635 the Jesuits laid the foundation stone of the
College of Quebec. But the same year took from New France its
chief and its greatest friend. Champlain died on Christmas day
in Quebec, after “thirty years of untiring efforts to establish and
extend the French possessions in America.” This great discoverer,
and founder of Quebec left no children, his wife remained in
Canada four years, when she returned to France.
Following the death of Champlain was the terrible onslaught
by the Iroquois upon the Hurons, whom they entirely destroyed as
a nation, leaving but a remnant under the protection of the French.
In 1642 M. de Maisonneuve laid the foundation of Montreal, the
village consisting of a few buildings with wooden palisades, was
then called “Ville-Marie.” Maisonneuve gathered here the converted
Indians to teach them the art of civilization.
10The successor to Champlain was M. de Chateaufort: but we
cannot continue to even sketch the history of the several Governors,
and the successive steps in Canadian development only so far as
they bear upon our subject.
In 1663 the population along the St. Lawrence numbered to
between 2,000 and 2,500. In 1665 the number was increased by
emigration, and by the arrival of the Carignan regiment, a veteran
body of men who became permanent settlers, and who aided much in
controlling the Indians and maintaining the power of the French.
The same year live stock was introduced, and horses for the first
time were seen in Canada. About this time commenced, in earnest,
the struggle between England and France for the supremacy of the
fur trade. The viceroy, M. de Tracy, began to erect regular forts
upon the Richeleu. In 1671 there was a rendezvous of Indian Chiefs
at Sault St. Marie, and through the influence of Father Allouez, the
several tribes consented to become subjects of France. In the same
year M. de Courcelles, now Governor, in pursuance of the attempt to
govern the fur trade, conceived the idea of planting a fort at the
foot of Lake Ontario. But he left before the work had commenced,
and was succeeded by Louis de Buade, Conte de Frontenac, after
whom the fort, subsequently erected, was called.
As the founder of the first settlement in Upper Canada, whose
name is now so familiar, as belonging to a County, we may make
space to say of Frontenac, that he was a gentleman of good birth,
and had gained great distinction, having attained to the rank of
Brigadier-General. He was somewhat proud and haughty, but
condescending to his inferiors. His instructions from his master, the
King, on coming to the Canada, were to secure the aggrandizement
of France. Emigration in large numbers from France having been
forbidden, he was to seek the increase of numbers in New France
by stimulating early marriages. And to this day, the rate of
increase by birth, among the French, is considerably greater than
with the Anglo-Saxon.
He was to foster agriculture, the raising of stock, to increase the
fishing operations, and the trade abroad; and he was instructed to
take measures to construct a highway between Canada and Acadia, a
plan which is only now about to be accomplished in the Intercolonial
Railroad. Frontenac, likewise received very explicit instructions as
to his procedure towards the Jesuits and Recollects; and he was
charged “to administer justice with the strictest impartiality.” The
Colony being at peace, Frontenac’s principal difficulty was in dealing
11with the Church, and he found it necessary to take high-handed steps
to bring the Clergy into subjection to the State. There had been for
years a struggle with respect to the liquor traffic among the Indians;
the Bishops being opposed to it, while the Governor favored it for
the purpose of furthering the trade in furs. The dissentions between
parties became so great, and representations to the home authorities
became so frequent and vexatious that Frontenac and the Intendant
were both recalled in 1682. But during the incumbency of Frontenac,
explorations had continued in the west, and the fort at Cataraqui
had been fully established; and the Mississippi had been discovered
by Pére Marquette and M. Joliet, in 1673. That same year Frontenac
set out 29th of June, from Montreal, with an expedition for Cataraqui,
arriving there 12th July. There was at this time one Robert Cavalier
de la Salle, a native of Rouen, who had come to Canada when a young
man, full of a project for securing a road by a northwestern passage
to China. He was a man of ability and energy, but without means.
But he managed to obtain the favorable notice of Governor Frontenac,
who regarded him as a man after his own heart.
In the time of de Courcelles he opened a trading post near Montreal,
now Lachine, so called from La Salle’s belief that a pathway to
China would be found thence across the Continent by the waters of
the Ottawa or Upper Lakes. The discovery of the Mississippi caused
no little sensation in Canada; and La Salle lost no time in asking permission
and assistance to continue the western explorations, declaring
his belief that the upper waters of the Mississippi would, if followed
to their source, lead to the Pacific Ocean. He consequently submitted
a petition for a certain grant of land at Cataraqui to the king, Louis
X. (See under history of Kingston.)
Thus it seems that La Salle, a name greatly distinguished in
connection with the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi, stands
connected very intimately with the foundation of Kingston. For
him a Seigniory was here erected, and from this point he went forth
on his eventful voyage. He was a man of much energy and lost no
time in setting out. His boats laden with goods, and likewise with
material for constructing a brigantine, and a fort, set sail for the
Niagara River. The first steps La Salle prepared to take was to erect
a second fort at Niagara, and then to build his vessel upon the waters
of Lake Erie.
The construction of the defensive work of the fort, however,
suited not the views of the Indians, so he satisfied himself with a
palisaded storehouse. In the winter the vessel was commenced, six
12miles above the Falls. By the middle of summer it was ready to be
launched, which was done with a salute of cannon, and the chanting
of a Te deum, amid great rejoicing. There was also great demonstration
among the Indians, who designated the French “Otkou,” or
“men of a contriving mind.” The vessel was named Griffon, and on
the 7th August, 1679, with seven guns, and small arms, and loaded
with goods she entered Lake Erie. A few day’s sail and Detroit, or
the strait was reached; and on the 23rd August, she was cutting
the waters of Lake Huron. In five days Michilmicinac was gained;
then the voyageur proceeded to the western shore of Michigan, where
he cast anchor. The wonder of the Aborigines, as they witnessed
this mounted craft, and heard the thunder tones of the cannon, may
be conceived. But this first vessel upon the western lakes, which had
at first so prosperous a voyage, was doomed to early destruction.
Men of enterprise and success invariably have to encounter enemies
born of incapacity and jealousy, who in the absence of the victim,
may sow the seeds of evil. La Salle had not a few of such enemies,
it would seem, to encounter. After his departure his creditors had
seized his possessions, and he, as soon as he heard of it, loaded the
Griffon with peltries and despatched her for Niagara. But the Griffon
never reached Detroit, the waters of Lake Huron swallowed her up,
and all on board. La Salle proceeded with thirty men to the
lower end of Lake Michigan, and laid the foundation of another fort.
He then continued westward to the Illinois River, and formed still
another fort. But this chain of forts thus established by La Salle,
was not destined to accomplish the great end aimed at. Among the
opponents of La Salle, were not only those jealous of his success, but
likewise rival merchants, who were ill pleased to see the fur trade
monopolized by one; and then, there was the growing trade by the
English. These many obstacles and the loss of his vessel with its
cargo, and of a second one, in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, about this
time, valued at £22,000, had the effect of seriously crippling him;
yet his was a nature not easily overcome. Leaving Father Hennepin
to explore the Illinois River and the Upper Mississippi, he set out
March 2nd, 1680, for Montreal, accompanied by four whites and an
Indian guide.
Two years later and the indomitable La Salle, nothing daunted,
who had compounded with his creditors, and suffered repeated disappointments,
is found traversing the forest, for the Mississippi, to descend
that stream to its mouth. He reached the Mississippi, 6th February,
1682. Descending the stream he stopped at the mouth of the Ohio
13to erect a fort. He then continued his easy course down the Father
of rivers, and reached its mouth on the 5th April, and took formal
possession of the territory in the name of the king, calling the place
after him, Louisiana. The glory thus won by La Salle, was not to
be crowned with the success, financially, that ought to have followed.
At this juncture Governor Frontenac, seemingly the only friend La
Salle had, was called home to be followed by M. de la Barre. A continuation
of the persecutions and misrepresentations of his conduct,
led to the sequestration of Fort Frontenac, as well as Fort St. Louis,
and in the following year he was called upon to defend himself at
court, which he was able to do. The result was an order to reinstate
the founder of Louisiana on his return, in Fort Frontenac, and to repair
all damages which his property had sustained in that locality.
La Salle was graciously received by the king on account of his
discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi, and was commissioned to
begin a colonization of Louisiana. The same unfortunate luck continued
to attend him. He sailed July 24th, 1684, from La Rochelle
with two ships of war and two other vessels, having some 500 persons
in all. The fleet was commanded by M. de Beaujeu. Between the
commander and La Salle, a misunderstanding arose which ended in
decided aversion. One of the ships was captured by the Spaniards,
and the others overpassed the mouth of the Mississippi by many
leagues. The commander instead of assisting to carry out La Salle’s
object, did all he could to thwart him. One of the vessels was run
upon the reefs and lost. Finally Beaujeu left La Salle with his people
upon a desert shore without provision, and put out to sea. Although
120 leagues distant from the Mississippi, in Texas, La Salle set some
of his people to cultivate the land, and began to construct a fort. But
the craftsmen were deficient. The seed sown did not grow, the
savages became troublesome, and one evil after another rapidly succeeded
until his men were mostly all dead. As a last resort La Salle
determined to set out for Canada to proceed to France. It was early
spring and the indomitable discoverer found but slow progress; at
last some of those accompanying him, mutinied together and resorted
to force, during which La Salle was mortally wounded. Thus perished
the discoverer of the mouth of the Mississippi, the founder of
Louisiana, as well as the first land owner of Upper Canada. It is
worthy of note here how great was the territory of France in America
at this time. It was a vast region, embracing within its limits the
Hudson’s Bay territory, Acadia, Canada, a great part of Maine, portions
of the States of Vermont and New York, with the whole of the
14valley of the Mississippi. And a great portion of this ought, to-day,
to form part of Canada, some of which would, were it not for the
indifference, or stupidity of English commissioners, and the contemptible
trickery of Americans, such as the act of concealing the fact
of the existence of a certain map by Daniel Webster, which would
prove adverse to his pretentions.
It has been deemed appropriate to follow La Salle in his steps,
not alone because he was the first settler in Upper Canada, who held
land property; but because we learn of the way in which the French,
originally struggling to gain a footing in the Lower St. Lawrence,
gradually extended westward, carrying in one hand the Cross, and
with the other, planting forts for the purpose of trade, and erecting
such defences as the uncertain character of the natives rendered necessary.
We learn how it came, that fort after fort, whose ruins may
yet be traced across the continent, were planted along a route which
commenced at the mouth of the mighty St. Lawrence, extended along
the western lakes, and then turning southward terminated at the
mouth of the majestic Mississippi.
15INTRODUCTION.
(CONTINUED.)
Contents—Cataraqui fort strengthened—Kente Indians seized and carried captive
to France—Massacre of Lachine—Commencing struggle between New
England and New France—Siege of Quebec by Sir Wm. Phipps—Destruction
of Fort Cataraqui—Its re-erection—Treaty of Ryswick—Death of Frontenac—Iroquois
in England—Another attempt to capture Quebec—Decline
of French power—Population of Canada and of New England—Continuation
of the contest for the fur trade—Taking of Fort Louisburg—Col. Washington,
dishonorable conduct—Inconsistency of Dr. Franklin—Commencement of
seven years’ war—Close of first year—Montcalm—His presentiment—Taking
of Fort Oswego—Of Fort William Henry—Fearful massacre—The state of
Canada—Wolfe appears—Taking of Frontenac—Duquesne—Apathy of
France—The spring of 1759—Reduced state of Canada—The overthrow of
French power in America—The result—Union of elements—The capture of
Quebec—Wolfe—Death of Montcalm—Fort Niagara—Johnson—Effort to retake
Quebec—Wreck of the French army—Capitulation at Montreal—Population—The
first British Governor of Canada—The Canadians as British
subjects—The result of French enterprise—Rebellion.
In 1685 Marquis DeNonville became Governor, and brought
with him to Canada 600 regular troops. The Iroquois had become
allies of the English, with whom they preferred to trade. DeNonville
ascended to Cataraqui with two thousand men. Arrived at
Cataraqui, he tried, by gentle means at first, to obtain certain
terms from them, but the Iroquois were insolent, being supported
by the English traders. DeNonville wrote to Paris for more
troops, and, in the mean time, proceeded to accumulate stores
at Cataraqui, and to strengthen the fort at Niagara. The King sent
to Canada, in 1687, 800 soldiers, to assist in subduing the Iroquois.
DeNonville becoming bold, and in his increased strength, pursued
a course of trickery which has been branded by all writers as anti-Christian,
and more savage than anything pertaining to the savages
(so-called) of America. Pére Lamberville, a missionary among
the Iroquois, caused a certain number of chiefs to congregate at Fort
Frontenac, to confer with the governor, and when they were within
the precincts of the fort they were seized and carried captive in
chains, even to France, and there sent to the galleys. Draper says
that these were Indians of the tribes called Ganneyouses and Kentes,
16and that about 40 or 50 men, and 80 women and children were
seized, who were forwarded to France. The attitude of the Indians
under such trying circumstances, towards the missionary among
them, stands out in prominent contrast to the vile conduct of the
French governor. The missionary, summoned by the chief, was
thus addressed: “We have every right to treat thee as our foe, but
we have not the inclination to do so. We know thy nature too
well; thine heart has had no share in causing the wrong that has
been done to us. We are not so unjust as to punish thee for a crime
that thou abhorrest as much as we.” Then the aged chief informed
him that the young men of the tribe might not feel so lenient, and
that he must leave, at the same time causing him to be conducted
by a safe path from their midst.
For a time DeNonville somewhat curbed the Iroquois; but in
the end he failed completely to hold the ground which had previously
been acquired. For four years he continued to govern;
matters continually growing worse, until, in the spring of 1689,
1,400 Iroquois made an onslaught on the island of Montreal.
The inhabitants, in the depth of sleep, knew nothing of their
danger, until the fearful whoop and the bloody tomahawk and
scalping knife were already at work. The butchery was most
fearful; the cruelties to women and children most revolting.
Besides those instantly killed, 200 were burnt alive, and others
died under prolonged torture. This was called the massacre
of Lachine. The governor was paralyzed, and no step was taken
to redress the great evil.
It was under such circumstances that he was recalled, and
superseded by De Frontenac, who had again been requested to become
governor. Frontenac landed at Quebec on the 18th October,
1689, and was received with every demonstration of joy.
Frontenac entered upon his duties shortly before the renewal
of hostilities between England and France. All of Protestant
Europe, indeed, were enlisted in the war which had, to a great
extent, arisen from the cruel course pursued by France towards the
Huguenots. Frontenac, whose master foresaw the war, which was
declared in the following year, brought with him full instructions
to prepare for a vigorous warfare all along the frontier of New
France, even to the Hudson Bay territory. By this time the English
settlements upon the Atlantic coast had attained to no inconsiderable
strength, and were already engaging in trade by water,
as well as with the Indians in peltries; and already it had become
17a question of conquest by New England or by New France. The
present juncture seemed one favorable for bold measures on the
part of the Anglo-Americans. They had rapidly advanced in material
strength, while the French had rather declined, owing to the
want of immigration and to the frequent destructive incursions of
the Iroquois. The declaration of war between England and France,
in June, 1689, saw the colonists prepared to contest the ground for
supremacy, and monopoly of the fur trade. The French, notwithstanding
their limited numerical strength, hesitated not to enter
the field, and made up their want of numbers by superior and determined
bravery. Before De Frontenac had arrived, everything
was going on badly with the Canadians. M. DeNonville had, before
his departure, instructed Senor de Valreuve, commandant at
Cataraqui, to blow up the fort, which had been accordingly done;
and the country abandoned to the Indians, who now ranged the
country, to the very entrance of Montreal. But Frontenac determined
to take bold and active measures to carry the war into the
enemies’ country, notwithstanding the odds against the French.
Organized plans of attack, at different points, were arranged, one
of which, in its carrying out, was quite as cruel and barbarous as
the Lachine massacre, which it was intended, as afterwards stated,
it should revenge. A party of French and Indians were led in the
direction of Albany. On their way, one night, about eleven o’clock,
they attacked the sleeping town of Schenectady, and put the defenceless
inhabitants to the sword. Those acts cannot be justified
in Europeans, and show the fearful spirit of barbarity which reigned
in those early days of America. The effect produced by the bands
of raiders that swept over the British colonies along the frontier,
and here and there, into the very interior, was salutary to the
French interests, and the spring saw the French flag much more
respected by the Indians than it had lately been: yet the Iroquois
earnestly and boldly strove to carry death to the door of every Canadian
hamlet. The energetic measures adopted by Frontenac
frustrated all their attempts; yet it was unsafe for the husbandman
to go to the field, so that famine began to appear. The spring of
1691 saw, however, instead of a repeated invasion of New England,
extensive preparations in the latter country to invade Canada. Sir
William Phipps was preparing to sail from Boston, with a squadron,
to capture Quebec, and General Winthrop, with forces from
Connecticut and New York, was mustering his militia, to invade
by land. The latter marched to, and encamped upon, the banks of
18Lake George, where he waited for the appearance of Phipps, by the
St. Lawrence; but, in the meantime, disease attacked his troops,
and he was obliged to retrace his steps to Albany. Scarcely had
Winthrop departed when the fleet under Phipps entered the waters
of the St. Lawrence, and ascended, to invest the City of Quebec,
appearing in sight on the 16th of October. Phipps demanded a
surrender; but Frontenac, although with an inferior garrison and
but few troops, gave a spirited refusal; and ultimately, before the
close of the month, Phipps found it expedient to retire. Thus terminated
the first siege of Quebec.
The ensuing four years presented one continuous scene of border
warfare. While hostilities in Europe were exhausting the
resources of France, Canada, under Frontenac, was more than
holding its own. The British Americans vainly tried again to besiege
Quebec, making an attack by land; but each attempt was attended
with disaster. Frontenac, recognizing the importance of
Cataraqui as a place of defence, sent 700 men to re-erect the fort.
In this he was opposed by the Intendant, M. de Champigny, and
even by the home government; but he had the work completed in
1695, before orders came to abstain from erecting it. Frontenac
had submitted a report giving the reasons why the fort should
exist, namely: in time of peace for trade, and to repair hatchets
and arms; and in time of war to afford a place of retreat, and to
give succor and provisions; also a place to organize expeditions
against the Iroquois, and to receive the sick and wounded on returning
from expeditions. On the other hand, De Champigny reported
that the trade would not be much in time of peace, as the
Iroquois would prefer to deal with the English, who would give
more; that the Indian should carry the beaver skin to the French,
not the French go for it; that the fort was out of the direct course
of trade, some thirty or forty leagues; that the force necessary to
carry provisions would at any time be capable of proceeding against
the enemy. It would be better to take a more southerly course
from Montreal into the enemy’s country, while Cataraqui is situated
upon the opposite side of the lake; that it was an unfit place for
sick and wounded, being “very unhealthy, eighty-seven having
died there in one year, out of the hundred who composed the garrison.”
“The swamp poisons the garrison,” which is so situated
that it affords no protection except to the men within it, who might
as well be in a prison. He counselled that the fort should be
abandoned, as it was useless and expensive. Frontenac, however,
19having erected the fort, garrisoned it with 48 soldiers. The expense
of re-establishing the fort and supplying the necessary provisions
cost some £700. At this juncture the French had entertained the
idea of calling in the outposts along the western lakes and upon
the Mississippi, but it was represented that to do so was to open
the way for the exclusive trade of the Indians with the English.
But Frontenac advised no such measures. He, by his determined
bravery, succeeded in bringing the Iroquois to respect the French
name, and he often carried fire and death into their very country.
When the war terminated, the old boundaries of the Provinces had
been fully re-established, and honors were conferred upon the governor
by his royal master. In 1697 the war terminated by the
treaty of Ryswick, signed September 11, by which the French
were to restore all places taken from the British in America; and
it was stipulated that a commission should be appointed to determine
the respective boundaries of the Provinces.
In the year 1698, on the 28th November, Count de Frontenac
died, aged 77, much beloved by the Canadians, after having raised
New France from a low condition to a high state of material advancement.
But against him was too truly said that he encouraged
the dreadful traffic of liquor among the Indians, in order that
advantageous trading, in which the governor allowed himself to
meddle, might be carried on.
On 26th May, 1703, M. de Calliére, who had been the successor
of Frontenac, died, and the governor of Montreal, who was the
Marquis de Vaudreuil, was nominated as successor.
This appointment, made at the instance of the colonists, was
conferred with hesitancy, the reason being that his Countess was a
native-born Canadian! Not only in that day but in later days, and
under other circumstances, we have seen the belief obtaining that
natives of Canada must, from the nature of their birth-place, lack
those qualifications for distinguished positions with which those
from home are supposed to be so eminently endowed.
The British Colonists by this time began to entertain desires
to conquer Canada, and steps were taken to accomplish the taking
of Quebec. Among those who took an active part, by raising provincial
troops, and in visiting England to obtain assistance, was
General Nicholson, whose descendants to this day live in the vicinity
of the Bay Quinté, and in the Lower Provinces. In 1710
he visited England, in company with five Iroquois chiefs, who were
presented to Queen Anne, and who received distinguished attention,
20being conveyed to the palace in royal coaches. It was following
this that the Queen presented those interesting pieces of Communion
plate to the five nations, part of which may be seen at Tyendinagua,
and part at the Grand River. A futile attempt was made
by Nicholson, with a fleet under Admiral Walker, in 1711, to take
Quebec. The whole enterprise not only failed but was attended
with great disaster. General Nicholson, with his army at Lake
Champlain, had to give up his desire to capture Montreal and
Quebec.
On March 30, 1713, was signed the treaty of Utrecht. In this
treaty abridgement of French territory in America was effected.
Acadia, Hudson’s Bay territory and Newfoundland were ceded to
Britain. French power was on the decline both in America, and
Europe. Vainly the French tried to regain what they had lost in
Newfoundland and Acadia, by founding an establishment at Cape
Breton, and in the foundation of the historic fort of Louisburg.
In 1714 Governor Vaudreuil went to France, where he
remained until September, 1716. He then returned to Canada, and
set about improving the state of affairs generally. Quebec, at the
present day such an impregnable fortress, was not, in any respect,
regularly fortified before the beginning of this century. To the
natural strength of the place was first added artificial aid, in 1702.
To this again were added, in 1712, other defences, and in 1720, by
the approval of the home government, the fortification was systematically
proceeded with. At this time the colony was divided
into three distinct governments, those of Quebec, Three Rivers,
and Montreal; and the whole was subdivided into eighty-two
parishes. The whole population was estimated at 25,000; whilst
at the same time the British colonies had 60,000 males able to bear
arms. The governor, aware of this, already began to fear a successful
invasion of Canada.
M. de Vaudreuil died October 10, 1725, having been governor
twenty-one years. He was succeeded by the Marquis de Beauharnois,
who arrived at Quebec in 1726. The contest for the supremacy
of the fur trade continued. The British seeing the advantage
of the line of forts held by the French determined to erect a fort
also, and selected the mouth of the Oswego for its site. As an offset
to this aggression on the part of the British, against which the
French vainly protested, the French fort at the mouth of the Niagara
was erected, with defences; and orders were given that a
stone fort should replace the one originally constructed of wood, at
21Cataraqui. In 1731, Fort Frederick was also erected, at Crown
Point, on Lake Champlain. This year, Varrennes, Sieur de la Vérendrye,
urged by the governor, set about to discover a route to the
Pacific ocean; but he only reached the foot of the Rocky Mountains,
being the first white man to discover them. About this time
the fort at Toronto (Lake) is, for the first time, referred to. For
more than a decade the strife for the peltry traffic continued to be
waged, yet without any actual warfare. It was seen by all that
peace could not continue, and New England and New France were
all the time anticipating the conflict. In 1745 war broke out in
Europe, and immediately extended to America. It will be remembered
that the French were dispossessed of Acadia, but had subsequently
erected a fort upon Cape Breton, Louisburg. From this
naval stronghold they were able to send privateers and men-of-war.
The English, in the meantime, seeing this evil, and that this was a
protection to the only entrance to French territory, determined to
possess it promptly, if it were possible. To carry out this project,
which originated with Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, 4,000
militia, levied in Mass., New Hampshire, Maine, and Connecticut,
under Colonel Pepperel, sailed from Boston in March. The attack
upon this strong fort was so well planned and carried out, that full
success was the result. Admiral Warren arrived with ships to give
assistance, and captured a French ship of 64 guns, with 560 soldiers
and supplies. Already the Anglo-Americans were beginning to
display the energy (derived from an energetic race) which was to
overturn British domination in the Atlantic States. But in the first
place it was necessary that England should extinguish French
power. The brilliant nature of the attack and taking of Fort Louisburg
was recognized by the granting of baronetcies to Governor
Shirley and Colonel Pepperel. This success hastened the determination
to conquer Canada—a desire already existing in the hearts
of the Anglo-Americans; and Governor Shirley applied to the
British government for regulars and a fleet for that purpose.
Meanwhile, a fleet, with several thousand troops, sailed from
France, with a view of re-taking Cape Breton and Acadia; but tempest
and disease destroyed the force, until it was no longer able to
invade.
From the year 1745 border warfare continually blazed along
the frontier. The French, with their savage allies, carried the
scalping-knife and the torch into the British settlements, captured
Fort Massachusetts and Fort Bridgman, and gained other victories,
22and the luckless settlers had to seek safety in the more largely-settled
parts of the country.
Again came temporary peace to the colonists. In 1748, upon
the 7th of October, the treaty was signed at Aix-la-Chapelles, by
the terms of which Cape Breton reverted to the French. This
treaty was, however, but a lull in the struggle in America, which
was destined to end in conquest.
The French continued to strengthen their outposts. Detroit
was garrisoned, and forts of stone were built at Green Bay, Toronto,
and La Présentation. In 1756, Fort Duquesne, at Pittsburgh, was
established. It was in this year that Washington first came before
the public as an actor. He led a considerable force to the west,
with the view of destroying Fort Duquesne, and encountered a
small body of French. The man who subsequently became a hero
by concurring events, as well as by his own energy, did not, on this
occasion—if we may credit history—act a very honorable part. Informed
of the camping ground of the enemy, he marched all night,
to attack them in the morning. Junonville, the commander, when
aware of the proximity of Washington, made known to him by a
trumpeter that he had a letter to deliver, and when Junonville had
begun to read his letter firing was suddenly re-commenced. The
painters of Washington’s character have tried to cover this stain; but
unbiassed recorders think he was by no means blameless. But Washington’s
humiliation rapidly followed this unmanly procedure. The
main force of the French, hearing of the massacre by Washington,
advanced to revenge it; and, attacking him in his own chosen position,
succeeded, after ten hours’ fighting with muskets alone, against
cannon, in driving Washington from his position, and compelled him
to make an inglorious retreat.
At the beginning of 1755, England sent out additional soldiers
and means of war, and appointed General Braddock, who had distinguished
himself as a soldier, to act as military chief.
At this time, “Dr. Franklin estimated the whole English provincials
at a total of 1,200,000; whilst the whole number of people in
Canada, Cape Breton, Louisiana, &c., was under 80,000 souls.”—(Garneau.)
At the same time France was weak, by the presence of
an indolent King, who allowed himself and kingdom to be governed
by a courtesan, Madame de Pompadour. Religious dissensions and
stagnation of trade, all contributed to place France in but a poor position
to engage in war. Great Britain, on the contrary, was in all
respects prosperous. At such a favorable time it was that the Anglo-Americans
23urged the mother country to carry on, with the utmost
rigor, a war for the subjugation of Canada. Franklin, as astute a
politician as clever in science, was their principal mouthpiece. He
who, twenty-five years thereafter, repaired to Paris, to arouse the
public feeling of France and entire Europe against Britain; the same
who came to Canada to revolutionize it in 1776, was, in 1754, the
greatest promoter of the coming invasion of the French possessions
in North America. “There need never be permanent repose expected
for our thirteen colonies,” urged he, “so long as the French are masters
of Canada.” Thus was inaugurated what is known as the seven
years’ war.
The respective combatants marshalled their forces for the conflict.
The French, nothing daunted, took energetic measures to
repel the foe, and strike blows here and there, as opportunity afforded.
A force was sent to take Fort Oswego from the English, while Johnson,
a name to be mentioned hereafter, was despatched to attack Fort
Frederick. The first great battle was fought in the Ohio valley, by
General Braddock. Here the French gained a signal victory, with
but a few men, and utterly put to rout their enemy. At Fort Edward,
the French, under General Dieskau, were less successful
in an encounter with Johnson, the French commander being taken
prisoner.
The close of the first year saw Forts Frederick, Niagara and
Duquesne, still in the hands of the French, while bands of savages
and Canadians traversed the British settlements, massacring and
burning all before them.
The ensuing year witnessed more elaborate arrangements to continue
the war. France sent to Canada soldiers, provisions, war
material and money; and, also, the Marquis de Montcalm was selected
to take charge of the army. Montcalm had seen service, and with
him came other officers likewise experienced.
Proceeding to Montreal, he conferred with the Governor, and it
was determined to form two principal camps, one at Ticonderoga,
the other at Frontenac, and a battalion was despatched to Niagara.
The British, at the same time, made extensive preparations, both
in the colonies and at home, and the Earl of London was appointed
generalissimo.
It is a remarkable fact that Montcalm had from the first a fatal
presentiment as to the issue of the war; yet he, all the same, took
every step that prudence and energy directed, to secure the success
of his army. There was also a coolness between him and the Governor,
24who manifested a determination and energy worthy of him. It
was determined that fresh attempts should be made to possess Fort
Oswego, and General Montcalm arrived at Frontenac for that purpose
on the 29th of July. Upon the 11th August they reached
Oswego and invested the Fort, which was obliged to surrender on the
14th, the commander, Colonel Mercer, having been killed. The Fort
was razed to the ground. The Canadians then withdrew to their
homes carrying the prisoners of war, and the guns of the Fort, and
provisions with them. This was the principal event of this year. The
winter saw the Canadians suffer from famine and small-pox. During
the winter 1757–8, there was continued hostility, and in the following
year Montcalm succeeded in taking Fort William Henry, after a siege
of four days. Colonel Munroe commanded the Fort, and he trusted for
support to General Webb, who failed to afford it, but instead sent a
message to Munroe to retire, which note fell into the hands of Montcalm.
Munroe on the morning of the 9th, displayed his flag of truce.
The events of this capitulation have ever been held in remembrance,
because of the fearful massacre which the Indians made of the English,
who had surrendered, and who marched out without their arms,
in full confidence in the integrity of the victorious besiegers. Stern
history has cast no little blame upon Montcalm, for at least remissness
of duty; and the pen of historic fiction has found it a fruitful theme
with which to weave a story, and record thrilling events.
The ensuing winter was one of great privation to the Canadians,
the harvest had failed; and everything began to look dark indeed for
the devoted French; yet four years of war had given all the advantage
to their arms. The continued ill-success of the British, caused them
to raise increased numbers of men, so that by numerical force they
might overwhelm the French. In the spring of 1758, 80,000 British
combatants were ready to march. While such was the condition and
war-like spirit which obtained upon the British side, a far different
state of affairs existed with the French. Success had so far attended
the gallant feats undertaken by them. All along the lengthened
border the foe had been defeated, or had gained but scant victory.
Again, the Iroquois nation, impressed with the success thus obtained
by the French, and gratified to have the Fort of Oswego, always
unpleasant to them, destroyed, seemed inclined to take sides with
them, certainly did not favor the English. But, when so much has
been said the extent of French power in America has been stated.
Canada was no longer receiving support from France. The colonists
had been weakened by continual warfare and repeated crop-failures.
25But undeterred by the dark clouds that continued to thicken,
the Canadians buckled on their armor to fight till the very last.
Says Montcalm to the Minister at home, “We shall fight and we shall
bury ourselves, if need be, under the ruins of the colony.” Again the
tide of war ebbed and flowed with fearful power. Carillon was made
red with British blood, as vain endeavors were made to capture that
French strong hold. Against Louisburg, Cape Breton, Carillon, Lake
Champlain, and Duquesne in the Ohio Valley, the English arrayed
their fleets and armies. In the attack now made upon Louisburg, for
the first time appears the name of Wolfe, who distinguished himself
by scaling a rock, with a hundred men, which had hitherto been
regarded unaccessible. After a spirited defence, the French surrendered
the Fort, a perfect wreck, July 26. About this time Cape
Breton passed into British hands, and thus was opened to the English,
the Fort of Quebec.
In the mean time the attack upon Fort Carillon by General
Abercromby, with a strong army, had proved a complete failure.
The French, although few, desperately met the repeated assaults
made during half a day, and Abercromby, cut up and ashamed, was
forced to relinquish the matter. This battle was fought July 8th,
in which 3,600 men struggled successfully for six hours against
15,000 picked soldiers. (Garneau.) De Lévis, who had been in command
at Fort Frontenac, was called by Montcalm to take part in
the defence of Carillon. This left Fort Frontenac comparatively
weak, and Abercromby, having learned the fact, despatched Colonel
Bradstreet, who had taken an active part in the battle, to capture
the Fort. Bradstreet set out with 3,000 men, 11 guns and mortars.
The invading force reached its destination August 25. The Fort
had been left with 70 men under the command of M. de Noyan,
notwithstanding, the Fort was bravely defended for a time. “The
victors captured many cannons, quantities of small arms, boats of
provisions and nine newly armed barques,—part of the trophies
brought from Oswego when captured. After loading his barges to the
waters-edge, Bradstreet released his prisoners on parole, burnt the
Fort, also seven of the barks, and returned to his country.”
(Garneau.) This was a severe blow to the struggling Canadians.
The Governor had ordered the farmers from the field, and all the
savages he could command, to march to the assistance of Fort
Frontenac; but when the party reached Fort Présentation, (Ogdensburg),
it was learned that Frontenac was already destroyed. To
add to the misfortune of the French, the same autumn, General
26Forbes, notwithstanding a part of his force had been previously
defeated, secured the destruction of Fort Duquesne on the Ohio.
This closed the engagements for the year 1748, and everything
looked for the French, most discouraging. The winter was
spent by the English in preparing for a still more determined continuation
of the war; while the French wasted their energies in
domestic dissention. The Governor M. de Vaudreuil and Montcalm
ceased not to quarrel, and to charge each other with incompetency,
and even crimes. At the same time the means of the country was
absorbed by unpatriotic merchants, who availed themselves of the
circumstances of the country to amass fortunes by illegal traffic in
furs with the Indians.
The Government at home, although informed by Montcalm that
Canada would be conquered if help were not sent, took no step to
assist the devoted Colonists, who, although disheartened were not
disposed to surrender allegiance to their native country, even
when all but forsaken. The spring of 1759 beheld them standing
to their arms with calm determination, awaiting the onset of the
foe. The British as in previous years prepared to invade Canada
simultaneously at three different points. There was no fortress in
the Lower St. Lawrence to obstruct their advance by water, so
Quebec was the point at which, to the east, the attack would be made.
A corps of 10,000 men commanded by General Wolfe, who we have
seen, distinguished himself at the taking of Louisburg, prepared to
ascend the St. Lawrence to invest the capital. Another force
12,000 strong under General Amherst, a name we shall have to
speak of hereafter, was to pass by Lake Champlain to descend the
Richeleu and to join Wolfe at Quebec. And a third force, under
General Prideaux, with savages under Sir William Johnson, were
to possess Fort Niagara, and then descend to the capture of Montreal.
Opposed to the numerous and well appointed armies of invasion,
there was, according to Garneau, all in all of Frenchmen, between
the ages of 16 and 60, capable of bearing arms, but a little over
15,000. In the early spring, one M. de Corbiere, ascended with
the view of rebuilding Fort Frontenac. 300 men were also sent to
repair and defend Niagara. But it soon was deemed expedient to
recall them and to concentrate their forces. Every man from even
the more remote parts, presented himself to the nearest place of
rendezvous. In the latter part of May, word came that the enemies’
ships were coming.
27The events connected with the overthrow of French supremacy
in Canada cannot fail to impress the student of Canadian history.
The capture of Quebec, and, as an inevitable result, the conquest
of Canada are events of great interest; but the space cannot
be allowed here to more than refer to the thrilling scenes of valor
displayed by the victors and the vanquished. As Canadians of
British origin we recognize the event as one not to be deplored, however
Franco-Canadians may regard the question. The conquest of
Canada, was to add a new element to that of the British American
which was destined to grow, and to act no mean part in respect to
British interests in America, and we believe, ultimately to completely
amalgamate with a portion of the older elements, and thus to beget
a race, under Confederation, none the less noble, none the less
stable, and none the less glorious, than that race (a prototype of
this)—the Original Anglo-Saxon derived from the Norman, who
came to England with William the Conqueror, as well as the Saxon
elements.
More than a hundred years have passed away since the fall of
Quebec. The centenary anniversary of the event has been celebrated
with an amount of enthusiasm which probably Quebec never
witnessed before. Since the American Revolution, when the
French Canadians fought by the side of the American Loyalist to
defend Quebec, the former have ceased to be a conquered people—Sequestrated
from France, they have escaped all the horrors which
have since swept over that people, while they have retained their
language, religion, and laws. A hundred years has eradicated or
rather changed all the feelings which burned so fervently in the
French Canadian heart, except their love of Canada; and they
have joined heartily with the Anglo-Saxon to erect a joint monument
which commemorates at once the heroism of Wolfe, and the
gallantry of Montcalm.
Although the forces invading under Wolfe, exceeded in number
those who defended the citadel, yet, the greatest heroism was
displayed in its taking. The British fleet of “20 ships of the line
with frigates and smaller war vessels,” and transports, reached the
Isle of Orleans, June 25, where the land force disembarked and
proceeded deliberately to invest the stronghold, finding a more
difficult task than had been expected. Repeated attempts and
assaults were made with the result of showing Wolfe how strong
was the position his youthful ardor would fain secure. Not alone
was he baffled thus, but a severe illness prostrated him to death’s
28door, whose portals were so soon to be opened to him, by another
means. In his moments of discouragement he had written home
in a spirit not calculated to afford hope. The plan which resulted
in success, it is said was suggested by his three faithful Generals,
Monkton, Townshend and Murray.
The night before the 13th of September, 1759, the day upon
which Wolfe was to win imperishable laurels, and to lay down his
life, he felt a presentiment that his end was near, and carefully arranged
all his worldly affairs. On the evening of the 12th he invited
Captain John Davis (afterwards Admiral, Earl St. Vincent), of the
Porcupine sloop of war, to spend an hour or two on board the Sutherland.
“Wolfe, in the course of their conversation, said that he knew
he should not survive the morrow; and when they were about to
separate, he took from his bosom the picture of Louther and delivered
it into the hands of his friend, whom he requested, should his foreboding
be fulfilled, to restore the pledge to the lady on his arrival in
England.”
Having previously made disposition of his forces to prepare
the way for the final attack, and, as well in some instances, to
deceive the enemy as to his intentions, Wolfe finally, at one o’clock,
upon the morning of the 13th September, set out in flat bottomed
boats to make his landing at Fuller’s Cove, thereafter to be called
after himself. The night was dark, and other circumstances being
favorable the landing was safely effected, the heights ascended, and
at the break of day Montcalm learned with the utmost astonishment
that the enemy was upon the heights of Abraham in battle
array. Montcalm hastened to drive away the venturesome foe, but
this was not to be accomplished; a few hours brought a realization
of his early presentiment. After a spirited struggle the French
were to be seen running, the announcement of which made Wolfe
die happy; and, Montcalm was wounded unto death. He died on
the 14th. The defeat of Montcalm secured the capture of Quebec,
yet it was not until the 18th September that the city surrendered,
and French writers would make it appear that even then it were
not necessary.
The command of the French army after the death of Montcalm
devolved upon Gen. de Lévis, who had been absent up the St. Lawrence.
He returned to Montreal only in time to hear of Montcalm’s
defeat. He hastened to the rescue of the beleaguered city,
but he reached the vicinity, not until Quebec had passed into the
hands of the British.
29During the time these exciting scenes had been transpiring at
Quebec, Gen. Amherst had been confronting Boulamaque, upon
the shores of Lake Champlain; whom he had compelled to return,
and to destroy Fort Frederick and to retire to Isle Aux Nois. In the
west, at Niagara Gen. Prideaux and Sir Wm. Johnson had been
successful in taking the Fort from Pouchot. By this, Lake
Ontario with its northern shore, as well as the region of the Bay of
Quinté came into the possession of the British.
The expedition to capture Fort Niagara, taken at the urgent
request of the Governor of New York, was under the command of
General Prideaux. The attacking party landed at Four Mile Creek
almost four miles east of the Fort, on the 6th July, 1759. Fort
Niagara was garrisoned by 486 men according to Pouchot, the
French commander, but according to English statements 600.
General Prideaux forces numbered, according to Capt. de Lancy,
1,200, and 1,000 Indians, as said by Sir William Johnson. Pouchot
discovered their approach the following day. He despatched
couriers to Presque Isle, to Fort Machault, at the mouth of French
Creek, Pa., and to the commander of the Fort at the “Carrying
Place” for assistance. Reinforcements were sent, numbering about
600 French, and 100 Indians. They resembled when passing down
the rapids, “a floating island, so black was the river with batteaux
and canoes.” They landed a few miles above the falls and proceeded
to Lewiston and thence to relieve Pouchot. In the mean
time the siege had been pressed with vigor. Prideaux, the English
General, had been killed and the command had devolved on Sir
W. Johnson. The English learned of the approach of the reinforcements,
and Captain James de Lancy was despatched to a position
in ambuscade above the present site of Youngstown. The French
discovering the English in ambush, made an impetuous attack upon
them, but the English withstood the assault, and eventually turned
the tide against the enemy, who were put to flight, 200 being
killed, and 100 taken prisoners. Pouchot learned of the disaster
about two o’clock; and, two hours after Sir W. Johnson demanded a
surrender. That same evening, or on the following morning he complied;
but he has stated that he would not have done so had it not
been for the mutiny of the Germans who formed a part of the
garrison. On the 26th the garrison left the fort to be transported
to New York. Thus was the power of the French broken in the
west, and the English became masters of the key to the Northwest.
30The following spring Gen. de Lévis determined to make an
effort to retake Quebec, and upon the 28th of April, the plains of
Abraham were again red with blood, and the British, under Gen.
Murray, were compelled to seek safety within the walls of the city,
where they were besieged until the 9th, when a British frigate
arrived and gave succor.
On the 14th July Gen. Murray, with a large sailing force,
commenced the ascent of the St. Lawrence. At the same time
Gen. Amherst, with a considerable force was commencing a descent
from Oswego. The two were thus advancing toward Montreal,
each subduing on the way such forts and garrisons as were deemed
of sufficient importance. By the first of September, the city of the
Royal Mountain, containing the wreck of the French army was
encompassed on either hand. The Governor, upon the night of the
6th, held a council of war, at which it was determined to capitulate.
The celebrated act was signed on the 8th September, 1760, and the
same day the English took possession of the city. Thus Canada
passed into the possession of the British. The terms of capitulation
were more favorable to the French than they had any reason
to expect, and those terms have ever been fulfilled.
The Governor, Gen. de Lévis, the officers, and a large number
of men, women and children returned to France. At the time of
the taking of Montreal, there remained at Detroit some three or
four hundred families. This Fort and others around the lakes yet
held by the French were surrendered to Major Rogers, a person
again to be spoken of. The population according to the Governor,
left of French origin, was 70,000.
The Canadians who did not return to France repaired to their
homes and renewed their peaceful avocations.
The first British Governor, Sir Jeffry Amherst, entered upon
his functions 1763.
We have now very cursorily indeed, noticed the history of the
French Canadians up to the time they became British subjects.
We have seen they did not willingly become such; yet scarcely
fifteen years were to pass away before their loyalty to the British
flag was to be tested; not indeed to decide whether they should
again become a part of France, rather than remain British, but
whether their condition as British subjects was so intolerable that
they should seek other protection of a foreign origin.
We shall see that although promises were held out of great
political advantage they preferred to remain as they were. There
31remained in the hearts of the Canadian French, not so much a dislike
to England as a detestation to the New Englander. Hence it
was that when the rebel banner was unfurled in 1776, with the
declaration of American Independence upon it, no Canadian rallied
around it. Although commissioners from the rebel congress visited
them with honied words and fair promises, they received no friendly
welcome. The Canadians regarded their old enemies as enemies
still, and they turned their backs upon the revolting provinces and
their faces toward old England for protection. The commissioners
to the Canadians, composed of Dr. Benj. Franklin, Samuel Chase and
Charles Carrol, with his brother, a Jesuit Priest were appointed to
this mission, on the 15th February, 1776. The same Franklin
who now offered the French “freedom,” had urged upon the
British in 1753 the expediency of reducing Canada!!
For a century and a half France endeavored in vain to erect
a power in America; but shall we say that it was all in vain?
The monument although broken, so far as France is concerned
yet stands a lasting memorial of French energy, of religious fervor,
stern determination, and indomitable valor. And, when the wave of
revolution passed over the thirteen British Colonies, the column was
conspicuous enough to be seen by refugees; the protection Canada
offered was sufficient for the homeless families of U. E. Loyalists.
Canada was a sacred spot, although French. It constituted a
nucleus, around which collected those who preferred order to
rebellion. Those who had fought as opponents at Duquesne, at
Niagara, at Frontenac, at Tyconderoga, and upon the Plains of
Abraham, were joined together. The heel, which had assisted to
crush the Canadian French, now sought and found a resting place
among those who had been overcome. Thus was to be laid the
foundation of the Dominion of Canada, whose future is to be great.
Stretching from seaboard to seaboard, it is destined to become, ere
it has reached the present age of the United States, the Russia of
America, with the purest principles of government the world has
ever known.
We now approach the period of time when another element of
discord was to appear among the races which inhabited America.
Bloody Indian wars had in the past swept back and forth across
the woody land. Rival colonizers had resorted to strife, to extend
territorial power. European weapons had been transported to
wage wars of extermination. Conquest and subjugation of Indians
and rivals had been witnessed; but now Rebellion, a term that has
32received fresh significance in the late civil war in the United
States, was to be initiated. The British blood and money which had
been lavishly spent for the Anglo-Americans, had only prepared
those colonists to seek other advantages. The Indians held in subjection,
the French conquered, the mother country itself must now
be coerced to give full rein to the spoiled and wayward offspring.
DIVISION I. THE REBELLION OF 1776—THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. — CHAPTER III. — VIRGINIA. — NEW YORK. — NEW JERSEY. — MASSACHUSETTS. — NEW HAMPSHIRE. — DELAWARE. — CONNECTICUT. — MARYLAND. — RHODE ISLAND. — NORTH CAROLINA. — SOUTH CAROLINA. — PENNSYLVANIA. — GEORGIA. — NEW ENGLAND. — CHAPTER IV. — CHAPTER V. — THE MOTIVES. — MOTIVES OF THE LOYALISTS. — CHAPTER VI. — THE RESULT. — CHAPTER VII. — THE COMBATANTS—BURGOYNE. — SIR JOHN JOHNSON. — THE LOYAL COMBATANTS. — THE QUEEN’S RANGERS. — FERGUSON’S RANGERS. — THE HESSIANS. — CHAPTER VIII. — THE SIX NATIONS. — THE MOHAWKS AS CANADIANS. — CHAPTER IX. — INDIVIDUAL COMBATANTS. — CHAPTER X. — INDIVIDUAL COMBATANTS—CONTINUED. — CHAPTER XI.
Contents—First American Rebellion—Independence—Traitors made Heroes—Loyalists
driven away to found another Colony—The responsibility of
rebelling—Treatment of the Loyalists—The several Colonies—The first
Englishman in America—Receives £10—English Colonization—Virginia—Convicts—Extent
of Virginia—First Governor—Virginians not willing to
rebel—Quota supplied to the rebel army—New York—Hudson—The Dutch—New
Netherlands—Price of New Amsterdam (New York)—First Legislative
Assembly—Not quick to rebel—Quota of rebel troops—Gave many
settlers to Upper Canada—New Jersey—Its settlement—A battle ground—Gave
rebel troops; also loyal troops—Furnished settlers to Upper Canada—Massachusetts—Captain
Smith—New England Puritans—The “Mayflower”—First
Governor—Cruel treatment of Indians—Massachusetts takes the lead
in rebelling—Troops—Loyalists—New Hampshire—Troops—Delaware—Settlement—Quota
of rebel troops—Connecticut—Education—Troops—Roman
Catholics—Toleration—Rhode Island—Providence—Inconsistency
of the Puritans—Roger Williams—North Carolina—Inhabitants—South
Carolina—Many loyalists—Pennsylvania—William Penn—Conduct toward
Indians—The people opposed to rebellion—Georgia—Oglethorpe—Policy of
England—New England.
In the introductory chapters a brief sketch has been given of the
settlement of America. We now approach the important events
which belong to the first great American rebellion, which culminated
in the Declaration of Independence by the thirteen British American
Colonies, and terminated in the recognition of their independence by
the parent State. The rebellion had resulted in a revolution, and
traitors were made heroes!
33It forms a part of the present undertaking to record some of the
facts relative to the steps by which the now powerful United States
were, as a whole, ushered into the arena of nations, and by which a
large class of Americans, true to their British allegiance, were compelled
to leave their native country to found another colony in the
northern wilderness. To be justified in rebelling against the constituted
authorities there must be the most cogent reasons; to take up
arms against the State—to initiate a civil war, is assuming the most
fearful consequences.
To present even a brief account of the circumstances which led
to the settlement of Upper Canada, it becomes necessary to dwell for
a time upon the great rebellion of 1776, the result of which was adverse
to those Americans who adhered to the old flag under which
they had been born, had come to the new world, and had prospered;
a rebellion which was attended and followed by persecution and violence,
imprisonment and confiscation, banishment, and, too often,
death; which caused a stream of refugee loyalists to set in toward the
wilderness of Canada.
At the time of the rebellion of the English colonists in America,
they consisted of thirteen provinces. Massachusetts, with her colony
of Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. It may be well to briefly
notice these several states, and the part each took in the war for Independence.
The first Englishman to set foot upon the continent of America
was John Cabot, who discovered Newfoundland, and probably the
adjacent mainland, June 4, 1497. The event is noticed in the Privy
Purse expenditure thus: “1497, Aug. 10—To hym that found the
new Isle, £10,” which seems to have been a grant for his services.
In the year 1578, Sir H. Gilbert endeavoured to establish a settlement
at the mouth of the Roanoke. Failing in his undertaking,
his half brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, made a similar effort the following
year, which likewise failed. It was Sir Walter Raleigh who gave
the name to Virginia, in honor of Elizabeth, the virgin Queen. A
third and successful effort was made to colonize in 1607–8, at Jamestown.
This dates the commencement of English colonization of
America. Some time later, America was looked upon as a country
34quite beyond the pale of civilization, even as Botany Bay was at a
still later period; and in the year 1621, the British Government
transported to Virginia 100 convicts. But notwithstanding, “Virginia,”
to use the words of Morse’s Geography, “the birth-place of
Washington, has given six Presidents to the Union.”
The colony of Virginia was originally indefinite in its boundary;
and, judging from old maps, it would seem to have included all of
North America. But a map dated 1614 shows the more northern
part as New England. The first Governor of Virginia entered upon
his duties in 1619.
This State was by no means quick to sever the connection with
the mother country. Many of her sons stood up for the crown, and
very many families became refugees. Washington said of Virginia,
in a letter, that “the people of Virginia will come reluctantly into the
idea of independence.” But in time, by the specious representations
of Washington and others, the State produced a certain number of
rebels. The quota demanded by the rebel congress was 48,522. She
supplied, in 1776, 6,181; and afterwards 20,491.
In the year 1609 Hendrick Hudson, an Englishman, in the
employ of Holland, first explored the great river running through
New York State, which now bears his name. He, on behalf of the
Dutch took possession of the country. Settlement first took place
in 1614, and by 1620, a considerable colony was planted. The
island of Manhatten, where now stands New York City, was honestly
purchased of the Indians for twenty-four dollars. The village thus
founded was called New Amsterdam, and the colony was designated
New Netherlands.
Having been taken by the English in 1674, the name of the
territory was changed to New York, after James, Duke of York,
brother to Charles II. The first Legislative Assembly for this
Province, met in New York, 17th October, 1683, just one hundred
years before Upper Canada began to be settled.
The State of New York was not among the foremost in rebelling.
The Dutch element which prevailed, was not given to change.
Some of the most exciting events and battles of the war were
enacted in this State. Right royally did the people take up arms
against the rebels and drive Washington from Manhatten. Battalions
and regiments were repeatedly raised and organized in this
State. The valleys of the Mohawk and Hudson became historic
35grounds. Here was witnessed the ignoble failure of Burgoyne’s
Campaign, which was the commencement of the decline of British
power; and the City of New York was the last ground of the States
occupied by British troops, until the war of 1813. New York
furnished troops for the rebel cause, in 1775, 2,075; in 1776, 3,629;
and subsequently 12,077.
Of all the States, New York gave the largest number of
pioneers to Upper Canada.
New Jersey was settled in 1620 by the Dutch and Swedes.
Having been taken by the English, it was given by Charles II. to
the Duke of York. Retaken by the Dutch in 1673, it was bought
by Wm. Penn and his friends. At one time it was divided into
East Jersey and West Jersey, East Jersey belonging to Penn.
In 1702 the two Jersies were united under one government, and
received the name of New Jersey.
Upon the grounds of this State were fought some of the most
decisive battles of the war.
Of the Rebel troops Jersey supplied in 1676, 3,193. The quota
required afterwards was 11,396—of which she granted 7,534. But
Jersey also gave a large number of Royal troops.
New Jersey furnished a good many settlers to Upper Canada,
of whom one of the most distinguished is the Ryerson family.
Many of the settlers along the bay retain interesting traditions of
their Jersey ancestry.
The territory of this State was originally discovered by the
Cabots in 1497, and visited by Capt. John Smith in 1614, by whom it
was said to have been named New England. It consisted of the present
States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
and Massachusetts. In 1620, upon 22nd December, the
Puritan Fathers landed upon the Plymouth Rock, some 30 miles
from Boston, and planted the first of the New England States.
The “Mayflower,” by which they had traversed the Atlantic was
only 180 tons burden. She sailed from Southampton with 102
emigrants. Half of this number died from cold and hardship the
first year. They selected for their first Elder one John Carner,
who as chief officer had great control. He has consequently been
called the first Governor of New England. The territory had been
granted by James I. to the “Plymouth Company.” Although the
36Puritans had left their homes because they did not enjoy their
rights, they forgot the Golden Rule in their forest homes. They
failed to remember that the Indian had rights. The untutored
native thought he had a right to the soil, and as the Puritans,
unlike Penn, were unwilling to recognize his rights, but undertook
to appropriate the territory, there ensued bloody Indian wars.
The Puritan revenged himself, and the native retaliated. So, for
many years border massacres were common and terrible.
Massachusetts with the other New England States, took the
lead in rebellion, and by great pains succeeded in indoctrinating
the midland and Southern States. The first blood of the rebellion
was shed in this State, at Lexington and Bunker Hill. The State
supplied troops in 1775, 16,444; in 1776, 13,372. The quota subsequently
required was 52,728, of which 38,091 was furnished.
But Massachusetts had not a few true-hearted loyalists of whom
a considerable number became settlers in Upper Canada. At the
evacuation of Boston “1,100 retreated in a body with the Royal army.
Altogether there left Massachusetts at least 2,000 United Empire
Loyalists.” The Colony of Maine also had a good many adherents
of the crown—(Sabine.)
This Province was first colonized by emigrants from Hampshire,
England, in 1623. Subsequently it was peopled by English
from other parts, and by Scotch.
New Hampshire supplied in 1775, 2,824 troops; in 1776, 3,012.
Her quota was 10,194. Granted 6,653. We are at the same time
assured by Sabine that New Hampshire had many and powerful
opponents of rebellion.
Delaware was originally settled by Swedes and Finlanders in
1627. Became a part of New Netherlands in 1655, and in 1664 fell
to the English. It was included in the grant of Wm. Penn in 1682.
In 1701 it was erected into a colony for legislative purposes.
She supplied rebel troops in 1776, 609. Her quota fixed was
3,974. Supplied 1,778.
Connecticut was first occupied by emigrants in 1631. The
Charter was granted by Charles II., which continued in existence
until 1818, when it was superseded by the existing constitution.
Connecticut “has uniformly been a nursery of educated men of
37every class” for the Union. And, it may be added, a number found
their way to Upper Canada, as school teachers, subsequent to the
Revolution. And there was a certain number of the people of Connecticut
among the Loyalists. Sabine says a good many.
This State furnished for the rebel war in 1775, 4,507; in 1776,
6,390. The quota fixed was 28,336, of which was given 21,142.
Maryland was granted to the second Lord Baltimore, a Roman
Catholic, by Queen Mary, in 1632 or 4. He colonized the Province
with a company of Co-religionists of the higher class of English
gentry. It was named after the English Queen, Henrietta Maria.
“In 1649, it was made, as has been well said, ‘a land of sanctuary,’
by the toleration of all religious denominations, but the Puritans,
expelled from Virginia, made great trouble in the Colony.”
The State supplied troops in 1776, 637. Quota fixed by congress
26,608, of which she supplied 13,275.
Massachusetts, planted by Puritans, who came to secure liberty
of conscience, would not allow certain individuals in their midst to
enjoy like religious liberty, and hence the foundation of Rhode
Island. Providence, its original name, was thus significantly called,
because here the Baptists, under Roger Williams (oppressed by the
Puritans of Plymouth), found a providential asylum. This was in
1636. In how short a time (16 years) had the oppressed learned to
act oppressively!
A charter was granted to Roger Williams in 1642. The government
continued to exist under this charter until 1842, a period of 200
years.
Rhode Island gave troops to the number of 1,193 in 1775, and
798 in 1776. Quota demanded, 5,694; furnished 3,917.
This colony was planted in 1653 by the older colony of Virginia.
The colony at first included both North and South Carolina, which
continued until 1693, when the south part was erected into a separate
colony, under the name of South Carolina. The inhabitants of North
Carolina consisted, in part, of refugees from England at the overthrow
of the Stuarts. These mainly remained loyal to the crown, and were
destined to again become refugees. At the commencement of the
38rebellion the people of this colony were about equally divided between
the adherents of the crown, and the rebels. The loyalists were a
devoted band. At the same time, the rebels—at least some of them—took
extreme steps. They formally demanded a separation from
Great Britain in May, 1775, fourteen months before the 4th July
declaration of 1776. The State provided, in 1776, 1,134 rebel troops.
The quota asked for was 23,994, but only 6,129 was granted.
South Carolina was first settled in 1670.
“The great body of the people were emigrants from Switzerland,
Germany, France, Great Britain, and the northern colonies of America,
and their descendants, and were opposed to a separation from the
mother country;” yet South Carolina furnished troops for the rebellion,
in 1776, to the number of 2,069. Subsequently she gave 4,348;
although her quota, as fixed by Congress, was 16,932.
In this colony were many who could not see the justice of a
rebellion. Yankee descendants may say they “bowed their necks to
the yoke of colonial vassalage,” but it was a wise spirit of conservatism
which is expressed in the desire to “look before you leap.”
“Persons who had refused to enlist under the whig banner, flocked to
the royal standard by hundreds.” “Sir Henry Clinton informed the
British Government that the whole State had submitted to the royal
arms.” This general attachment to the British crown made the rebels
vindictive and bloodthirsty, and they sought to drive away the loyal
and peaceable by a vengeful shedding of blood. Consequently, the
tories retaliated, and Chief Justice Marshall said, “the whigs seem
determined to extirpate the tories, and the tories the whigs; some
thousands have fallen in this way in this quarter.” “Being almost
equally divided, reciprocal injuries had gradually sharpened their
resentment against each other, and had armed neighbour against
neighbour, until it became a war of extermination.” Now, it is submitted
that rebellion can hardly be justified when the people are so
equally divided. Sabine remarks that “after the fall of Charleston,
and until the peace, the tories were in the ascendant.”
This splendid colony was granted to William Penn, the Quaker
and philanthropist, who was the son of Sir William Penn, an eminent
English admiral. Sir William held a claim against the British
government for £16,000; and, some time after his death, his son
39having his attention directed to the new world, obtained, in lieu
of that amount, the grant of land now forming this State. The
charter was granted by Charles II. in 1681. Penn sought the new
world to escape the persecutions inflicted upon him at home. This
he had brought upon himself, by freely expressing his decided sectarian
views, and by writings, disseminating the teachings of George
Fox, also by attacking the Established Church. He was repeatedly
imprisoned in the Tower, and even in Newgate for six months. Penn,
on procuring the grant of land, determined to make it “a home for
his co-religionists, where they might preach and practice their convictions
in unmolested peace.” To the territory he gave the name of
Sylvania; but afterwards King Charles insisted that Penn should be
prefixed, making it Pennsylvania. Penn sailed from England, with
several friends, in August, 1682. On reaching America he found
that some Swedes and Finns had settled along the banks of the Delaware.
Although Penn had a charter by which he could possess the
land, yet, as an European, he did not forget the original and rightful
owners of the soil. Penn’s conduct in this respect stands out in striking
contrast to the course pursued by the Puritans. It was on the
30th November, 1682, that William Penn held his famous interview
with the Indian tribes, when he effected a straightforward treaty
with them, never to be broken or disturbed, so that he secured perpetual
peace and respect. By this humane course with the Indians,
and by encouraging emigration of all classes, securing to them the
fullest liberty of conscience by a wise constitution, he succeeded,
with his co-religionists, in building up a most flourishing colony.
Subsequently the population was enlarged by numerous accessions
from Scotland and Germany.
The government of Pennsylvania was proprietary, and continued
such until the revolution swept away the charter, and made the children
of William Penn outcasts from the land they and their fathers
had made fertile. At the time of the revolution, John Penn, son of
Richard Penn, who was the grandson of William Penn, was the Governor
of the colony. He, with the masses of the people in the middle
States, was opposed to the rebellion. It is said there were thousands
of loyalists in this State who desired and offered to serve the crown,
but whose services were lost through bungling by those in office.
Yet the State gave troops to the rebel cause; 400 in 1775, and in the
following year 5,519. The quota allotted was 40,416; granted,
19,689.
40
This was the last of the thirteen colonies established. The
founder was Oglethorpe, who effected a settlement in 1773, and who
lived to see the colony a State. The colonists landed at Charleston in
January, 1733.
When the rebellion broke out, this colony was “justly regarded
as highly loyal.” She refused to send delegates to the first rebel
congress; “and that she was represented in the second was owing to
the zeal of a native of Connecticut, Dr. Seymour Hall. It required
time and labour to organize a party of ‘liberty men’ to complete the
Confederacy.” The number of troops supplied in 1775 was 350; the
quota was fixed at 3,974, and there was supplied 2,328.
The history of England between the periods when Virginia and
Georgia, the oldest and youngest of the colonies that rebelled, were
founded, was one of turmoil and strife, of religious contentions and
civil war; and the colonists cast off during this hundred years carried
with them, across the Atlantic, heartfelt bitterness, and many of
them no little passion for evil. Notwithstanding, we have seen that
the Southern States, with Pennsylvania and New York, did not seek
to divide their connection with the parent State. It was generally
admitted that the policy of England towards them “had been mild—perhaps
liberal.” But, as we have seen, New England, with a few
malcontents in other states—envious office-seekers, managed to disseminate
the principles of rebellion—principles that New England has
quite forgotten in her treatment of the South.
Of the aforementioned colonies, they all had received and had
secured to them by charter, from an indulgent mother country, governments
of the most liberal nature. Civil and religious liberty were
fully enjoyed. Says Mr. Sabine: “Virtually, republican charters;
subject only to the appointment of a governor on the part of the
Crown. Every colony was, practically, a State within itself; and it
is a suggestive fact that the very earliest assertion of legislative superiority
on the part of the mother country only operated negatively,
by forbidding every colony to make laws repugnant to those of
England.”
Certain of the British colonies were, together, called “New
England,” and since the Independence they are known as the New
England States. They consist of New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,
41Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Maine, which was then a
colony of Massachusetts. This region was granted by James I. to
the Plymouth Company in 1606. It was called North Virginia, but
it was changed some years later, before it was actually settled. It
was the people of these States to whom the term “Yankee” was originally
applied; and now, in the United States, this epithet is used
solely in reference to these States; but in Canada and England the
word is applied very generally to all Americans. The origin of the
word Yankee is probably traceable to the Indian appellation “Yengee,”
for English, or Anglais, after the French.
Contents—American Writers—Sabine—Loyalists had no time to waste—Independence
not sought at first—Adams—Franklin—Jay—Jefferson—Washington—Madison—The
British Government—Ingratitude of the Colonists—Taxation—Smugglers—Crown
Officers—Persistence—Superciliousness—Contest
between Old England and New England.
It is most refreshing to one who has been accustomed to see
American school books, and even religious American tracts thickly
strewn with the most fulsome self-praise, and wordy accounts of British
tyranny, and of American purity and valor; to read the speeches,
and listen to 4th of July orators, who, with distorted history and
hifalutin panegyrics, have not ceased to wrap their country in a
blazing sheet of glory. After suffering all this, ad nauseam, it is most
agreeable to read the writings of one American author upon the
subject of their Independence, who can do some justice to the
Loyalists. Reference is made to Lorenzo Sabine, the author of
“Royalists of the American Revolution.” Considering the
prejudices which exist throughout the United States against every
thing British, and the overweening vanity of the people in respect
to the success which crowned their efforts to dismember the British
Empire; it is a matter for grateful recognition that a native of
New England should take up his pen to write redeeming words on
behalf of the Loyalists whom they had been taught to stigmatize,
to be read by his fellow countrymen. Living upon the borders,
42beyond which he could see the settled refugees working out their
destiny, under adverse circumstances, and laying the foundation of a
nation, he took up his pen, while the Upper Canadians were yet
struggling with the forest, and without time to gather up the records
of their wrongs, their losses, their persecutions, and more than all,
the malicious charges against them; and hurl them back at their
traducers. On behalf of those who will accept the writer as a
representative of the United Empire Loyalists, he thanks Lorenzo
Sabine, for what he has said. He has said nothing but the substantial
truth in our favor, and in saying that, he has said very much. In
his prefatory remarks, after referring to their deficiency of knowledge
of the “Tories” he says, “The reason is obvious. Men who,
like the Loyalists, separate themselves from their friends and
kindred, who are driven from their homes, who surrender the hopes
and expectations of life, and who become outlaws, wanderers, and
exiles,—such men leave few memorials behind them. Their papers
are scattered and lost, and their very names pass from human
recollections.”
Before considering the question, whether the American colonies
were justified in taking an extreme step; it is most necessary to
state that, at the first there were but an insignificant number of the
colonists who held the belief that armed rebellion was demanded.
Even among those who, with no mild-toned language denounced the
mother country for enacting laws oppressive to the commerce and
industry of the Americans, no one was found to advocate separation;
on the contrary to use the words of Sabine “The denial that independence
was the final object, was constant and general.” To obtain
concessions and preserve the connection with England, was affirmed
everywhere; and John Adams, years after the peace, went further
than this, for he said ‘There was not a moment during the Revolution,
when I would not have given everything I possessed for a restoration to
the state of things before the contest began, provided we could have had a
sufficient security for its continuance.’ Again, Franklin’s testimony,
a few days before the affair at Lexington, was, that he had “more
than once travelled from one end of the continent to the other, and
kept a variety of company, eating, drinking, and conversing with
them freely, and never had heard in any conversation from any person
drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for separation, or a hint
that such a thing would be advantageous to America.” Mr. Jay is
quite as explicit. “During the course of my life and until the
43second petition of Congress in 1775, I never did hear an American of
any class, of any description, express a wish for the independence of the
colonies. It has always, and still is, my opinion and belief, that our
country was prompted and impelled to independence by necessity,
and not by choice.” Says Mr. Jefferson, “What, eastward of New
York, might have been the dispositions toward England before the
commencement of hostilities, I know not, but before that I never
heard a whisper of a disposition to separate from Great Britain, and
after that, its possibility was contemplated with affliction by all.”
Washington, in 1774, sustained these declarations, and, in the
“Fairfax County Resolves” it was complained, that “malevolent
falsehoods” were propagated by the ministry to prejudice the mind
of the king; particularly that there is an intention in the American
colonies to set up for independent States; and Washington expressed
a wish that the “dispute might be left to posterity to determine.”
Mr. Madison was not in public life until May, 1776, but he says,
“It has always been my impression, that a re-establishment of the
colonial relations to the parent country, as they were previous to the
controversy, was the real object of every class of the people, till the
despair of obtaining it.”
The testimony of these Fathers of the Republic, cannot be
impeached; and, we must, therefore, seek for the cause of the
rebellion in some other place. We have seen how the British
colonies were planted. In connection with them, two leading
influences may be discovered constantly at work, one of a personal
nature; the other referring to the State. Individuals would not
sever the ties of home-ship and brave the wide ocean, to expose
themselves to the varied dangers of the wilderness, did they not
have good reason to expect due returns. The Government would
not afford ships and means to send her sons to distant shores, unless
the colony would become serviceable to the parent State. The
British Government had enabled many a hardy son to lay the
foundation for substantial wealth. More than all, the colonies of
America had been assisted to put under their feet their French
rival. For their benefit the Crown expected, and undertook to
enforce some tribute. But the colonists would not recognize the
right of the Crown to tax them for their labor. For all the British
Government had done for the colonies, for all the money spent,
she required that the colonists should be taxed. Laws were
enacted, and officers and revenue collectors appointed to enforce the
laws. It was required that these colonies should not trade, without
44certain restrictions, with foreign nations; but the merchants
of Massachusetts, having tasted the sweets of unrestricted trade,
were unwilling to pay revenue to the Crown, although trading
under the protection of the British flag. And so it came that when
royal collectors of customs were sent out; when men of war
coasted the shores of Massachusetts to prevent smuggling, by
Hancock and others, there was no disposition to submit to Imperial
taxation. For years the law relating to revenue had been a dead
letter almost, the smugglers having used hush money. But at last
Government determined to put down illicit trade. It is true the
colonies did not object without a special plea, which was “no taxation
without representation.” But the real points at issue were,
whether contraband commerce should continue and increase, or
the Crown receive the dues demanded by law. “Nine-tenths
probably, of all the tea, wine, fruit, sugar, and molasses, consumed
in the colonies were smuggled. To put this down was the determined
purpose of the ministry. The commanders of the ships of
war on the American station were accordingly commissioned as
officers of the customs; and, to quicken their zeal, they were to
share in the proceeds of the confiscations; the courts to decide
upon the lawfulness of seizures, were to be composed of a single
judge, without a jury, whose emoluments were to be derived from
his own condemnations; the Governors of the colonies and the
military officers were to be rewarded for their activity by swearing
also, either in the property condemned, or in the penalties
annexed to the interdicted trade.” And was not the Crown correct
in enforcing laws intended for the public weal? Had hostile fleets
approached Boston harbour to invade, instead of smuggling crafts,
freighted with luxuries, would not the colonist have called loudly
for Imperial help to protect? But if the Government had the best
of rights to enforce the laws, it certainly displayed much want of
judgment in the mode adopted to carry out its demands. The
foregoing, from Sabine, recalls to us at once the cause why resistance
was strenuously made. The mode of paying their Crown
officers was well calculated to kindle feelings of the most determined
opposition on the part of the illicit traders, such as John
Hancock, John Langdon, Samuel Adams, William Whipple, George
Clymer, Stephen Hopkins, Francis Louis, Philip Livingston,
Eldridge Gerry, Joseph Hewes, George Taylor, Roger Sherman,
Button Gurnett, and Robert Morris, all signers of the declaration
of independence,—all smugglers!
45And thus it came about. The Crown was determined to exact
taxes, and ignorant of the feelings of the colonists; and the
colonists, grown rich by unrestricted trade—by smuggling, entered
into a contract, which was only to end in dismemberment of the
British Empire. Side issues were raised, cries of oppression
shouted, the love of liberty invoked and epithets bandied; but
they were only for effect, to inflame the public mind, of which there
was much wavering. Of course, there were other things which
assisted to ripen rebellion, at least were so represented, that they
added to the growing discontent. Colonies, when they have
become developed by age, and powerful by local circumstances,
will naturally lose the interest which animates the subject at home.
It is in the nature of things that the love of country should gradually
change from the old home to the new. The inhabitants of the
colonies were in many cases but descendants of European nations,
who could not be expected to retain the warmest attachment to
the parent country. The tide of war had changed the allegiance
of many a one. The heterogeneous whole could not be called
English, and hence it was more easy to cast aside the noble feeling
called patriotism. Then there were jealousies of the Crown officers,
and everything undertaken by the home government, having the
appearance of change, was promptly suspected as being intended
to degrade them. The exclusiveness of the regular army and
superciliousness to the provincial troops, during the French war,
caused many a sting, and the thought of insult to the provincial
officer remained to rankle and fester in the mind of many a military
aspirant. The proposal to introduce Episcopal Bishops, to
give precedence to the Established Church, had its effect upon
many, yet many of the non-conformists were equally loyal.
The contest was originally between New England and Old
England. While the Middle and Southern States were for peace,
or moderate measures, the north sedulously worked to stir up strife
by disseminating specious statements and spreading abroad partisan
sentiments. Massachusetts took the lead. Founded by Puritans,
(who, themselves were the most intolerant bigots and became the
greatest persecutors America has seen,) these States possessed the
proper elements with which to kindle discontent.
Thus we have learned that independence was not the primary
object of revolt, and we have seen that the leaders in rebellion
were principally New Englanders, and were actuated mainly by
mercenary motives, unbounded selfishness and bigotry.
46
Contents—The signers of the Declaration of Independence—Their nativity—Injustice
of American writers for 80 years—Cast back mis-statements—The
whigs had been U. E. Loyalists—Hancock—Office-seekers—Malcontents stir
up strife—What the fathers of the Republic fought for—Rebel committees—Black
mail—Otis, John Adams, Warren, Washington, Henry, Franklin—What
caused them to rebel—What the American revolutionary heroes actually
were—Cruelty, during and after the war—No freedom—The political
mistake of the rebels in alienating the loyalists—The consequence—Motives
of the loyalists—False charges—Conscientious conservatives—Rebellion not
warranted—Attachment to the old flag—Loyalists driven away—Suppressio
veri—Want of noble spirit towards the South—Effects—Comparison between
loyalists and rebels—Education—Religion—The neutral—The professions.
Of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence
nine were born in Massachusetts, seven in Virginia, six in Maryland,
five in Connecticut, four in New Jersey, four in Pennsylvania,
four in South Carolina, three in New York, three in Delaware, two
in Rhode Island, one in Maine, three in Ireland, two in England,
two in Scotland, and one in Wales. Of these twenty-one were
attornies; ten merchants; four physicians; three farmers; one
clergyman; one printer; and ten men of fortune.
But let us more carefully consider the motives in connection
with the rebellion of ‘76. So assiduously have our fathers, the U.
E. Loyalists, been branded by most American writers as altogether
base, that it becomes us to cast back the mis-statements—to tear
away the specious covering of the American revolutionary heroes,
and throw the sunlight of truth upon their character, and dispel
the false, foul stigma, which the utterances of eighty years have
essayed to fasten upon the noble band of Loyalists.
Up to 1776, the whigs as well as the tories were United Empire
Loyalists; and it was only when the king’s forces required
taxes; when the colonists were requested no longer to smuggle;
when they could not dispossess the tories of the power and emoluments
of office—it was only then that the Declaration of Independence
was signed by those more particularly interested. John
Hancock, whose name stands first upon the document, in such bold
characters, had been a successful smuggler, whereby he had
acquired his millions, and no wonder he staked his thousands on
the issue. Evidence is not wanting to show that many of the
leaders of the rebellion, had they been holders of office, would have
47been as true to the British Crown as were those whom they envied.
Every man who took part on the rebel side has been written a
hero; but it is asking too much to request us to believe that all the
holders of office were base, and lost to the feelings of natural independence
and patriotism; more especially when a large proportion
of them were, admittedly, educated and religious men; while, on
the contrary, the rebels alone were actuated by patriotism and the
nobler feelings of manhood. Apart from the merits or demerits of
their cause, it must be admitted that the circumstances of the
times force upon us the thought that a comparatively few needy
office-seekers, or lookers-after other favors from the Crown, not
being able to obtain the loaves and fishes, began to stir up strife.
A few, possessed of sufficient education, by the aid of the wealthy
contraband traders, were enabled, by popular sensational speeches
and inflammatory pamphlets, to arouse the feelings of the uneducated;
and, finally, to create such a current of political hatred to
the Crown that it could not be stayed, and which swept away the
ties that naturally attached them to Great Britain.
We may easily imagine the surprise which many experienced
in after days, when the war had ended and their independence was
acknowledged, to find themselves heroes, and their names commemorated
as fathers of their country; whereas they had fought
only for money or plunder, or smuggled goods, or because they
had not office. In not a few cases it is such whose names have
served for the high-sounding fourth of July orators; for the buncombe
speechifier and the flippant editor, to base their eulogistic
memoriams. Undoubtedly there are a few entitled to the place
they occupy in the temple of fame; but the vast majority seem to
have been actuated by mercenary motives. We have authenticated
cases where prominent individuals took sides with the rebels because
they were disappointed in obtaining office; and innumerable
instances where wealthy persons were arrested, ostensibly on suspicion,
and compelled to pay large fines, and then set at liberty.
No feudal tyrant of Europe in the olden times enforced black mail
from the traveller with less compunction than rebel “committees”
exacted money from wealthy individuals who desired simply to
remain neutral.
It has been said that Otis, a name revered by the Americans,
actually avowed that he “would set Massachusetts in a flame,
though he should perish in the fire.” For what? Not because he
wanted liberty, but because his father was not appointed to a vacant
48judgeship! It is alleged that John Adams was at a loss which
side to take, and finally became a rebel because he was refused a
commission in the peace! It is said that Joseph Warren was a
broken-down man, and sought, amid the turmoil of civic strife, to
better his condition. And the immortal Washington, it is related,
and has never been successfully contradicted, was soured against
the mother county because he was not retained in the British army
in reward for his services in the French war. Again, Richard
Henry was disappointed in not receiving the office of stamp distributor,
which he solicited. Franklin was vexed because of opposition
to his great land projects and plans of settlement on the Ohio.
Indeed it is averred that mostly all the prominent whigs who sided
with the rebels were young men, with nothing to lose and everything
to gain by political changes and civil war. Thus it will be
seen that the so-called American revolutionary heroes have not altogether
clean hands, however much they may have been washed
by their descendants. The clothing placed upon them may conceal
the dirt and dross and blood, but they are indelibly there.
It is not alone the motives which constituted the mainsprings
of the rebels’ action that we place in the balance, but their conduct
towards those who differed from them. Individual instances of
cruelty we shall have occasion to introduce; but it may here be
said that it was the tories who acted as the conservators of peace
against a mobocracy, and consequently were made to suffer great
afflictions. It was because of this they were forced away to live
and die as aliens to the land of their birth. The tories were Americans
as well as the whigs; and when at last Great Britain ceased
to try to coerce the colonies, and their independence was secured,
then a nobler spirit should have obtained among the conquerors,
and no one, because he had conscientiously been a conservative,
should have been treated with opprobrium. It always becomes the
victorious to be generous; and we, with all respect to many American
friends, submit that, had patriotism alone actuated the revolutionary
party, the American loyalists would have been invited to
join with the whigs in erecting a mighty nation. Had freedom,
indeed, been the watchword then, as it has flauntingly been since,
it would have been conceded that the tory had a right to his opinion
as well as the whig to his. Do the Americans descant upon the
wisdom and far-seeing policy of those who signed the Declaration
of Independence and framed the constitution of the Union? Monroe,
we doubt not, had a different opinion when he begot the doctrine
49“America for the Americans.” Had the U. E. Loyalists been
treated honorably; had they been allowed but their rights; had
they not been driven away; then the name British American would
forever have passed away; and instead of a belt of British provinces
on their north, to constitute a ceaseless cause of misunderstanding
with England, the star-spangled banner would, doubtless, long ago,
have peacefully floated over all our land. Looking at the subject
from this (an American) stand-point, we see that a shortsighted
policy—a vindictive feeling, a covetous desire for the property of
the tories—controlled the movements of the hour; and when the
terms of peace were signed the birthright of the American tory was
signed away, and he became forever an alien. But, as we shall see,
he, in consequence, became the founder of a Province which, like a
rock, has resisted, and ever will resist, the northward extension
of the United States.
Whatever may have been the incentives to rebellion, yielded
to by those who revolted, there cannot rest upon the mind of the
honest reader of unbiassed history a doubt as to the motives of the
loyalists. The home-spun eulogists of the United States revolutionary
soldiers have never ceased to dwell upon the principles which
fired the breasts of the patriots, and nerved their arms to deeds of
daring and successful warfare; all the time observing silence respecting
the bravery of those who, from the same walks of life,
engaged in the strife as the determined antagonists to rebellion.
They have again and again charged upon the “king’s men” that it
was because they were servants of the Crown and feeders at the
government stall that loyalty was assumed and fought for. But
facts, when allowed to stand out uncovered by the cant of
liberatists, declare, in words that may not be gainsayed, that there
were a vast number who held no appointment under the Crown, yet
who, from first to last, were true—naturally true—to their king and
country. The great mass were essentially conservatives, called
“tories.” They held the opinion that to rebel was not only unnecessary
but wrong. They believed that the evils of which the
colonists had just reason to complain were not so great as to justify
the extreme step taken by the signers of the Declaration of Independence;
that any injustice existing was but temporary and would,
when properly and calmly represented to the home government, be
remedied; that to convulse the colonies in war was an unjustifiably
50harsh procedure; and, entertaining such a belief, it is submitted
that they were noble indeed in standing up for peace—for more
moderate measures. Moreover, not unlikely, many were impressed
with the view that the disaffected were laboring under an erroneous
idea of oppression; that the training incident to pioneer life,
the previous wars with the French Canadians, the constant contentions
with the Indians, had begotten false views of their rights, and
made them too quick to discover supposed wrongs. Candidly impressed
with such thoughts, they could not be otherwise than true
to the natural instincts of their heart, and refuse to take part, or
acquiesce in throwing overboard the government of England, and
so become aliens to the flag under which they were born and had
lived, and for which they had fought. Not many may cast aside
their feelings of nationality; not many can forget the land of their
birth; not a large number will bury the associations of a life-time
without the most potent causes. And, doubtless, the Anglo-American
who faithfully adhered to the old flag possessed all the ardor of
a lofty patriotism. But the American writer has forgotten all this.
In the broad sunlight of national success he has not discovered the
sacred longings of the U. E. Loyalists for the Union Jack. Looking
at the events of ‘76 by the lurid glare of civil war, his eyes are
blinded to the fact that a noble band, possessing equal rights with
the rebels, loved England, notwithstanding all her faults, and for
that love sacrificed their all of worldly goods. The citizens of the
United States would prefer to have it said in history that the U. E.
Loyalists, in every instance, voluntarily left their homes during the
war, or at its close. The loyalists are thereby, no doubt, made to
appear more devotedly attached to the British Crown. But it is
right to have it distinctly stated that American writers mostly
make themselves guilty of suppressio veri. The latest instance of
this is seen in a report to the Hon. Hugh McCullough, Secretary of
the Treasury, prepared by E. H. Derby, Commissioner of the Treasury
Department, dated January 1st, 1866, who, in remarking upon
the British Colonial policy from 1776 down to 1830, takes occasion
to say that, “at first there was little fellowship between the United
States and the Provincialists, many of whom were descended from
the loyalists who followed the British troops from our shores.” The
fact is, however, that many of them were driven away. The tories
were not loyal without sense; and when the fortune of war had turned
against them, they would, in great numbers, have made the best of
their changed condition, and have lived to become true citizens of the
51new-born nation. But this was not to be. The loyalists were to be
made feel that they were outcasts. It is the same ignoble and unstatesmanlike
course which is now being pursued toward the subdued
South. They must needs be made to know they are rebels. It is a
shortsighted policy, even as the former was. The former led to the
establishment of a nation to their north, which will stand, even after
the Union lies in fragments; the latter fosters a feeling of alienation,
which will speak upon the first opportunity, in the thunder tones of
war.
If a comparison is instituted between the rebels of 1776, and those
who were conservators of peace, the contrast is found to be very
great. It is charged against the loyalists that all office-holders were
tories; but is this more worthy of remark than the fact that many
became rebels because they could not obtain office. Nay, the latter
is infinitely more heinous in its nature. If we look at the two parties,
with respect to education and, it may be added, religion, it is
found that the great bulk of the educated and refined, the religious
classes, especially the clergy, the leading lawyers, the most prominent
medical men, were all loyalists. It was not because they were office-holders,
it was because they possessed a moral and elevated mind,
educated to a correct standard. Then, again, there was a large class
of citizens who loved retirement, and who begged to be allowed to
remain neutral, but who were actually compelled to take sides with
the rebels or be driven away.
The peaceably inclined, who looked for guidance to their spiritual
instructors, generally beheld them, if not actually advocating the
interests of the crown, at least setting an example against rebellion,
and they were thus strengthened in their feelings of loyalty, or determination
to remain neutral. The flame of patriotism was kept aglow
in many a heart by the earnest prayer of the gospel minister. Says
Sabine: “From what has now been said it is evident that a very considerable
proportion of the professional and editorial intelligence and
talents of the thirteen colonies was arrayed against the popular movement.”
Again: “a large number of the clergy were United Empire
Loyalists.” Also, “the giants of the law were nearly all loyalists.”
The physicians were mostly tories, but were, as a general thing, not
molested. “A few were banished; others became surgeons in the
army.”
52
Contents—Republicanism—The lesson of the first rebellion—The late civil war—The
Loyalists; their losses and hardships—Ignored by Americans—Unrecorded—The
world kept in ignorance—American glory—Englishmen—Question
of Colonial treatment—The reason why Great Britain
failed to subdue the rebellion—Character of the rebel bravery—The
great result—Liberty in England and United States contrasted—Slavery—The
result to U. E. Loyalists—Burgoyne—Mobocracy—Treatment from
“Sons of Liberty”—Old men, women and children—Instances of cruelty—Brutality—Rapacity—Torture—The
lower classes—“Swamp Law”—Fiendish
cruelty—Worse than Butler’s Rangers—Seward and the Fenians—Infamous
falsification—Close of the war—Recognition of independence by Great
Britain—Crushed hopes of the Loyalists—In New York—Their conduct—Evacuation
day—The position of the Loyalists—Confiscation—“Attainting”—Seizing
estates—Paine—Commissioners at Paris—British Ministry—Loyalists’
petition—King’s speech—Division of claimants—Six classes—The
number—Tardy justice—Noble conduct of South Carolina—Impostors—Loyalists
in Lower Canada—Proclamation—The soldiers’ families—Journeyings—Meeting
of families.
Almost a hundred years have passed away since the war-cloud
arose which swept away thirteen of Britain’s colonies upon the uncertain
and tempest-tossed ocean of Republicanism. That storm is long
since stilled, as well as the hearts of those who took part therein.
While the statesman and politician may, with advantage, study
the lesson then read, and which has been but lately annotated by the
United States civil war, by the determined subjection of eight millions
of Southerners, who desired freedom to establish a new government,
let it be our humble occupation to record some of the immediate
individual results of that great tempest, of which American writers,
with but few exceptions, have never spoken fairly. Writers among
them are not wanting to give lively pen pictures of their revolutionary
heroes; not only forgetting the sufferings of the loyalists—the devoted
ones, who gave up all—property, homes, friends, all the associations
of a birth-place, rather than bow the knee to Baal; but who have
wilfully misrepresented them; have charged them with crimes, at
once atrocious and unfounded. The sufferings, the losses, the hardships,
incident to pioneer life, with the noble purposes and undeviating
loyalty of the British American tories, have never been fully
related—never engaged the pen of the faithful historian. American
writers, on the contrary, have recorded in glowing colors the deeds
and actions of the “fathers of the Republic.” To this no objection;
can be made; but may we not charge those historians with uncharitableness,
with unnecessary neglect of the claims of the loyalists to
53pure motives, with ignoring their brave deeds, their devoted sufferings,
and with unduly ascribing to the “king’s men” motives base
and cruel. But the sufferings of the U. E. Loyalists are unrecorded.
The world has rarely been told that they were persecuted, their homes
pillaged, their persons maltreated, their valuables seized, their houses
made desolate, their real estate taken from them, without legal proceedings.
The world has been so flooded with the writings of Americans,
describing their own excellencies and eulogizing their own
cause, that no space has been found to do simple justice to the noble
ones who preferred British rule to the uncertain and untried.
Indeed, so strongly and for so long a time has the current been flowing
to swell the ocean of American glory, that hardly a voice or pen
is found doing service for the unfortunate loyalists, who chose to
endure a little rather than rush into the vortex of rebellious strife.
Even Englishmen have so long listened to one-sided statements, that
no one of them can be found to say a word for the old tory party of
America. Hence it is that the U. E. Loyalists are very imperfectly
known; their history unwritten, their tales of sorrow unattended to,
their noble doings unsung. Had there been a hand to guide a describing
pen,—to picture the doings, the sufferings, the self-denying
heroism of the loyal party; to recount the motives underlying all
they did; and had there been ears as willing to listen, and eyes to
read, and hearts to receive the facts as those of a contrary nature have
obtained, then a far different impression would have been made, and
fixed upon the world.
That the British Government was right or wise in its treatment
of the American colonies we now have every reason to doubt. At the
same time, that England might have subdued that rebellion, had she
put forth her undivided strength, there is but little reason to question.
Had she not been engaged in a formidable war with France; or even
with that, had her statesmen acquired a correct knowledge of America
as to topography, and as to the feelings and wishes of the people and
their just complaints; or had able generals been entrusted with the
command of the armies, instead of incompetent favorites; or had a
little diplomacy been practiced, and the ringleaders of the whig faction—often
hungry agitators—been conciliated by office; in either
event the rebellion might have been nipped in the bud, or easily overcome.
The American Republic owes its independence to the circumstances
in which Great Britain was then placed, and the incapacity of
a few of the British Generals, rather than to superior bravery, extraordinary
military talent, or any high-toned longing for liberty. No
54doubt many of the rebelling party were brave; but it was often the
bravery of the guerilla, or the desperate adventurer.
Of the great result—the recognition of the independence of the
rebelling provinces by the mother country—we design not to speak
at length. It will always remain a question, whether it would not
have been better for the States themselves, and the world at large, if
they had remained a part of the British Empire. That the evils of
which they complained would, in due time, have been removed, upon
proper representation, there is no substantial reason to doubt. That
the principles of true freedom would have advanced and spread quite
as rapidly, and that, to-day, liberty, in the broadest sense, would have
reigned in the world fully as triumphant, the whole history of England
and the United States sufficiently attest. It was many long years
after Britain had struck off the chains of slavery before the United
States reached the same point; and then only because it became a
“military necessity.” Looking at the two nations to-day, and judging
by the utterances of the two respective people, whether enunciated in
the halls of legislature, by the head of the nation, by the bar, in the
pulpit, by the press, or from the platform; or if we be guided by the
public deeds of each, it is submitted that the more genuine ring of
the metal sounds from beneath the wide-spreading banner of old
England.
The effect of the successful rebellion, to which it is intended to
refer, has reference to the United Empire Loyalists of America. And
first, the effect upon them during the war.
The defeat of Burgoyne was the first event which immediately
led to severe disaster of the loyalists. This general, with more assurance
than foresight, and perhaps more courage than military skill,
succeeded, not only in leading his army to destruction, but in placing
the friendly inhabitants on his route in such a position that no mercy
was subsequently extended to them by the ruthless rebels. When he
surrendered, instead of securing for them immunity from any harm,
he entirely neglected their interests; notwithstanding they had supplied
his troops with provision. The relentless conduct of the rebels
in arms and the whig government was bloodthirsty and vindictive.
Their hate towards those who would not take sides with them,
whether in arms for the Crown or not, was barbarous. Persons suspected
of sympathy with the tories were subjects of continued molestation.
Mobocracy reigned. Vagabond bodies of men were sent
abroad to range the country, to lay waste and destroy the property of
the loyalists, imprison the suspected, and seize the goods of the unprotected.
55Tarring and feathering was of common occurrence.
Massachusetts especially gained a name for cruelty far exceeding any
which has been applied to the Indians, with all their barbarism.
There was a villainous band who called themselves the “Sons of Liberty,”
who carried fire and sword—not against an open enemy in the
light of day, but to peaceful firesides in the darkness of night. Their
victims were the old men, the women and children, and the defenceless.
Old men and children were driven to the woods for shelter, or
placed in a closed room, and, with chimney stopped, smoked to suffocation.
Females were subject to insult and the most fiendish treatment.
Dwellings were fired at night, and their occupants left houseless,
and exposed to the inclemency of the weather.
Suspected persons were arrested and put to terrible torture, such
as attaching a rope to the neck and hauling the individual through
the water till insensible; or suspending him to a tree till life was almost
gone. This was frequently done with the object of extracting
information as to the whereabouts of a father or a brother, or as to
the place where money and valuables were concealed. The tales of
cruelty the writer has heard related concerning the treatment the
loyal party were exposed to, would harrow up the soul of any one
possessing feelings of pity and commiseration.
The loyalists who immediately suffered, that is, while the war
was in progress, were many. Military forts were established here
and there, to which many fled precipitately from the several States.
It is a matter of extreme astonishment how men who set
up the standard of revolt under the sacred name of liberty,
could so far ignore the principles of liberty in the treatment of
innocent old men, women and children, as we find stated by honest
witnesses. The darkest tales of savage dealing come to us from
our fathers. Families, whose sole offence consisted in being unwilling
to rebel, and in being desirous to remain faithfully neutral,
were the objects of the rapacious prey of a brutal soldiery. Their
substance when not available for the rebel horde, was scattered to
the winds. Devouring fire was cast into peaceful homes. How
gross the hypocrisy, how base the motives that actuated very many
of the adventurers in rebellion. The most hellish means were
adopted at times, to force away persons of property, that the so-called
“Sons of Liberty” might enjoy their substance and homes.
Attending these scenes of desolation and refined cruelty, their
imprisonments and torture, were incidents of thrilling interest, of
fearful suffering, of hairbreadth escapes, of forlorn rescues.
56The lower classes of those who rebelled were men of bold and
lawless nature: whether we pass along the shores of New England,
among the fishermen, or travel thorough the woods of Maine and
New Hampshire, and become acquainted with woodmen of the
forest, or as they were called “Loggers and Sawyers.” The spirit
that animated the merchants of Boston and Salem, in their extended
operations of smuggling, lived, also, in the reckless fishermen and
woodmen; and for years before the rebellion really commenced they
had been resisting, even by physical force, the revenue officers,
who were often expelled from the woods by what was called
“swamp law.” Men with such nature, finding that their lawlessness
had become popular, and that steps were being taken to resist
the government on a general plan, were not slow to act their part.
One result of the rebellion was a determined and systematic course
of retaliation upon those who had recognized the majesty of the
law. A continued and uncompromising persecution was entered
upon toward them.
No history can parallel the deeds of atrocity enacted by the
villainous “Liberty men.” Said an old lady, on the verge of the grave,
and with voice tremulous in remembrance of fiendish acts she had
witnessed, “The Rebels, on one occasion entered a house and
stripped it of everything, even the bed on which lay a woman on
the point of confinement. But a single sheet was left to cover the
woman upon a winter’s night, who, before morning became a
mother.” In 1776, there arrived at Fort George, in a starving
state, Mrs. Nellis, Mrs. Secord, Mrs. Young, Mrs. Buck and Mrs.
Bonnar, with thirty-one children, whom the circumstances of the
rebellion had driven away. Talk about the cruelty of Indians and of
Tory oppression. The unprincipled rebels did well to try to hide
their ignominious deeds behind the fabrications respecting the
doings of Butler’s Rangers, and the noble-minded Brant. May we
not cease to wonder that the descendants of the rebels in the year
1866, endeavour to hound on a pack of thieves and murderers to
possess themselves of the homes our fathers sought out for us. The
self-applauding writers of the revolutionary war, found it convenient
to forget the doings of the “Sons of Liberty” and of Sullivan, while
they laid to the charge of Butler’s Rangers and the Indians, acts of
inhumanity (which we are informed on good authority are unfounded,
Butler having never abused woman or child.) In the same manner,
Secretary Seward found it desirable to falsify dates, by saying the
Fenians invaded Canada on the 6th of June, that it might appear he
57had vindicated promptly their neutrality laws; whereas they actually
crossed, and engaged in battle, on the morning of the 2nd.
But as time will fully bring out the facts connected with the first
American rebellion, and place them face to face with one-sided
history, so will faithful history record the whole truth of the
infamous invasion of our country by a band of American citizens
with United States arms in their hands. Those deeds of blood,
enacted by men under the hypocritical cry of liberty have not been
forgotten by the United Empire Loyalists, but have been handed
down to us, to place on record against the cruel actors.
Hostilities ceased 19th April, 1783, and on the 20th September,
the independence of the United States was acknowledged.
The recognition of independence by Great Britain, was the
death knell to the cherished hopes of the loyalists. Many had
escaped into the provinces, and many were in the army, and not a
few were in England. Although the majority of them had been
driven away, a few still remained in those places, yet held by the
British forces, as New York. “When the news of peace became
known, the city presented a scene of distress not easily described.
Adherents to the Crown, who were in the army, tore the lapels
from their coats and stamped them under their feet, and exclaimed
that they were ruined; others cried out they had sacrificed everything
to prove their loyalty, and were now left to shift for themselves,
without the friendship of their king or country. Previous to
the evacuation, and in September, upwards of 12,000 men, women,
and children, embarked at the city, at Long and Staten Islands, for
Nova Scotia and the Bahamas,” and for Canada. “Some of these
victims to civil war tried to make merry at their doom, by saying
they were bound to a lovely country, where there are nine months
winter and three months cold weather every year, while others, in
their desperation tore down their houses, and had they not been
prevented, would have carried off the bricks of which they were
built.” The British had possessed New York since 15th September,
1776, and on the 25th November, 1783, yielded it up to the
Americans. This is “Evacuation day.”
When Cornwallis surrendered he vainly tried to obtain a
promise of protection for the Loyal Americans, who, in part, formed
his army. Failing in this, he sent an armed vessel away with a
large number.
At this time beside the many who had become refugees, there
58were some loyalists scattered through the States. Many of these
remained in the now Independent States, and many of them
would have returned, to become faithful citizens under the new order
of things, had they been allowed so to do. But the young Republic
knew not how to be magnanimous to those whom the fortunes of
war had left in great distress—whom they had conquered, and the
United Empire Loyalists were made aliens from their native
homes. Their property must be confiscated, and many being large
land owners, rich prizes were thus secured. While the conflict
continued to rage there was some excuse, but when war had ceased,
and everything had been accomplished that the most craving rebel
could wish, it was a ruthless, an ungenerous, nay, a base proceeding
on the part of the revolutionists, to force away their very
brethren, often related by the ties of consanguinity. But it was a
spirit as unprincipled as this, which instigated the rebellion, and
which characterized the vast majority of those who fought
under the sacred name of liberty, and such was the spirit of the
conquerors.
The successful rebels determined to possess themselves of the
lands and property of the loyalists, even in violation of treaty. The
action of Congress was sufficiently high-handed and wanting in
generosity; but the proceedings of the State Legislatures, with a
few exceptions, were execrable—characterized by ignoble and
vindictive passion.
The Legislatures of each state took early steps to punish the
adherents of Britain, to dispossess them of their property, and to
banish them. Massachusetts took the lead in dealing severely
against the loyalists. A rebel magistrates’ warrant was sufficient
to banish one. Hundreds of Massachusetts Loyalists were prohibited
from returning on penalty of imprisonment and even death.
And the other States were active in “attainting” and confiscating,
often without the form of trial. Each State carried on its function
as a government, and trials ought to have been granted, in common
justice to every one. But the Whigs were intolerant, hot-headed,
malevolent, unforgiving. It has been said that “if it be conceded
that rebellion against England was right, then every step necessary
to success was justifiable.” If we grant all this there remains the
fact that after success had crowned rebellion, persecution and confiscation
continued. New York, on the 12th May, 1784, passed “An
act for the speedy sale of the confiscated and forfeited estates
59within the States.” The powers consisted in the appointment of
“commissioners of forfeitures.” Among those who lost their land
was one Davoe. He had 300 acres near New York, twenty miles,
which was confiscated and given to the notorious Tom Paine, the
infidel, whose extreme liberal views expressed in his work, “Common
Sense,” made him the friend of Washington, and revolutionists
generally. Paine, after taking part in the French Revolutions,
came, in 1802, to his place in New York, where he enjoyed the
loyalists’ confiscated property until his death, 8th June, 1809.
In the terms of peace signed at Paris, there was no security
effected for the losses sustained by the American Loyalists.
As Burgoyne at his inglorious surrender at Saratoga, thought
not of the innocent inhabitants of the Mohawk and Hudson, who
had identified themselves with the loyal cause, and supplied his
troops with provisions, and left them to the merciless “Sons
of Liberty,” to be despoiled of their all, and exposed to fearful
cruelty, so at the last, when the British Government relinquished
the attempt to subdue rebellion, the American Loyalists were of
remote consideration. We can gather now but the outlines of this
great wrong done unto noble men. The particulars are buried in
the wreck of fortune, and of happiness, respecting all worldly
matters. The after life of the loyalists was of too earnest a nature
to allow time to place on record the sufferings, and the wanderings
of the disinherited. The lost cause did not stimulate men to draw
upon imagination, such as may be found in gaudy-hued descriptions
of American revolutionary heroes, male and female. But there is
sufficient of facts recorded, and engraven by the iron pen of
extreme anguish upon hearts, that were of flesh, to stamp the
persecutors with infamy, and mark the refugees, that clustered
around the border forts, and found homes at Sorel, Lachine, and
Montreal, with the highest attributes of patriotism and love of
country.
The conduct of the ministry, and the commissioners at Paris is
open to the severest censure. They left the claims of the loyalists
to be decided by the American Congress. We may allow them
the credit of having held the belief, that this body would be
actuated by a feeling of justice and right, but the error was a
grave one, the wrong grievous and hard to be endured. In pursuing
this course, the British ministry did not escape condemnation
by members of Parliament, and a feeling of sympathy was evoked
60that led to a tardy dispensing of justice. Lord North said “that
never were the honor, the principles, the policy of a nation, so
grossly abused as in the desertion of those men, who are now
exposed to every punishment that desertion and poverty can
inflict, because they were not rebels.” Mr. Sheridan “execrated
the treatment of those unfortunate men, who, without the least
notice taken of their civil and religious rights, were handed over
as subjects to a power that would not fail to take vengeance on
them for their zeal and attachment to the religion and government
of the mother country,” “and he called it a crime to deliver them
over to confiscation, tyranny, resentment and oppression.” Lord
Loughborough said that “in ancient nor modern history had there
been so shameful a desertion of men who had sacrificed all to their
duty and to their reliance upon British faith.” Others, in terms
of equal severity, denounced the ministry in Parliament for their
neglect. The ministry admitted it all, but excused themselves by
the plea that “a part must be wounded, that the whole of the
empire may not perish”—that they “had but the alternative,
either to accept the terms proposed, or continue the war.”
“A number of loyalists in England, came to the United States
to claim restitution of their estates, but their applications were
unheeded,” except to imprison, and banish them.
The treaty of peace signed, without any provision for the
suffering loyalists, they at once took steps to petition the Imperial
Parliament for justice. “They organized an agency, and appointed
a Committee, composed of one delegate, or agent from each of the
thirteen States, to enlighten the British public.” “At the opening
of Parliament the King, in his speech from the throne, alluded to
the ‘American sufferers’ and trusted generous attention would be
shewn to them.” An act was consequently passed creating a
“Board of Commissioners” to examine the claims preferred. The
claimants were divided into six classes.
“First Class.—Those who had rendered service to Great
Britain.”
“Second Class.—Those who had borne arms for Great Britain.”
“Third Class.—Uniform Loyalists.”
“Fourth Class.—Loyal British subjects residents in Great
Britain.”
“Fifth Class.—Loyalists who had taken oaths to the American
States, but afterward joined the British.”
61“Sixth Class.—Loyalists who had borne arms for the American
States, and afterwards joined the British navy or army.”
The claimants had to state in writing, and specifically the
nature of their losses. Great and unnecessary caution was observed
by the Board. The rigid rules of examinations caused much dissatisfaction
and gave the Board the name of “Inquisition.”
The 26th of March, 1784, was the latest period for presenting
claims, which was allowed, and on or before that day, the number
of claimants was two thousand and sixty-three. A “second report
which was made in December of the same year, shows that one
hundred and twenty-eight additional cases had been disposed of.”
In May and July 1865, one hundred and twenty-two cases more
were disposed of. In April 1786, one hundred and forty more
were attended to. The commissioners proceeded with their investigations
during the years 1786 and 1787. “Meantime” and to
her honor be it said “South Carolina had restored the estates of
several of her loyalists.”
Years passed away before the commissioners had decided upon
all the claims, and great and loud was the complaint made by the
claimants. The press was invoked to secure a more prompt concession
of justice, pamphlets were published on their behalf, and
one printed in 1788, five years after the peace, contained the
following: “It is well that this delay of justice has produced the
most melancholy and shocking events. A number of the sufferers
have been driven by it into insanity, and become their own
destroyers, leaving behind them their helpless widows and orphans
to subsist upon the cold charity of strangers. Others have been
sent to cultivate a wilderness for their subsistence, without having
the means, and compelled through want, to throw themselves on
the mercy of the American States, and the charity of their former
friends, to support the life which might have been made comfortable
by the money long since due from the British Government, and
many others, with their families are barely subsisting upon a
temporary allowance from government, a mere pittance when
compared with the sum due them.”
The total number of claimants was 5,072, of whom 924 withdrew
or failed to make good the claim. The sum of money allowed
was £3,294,452. We have seen there was, in addition, given to the
widows and orphans, between 20,000 and 30,000 pounds.
There is no doubt that a certain number of the claimants were
62impostors, while many asked remuneration above what their losses
had actually been, and this caused the commissioners to examine
more closely the claims proffered. But it is submitted that they
ought, in dealing with the money already granted by a considerate
Parliament, to have leaned on the side of clemency.
At the close of the contest there were a large number of
Refugees in Lower Canada, especially at Fort St. John, about
twenty-nine miles from Montreal. In the main these were American
born, and principally from the New England States; yet there
were representatives from England, Ireland, Scotland and Germany.
Besides the Refugees, there were several Provincial Corps, which
were no longer to be retained in the service, but to be disbanded.
Of these there was the 84th, often called Johnson’s regiment, this
was 800 strong, mostly Dutch, from the Mohawk, and Hudson,
descendants of the old stock. This regiment consisted of two corps,
one under Major Jessup, stationed at St. John’s, and the other
under Rogers, a part of which at least, was stationed at Fort
Oswego. Jessup’s corps became the first pioneers upon the St. Lawrence,
and Rogers among the first along the Bay of Quinté. Both
settled in 1784. There were other troops stationed at St. John’s,
and likewise not a few who had discharged irregular, but important
duties, as scouts, and in other ways.
It has been generally estimated that at the close of the struggle,
and as a result, there were distributed of American Loyalists upon
the shores of Canada, about 10,000. At the first, most of these
were in Lower Canada, but there were likewise a few at the
frontier forts upon the Upper waters, and a few detached squatters.
Then, “there was not a single tree cut from the (present) Lower
Province line to Kingston, 150 miles; and at Kingston there were
but a few surrounding huts; and from thence all around Lake
Ontario and Lake Erie, with the exception of a few Indian huts on
some desolate spot of hunting ground, all was a dense wilderness.”
(Ex Sheriff Sherwood.)
“A proclamation was issued,” says Croil in his history of
Dundas, “that all who wished to continue their allegiance to Britain,
should peaceably rendezvous at certain points on the frontiers.
These were, Sackets Harbour, Carleton Island, Oswego and Niagara,
on the Upper Canada confines; and Isle Aux Nois, on the borders
of Lower Canada. Jessup’s Corps was stationed at Isle Aux
Nois, and late in the autumn of 1783, the soldiers were joined by
their wives and little ones, who had wandered the weary way on
63foot, to Whitehall, through swamps and forest,—beset with difficulties,
dangers, and privations innumerable. The soldiers met
them there with boats, and conveyed them the rest of their journey
by water, through Lake Champlain. Imagination fails us when
we attempt to form an idea of the emotions that filled their hearts,
as families, that had formerly lived happily together, surrounded
with peace and plenty, and had been separated by the rude hand
of war, now met each other’s embrace, in circumstances of abject
poverty. A boisterous passage was before them, in open boats,
exposed to the rigors of the season—a dreary prospect of the
coming winter, to be spent in pent up barracks, and a certainty
should they be spared, of undergoing a lifetime of such hardships,
toil and privation, as are inseparable from the settlement of a new
country.” As soon as the journey was accomplished, the soldiers
and their families, were embarked in boats, sent down to Richelieu
to Sorel, thence to Montreal, and on to Cornwall, by the laborious
and tedious route of the St. Lawrence. (See settlement of Ernest
town.)
Contents—A spirit of strife—The French war—British American Troops—Former
comrades opposed—Number of U. E. Loyalists in the field—General
Burgoyne—Defeat—First reverse of British arms—The campaign—Colonel
St. Leger—Fort Stanwix—Colonel Baume—Battle of Bennington—General
Herkimer—Gates—Schuyler—Braemar Heights—Saratoga—Surrender—The
result upon the people—Sir John Johnson—Sir William—Sketch—Indian
Chief—Laced coat—Indian’s dream—It comes to pass—Sir William
dreams—It also comes to pass—Too hard a dream—Sir John—Attempt to
arrest—Escape—Starving—Royal Greens—Johnson’s losses—Living in
Canada—Death—Principal Corps of Royalists—King’s Rangers—Queen’s
Rangers—Major Rogers—Simcoe—The Rangers in Upper Canada—Disbanded—The
Hessians.
The seven years’ war between Canada and New England, in
which a large number of the Colonists were engaged, had created
not a few officers of military worth and talent, while a spirit of
strife and contention had been engendered among the people generally.
The Colonial war, carried on with so much determination,
was stimulated, not so much by the English nation at home as by
New Englanders. It was they who were chiefly interested in the
64overthrow of French power in Canada. While money and men had
been freely granted by the Imperial Government, the several colonies
had also freely contributed. They “furnished in that war quite
twenty-eight thousand men, in more than one of the campaigns,
and every year to the extent of their ability.” “On the ocean, full
twelve thousand seamen were enlisted in the Royal Navy and in
the Colonial Privateers.” In this manner had been formed a taste
for military life, which waited to be gratified, or sought for food.
When, therefore, the unsavory acts of England wounded the Colonial
vanity, and demagogues traversed the country to embitter the
feelings of the mass against the king, the hot-headed were not slow
to advise an appeal to arms. At the same time, the loyal in heart,
the conservators of Imperial interest, viewing with wonder and
alarm the manifestation of fratricidal war—of rebellion, felt it their
duty to take up arms against the unprincipled (and often dishonest)
agitators, and endeavor to crush out the spirit of revolt. And thus
it came, that very many who had fought side by side at Ticonderoga,
Crown Point, Duquesne, Niagara, Oswego, Frontenac, Montreal,
and around Quebec, under a common flag, were now to be
arrayed in hostile bands. Not state against state, nor yet merely
neighbor against neighbor, but brother against brother, and father
against son! Civil war, of all wars, is the most terrible: in addition
to the horrors of the battle-field, there is an upheaving of the
very foundation of society. All the feelings of brotherhood, of
Christian love, are paralyzed, and the demon of destruction and
cruelty is successfully invoked.
Behold, then, the British Americans divided into two parties;
each buckling on the armor to protect from the other, and sharpening
the weapons of warfare to encounter his kindred foe. The
contest of 1776-‘83 is most generally looked upon as one between
the English and Americans; but in reality it was, at first—so far
as fighting went—between the conservative and rebel Americans.
In an address to the king, presented by the loyalists in 1779, it is
stated that the number of native Americans in his service exceeded
those enlisted by Congress. Another address, in 1782, says that
“there are more men in his Majesty’s provincial regiments than
there is in the continental service.” Sabine says that “there were
25,000, at the lowest computation.” If such be the case, the question
may well be asked, how came it that the rebels succeeded?
Looking at the matter from our distant stand-point, through the
light of events we find recorded, there seems but one conclusion at
65which we may arrive, namely, that the disaster to the British arms
was due—altogether due—to the incapacity of certain of the generals
to whom was intrusted the Imperial interests in America.
The most notable instance of mistaken generalship was that of
Burgoyne. His campaign in the summer of 1777, and the final
overthrow of his army and surrender at Saratoga, will engage our
particular attention; inasmuch as it was the first decided reverse
to the British arms, and by giving courage to the rebels, assisted
much to further their cause. Thereby their faith was strengthened,
and the number of rebels increased from no inconsiderable class,
who waited to join the strongest party. Again, the scene of this
campaign was close to the borders of Canada, and there followed a
speedy escape of the first refugees from the Mohawk valley and
the Upper Hudson to the friendly shores of the St. Lawrence.
A year had elapsed since the Declaration of Independence,
and England had sent troops to America, with the view of assisting
the forces there to subdue the malcontents. In the early part of
July, Burgoyne set out from Lower Canada with about 8,500 soldiers,
500 Indians, and 150 Canadians, intending to traverse the country
to Albany, possessing himself of all rebel strongholds on the way,
and thence descend along the river Hudson, to New York, to
form a junction with General Howe, that city having been captured
from the rebels the 15th September previous. Passing by way of
Lake Champlain, he encountered the enemy on the 6th July, and
captured Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, with 128 cannon,
several armed vessels, a quantity of baggage, ammunition and provisions.
“This easy conquest inflamed his imagination.” The first
step towards the defeat of his army was the unsuccessful attempt
of Colonel St. Leger, with 800 men, who ascended the St. Lawrence
to Oswego, and thence up the river, to take Fort Stanwix (Rome),
intending to descend the Mohawk and join Burgoyne with his main
force, as he entered the head of the valley of the Hudson. Colonel
St. Leger arrived at Fort Stanwix on the 3rd August, 1777. For a
time he was the winner; but for some reason, it is said that the
Indians suddenly left him, and his troops, seized with a panic, fled.
In the meantime, General Burgoyne was pursuing his way, having
driven General Schuyler from Lake St. George to the mouth of the
Mohawk river.
Burgoyne, flushed with this renewed success, after his late capture
66of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, vainly supposed he
could advance steadily down the Hudson. He sent a body of men,
500 strong, under Colonel Baume, into the interior, eastward, with
the view of encouraging the inhabitants to continued loyalty, and
of arresting the machinations of the rebels. Near Bennington the
rebels had an important post, with magazines, and a large force
under General Stark. Baume, ignorant of their strength, rushed
headlong against the enemy. Nothing daunted, he led on his 500
brave men. For two hours he contended with the unequal foe,
when his troops were almost annihilated, and he fell from his horse,
mortally wounded. But few escaped to tell the tale. Meanwhile,
Burgoyne, apprised of the danger surrounding Baume, had sent
assistance under Colonel Breynan. Unfortunately, they had not
much ammunition, and, after fighting until all was exhausted, they
had to flee. These three reverses paved the way for the final overthrow
of Burgoyne. He was still marching forward, bent on reaching
Albany, to accomplish the object of the campaign—a juncture
with the army of General Howe. But now in his rear, to the west,
instead of Colonel St. Leger descending the Mohawk, was General
Herkimer, who had dispersed St. Leger’s force; and to the east
was General Stark, flushed with his victories over Baume and
Breynan. Burgoyne met Gates at last on Braemar heights, and
again, and for the last time, led his troops on to victory, although
the contest was well sustained. General Schuyler had intrenched
his forces at the mouth of the Mohawk, and Burgoyne, having
waited until his provision was exhausted, at last resolved to make
an assault. It was bravely made, but without success; and before
night-fall the army was retreating. Night, instead of enabling
them to regain their spirits and renew their ardor, only brought
the intelligence of the defeats previously sustained at Stanwix and
Bennington. This was the 7th October. Flight now was the only
possible chance for safety. The tents were left standing; his sick
and wounded forsaken. But the enemy now surrounded him; the
places he had taken were already re-taken; and upon the 10th of
the month he found himself helpless upon the fields of Saratoga,
where he surrendered. The whole of the men were sent to Boston
and other places south, there to languish in prison.
Thus it came that the inhabitants in this section of the country
came under the power of the rebels, and those who had adhered to
the loyal side were mercilessly driven away at the point of the
bayonet. The writer has heard too many accounts of the extreme
67cruelty practised at this time to doubt that such took place, or
question the fiendish nature of the acts practised by the successful
rebels against, not foes in arms, but the helpless. Many thus driven
away (and these were the first refugees who entered Canada) suffered
great hardships all through the winter. Most of the men
entered the ranks subsequently, while not a few, from their knowledge
of the country, undertook the trying and venturesome
engagement of spies. The families gathered around the forts upon
the borders had to live upon the fare supplied by the commissariat
of the army. A large number were collected at Mishish; and the
story goes that a Frenchman, whose duty it was to deal out the
supplies, did so with much of bad conduct and cruel treatment.
Among the officers who served with General Burgoyne was
Sir John Johnson, who had been the first to suffer persecution, the
first to become a refugee, and who became a principal pioneer in
Upper Canada.
“His father, Sir William Johnson, was a native of Ireland, of
whom it was said, in 1755, that he had long resided upon the Mohawk
river, in the western part of New York, where he had acquired
a considerable estate, and was universally beloved, not only by the
inhabitants but also by the neighboring Indians, whose language
he had learned and whose affections he had gained, by his humanity
and affability. This led to his appointment as agent for Indian
affairs, on the part of Great Britain, and he was said to be ‘the
soul of all their transactions with the savages.’”
Of Sir William’s talents and shrewdness in dealing with the likewise
shrewd Indian, the following is found in Sabine: “Allen relates
that on his receiving from England some finely-laced clothes, the Mohawk
chief became possessed with the desire of equalling the baronet
in the splendor of his apparel, and, with a demure face, pretended to
have dreamed that Sir William had presented him with a suit of the
decorated garments. As the solemn hint could not be mistaken or
avoided, the Indian monarch was gratified, and went away, highly
pleased with the success of his device. But alas for Hendrick’s
shortsighted sagacity! In a few days Sir William, in turn, had a
dream, to the effect that the chief had given him several thousand
acres of land. ‘The land is yours,’ said Hendrick, ‘but now, Sir
William, I never dream with you again, you dream too hard for
me.’”
68At the breaking out of the revolutionary war, Sir John, who had
succeeded to his father’s title, appears, also, to have inherited his influence
with the Indians, and to have exerted that influence to the
utmost in favor of the Royal cause. By this means he rendered
himself particularly obnoxious to the continentals, as the Americans
were then called. Accordingly, in 1776, Colonel Dayton, with part
of his regiment, was sent to arrest him, and thus put it out of his
power to do further mischief. Receiving timely notice of this from
his tory friends at Albany, he hastily assembled a large number of
his tenants and others, and made preparations for a retreat, which he
successfully accomplished.
“Avoiding the route by Lake Champlain, from fear of falling
into the hands of the enemy, who were supposed to be assembled in
that direction, he struck deep into the woods, by way of the head
waters of the Hudson, and descended the Raquette river, to its confluence
with the St. Lawrence, and thence crossed over to Canada.
Their provision failed soon after they had left their homes. Weary
and foot-sore, numbers of them sank by the way, and had to be left
behind, but were shortly afterwards relieved by a party of Indians,
who were sent from Caughnawaga in search of them. After nineteen
days of hardship, which have had few parallels in our history, they
reached Montreal. So hasty was their flight, that the family papers
were buried in the garden, and nothing taken with them but such
articles as were of prime necessity.” Soon after his arrival at Montreal
he was “commissioned a colonel, and raised two battalions of
loyalists, who bore the designation of the Royal Greens. From the
time of organizing this corps, he became one of the most active, and
one of the bitterest foes that the whigs encountered during the contest.
So true is it, as was said by the wise man of Israel, that ‘a
brother offended is harder to be won than a strong city, and their
contentions are like the bars of a castle.’ Sir John was in several
regular and fairly conducted battles. He invested Fort Stanwix in
1777, and defeated the brave General Herkimer; and in 1780 was
defeated himself by General Van Rensselaer, at Fox’s Mills.”
The result of his adherence to the Crown was, that his extensive
family estates upon the Mohawk were confiscated; but at the close of
the war he received large grants of land in various parts of Canada,
beside a considerable sum of money. He continued to be Superintendent
of Indian affairs, and resided in Montreal until his death, in
1822.
69
The following are the principal corps and regiments of loyalists
who took part in the war against the rebels, and who were mainly
Americans:
“The King’s Rangers; the Royal Fencible Americans; the
Queen’s Rangers; the New York Volunteers; the King’s American
regiment; the Prince of Wales’ American Volunteers; the Maryland
Loyalists; De Lancey’s Battalions; the Second American regiment;
the King’s Rangers, Carolina; the South Carolina Royalists; the
North Carolina Highland Regiment; the King’s American Dragoons;
the Loyal American Regiment; the American Legion; the New
Jersey Volunteers; the British Legion; the Loyal Foresters; the
Orange Rangers; the Pennsylvania Loyalists; the Guides and Pioneers;
the North Carolina Volunteers; the Georgia Loyalists; the
West Chester Volunteers. These corps were all commanded by colonels
or lieutenant-colonels; and as De Lancey’s battalions and the
New Jersey Volunteers consisted each of three battalions, there were
twenty-eight. To these, the Loyal New Englanders, the Associated
Loyalists and Wentworth’s Volunteers, remain to be added. Still
further, Colonel Archibald Hamilton, of New York, commanded at
one period seventeen companies of loyal Militia.”
Respecting the officers and more prominent men of the corps,
who settled in Canada, we have succeeded in collecting the following
account.
This corps acted a very conspicuous part during the war. It
was raised by Major Robert Rogers, of New Hampshire, son of James
Rogers. He had served during the French war, with distinction, as
commander of Rogers’ Rangers, and was, “in 1776, appointed
Governor of Michilimackinac. During the early part of the rebellion
he was in the revolting states, probably acting as a spy, and was
in correspondence with the rebel Congress, and with Washington himself.
He was imprisoned at New York, but was released on parole,
which, it is said, he broke (like General Scott in 1812), and accepted
the commission of colonel in the British army, and proceeded to raise
the corps mentioned.” About 1777 “he went to England, and Simcoe
succeeded him as commander of the Queen’s Rangers.”
Sabine, speaking of John Brown Lawrence, says he was imprisoned
in the Burlington gaol, New Jersey, and that “Lieut.-Colonel
John G. Simcoe, commander of the Queen’s Rangers, was a fellow-prisoner,
70and when exchanged said, at parting, ‘I shall never forget
your kindness.’ He did not: and when appointed Lieutenant-Governor
of Upper Canada, he invited Mr. Lawrence to settle there,” and,
through the Governor, he acquired a large tract of land.
The Queen’s Rangers were disbanded in 1802, having been associated
with the events of the first government of Upper Canada, their
colonel (Simcoe) having been the first Governor. A detachment of
this regiment were stationed upon the banks of the Don, before there
was a single white inhabitant where now stands Toronto.
This corps formed a part of Burgoyne’s army at the time of surrendering,
and, “with other provincial prisoners, retired to Canada,
by permission of Gates.”
The British Government, during the course of the war, procured
some foreign troops from one of the German Principalities upon the
Rhine, mostly from Hesse-Hamburg. This foreign legion was under
the command of General Baron de Reidesel, of their own country.
It would seem from the testimony of their descendants in Marysburgh,
that the British Government employed the men from the Government
of the principality, and that the men did not voluntarily enter the
service, but were impressed. These Hessians were drilled before
leaving their country. They were composed of infantry, artillery,
and a rifle company, “Green Yongers.” They were embarked for
Canada, by way of Portsmouth, and reached Quebec in time to
join the British army, and meet the enemy at Stillwater. Conrad
Bongard, of Marysburgh, informs us that his father was one of the
company under General Reidesel. He was in the artillery, and
accompanied Burgoyne in his eventful campaign; was at the battle
of Tyconderoga; and, with the rest of the Hessian troops, was taken
prisoner at Saratoga. They were taken down to Virginia, and there
retained as prisoners of war for nearly two years. Being released on
parole, many of them, with their General, were conveyed back to
Germany; but some of them, having the alternative, preferred to
remain in America, to share with the loyalists in grants of land. (See
Marysburgh, where the Hessians settled). Conrad Bongard became
the servant of Surveyor Holland, and was with him as he proceeded
up the St. Lawrence, to survey. Bongard married a widow Carr,
whose husband had been in the 24th regiment of Royal Fusileers, and
71had died while the prisoners were retained in Virginia. He eventually
settled in the fifth township, where he died, January, 1840, aged 89.
His wife, Susan, died February, 1846, aged 98. Both were members
of the Lutheran church. Mrs. B. was a native of Philadelphia.
The wife of the General, Baroness de Reidesel, has left an interesting
record of the battles prior to Burgoyne’s surrender.
Contents—Indian Names—The Five Tribes—The Sixth—Confederation—Government—Subdivisions—Origin—Hendrick—Death—Brant—Birth—Education—Married—Teaching—Christianity—Brant
elected Chief—Commissioned
a British Captain—Visits England—Returns—Leads his warriors
to battle—Efforts of Rebels to seduce Brant to their cause—Attempted
treachery of the Rebel Herchimer—Border warfare—Wyoming—Attempt to
blacken the character of Brant—His noble conduct—Untruthful American
History—The inhabitants of Wyoming—The Rebels first to blame—Cherry
Valley—Van Schaick—Bloody orders—Terrible conduct of the Rebels,
Helpless Indian families—Further deeds of blood and rapine by the rebel
Sullivan—A month of horrible work—Attributes of cruelty more conspicuous
in the Rebels than in the Indians—The New Englander—Conduct
toward the Indians—Inconsistent—The “down trodden”—The Mohawks—Indian
agriculture—Broken faith with the Indians—Noble conduct of
Brant—After the war—His family—Death—Miss Molly—Indian usage—The
character of the Mohawk—The six Indians as Canadians—Fidelity to
the British—Receiving land—Bay Quinté—Grand River—Settling—Captain
Isaac, Captain John—At present—Mohawk Counsel.
This once powerful Confederacy styled themselves Kan-ye-a-ke;
also, they sometimes called themselves Aganuschioni or Agnanuschioni,
which signifies united people. The French designated them Iroquois,
from a peculiar sound of their speech. The English knew them
as the Five Nations, and Six Nations, more generally by the latter
term. The original five tribes that formed the Confederacy,
were the Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Senecas.
Subsequently in 1712, the Tuscaroras came from the south, North
Carolina, and made the sixth nation. But according to some
authority, there were six nations before the Tuscaroras joined them.
However, we learn from several sources, that up to 1712, the English,
in speaking of them, referred to only five nations. The Oneidas
seem, at one time, to have been omitted, and the Aucguagas
inserted in their stead. The oldest members of the confederation
72were the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas. The union of those
three tribes took place prior to the occupation of America by the
Europeans. The time at which the confederation of the five
nations was formed is uncertain, but it is supposed to have been in
the early part of the sixteenth century. The league binding
them together was rather of a democratic nature.
Each tribe was represented in the great council of the nation
by one principal sachem, with a number of associates.
They were always deliberate in their councils, considerate in
their decisions, never infringing upon the rights of a minority,
and dignified in their utterances. They were noted, not only as
warriors, but as well for their agriculture, their laws, and their
oratorical ability.
Each tribe was subdivided into classes, and each of these had a
device or “totem,” namely, the tortoise, the bear, the wolf, the
beaver, the deer, the falcon, the plover, and the crane.
They were for hundreds of years the terror of the various
Indian tribes peopling North America, and most of the time could
at will, roam the wide expanse between the Hudson Bay and the
Carolinas. Other tribes, too weak to oppose them, were from time
to time completely exterminated. Of these was the Erie tribe,
which had entirely disappeared by the year 1653. Of those
who stubbornly resisted the Six Nations, were the Hurons, the
Adirondacks, of the north, the Delawares, the Cherokees, and the
Mohicans.
Smith, an historian of New York, says that in 1756 “Our Indians
universally concur in the claim of all the lands not sold to the
English, from the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of Lakes
Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, till it falls into the
Mississippi; and on the north side of those lakes, that whole
territory between the Outaouais River, and the Lake Huron, and
even beyond the straits between that and Lake Erie.”
“When the Dutch began the settlement of New York, all the
Indians on Long Island, and the northern shore of the Sound, on the
banks of the Connecticut, Hudson, Delaware, and Susquehanna
rivers, were in subjection to the Five Nations,” and in 1756, “a little
tribe, settled at the Sugar-loaf Mountain, in Orange County, made
a yearly payment of about £20 to the Mohawks.”
Among the traditions of this people is one that they had a
supernatural origin from the heart of a mountain, that they then
migrated to the west, where they lived for a time by the sea shore.
73Then, in time returned to the country of the lakes. A country
now passed into the hands of the white man, who paid no just
price. But the names of many places yet indicate the history of
the ancient owners of the soil.
Among the Mohawks, in the beginning of the eighteenth
century, was a chief known as Old King Hendrick, or Soi-euga-rah-ta,
renowned for eloquence, bravery, and integrity. He was
intimate with Sir William Johnson, and it was between them
that the amusing contention of dreams occurred, that has been
narrated.
In 1755, a battle was fought at Lake George, between the
French, under Baron Dieskau, and the English, under Johnson,
resulting in the defeat of the French. The French and English
were supported by their respective allies. At this engagement Old
King Hendrick, then seventy years old, but still full of energy and
courage, was killed. Strangely enough it was at this battle that
Brant, then only thirteen years old, first took part with his tribe
in the contest. The mantle of Soieugarahta fell upon the youthful
Thayendinagea.
Thayendinagea, or Joseph Brant, was born upon the banks of
the Ohio, in the year 1742, while his tribe was on a visit to that
region. According to Stone, his biographer, he was the son of
“Tehowaghwengaraghkwin a full-blooded Mohawk, of the Wolf
tribe.”
After the battle at Lake George, Brant continued with his
people under Johnson till the close of that bloody war. At its
close, about 1760, Brant, with several other young Indians, was
placed by Johnson at Moor School, Lebanon, Connecticut. After
acquiring some knowledge of the rudiments of literature, he left
the school to engage in active warfare with the Pontiacs and
Ottawas. In 1765, we find him married and settled in his own
house at the Mohawk Valley. It is said he was not married, except
in the Indian mode, until the winter of 1779, when at Niagara,
seeing a Miss Moore, a captive, married, he was also thus married by
Colonel John Butler, to a half-breed, the daughter of Colonel Croghan,
by an Indian woman. Here he spent a quiet and peaceful life
for some years, acting as interpreter in negotiations between his
people and the whites, and lending his aid to the efforts of the
missionaries who were engaged in the work of teaching and
converting the Indians.
74“Those who visited his house, spoke in high terms of his
kindness and hospitality.” Sir William Johnson died in 1774, and
was succeeded by his son-in-law, Colonel George Johnson, as
Indian agent, who appointed Brant his Secretary. The same year
Johnson had to flee from the Mohawk, westward, to escape being
captured by a band of rebels. He was accompanied by Brant and
the principal warriors of the tribe. The rebels vainly tried to win
the Indians to their side; but excepting a few Senecas, they preferred
their long tried friends. The regular successor of Old King
Hendrick, was “little Abraham.” It is said he was well disposed to
the Americans, probably through jealousy of Brant. At all events,
Brant, by universal consent became the principal chief. He proceeded
with the other chiefs, and a large body of Indian warriors
to Montreal, where he was commissioned as a captain in the British
army. “In the fall of 1775, he sailed for England to hold personal
conference with the officers of government. He was an object of
much curiosity at London, and attracted the attention of persons
of high rank and great celebrity.” Brant returned to America in
the spring following, landed near New York, and made his way
through his enemy’s country to Canada. He placed himself at the
head of his warriors, and led them on to many a victory. The
first of which was at the battle of “the Cedars.”
But the rebels did not cease endeavoring to seduce Brant to
their cause. In June, 1777, General Herkimer of the rebel militia
approached Brant’s head-quarters with a large force, ostensibly to
treat on terms of equality. Brant had reason to suspect treachery,
and consequently would not, for some time, meet Herkimer.
After a week, however, he arranged to see General Herkimer, but
every precaution was taken against treachery, and it appears that
not without cause. Brant and Herkimer were old, and had been
intimate friends. Brant took with him a guard of about forty warriors.
It would seem that Herkimer’s intention was to try and
persuade Brant to come over to the rebels, and failing in this to
have Brant assassinated as he was retiring. Says an American
writer, Brownell, “We are sorry to record an instance of such
unpardonable treachery as Herkimer is said to have planned at
this juncture. One of his men, Joseph Waggoner, affirmed that
the General privately exhorted him to arrange matters so that
Brant and his three principal associates might be assassinated.”
Well does it become the Americans to talk about savage barbarity.
Brant thwarted the intentions of his old friend by keeping his forty
75warriors within call. During all of the repeated attempts to get
the Mohawks they never swerved, but reminded the rebels of their
old treaties with England, and the ill-treatment their people had
sustained at the hands of the colonists.
The head-quarters of Brant was at Oghkwaga, Owego, upon
the Susquehanna. During the summer of 1777 while Burgoyne was
advancing, the Mohawks under Brant rendered important service.
In the attempt to capture Fort Stanwix, they took a prominent part.
In the summer of 1778 the Indians, with Butler’s Rangers were
engaged principally in border warfare. It was during this season
that the affair at Wyoming took place, which event has been so
extravagantly made use of to blacken the character of the Indians
and vilify the “tories.” That Brant was not inhuman, but that he
was noble, let recent American writers testify. Brownell says:
“many an instance is recorded of his interference, even in the heat of
conflict, to stay the hand uplifted against the feeble and helpless.”
It was in the latter part of June that a descent was planned upon
the settlements of Wyoming. Of this event, again we will let
Brownell speak:—“It has been a commonly received opinion that
Brant was the Chief under whom the Indian portion of the army
was mustered, but it is now believed that he had as little share in
this campaign as in many other scenes of blood long coupled with
his name. There was no proof that he was present at any of the
scenes that we are about to relate.”
“No portion of the whole history of the revolution has been so
distorted in the narration as that connected with the laying waste of
the valley of Wyoming. No two accounts seem to agree, and historians
have striven to out-do each other in the violence of their expressions
of indignation, at cruelties and horrors which existed only in
their imaginations, or which came to them embellished with all
the exaggeration incident to reports arising amid scenes of excitement
and bloodshed.
Wyoming had, for many years, been the scene of the bitterest
hostility between the settlers under the Connecticut grant, and
those from Pennsylvania. Although these warlike operations were
upon a small scale, they were conducted with great vindictiveness
and treachery. Blood was frequently shed, and as either party
obtained the ascendency, small favor was shown to their opponents,
who were generally driven from their homes in hopeless destitution.
We cannot go into a history of these early transactions, and
only mention them as explanatory of the feelings of savage
76animosity which were exhibited between neighbors, and even members
of the same family, who had espoused opposite interests in the
revolutionary contest.” Such, be it noted, was the character of the
inhabitants of Wyoming valley, who have been so long held up as
innocent victims of Indian barbarity. By the above, we learn that
prior to this, there had been contentions between the loyalists and
rebels. The party who entered Wyoming to attack the Fort, were
under Colonel John Butler, and were composed of some 300
British regulars and refugees, and 500 Indians. Now, it
would seem that the depredation which was committed after Colonel
Zebulon Butler, the rebel leader, had been defeated, and the
Fort had capitulated, was to a great extent due to retaliatory steps
taken by the loyalists who previously had been forced away, and
had seen their homes committed to the flames. Such was the border
warfare of those days. It was not Indian savagery, it was a
species of fighting introduced by the “Sons of Liberty.” And if
we condemn such mode of fighting, let our condemnation rest first,
and mainly upon those who initiated it. Not upon the Indians, for
they were led by white men—not upon Brant, for he was not there—not
so much upon the loyalists, for they had been driven away
from their homes; but let it be upon those who introduced it.
The rebels were not slow to seek retribution for their losses at
Wyoming. Aided by a party of Oneidas who lent themselves to
the rebels, “Colonel Wm. Butler with a Pennsylvania regiment,
entered the towns of Unadilla and Oghkwaga, and burned and
destroyed the buildings, together with large stores of provisions
intended for winter use.” In turn, Walter Butler led a party of
700, a large number being Indians under Brant, to attack a fort at
Cherry Valley which was “garrisoned by troops under Colonel
Ichabod Alden.” It will be seen that the Indians and loyalists
did not enter an unprotected place to burn and destroy. They
attacked a garrison of troops. But the Indians exasperated by the
cruel procedure at Oghkwaga, became ungovernable, and about fifty
men, women and children fell by the tomahawk. This was the
retaliation which the Indian had been taught to regard as justifiable
for the wrongs which had been inflicted upon his own tribe—his
little ones; yet be it remembered, and later American writers
admit it, that the commanders, Butler and Brant, did all they could
to restrain the terrible doings of the exasperated men. “Specific
instances are reported in which the Mohawk Chief interfered, and
successfully, to avert the murderous tomahawk.”
77And now begins the bloody revenge which the rebels determined
to inflict upon the Indians, without respect to tribes. In
April, 1779, Colonel Van Schaick was despatched with a sufficient
force for the purpose, with instructions “to lay waste the whole of
their towns, to destroy all their cattle and property.” “The
Colonel obeyed his orders to the letter, and left nothing but blackened
ruins behind him.” It was merely a march of destruction, for
the Indians were not there to oppose their steps. The villages
and property that were destroyed belonged to the Onondagas,
although they had not taken a decided stand with the loyalist
party. It was enough that they were Indians, and would not join
the rebels. But this was merely a prelude to what was preparing,
in pursuance of a resolution of the rebel congress. The infamous
duty of commanding this army of destruction, town destroyers the
Indians called them, was entrusted to General Sullivan, whose
nature was adequate to the requirements of the command.
On the 22nd August, 1779, five thousand men were concentrated
at Tioga, upon the Susquehanna. The men were prepared
for their uncivilized duty by promises of the territory over which
they were about to sow blood and fire. The Indians had no adequate
force to oppose their march westward over the Six Nations
territory. Brant with his warriors, with the Butlers and Johnsons
made a gallant resistance upon the banks of the Chemung, near
the present town of Elmira. But, after suffering considerable loss,
the vastly superior force compelled them to flee, and there
remained nothing to arrest the devastating rebel army, and during
the whole month of September they continued the work of despoliation.
It has been the custom of almost all American historians to
give the Indians attributes of the most debasing character. At
peace, unworthy the advantages of civilization; at war, treacherous
and ferociously cruel. For this persistent and ungenerous procedure
it is impossible to conceive any cause, unless to supply an
excuse for the steady course of double-dealing the Americans have
pursued toward the original owners of the soil, and provide a covering
for the oft-repeated treachery practised toward the credulous
Indian by the over-reaching New Englander. To the Mohawk
Nation particularly, since they proved true allies of the British,
have American writers found it agreeable to bestow a character
noted for blood and rapine. Nothing can be more untrue than the
character thus gratuitously portrayed, nothing more at variance
78with the essential nature of the Indian, when free from European
intrigues, and the cursed fire-water. The aboriginal races of
North America are not by nature, blood-thirsty above Europeans.
That they are honest, just and true, capable of distinguishing
between right and wrong, with a due appreciation of well-kept
faith, is well attested by the conduct which has ever been observed
by them toward, not alone the Pennsylvanians, but every man
found to be a Quaker. No instance can be found recorded throughout
the long bloody wars of the Indians, where a hair of the head
of a single man, woman or child of that denomination was injured
by the Indian; and thus because the upright Penn never defrauded
them. The Americans, while British colonists, with the exception
alluded to, made themselves obnoxious to almost all Indian tribes.
They never secured that hearty and faithful alliance that the
French did. There seemed to be something in the air, especially
of the New England States, which in a few generations blinded
the eye, by which the golden rule is to be observed.
The Americans, who have ever set themselves up as the champions,
par excellence, of liberty, to whom the “down-trodden of the
old world” could look for sympathy, if not direct support, have
signally failed to observe those lofty principles at home toward
the natives of the soil, while they continued for eighty years to
keep in chains the sable sons of Africa. They have found it convenient
and plausible to prate about the political “tyranny of
European despots;” but no nation of northern Europe has shown
such disregard for the rights of their people as the United States
have exhibited toward the original owners of the soil. Avarice has
quite outgrown every principle of liberty that germinated ere
they came to America. The frontier men, the land-jobber, the
New England merchant, as well as the Southern Planter, have
alike ignored true liberty in defrauding the Indian, in sending out
slavers, and in cruel treatment of the slave. Then can we wonder
that the noble-minded Indian, naturally true to his faith, should,
when cheated, wronged,—cruelly wronged, with the ferocity
natural to his race, visit the faithless with terrible retribution?
The unbiassed records of the past, speak in tones that cannot
be hushed, of the more noble conduct of the natives, than of those
who have sought to exterminate them. The Mohawks, although
brave warriors, fought not for the mere love of it. They even at
times strove to mediate between the French and New Englanders.
To the Mohawks, the American writer has especially bestowed
79a name bloody and ignoble. And all because they listened not to
their wily attempts to seduce them to join the rebels, but preferred
to ally themselves with the British. No doubt the Indian
had long before discriminated between the rule of British officers,
and the selfish policy of local governments. And hence, we find, in
every scrap of paper relating to the Mohawks, unfounded accounts
of savage doings. But taking, as true, the darkest pages written
by the Americans against the Six Nations, they present no parallel
to the deeds of brutal vengeance enacted by the American army
under Sullivan, when he traversed the fruitful country, so long the
home of the Iroquois. Says an American writer: “When the army
reached the Genesee Valley, all were surprised at the cultivation
exhibited, by wide fields of corn, gardens well stocked, their cattle,
houses, and other buildings, showing good design, with mechanical
skill, and every kind of vegetable that could be conceived. Beautiful
as was the scene in the eyes of the army, a few days changed
it to utter desolation; neither house, nor garden, grain, fruit tree,
or vegetable, was left unscathed.”
Says Stone: “Forty Indian towns were destroyed. Corn
gathered and ungathered, to the amount of 160,000 bushels, shared
the same fate; their fruit trees were cut down; and the Indians
were hunted like wild beasts, till neither house, nor fruit tree, nor
field of corn, nor inhabitant, remained in the whole country.”
And the poor Indian women, and children, and old men, were thus
left at the approaching winter to seek support at the British
garrisons. Truly the rebels of ‘76 were brave and civilized!
Thirteen years after, one of the chiefs said to Washington,
“Even to this day, when the name of the town-destroyer is heard,
our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling
close to the necks of their mother; our sachems and our warriors
are men, who cannot be afraid, but their hearts are grieved with
the fears of our women and children.” Thus the brave Sullivan,
with his thousand rebels, made war against old men, women and
children, who were living in their rightful homes. This was
fighting for liberty!
The blood of the Indian, as well as the slave, has risen up to
reproach the American, and it required much of fresh blood to
wash away the stains remaining from their deeds of cruelty and
rapine, inflicted during their revolutionary war, under the name of
liberty. The soldiers of Sullivan were stimulated in their evil
work by promises of the land they were sent to despoil; and the
80close of the war saw them return to claim their promises, while the
rightful owner was driven away. A certain portion of the Six
Nations having received pledges from the United States Government
for their welfare, remained to become subjects of the new
nation. But excepting Washington himself, and General Schuyler,
not one heeded their promises made to the Indian. The most
unjust proceedings were begun and ruthlessly carried on by individuals,
by companies, by legislators, by speculators, to steal every
inch of land that belonged by all that is right, to the Senecas.
How unlike the benignant and faithful conduct of the British
Government in Canada.
Brant continued during the war to harass the enemy in every
possible way, and in the following year, August, planned a terrible,
but just retaliation for the work of Sullivan’s horde. It was now
the turn of the rebels to have their houses, provisions and crops,
despoiled. But all the while “no barbarities were permitted upon
the persons of defenceless women and children, but a large number
of them were borne away into captivity.” Again, in October,
Johnson and Brant, with Corn Planter, a distinguished Seneca
chief, invaded the Mohawk Valley. In this foray, the same conduct
was observed toward women and children. On one occasion,
Brant sent an Indian runner with an infant, that had been unintentionally
carried from its mother with some captives, to restore it.
Still, again the following year, the Indians under Brant, and
the Royalists under Major Ross, were found over-running their
old homes along the Mohawk and Schoharie. On this their last
expedition, they were met by the rebels in force under Colonel
Willet, with some Oneida warriors, and defeated them. Colonel
Walter N. Butler, whom the rebels have so often tried to malign,
was shot and scalped by an Oneida Indian, under the command of
the rebel Willet.
We learn by the foregoing that the Iroquois were not only brave
as warriors, but they had attained to a much higher position in
the scale of being than other tribes inhabiting America. They
were not ignorant of agriculture, nor indifferent to the blessings
derived therefrom. The rich uplands of the country lying to the
north of the Alleghenies, were made to contribute to their wants, as
did the denizen of the forest. They were equally at home, whether
upon the war path, the trail of the deer, or in the tilling of land.
The plow of the Anglo-Saxon has not in seventy years completely
effaced the evidences of their agricultural skill. And not less were
81their sachems noted for wisdom in council, and for eloquence. Not
only corn, but beans and other cereals were cultivated, particularly
by the Six Nations. Fruits and edibles, introduced by the Europeans,
were propagated by the natives, and when the rebel
Sullivan, in accordance with orders from Washington, swept over
their country, large orchards of excellent fruit, as well as fields of
grain, were met with and ruthlessly destroyed, as were the
women and children, with their peaceful homes.
According to Rochefoucault, Brant’s manners were half
European; he was accompanied by two negro servants, and
was, “in appearance, like an Englishman.” Brant visited England
in December 1785, and was treated with great consideration.
After the close of the war, Brant settled at Wellington Square,
upon land conferred by the Crown, where he lived after the English
mode. He died here 24th November, 1807. His wife, who never
took to civilized life, after her husband’s death, removed to the
Grand River, and lived in her wigwam. Some of her children
remained in the “commodious dwelling,” and others accompanied
her to the life of the wigwam. According to Weld, Brant had at
one time thirty or forty negro slaves, which he kept in the greatest
subjection. He also says that Brant’s half pay as a captain, and
his presents yearly received, amounted to £500.
His last days were made unhappy by a debased son, who,
after threatening his father’s life, was at last killed by him, in self
defence, by a short sword which Brant wore at his side. Respecting
another of his sons, the Kingston Herald, September 5th, 1832, says:
“It is with unfeigned sorrow that we announce the death of Captain
John Brant, Chief of the Six Nations Indians. He died of Cholera, at Brantford,
on the 27th ult., after an illness of only six hours. Mr. Brant was the son
of the celebrated Indian Chief, whose memory was unjustly assailed by Campbell
the Poet, and for the vindication of which the subject of this notice some years
ago purposely visited England. Possessing the education, feelings, and manners
of a gentleman, he was beloved by all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance,
and his death cannot fail to be deeply and very generally regretted.”
We have spoken of the intimacy that existed between the
Mohawks and Sir William Johnson, the Colonial Agent of England.
This, be it remembered, was more than a hundred years ago, and
great changes have taken place in the opinion of many with
regard to certain irregularities of society. We cannot excuse
the conduct of Sir William, when he had lost his European wife, in
taking the sister of Brant, Miss Molly, without the form of matrimonial
alliance; but we must concede every allowance for the
times in which he lived. But while grave doubt may rest upon
82the moral principle displayed by him, we see no just reason to
reflect in any way upon the Indian female. Miss Molly took up
her abode with Sir William, and lived with him as a faithful spouse
until he died. However, this must not be regarded as indicating
depravity on the part of the simple-minded native. It must be
remembered that the Indian’s mode of marrying consists of but
little more than the young squaw leaving the father’s wigwam,
and repairing to that of her future husband, and there is no reason
to doubt that Miss Molly was ever other than a virtuous woman.
And this belief is corroborated by the fact that four daughters, the
issue of this alliance, were most respectably married.
Of the Six Nations, this tribe always stood foremost as brave
and uncompromising adherents to the British Government, notwithstanding
the utmost endeavors of the rebels to win them to
their side. It becomes, consequently a duty, and a pleasing duty
to refer more particularly to this race, a remnant of which yet
lives upon the shore of the bay. Among the Mohawks are, however,
remnants of some of the other tribes.
The tribe is so-called, after the river, upon whose banks they
so long lived. They did not formerly acknowledge the title, but
called themselves by a name which interpreted, means “just such
a people as we ought to be.” This name is not known, unless it
may be Agniers, a name sometimes applied by the French.
This tribe was the oldest and most important of the Six
Nations, and supplied the bravest warriors, and one of its chiefs
was usually in command of the united warriors of all the tribes.
It must not be forgotten that the Mohawks, who came to
Canada, and other tribes of the Six Nations, were to all intents,
United Empire Loyalists. At the close of the struggle, we have
seen elsewhere, that the commissioners at Paris, in their unseemly
haste to contract terms of peace, forgot how much was due to the
loyalists of America, and urged no special terms to ameliorate
the condition of the many who had fought and lost all for the
maintenance of British power. Likewise did they forget the
aboriginal natives who had equally suffered. The fact that these
Indians were not even referred to, gave Brant a just cause of complaint,
which he duly set forth in a memorial to the Imperial
Government. But, as the British Government and nation subsequently
strove to relieve the suffering condition of the refugees,
so did they afford to the loyal sons of the forest every possible
facility to make themselves comfortable. Indeed, the British
83officers in command, at the first, gave a pledge that all that they
lost should be restored. The promise thus given by Sir Guy
Carleton, was ratified by his successor, General Haldimand, in
1779, Captain General and Commander-in-Chief in Canada, and
confirmed by Patent, under the Great Seal, January 14, 1793,
issued by Governor Simcoe.
At the close of the war, a portion of the Mohawks were
temporarily residing on the American side of Niagara River, in the
vicinity of the old landing place above the Fort. The Senecas, who
seem to have been at this time more closely allied than other tribes
to the Mohawks, offered to them a tract of land within the territory
of the United States. But the Mohawks would not live in the United
States. They declared they would “sink or swim with England.”
Brant proceeded to Montreal to confer with Sir John
Johnson, General Superintendent of Indian affairs. “The tract
upon which the chief had fixed his attention, was situated upon the
Bay de Quinté.” General Haldimand, in accordance with this
wish, purchased a tract of land upon the bay from the Mississaugas,
and conveyed it to the Mohawks. Subsequently, when Brant
returned to Niagara, the Senecas expressed their desire that their
old and intimate friends, the Mohawks, should live nearer to them
than upon the Bay de Quinté. Brant convened a council of the
tribe to consider the matter, the result was, that he went a second
time to Quebec to solicit a tract of land less remote from the
Senecas. Haldimand granted this request, and the land, six miles
square, upon the Grand River was accordingly purchased from the
Mississaugas, and given to them, forty miles off from the Senecas.
The above facts are taken from Brant’s MS. and History. We may
infer from this fact, that the party who did come to the bay under
Captain John, felt less attachment to the Senecas than the other
portion of the tribe. The quantity of land on the bay originally
granted was 92,700 acres; but a portion has been surrendered.
In the early part of the rebellion, the Mohawk families fled
from their valley with precipitation. They mostly went to Lachine,
where they remained three years. They then ascended the river
in their canoes, and probably stayed a winter at Cataraqui, the
winter of 1783–4. The whole tribe was under Brant. Second in
command was Captain John, a cousin of Brant, and his senior in
years.
In the spring, a portion of the tribe entered the Bay Quinté,
84and passed up to the present township of Tyendinaga. The majority,
led by Brant, passed up along the south shore of Lake Ontario to
Niagara.
Descendants of the bravest of all the brave Indian warriors of
America, we find them peaceable and in most respects imbibing the
spirit of the day. Ever since the party settled on the bay,
they have manifested no turbulent spirit, none of those wild
attributes natural to the wild-woods Indian, toward their white
neighbors. Among themselves there has been one occasion of
disturbance. This arose from the quarrelsome nature of one
Captain Isaac Hill. This Chief, with his people, formed a part of
Brant’s company that settled on the Grand River. After a few
years, having disagreed with his nation, and become exceedingly
disagreeable from his officious and selfish conduct, he removed to
the bay, and united himself with Captain John’s party, which
received him. But he failed to live peaceably with them.
Eventually the disagreement resulted in a serious hostile
engagement between the two branches, who fought with tomahawks
and knives. But one person was killed, a chief of Captain John’s
party, Powles Claus, who was stabbed in the abdomen. But
subsequently Captain Isaac Hill became a worthy inhabitant. His
house still standing, then considered large, was frequently open to
the more festive, across the Bay in Sophiasburgh.
Out of the six hundred Indians, now living upon the Reserve,
there is only one with pure Indian blood. His name is David
Smart. It has been elsewhere stated, that the custom prevailed
among the Mohawk nation, to maintain the number of the
tribe, by taking captive a sufficient number to fill the vacancies
caused by death of their people. The result was, that these
captives marrying with Indians, they gradually underwent a change,
and the original appearance of the Mohawk has lost its characteristic
features. The circumstances of the Indians during the
revolutionary war, and subsequently in settling in Canada, led to
frequent unions between the white men of different nationalities
and the Indian women. Therefore, at the present day there
remains but little more than a trace of the primal Indian who
lorded it, a hundred years ago, over no inconsiderable portion of the
North American Continent.
When visiting the Indians, on our way, we met some eight or
ten sleighs laden with them, returning from a funeral. We were
85much struck with the appearance of solid, farmer-like comfort
which their horses and conveyances exhibited, as well as they
themselves did in their half Canadian dress.
While drunkenness has prevailed among the older Indians, it
is pleasing to know that the younger ones are far more regular in
their habits. For this, much credit is due to the Christian oversight
of their former and present pastors. They have 1800 acres of
land. They number 630, and are increasing yearly.
The seal of the Mohawk Counsel may be seen with the Rev.
Mr. Anderson. The armorial bearings consist of the wolf, the
bear and the turtle. These animals, in the order here given,
indicate, not tribes, nor families exactly, but rank. The wolf is
the highest class, the bear next in rank, and the turtle the lowest
grade.
The immediately following notices of the combatants who settled
in Upper Canada are extracted from Sabine.
“At the beginning of the revolution, Samuel Anderson, of New
York, went to Canada. He soon entered the service of the Crown,
and was a captain under Sir John Johnson. In 1783 he settled near
Cornwall, in Upper Canada, and received half-pay. He held several
civil offices: those of Magistrate, Judge of a district court, and associate
Justice of the Court of King’s Bench, were among them. He
continued to reside upon his estate near Cornwall, in Upper Canada,
until his decease in 1836, at the age of one hundred and one. His
property in New York was abandoned and lost.”
“Joseph Anderson, lieutenant in the King’s regiment, New York.
At the peace he retired to Canada. He died near Cornwall, Canada
West, in 1853, aged ninety. He drew half pay for a period of about
seventy years. One of the last survivors of the United Empire
Loyalists.”
86“John Bethune, of North Carolina, chaplain in the Loyal Militia.
Taken prisoner in the battle at Cross Creek in 1776. Confined in
Halifax gaol, but ordered finally to Philadelphia. After his release,
his continued loyalty reduced him to great distress. He was appointed
chaplain to the 84th regiment, and restored to comfort. At the peace
he settled in Upper Canada, and died at Williamstown in that colony,
in 1815, in his sixty-fifth year.”
“James Burwell, of New Jersey, born at Rockaway, January 18,
1754. Our loyalist enlisted in his Majesty’s service in the year 1776,
at the age of twenty-two, and served seven years, and was present at
the battle of Yorktown, when Lord Cornwallis surrendered, and was
there slightly wounded.”
“Came to Upper Canada in the year 1796, too late to obtain the
King’s bounty of family land, but was placed on the United Empire
list, and received two hundred acres for himself and each of his children.
He removed to the Talbot settlement in the year 1810. He
died in the County of Elgin, Canada, July, 1853, aged ninety-nine
years and five months.”
“John Butler, of Tyron, now Montgomery county, New York.
Before the war, Colonel Butler was in close official connection with
Sir William, Sir John, and Colonel Guy Johnson, and followed their
political fortunes. At the breaking out of hostilities he commanded
a regiment of New York Militia, and entered at once into the military
service of the Crown. During the war his wife was taken
prisoner, and exchanged for the wife of the whig colonel, Campbell.
Colonel John Butler was richly rewarded for his services. Succeeding
(in part) to the agency of Indian affairs, long held by the Johnsons,
he enjoyed, about the year 1796, a salary of £500 stg. per annum,
and a pension, as a military officer, of £200 more. Previously, he
had received a grant of 500 acres of land, and a similar provision for
his children. His home, after the war, was in Upper Canada. He
was attainted during the contest, and his property confiscated. He
lived, before the revolution, in the present town of Mohawk.”
“Joseph Canliff, in 1781 a lieutenant in the first battalion New
Jersey Volunteers.” This person is probably of the same lineage as
the writer of this work, great confusion often existing with regard to
the spelling of names in the early days of America.
“Daniel Claus. He married a daughter of Sir William Johnson,
and served for a considerable time in the Indian Department of
Canada, under his brother-in-law, Colonel Guy Johnson.”
87“William Claus, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian affairs,
was his son.”
Coffin—There were several of this name who took part in the
war against the rebellion. Of these, the following are connected
with Canadian history:
“Sir Thomas Aston Coffin, baronet, of Boston, son of William
Coffin. He graduated at Harvard University in 1772. At one period
of the rebellion he was private secretary to Sir Guy Carleton. In
1804 he was Secretary and Comptroller of Lower Canada.” Afterwards
Commissary General in the British army.
“Nathaniel Coffin, of Boston. After the revolution he settled in
Upper Canada.” Served in the war of 1812. “For a number of
years was Adjutant-General of the Militia of Upper Canada. Died at
Toronto in 1846, aged 80.”
“John Coffin: was Assistant Commissary General in the British
army, and died at Quebec in 1837, aged 78.”
“Doane, of Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Of this family there
were five brothers, namely: Moses, Joseph, Israel, Abraham, Mahlon.
They were men of fine figures and address, elegant horsemen, great
runners and leapers, and excellent at stratagems and escapes. Their
father was respectable, and possessed a good estate. The sons themselves,
prior to the war, were men of reputation, and proposed to
remain neutral: but, harassed personally, their property sold by the
whigs because they would not submit to the exactions of the time,
the above-mentioned determined to wage a predatory warfare upon
their persecutors, and to live in the open air, as they best could do.
This plan they executed, to the terror of the country around, acting
as spies to the royal army, and robbing and plundering continually;
yet they spared the weak, the poor and the peaceful. They aimed at
public property and at public men. Generally, their expeditions were
on horseback. Sometimes the five went together, at others separately,
with accomplices. Whoever of them was apprehended broke jail;
whoever of them was assailed escaped. In a word, such was their
course, that a reward of £300 was offered for the head of each.
“Ultimately, three were slain. Moses, after a desperate fight, was
shot by his captor; and Abraham and Mahlon were hung at Philadelphia.
“Joseph, before the revolution, taught school. During the war,
while on a marauding expedition, he was shot through the cheeks,
fell from his horse, and was taken prisoner. He was committed to
jail to await his trial, but escaped to New Jersey. A reward of $800
88was offered for his apprehension, but without success. He resumed
his former employment in New Jersey, and lived there, under an
assumed name, nearly a year, but finally fled to Canada. Several
years after the peace he returned to Pennsylvania, ‘a poor, degraded,
broken-down old man,’ to claim a legacy of about £40, which he was
allowed to recover, and to depart. In his youth he was distinguished
for great physical activity.”
The only separate mention of Israel is, that “in February, 1783,
he was in jail; that he appealed to the Council of Pennsylvania to be
released, on account of his own sufferings and the destitute condition
of his family, and that his petition was dismissed.”
“Stephen Jarvis, in 1782 was a lieutenant of cavalry in the South
Carolina Royalists. He was in New Brunswick after the revolution,
but went to Upper Canada, and died at Toronto, at the residence of
the Rev. Dr. Phillips, 1840, aged eighty-four. During his service in
the revolution he was in several actions.”
“William Jarvis, an officer of cavalry in the Queen’s Rangers.
Wounded at the siege of Yorktown. At the peace he settled in Upper
Canada, and became Secretary of that Province. He died at York in
1817. His widow, Hannah, a daughter of the Rev. Dr. Peters, of
Hebron, Connecticut, died at Queenston, Upper Canada, 1845, aged
eighty-three.”
“David Jones was a captain in the royal service, and is supposed
to ‘have married the beautiful and good Jane McCrea, whose cruel
death, in 1777, by the Indians, is universally known and lamented.’
According to Lossing, he lived in Canada to an old age, having never
married. Jane McCrea was the daughter of the Rev. James McCrea,
of New Jersey, loyalist.”
“Jonathan Jones, of New York, brother of Jane McCrea’s lover.
Late in 1776 he assisted in raising a company in Canada, and joined
the British, in garrison, at Crown Point. Later in the war he was a
captain, and served under General Frazer.”
McDonald—There were a good many of this name who took
part as combatants, of whom several settled in Canada.
Alexander McDonald was a major in a North Carolina regiment.
“His wife was the celebrated Flora McDonald, who was so true and
so devoted to the unfortunate Prince Charles Edward, the last Stuart,
who sought the throne of England. They had emigrated to North
Carolina, and when the rebellion broke out, he, with two sons, took
up arms for the Crown.”
Those who settled in Canada were “Donald McDonald, of New
89York. He served under Sir John Johnson for seven years, and died
at the Wolfe Island, Upper Canada, in 1839, aged 97.”
“Allan McDonald, of Tryon, New York,” was associated with
Sir John Johnson in 1776. “He died at Three Rivers, Lower Canada,
in 1822, quite aged.”
“John McGill.—In 1782 he was an officer of infantry in the
Queen’s Rangers, and, at the close of the war, went to New Brunswick.
He removed to Upper Canada, and became a person of note.
He died at Toronto, in 1834, at the age of eighty-three. At the time
of his decease he was a member of the Legislative Council of the
Colony.”
“Donald McGillis resided, at the beginning of the revolution, on
the Mohawk river, New York. Embracing the royal side in the contest,
he formed one of a ‘determined band of young men’ who
attacked a whig post and, in the face of a superior force, cut down
the flag-staff, and tore in strips the stars and stripes attached to it.
Subsequently, he joined a grenadier company, called the Royal
Yorkers, and performed efficient service throughout the war. He
settled in Canada at the peace; and, entering the British service
again in 1812, was commissioned as a captain in the Colonial corps,
by Sir Isaac Brock. He died at River Raisin, Canada, in 1844, aged
eighty years.”
“Thomas Merrit, of New York, in 1782 was cornet of cavalry in
the Queen’s Rangers. He settled in Upper Canada, and held the
offices of Sheriff of the District of Niagara and Surveyor of the
King’s Forests. He received half pay as a retired military officer.
He died at St. Catharines, May, 1842, aged eighty-two.”
“Nathaniel Munday, in 1782 was an officer in the Queen’s
Rangers. He was in New Brunswick after the revolution, and
received half pay; but left that colony and, it is believed, went to
Canada.”
“John Peters, of Hebron, Connecticut; born in 1740. A most
devoted loyalist. He went to Canada finally, and raised a corps,
called the Queen’s Loyal Rangers, of which Lord Dorchester gave
him command, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel.”
“Christopher Robinson, of Virginia, kinsman of Beverley. Entered
William and Mary College with his cousin Robert; escaped
with him to New York, and received a commission in the Loyal
American regiment. Served at the South, and was wounded. At the
peace he went to Nova Scotia, and received a grant of land at Wilmot.
90He soon removed to Canada, where Governor Simcoe gave him the
appointment of Deputy Surveyor-General of Crown Lands. His
salary, half pay, and an estate of two thousand acres, placed him in
circumstances of comfort. He was the father of several children,
some of whom were educated in the mother-country. He died in
Canada. His widow, Esther, daughter of Rev. John Sayre, of New
Brunswick, died in 1827. His son, Beverley Robinson, who was born
in 1791, was appointed Attorney-General of Upper Canada in 1818;
Chief Justice in 1829; created a Baronet in 1854; and died in 1863.”
“Singleton—A lieutenant in the ‘Royal Greens,’ was wounded
in 1777, during the investment of Fort Stanwix.” Probably Captain
Singleton, who settled in Thurlow, Upper Canada, was the same person.
“Finley Ross, of New York, was a follower of Sir John Johnson
to Canada in 1776. After the revolution he served in Europe, and
was at Minden and Jena. He settled at Charlotteburgh, Upper Canada,
where he died, in 1830, aged ninety.”
“Allan McNab, a Lieutenant of cavalry in the Queen’s Rangers,
under Colonel Simcoe. During the war he received thirteen
wounds. He accompanied his commander to Upper Canada, then
a dense, unpeopled wilderness, where he settled. He was appointed
Sergeant-at-arms of the House of Assembly of that Province,
and held the office many years. His son, the late Sir Allan
McNab, was a gentleman who filled many important offices in Upper
Canada.”
The Hamilton Spectator, speaking of the death of Sir A. N. McNab,
says: “The Hon. Colonel Sir Allan Napier McNab, Bart., M.L.C.,
A. D. C., was born at Niagara in the year 1798, of Scotch extraction,”—his
grandfather, Major Robert McNab, of the 22nd regiment,
or Black Watch, was Royal Forester in Scotland, and resided
on a small property called Dundurn, at the head of Loch Earn.
His father entered the army in her Majesty’s 7th regiment, and
was subsequently promoted to a dragoon regiment. He was
attached to the staff of General Simcoe during the revolutionary
war; after its close he accompanied General Simcoe to this country.
When the Americans attacked Toronto, Sir Allan, then a boy at
school, was one of a number of boys selected as able to carry a
musket; and after the authorities surrendered the city, he retreated
with the army to Kingston, when through the instrumentality of
Sir Roger Sheaffe, a friend of his father’s, he was rated as mid-shipman
on board Sir James Yeo’s ship, and accompanied the expeditions
91to Sackett’s Harbor, Genesee, and other places on the American
side of the lake. Finding promotions rather slow, he left the
navy and joined the 100th regiment under Colonel Murray, and
was with them when they re-occupied the Niagara frontier. He
crossed with the advanced guard at the storming and taking of Fort
Niagara. For his conduct in this affair he was honored with an
ensigncy in the 49th regiment. He was with General Ryall at
Erie, and crossed the river with him when Black Rock and Buffalo
were burned, in retaliation for the destruction of Niagara, a few
months previous. After the termination of this campaign, Sir
Allan joined his regiment in Montreal, and shortly after marched
with them to the attack of Plattsburgh. On the morning of the
attack he had the honor of commanding the advanced guard at the
Saranac Bridge. At the reduction of the army in 1816 or 1817,
he was placed on half-pay.
It is impossible at this time to give anything like a history of
the disbanded soldiers who settled on the shores of the Bay and the
St. Lawrence. There could not be allowed the space necessary to
do justice to the character of each. But even if such were possible
we are wanting in the essential matter of information. We propose,
however, to insert the names of every one known to have
been a loyal combatant, whether an officer or private, with such
statements relative to his history as we possess. We shall not confine
ourselves to this particular region of the Province, but include
those who settled at Niagara, and in Lower Canada. And while
we may not supply a complete account of any one, it is trusted
that the instalment will not be unacceptable to the descendants of
those to whom we refer. We shall arrange them alphabetically
without reference to rank or station.
Captain Joseph Allen, formerly Captain Allen of New Jersey,
held a commission in the British Army at New York for some
time during the war. He owned extensive mill property, and was
regarded as a very wealthy person. All his possessions were confiscated,
and he in 1783, found his way, among other refugees, first
to Sorel, where he stayed a winter, and finally to Upper Canada.
His family consisted of two sons, John and Jonathan, and three
daughters, Rachel, Ursula, and Elizabeth. Captain Allen was one
of the first settlers in Adolphustown, and his descendants still live
in the township, among whom are Parker Allen, Esq., J. D. Watson,
Esq., and David McWherter, Esq. Captain Allen had extensive
grants of land in Adolphustown, and in Marysburgh, and elsewhere;
92as well as his children. Jonathan Allen, succeeded his
father upon the homestead, and was for many years an acceptable
Justice of the Peace. His brother, Joseph Allen, moved to Marysburgh,
and was a Captain of militia during the war of 1812. Captain
Allen brought with him several slaves, “who followed his fortunes
with peculiar attachment, even after their liberation.”
We have seen that the rebellion led to the divisions of families.
It was so with the Allison family of Haverstraw, New York.
There were seven brothers; two sided with the rebels. One Benjamin,
being a boy, was at home, while the other four took part
with loyalists. One settled in New Brunswick, probably the
Edward Allison Sabine speaks of, who had been captain in De
Lancey’s third battalion, and who received half-pay, and after
whom Mount Allison is called.
Joseph Allison was living at Haverstraw, New York. He was
for a time engaged in the navy yard at New York. At one time
he and another entered the rebel camp, and after remaining a few
days availed themselves of a dark night and carried off five excellent
horses belonging to a troop of cavalry. They were pursued
and barely escaped. Allison took these horses in return for the
loss of his house and other property which the rebels had ruthlessly
burned. He was at the battle of White Plains, and had narrow
escapes, his comrade beside him was shot down, and his canteen
belt cut in two by a ball. As he could not carry the canteen, h$1 $2
took time to empty that vessel of the rum which it contained.
His neighbors at Haverstraw were exceedingly vindictive
against him. After several years, he visited there to see his aged
mother, when a mob attempted to tar and feather him, and he had
to hide in the woods all night. Allison came to Canada with Van
Alstine, and drew lot 17, in Adolphustown. A strong, healthy and
vigorous man, he contributed no little to the early settlement.
Died upon his farm, aged eighty-eight. His wife’s name was Mary
Richmond, of a well-known Quaker family. His descendants still
occupy the old homestead, a most worthy family. Benjamin Allison,
the youngest, came to Adolphustown in 1795.
William Ashley, sen., was born in the city of London, England,
in the year 1749, and joined the army at an early age.
During the American Revolutionary war, he came out under
General Howe, serving in all his campaigns until the close of the
struggle. He had two brothers also in the army with him, one of
whom returned to England, and the other settled somewhere in the
93United States, the exact locality not now being known. General
J. M. Ashley, Republican member of Congress from Ohio, is, so
far as can be ascertained, a descendant of this brother.
After the termination of the war, William Ashley came to
Canada, and first settled in the township of Loborough, county of
Frontenac, where he married Margaret Buck, the daughter of a
U. E. L., and one of the first settlers in this part of Canada. He
resided here until about 1790, when he removed to Kingston,
where he followed the employment of a butcher, and was the first
butcher in Kingston, a fact he often mentioned in his old age. He
built a house of red cedar logs, cut from the spot, which continued
to stand until 1858, when it was taken down and a small brick
building, the “Victoria Hotel,” built on the site. When removed
the logs were found in a perfectly sound condition, they having
been covered with clapboards many years ago, which preserved
them from the weather.
This house stood on Brock street, near the corner of Bagot
street. At the time of its erection there were scarcely twenty
residences in the place, and that part of the city now lying west of
the City Hall was then covered with a dense forest of pine, cedar
and ash. William Ashley lived to see this pass away and a flourishing
city spring up. He died in 1835, leaving a family of ten
children—Margaret, Mary, Elizabeth, William, John, James,
Thomas, Henry, Adam and George: all of whom are now dead
excepting Thomas, who resides near Toronto.
James also died in 1835, and Henry, who was the first gaoler
in Picton, died in 1836, at the early age of thirty-one.
William Ashley, Jun., married Ann Gerollamy, daughter
of an officer in the British army, serving through the
Revolutionary War, and acting as Orderly in the war of 1812.
He left Kingston in 1830, and resided until 1842 near the mouth of
Black River, in the township of Marysburgh, and then returned,
and continued to reside there, teaching, and filling various offices
until his death, August 16, 1867.
The British Whig newspaper when recording his death,
remarked, “Mr. Ashley was one of our oldest citizens, and has
lived to witness many changes in his native place. He was born
on the very spot where the British Whig office now stands.” The
last sentence is a mistake, he was not born in the city, but in the
township of Loborough; although the building containing the
British Whig office still belongs to the ‘Ashley property’ on Bagot
Street.
94John Ashley was gaoler in Kingston for a number of years
when the gaol stood near the site of the present Post Office, and
filled public situations from the time he was nineteen years of age
until his death in 1858. He was a prominent member of the
County Council for nearly twenty years, and was Colonel of the
militia at the time of his death.
Adam and George Ashley both died in 1847.
William Bell—We shall have occasion to speak of William
Bell in different places in these pages. He was born August 12,
1758, in County of Tyrone, Ireland.
At the time of the Revolutionary War he was a sergeant in
the 53rd regiment of the line. Some time after the close of the
war, he succeeded in procuring his discharge from the service, at
Lachine, and came to Cataraqui, sometime in 1789. He was on
intimate terms with John Ferguson, and, we believe, related by
marriage. It was at Ferguson’s solicitation that Bell came to the
Bay. We have before us an old account book, by which we learn
that Ferguson and Bell commenced trading on the front of Sidney
in the latter part of 1789. They remained here in business until
1792. Subsequently Bell became school teacher to the Mohawks,
and seems to have done business there in the way of trading, in
1799. In 1803 we find him settled in Thurlow. Ferguson, who
was living at Kingston, had been appointed Colonel of the Hastings
Militia, and Bell was selected by him to assist in organizing
the body. He was commissioned captain in December 1798, Major
in August 1800; and in 1809 Lieutenant-Colonel. Colonel Bell
was well known as a public man in Thurlow. He was appointed
to several offices—Magistrate, Coroner, and finally Colonel of the
Hastings Battalion. As magistrate he took an active part in the
doings of Thurlow and Belleville for many years. He was also an
active person in connection with the agricultural societies, until a
few years before his death, 1833. The papers left by Colonel Bell
have been of great service to us. His wife’s name was Rachel
Hare, who died 1853, aged eighty-one.
Colonel Stephen Burritt took part in the war against the
rebels, being seven years in the army, in Roger’s Rangers. He
settled upon the Rideau, the 9th of April, 1793. In the same year
was born Colonel E. Burritt, who was the first child born of white
parents north of the Rideau. This interesting fact was given to the
writer by Colonel E. Burritt in 1867. Colonel Burritt is a cousin
of the celebrated Learned Blacksmith.
95Willet Casey was born in Rhode Island. His father was killed
in battle during the war. At the close of the war he settled near
Lake Champlain, upon what he supposed to be British territory,
but finding such was not the case, and although he had made considerable
clearing, he removed again. Turning his steps toward
Upper Canada with his aged mother and wife, he reached in due
time, the 4th township. The family, upon arriving, found shelter
in a blacksmith’s shop until a log hut could be built. Three months
afterwards the old mother died. Willet Casey had a brother in a
company of horsemen, who fought for the British. He remained in
the States and went South. It is probably the descendants of this
Casey, who took an active part in the late civil war in the United
States.
The writer has seen the fine, erect old couple that came to
Canada, when on the verge of eighty, and two nobler specimens of
nature’s nobility could not be imagined.
Luke Carscallian was an Irishman by birth, and had served in the
British army; he had retired and emigrated to the American colonies
prior to the rebellion. He desired to remain neutral, and take no
part in the contest. The rebels, however, said to him that inasmuch
as he was acquainted with military tactics he must come and
assist them, or be regarded as a King’s man. His reply was that
he had fought for the king, and he would do it again, consequently
an order was issued to arrest him; but when they came to take him he
had secreted himself. The escape was a hurried one, and all his possessions
were at the mercy of the rebels—land to the amount of 12,000
acres. They, disappointed in not catching him, took his young
and tender son, and threatened to hang him if he would not reveal
his father’s place of concealment. The brave little fellow replied,
hang away! and the cruel men under the name of liberty carried
out their threat, and three times was he suspended until almost
dead, yet he would not tell, and then when taken down one of the
monsters actually kicked him.
Oliver Church was Lieutenant in the 84th regiment. He settled
with the many other half-pay officers, on the front of Fredericksburgh,
three miles west of Bath. He had three sons, and three
daughters, who settled upon the Bay, but are now dead except one
daughter. Lieutenant Church died in 1812, and his wife some
years later. They were both very old when they died.
A grand-child of the old veteran, Mrs. H. of Belleville informs
96us that she has often heard about her grandfather having to crush
grain by hand, and spending a week going to the Kingston mill.
Robert Clark, late of the Township of Ernest town, in
the County of Addington, was born March 15, 1744 on Quaker
Hill, Duchess County, Province of New York. He learned
the trade of carpenter and millwright, of a Mr. Woolly. He left
his family and joined the British standard in the revolutionary
war, was in General Burgoyne’s army, and was requested by
the General that he and other Provincial volunteers, should leave
the army and go to Canada, which place, he reached after some
weeks of great suffering and privation. The day after he left
(October 17, 1777,) General Burgoyne capitulated, and surrendered
his arms to the American Generals Gates and Arnold. Robert
Clark subsequently served two years in his Majesty’s Provincial
Regiment, called the Loyal Rangers, commanded by Major Edward
Jessup, and in Captain Sabastian Jones’ company, and was discharged
on the 24th December, 1783. He owned two farms in
Duchess County, one of 100, the other of 150 acres, both of which
were confiscated. He was employed by the government in 1782–3
to erect the Kingston mills, (then Cataraqui) preparatory to the
settlement of the loyalists in that section of Upper Canada, at
which time his family, consisting of his wife and three sons, arrived
at Sorel in Lower Canada, where they all were afflicted with the
small pox, and being entirely among strangers they were compelled
to endure more than the usual amount of suffering incident
to that disease, their natural protector being at a distance, and in
the employ of the government, could not leave to administer to
their necessity. In 1784, his family joined him at the mills, after
having been separated by the vicissitudes of war for a space of
seven years. In 1785 he removed with his family to lot No. 74,
1st concession Ernest town, in which year he was again employed
by government to erect the Napanee mills. He was appointed
Justice of the Peace for the district of Mecklenburgh, in July 1788,
and a captain in the militia in 1809, and died 17th December, 1823.
John C. Clark was married to Rachel Storer, and had a family
of ten sons and three daughters.
Captain Crawford, of the Rogers corps, settled on lot No. 1 of
Fredericksburgh. Became a magistrate, and lived to be an old
man, was also colonel of militia.
George Dame was the son of Theophilus Dame, evidently a
veteran soldier, from the copy of his will now before us. He gave
97to his “son, George Dame, the one-half of my (his) real estate in
Dover, England, to hold to him forever,” also his wearing apparel,
books, gold watch, gilt-headed cane, horses, sleigh and harness,
and one hundred dollars. He bequeathed to his grandson, John
Frederick Dame, his camp bedstead, and curtains and valence for
carriage of camp bedstead, and his silver-mounted hanger. To his
grandson Augustus Dame, his fusee, gorget, and small seal skin
trunk. To another grandson he left his double-barrelled pistol.
By reference to these items we learn that Theophilus Dame must
have been a British officer of some standing.
His son, George Dame, followed in the footsteps of his father
in pursuing the profession of arms. We have before us a document,
dated 1765, which declares that “Ensign George Dame of
the 8th or King’s Own Regiment of foot, was admitted burgess of
the Burgh of Dumfries, with liberty to him to exercise and enjoy
the whole immunities and privileges thereof, &c.” For some reason
this commission in the 8th regiment was relinquished; but ten
years later we find he has a commission from General Carleton,
Major-General and Commander-in-chief of His Majesty’s forces in
the Province of Quebec, and upon the frontier thereof, appointing
him “Ensign in the Royal Regiment of Highland Emigrants commanded
by Lieutenant Colonel Commandant Allan McLean.”
“Given under my hand and seal at the Castle of Saint Lewis, in
the city of Quebec, 21st of November, 1775.” In 1779 he received
a commission from Frederick Haldimand, Captain-General and
Governor-in-Chief, &c., appointing him “Captain in a corps of
Rangers raised to serve with the Indians during the rebellion,
whereof John Butler, Esq., is Major Commandant”.
After the close of the war, Captain Dame lived at Three Rivers,
Lower Canada, where we find him acting as Returning Officer in
1792, Mured Clarke being Lieutenant Governor. He died at Three
Rivers, April 16th, 1807.
An official paper before us sets forth that “Guy, Lord Dorchester,
authorizes Frederick Dame, ‘by beat of drum or otherwise,’
forthwith to raise from amongst the inhabitants of Upper and Lower
Canada, as many able-bodied men as will assist the completing of a
company, to be commanded by Captain Richard Wilkinson. This
company to be mainly provincial, and for the service of Canada, and
to serve for the space of three years, or during the war. This order
shall continue in force for twelve months.” Dated at the Castle of St.
Lewis, Quebec, 21st June, 1796. This is signed “Dorchester.”
98The same year, bearing date the 17th December, is a commission
from Robert Prescott, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor, appointing Frederick
Dame ensign to the second battalion Royal Canadian Volunteers.
In the year 1802 John Frederick Dame received his commission
as Surveyor of Lands in Upper and Lower Canada, from Robert Shore
Milnes, Lieutenant-Governor, upon the certificate of Joseph Bouchette,
Esq., Deputy Surveyor-General. Up to this time it would seem he
had been living at Three Rivers.
Allan Dame, a son of the aforementioned, is now residing in
Marysburgh, not far from McDonald’s Cove. He is now in the neighborhood
of sixty: this is his native place. He is a fine specimen of
an English Canadian farmer; and well he may be, being a descendant
of a worthy stock, of English growth. He is married to the granddaughter
of Colonel McDonald.
Daly—P. K. Daly, Esq., of Thurlow, has kindly furnished us
with the following interesting account:
Captain Peter Daly, my grandfather, was the son of Capt. Daly,
of an Irish regiment, that was stationed in New York for some years
before the outbreak of the old revolutionary war, but was called home
to Ireland before the commencement of hostilities; and finally fell a
victim to that cruel code of honor which obliged a man to fight a
duel.
At the earnest solicitation of a bachelor friend, of the name of
Vroman, he had been induced to leave his son Peter behind.
Vroman resided upon the banks of the Mohawk, where the city of
Amsterdam now stands. He was a man of considerable wealth, all of
which he promised to bestow upon his son, Peter Daly; a promise he
would, in all probability, have kept, had circumstances permitted;
but he was prevented by the stern realities of the times—those stern
realities that tried men’s souls, and called upon every man to declare
himself. The subject of this sketch could not dishonor the blood
that flowed in his veins, and, although but 16 years of age, he clung
firmly to the old flag that, for “a thousand years had braved the battle
and the breeze.” He joined a company, and followed the destiny
of his flag along the shores of Lake Champlain, where, in one night,
he assisted in scaling three forts. He assisted in taking Fort Tyconderoga,
and gradually fought or worked his way into Canada. The
war closing, he, in company with other loyalists, came up the Bay of
Quinté, and subsequently married and settled in the second concession
of Ernest town, in the vicinity of the village of Bath, where, by cultivating
his farm, and by industry, he secured a comfortable living.
99He was remarked through life for his strictly honorable dealing,
and his adherence to “the old flag.” In religion he was a firm Presbyterian.
From his old protector, Vroman, he never heard anything
definite. He cared but little for the land that had driven him into
exile, to dwell among the wild beasts of the unbroken forest.
It is supposed that Vroman, in his declining years, gave his property
to some other favorite. Be that as it may, Peter Daly saw none
of it, but came into this country naked, as it were; carved out of the
forest his own fortune, and left a numerous and respected family.
There are now only two of his sons living, Thomas and Charles, who
live on the old farm, near Bath. His eldest daughter, Mrs. Aikens,
is still living, in Sidney. My father, Philip, was the eldest. He died
at Oak Shade, in Ernest town, in 1861, in the 71st year of his age.
David, the next son, lived and died at Waterloo, near Kingston; and
Lewis lived and died at Storrington. The first wife of Asal Rockwell,
of Ernest town was a daughter of his. Jacob Shibly, Esq., ex M.P.P.,
married another daughter; and the late Joshua Boatte another.
Their descendants are numerous.
John Diamond was born in Albany, with several brothers. An
elder brother was drafted, but he tried to escape from a service that
was distasteful to him; was concealed for some time, and upon a sick
bed. The visits of the doctor led to suspicion, and the house was
visited by rebels. Although he had been placed in a bed, and the
clothes so arranged that, as was thought, his presence would not be
detected, his breathing betrayed him. They at once required his
father to give a bond for $1,200, that his son should not be removed
while sick. He got well, and, some time after, again sought to escape,
but was caught, and handcuffed to another. Being removed from one
place to another, the two prisoners managed to knock their guard on
the head, and ran for life through the woods, united together. One
would sometimes run on one side of a sapling, and the other on the
opposite side. At night they managed to rub their handcuffs off, and
finally escaped to Canada. Of the other brothers, two were carried off
by the rebels, and never more heard of. John was taken to the rebel
army when old enough to do service; but he also escaped to Canada,
and enlisted in Rogers’ Battalion, with which he did service until the
close of the war, when he settled with the company at Fredericksburgh.
John Diamond married Miss Loyst, a native of Philadelphia,
whose ancestors were German. She acted no inferior part, for a
woman, during the exciting times of the rebellion. They married
100in Lower Canada. They spent their first summer in Upper Canada, in
clearing a little spot of land, and in the fall got a little grain in the
ground. They slept, during the summer, under a tree, but erected
a small hut before winter set in.
Among the early and influential settlers upon the bay, was
John Ferguson. It has been our good fortune to come into possession
of a good many public and private letters penned by his
hand, and invaluable information has thus been obtained. The
following letter will inform the reader of the part he took in the
service during the war. It is addressed to Mr. Augustus Jones.
Kingston, 22nd July, 1792.
Dear Sir.—
Inclosed is my old application for the land on the carrying
place, which I send agreeable to your desire. I need not attempt
to explain it better, as you know so well what I want. I wish, if
consistent, that land, 200 acres, Mrs. Ferguson is entitled to,
might be joined to it. if I cannot get a grant of the carrying
place, will you be so good as to let me know what terms it may be
had on. I have it in my power to settle the place immediately,
had I any security for it. I am certain Mr. Hamilton will interest
himself for me, but I am loth to apply to him at present, as in all
probability he has too much business to think of besides. Should
it be asked how and where I served, I will mention the particulars.
The 24th June, 1774, I was appointed, and acted as barrack-master
until 24th March, 1778, when I was ordered to Carleton
Island, being also commissary at the post. Thirteenth
April, 1782, I was appointed barrack-master of Ontario, where I
remained until ordered to Cataraqui in September, 1783, and acted
as barrack-master for both posts, until 24th June, 1785, when I
101was obliged to relinquish it, having more business in the commissary’s
department than I could well manage, with the other
appointment, occasioned by the increase of loyalists settling in
this neighborhood. Twenty-fifth February, 1778, my father then
being commissary of Oswegotchie, delivered the stores to me, as
he was unable to do the duty himself. He died 13th March,
following, when I was appointed his successor.
The 13th April, I was ordered to Carleton Island to assist Mr.
McLean in the transport business. In November, 1778, I was again
sent to Oswegotchie, where I remained commissary of the post until
24th June, 1782, when I was sent to Ontario to take charge there,
from thence I was sent to this place, 24th September, 1783, where I
remained until a reformation took place in the commissary department,
and I was on the 24th June, 1787, served like a great many
others, sent about my business without any provision, after having
spent my best days in His Majesty’s service.
You see I was eleven years barrack-master, and nine years a
commissary, I was also six years in the Commissary General’s
office at Montreal (a clerk,) during which time my father was
permitted to do my duty as barrack-master. I will write you again
by next opportunity.
Your very humble servant,
(Signed) John Ferguson.
Ensign Frazer, of the 84th regiment settled at the point
of Ernest town. Had three sons. His widow married Colonel
Thompson.
The Cornwall Freeholder, notices the death of Mr. Frazer, of
St. Andrew’s, C. W., the discoverer of Frazer river, and of Mrs.
Frazer, who departed this life a few hours afterwards. Mr. Frazer
was one of the few survivors of the find old “Northwesters,” and
his name, as the first explorer of the golden stream which bears it,
will be remembered with honor long after most of the provincial
cotemporaries are forgotten. The Freeholder says: “Mr. Frazer
was the youngest son of Mr. Simon Frazer, who emigrated to the
State of New York, in 1773. He purchased land near Bennington;
but upon the breaking out of the revolutionary war, he attached
himself to the royal cause, and served as captain, at the battle of
Bennington; where he was captured by the rebels. He died in
Albany jail, about thirteen months afterwards, his end being
hastened by the rigorous nature of the imprisonment. He was
102married to Isabella Grant, daughter of Daldregan, and had issue,
four sons and five daughters. The widow, with her children, came
to Canada after the peace of 1783. Simon Frazer, the elder, the
father of the object of this notice, was the second son of William
Frazer, the third of Kilbockie, who, by his wife, Margaret, daughter
of John McDonell, of Ardnabie, had nine sons:—1st. William, the
fourth of Kilbockie; 2nd. Simon, who came to America, as we have
seen; 3rd. John, who was captain in Wolf’s army, shared in the
honors of the capture of Quebec, and was subsequently, for many
years, Chief Justice of the Montreal district; 4th. Archibald, who
was Lieutenant in Frazer’s regiment, under General Wolfe, was
afterwards captain of the Glengarry Fencibles, and served in Ireland
during the rebellion in ‘98; 5th. Peter, a doctor of medicine, who
died in Spain; 6th. Alexander, who served as captain in General
Caird’s army, and died in India; 7th. Donald, a Lieutenant in the
army, who was killed in battle in Germany; 8th. James, also a
Lieutenant in the army, and one of the sufferers in the Black Hole
of Calcutta, in 1756; 9th. Roderick, who died at sea.”
Mr. J. B. Ashley, a native of Marysburgh, to whom much
valuable information we possess is due, says: “My great grandfather,
James Gerollamy, was but seventeen years of age when he
joined General Clinton’s army in 1779, and remained in the service
until the virtual close of the war in 1782, when he came from New
York to Quebec, and thence to Bath, where he settled, on what was
until lately known, as the “Hichcock Farm.”” He afterwards
removed to the fifth town, and settled on lot No. 11, 1st concession, lake
side. He received from government certain farming implements,
the same as before mentioned. A part of them coming into the
hands of my father, Augustus Ashley, of Marysburgh. The
hatchet, I have often used when a young lad in my childish
employments. It is now lost. The share and coulter belonging to
the plough, remain among a collection of old iron in my father’s
woodshed until the present day. James Gerollamy, married Ann
Dulmage, the daughter of Thomas Dulmage, who came with him
to Canada and settled near him at Bath, in the second town, and
subsequently moved to lot No. “D,” at the head of South Bay, in
the township of Marysburgh, where he died. The graves of himself
and wife being still under a large maple tree, close to the site of
his house.
James Gerollamy, and his two sons, James and John, served
through the war of 1812, under General Provost, Brock and
103Drummond. The old man holding the rank of Orderly, and his
son James that of Lieutenant. The latter received a grant of
1000 acres of land for services as a “spy,” he was one of the
number who planned the successful attempts upon Oswego, Black
Rock and Buffalo, and at the battle of Niagara, generally known
as “Lundy’s Lane.” He fought in the company or regiment
known as “Grenadiers,” which, in their manœuvering were
compelled to run and wallow over a field of corn with mud ankle
deep.
The whole family were remarkable for large size, being over six
feet in height, of great strength, and healthy, with robust constitutions.
The old gentleman was acknowledged the surest marksman in this
section of the country, and his “fusil,” was his constant companion.
He died about ten years ago, aged about ninety-five years, being
in full possession of his faculties until the last. I can well remember
seeing him sauntering through the garden, bent with his
weight of years, and leaning on his staff.
Thomas Goldsmith, a native of Ulster Co., Montgomery town,
New York. He was engaged as a spy, and discharged important
and successful duties, in carrying information from Gen. Burgoyne to
Lord Cornwallis, and returning with despatches. He frequently passed
the guards of the Continental army, and often was subjected to a
close search, but succeeded in eluding detection. Goldsmith owned
one thousand acres of land, on which was a flouring mill with two
run of stones. Also, a sailing vessel launched, but not entirely
finished, for the West India trade. The boat was sacrificed. The
produce of his farm was paid for in Continental bills. The malleable
iron of his mill was taken to make a chain to put across the
Hudson to stop boats. His neighbors, the rebels, catching him one
day from home, covered him and his horse and saddle, with a coat of
tar and feathers. After the close of the war, he was compelled to part
with his land to get away. It was sold for a mere trifle. He came
into Canada in 1786, bringing with him some cattle, most of which
died for want of something to eat. He was accompanied by David
Conger, and reached Kingston, June 24. Settled at first in the
fourth township; but soon after removed to Holliwell, where he
received a grant of 400 acres of land, 1st. con., lot 9. Here he
lived and died, aged ninety.
Sergeant Harrison was a native of Ireland, and served for
many years in the fifty-third regiment. For some time during the
revolutionary war, he was in the Quartermaster’s store, and post
104office. He was altogether twenty-eight years in the service. At
the close of the war, he settled in Marysburgh, with the first band,
not connected with the Hessians, and was probably under Wright
in the commissary department for the settlement. He settled on
lot nine, east of the Rock.
William Hudgins was born on a small island, known as Ginn’s
Island, lying about three and a half miles from the Virginia shore,
in Chesapeake bay, where his father, Lewis Hudgins, had a farm
of two hundred acres. He joined the Royal army with his younger
brother Lewis, in 1778, serving in the regiment known as the
Queen’s Rangers, under Lord Cornwallis; where he held the rank
of sergeant, and his brother that of corporal. At the battle of
Yorktown, he was wounded and taken prisoner, and his brother was
killed. After his exchange he came to New Brunswick, and settled
about thirty miles above Frederickton, on the St. John’s river,
where he lived until 1809, when he removed to Canada. First
settling in Adolphustown, near what is known now as Cole’s Point.
He joined the incorporated militia during the war of 1812, serving
under Colonel McGill, and Colonel Shaw. He received the right
to considerable land; but after the capture of York, now Toronto,
by the Americans in 1813, and the consequent destruction of property,
the documents pertaining to the same were burnt, and he
could not, as a consequence, get his grant. Immediately after the
war of 1812, he removed to Marysburg, where he remained until
his death.
The above information is received from Mr. William Hudgins,
son of the above mentioned William Hudgins, who is now an old
man, he having served with his father in the war of 1812.
“It would have done you good to have heard the old gentleman,
with his silver locks flowing in the wind, whitened with the frosts
of four-score winters, as he descanted upon scenes and incidents in
connection with the war, through which he served, and to have
witnessed his eye twinkle with pride, when he referred to the
loyalty of his honored parent.”—(Ashley.)
Edward Hicks, who settled in Marysburgh, was placed in
prison with his father. His father was taken out and hanged
before his window upon an apple tree, (a piece of refined cruelty
worthy a rebel cause). This aroused Edward to a state of desperation,
who with manacled hands, paced his cell. To carry out
his intention, he feigned illness, and frequently required the guard
to accompany him to the outer yard. At night fall he went out
105accompanied by the guard. Watching the opportunity, he drew
up his hands and struck a furious blow upon the head of the
soldier with his handcuffs, which laid the man prostrate. Edward
darted away to a stream which ran near by, and across which was
a mill-dam and a slide. He rushed under this slide, and before a
cry was raised, he concealed himself under the sheet of water. He
could hear the din and tumult, as search was everywhere made
through the night. Cold, wet, benumbed, hungry and handcuffed,
he remained in his hiding place until the following night, thirty-six
hours, when he crept out and escaped to the woods. After nine
days of fasting he reached the British army. Edward Hicks did
not forget the death of his father. He “fought the rebels in nine
battles afterward, and still owes them grudge.”
Joseph, Joshua and Edward, belonged to Butler’s Rangers, and
saw no little service. They were from Philadelphia, and left considerable
property. They had granted them a large tract of land
west of Niagara, where sprung up Hicks’ settlement. Joseph Hicks
afterwards settled on lot six, Marysburgh, west of the Rock.—(Ashley.)
Edward Hicks is represented as having been a very powerful
man, often performing remarkable feats of strength, such as lifting
barrels of flour and pork to his shoulders, and such like.
He went to Boston in 1778, in the character of a spy, and was
detected by the Americans, and taken prisoner. He represented
himself as a young man searching for his mother, who had
removed to that section of the country; but it is supposed that his
captors considered him as rather too smart looking a young man
to be lost in any enterprise, he being of fine build, standing good
six feet, and possessing an intelligent countenance, and at his trial,
condemned him as a spy to be dealt with accordingly.—(Ashley.)
John Howell, a son of Richard Howell, from Wales, was born
in New Jersey in 1753. When 24 years old he took up his residence
at Johnstown, on the Mohawk river. At the commencement of hostilities,
in 1776, he joined Sir John Johnson’s 2nd battalion, and was
raised to the position of serjeant-major. His name appears as such
upon the battalion roll, now before the writer. He remained in the
army during the war, doing duty at St. Johns, Coteau du lac, and at
many other places. When his company was disbanded at Oswego,
in 1782, he came immediately to Kingston, and thence to Fredericksburgh,
where he settled upon his lot of 200 acres. By adhering to
the loyal cause, Sergeant Howell suffered serious loss in real estate.
106The pleasant town of Rome now stands upon the land which was his.
His valuable property was not yielded up to the rapacious rebels
without a legal effort to recover possession. The case was in court
for many years, and Sergeant Howell spent $1,400 in vain efforts to
recover. No doubt it was pre-judged before he spent his money.
An event in Howell’s life during the war is not without a touching
interest. Before joining the regiment, he had courted and won the
heart of a fair lady at Johnstown. While stationed at Coteau du lac
he obtained permission during the winter, when hostilities were suspended,
to go to Johnstown to obtain his bride. Guided by seven
Indians, he set out to traverse a pathless wilderness, on snowshoes.
The wedding trip had its perils, and almost a fatal termination. On
their return they lost their way in the interminable woods, and soon
found themselves destitute of food. For days they were without
anything to eat. One day they shot a squirrel, which, divided among
them, was hardly a taste to each. The thongs of their shoes were
roasted and eaten, to allay the pangs of hunger. At last they succeeded
in shooting a deer, which had well nigh proved the death of
some, from over-eating. Two of the men were left behind, but they
subsequently came in.
Sergeant Howell’s loss as a loyalist was great; but, so far as
could be, it was made good by Government. He drew 1,200 acres of
land as an officer, and the same quantity for his family. At an early
date after his arrival at the Bay he was appointed Commissioner in
the Peace; and subsequently he was made Colonel of the Prince
Edward Militia.
Soon after settling in Fredericksburgh he built a windmill, probably
the first mill built by an individual in the Province. He afterwards
sold it to one Russell. The remains still mark the spot.
He finally settled in Sophiasburgh, while it was yet considered
by the infant colony as the backwoods of the settlement. He was a
man of liberal education for the times, and was conversant with the
Dutch and French languages, and understood the Indian dialect.
From his former connection with the Johnson settlement upon the
Mohawk, and his close contiguity to the Mohawk Indians upon the
Bay, he held a high place in their regard. He often visited them;
and their chiefs as often paid him state visits. They often called
upon him to settle their disputes, which he never failed to do by his
sternness and kindness combined. His presence was sufficient to inspire
awe amongst them when disposed to be troublesome, which was
increased by his long sword which he would hang to his side.
107Henry Hover was quite a boy when the rebellion was progressing,
being about sixteen when the Declaration of Independence was signed.
Living along the Hudson, near New York, he went out one day for
the cows, when he was caught by some rebels and carried to Lancaster
jail. After being in prison for some time he was released, and
permitted to go to New York. He some time after, by some means,
enlisted in Butler’s Rangers, and set out, with four others (one his
brother), to traverse the wide country on foot, from New York to
Fort Niagara, the head-quarters of the company. Lying one night
under the trees, they were suddenly attacked by a scouting party of
rebels, by being fired upon. One was killed, and the rest taken prisoners.
Henry Hover remained in prison, in chains, until the close of
the war, nearly two years. The hardships and cruelties he endured
were, indeed, terrible. When he was taken prisoner he had on a pair
of linen trowsers; no others were ever given him; and when he was
released these were hanging in shreds upon him. They had nothing
to lie upon but the cold brick floor, two persons being chained
together. Years after, a stranger called one day at Hover’s in Adolphustown.
Hover not being at home, the man wrote his name, “Greenway,”
the man to whom Henry had been chained for many a weary
day and month in prison. Hover being released at the close of the
war, reported himself at Niagara, and was discharged with the rest
of his company. He received all his back pay, while in jail, and a
grant of land at St. Davids; but his father, Casper Hover, a refugee,
had settled in Adolphustown, having come in Major Van Alstine’s
corps. Henry wished to see his parents, from whom he had been so
long separated, and sought a chance to go down from the Niagara
frontier. He entered on board an old “hulk,” an old French vessel
coming down the lake, and so got to Kingston, which place he reached
soon after Van Alstine’s company had settled in the fourth Township.
Henry set out from Kingston on foot, along the bay, through the
woods. In time he arrived at the third township. He was misdirected
across to Hay Bay. Following its shores, he met Holland’s
surveying party, who told him that he was astray, and put him on the
correct track. Henry Hover determined to remain at the bay,
and was included among the original settlers under Van Alstine,
drawing land like the rest, being the only one who did not belong to
that company. He sleeps from his warfare—from his long life of
well-spent industry, in the “old U. E. burying ground,” at the front,
in Adolphustown.
Among those who fought the unequal battle of Bennington was
108Captain Hogle, who was shot dead. He was a native of Vermont.
He left a widow and three sons, who were yet young. They were
under the necessity of leaving their valuable possessions and removing
to Canada. They buried plate in the garden, which was never
regained. At the expiration of the war they settled in Ernest town.
David Hartman—was present at the battle of Bennington, and
was shot through the chest. Notwithstanding, he lived for many
years. He settled in Ernest town.
John Ham, the founder of the Ham family of Canada, so well
and so favorably known in different sections of the Province. He was
born near Albany. His father was a native of Germany, although of
English parentage. John Ham was a soldier during the war, and in
one of several engagements, was wounded in the leg. The ball, lodging
in the calf, was cut out, and, at the request of the suffering but
brave hero, was shot back at the foe. He was one of the company
who settled in Ernest town. He had a family of ten children, eight
of them being sons, namely: John, Henry, Peter, George, Jacob,
Philip, Benjamin, and Richard, all of whom lived and died in Canada.
The name of Herkimer is engraved upon the history of America,
both in the United States and in Canada. “Colonel Hanjost Herkimer,
or John Joost, was a son of Johan Jost Herkimer, one of the
Palatines of the German Flats, New York, and a brother of the
rebel general, Nicholas Herkimer. His property was confiscated.
He went to Canada, and died there before 1787.”—(Sabine.)
Prior to the war he had occupied several public offices. He served
as an officer in Butler’s Rangers. We find his name inserted for
lot 24 of Kingston, on which now stands part of the city. His son
Nicholas settled upon the Point now bearing the family name. He
married a Purdy, and had several children. His end was a sad one,
being murdered by a blacksmith, named Rogers, who escaped. A
daughter was married to Captain Sadlier, another to an officer in
the army, and a third to Mr. Wartman.
The old family place in New York State is yet indicated by the
name of Herkimer County.
William Johnson Holt was ensign in Ferguson’s Rangers. This
corps formed part of the army of Burgoyne at the time of his surrender,
and, with other provincial prisoners, retired to Canada, by
permission of Gates. The subject of this notice settled in Montreal,
where he held the lucrative office of Inspector of Pot and Pearl
Ashes, and received half pay for nearly fifty years. He died at
Montreal, in 1826. By his first wife (Ruah Stevens, of Pittsfield,
109Massachusetts), he was the father of a large family of sons and
daughters; by his second wife (Elizabeth Cuyler) he left no issue.
His sixth son, Charles Adolphus, alone has surviving male children,
of whom the eldest, Charles Gates Holt, is (1864) a distinguished
counsellor-at-law, and a gentleman of the highest respectability, at
Quebec. In February, 1864, he was appointed one of “Her Majesty’s
Counsel, learned in the law,” and thus entitled to wear the “silk
robe.”
“John Jones, of Maine, captain in Rogers’ Rangers. Being of
a dark complexion, he was called ‘Mahogany Jones.’ Prior to the
war he lived at or near Pownalborough, and was Surveyor of the
Plymouth Company. As the troubles increased, the whigs accused
him of secreting tea, and broke open his store. Next, they fastened
him to a long rope, and dragged him through the water until he
was nearly drowned. Finally, to put an end to his exertions against
the popular cause, he was committed to jail in Boston. He escaped,
went to Quebec in 1780, and received a commission in the Rangers.
In Maine, again, before the peace, he annoyed his personal foes
repeatedly. Among his feats was the capture of his ‘old enemy,’
General Charles Cushing, of Pownalborough. Jones, immediately
after the peace, was at the Bay of Fundy, and interested in lands
granted on that island to loyalists. In 1784 he resumed his business
as surveyor, on the river St. Croix.—At length, ‘his toryism
forgotten,’ he removed to the Kennebec. He died at Augusta,
Maine.”
Captain William Johnson, of the King’s Royal regiment, afterwards
colonel of the Militia of Addington. Besides the celebrated
Sir John Johnson’s family, there were a large number of combatants
and loyalists of this name, and mostly all of them were conspicuous
for their gallant deeds in arms. Captain William Johnson settled
some miles west of Kingston, on the front. Left one child, a daughter,
who married McCoy. They removed to Toronto. It is said by Mr.
Finkle that the first militia mustered in Upper Canada was by Col.
William Johnson, at Finkle’s tavern.
The name of Johnson has become somewhat famous in Canadian
history. James Johnson, an Irishman, was a soldier in Rogers’
Battalion. He came to Upper Canada with the first settlers of
Ernest town, and was captain of the cattle-drivers that came at that
time, or a year later. He got his location ticket at Carleton Island.
He had a family of seven sons and six daughters. Six of the sons’
names were: Daniel, James, William, Matthew, Jacob, Andrew.
110The last-mentioned supplies us with the above information. He is
now upwards of one hundred years of age.—(See U. E. Loyalists).
William Ketcheson, of Sidney, who was born September, 1782,
at Bedford, New York, says that his father, William Ketcheson, was
a native of England, and came to America with his grandfather, his
father being dead. They settled in South Carolina, and lived there
until the rebellion broke out. William Ketcheson, sen., was then
about seventeen years of age, and entered the British service as a
dragoon, under Lord Cornwallis. He served during the war; took
part in many engagements, and was wounded in the thigh. Shortly
before the close of hostilities he was married to Mary Bull, daughter
of John Bull, a loyalist. After the peace he went to Nova Scotia,
and engaged in fishing for a while; lived in a shanty at a rock-bound
place, called Portoon. A fire ran over the place, burning up mostly
everything, and almost our informant, who was then only about 18
months old. He and his mother were put on board a boat and
taken to New York. The father remained to settle his affairs at
Nova Scotia, and then came on into Canada, alone, in 1786. He
worked a farm on shares, in the third township, belonging to John
Miller. Raked in the grain; went for his family, and then subsequently
worked Spence’s farm on shares for many years. Finally
moved to Sidney, in 1800, and settled in the fifth concession.
“John Waltermeyer a tory partisan leader. He was noted
for enterprise and daring, but not for cruelty or ferocity. In 1781,
at the head of a band of Tories, Indians, and Canadians, he
attempted to carry off General Schuyler, whose abode at that time
was in the suburbs of Albany. The party entered the dwelling,
commenced packing up the plate, and a search for the General.
But that gentleman opened a window, and, as if speaking to an
armed force of his own, called out,—“Come on, my brave fellows;
surround the house, and secure the villains who are plundering.”
The happy stratagem caused Waltermeyer and his followers to
betake themselves to flight.”
The foregoing statement is taken from Sabine; we shall now
give information derived from Captain Myer’s descendants, and
others who knew him well. It is without doubt correct.
Captain Myer’s father and brother identified themselves with
the rebel party, and we have heard it stated that he was at first, a
rebel also, but not receiving promotion as he expected, forsook the
cause, and upon the offer of a captaincy in the British forces allied
himself to them. That this was the pure invention of his enemies
111is sufficiently plain. At the beginning of the rebellion Captain
Myers, with his father, was a farmer in the vicinity of Albany,
and could have had no reason for promotion. As to the captaincy,
we find that he did not receive it until 1782, when the war had
virtually closed, as the following shows:
Frederick Haldimand, Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief
of the Province of Quebec and territories depending thereon,
&c., &c., &c. General and Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty’s
forces in said Province and territories thereof, &c., &c., &c.
TO JOHN WALTER MYERS, ESQ.:
By Virtue of the power and authority in me vested, I do hereby
constitute, appoint you to be captain in the corps of Loyal Rangers
whereof Edward Jessup, Esq., is Major-Commandant. You are
therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of
captain by exercising and well disciplining both the inferior officers
and soldiers of the corps, and I do hereby command them to obey
you as their captain, and you are to observe and follow such orders
and directions as you shall from time to time receive from me your
Major, Major-Commandant, or any other of your superior officers,
according to the rules and discipline of war. In pursuance of the
trust hereby reposed in you. Given under my hand and seal at
Arms, at the Castle of St. Louis, at Quebec, this thirtieth day of
May, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two, and in the
twenty-second year of the reign of our Sovereign, Lord George
the Third, by the Grace of God, Great Britain, France and Ireland,
King, Defender of the Faith, and so forth.
(Signed) Fred. Haldimand.
By His Excellency’s Command,
R. Mathews.
It is true that during the war he made the attempt to take
General Schuyler a prisoner. He went with ten men to Albany for
the purpose of seizing the General, and carrying him away captive.
On entering the yard at night, they looked through the
window and saw the object of the expedition, but when they had
entered the house he could no where be found, although search was
made from cellar to garret. But in the garret were a number of
puncheons turned up side down. Some of them were examined,
but not all. After the war had closed, the Governor called on
Myers and told him that had he turned over the other puncheons
112he would have found him. A faithful female slave had
placed him there. The men with Myers had instruction to touch
none of the Governor’s property, after leaving the place, however,
he found one of the men in possession of a silver cup. This was
sent back to the Governor afterward.
During the war, Myers on one occasion, perhaps when he was
returning from his attempt to take Schuyler, was nearly starved to
death. He had with him a favorite dog, which became sick for
want of food. He carried the dog for days, not knowing but he
would have to kill him for food. But they all got safely out of it,
and he retained the dog for many a day, and on one occasion he
showed him to Schuyler. After the war Captain Myers enjoyed a
pension of 5s. 6d. a day. He lived in Lower Canada two years. A
certificate of Masonry informs us that he was in Quebec in 1780.
He frequently carried despatches to New York, in the first years of
the war; upon one occasion he was in a friend’s house when the
rebels came up, he jumped out of the back window and ran to the
woods, he was seen, and persons on horseback came rapidly to the
woods, and tied their horses, to pursue him on foot, which they
hastily did; Myers had, however, hidden himself close by, and
when they had fairly entered the woods in pursuit of him, he
jumped up and deliberately selected the best horse, upon which he
mounted, and so made an easy escape to New York.
He came up the bay at an early date, and it would seem
squatted on the front of the ninth town before it was surveyed.
He then moved up to Sidney where he lived until 1790, when he
returned to the Moira River.
Captain Myers was a bold man, with limited education, but
honest, and, like many others of the Dutch Loyalists, given to great
hospitality. He was a pioneer in mill building, in trading, and in
sailing batteaux and schooners, up and down the bay.
Charles McArthur, a native of Scotland, came to America
before the rebellion, and settled upon the Mohawk Diver. Took
part in the war, in Burgoyne’s army. Lived for some time at Oswegotchie,
when he removed to head of the bay. There were living
then west of the Trent River only the following families: Peter
Huffman, Donald McDonell, John Bleeker, Esq., and John
McArthur. A daughter of Charles McArthur still lives at Belleville,
having been born at Oswegotchie, now aged 78, (Mrs.
Maybee.)
Ensign Miller, of Jessup’s corps, was a native of Duchess
113County. He had a brother an ensign, who lived and died at Montreal.
Settled in Fredericksburgh, adjacent Adolphustown; drew in
all 2,000 acres of land, in different places. Died 1805, aged forty-seven.
Another brother came to the Province the year after the
U. E. list had closed. He was the father of Rev. Gilbert Miller of
Picton, and died at the age of ninety. Mr. G. Miller informs us
that two great uncles, named Ogden, were with the British troops
at the taking of Fort Frontenac.
All of this name (Ogden) are supposed to be related. They were,
it is thought, of Welsh origin. One of that name settled upon the
Delaware River previous to the rebellion. It is not quite certain
whether this first Ogden died by the banks of the Delaware, or as is
thought came to the Bay Quinté. He had three sons, one of whom
died before their removal, leaving four sons. They, with their
uncles, came at a very early date to Hamilton, but the four nephews
removed to the Bay Quinté about 1790. Their names were James,
John, Joseph and Richard. The numerous body living around the
bay of this name, have all sprung from these four brothers. (Marshal
R. Morden.)
Mr. James Morden was a private in His Majesty’s Provincial
Regiment, King’s Royal of New York, Sir J. Johnson Commander.
Discharged 1785 at Montreal, at the age of twenty, having served
three years.
Colonel McDonald, as he was subsequently called, as an officer
of militia, served under Sir John Johnson. He was one of the first
settlers of the fifth township at the Bay Quinté. He landed first
in the cove bearing his name, near Mount Pleasant, 1784. We
have stood upon the spot where he first set foot upon the land, and
pitched his tent. This cove is marked upon some of the old maps
as Grog Bay, but in reality, Grog Bay was a small inlet from the
cove. Colonel McDonald lived to be eighty-five years old. He
drew large quantities of land, besides receiving many other favors
from government. He left but one offspring, a daughter, who
married a native of France named Prinyea, whose descendants are
worthy inhabitants of the place.
We find the following newspaper record: “Died on the 3rd
October, 1815, Sergeant Alexander McDonald, in his 78th year.
This worthy veteran enlisted in 1757 in the 78th or Frazer’s regiment,
in which he served at the taking of Louisburg and Quebec.
In 1763 he was drafted into the 60th, and served in the active campaigns
during the American war, under the late General Provost,
114in Carolina and Georgia. In 1799 he was drafted from the 60th
into the 41st regiment, in which he served till August 1811, when
he was discharged, after a faithful service of fifty-five years.”
The Canadian Courant spoke of J. McDonnell, as follows:—“The
subject of this memoir was born in Glengary, in the Highlands
of Scotland, about the year 1750. His father was principal
tacksman on the estate. The spirit of emigration prevailed very
much in Scotland, and particularly in the Highlands, a little before
the commencement of the American war. The father of Mr. R.
McDonnell partaking of the feelings of his clan, and anticipating
many advantages in this new world, accompanied a considerable
emigration from Glengary estate, of which he was one of the principal
leaders. Mr. R. McDonnell landed at New York with his
father, and a number of the same name, in 1773, but the disputes
between Great Britain and the colonies having assumed a
very serious appearance, it was thought prudent to send him into
Canada. Being designed for commerce, he was placed in a counting
house, but the war breaking out, the spirit of his ancestors burst
forth with an ardor which could not be restrained. He joined the
Royal Standard, and was immediately appointed to an ensigncy, in
the 84th regiment. In this subordinate situation he did not fail to
distinguish himself by his bravery and good conduct, and on one
singular and trying occasion he exhibited the greatest intrepidity
and coolness. He was advanced to the command of a company in
Butler’s Rangers. Many of your readers still remember that the
services required by this regiment were of the most arduous kind.
They were sent out on scouting parties, and employed in picking
up intelligence, and in harassing the back settlements of the
enemy. As their marches lay through pathless forests, they were
frequently reduced to the greatest necessities, nor had they even,
while on service, any of those comforts which are so common in
regular camps. In the many expeditions and contests in which
this regiment was engaged, during the war, Captain McDonnell
bore a distinguished part, but the great hardships which he had to
surmount, undermined a constitution naturally excellent, and
entailed upon him a severe rheumatism which embittered the
remaining part of his life.
During some time he acted as Pay-master of the regiment,
and by his own care and attention he found himself at the end of
the war in the possession of a small independence. This he considered
equally the property of his father, brothers and sisters as
115his own, and proved by his generosity that his filial love and
brotherly affection were equal to his other virtues. In 1794 when
it was thought proper to levy a regiment in this country to remedy
the great desertion which attended regiments from Europe, he
raised a company.
“In 1795 he was promoted to the majority, and the regiment
having been divided into two battalions, he became Lieutenant-Colonel
of the 2nd, in 1796.
“He commanded at Niagara during the building of Fort George,
and in 1802 he again retired on half-pay, the Royal Canadian Regiments
having been most injudiciously reduced during the continuance
of the ephemeral peace of Amiens. While at Fort George
he married Miss Yates, a lady from the States, whose amiable and
obliging manners gained the esteem of all who had the honor of
her acquaintance. By this lady, in whom the Colonel enjoyed all
that has to be wished in a companion and friend, he has a son, a
promising boy, who, it is to be hoped, will inherit the virtues of
his father. The Colonel’s active benevolence was known to all,
and experienced by many of his friends.
“There was something so generous, so noble in his manner of
doing a kindness of this sort, as to give it a double value.
“In 1807 he was appointed Pay-master to the 10th Royal Veteran
Battalion, a situation certainly far below his merits—but his circumstances,
which, owing to his generous disposition, were by no
means affluent, induced him to accept it.
“He had been exceedingly infirm for many years, and perhaps
the severe climate at Quebec was too much for his weak constitution.
Certain it is that this city has been fatal to several respectable
characters from the Upper Province. He caught a severe
cold in the beginning of November, 1809, accompanied with a
violent cough and expectoration; he was not, indeed, thought
dangerously ill, till within a short time of his death, but his feeble
constitution could not support the cough, and he expired on the
twenty-first.
“Such are the scanty materials which I have been able to collect
respecting the life of a most excellent officer and honorable man,
who became dearer to his friends and acquaintances the longer he
was known to them.
“He was rather below the middle size, of a fair complexion, and
in his youth, uncommonly strong and active. For some time past
his appearance was totally altered; insomuch that those who had
116not seen him for many years, could not recognize a single feature
of the swift and intrepid captain of the Rangers.
“An acute disease made it frequently painful for him to move a
limb, even for days and weeks together, but though his body suffered,
his mind was active and benevolent, and his anxiety to
promote the interests of his friends ceased only with his life.”
Among those who took part in the unequal engagement at
Bennington, was Alexander Nicholson, a Scotchman, who came to
America shortly before the war broke out. He enlisted as a
private under Burgoyne; but before the close of the war, received
a commission. He was one of a company which was all but annihilated
at Bennington. He stood by his Colonel when that
officer was shot from his horse. Vainly trying to get him re-horsed,
that officer told him it was no use, that he had better flee. The
day being evidently lost, he proceeded to escape as best he could.
With his arm wounded, he managed to escape through a field of
corn to the woods. Coming to a river, he was arrested by an
Indian upon the opposite bank, who, mistaking him for a rebel, fired
at him. The Indian being undeceived, he forded the river.
Making good his escape, he, with many others, wandered for days,
or rather for nights, hiding by day, as scouts were ranging the
woods to hunt out the tories. There were, however, friends who
assisted to conceal them, as well as to furnish them with food.
He often spoke of his sufferings at that fearful time; lying upon the
cold ground without covering, and sleeping, to wake with the hair
frozen to the bare ground. Subsequently Nicholson was attached
to Rogers corps. He settled in Fredericksburgh, at the close of
hostilities, and subsequently removed in 1809, to the township of
Thurlow.
Ostrom was engaged to carry despatches through the enemy’s
line. On one occasion he had the despatch in a silver bullet, which
he put in his mouth. Having reason to believe he would be diligently
examined, he took it from his mouth as he would a quid of
tobacco, threw it in the fire and thus escaped.
Nicholas Peterson, with his three sons, Nicholas, Paul and
Christopher, were living near New York, and took a part in the
war.
They assisted in fighting one of the most remarkable battles
of the revolution. It took place on the west side of the North River,
opposite the city of New York, when seventy-five British Militiamen
resisted an attack made by 5,500 rebels, for several hours.
117The British had a Block House, made of logs, with a hollow excavation
behind, and in this hollow they loaded their guns, and
would then step forward and discharge them at the enemy. Only
three of the British were slain; the rebels lost many. These
Petersons lost everything of any importance, when they left New
York. Some of their valuables they buried to preserve them from
the enemy, and the rest they left to their use.
Nicholas and Paul settled on lots No. 12 and 13, in the first
concession of Adolphustown, south of Hay bay.
Contents—Rogers’ family—Ryerson—Redner—Sherwood—Taylor—Van Dusen—Williamsburgh—Wright—Wilkins—Young—Officers
who settled in
Niagara District.
Under Queen’s Rangers will be found some account of Major
Rogers, derived from Sabine. We here give further information, procured
from Robert D. Rogers, Esq., and Dr. Armstrong, of Rochester,
New York, who is a native of Fredericksburgh, and who, for many
years, practised his profession in Picton and Kingston.
Robert D. Rogers, of Ashburnham, writes: “My grandfather,
James Rogers, settled first in Vermont, and had several large tracts
of land there; he, and his brothers were officers in the Queen’s
Rangers, of which his brother Robert was the chief officer; they
were employed in the wars of the French and Indians, until the
taking of Quebec by the British, after which the said Robert Rogers
was ordered by General Amherst to proceed westward and take
possession of all the forts and places held by the French, as far
west as Detroit and Michilimackinac, which he did in the fall of
1760; and he afterwards went to England, where he published a
journal kept by him during the French and Indian wars, and up to
1761, which was published in London 1765. He also wrote another
book, giving a description of all the North American Colonies.
My grandfather continued to reside in Vermont, until the time of
the revolution, when he joined the British army, and after peace
was proclaimed, settled near the East Lake in Prince Edward.
I have heard that he was buried in Fredericksburgh, but do not
118know the place. My father represented Prince Edward in the first
Parliament of Upper Canada, of which he was a member for twenty-six
years.”
From Dr. Armstrong, we learn that “Major Rogers was born
in Londonderry, New Hampshire, about the year 1728.” His wife
was the daughter of the Rev. David McGregor, pastor of the Presbyterian
church, Londonderry, of which his father, the Rev. James
McGregor, formerly of Londonderry, Ireland, was the founder,
April 12, 1719. Major Rogers was the father of three sons and
three daughters. He removed with his family to Vermont,
where he had become the proprietor of a large tract of land.
Here he lived until the breaking out of the rebellion, (see Queen’s
Rangers.) After the conclusion of the war, Major Rogers, abandoning
his property in Vermont, much of which had been destroyed,
his herds of cattle driven off and appropriated to their own use by
his neighbors, removed with his family to Canada and settled in
Fredericksburgh. That he had been there previously and explored
the country, and that he had taken with him a corps of soldiers, is
altogether probable, for I well remember to have seen in my
earliest boyhood, evidences of previous military strife, such as
numerous broken guns, swords, and other worn-out weapons. At
Fredericksburg, Major Rogers erected, as he had done before at
Londonderry, Vermont, the first frame house in the township.
How long he remained here I am unable to say, but probably
several years. My own birth-place, August 29, 1789, was in a
little village one or two miles below his residence, and as I was
one of his legatees, he probably remained there for some time after
that event. I find no record of his death, but it probably took
place about the year 1792. He was buried in Fredericksburgh, as
were his widow and eldest daughter (my mother), 1793. His
eldest son James, returned to Vermont and recovered a considerable
portion of the land in Londonderry. He afterward, in
1819, removed with his family to Haldimand, where he died several
years ago. His second son, David McGregor, familiarly known also
as “Major Rogers,” remained in Canada up to the time of his
death, about 1823. While quite a young man, he was elected a
member of the first Parliament of Upper Canada. He then resided
at Little Lake in the township of Hallowell. He afterwards
removed to Cramahe, where I found him in 1803, engaged as a
merchant, holding the office of clerk of the Peace, clerk of the
District Court, and Registrar of Deeds, besides being a member of
119Parliament, and carrying on a farm. His name is pretty closely
identified with the early history of Upper Canada. He was a man
of great energy of character and sound judgment, was highly
respected and esteemed, and died greatly lamented. After remaining
in Fredericksburgh several years, the family of the late Major
(James) Rogers removed to the “Little Lake,” so called. This
was the scene of my earliest recollections. In the same neighborhood
had resided Mr. Peters, and his family. He was a native of
New England, remained loyal to the Crown, became an officer in
the Queen’s Rangers, and was among the early refugees to Canada.
He afterwards became sheriff of Newcastle, having removed from
the Little Lake, first to the Carrying Place, and afterwards to
Cramahe, about the year 1804, where he died many years ago.
Joseph Ryerson, of New Jersey, one of the five hundred and
fifty volunteers who went to Charleston, South Carolina. For his
good conduct in bearing despatches one hundred and ninety-six
miles into the interior, he was promoted to a Lieutenancy in the
Prince of Wales’ Volunteers. Subsequently he was engaged in six
battles, and once wounded. At the peace he went to New Brunswick,
thence to Canada, where he settled and became a Colonel in
the militia. In the war of 1812, he and his three sons were in arms
against the United States. He died near Victoria, Upper Canada,
in 1854, aged ninety-four, one of the last of the “old United
Empire Loyalists.”—(Sabine.)
One of Captain Ryerson’s old comrades, Peter Redner, of the
bay, says, he was “a man of daring intrepidity, and a great favorite
in his company.” He often related an instance when Captain
Ryerson, commanding a scouting party, for which peculiar service
he was eminently fitted, ventured to crawl up to a tent of American
officers, and discovering one standing in the door who saw him, he
walked boldly up, thus lessening suspicion, and drawing his bayonet
immediately ran him through the body, and escaped before his
companions had sufficiently recovered from the shock to give
pursuit. He represented Captain Ryerson as being one of the
most determined men he ever knew, with the service of his
country uppermost in his mind, he often exposed himself to great
danger to accomplish his desires.
Samuel Ryerson, of New Jersey, brother of Joseph, joined the
Royal Standard, and received a commission as captain in the Third
Battalion of New Jersey Volunteers; went to New Brunswick at
the peace, thence to Canada, where he settled.
120Peter Redner, a native of New Jersey, was connected with the
service for some time. He was in the same division as Captain
Ryerson, and during his subsequent life was always delighted to tell
of the incidents in connection with the several campaigns through
which he passed, especially such as related to “his friend Ryerson,”
to whom he was much attached.
At the close of the war he went to Nova Scotia, where he
drew land; but not liking the place, he disposed of his land and
came to Canada. He purchased lot ninety-four in Ameliasburgh
for a small consideration, from William Fox, a United Empire
Loyalist, of Pennsylvania, who had drawn it.—(Ashley.)
Walter Ross—He arrived, an emigrant from Scotland, at Quebec,
the night before the fall of Montgomery. He, with others
from the ship, immediately took up arms, and assisted to repulse
the enemy in a most distinguished manner. He subsequently lived
with Major Frazer, and became so great a favorite that the Major
assisted him to an ensigncy. After the close of the war he
married Miss Williams, of Ernest town, and settled in Marysburgh,
on the lake shore.
The Ruttans were descendants of the Huguenots. Says
Sheriff Ruttan: “My grandfather emigrated to America about the
time of Sir William Johnson, Bart., in 1734, and settled at a town
called New Rochelle, in Westchester county, New York. This
town, or tract of land, was purchased in 1689, expressly for a
Huguenot settlement, by Jacob Leister, Commissioner of the Admiralty,
under Governor Dongan of New York. It soon increased,
and in 1700 had a vast number of militia officers, loyal to the backbone.
To this settlement my grandfather repaired soon after his
arrival. My father and uncle Peter were born here about 1757,
and 1759. Both entered the army in the 3rd battalion of Jersey
volunteers, one as Lieutenant, the other as Captain. This was
about the year 1778. In the year 1778, my uncle Peter accompanied
Brant from New York to Western Canada, on a tour of
observation, being a great favorite, so much so that he named his
son Joseph Brant Ruttan, as a token of his friendship. As a further
token of his esteem, Brant, at parting, presented him with a handsome
brace of pistols, which he valued highly. At his decease,
they came into my possession. My father and uncle had grants of
1200 acres of land each, at Adolphustown, in the Midland District;
this was in 1783 or 1784.”
Sheriff Ruttan, when a child, met with a slight accident which
probably turned the current of his life from one of comparative
121obscurity to notoriety. Henry Ruttan went out with his brother
one spring morning to tap trees for sugar making. Accidentally
two of Henry’s fingers were severed from his hand by an untoward
stroke of the sharp axe. This loss led his father to send him
to school, as he could not perform manual labor. Respecting his
education, the reader is referred to the division on “Early Education.”
With the education obtained in Adolphustown, he went to
Kingston and was apprenticed with John Kerby, a successful merchant.
By industry as well as talent, Henry advanced to be a
partner, and was entrusted to open a store in the “new township”
near Grafton, in Newcastle. Subsequently, he distinguished himself
as a soldier, in 1812, then as a member of Parliament, as
Speaker, and for a long time as Sheriff. Latterly his name is
associated with inventions for ventilation of buildings and cars.
Captain Schermerhorn was among the first settlers upon the
bay Quinté. Respecting the nature of his services during the war we
have no record, nor have we learned in what regiment he served;
but most probably in Johnson’s. The writer has in his possession a
portion of an epaulet which belonged to this officer. He drew
large quantities of land in the western part of the Province, as
well as a lot in Fredericksburgh. He died in 1788 when on a visit
to Montreal to procure his half-pay. His widow and eldest son
died soon after. His youngest son, John, settled on lot 95, 9th
concession Ameliasburg.—(J. B. Ashley.)
“Colonel Spencer” was an officer in Roger’s Battalion, settled
on lot 9, 1st concession Fredericksburgh additional. He died
shortly after the commencement of the war of 1812, having been
Colonel of the militia, and active in preparing to meet the foe. He
was buried, with military honors, upon his own farm.
His brother Augustus was an ensign, and settled at East Lake,
on half-pay. His wife, Sarah Conger, lived to be ninety-four years
old.
In the former part of last century there were born three
brothers, Seth, Thomas, and Adiel Sherwood, in old Stratford, in
the Province of Connecticut. The three brothers removed, 1743,
to New York State, five miles north of Fort Edward, within a
short distance of the spot where Burgoyne surrendered. At the
commencement of the rebellion, Seth and Adiel identified themselves
with the rebel party, becoming officers in the army, while
Thomas adhered to his Sovereign. It was probably after the defeat
of Burgoyne, when he proceeded to St. John, Lower Canada, and
122was subsequently employed by the British Government on secret
service in the revolting State. His knowledge of the country
enabled him to bring from the territory of the enemy not a few who
were desirous of serving in the British army. In 1779 his family
removed to St. Johns, and he received an appointment as subaltern
in Major Jessup’s corps.
At the close of the war, Thomas Sherwood came with his corps
to the St. Lawrence, and became the first actual settler in the
county of Leeds. He was well known as an active public man,
“he was ever ready to give assistance and instructions to the new
comers.” He also assisted in the first survey of that part. He was
among the first magistrates. He lived on his farm forty-two years,
and died, aged 81, in peace.
Adiel Sherwood, from whom we receive the foregoing facts, was
the son of Thomas, and was born at the homestead in New York
State, 16th May, 1779, shortly before the family left for Canada.
He says: “I remained with the family at St. Johns until May,
1784, when we came in the very first brigade of batteaux to the
Upper Province, where my father pitched his tent, about three
miles below Brockville, so that I may say I saw the first tree cut,
and the first hill of corn and potatoes planted by an actual settler.”
Mr. Adiel Sherwood at an early date, 1796, was appointed an ensign
in the first regiment of Leeds Militia. He was promoted from
time to time until he became Colonel. He was commissioned a
Magistrate, Clerk of the Peace, Commissioner of Land Board, and
finally Sheriff for the district of Johnstown. He was connected
with the militia fifty years, when he retired on full rank. Was
Treasurer of the District twenty-five years, and Sheriff thirty-five.
Mr. Sherwood still lives, an active, genial, and Christian-minded
gentleman, and we take this occasion to express our feelings of
gratitude for his assistance and sympathy in this our undertaking.
There were a good many of the name of Taylor among the
loyalists residing at Boston, New York, and New Jersey. They
were all in the higher walks of life, and some filled high public
stations. One family, consisting at the time of the rebellion, of a
mother and three sons, has a tragic and deeply interesting history.
For many of the particulars I am indebted to Sheriff George
Taylor, of Belleville, a descendant of the youngest of the
brothers.
Sheriff Taylor’s father was earned John, and was born upon
the banks of the Hudson, of Scotch parents. He was fourteen
123years old when the rebellion broke out. His two brothers were
officers in the British army, and were employed in the hazardous
duties of spies. The only knowledge he has of his uncles, is that
they were both caught at different times, one upon one side of the
Hudson and the other the opposite side; both were convicted and
executed by hanging, one upon the limb of an apple tree, the
other of an oak. John Taylor was at home with his mother upon the
farm, at Kinderhook. But one day he was carried off while from
the house, by a press gang, to Burgoyne’s army. He continued
in the army for seven years, until the end of the war, when he
was discharged. During this time he was in numerous engagements,
and received three wounds at least, one a sabre wound, and
a ball wound in the arm. It is stated on good authority, (Petrie)
that he once carried a despatch from Quebec to Nova Scotia, following
the Bay of Fundy. His mother in the meantime was
ignorant of his whereabouts, and held the belief that he was dead,
or carried off by the Indians. At the expiration of the war he
went to New Brunswick by some means, subsequently he undertook
to walk on snowshoes, with three others, from St. Johns to
Sorel, which he accomplished, while the three others died on the
way; he saved his life by killing and eating his dog. He procured
his discharge at Sorel. In 1783 he came up the St. Lawrence to Cataraqui,
and thence walked up the bay as far as the mouth of the
Moria River, accompanied by one William McMullen. Ascending
the Moria he chose the land, where is now the 4th concession of
Thurlow, the “Holstead farm.” He lived here a few months, but
the Indians drove him away, declaring the river belonged to them.
He then bought lot No. 5, at the front, of Captain Singleton, property
which yet bears his name. John Taylor married the daughter
of a U. E. Loyalist by the name of Russell.
Two or three years after he came to Thurlow, he visited his old
home at Kinderhook, to see his mother, who knew not he was alive.
She accompanied him back to Canada, although hard on ninety years
old. She did not live long in her new home.
Two intimate comrades of John Taylor in the army, were
Merritt and Soles, father of D. B. Soles, formerly of Belleville.
Respecting the brothers of John Taylor, the following appeared
in the Hastings Chronicle of Belleville, 13th November, 1861.
“A Spy of the Revolution.—In the year 1776, when
Governor Clinton resided in Albany, there came a stranger to his
house one cold wintry morning, soon after the family had breakfasted.
124He was welcomed by the household, and hospitably entertained. A
breakfast was ordered, and the Governor, with his wife and daughter
employed in knitting, was sitting before the fire, and entered into
conversation with him about the affairs of the country, which naturally
led to the enquiry of what was his occupation. The caution
and hesitancy with which the stranger spoke, aroused the keen-sighted
Clinton. He communicated his suspicion to his wife and daughter,
who closely watched his every word and action. Unconscious of
this, but finding that he had fallen among enemies, the stranger was
seen to take something from his pocket and swallow it. Meantime
Madam Clinton, with the ready tact of a woman of those troublesome
times, went quietly into the kitchen, and ordered hot coffee to be
immediately made, and added to it a strong dose of tartar emetic.
The stranger, delighted with the smoking beverage, partook freely
of it, and Mrs. Clinton soon had the satisfaction of seeing it produce
the desired result. From scripture out of his own mouth was he
condemned. A silver bullet appeared, which upon examination was
unscrewed and found to contain an important despatch from
Burgoyne. He was tried, condemned and executed, and the bullet
is still preserved in the family.”
“The foregoing article we clip from the Boston Free Flag of the
2nd November, 1861; this, there is reason to infer, is a special reference
to a relative of one of the oldest families in this part of Canada.
John Taylor in his life time, well known to the first inhabitants of
Belleville, had two brothers employed upon secret service for the
British Government during the American revolutionary war; their
names were Neil and Daniel. At different times they were each
apprehended and suffered the severe penalty of the law. A tradition
of the Taylor family of this place, agrees in all particulars with
the above article, and points to one of the Taylor brothers as the
person therein alluded to.”
Sabine says that “Daniel Taylor in 1777, was dispatched by Sir
Henry Clinton to Burgoyne, with intelligence of the capture of Fort
Montgomery, and was taken on his way by the whigs as a spy.
Finding himself in danger, he turned aside, took a small silver ball
or bullet from his pocket and swallowed it. The act was seen, and
General George Clinton, into whose hands he had fallen, ordered a
severe dose of emetic tartar to be administered, which caused him
to discharge the bullet. On being unscrewed, the silver bullet was
found to contain a letter from the one British General to the other,
which ran as follows:
125Fort Montgomery, October 2, 1777.
Nous voici—and nothing between us but Gates. I sincerely hope
this little success of ours may facilitate your operations. In answer
to your letter of 28th of September, by C. C., I shall only say, I
cannot presume to order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I
heartily wish you success.
Faithfully yours,
H. Clinton.
To General Burgoyne.
Taylor was tried, convicted, and executed, shortly after his
detection.”
Conrad VanDusen was a native of Duchess County, N. Y.,
born 23rd April, 1751. His father was Robert VanDusen. At the
commencement of the rebellion he was in business as a tailor, in New
York City. He served during the whole of the war, seven years, in
Butler’s Rangers. During this time, his wife, who was also from
Duchess County, formerly a Miss Coon, carried on the tailoring
business in New York, and succeeded in saving fifty-three
guineas. On leaving for Canada with VanAlstine, they brought
with them two large boxes of clothing. They also had some
jewelry.
During the war VanDusen was sometimes employed upon secret
service, and upon one occasion was caught, and condemned to be
hanged. Upon leaving the room in which he had been tried, he
managed to convey to a woman present, whose earnest demeanor
led him to believe she was friendly, a gold ring, a keep-sake of his
wife. By some means VanDusen escaped, having concealed himself
in a swamp under water, with his face only above water, and in after
years he was surprised and rejoiced to receive by letter the identical
ring, which had been sent to him by the woman into whose hands he
had so adroitly placed it. She had directed the letter to Cataraqui.
The close of the war found VanDusen at New York, and he
joined VanAlstine’s band of refugees, and settled in Adolphustown.
Subsequently he removed to Marysburgh, lot No. 9, where he died,
aged seventy-six years and seven months. He lies buried in the
U. E. burying ground, Adolphustown.
Frederick Frank Williamsburgh, at the time of the war lived
upon the Susquehanna, and owned a thousand acres of land. He
was a sickly man. His family consisted of a son eleven years old,
and three daughters. One day he went some distance to a mill,
126taking his children with him, and leaving his wife and mother at
home. That day the rebels made a raid, and he was taken prisoner
from his children on the road; and coming to his barn, it, with all
his grain was burned up. His wife and old mother sought safety in
the woods, and the house was stripped of everything. The children
arriving home without their father, found no mother, or grandmother,
only the smoking ruins of the barn and the dismantled house.
Frightened almost to death, and expecting to be killed before morning,
they lay down on the floor. About midnight came a knock at
the door; after a time they summoned sufficient courage to ask who
was there, when it was found to be neighbor who had been hunted
in the woods for three days and who was almost starved. He was
admitted, and having slept for a short time, he proceeded to prepare
a raft upon the river; upon this he placed some flour he had concealed
in the woods, and the children, with himself, and floated
down the river. But the morning brought the enemy, and they were
taken. The children were conveyed to a place where they found their
mother; but the father having been thrown into a prison, in three
months his weak constitution succumbed to the cruelty of his prison
house.
The family found their way to Lower Canada, after a time, living
upon the rations dealt out from day to day from the commissariat
department. They, after a time, went to Montreal, and one son,
when twelve year old, enlisted. For a time he acted as tailor to the
regiment, but subsequently became a favorite with the Colonel and
was promoted. The descendants of this William Williamsburgh now
live in Belleville.
Sergeant Daniel Wright was born in the city of London, 1741.
He was sergeant in the 74th regiment. Sergeant Wright was present
at the battle before Quebec, when Montgomery was killed. He
settled in Marysburgh in 1784. He was commissary officer for the
fifth township, and was subsequently appointed magistrate and then
registrar, which office he held for upwards of thirty years. Was Lieut.
Colonel in the Prince Edward Militia. “Old Squire Wright” was a
man of education and gentlemanly deportment, strictly religious, and
noted for his urbanity; he obtained the soubriquet of “Squire civil.”
It is said he was never known to smile. Unlike other retired officers,
it is said, he did not seek to acquire extensive tracts of land. Died
April, 1828, aged eighty-seven.
The following is from the Kingston Chronicle: “Died at the Carrying
Place, 27th February, 1836, Robert Wilkins, Esq., in the ninety-fourth
127year of his age. He entered the army at the early age of
seventeen, in the 17th Light Dragoons, then commanded by the late
Colonel Hale. Soon after he joined the regiment it was ordered to
Scotland. There it did not long remain; the “Whiteboy” conspiracy
had been formed in Ireland. From Ireland he sailed with
the same distinguished regiment for the British American Colonies,
then raising the standard of revolt, landed at Boston, and a few days
after bore a conspicuous part in the battle of Bunker’s Hill, on which
occasion he had two horses shot under him. He was present at
most of the engagements in the northern colonies. At the battle of
White Plains, he was one of the forlorn hope, where he received a
severe contusion on the breast, and lost the thumb of his right hand.
After recovering from his wounds, he retired from the army, and
entered into mercantile pursuits in the city of New York. There he
carried on a prosperous business until peace was concluded; but
when that city was evacuated by the British troops (in 1783) he was
too strongly attached to his king to remain behind. He then accompanied
them to Shelburne, Nova Scotia. In the improvements of
that luckless place, he expended a large sum of money, but finding
that the place would not succeed, he left, and in 1789, returned to
his native country, from which, three years after, he was induced to
follow Governor Simcoe to this colony, just after it had received its
constitution, and became a distinct government. From that time he
remained in Upper Canada, and most of the time at this place. Of
Christian doctrine and Christian duty, he had a much deeper sense
than was obvious to occasional visitors. His hospitality was proverbial,
and never under his roof was the poor refused food or shelter.
His remains were followed to the church, and thence to the house
appointed for all living, by not less than 300 of his friends and
neighbors.”
For an account of the son of the above, see notices of U. E.
Loyalists.
Col. H. Young—His father was a native of Nottingham, England,
and came to New York when eighteen years old, and settled at
Jamaica, Long Island. He was a gunsmith by trade. Subsequently
he removed to Husack, northern New York. He had four sons,
George, Henry, William, John, and two daughters. His second son
Henry, was born at Jamaica, 10th March, 1737. At the age of eighteen
he joined the British army, as a volunteer. He was present at the
battle of Tyconderoga, under General Abercrombie. He was also
with the army under General Amherst, which went from Albany
128to Montreal, to join the army from Quebec, under General Murray.
Continued in the army until 1761, when he returned home, married
a Miss Campman, and lived in peace until the rebellion broke out.
He again joined the British army as a private, and was at the
battle of Bennington, but he so distinguished himself that he was
promoted to an ensigncy in the King’s Royal Regiment, of New
York. During the war he took part in seventeen battles, but
escaped with one wound in the hand. In the year 1780, he was
sent with Major Ross to Carleton Island. For three years he was
at this place, or Oswego. In 1783 he was discharged on half pay,
and received grants of land—3,000 acres, with the privilege of
selecting the place. Immediately after his release he set out,
sometime during the summer or autumn of 1783, to prospect for
land. In a small canoe, he, with a brother officer, named, it is said,
McCarty, proceeded up the bay Quinté, and into Picton bay to its
head, thence to East Lake. Having decided to take land here, he left
his son during the winter. In the following spring 1784, he brought
his family from St. Johns, where they had been staying. (See
settlement of Prince Edward). Colonel Young died at East Lake.
3rd December, 1820, aged eighty-three years and nine months.
Daniel Young was in the Engineer Department during the
latter part of the revolutionary war. He died at East Lake, 30th
September, 1850, aged eighty-five.
Henry Young was Lieutenant of Militia in the war of 1812.
Went to Kingston on duty, where he died, latter part of December,
1812.
Among the first settlers of the Upper Province, especially upon
the St. Lawrence, and who took part in the war, may be mentioned,
Captain Thomas Frazer, Captain William Frazer, Lieutenant
Solomon Snider, Lieutenant Gideon Adams, Captain Simon
Covelle, Captain Drummond, Ensign Dulmage, Ensign Sampson,
Lieutenant Farrand, Captain Amberson, Lieutenant McLean,
Lieutenant James Campbell, Lieutenant Alexander Campbell,
Sergeant Benoni Wiltsie, Ensign E. Bolton, Captain Justus Sherwood,
Captain John Jones, Lieutenant James Breakenridge, of
Roger’s corps.
Colonel Clarke, of Dalhousie, gives a “list of half pay officers
who settled in the Niagara District after the rebellion of the
colonies:”
Colonel John Butler, originator of Butler’s Rangers, an Irishman,
a connection of Lord Osmore; Captain Andrew Brant,
129Butler’s Rangers; Captain B. Fry, Captain P. Hare, Captain Thos.
Butler, Captain Aaron Brant, Captain P. Paulding, Captain John
Ball, Captain P. Ball, Captain P. Ten Brock, Lieutenant R.
Clench, Lieutenant Wm. Brant, Lieutenant Wm. Tweeny,
Lieut. Jocal Swoos, Lieut. James Clements, Lieut. D. Swoos, all of
Butler’s Rangers; Captain James Brant, Indian Department;
Captain H. Nelles, Captain James Young, Captain Robert Nelles,
Captain Joseph Dockater, Captain C. Ryman, Lieut. J. Clement,
Lieut. W. B. Shuhm, Lieut. A. Chrysler, Lieut. S. Secord, Lieut.
F. Stevens, Surgeon R. Kerr, Commodore T. Merritt, father of the
late Hon. W. H. Merritt, all of the Indian Department.
DIVISION II. TRAVELING IN EARLY TIMES—ORIGINAL ROUTES. — CHAPTER XII. — CHAPTER XIII. — TRAVELING BY CANOE. — BATTEAUX—SCHENECTADY BOATS—DURHAM BOATS. — TRAVELING TO YORK AND QUEENSTON. — CHAPTER XIV. — THE FIRST SAILING VESSELS.
Contents—Indian paths—Portages—Original French routes—Mer de Canada—Original
names of St. Lawrence—Ontario—Huron—Route by Bay Quinté—Old
French maps—Original English routes—Four ways from Atlantic to
the Lakes—Mississippi—Potomac—Hudson—Indian name of Erie—From
New York to Ontario—The Hudson River—Mohawk—Wood creek—Oneida
Lake—Oswego River—The carrying places—West Canada Creek—Black
River—Oswegotchie—The navigation—Military highway—Lower Canada—An
historic route—The paths followed by the Loyalists—Indian paths north
of Lake Ontario—Crossing the Lake—From Cape Vincent to the Bay
Quinté—From Oswego by Duck Islands—East Lake—Picton Bay—Coasting
Ontario—Two ways to Huron—By Bay Quinté and Trent; by Don River—Lake
Simcoe—Point Traverse—Loyalists—Traveling by the St. Lawrence—First
road—Long remembered event.
Although the European found the American continent a vast
unbroken wilderness, yet the native Indians had well defined
routes of travel. Mainly, the long journeys made by them in their
hunting excursions, and when upon the war path, were by water
up and down rivers, and along the shores of lakes. And at certain
places around rapids, and from one body of water to another, their
130frequent journeyings created a well marked path. These portages
or carrying places may even yet, in many places be traced, and
are still known by such appellations. The arrival of the European
in America was followed by his penetrating, step by step, to the
further recesses of the north and west. The opening of the fur
trade with the Indians led to increased travel along some of the
original paths, and probably to the opening of new ones. While
the French by the waters of the Lower St. Lawrence, found it convenient
to ascend by the great streams, the English had to traverse
the high lands which separate the sources of the rivers which
empty into the Atlantic, from those which rise to flow to the lakes
and rivers of fresh water to the north.
The original routes of travel taken by the French were up
the St. Lawrence, at first called the “Grand River of Canada,”
while the gulf is marked Galpo di Canada O’S Larenzo. The
water of the Atlantic, south of the Chesapeake River to Newfoundland
and the gulf, was known as the Mer de Canada. From the seaboard
the traveler sometimes, having ascended to the mouth of
the Sorel River, turned west to lake Champlain, and thence into
the western part of the present New York State, or continuing up
the St. Lawrence to its confluence with the Ottawa, or as it was
sometimes called Grand River, selected one or the other of these majestic
streams, by which to continue the journey westward. Following
the Ottawa, the way led to the north as far as Lake Nippissing,
and thence westward to the Georgian Bay. Sometimes the voyager
would continue to ascend the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, a portion
of the St. Lawrence sometimes called Cataraqui River, or the Iroquois
River, that is to say, the river which leads to Cataraqui, or the
Iroquois country. Lake Ontario was called by Champlain, Lake
St. Louis, and subsequently for a time it was known as Lake Frontenac.
According to a map observed in the French Imperial Library
the Indian name of Ontario was Skaniadono, 1688.
From Lake Ontario to Lake Huron, at first named Mer Douce,
and, then after the Huron Indians, who were expelled from that
region by the Iroquois in 1650, a very common route was up the
Bay Quinté, the River Trent, Lake Simcoe, and to Georgian Bay.
That this was a not unfrequent way is well exhibited by the old
French maps, which, prepared to indicate the principal waterways
to the traveler, had the waters of the Bay and Trent, even to its
source, made broad, so that the observer might imagine that the
bay and the river were one continuous bay of navigable waters.
131As this route was adjacent to the territory of the Iroquois nation, it
was only when the French were at peace with them that this
course was taken, until the establishment of the fort at Cataraqui.
Again, the French occasionally followed the south shore of Lake
Ontario to the Niagara River and ascended it to Lake Erie, and
thus approached the far west.
While the French with comparative ease, reached the vast
inland seas, the English by more difficult channels sought the
advantages, which intercourse with the lake Indians afforded. An
early writer of American history, Isaac Weld, says: “There are
four principal channels for trade between the ocean and the lakes.
One by the Mississippi to Lake Erie, a second by the Potomac and
French Creek to Lake Erie. (Lake Erie was at first called Okswego,
and the territory to the south of Lake Erie was sometimes
called Ontario Nous.) A third by the Hudson, and a fourth by the
St. Lawrence.” A later writer says: “It is worthy of notice, that
a person may go from Quebec to New Orleans by water all the
way except about a mile from the source of Illinois River.” The last
mentioned route we have seen belonged to the French, and was the
best to follow, as well as the most direct to Europe. Of the other
three, we have only to speak of that by the Hudson.
The distance from New York to Lake Ontario is laid down as
being 500 miles. From New York Bay to Albany, the Hudson is
navigable, 180 miles. Ten miles north of Albany the river divides
into two branches. The western branch is the Mohawk and leads
to Rome, formerly Fort Stanwix. A branch of the Mohawk, Wood
Creek, leads toward Oneida Lake, which was reached by a portage.
A branch of Wood Creek was called Canada Creek, and led
toward Lake Champlain. From Oneida Lake, the larger lake,
Ontario, is reached by the Oswego River. Weld probably refers
to this route when he says that the distance over which boats had
to be hauled by land, (perhaps, from New York to Ontario) was
altogether thirty miles. This was no doubt the most speedy route
by which to reach Upper Canada from the Hudson. Frequent
reference is made to it, in the accounts of journeying, by the U. E.
Loyalists, which have come under notice. It was by far the most
commonly traveled way, taken by those who came into Canada
after the close of the war. And, it is stated, 1796, that the chief
part of the trade between New York and the lake is by this way.
But sometimes, the traveler up the Mohawk, instead of turning into
Vilcrik, or Wood Creek, would continue to ascend the Mohawk,
132which turned more toward the east; and then into a branch sometimes
called, 1756, West Canada Creek, by which he was brought
contiguous to the head waters of the Black River, which empties
into the lake at Sacket’s Harbor. But the Black River was sometimes
reached by ascending the Hudson, above the mouth of the
Mohawk, away eastward to the Mohegan mountains, where the
Hudson rises. Crossing these mountains he would strike the
Moose River, which is a tributary to the Black River. Occasionally,
instead of Moose River, the Oswegotchie was reached, and followed
to its mouth at La Présentation, the present town of Ogdensburgh
That this route was well known, is shown from the statement
of Weld, that, “It is said that both the Hudson and Oswegotchie
River are capable of being made navigable for light batteaux
to where they approach within a short distance, about four miles.”
All of these branches of the Hudson are interrupted by falls.
Still another way was now and then taken, after having
crossed the Mohegans, namely, by Long Lake which feeds Racket
River, that empties into the St. Lawrence, at St. Regis, opposite Cornwall.
Again, numerous accounts have been furnished the writer, in
which the traveler followed the military highway to Lower Canada,
by Whitehall, Lake Champlain, Fort Ticonderoga, Plattsburgh,
and then turning northward proceeded to Cornwall. But this
way was the common one to Lower Canada, and by the Sorel. This
historic route was no doubt long used by the Indians, before the
European trod it, and Champlain at an early period penetrated to
the lake, to which his name is forever attached. Along this road
passed many a military expedition; and during the wars between
the colonies of France and England, here ebbed and flowed the
tide of strife. The rebellion of 1776 witnessed Burgoyne with his
army sweep by here westward to meet his disastrous fate; and
thereafter set in the stream of refugees and loyalists, which ceased
not to flow for many a year, along this path.
While the great majority of the loyalists who came to Canada,
followed one or other of the routes above mentioned, there were
some who came around by the Atlantic, and up the St. Lawrence.
There were at least two companies, one under the leadership of
Captain Grass, and one under Captain Van Alstine, who sailed from
New York in ships under the protection of a war vessel, shortly
before the evacuation by the British forces in 1783.
Directing our attention to the territory north of Lake Ontario,
and the Upper St. Lawrence, we find some interesting facts relative
133to the original Indian paths; sometimes, followed on hunting and
fishing expeditions, and sometimes in pursuit of an enemy. There
is evidence that the Mohawks, upon the southern shore of Lake
Ontario, were accustomed to pass across the waters, to the northern
shores by different routes. Thus, one was from Cape Vincent to
Wolfe Island, and thence along its shore to the west end, and then
either to Cataraqui, or up the Bay Quinté, or perhaps across to Amherst
Island, where, it seems, generally resided a Chief of considerable
importance. A second route, followed by them, in their frail bark
canoes, was from a point of land somewhat east of Oswego, called
in later days Henderson’s Point, taking in their way Stony Island,
the Jallup Islands, and stretching across to Yorkshire Island, and
Duck Island, then to the Drake Islands, and finally to Point
Traverse. Following the shore around this point, Wappoose Island
was also reached; or, on the contrary, proceeding along the shore
westward they reached East Lake. From the northernmost point
of this lake they directed their steps, with canoes on their heads,
across the carrying place to the head of Picton Bay, a distance of
a little over four miles. It is interesting to notice that upon the
old maps, by the early French navigators, the above mentioned
islands are specified as “au des Couis;” while at the same time the
Bay of Quinté bears the name of Couis, showing unmistakably that
the Mohawk Indians passed by this way to the head waters of
the bay and to the Trent River. Herriot designates one of these
islands, Isle de Quinté. Two maps in the Imperial library of Paris,
give these islands, above mentioned, the name of Middle Islands,
and the waters east of them are named Cataraqui Bay. It is
not at all unlikely that Champlain, when he first saw Lake
Ontario, emerged from the water of East lake. Again, instead of
entering the Bay Quinté with a view of passing up the River Moira,
or Trent, they would continue along the south shore of Prince
Edward, past West Lake and Consecon Lake, and proceed westward,
sometimes to the river at Port Hope, sometimes further west, even
to the Don, and ascend some one of the rivers to the head waters
of the Trent or Lake Simcoe. The early maps indicate Indian
villages along at several points. Owing to the dangerous coast
along the south shore of Prince Edward, sometimes they chose the
longer and more tedious route through the Bay Quinté to its head.
That here was a common carrying place is well attested by the statements
of many. Indeed, at this point upon the shores of the lake
was an Indian village of importance. An old graveyard here, upon
134being plowed, has yielded rich and important relics, showing that
the Indians were Christianized, and that valuable French gifts had
been bestowed.
It would seem from a letter of DeNonville, that there were two
ways to reach Lake Huron from Lake Ontario: one by the Bay
Quinté and the Trent; the other by the way of the Don River and
Lake Simcoe, called by him “Lake Taranto.” In the selection of
routes they were guided by Indians.
The route by the Trent and the Bay Quinté was for many a day
regarded as the most direct, and the best route to Lake Huron, even
since the settlement by Europeans. Its supposed importance was
sufficient to lead to the attempt to construct a canal with locks, to
make it navigable. Gourlay says, sometime after the war of 1812,
that “in course of time it may become an object of importance to
connect Rice Lake by a canal with Lake Ontario direct, instead of
following the present canoe route by its natural outlet into the Bay
Quinté.”
The Marquis DeNonville, in 1685, moved on the Five Nations
with his little army in canoes, in two divisions. On the 23rd June,
one-half proceeded on the south side from the fort Cataraqui, and
the other on the north side of the lake, and met near Oswego.
Now, there can be no doubt, that the latter party crossed the bay
to Indian Point, passed along its southern shore, then across the bay
by Wappoose Island, and then around, or crossing Point Traverse
struck far into the lake, by the islands which constituted the guides
of this early Indian route. It may be that this was so commonly
traveled that the old name of Point Traverse was thus derived.
We have indicated the several routes followed by the Indians,
the French, the English, and finally by the Refugees, so far as
relate to the territory now comprising Upper Canada, that is by
which it was originally reached and settled. Beside, there were
some who found their way by land from the head waters of the
Susquehanna to Lake Erie and Niagara. But the vast majority of
pioneers of Upper Canada entered by the channels aforesaid.
For many years, the only road from Lower Canada was by the
St. Lawrence, ascending wearily up the dangerous rapids in canoes
and batteaux; and it will be found that the lots in the first townships
were surveyed narrow in order to secure a water frontage to
as many as possible, because there was no other means of transit
than by water. But those who settled in the second concessions, a
year or two later, were obliged to tread the length of the long front
135lots, in order to reach the water. At the same time the communication
with Lower Canada, up and down the rapids, was
attended with many hazards and inconveniences. It consequently
became a matter of no little importance to have a road through
the settlements to Montreal, which might be traveled by horse,
a King’s highway from the eastern Provincial line. It was,
however, some years after the first settlement before this was
secured. The original survey for a road was made by one
Ponair, assisted by one Kilborne. “The opening” Sherwood
says, “of this road from Lower Canada to Brockville and thence to
Cataraqui, a distance of 145 miles, was an event long remembered
by the pioneers. At the end of each mile was planted a red cedar
post with a mark upon it indicating the number of miles from the
Provincial line.”—(See First Years of Upper Canada—Construction
of Roads).
Contents—Indians traveled by foot or by canoe—Secreting canoes—Primeval
scenes—Hunting expeditions—War path—In 1812—Brock—A night at
Myers’ Creek—Important arrival—The North West Company—Their canoes—Route—Grand
Portage—The Voyageurs—The Batteaux—Size—Ascending
the rapids—Lachine—A dry dock—Loyalists by batteaux—Durham boats—Difficulties—In
1788, time from Lachine to Fredericksburgh—Waiting for
batteaux—Extracts from a journal, travelling in 1811—From Kingston to
Montreal—The expenses—The Schenectady boats—Trade between Albany
and Cataraqui—The Durham boat—Duncan—Description of flat-bottomed
boat by “Murray”—Statement of Finkle—Trading—Batteaux in 1812—Rate
of traveling—The change in fifty years—Time from Albany to Bay Quinté—Instances—Loyalists
traveling in winter—Route—Willsbury wilderness—Tarrying
at Cornwall—The “French Train”—Traveling along north
shore of Ontario—Indian path—Horseback—Individual owners of batteaux—Around
Bay Quinté—The last regular batteaux—In 1819—“Lines” from
magazine.
Having pointed out the several general routes by which the aborigines
and the first Europeans in America, were wont to traverse the
country from the seaboard to the far west, and indicated more particularly
the smaller paths of the Indians around the Bay Quinté and
Lake Ontario, we purpose glancing at the means by which they made
their way through the wilderness.
136The Native had but two modes of transporting himself from place
to place; namely, by foot and by the canoe. He was trained to make
long expeditions upon the war-path, or after prey. When his course
lay along a water way, he employed his birch canoe. This being
light, he could easily ascend rapids, and when necessary, lift it from
the water, and placing it, bottom upward, upon his head, carry it
around the falls, or over a portage with the greatest facility. When
upon the chase, or about to attack a foe, the canoe was so carefully
secreted, that the passing traveler would never detect its whereabouts.
The French and English at the first followed this Indian mode of
traveling. From the graphic descriptions which are given to us by
the early writers of this Indian mode of traveling in America, ere
the sound of the axe had broken upon the clear northern air, and
while nature presented an unbroken garment of green, it is not difficult
to imagine that scenes of Indian canoe traveling were in the
extreme picturesque. It is not necessary to go beyond the Bay
Quinté, to find a place where all the natural beauty was combined with
the rude usages of the aboriginal inhabitant, to create a picture of
rare interest and attraction. In those primeval times there was no
regular passage made between one part of the country and another.
The Indian in his light canoe glided along here and there, as his
fancy led him, or the probability of obtaining fish or game dictated.
At certain seasons of the year there was a general movement, as they
started off on their hunting expeditions; and at other times the
warriors alone set out, when only intent upon surprising the hated
foe. On these occasions one canoe would silently and swiftly follow
in the wake of the other, until the place of debarkation was reached.
For a long time the birch canoe was the only mode of traveling, and
when the French came with their batteaux, the canoe continued for
a long time the principal means of transit. Even so late as the war
of 1812, canoes were employed, and many of the gallant ones who
fought and conquered the conceited and unscrupulous Yankee
invader, found their way to the front by the swift birch bark.
Company after company of Red Coats were to be seen plying the
trim paddle as the canoe sped on its way. We have it on good
authority that Major General Brock, at the reception of the intelligence,
that the United States had declared war against Great Britain,
set out from Lower Canada in a birch canoe, and with a companion
and their boatman, journeyed all the way to York, followed by a
regiment of soldiers. Incidents of this passage are yet related by
the living. He reached Belleville, or as it was then called
137Myers’ Creek, late one night, after having been traveling for some
time without rest. With his companion, he went ashore and sought
a place to sleep. They entered the public house of Captain Mc——,
and after examining a room, decided to sleep there the night. But
the host, hearing an unusual noise, rushed into the room demanding
who was there. The General’s companion, with the quickness, and
in language somewhat characteristic of the army of that time, told
him he would kick him to h—ll in a minute. Captain Mc—— somewhat
disconcerted at the threat and tone of authority walked out,
and meeting the boatman, ask him who the parties were. Upon
being informed, he rushed away in a state of great alarm, not daring
to shew himself again to the General. The house is still standing.
The following notice is from the Kingston Gazette.
“York, April 29, 1815.”
“On Sunday evening last arrived in this town from Burlington,
in a birch canoe, Lieutenant General Sir George Murray Knight,”
&c., &c.
Gourley, speaking of Lachine, says that “from Lachine the
canoes employed by the North West Company in the fur trade take
their departure. Of all the numerous contrivances for transporting
heavy burthens by water, these vessels are perhaps the most extraordinary:
scarcely anything can be conceived so inadequate from the
slightness of their construction, to the purpose they are applied to,
and to contend against the impetuous torrent of the many rapids that
must be passed through in the course of a voyage. They seldom
exceed thirty feet in length, and six in breadth, diminishing to a sharp
point at each end, without distinction of head or stern; the frame is
composed of small pieces of some very light wood; it is then covered
with the bark of the birch tree, cut into convenient slips, that are
rarely more than the eighth of an inch in thickness; these are sewed
together with threads made from the twisted fibres of the roots of a
particular tree, and strengthened where necessary by narrow strips of
the same materials applied on the inside; the joints in the fragile
planking are made water-tight, by being covered with a species of
gum that adheres very firmly, and becomes perfectly hard. No ironwork
of any description, not even nails, are employed in building
these slender vessels, which, when complete, weigh only about five
hundred weight each. On being prepared for the voyage, they
138receive their lading, that for the convenience of carrying across the
portages is made up in packages of about three-quarters of a hundred
weight each, and amounts altogether to five tons, or a little more,
including provisions, and other necessaries for the men, of whom from
eight to ten are employed to each canoe; they usually set out in
brigades like the batteaux, and in the course of a summer, upwards
of fifty of these vessels are thus dispatched. They proceed up the
Grand, or Ottawa River, so far as the south-west branch, by which,
and a chain of small lakes, they reach Lake Nippissing; through it,
and down the French River into Lake Huron; along its northern
coast, up the narrows of St. Mary, into Lake Superior, and then, by
its northern side, to the Grand Portage, a distance of about 1,100
miles from the place of departure. The difficulties encountered in
this voyage are not easily conceived; the great number of rapids in
the rivers, the different portages from lake to lake, which vary from
a few yards to three miles or more in length, where the canoes must
be unladen, and with their contents carried to the next water,
occasion a succession of labors and fatigues of which but a poor
estimation can be formed by judging it from the ordinary occupations
of other laboring classes. From the Grand Portage, that is
nine miles across, a continuation of the same toils takes place in bark
canoes of an inferior size, through the chain of lakes and streams
that run from the height of land westward to the Lake of the Woods,
Lake Winnipeg, and onwards to more distant establishments of the
company in the remote regions of the north-west country. The men
are robust, hardy, and resolute, capable of enduring great extremes
of fatigues and privation for a long time, with a patience almost
inexhaustible. In the large lakes they are frequently daring enough
to cross the deep bays, often a distance of several leagues, in their
canoes, to avoid lengthening the route by coasting them; yet, notwithstanding
all the risks and hardships attending their employment,
they prefer it to every other, and are very seldom induced to relinquish
it in favor of any more settled occupation. The few dollars
they receive as the compensation for so many privations and dangers,
are in general, dissipated with a most careless indifference to future
wants, and when at an end, they very contentedly renew the same
series of toils to obtain a fresh supply.”
“The batteaux,” says Ex-Sheriff Sherwood, “by which the
refugees emigrated, were principally built at Lachine, nine miles
from Montreal. They were calculated to carry four or five families,
with about two tons weight. Twelve boats constituted a brigade,
139and each brigade had a conductor, with five men in each boat, one of
which steered. The duty of the conductor was to give directions for
the safe management of the boats, to keep them together; and when
they came to a rapid they left a portion of the boats with one man
in charge. The boats ascending were doubly manned, and drawn by
a rope fastened at the bow of the boat, leaving four men in the boat
with setting poles, thus the men walked along the side of the river,
sometimes in the water, or on the edge of the bank, as circumstances
occurred. If the tops of trees or brush were in the way they would
have to stop and cut them away. Having reached the head of the
rapid the boats were left with a man, and the others went back for
others,” and so they continued until all the rapids were mounted.
Lachine was the starting place, a place of some twenty dwelling
houses. Here Mr. Grant had a dry dock for batteaux.
It was by these batteaux, that the refugees, and their families,
as well as the soldiers and their families passed from the shores of
Lake Champlain, from Sorel, and the St. Lawrence, where they had
temporally lived, to the Upper Province. It was also by these, or
the Skenectady, or the Durham boat, that the pioneers made their
transit from Oswego.
Thus it will be seen that to gain the northern shore of the St.
Lawrence and Lake Ontario, was a task of no easy nature, and the
steps by which they came were taken literally inch by inch, and were
attended with labor hard and venturesome. Records are not wanting
of the severe hardships endured by families on their way to their
wooded lands. Supplied with limited comforts, perhaps only the
actual necessaries of life, they advanced slowly by day along dangerous
rapids, and at night rested under the blue sky. But our fathers
and mothers were made of stern stuff, and all was borne with a noble
heroism.
This toilsome mode of traveling continued for many a year.
John Ferguson, writing in 1788, from Fredericksburgh to a friend
in Lower Canada, Lachine, says of his journey, “after a most tedious
and fatiguing journey I arrived here—nineteen days on the way—horrid
roads—sometimes for whole days up to the waist in water or
mire.” But the average time required to ascend the rapids with a
brigade was from ten to twelve days, and three or four to descend.
One can hardly conceive of the toilsome hours formerly spent in
passing from Kingston, or the seventh and eighth townships of the bay
to Montreal, and back. Before setting out, the traveler would make
elaborate preparations for a journey of several weeks. There was no
140regular traffic, and only an occasional batteaux, laden with simple
articles of merchandise, would start for the head waters of the bay.
Individuals would often wait, sometimes a long time, for these opportunities,
and then would work their passage, by taking a hand at the
oars. Even up to the present century, it was the custom.
The following is a most interesting instance of batteaux traveling
which has been placed in our hands by the Rev. Mr. Miles. It gives
one an excellent idea of traveling at the beginning of the present
century. “I left Kingston on the 6th of April, 1811, but as the
traveling then was not as it is now, I did not arrive in Montreal till
the 15th. I will just copy verbatim, the journal I kept on my passage.
Durham boats were scarce on the Canada side at that time,
but it was thought if I could get to the American shore, I would find
one on its way to Montreal. Well, I found a man in Kingston, just
from Grindstone Island, who had brought up some shingles and tar
to sell, and he told me if I could get to Briton’s Point, several miles
down the river from Cape Vincent, and to which place he would take
me, that he thought I would find a Durham boat there, and the
following is my journal on that route.
“Grindstone Island, April 11th, 1811.—Left Kingston yesterday,
April 6th, at 3 p.m., in an open skiff, with R. Watson, a clerk in
Dr. Jonas Abbott’s store, and two hands belonging to the skiff—head
wind—rowed hard till about eight in the evening, when having
blistered both hands, and being very much fatigued, we drew our skiff
on shore, and camped on the shore of Long Island, about five miles
above Grindstone Island—wind strong from the north—very cold
and without victuals or fire—feet wet—slept some, walked some, and
by daybreak was somewhat chilled. Strong head wind. Stuck close
to our dear lodgings till about eight, when the wind abated, and we
stuck to our oars till about eleven o’clock, when we made Grindstone
Island, weary, and very hungry—eat a hearty dish of “sapon” and
milk—rested about an hour—set off for Briton’s tavern on the
American shore, where we arrived about 4 p.m., the water being
entirely calm. Had not been on shore ten minutes, as good luck
would have it, before we engaged a passage for Cornwall in a Durham
boat, and a breeze coming up directly from the south, our American
boats immediately hoisted sail and proceeded about thirty miles,
when the wind changed, and we put into a bay on Grenadier Island,
about nine in the evening—eat some supper at a house owned
by Mr. Baxter—spread a sail upon the floor, and seven boatmen and
four passengers camped down before the fire. In the morning I felt
141my bones as though they had been lying on the soft side of a hard
rough floor. April 8, head wind still. Wished myself either at
Kingston or Montreal. April 9, still a head wind. Must take it as
it comes. Reading and writing the order of the day. At 7 p.m.,
hoisted sail. At one a.m., arrived at a house on the Canada shore,
and slept on the floor till daylight. April 10, left for Ogdensburg,
where we arrived at 3 p.m. Found an old acquaintance and passed
the afternoon quite agreeably. April 11, had a good night’s rest.
Still a head wind. Found the printing office and composed types the
greater part of the day. April 12, still a head wind. April 13, left
Ogdensburg and arrived at Cornwall. April 14, left Cornwall and
arrived at M’Gee’s, Lake St. Francis. April 15, left M’Gee’s and
arrived at Montreal about 8 p.m. Traveling expenses from Kingston
to Montreal $9.75.”
With the later coming refugees was introduced another kind
of flat bottomed boat. It was generally small and rigged with an
ungainly sail. It was generally built at the Town of Schenectady,
and hence the name. Schenectady is a German word, and means
pine barren. Families about to come to Canada would build one or
more to meet their requirements. There was never a large number
of this particular kind of boat. Those that were to be seen, were
upon the bay.
With the opening up of trade between Albany and Upper Canada,
was introduced still another kind of vessel, which was adapted
to the use of merchants, engaged in the carrying trade. One of the
earliest traffickers from the Mohawk River to the lakes by the Durham
boats was Duncan, of Augusta, who was, as will be seen, one
of the first Legislative Councillors of Upper Canada. He finally removed
to Schenectady. It is said that he introduced the trade
between the Mohawk and Buffalo which led to the construction of
the Erie Canal.
A writer, speaking of the boats used by the Canadians, says,
the largest boats used by the Canadian boatmen is called the Durham
boat, “used here and in the rapids of the Mohawk. It is long,
shallow, and nearly flat bottomed. The chief instrument of steerage
is a pole ten feet long, shod with iron, and crossed at short intervals
with small bars of wood like the feet of a ladder; the men place
themselves at the bow, two on each side, thrust their poles into the
channel, and grasping successively the wooden bars, work their
way toward the stern, thus pushing on the vessel in that direction.”
(Murray).
142Mr. Finkle remarks that “the first mode of conveyance for
travelers from Montreal to Kingston, after the settlement of Upper
Canada, was by Canadian batteaux laden with merchandize (at this
time there was no separate conveyance).” The return cargo consisted
of barrels of flour, peas, potash, north-west packs of furs,
&c.; the men and conductors employed in this business were Lower
Canadians. This mode of conveyance continued without interruption
until 1809, when the Durham boats came from the Mohawk
River and embarked in the carrying trade only between Montreal
and Kingston. Being of commodious size, far above the batteaux,
they materially interfered with them and lessened the trade by the
batteaux. The men who managed the Durham boats came with
them from the Mohawk River, these boats were entirely manned by
men from that country.
The flat bottomed boat continued in use until some time after
the war of 1812. Until the canal along the St. Lawrence was
constructed it was the only way by which merchandize could be
transported to the Upper Province through the rapids of the St.
Lawrence. After the establishment of York as the capital of Upper
Canada, there sprung up naturally, a trade between Kingston and
the “muddy” capital, and regular batteaux communication was, after
a little, established. Once a week the solitary boat left Kingston,
and slowly made its way by oars, up the bay to the Carrying Place
over which it was hauled by Asa Weller, a tavern keeper, upon low
wheels or trucks drawn by oxen, and then continued its way along
the shore of Ontario, to its destination. These boats carried not only
merchandize but passengers. Beside the regular batteaux there were
occasionally others, owned by small merchants and pedlars. It was
by the flat bottomed boat and canoe that many of the troops
ascended to the head of the lake in 1812, and by which many of
the 1000 prisoners taken at Detroit were conveyed to Quebec. The
rate of speed of the batteaux or Durham boat, as well as the
Skenectady boat, can be approximated from the statement of “A
traveller,” writing in 1835. He says, “the line of boats which start
from Albany to Skenectady, on their way to Upper Canada, go two-and-a-half
miles an hour, taking in stoppages—charging one-and-a-half
cents per mile, including board.” This mode of traveling is
preferred by large families and prudent settlers.
The conveniences of traveling then, as well as the time required,
are so widely different from what we are accustomed to in this day,
that we have to pause and wonder at the change which even fifty
143and sixty years have wrought. Even after Upper Canada had become
somewhat settled, it was a momentous matter for a family to
set out from the Hudson for Cataraqui, or the Bay Quinté, as they
generally called the settlement in those days. For instance, Mr.
Lambert, of Sophiasburgh, who came in 1802, was six weeks on the
way between Albany and the bay, coming by the Mohawk and
Oswego Rivers, and crossing from “Gravelly Point” to “Isle
Tanti.” We will give another instance:—Nicholas L., came from
New Jersey with seven sons and two daughters. It took a month
to come. Having reached Schenectady they waited to build a
batteaux. This completed, they stored away provisions to last them
until Cataraqui was reached. They also brought with them iron
kettles, with which to make maple sugar, and “a churn full of
honey.” Mr. L., being a fanning mill maker, he brought also a
quantity of wire gauze. At Oswego, the fort there being still held
by the British, they were strictly questioned as to the use intended
to be made of the kettles and gauze. Satisfaction being given on
this point, the family continued their tedious journey along the
shore toward Kingston. Barely escaping being wrecked off Stony
Island, they at last reached the north shore. Three days more of
weary rowing up the bay, and Hay Bay was reached, where they
settled.
The loyalists not alone came in summer, by batteaux or the
Schenectady boat; but likewise in winter. They generally followed,
as near as possible, some one of the routes taken in summer. To
undertake to traverse a wilderness with no road, and guided only by
rivers and creeks, or blazed trees, was no common thing. Several
families would sometimes join together to form a train of sleighs.
They would carry with them their bedding, clothes, and the necessary
provisions. We have received interesting accounts of winter
journeyings from Albany along the Hudson, across to the Black
River country, and to the St. Lawrence. Sometimes the train would
follow the “military road” along by Champlain, St. George, and
as far as Plattsburgh, and then turn north to the St. Lawrence, by
what was then called the Willsbury wilderness, and “Chataguee”
woods. At the beginning of the present century there was but one
tavern through all that vast forest, and this of the poorest character.
Indeed it is said that while provision might be procured for the
horses, none could be had for man. Those who thus entered Canada
in winter found it necessary to stay at Cornwall until spring. Two
or more of the men would walk along the St. Lawrence to the bay
144Quinté, and, at the opening of navigation, having borrowed a batteaux
descend to Cornwall for the women, children, and articles brought
with them. Often, indeed generally unacquainted with the use of
the boat, the passage up and down the river was tedious and toilsome.
While the families and sleighs were transported in the
batteaux the horses were taken along the shore by the larger boys,
if such there were among them. The “French train” was occasionally
employed in their winter travels. It consisted of a long
rude sleigh with several horses driven tandem style, this allowed
the passage among the trees to be made more easily.
Many very interesting reminiscences are known of traveling
along the bay by the pioneers. A few are adduced.
Travelers from Montreal to the west would come by a
batteaux, or Durham boat, to Kingston. Those who had business
further west, says Finkle, “were conveyed to Henry Finkle’s in
Ernest town, where they commonly stopped a few days. Thence
they made their journey on horse back. A white man conducted
them to the River Trent, where resided Colonel Bleecker who was
at the head, and had control of all the Mississauga Indians, and
commanded the entire country from the Trent to Toronto. At
this place the traveler was furnished with a fresh horse and an
Indian guide to conduct him through an unsettled country, the road
being little better than a common Indian path, with all its windings.
The road continued in this state until about the year 1798. Sometimes
the traveler continued his way around the head of the lake on
horse back to Queenston, where resided Judge Hamilton.
During the time the surveyors were laying out the townships
of the bay, batteaux occasionally passed up and down, supplying
the staff with their requirements, or perhaps with some one looking
for a good tract of land.
In 1790 a batteaux was owned by Mr. Lambert, of the eighth
township, and Mr. Ferguson, writing from Kingston to Mr. Bell,
wished him to borrow it, to come to Kingston.
Among the first to use batteaux as a mode of traffic, was Captain
Myers. He sailed one up and down the bay to carry, not only
his own freight, but for the accommodation of others. He frequently
went to Kingston, and now and then to Montreal, the
mode pursued, was to charge for freight down, and then give the
passenger a free passage back. This was followed for many years,
145with great profit. The Captain was accustomed to make the
journey as pleasant as possible to the passengers. He always kept
his grog in his “caboose,” and would deal it out to all. There was
no doubt much of jollity and pleasant yarn-spinning, during the
long passages upon the tranquil waters of the bay. Captain Myers
subsequently owned a schooner.”
A letter written 11th November, 1790, by John Ferguson, to
Wm. Bell, of Sidney, says, “As I suppose Mr. Lounsbury’s boat is
idle, I would be glad that you would endeavour to borrow or hire it
and Sherrard’s son and come down to the third township.”
When persons had gone down the bay, and were expected to
return upon a certain night, there would often be a fire kindled on
the shore to guide them homeward. In dark nights this was really
necessary. Many were the expedients resorted to make short cuts.
The feat of swimming horses over the bay was now and then
resorted to by the Wallbridges after they settled in Ameliasburgh.
Wishing to go to Kingston, they would go down to the point where
the bay is narrow, and swim the horses across to Ox Point, and then
ride to Kingston by a bridle path. It would now and then happen at
a late period, that a traveler passing to his place of settlement would
have a lumber waggon. This would be ferried across the bay by
placing it across two log canoes. Referring to swimming the bay by
a horse, a colored man, yet living within the neighbourhood of
Belleville, remembers when a boy, to have been put upon a horse,
and then to have obeyed orders to swim him across the bay. This
occurred near Belleville.
Long after steamboats were started on the bay, the batteaux
continued to ply between Belleville and Montreal. The last to sail
these was Fanning and John Covert. In 1830, Fanning arrived at
Montreal from Belleville so early as to present his bills of laden
upon the first of April. The following business notice cannot fail
to be interesting:
“The subscribers having established a line of Durham Boats
from this place, propose forwarding from the different ports of the
lake to that of Montreal, on the following terms, viz.:
“From York, Niagara, Queenston, and the head of the lake, for
each barrel of Flour delivered at the Port of Montreal, 5s. and 6d.
“From Kingston, to the Port of Montreal, for each barrel of
Flour, 4s. and 6d.
“From York, Niagara, Queenston, and the head of the lake, for
each barrel of Potash delivered at the Port of Montreal, 12s. and 6d.
146“From Kingston to the Port of Montreal, for each barrel of
Potash, 10s.
“From York, Niagara, Queenston, and the head of the lake, for
each barrel of Pork delivered at the Port of Montreal, 8s. and 3d.
“From Kingston to the Port of Montreal, for each barrel of
Pork, 6s. and 9d.
“Merchandize will be transported by the same means from
Lachine to Kingston, at the rate of 5s. per cwt.
“An elegant Passage Boat will also leave Kingston every tenth
day for Montreal, which will be fitted up in the most commodious
manner and prevent any delay to passengers leaving the upper part
of the lake in the Steam Boat Frontenac, it having been built for the
purpose of leaving this place immediately after her arrival.
“These arrangements will take effect at the opening of the navigation,
and be continued during the season.
“Thomas Markland.
“Peter Smith.
“Lawrence Herkimer.
“John Kerby.
“William Mitchell.
“Kingston, February, 1819.”
Respecting the Canadian Batteaux, the following is from the
Boston Weekly Magazine of an old date.
“Lines written while at anchor in Kingston Harbour, Lake
Ontario, on hearing from several Canadian boats entering from the
St. Lawrence—their usual songs.
Hark! o’er the lakes unruffled wave,
A distant solemn chant is sped;
Is it some requiem at the grave?
Some last kind honor to the dead?
‘Tis silent all—again begin;
It is the wearied boatman’s lay,
That hails alike the rising sun,
And his last soft departing ray.
Forth from yon island’s dusky side,
The train of batteaux now appear,
And onward as they slowly glide,
More loud their chorus greets the ear.
But, ah! the charm that distance gave,
When first in solemn sounds their song
Crept slowly o’er the limpid wave,
Is lost in notes full loud and strong.
Row, brothers row, with songs of joy,
For now in view a port appears;
No rapids here our course annoy,
No hidden rocks excite our fears,
Be this sweet night to slumber given,
And when the morning lights the wave
We’ll give our matin songs to heav’n,
Our course to bless, our lives to save.”
147
Contents—The first Vessel—The French—La Salle—The Griffon—Vessels in
1770—During the Rebellion—Building at Carleton Island—Captain Andrews—The
Ontario—Col. Burton—Loss of the Ontario—The Sheehans—Hills—Givins’—Murney’s
Point—Schooner ‘Speedy’—Mohawk—Mississauga—Duke
of Kent—Capt. Bouchette—Paxton—McKenzie—Richardson—Earle
Steele—Fortiche—The Governor Simcoe—Sloop ‘Elizabeth’—First vessel
built at York—Collins’ Report upon Navigating the Lakes—Navy in Upper
Canada, 1795—Rochfoucault—Capt. Bouchette—Officers’ Pay—York, the
centre of the Naval Force—Gun Boats—The Loss of the “Speedy”—Reckoner—Dr.
Strachan—Solicitor-Gen. Gray—Canada took the lead in building
Vessels—First Canadian Merchant Vessel—The York—A Schooner on runners
around the Falls—Sending Coals to Newcastle—Upon Bay Quinté—The
Outskirts of Civilization—“The Prince Edward” built of Red Cedar—in
1812—Schooner “Mary Ann”—1817—Capt. Matthews.
The first vessels, with sails, which navigated the waters of the
lakes, were built by the French, to pursue their discoveries, and to
carry on the fur trade. The first sailing vessel launched upon the
Lakes, was built by LaSalle. He, with Father Hennepin and Chevalier
de Tonti, set sail from Cataraqui, on the 18th November,
1678, for the mouth of the Niagara river, having on board his bark
goods, and material for building a brigantine on Lake Erie. During
the winter the vessel was commenced, six miles above the Falls,
and was launched by the middle of summer, amid great display and
ceremony. The vessel was named “Griffon,” according to Garneau;
but Father Hennepin says “Cataraqui.” “She was a kind of brigantine,
not unlike a Dutch galliot, with a broad elevated bow and
stern, very flat in the bottom; she looked much larger than she
really was. She was of sixty tons burden. With the aid of tow-lines
and sails the Niagara river was, with difficulty, ascended; and
on the 7th August, 1679, the first vessel that ever sat upon the
lakes, entered Lake Erie.” The end of this vessel was a sad one.
(See Introduction).
We are indebted to the Detroit Tribune for the following interesting
statements:
“In 1766 four vessels plied upon Lake Erie. These were the
“Gladwin,” “Lady Charlotte,” “Victory,” and “Boston.”
“The two latter laid up in the fall near Navy Island, above
Niagara Falls, and one of them was burned accidentally, November
30, of the same year. A vessel called the “Brunswick,” owned and
commanded by Captain Alexander Grant, made her appearance on
148the lakes during the year 1767, and was lost some time during the
season following. Captain Grant was the Commodore of the lakes
for two or three years. In 1769 Sterling and Porteous built a vessel
at Detroit, called the “Enterprise,” Richard Cornwall, of New York,
being the carpenter. The boatmen, who went from Schenectady
with the rigging and stores for this vessel to Detroit, were to have
each £20, and ten gallons of rum. They were seventy days on
Lake Erie, and two of the number perished from hunger, and their
bodies were kept to decoy eagles and ravens. They returned to
New York in February, 1760, by way of Pittsburgh, then called Fort
Pitt.
“In May, 1770, a vessel of seventy tons burthen was launched
at Niagara, called the “Charity.” The same year the Duke of
Gloucester, Secretary Townsend, Samuel Tutchet, Henry Baxter,
and four others, formed a company for mining copper on Lake
Superior. In December they built at Point Aux Pins, a barge, and
laid the keel for a sloop of forty tons burthen. Of the success of
this enterprise we are not informed. Subsequent to the above
period very little was accomplished in the construction of craft for
lake navigation, and the few that came into commission were used
solely as traders, as were in fact, all those previously named. A
short time after, 1770, batteaux from Montreal and Quebec, employed
by the Hudson’s Bay Fur Company, made their annual tours westward,
gathering large quantities of furs, and returning homeward
in the fall. It has been stated that the first vessel built on Lake
Ontario was in 1749, but this, we have reason to believe, is not
correct.”
During the Revolutionary War, the British Government built
at Carleton Island, a few vessels to carry troops and provisions from
place to place along the Lake, from Carleton Island to Niagara.
The first Commissioner at the Dock Yard was Commodore James
Andrews, Lieutenant in the Royal Navy. The “Ontario,” a war
vessel of considerable importance, carrying 22 guns, was built at
Carleton Island. This vessel was commanded by Capt. Andrews.
Some time between 1780 and 1783, as the “Ontario” was proceeding
from Niagara to Oswego with a detachment of the King’s Own
regiment, commanded by Colonel Burton, with other officers, a
storm arose at night, and the vessel was lost with all on board. Col.
John Clark, in his memoirs, whose father belonged to the 8th regiment,
says this event happened in 1780 or ‘81, in which belief he is
supported by Mr. Sheehan, a descendant of Capt. Andrews: but other
149authority has it that the event took place in 1783. At all events,
the occurrence produced a melancholy effect, which long remained
in the minds of those acquainted with the circumstances. Captain
Andrews left a widow, a son, and two daughters. The son returned
to Scotland, the daughters married and settled in Canada. The
Sheehans, Hills, and Givins are descendants of Captain Andrews’
daughters, whose husbands had been in the army.
After the settlement of Kingston, the Government built vessels at
Murney’s Point, and at Navy Point. Among the first built here was
the Schooner “Speedy,” and also the “Mohawk” and “Mississauga,”
and “Duke of Kent.” Among the first commanders of vessels,
most of whom were of the Royal Navy, were Capt. Bouchette, Capt.
Paxton, Capt. McKenzie, Capt. Richardson, Capt. Earle, Capt.
Steele and Capt. Fortiche.
“The first vessel built for trade upon Lake Ontario,” that is
after Upper Canada was settled, “may have been the ‘Governor
Simcoe,’ for the North West Company; after she was worn out and
laid up, Judge Cartwright, who was agent for the Company at
Kingston, built another for that Company, and one for himself, both
built at the same time, side by side, on Mississauga Point, at the
mouth of Cataraqui Creek. Both were launched on the same day;
the one for the Company named “Governor Simcoe,” and the other
“Sloop Elizabeth.” These were built during my stay with Judge
Cartwright, in 1808.
“The first, and only vessel for many years, built at York, was a
small schooner about forty-five tons. Built by two brothers named
Kendrick.”—(Finkle.)
The survey made by Deputy Surveyor-General Collins, at the
request of Lord Dorchester, in 1788, included an examination of
the lakes and harbors from Kingston to Michilmicinac. In reference
to the lakes and vessels, the Surveyor says:—“Vessels sailing
on these waters being seldom for any length of time out of sight of
land, the navigation must be considered chiefly as pilotage, to which
the use of good natural charts is essential and therefore much
wanted. Gales of wind, or squalls, rise suddenly upon the lakes,
and from the confined state of the waters, or want of sea-room, (as
it is called), vessels may in some degree be considered as upon a lee
shore, and this seems to point out the necessity for their being built
on such a construction as will best enable them to work to windward.
Schooners should, perhaps, have the preference, as being rather
safer than sloops, they should be from 80 to 100 tons burthen on
150Lake Ontario, and 50 tons burthen on Lakes Erie and Huron; but
if not intended to communicate between these two lakes, they may
then be the same size as on Lake Ontario; and if this system is
approved there can be no necessity to deviate from it unless an
enemy should build vessels of greater magnitude or force; but
as the intent of bringing any such forward, at least the building of
them can never remain a secret, there may be always time to counteract
such a design by preparing to meet them at least on equal
terms. It does not seem advisable, nor do I know any reason to
continue the practice of building vessels flat bottomed, or to have
very little draft of water, they are always unsafe, and many of the
accidents which have happened on the lakes, have perhaps, in some
degree been owing to that construction. On the contrary, if they
are built on proper principles for burthen as well as sailing they
will be safer, and will find sufficient depth of water proportioned
to any tonnage which can be requisite for them upon these lakes.”
Respecting the navy in Upper Canada, Rochfoucault writes
in 1795: “The Royal Navy is not very formidable in this place;
six vessels compose the whole naval force, two of which are small
gun-boats, which we saw at Niagara, and which are stationed at
York.” Two small schooners of twelve guns, viz., the “Onondaga,”
in which we took our passage, and the “Mohawk,” which is just
finished; a small yacht of eighty tons, mounting six guns as the
two schooners, which has lately been taken into dock to be repaired,
form the rest of it. All these vessels are built of timber fresh cut
down, and not seasoned, and for this reason last never longer than
six or eight years. To preserve them, even to this time, requires a
thorough repair; they must be heaved down and caulked, which
costs at least from one thousand, to one thousand two hundred
guineas. This is an enormous price, and yet it is not so high as on
Lake Erie, whither all sorts of naval stores must be sent from
Kingston, and where the price of labor is still higher. The timbers
of the Mississauga, which was built three years ago, are almost all
rotten. It is so easy to make provision for ship-timber for many
years to come, as this would require merely the felling of it, and
that too at no great distance from the place where it is to be used,
that it is difficult to account for this precaution not having been
adopted. Two gun-boats, which are destined by Governor Simcoe
to serve only in time of war, are at present on the stocks; but the
carpenters who work at them are but eight in number. The extent
of the dilapidations and embezzlements, committed at so great a
151distance from the mother country, may be easily conceived. In
the course of last winter a judicial enquiry into a charge of this
nature was instituted at Kingston. The Commissioner of the navy
and the principal ship-wright, it was asserted, had clearly colluded
against the King’s interest; but interest and protection are as
powerful in the new world as in the old: for both the Commissioner
and ship-wright continue in their places.
“Captain Bouchette commands the naval force on Lake Ontario,
and is at the head of all the marine establishments, yet without the
least power in money matters. This gentleman possesses the confidence
both of Lord Dorchester and Governor Simcoe; he is a
Canadian by birth, but entered the British service when Canada
fell into the power of England.
“While Arnold and Montgomery were besieging Quebec, Lord
Dorchester, disguised as a Canadian, stole on board his ship into
that city, on which occasion he displayed much activity, intrepidity,
and courage. It is not at all a matter of surprise that Lord Dorchester
should bear in mind this eminent service. By all accounts
he is altogether incorruptible, and an officer who treats his inferiors
with great mildness and justice.
“In regard to the pay of the Royal Marine force on Lake Ontario,
a captain has ten shillings a day, a lieutenant six, and a second lieutenant
three shillings and sixpence. The seamen’s wages are eight
dollars per month. The masters of merchantmen have twenty-five
dollars, and the sailors from nine to ten dollars a month.
“Commander Bouchette is among those, who most strenuously
oppose the project of moving to York, the central point of the force
on the lake; but his family reside at Kingston, and his lands are
situated near that place. Such reasons are frequently of sufficient
weight to determine political opinions.”
Again, says the same writer, “Governor Simcoe intends to make
York the centre of the naval force on Lake Ontario. Only four gunboats
are at present on this lake, two of which are constantly employed
in transporting merchandise; the other two, which alone are fit to
carry troops and guns, and have oars and sails, are lying under
shelter until an occasion occurs to convert them to their intended
purpose. It is the Governor’s intention to build ten smaller gunboats
on Lake Ontario, and ten on Lake Erie. The ship carpenters,
who construct them, reside in the United States, and return home
every winter.”
“On the 7th October, 1807, Mr. Justice Cochrane, Mr. Gray, the
152Solicitor General, and Mr. Agnus McDonald, embarked at York,
with several other passengers in the Speedy, a government schooner,
commanded by Captain Paxton, for the purpose of going to Newcastle
where the Assizes were to be held on the 10th. The vessel was seen
a few miles from her destined port on the evening of the 8th. The
wind commenced to blow, and the schooner was never heard of more.
There were pieces picked up on the opposite shore. Mr. Cochrane
was young in years, but not in piety.” The above is extracted from
the Kingston Gazette, written by “Reckoner,” which was the name
under which Dr. Strachan contributed to that paper. Colonel Clark,
of Dalhousie, says “I recollect the loss of the Speedy,” and he
remarks of Solicitor General Gray, that he was “a noble character,
noted for his sympathy on behalf of abolishing slavery.” He says
that there were upwards of twenty passengers; among them he
mentions Jacob Herkimer, a merchant of York.
It will be seen that Canada took the lead in building the early
vessels upon the lakes. The first American ship that navigated Lake
Erie, was purchased from the British in 1796. She was called the
Detroit. The first vessel built by the Americans, for the lakes, was
constructed in 1797. The first Canadian merchant vessel built upon
Lake Ontario, was by Francis Crooks, brother of the Hon. James
Crooks. It was built to the east of the present United States fort, at
the mouth of the Niagara river, in 1792, and was called the “York.”
She was wrecked at Genesee river. In 1800 a schooner of about 75
or 100 tons, was brought to Clifton, and during the winter of 1801 she
crossed by the portage road on immense runners to Queenston, where
she again found her native element in the Niagara river. She was,
in 1804, lost in bringing a cargo to Niagara, with all on board.—(Clark.)
It is a curious fact that in the American war of 1812, the British
“Admiralty sent out the frame work, blocks, &c., of the Psyche frigate,
which could have been procured on the spot in the tenth of the
time and a twentieth part of the expense. At the same time there
was furnished to each ship of war on Lake Ontario, a full supply of
water casks, with an apparatus for distilling sea water,” forgetting the
fact that the waters of the lake were of the purest quality.
Directing our attention to the waters of the bay Quinté, it is found
that until after 1812, but few sailing vessels entered the upper waters,
although found east of Picton Bay. Strange as it may appear at the
present day, there was a time when the head of Picton Bay, or Hay
Bay, was regarded as the head of the bay, and the very outskirts of
153civilization, while going up the Long Reach, to the Mohawk tract was
looked upon like going to the Red River at the present day. The
settlers above were too few, and their requirements too limited for a
sailing vessel to ascend, unless occasionally to the Napanee mills.
But as time passed, sloops and schooners, as well as batteaux found
employment along the western townships.
In the first year of the present century, there was built in the
township of Marysburgh, a short distance west of the Stone mills, a
schooner of some celebrity. It was built by Captain Murney, father of
the late Hon. Edward Murney, of Belleville. Captain Murney came to
Kingston in 1797, at the solicitation of Mr. Joseph Forsyth. It was
constructed for himself, and was made altogether of red cedar, a kind
of wood formerly very plentiful along the bay, and which possesses a
most agreeable odor, and is extremely durable. The vessel was
named the Prince Edward. John Clark, of Dalhousie, says of this
vessel, that he was on board the following year of her building, and
that she was a “staunch good ship, with an able captain.” Her size
was sufficient to allow 700 barrels of flour to be stowed beneath her
hatches. She ran upon Lake Ontario for many years, and made for
her owner a small fortune. She was in good condition in 1812, and
was employed by government as an armed vessel. A schooner called
Prince Edward, probably the same, Captain Young, was the first
vessel to land at the pier when erected at Wellington.
The Kingston Gazette, April 12, 1817, says: “On Thursday,
20th inst. at three o’clock p.m., arrived at Ernesttown, in the Bay of
Quinté, the schooner Mary Ann, Captain J. Mosier, in twenty hours
from York, and at this port yesterday afternoon with fourteen passengers,
of whom eleven were members of the Provincial Parliament.
This is the seventh voyage this vessel has made this season, to the
great credit of her master. The Mary Ann sailed again in about
half an hour for the Bay Quinté.”
One of the early vessels upon the bay was commanded by
Matthews, father of the rebel of 1836, who was executed.
DIVISION III. THE LOYALISTS AS PIONEERS—THE ORIGINAL SURVEY. — CHAPTER XV. — THE FIRST SURVEYS IN UPPER CANADA. — SURVEYING AROUND BAY QUINTÉ. — CHAPTER XVI. — CONCESSION OF LANDS TO THE FRENCH. — CONCESSION OF LANDS TO THE LOYALISTS. — FAMILY LANDS AND ADDITIONAL BOUNTY. — CERTIFICATE OF THE ACTING SURVEYOR. — CHAPTER XVII. — THE SETTLEMENT OF UPPER CANADA. — THE FIRST SETTLERS. — CLEARING THE LAND.
154
Contents—Major Gen. Holland—Surveying on Atlantic Coast—An adherent of
the Crown—Removal to Montreal—Death—Major Holland—Information
from “Maple Leaves”—Holland Farm—Taché—First Canadian Poem—Head
Quarters of Gen. Montgomery—Hospitality—Duke of Kent—Spencer
Grange—Holland Tree—Graves—Epitaphs—Surveyor Washington—County
Surveyor—Surveyors after the War—First Survey in Upper Canada—Commenced
in 1781—The Mode pursued—Information in Crown Lands
Department—The Nine Townships upon the St. Lawrence—At the close of
the War—Non-Professional Surveyors—Thomas Sherwood—Assisting to
Settle—Surveying around the Bay Quinté—Bongard—Deputy-Surveyor
Collins—First Survey at Frontenac—Town Reserve—Size of Township—Mistakes—Kotte—Tuffy—Capt.
Grass—Capt. Murney—Surveying in Winter—Planting
Posts—Result—Litigation—Losing Land—A Newspaper Letter—Magistrates—Landholders—Their
Sons’ Lawyers—Alleged Filching—Speculators
at Seat of Government—Grave Charges—Width of Lots—Mode of
Surveying—Number of Concessions—Cross Roads—Surveyors Orders—Numbering
the Lots—Surveying around the Bay—The ten Townships—Their
Lands—The Surveying Party—A Singer—Statement of Gourlay.
Among those who distinguished themselves at Louisburg and
on the Plains of Abraham under General Wolfe, was Major Samuel
Holland. Sabine says, he was “Surveyor-General of the Colonies
north of Virginia.” In 1773 he announced his intention to make
Perth Amboy, near Jersey, his head-quarters, and wrote to a gentleman
there to inquire for houses to accommodate himself and his
assistants. He then completed the surveys as far west as Boston.
Proposed in 1774 to get round Cape Cod, and to New London, and
said it would be at best six years before he should be able to finish
his labors. In 1775, he wrote Lord Dartmouth that he was ready
to run the line between Massachusetts and New York. By a communication
laid before the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in
July, 1775, it appears that he had loaned to Alex. Shepard, Jun.,
who was also a surveyor, a plan or survey of Maine, which Shepard
disliked to return, fearing that it might be used in a manner prejudicial
to the Whig cause, as Holland was an adherent of the
Crown, and then in New Jersey. Congress recommended to
155Shepard to retain Holland’s plan. Major Holland went to Lower
Canada, where he resumed his duties of Surveyor-General, in which
capacity he served nearly fifty years. He died in 1801, and at the
time of his decease he was a member of the Executive and Legislative
Councils.
It was under Surveyor Holland that the first surveys were made
upon the banks of the St. Lawrence and the Bay of Quinté. Major
Holland was a gentleman of education, and known for his social and
amiable qualities. We are indebted to the author of “Maple
Leaves,” J. M. LeMoine, Esq., for information respecting Surveyor
Holland. Extending from the brow of St. Foy heights along St.
Louis Road at Quebec, was a piece of land of 200 acres which was
known as the Holland Farm. This farm had belonged to a rich
merchant of Quebec, Mon. Jean Taché, who wrote the first Canadian
Poem, “Tableau de la Mer.” He was the ancestor of the late
Sir E. Taché. About the year 1740 he built upon an eminence a
high peaked structure, which, during the seige of Quebec, was the
head quarters of Gen. Montgomery. This place was bought by
Gen. Holland in 1780, who lived there in affluence for many years,
subsequent to the close of the war, 1783. The elite of Quebec were
wont to resort here to enjoy his hospitality, and in 1791, he entertained
Edward, afterward Duke of Kent, the father of our Queen.
This place is now known as Spencer Grange; but the old building
has long since been removed to be replaced by the present well-known
mansion. From the St. Foy Road may be seen a fir tree
known as the Holland Tree. Under that tree are several graves,
which some years ago were inclosed with a substantial stone wall,
with an iron gate. But now only the foundation remains. Two of
the graves had neat marble slabs, with the names of Samuel Holland
senior, and Samuel Holland, junior. “Here rest Major Surveyor
Holland, and his son, who was killed in a duel at Montreal, by Major
Ward of the 60th Regiment,” by a shot from one of a brace of
pistols presented to Major Holland by Gen. Wolfe. This farm is
now in possession of the military authorities.
At the time of the rebellion the land of the thirteen Colonies
was, in many cases, still unsurveyed, or so imperfectly laid out that
frequent demands were made for the professional surveyor. In the
very nature of things pertaining to the settlement of America, there
was a general demand for surveyors. The country was constantly
being opened up. Some of the most prominent men of the day had
been surveyors. Gen. Washington commenced life as a country
156surveyor. In the war, both on the rebel and British sides, were to
be found professional surveyors engaged in fighting. Consequently
when the war terminated, there was no lack of surveyors to carry
on the work of surveying the wilderness of Upper Canada. We
have seen that Major Holland held the position of Surveyor-General,
and there was duly appointed a certain number of deputies and
assistants.
Even while the war was in progress, steps seem to have been
taken to furnish the refugee Loyalists with new homes, upon the
land still lying in a state of nature. The land in Lower Canada being
in the main held by the French Canadians, it was deemed expedient
to lay out along the shores of the upper waters a range of lots for their
use. In pursuance of this, the first survey of land was made by order
of Gen. Clarke, Acting Governor, or Military Commander, in 1781.
Naturally the survey would commence at the extreme western point
of French settlement. This was on the north bank of Lake St.
Francis, at the cove west of Pointe au Bodet, in the limit between
the Township of Lancaster, and the seigniory of New Longueil.
We have reason to believe that the surveyor at first laid out
only a single range of lots fronting upon the river. In the first
place a front line was established. This seems to have been done
along the breadth of several proposed townships. In doing this it
was desirable to have as little broken front as possible, while at the
same time the frontage of each lot remained unbroken by coves of
the river or bay. We are informed by the Crown Land Department
that in some townships there could, in recent days, be found no
posts to indicate the front line, while the side lines in the second
concession were sufficiently marked.
The original surveyor along the St. Lawrence evidently did not
extend his operations above Elizabethtown, which was called the
ninth township, being the ninth laid out from New Longueil. This
is apparent from the fact that while Elizabethtown was settled in
1781, the next township above, that of Yonge, was not settled until
two years later. The quality of the land thence to Kingston was
not such as would prove useful to the poor settler, and therefore was
allowed for a time to remain unsurveyed. Hence it came that Cataraqui
was the commencement of a second series of townships distinguished
by numbers only. These two distinct ranges of townships,
one upon the St. Lawrence numbering nine, and one upon the
Bay numbering ten, were, when necessary, distinguished apart by
the designation, the “first,” “second,” or “third” Township “upon
157the St. Lawrence,” or “upon the Bay of Quinté,” as the case might
be.
It is impossible to say how far the work of surveying had progressed
from Lake St. Francis westward, before the close of the
war; it is very probable, however, that only a base line had been
run, and some temporary mark placed to indicate the corners of
each township. Such, indeed, is shown to be the case by the statement
of Sheriff Sherwood, who says that his father Thomas Sherwood,
who had been a subaltern in the 84th Reg., and who actually located
on the first lot in the first concession of Elizabethtown, “was often
called upon to run the side lines of the lots” for the settlers as they
came one after another, and “to shew them their land.” Mr. Sherwood
was not a professional surveyor, but “he had the instruments
and practically knew well how to use them, and he was ever ready
to give his assistance and instructions to the new comers.”
In the year 1783, Major Holland, Surveyor-General of Canada,
received instructions from Sir Frederick Haldimand, Governor of
the Province of Quebec, to proceed on duty to Western Canada.
Prior to this, we have observed, there had been commenced a range
of lots laid out at the easternmost limits of what now forms Canada
West, to the extent of nine townships. Yet evidence is wanting
that this range had been completed at the period stated. Holland
set out with a sufficient staff of assistants and attachés, to simultaneously
lay out several of the proposed townships along the St.
Lawrence, and the Bay of Quinté. The party passed up the St.
Lawrence, ascending the rapids in a brigade of batteaux manned by
French boatmen. Surveyor Holland had, as his personal attendant,
—— Bongard, who had been in the artillery under General Reidezel,
of the Foreign Legion. From the son of this person, now living
in Marysburgh, valuable information has been obtained, much of
which has been substantiated by legal documents, published in connection
with the law report of the trial respecting the Murney estate
and the town of Kingston. Mr. Bongard says that Holland, as he
passed up, detailed a deputy to each of the townships, stopping first
at Oswegotchie, opposite Prescott, and that he passed up as far as
the fourth township upon Bay Quinté, where he pitched his tent,
and where he continued to hold his head-quarters, receiving the
reports of the various Deputy-Surveyors as they were from time
to time brought in. While it seems most probable that Holland
158came to the Upper Province in 1783, it is possible that he remained
in Lower Canada until the spring of 1784, having deputed Surveyor
Collins to commence a survey westward from the fort at Frontenac;
or perhaps he visited that place with Collins whom he left
to carry on the work during this first year.
Whether Surveyor-General Holland visited Fort Frontenac in
the year 1783, or not, it was Deputy-Surveyor John Collins who
made the first survey of the first township, and of the original town
plot of Kingston. According to the sworn testimony of Gilbert
Orser, who assisted Collins, in the year 1783, as well as others, the
township was surveyed first, and the town plot afterward; although
it appears that Holland’s instructions were, first “to lay out proper
reservations for the town and fort, and then to proceed and lay out
the township, six miles square.” The lots were to contain each
200 acres, to be 25 in number, each range. Mr. Collins placed a
monument, it is averred, “at the south-east angle of lot 25, from
which a line was run northerly the whole depth of the Township,
six miles, where another stone monument was placed, making a
line of blazed trees throughout.” From this, it would seem, he continued
to survey the township, leaving the land for the town, which
he, no doubt, thought extensive enough, to be laid out into town
lots, and leaving 40 feet of land, which was to form a road between
the town and township. Respecting this line and lot 25, there has
been a great deal of litigation. As nearly as the facts can be
gathered, the following statement may be regarded as correct:
After Collins had completed the survey of the township, and
had even made his returns, to the effect that it contained 25 lots, of
200 acres, he was importuned, or ‘induced by the Commanding
Officer at Fort Frontenac,’ to make lot 25 contain only 100 acres,
that more ground might thereby be had for the proposed town.
More than this, it seems that there was some mistake in the said
eastern side line, so as to subsequently limit lot 25 to even less
than 100 acres. And, Capt. Michael Grass, when he took possession
of this lot, in 1784, found that this line was inaccurately run.
Deputy-Surveyor Kotte was requested to examine it; and finding
there was an error, made representations to Government, who sent
persons to correct it. One Deputy-Surveyor Tuffy was directed to
re-survey the line, and he gave more land to lot 25. However,
there was yet some error, which was a source of great trouble.
Capt. Michael Grass sold this lot to Capt. Murney, who, subsequently
finding it did not contain the amount of land which the patent
assumed, applied legally for his rights.
159The surveying party, among whom were some of those who
subsequently settled in the township, and who must have belonged
to Capt. Grass’ company of refugees, returned to Sorel, where they
spent the winter. At least this is the testimony of one of the
grand-children of Capt. Grass. But if the surveying party did,
this winter of 1783–4, retire from their work to Lower Canada, it
appears unlikely they did the following winter. Indeed there are
indications that surveying went on during the winter. In laying
out the Townships, special attention was given to make the lots
front squarely upon the Bay. In the winter the base line could be
more closely run by the water edge upon the ice, than in summer,
through the woods. We are informed, at the Crown Lands Department,
that in some townships no posts or other marks had at first
been found in the re-survey, although such were to be found in the
2nd concession. The inference was, that the posts planted in
winter by the water, had, in the spring or summer been washed
away, in the course of time. This, as may be supposed, led in time
to great confusion, and no little litigation. For many years there
was much trouble to establish the land marks all along the front;
and cases are not wanting where it has been charged that fraudulent
removals of posts were made. The straightforward settler,
while engaged in his daily and yearly round of toil, thought not of
the side lines of his farm, fully believing that a survey had been
definitely fixed by marks that could not be altered, and too often
when plenty and comfort had come, he was startled to find some
one claiming some of his cleared or uncleared land. Although conscious
that such and such were the boundaries of the land granted
to him, it was not so easy to prove that such was the case. The
annoyances of these direct and indirect attempts to disinherit,
may easily be imagined. In this connection, the following letter
may be given as exemplifying the feelings, if not the facts—perhaps
both—which belonged to those days. It appeared in the
Kingston Gazette in 1816, over the signature “A.”
“Sir,—The situation of the old settlers in the Province of
Upper Canada, is truly deplorable. These people settled in the
wilds of Canada, then the Province of Quebec, under the surveys
made by the acting Surveyor-General. Landmarks being established
for the guidance of their improvements: no deeds were given
them until the Parliament of Great Britain altered the Quebec bill,
arranged a new constitution, similar to that they had lost during
the rebellion, in the Province of New York, from whence they
160chiefly came to settle at Frontenac, now Kingston. After cultivating
the country agreeably to those surveys for twenty years or
more, deeds are issued to cover those lots, drawn and cultivated as
above mentioned. The Surveyor-General, David William Smith,
Speaker of the House of Assembly, knowing that these deeds were
filled up by guess, the survey never having been made complete,
wisely provided an Act of the Legislature to prevent the
deeds from moving the old land-marks. This Act provides that
when thirty freeholders apply to the Magistrates in session they
shall make an assessment and collect the money to enable the
Surveyor-General to erect monuments, in order to preserve their
ancient land-marks and boundaries. What is the reason that this
Act has not been complied with? Are the Magistrates all landholders
and their sons Lawyers?
“An order from the Governor has lain in the Surveyor-General’s
office ever since the year 1801 for monuments to be erected
in the Township of Kingston, agreeable to the intention of that Act.
Why will not the Magistrates do their duty? The consequence
is, that the licensed Surveyor, John Ryder, is running new lines every
day, and moving the land-marks of the old settlers. People who
have come into the country from the States, marry into a family,
and obtain a lot of wild land, get John Ryder to move the land-marks,
and instead of a wild lot, take by force a fine house and
barn and orchard, and a well cultured farm, and turn the old Tory,
(as he is called) out of his house, and all his labor for thirty years.
“These old settlers have suffered all that men could suffer; first
in a seven years’ rebellion in the revolutionized colonies; then came
to a remote wilderness, some hundred miles from any inhabitant—not
a road, not a cow, or an ox, or a horse to assist them; no bread
during the winter, they wintered first at Cataraqui. A little pease
and pork was all they could get until the ice gave way in the spring
of 1785.
“The King, as an acknowledgment and mark of his approbation
for the loyalty and sufferings of his faithful subjects, ordered lands
to be granted them free from expense, and marked each man’s
name with the letters U. E., with a grant annexed to each child as
it became of age, of two hundred acres of the waste lands of the
crown.
“Now these children cannot get these lands agreeably to the
intention of Government. They must sell their right to a set of
speculators that hover round the seat of Government, or never get
161located. Or if they should have the fortune to get a location
ticket, it is situated on rocks, and lakes, and barren lands, where
they are worth nothing at all; the good lots being marked by the
Surveyors, and located by those U. E. rights they have so purchased.
“Now, Sir, was I a scholar, I might draw you a much better
description of this wickedness. But I have lived to see thirteen
colonies, now States of America, severed from the British empire by
the mal-administration of justice in the civil government of those
colonies; the people’s minds were soured to that degree that a few
designing men overthrew the Government.”
“After the conquest of Canada, the king ordered a thousand
acres of land to be granted to each man. The land was granted; but
the people to whom it was granted were deprived by a set of speculators,
from ever getting a foot, unless they became tenants to those
who, in a manner, had robbed them of their rights.”
While the lots were generally made twenty chains in width, a
few of the first townships were but nineteen, and consequently of
greater depth to make the 200 acres, and the concessions were proportionally
wider.
The base line being established, a second one, parallel thereto, was
made at a distance generally of a mile and a quarter, allowance being
made in addition, for a road. It is more than likely that in many
townships the second line, or concession, was not immediately run out.
The settlers could not easily traverse even a mile of woods, and for a
time accommodation was made only at the front. But within a year,
in most townships, the second row of lots had been surveyed and
partially occupied. At the front line was always an allowance for a
road of sixty feet, as well as at the second line for one of forty feet.
The range of lots between the front and the second lines as well as between
the second and third, and so on, was called a Concession, a term
derived from the French, having reference to their mode of conferring
land in the Lower Province, and peculiar to this country. Each concession
was divided into lots of 200 acres each, the dividing lines being at
right angles with the concession lines, and a quarter of a mile distant
from each other. At intervals of two or three miles, a strip of forty
feet between two lots was left, for a cross road. In Ameliasburgh it
seems that this was neglected. The number of concessions depended
on circumstances. Along the St. Lawrence, they numbered to even
fifteen or sixteen. Along the bay they were seven and eight. Adolphustown
has only four. The irregular course of the Bay Quinté, and the
fronting of the townships upon its waters, gave rise to great irregularity
162in the interior lots, and produced a large number of Gores.
This may be noticed more especially in Sophiasburgh, and indeed
throughout all of Prince Edward district.
Respecting the provision made for cross roads, Alex. Aitkins,
who was Deputy Surveyor of Midland district for many years, says
under date, 1797, in respect to the township of Sophiasburgh, “Mr.
Kotte’s orders 1785, were from Deputy Surveyor General, Mr. Collins,
who was then at Kingston, to lay off cross roads between every six
lots as he had done in the eastern part of the province, from township
number one, now Charlotteburgh, to township number eight
Elizabethtown, and, of no doubt, they would be found at the waters’
edge on the Bay Quinté.”
By looking at the township maps of the bay, it will be seen that
the lots of the first three townships, are numbered from west to east,
while as we have seen, the townships were numbered from east to west.
It is inferred from this fact that the surveyor conducted his survey along
the front, planting posts to mark the division of lots, and leaving
allowance for roads, but did not complete the concessions until the
breadth of the townships had been determined, when it was done
from west to east, the lots being numbered accordingly.
The surveyor continued to chain the front, upon the north shore of
the bay, until he reached the turn in the bay at the western point of
Adolphustown. This portion of territory was divided into four townships.
The surveyor then crossed the bay and proceeded from the
Upper Gap, to lay out lots in an irregular manner upon the water, along
the bay and the lake to, and around Smith’s Bay, and along Black
Creek; also upon the east shore of Picton Bay. This constituted the
fifth township. Following the bay shore of Prince Edward peninsula
from Picton Bay, along the High Shore and around Green Point, another,
the sixth township, was laid out; the lots always fronting on the
bay. Still following the bay, the seventh township was created, the
western boundary of which brought the surveyor to the head of the
bay, or Carrying Place.
Turning eastward along the north shore of the bay, the eighth
township was laid out. Likewise, the ninth township, which brought
the surveyor to a tract of land which had been reserved for, and given
to the faithful Mohawk Indians. Passing by the present township of
Tyendinaga, still another township was laid out fronting upon the
Mohawk Bay, and Napanee River. This constituted the tenth township,
Richmond. Thus the surveyors had made a complete circuit of
163the bay. These townships were, for many a day, designated by the
numeral prefix; even yet may be found gray haired individuals who
speak of them in no other way. Subsequently, however, these townships
had given to them respectively, the royal names of Kingston,
Ernest town, Fredericksburgh, Adolphustown, Marysburgh, Ameliasburgh,
Sophiasburgh; and the noble ones of Sidney, Thurlow,
and Richmond.
There would at the present time, be nothing so interesting to the
settlers of the bay, than to read a diary of the events connected with
the original survey. Surveying the wilderness is weary work at any
time; but when the persons who take part in striking the lines
and fixing the boundaries, have constantly in mind that when their
survey is completed, they cannot return to civilization and the comforts
of a home, but that they have to remain to become citizens of
the forest, they must experience many a heart pang. Yet
there seems to have been a lightheartedness with most of them. The
camp fire at night witnessed many pleasant hours of jovial pass-time.
Singing, storytelling, wiled away agreeably many an hour. Accompanying
Collins’ surveying party, was one Purdy, who gained no
little renown as a capital singer.
We will close our remarks upon the original survey by giving
the statement of Gourlay. He says that “such was the haste to get
land surveyed and given away, that ignorant and careless men were
employed to measure it out, and such a mess did they make of their
land measuring, that one of the present surveyors informed me that
in running new lines over a great extent of the province, he found
spare room for a whole township in the midst of those laid out at an
early period. It may readily be conceived, upon consideration of
this fact, what blundering has been committed, and what mistakes
stand for correction.”
164
Contents—The term Concession—First Concession of Land in Canada—The
Carignan Regiment—Seigniories—Disproportion of the sexes—Females
sent from France—Their appearance—Settling them—Marriage allowance—The
last seigniory—New Longeuil—Seigniory at Frontenac—Grants to
Refugees—Officers and men—Scale of granting—Free of expense—Squatting—Disbanded
soldiers—Remote regions—A wise and beneficent policy—Impostors—Very
young officers—Wholesale granting of land—Republicans
coming over—Covetous—False pretensions—Government had to discriminate—Rules
and regulations—Family lands—Bounty—Certificates—Selling
claims—Rear concessions—Transfer of location ticket—Land board—Tardiness
in obtaining titles to real estate—Transfer by bond—Jobbing—Sir
Wm. Pullency—Washington—Giving lands to favorites—Reserves—Evil
results—The Family Compact—Extract from Playter—Extract from Lord
Durham—From Gourlay—Recompense to Loyalists—Rations—Mode of
drawing land—Land Agent—Broken front—Traitor Arnold—Tyendinaga.
It has been stated that the term concession, as well as the system
of granting land to disbanded soldiers, was derived from the French.
The first concession of lands to soldiers took place in 1665, to the
Carignan Regiment, a name derived from a Prince of the house of
Savoy, which came to New France with the first Viceroy. It was a
distinguished corps in the French Infantry, having won renown on
many a bloody field, and carried death to many an Iroquois Indian.
The Indians having sought peace from the French, leave was granted
to this regiment to permanently settle in the New World. Titles to
land was conferred according to rank, and as well, sums of money to
assist in the clearing of land. “The officers, who were mostly
noblesse obtained seigniories with their late soldiers for vassals.” The
settlement of this body of men increased the disproportion between
the males and females in Canada. The home government considerately
took steps to remedy this abnormal state of things and despatched
“several hundred from old France.” They “consisted of tall, short,
fair, brown, fat and lean.” These females were offered to such of
the men as had means to support a wife. In a few days they were
all disposed of. The Governor-General then distributed to the newly
married ones “oxen, cows, hogs, fowls, salted beef,” as well as
money.—(Smith.)
The original grants of land by the French Government under
the feudal system, was into seigniories. These were subdivided into
parishes, “whose extents were exactly defined by De Vandreuil and
Bigon, September 1721.” For these grants of seignioral tenure, certain
acts of fealty were to be performed, pursuant to the custom of Paris.
165After the British supremacy, grants of land were still made by government
in Lower Canada. The last seigniory was conferred by the
French in April, 1734, to Chevalier de Longeuil, and is known as
New Longeuil. It constitutes the western boundary of the Lower
Province.
We have elsewhere seen that the first person, other than the natives,
to possess land in Upper Canada, was De la Salle, the discoverer of
the Mississippi River, to whom was granted a seigniory at Cataraqui,
of four leagues, including the fort, and the islands in front of the
four leagues of territory. Wolfe, Gage and Amherst Islands.
At the close of the war in 1783, it was determined by government
to confer grants of land to the refugee loyalists in Canada, on
the same scale to officers and men as had been done after the conquest
of Canada, 1763, with the exception that all loyalists under the rank of
subaltern were to receive 200 acres. The grants to the disbanded
soldiers and loyalists, were to be made free of every expense.
In some of the townships, the settlers were squatting along the
St. Lawrence and Bay Quinté, until late in the summer and fall of 1784,
waiting to know the location of their lots. This might easily be, as
although the forest had been surveyed, the lots had not been numbered.
So, although the refugee soldier had his location ticket for a certain
lot, it was often a long tedious time before he could know its precise
situation.
The front part of the first, second, third, fourth and fifth townships
upon the bay were definitely disposed of to disbanded soldiers
and refugees, formed into companies. But the lands, then considered
more remote, as along the north shore of Hay Bay, in the third and
fourth towns; in some parts of the fifth; and more particularly along
the shores of the western extremity of the bay, were at the service of
any one who might venture to settle. It was considered quite in the
remote part of the earth. Even the head of Picton Bay was considered
a place which would hardly be settled. The result was, that many of the
choice lots were taken up in the eighth and ninth towns, before they
were surveyed.
The policy pursued by the British Government, in recognizing the
services of those who served in the British army against the rebels,
and in recompensing the losses sustained by those who adhered to the
British Crown in America, was most wise and beneficent. There
were a few deserving ones in suffering circumstances, who failed to get
166the bounty so wisely granted. This sometimes was the result of the
individual’s own neglect, in not advancing his claims; sometimes the
fault of an agent who, too intent in getting for himself, forget those
entrusted to his care. While a small number thus remained without
justice, there were on the other hand, a large number who succeeded
unworthily in obtaining grants. It is no cause for wonder, that out of
the large number who composed the U. E. Loyalists, there would be
found a certain number who would not hesitate to so represent, or misrepresent
their case, that an undue reward would be accorded. Finding
the government on the giving hand, they scrupled not to take advantage
of its parental kindness. In later days we have seen the United
States, when in the throes of a great civil war, bleeding at every point
of the body politic, by the unprincipled contractors and others, who
the most loudly proclaimed their patriotism. In 1783, when a rebellion
had proved successful, and so had become a revolution, and the
nation, from which a branch had been struck off, was most anxious to
repay those who had preferred loyalty to personal aggrandizement,
we may not wonder that there were some willing to take all they
could get.
It is also related that certain officers of the regiments were in
the habit of putting each of their children, however young, upon the
strength of the regiment, with the view of securing him land, and
hence arose an expression the “Major won’t take his pap,” and
“half pay officers never die,” as the officer placed on half pay
when a year old, would long enjoy it. But it will be often found
that this mode was adopted by those in authority, as the most convenient
to confer favors upon the chief officers, although a very
ridiculous one.
For many a year no strict rules for discrimination, were
observed in the granting of lands in Canada, and the petitions
which literally crowded upon the government, were, in the main,
promptly complied with. The time came, however, when more
care had to be observed, for not a few of those who had actually
rebelled, or had sympathized with the rebels, finding less advantages
from republicanism than had been promised, and with chagrin,
learning that those, whose homesteads and lands they had assisted
to confiscate, had wrought out new homes upon land, conferred by a
government more liberal, and of a nobler mind than the parvenu
government, which had erected a new flag upon American soil,
looked now with longing, covetous eyes toward the northern country,
which those they had persecuted, had converted from a wilderness
167to comfortable homes. The trials of the first settlement had been
overcome. The occasional visit of a Canadian pioneer to his old
home in the States, where he told the pleasing tale of success, notwithstanding
their cruelty, caused some to envy their hard earned
comforts, and even led some who had been the worst of rebels, to
set out for Canada with a view of asserting their loyalty and, thereby
of procuring lands. Not a few of such unworthy ones succeeded for
a time in procuring lands. It therefore became necessary, on the
part of the government, to exact the most searching examination of
parties petitioning for land. No reference is here made to those
who came into the province in response to the invitation proclaimed
by Governor Simcoe; but to those who entered under false colors,
prior to the time of Upper Canada being set apart from Lower
Canada.
Extracts from the Rules and Regulations for the conduct of the Land
Office Department, dated Council Chamber, 17th February, 1789,
for the guidance of the Land Boards.
“4th. The safety and propriety of admitting the petitioner to
become an inhabitant of this Province being well ascertained to the
satisfaction of the Board, they shall administer to every such person
the oaths of fidelity and allegiance directed by law; after which the
Board shall give every such petitioner a certificate to the Surveyor
General or any person authorized to act as an Agent or Deputy
Surveyor for the district within the trust of that Board, expressing
the ground of the petitioner’s admission, and such Agent or Deputy
Surveyor shall, within two days after the presentment of the certificate,
assign the petitioner a single lot of about two hundred acres,
describing the same with due certainty and accuracy under his
signature. But the said certificate shall, nevertheless, have no
effect if the petitioner shall not enter upon the location, and begin
the improvement and cultivation thereof within one year from the
date of such assignment, or if the petitioner shall have had lands
assigned to him before that time in any other part of the Province.
“7th. The respective Boards shall, on petition from the Loyalists
already settled in the Upper Districts for the allotment of lands
under the instructions to the Deputy Surveyor General of the 2nd
of June, 1787, or under prior or other orders for assigning portions
to their families, examine into the grounds of such requests and
claims, and being well satisfied of the justice thereof, they shall
grant certificates for such further qualities of lands as the said
168instructions and orders may warrant to the acting Surveyors of
their Districts respectively, to be by them made effectual in the
manner before mentioned, but to be void, nevertheless, if prior to
the passing the grant in form, it shall appear to the Government
that such additional locations have been obtained by fraud, and that
of these the Boards transmit to the office of the Governor’s Secretary,
and to each others, like reports and lists as hereinbefore, as
to the other locations directed.
“8th. And to prevent individuals from monopolizing such spots
as contain mines, minerals, fossils, and conveniences for mills, and
other similar advantages of a common and public nature, to the
prejudice of the general interest of the settler, the Surveyor-General
and his Agents or Deputy Surveyors in the different districts,
shall confine themselves in the location to be made by them upon
certificates of the respective Boards, to such lands only as are fit
for the common purpose of husbandry; and they shall reserve all
other spots aforementioned, together with all such as may be fit
and useful for ports and harbours, or works of defence, or such as
contain valuable timber for ships, building or other purposes, conveniently
situated for water carriage, in the hands of the Crown,
and they shall, without delay, give all particular information to the
Governor or Commander-in-Chief for the time being, of all such
spots as are hereinbefore directed to be reserved to the Crown, that
order may be taken respecting the same. And the more effectually
to prevent abuses and to put individuals on their guard in this respect,
any certificate of location given contrary to the true intent
and meaning of this regulation is hereby declared to be null and
void, and a special order of the Governor and Council made necessary
to pledge the faith of Government for granting of any such
spots as are directed to be reserved.
“Certificate of the Board appointed by His Excellency the Governor,
for the District of ——, in the Province of Quebec, under
the rules and regulations for the conduct of the Land Office
Department.
“Dated, Council Chamber, Quebec, 17th February, 1789.
“The bearer ——, having on the —— day of ——, preferred
to the Board a Petition addressed to His Excellency the
Governor in Council, for a grant of —— acres of land in the Township
of —— in the District of ——. We have examined into
169his character and pretentions, and find that he has received ——
acres of land in the Township of ——, in the District of ——,
and that he settled on and has improved the same, and that he is
entitled to a further assignment of —— acres, —— in conformity to
the seventh articles of the rules and regulations aforementioned.
“Given at the Board at this —— day of ——, one thousand
seven hundred and ——.
“To ——
“Acting Surveyor for the District of ——.
“I assign to the bearer —— the lot No. —— in the Township
of ——, in the District of ——, containing —— acres, —— chains,
which lands he is hereby authorized to occupy and improve,
and having improved the same, he shall receive the same grant
thereof, to him and his heirs or devisee in due form on such terms
as it shall please His Majesty to ordain, and all persons are desired
to take notice that this assignment and all others of a similar nature
are not transferable, by purchase, donation or otherwise, on any
pretence whatever, except by an act under the signature of the
Board for the District in which the lands are situated, which is to
be endorsed upon this Certificate.
“Given at ——, this —— day of ——, one thousand
seven hundred and ——.
“To ——
“Acting Surveyor for the District of ——.”
But there were many a one who drew land, and never even
saw it. It was quickly, thoughtlessly sometimes, sold for little or
nothing. Sometimes for a quart of rum. The right jolly old soldier
would take no thought of the morrow. A few did not retain
their lands, because they were of little value for agricultural purposes;
but the majority because they were situated in that remote
region in the 4th or 5th concession of the third town, or away up
in the 2nd concession of sixth town, or a long way up in the
eighth town. Rear concessions of even the first and second
townships were looked upon doubtingly, as to whether the land was
worth having. Often the land would not be looked after. It not
unfrequently was the case that settlers upon the front who had drawn
land also in the rear townships, disposed of the latter, not from any
indifference as to its future value, but to obtain the immediate
170necessaries of life, as articles of clothing, or stock, or perhaps food,
or seed grain, and now and then in later days to pay taxes. The
certificates of the children, entitling them to land when of age, were
often disposed of. Even officers found it convenient, or necessary
to sell rear land to new comers, for ready money.
Thus it came to pass that a good many never took possession of
the land which a prudent Government had granted them. The
statement has been made that persons holding prominent positions
at the time, and possessed of prudent forethought, as to the value
which would in the future attach to certain lots, stood ready not
only to accept offers to sell, but to induce the ignorant and careless
to dispose of their claims. Consequently when patents were issued,
several persons became patentees of large tracts of land, which had
been drawn by individual Loyalists, whose names never appeared
in the Crown Land Office. The transfer of a certificate or
“location ticket,” consisted in the seller writing his name
upon the back of the ticket. Occasionally a ticket would
exchange hands several times, so that at last when it was presented
to obtain the deed, it was difficult to determine who was the owner.
The power to thus transfer the certificates, was allowed for several
years. But in time Government discovered the abuses which had
arisen out of it, and decided that all patents should, thenceforward,
be in the name of the person who originally drew the land. Not
unfrequently these certificates were lost. The losers, upon claiming
land, could not establish their rights; but Government, to meet
this misfortune, created a Land Board for each Township, whose
duty it was to examine and determine the claims of all who presented
them.
The following extract of a letter will explain itself:
“For the Kingston Gazette, June 1st, 1816.”
“It has long been a subject of deep regret in the minds of
judicious persons, that the inhabitants of this Province should be
so neglectful as they are in securing their titles of real estate.
When the country was first settled, the grants of land from the
crown, on account of the existing state of the Province, could not
be immediately issued. The settlers, however, drew their lots and
went into possession of them, receiving only tickets, or certificates,
as the evidence of their right to them. In the meantime, exchanges
and sales were made by transfers of the possession with bonds for
conveyances when the deeds should be obtained from the Crown
Office.
171“This practice of transferring land by way of bond, being thus
introduced, was continued by force of usage, after the cause of its
introduction was removed. In too many instances it is still continued,
although, by the death of the parties, and the consequent
descent of estates to heirs under age, and other intervening privations,
many disappointments, failures, and defects of title, are
already experienced; and the evil consequences are becoming still
more serious, as lands rise in value, become more settled and
divided among assignees, devisees, &c. In a few years this custom,
more prevalent perhaps in this Province, than elsewhere, will prove
a fruitful source of litigation, unless the practice should be discontinued.”
In connection with free grants of land, and a certain degree of
indifference as to the value, there must necessarily arise more or
less speculation or land-jobbing.
Sir William Pullency has been called the first land-jobber in
Canada. In 1791, he bought up 1,500,000, at one shilling per acre,
and soon after sold 700,000 at an average of eight shillings per acre.
But land-jobbing is not peculiar to Canada, nor has its practice
militated against the public character of eminent men, either here
or abroad. General Washington was not only a Surveyor, but an
extensive land-jobber, and thereby increased immensely his private
fortune.
We have seen elsewhere, that a few private individuals were
wont to buy the location tickets of all who desired to part with
them, or whom they could induce to sell. In this way a few individuals
came to own large quantities of land, even from the first.
Afterward, there was often conferred by the authorities, quantities
of land upon those connected with influential persons, or upon
favorites. Subsequently the mode of reserving Crown and Clergy
lands increased the evil. And it was an evil, a serious drawback;
not alone that, but favorites procured land without any particular
claim or right. The land thus held in reserve, being distributed
among the settled lots in the several townships, was waste land, and
a barrier to advancement. Each settler had to clear a road across
his lot; but the Government lots, and those held by non-residents,
remained without any road across them, except such paths as the
absolute requirements of the settlers had caused them to make. In
this way, the interests of the inhabitants were much retarded, and
the welfare of the Province seriously damaged. The existence of
the Family Compact prevented the removal of this evil, for many
172a year, while favorites enjoyed choice advantages. In 1817,
“The House of Assembly in Upper Canada took into consideration
the state of the Province, and among other topics, the injury arising
from the reserve lands of the Crown and the Clergy.” In laying
out the townships in later years, “The Government reserved in
the first concession, the 5th, 15th, and 20th lots; and the Clergy
the 3rd, 10th, 17th, and 22nd. In the second concession, the Crown
reserved the 4th, 11th, 21st, and 23rd; and the Clergy, the 2nd,
9th, and 16th. And thus in every two concessions, the Crown
would have three lots in one, and four in the other, or seven in all;
and the Clergy the same; or 14 lots reserved in every 48, or nearly
one-third of the land in each concession, and in each township. The
object of the reservation was to increase the value of such land by
the improvements of the settlers around it. The object was selfish,
as the reserve lands injured all those who did them good. It was
difficulty enough to clear up the forests; but to leave so many lots
in this forest state, was a difficulty added by the Crown. To have
one-third of a concession uncleared and uncultivated, was an injury
to the two-thirds cleared and cultivated. Large patches of forest,
interspersed with cultivated land, obstructs the water courses, the
air, and the light; nurtured wild animals and vermin destructive to
crops and domestic creatures around a farm house; and especially,
are injurious to roads running through them, by preventing the
wind and the sun from drying the moisture. Besides, no taxes
were paid by these wild lots for any public improvements; only from
cultivated lands. The Assembly, however, were cut short in their
work of complaint, by being suddenly prorogued by the Governor,
whose Council was entirely against such an investigation.
Here was the beginning of the Clergy Reserve agitation in the
Provincial Parliament, which continued for many years.”—(Playter.)
In this connection, the following extract from a report of Lord
Durham, will be found interesting:
“By official returns which accompany this report, it appears
that, out of about 17,000,000 acres comprised within the surveyed
districts of Upper Canada, less than 1,600,000 acres are yet unappropriated,
and this amount includes 450,000 acres the reserve for
roads, leaving less than 1,200,000 acres open to grant, and of this remnant
500,000 acres are required to satisfy claims for grants founded
on pledges by the Government. In the opinion of Mr. Radenhurst,
the really acting Surveyor-General, the remaining 700,000 consist
173for the most, part of land inferior in position or quality. It may
almost be said, therefore, that the whole of the public lands in
Upper Canada have been alienated by the Government. In Lower
Canada, out of 6,169,963 acres in the surveyed townships, nearly
4,000,000 acres have been granted or sold; and there are unsatisfied
but indisputable claims for grants to the amount of about 500,000.
In Nova Scotia nearly 6,000,000 acres of land have been granted,
and in the opinion of the Surveyor-General, only about one-eighth
of the land which remains to the Crown, or 300,000 acres is available
for the purposes of settlement. The whole of Prince Edward’s
Island, about 1,400,000 acres, was alienated in one day. In New
Brunswick 4,400,000 acres have been granted or sold, leaving to
the Crown about 11,000,000, of which 5,500,000 are considered fit
for immediate settlement.
“Of the lands granted in Upper and Lower Canada, upwards
of 3,000,000 acres consist of ‘Clergy Reserves,’ being for the most
part lots of 200 acres each, scattered at regular intervals over the
whole face of the townships, and remaining, with few exceptions,
entirely wild to this day. The evils produced by the system of reserving
land for the Clergy have become notorious, even in this
country; and a common opinion I believe prevails here, not only
that the system has been abandoned, but that measures of remedy
have been adopted. This opinion is incorrect in both points. In
respect of every new township in both Provinces reserves are still
made for the Clergy, just as before; and the Act of the Imperial
Parliament which permits the sale of the Clergy Reserves, applies
to only one-fourth of the quantity The select committee of the
House of Commons on the civil government of Canada reported
in 1828, that “these reserved lands, as they are at present distributed
over the country, retard more than any other circumstance
the growth of the colony, lying as they do in detached portions of
each township, and intervening between the occupations of actual
settlers, who have no means of cutting roads through the woods and
morasses, which thus separate them from their neighbours. This
description is perfectly applicable to the present state of things.
In no perceptible degree has the evil been remedied.
“The system of Clergy Reserves was established by the act of
1791, commonly called the Constitutional Act, which directed that,
in respect of all grants made by the Crown, a quantity equal to
one-seventh of the land so granted should be reserved for the clergy.
A quantity equal to one-seventh of all grants would be one-eighth
174of each township, or of all the public land. Instead of this proportion,
the practice has been, ever since the act passed, and in the
clearest violation of its provisions, to set apart for the clergy in
Upper Canada a seventh of all the land, which is a quantity equal
to a sixth of the land granted. There have been appropriated for
this purpose 300,000 acres, which legally, it is manifest, belong to
the public. And of the amount for which Clergy Reserves have
been sold in that Province, namely, £317,000 (of which about
£100,000 have been already received and invested in the English
funds,) the sum of about £45,000 should belong to the public.
“In Lower Canada, the same violation of the law has taken
place, with this difference—that upon every sale of Crown and
Clergy Reserves, a fresh reserve for the Clergy has been made,
equal to one-fifth of such reserves. The result has been the appropriation
for the clergy of 673,567 acres, instead of 446,000, being
an excess of 227,559 acres, or half as much again as they ought to
have received. The Lower Canada fund already produced by sales
amounts to £50,000, of which, therefore, a third, or about £16,000,
belong to the public. If, without any reform of this abuse, the
whole of the unsold Clergy Reserves in both Provinces should fetch
the average price at which such lands have hitherto sold, the public
would be wronged to the amount of about £280,000; and the reform
of this abuse will produce a certain and almost immediate gain to
the public of £60,000. In referring, for further explanation of this
subject, to a paper in the appendix which has been drawn up by
Mr. Hanson, a member of the commission of inquiry which I
appointed for the colonies. I am desirous of stating my own conviction
that the clergy have had no part in this great misappropriation
of the public property, but that it has arisen entirely from heedless
misconception, or some other error, of the civil government of
both Provinces.”
“The great objection to reserves for the clergy is, that those
for whom the land is set apart never have attempted, and never
could successfully attempt, to cultivate or settle the property, and
that, by special appropriation, so much land is withheld from
settlers, and kept in a state of waste, to the serious injury of all
settlers in its neighborhood. But it would be a great mistake to
suppose that this is the only practice by which such injury has
been, and still is, inflicted on actual settlers. In the two Canadas,
especially, the practice of rewarding, or attempting to reward,
public services by grants of public land, has produced, and is still
175producing, a degree of injury to actual settlers which it is difficult
to conceive without having witnessed it. The very principle of
such grants is bad, inasmuch as, under any circumstances, they
must lead to an amount of appropriation beyond the wants of the
community, and greatly beyond the proprietor’s means of cultivation
and settlement. In both the Canadas, not only has this principle
been pursued with reckless profusion, but the local executive
governments have managed, by violating or evading the instructions
which they received from the Secretary of State, to add incalculably
to the mischiefs that would have arisen at all events.
“In Upper Canada, 3,200,000 acres have been granted to “U.
E. Loyalists,” being refugees from the United States, who settled
in the province before 1787, and their children; 730,000 acres to
Militia men; 450,000 acres to discharged Soldiers and Sailors; 225,000
acres to Magistrates and Barristers; 136,000 acres to Executive
Councillors, and their families; 50,000 acres to five Legislative
Councillors, and their families; 36,900 acres to Clergymen, as
private property; 264,000 to persons contracting to make surveys;
92,526 acres to officers of the Army and Navy; 500,000 acres for
the endowment of schools; 48,520 acres to Colonel Talbot; 12,000
acres to heirs of General Brock, and 12,000 acres to Dr. Mountain,
a former Bishop of Quebec; making altogether, with the Clergy
Reserves, nearly half of all the surveyed land in the province. In
Lower Canada, exclusively of grants to refugee loyalists, as to the
amount of which the Crown Lands’ Department could furnish me
with no information, 450,000 acres having been granted to Militiamen,
to Executive Councillors 72,000 acres, to Governor Milne,
about 48,000 acres, to Mr. Cushing and another, upwards of 100,000
acres (as a reward for giving information in a case of high treason),
to officers and soldiers 200,000 acres, and to “leaders of townships”
1,457,209 acres, making altogether, with the Clergy Reserves,
rather more than half of the surveyed lands originally at the
disposal of the Crown.
“In Upper Canada, a very small proportion (perhaps less than
a tenth) of all the land thus granted, has been even occupied by
settlers, much less reclaimed and cultivated. In Lower Canada, with
the exception of a few townships bordering on the American frontier,
which have been comparatively well settled, in despite of the proprietors,
by American squatters, it may be said that nineteen-twentieths
of these grants are still unsettled, and in a perfectly wild
state.
176“No other result could have been expected in the case of those
classes of grantees whose station would preclude them from settling in
the wilderness, and whose means would enable them to avoid exertion
for giving immediate value to their grants; and unfortunately, the
land which was intended for persons of a poorer order, who might be
expected to improve it by their labor, has, for the most part, fallen
into the hands of land-jobbers of the class just mentioned, who have
never thought of settling in person, and who retain the land in its
present wild state, speculating upon its acquiring a value at some
distant day, when the demand for land shall have increased through
the increase of population.
“In Upper Canada,” says Mr. Bolton, himself a great speculator
and holder of wild land, “the plan of granting large tracts of land to
gentlemen who have neither the muscular strength to go into the
wilderness, nor perhaps, the pecuniary means to improve their grants,
has been the means of a large part of the country remaining in a state
of wilderness. The system of granting land to the children of U. E.
Loyalists has not been productive of the benefits expected from it.
A very small proportion of the land granted to them has been
occupied or improved. A great proportion of such grants were to
unmarried females, who very readily disposed of them for a small consideration,
frequently from £2 to £5 for a grant of 200 acres. The
grants made to young men were also frequently sold for a very small
consideration; they generally had parents with whom they lived, and
were therefore not disposed to move to their grants of lands, but
preferred remaining with their families. I do not think one-tenth of
the lands granted to U. E. Loyalists has been occupied by the persons
to whom they were granted, and in a great proportion of cases not
occupied at all.” Mr. Randenhurst says, “the general price of these
grants was from a gallon of rum up to perhaps £6, so that while
millions of acres were granted in this way, the settlement of the
Province was not advanced, nor the advantage of the grantee secured
in the manner that we may suppose to have been contemplated by
government.” He also mentions amongst extensive purchasers of
these grants, Mr. Hamilton, a member of the Legislative Council, who
bought about 100,000 acres. Chief Justices Emslie and Powell, and
Solicitor General Gray, who purchased from 20,800 to 50,000 acres;
and states that several members of the Executive and Legislative
Councils, as well as of the House of Assembly, were “very large
purchasers.”
177“In Lower Canada, the grants to “Leaders and Associates”
were made by an evasion of instructions which deserve a particular
description.
“By instructions to the Local Executive immediately after the
passing of the Constitutional Act, it was directed that “because
great inconveniences had theretofore arisen in many of the colonies in
America, from the granting excessive quantities of land to particular
persons who have never cultivated or settled the same, and have
thereby prevented others more industrious, from improving such
lands; in order, therefore, to prevent the like inconveniences in future,
no farm-lot should be granted to any person being master or mistress
of a family in any township to be laid out which should contain more
than 200 acres.” The instructions then invest the governor with a
discretionary power to grant additional quantities in certain cases, not
exceeding 1,000 acres. According to these instructions 200 acres
should have been the general amount, 1,200 the maximum, in special
cases to be granted to any individual. The greater part, however,
of the land (1,457,200 acres) was granted, in fact, to individuals at
the rate of from 10,000 to 50,000 to each person. The evasion of
the regulations was managed as follows: A petition, signed by from
10 to 40 or 50 persons, was presented to the Executive Council,
praying for a grant of 1,200 acres to each person, and promising to
settle the land so applied for. Such petitions were, I am informed,
always granted, the Council being perfectly aware that, under a previous
agreement between the applicants (of which the form was
prepared by the then Attorney General, and sold publicly by the law
stationers of Quebec), five-sixths of the land was to be conveyed to
one of them, termed leader, by whose means the grant was obtained.
In most cases the leader obtained the most of the land which had been
nominally applied for by fifty persons.”
Upon this subject we further give as worthy of attention, although
we will not endorse all that is said, the remarks made by Mr. Robert
Gourlay in his “Statistical Account.” He says, “when we look
back into the history of old countries, and observe how landed property
was first established; how it was seized upon, pulled about,
given away, and divided in all sorts of ways, shapes, and quantities;
how it was bequeathed, burdened, entailed, and leased in a
hundred forms; when we consider how dark were the days of
antiquity,—how grossly ignorant and savage were our remote forefathers,
we cannot be so much surprised at finding ourselves heirs
to confusion; and, that, in these old countries, entanglement continues
178to be the order of the day. But when civilized men were
quietly and peaceably to enter into the occupancy of a new region,
where all could be adjusted by the square and compass; and when
order, from the beginning, could have prevented for ever all possibility
of doubt, and dispute, and disturbance; how deplorable is
it to know, that in less than a life-time, even the simplest affairs
should get into confusion! and so it is already in Upper Canada,
to a lamentable degree. Boundaries of land are doubtful and disputed:
deeds have been mislaid, lost, unfounded, forged: they have
been passed again and again in review before commissioners: they
have been blotted and blurred: they have got into the repositories
of attornies and pettifogging lawyers; while courts of justice are
every day adding doubt to doubt, delay to delay, and confusion to
confusion; with costs, charges, cheating.
“Things are not yet beyond the reach of amendment, even in the
old settlements. In the new, what a glorious task it is to devise
plans for lasting peace and prosperity!—to arrange in such a way,
as to bar out a world of turmoil in times to come!
“The present very unprofitable and comfortless condition of
Upper Canada must be traced back to the first operations of Simcoe.
With all his honesty, and energy, and zeal for settling the Province,
he had really no sound views on the subject, and he was infinitely
too lavish in disposing of the land—infinitely too much hurried in all
his proceedings. In giving away land to individuals, no doubt, he
thought he would give these individuals an interest in the improvement
of the country,—an inducement to settle in it, and draw to it
settlers; but he did not consider the character and condition of
most of his favorites; many of them officers in the army, whose
habits did not accord with business, and less still with solitude and
the wilderness; whose hearts were in England, and whose wishes
were intent on retirement thither. Most of them did retire from
Upper Canada, and considering, as was really the case, their land
grants of little value, forgot and neglected them. This was attended
with many bad consequences. Their lands became bars to improvement;
as owners they were not known; could not be heard
of; could not be applied to, or consulted with, about any measure
for public advantage. Their promises under the Governor’s hand,
their land board certificates, their deeds, were flung about and
neglected. But mischief greater than all this, arose, is, and will
be, from the badness of surveys. Such was the haste to get land
given away, that ignorant and careless men were employed to
179measure it out, and such a mess did they make of their land-measuring,
that one of the present surveyors informed me, that in running
new lines over a great extent of the Province, he found spare room
for a whole township in the midst of those laid out at an early
period. It may readily be conceived, upon consideration of this
fact, what blundering has been committed, and what mistakes stand
for correction. Boundary lines in the wilderness are marked by
blazing, as it is called, that is, chopping off with an axe, a little
bark from such trees as stand nearest to the line. Careless surveyors
can readily be supposed to depart wide of the truth with
this blazing: their measuring chains cannot run very straight, and
their compass needles, where these are called in aid, may be greatly
diverted from the right direction by ferruginous substances in the
neighbourhood, as spoken of. In short, numerous mistakes and
errors of survey have been made and discovered: much dispute has
arisen therefrom; and I have been told infinite mischief is still in
store. It occurred to me, while in Canada, and it was one of the
objects which, had a commission come home, I meant to have
pressed on the notice of government, that a complete new survey
and map of the Province should be executed; and at the same time
a book, after the manner of Doomsday-book, written out and published,
setting forth all the original grants, and describing briefly
but surely all property both public and private. I would yet most
seriously recommend such to be set about. It might be expensive
now, but would assuredly save, in time to come, a pound for every
penny of its cost.”
We have seen elsewhere that, in the terms of peace made at Paris
when hostilities ceased, justice was not done to the American Loyalists.
But subsequently, when their claims became known to the
British public, there was uttered no uncertain sound, upon the floor
of Parliament, respecting the duty resting upon England towards the
devoted but distressed loyalists who had laid all upon the altar of
patriotism; and to the honor of England be said, every step was now
taken to provide some recompense for the United Empire Loyalists.
It is true, the old homes with their comforts and associations could
not be restored; the wilderness was to be their home, a quiet conscience
their comfort, and their associations those of the pioneer for
many a day. But, what could be done, was done by the Crown to
render their circumstances tolerable. Extensive grants of land
were granted, not alone to the disbanded soldier according to rank,
but to every one who had become a refugee. Three years supply
180of rations were allowed to all, as well as clothing; and certain implements
were furnished with which to clear the land and prepare it
for agriculture. The scale of granting lands was, to a field officer
5000 acres, captain 3000, subaltern 2000, private 200. The loyalists
were ranked, with the disbanded soldiers, according to their losses,
and services rendered, having taken the usual oath of allegiance;
and all obtained their grants free of every expense. In 1798, complaints
having been made to the Imperial Government respecting
the profuse manner of granting lands, royal instructions were given
to Gen. Hunter to limit the allowance to a quantity from 200 to
1,200. The grants of land when large, were not to be in blocks; but
few secured more than 200 acres upon the front townships. The
original mode of granting lands, at least to the soldiers, was by lot.
The process was simple. The number of each lot, to be granted in
each concession, was written on a separate piece of paper, and all
were placed in a hat and well shaken, when each one to receive
land, drew a piece of paper from the hat. The number upon the paper
was the number of his lot. He then received a printed location
ticket. In drawing lots, no one felt any particular anxiety. They
were yet unacquainted with the country, they had not seen the
land, and one number was as likely to prove as valuable as another.
It would seem that the Surveyor acted as Land Agent. Having
surveyed the lots, he prepared the ballot, and arranged the time
and place for the settlers to draw. It was no doubt this original
mode of drawing by lottery, which gave the provincial term drawing
land. We have the testimony of Ex-Sheriff Sherwood, that the
Surveyor discharged this office. He recollects “Esquire Collins;”
he was at his father’s house, and his father assisted in the matter of
drawing with those who had assembled for the purpose. The Surveyor
had a plan by him, and as each drew his lot, his name was
written immediately upon the map. Many of the plans, with names
upon them, may be seen in the Crown Land Department. Some of
the settlers upon the front acquired much more land than others by
reason of the “broken front.” It often happened that the base line,
running from one cove of the Bay to another, left between it and
the water a large strip of land. This “broken front” belonged
to the adjacent 200 acres, so that often the fortunate party possessed
even 50 or 100 acres extra.
One of the noted individuals to whom land was granted in
Upper Canada, was Arnold the Traitor. 18,000 acres was given
him, and £10,000.
181The tract of land now constituting the Township of Tyendinaga,
having been purchased from the Mississaugas, was deeded to
the Mohawks. The deed bears the date of 1804. The land is
granted to “the chiefs, warriors, people, women of the Six Nations.”
The chief, at the time they settled, was Capt. John Deserontyon.
Contents—Lines—Western Settlement, 1783—Population—Settlement upon St.
Lawrence and Bay—Number, 1784—Proclamation to Loyalists—Society disturbed—Two
kinds of Loyalists—St. Lawrence and Bay favorable for Settlement—Government
Provisions—State of the Loyalists—Serving out Rations—Clothes—Utensils
for clearing and farming—The Axe—Furniture—Attacking
a last enemy—Tents—Waiting for their Lots—“Bees”—Size of
dwellings—Mode of building—Exchanging work—Bedsteads—Clearing—Fireing
trees—Ignorance of Pioneer Life—Disposing of the Wood—No beast
of burden—Logging—Determination—All Settlers on a common ground—Additional
Refugees—Advance—Simcoe’s Proclamation, 1792—Conditions of
Grants—The Response—Later Settlers—Questionable Loyalists—Yankees
longing for Canada—Loyalty in 1812.
“CANADA.”
BY ALEXANDER M’LACHLAN.
Land of mighty lake and forest!
Where the winter’s locks are hoarest;
Where the summer’s leaf is greenest;
And the winter’s bite the keenest;
Where the autumn’s leaf is searest.
And her parting smile the dearest;
Where the tempest rushes forth,
From his caverns of the north,
With the lightnings of his wrath.
Sweeping forests from his path;
Where the cataract stupendous
Lifteth up her voice tremendous;
Where uncultivated nature
Rears her pines of giant stature;
Sows her jagged hemlocks o’er,
Thick as bristles on the boar;
Plants the stately elm and oak
Firmly in the iron rock;
Where the crane her course is steering,
And the eagle is careering,
Where the gentle deer are bounding,
And the woodman’s axe resounding;
Land of mighty lake and river,
To our hearts thou’rt dear forever!
182Thou art not a land of story;
Thou art not a land of glory;
No tradition, tale, nor song,
To thine ancient woods belong;
No long line of bards and sages
Looking to us down the ages;
No old heroes sweeping by,
In their warlike panoply;
Yet heroic deeds are done,
Where no battle’s lost or won—
In the cottage, in the woods,
In the lonely solitudes—
Pledges of affection given,
That will be redeemed in heaven.
In 1783, when a regular survey and settlement of Western
Canada commenced, the inhabitants of the Lower Province extended
westward, only a few miles above Coteau du lac, upon the St.
Lawrence, at Lake St. Francis; but not a house was built within
several miles of the division line of the two Provinces, which is
above Montreal, about 40 miles, on the north shore. On the south
side there was the Fort of Oswegotchie. Besides the squatters
around the military posts at Carleton Island, Oswego, and Niagara,
there were a few inhabitants at Detroit and Sandwich, of French
origin, where a settlement had sprung up in 1750.
The entire population of all Canada at this time, has been estimated
at 120,000, including both the French and English. Although
refugees had squatted here and there upon the frontier, near
to the several military posts, it was not until 1784 that the land,
now surveyed into lots, was actually bestowed upon the Loyalists;
yet it was mainly disbanded soldiers that received their “location
tickets” in the year 1784. The grants were made to the corps
under Jessup, upon the St. Lawrence, and under Rogers upon the Bay;
and to Butler’s Rangers at Niagara, at the same time, or very nearly.
During the same season, a settlement was made upon the Niagara
frontier and at Amherstburgh, by the Loyalists who had found
refuge at the contiguous Forts. It is supposed that the number
who became settlers this year, 1784, in Upper Canada was about
10,000. Thus the Province of Upper Canada was planted; thus the
Refugees and disbanded soldiers found themselves pioneers in the
wilds of Canada. Was it for this they had adhered to the Crown—had
taken up arms—had sacrificed their all?
At the close of hostilities, a proclamation was issued to the
Loyalists, to rendezvous at Sacket’s Harbour, or Carleton Island,
Oswego, Niagara, and Isle aux Mois, the principal military posts
upon the frontier.
183The tempest of war which had swept across the American
Continent, severing thirteen Colonies from the parent trunk, had
roughly disturbed the elements of society. It resulted that the
cessation of hostilities left a turbulent ocean, which required time
to compose itself. There were Loyalists who would not live under
a flag alien to Britain. There were those whose circumstances
would have induced them to abide the evil that had overtaken them
in the dismemberment of the British Empire; but the fierce passions
of the successful rebels rendered a peaceful or safe existence
of the Loyalists among them impossible. Driven they were, away
from their old homes. There were those who had been double
minded, or without choice, ready to go with the successful party.
Such wandered here and there looking for the best opportunity to
secure self aggrandisement. It is of the first two classes we speak.
Forced by cruel circumstances, to become pioneers in a wilderness,
there could not be found in America, a more favourable place
whereupon to settle than along the banks of the St. Lawrence, and
around the irregular shores of Bay Quinté, with its many indentations.
They had to convert the wood-covered land into homes.
The trees had to be felled, and the land prepared for grain, and the
fruit of the soil to be obtained for sustenance within three years,
when Government provisions would be discontinued. It can readily
be understood that a water communication to and from the central
points of settlement, as well as access to fishing waters, was most
desirable. The smooth waters of the upper St. Lawrence and the
Bay Quinté constituted a highway of the most valuable kind,
for the only mode of travel was by the canoe, or flat-bottomed
batteau, which was supplied by the Government in limited numbers;
and in winter by rudely constructed hand-sleighs, along the
icy shores.
The settlers of Upper Canada, up to 1790, may be divided into
those who were forced away from the States by persecution, during
and after the war; the disbanded troops; and a nobler class, who
left the States, being unwilling to live under other than British
rule.
To what extent were these pioneers fitted and prepared to
enter upon the truly formidable work of creating homes, and to
secure the necessaries of life for their families. But few of them
possessed ought of worldly goods, nearly all were depending upon
184the bounty of Government. In the first place, they were supplied
with rations; which consisted of flour, pork, and a limited
quantity of beef, a very little butter, and as little salt. We find in
Rev. Mr. Carroll’s “Past and Present” that “their mode of serving
out rations was rather peculiar.” “Their plan was, to prevent the
appearance of partiality, for the one who acted as Commissary,
either to turn his back, take one of the articles, and say, ‘who will
have this?’ or else the provisions were weighed, or assorted, and
put into heaps, when the Commissary went around with a hat, and
received into it something which he would again recognize, as a
button, a knife, &c.; after which he took the articles out of the hat,
as they came uppermost, and placed one on each of the piles in rotation.
Every person then claimed the parcel on which he found
the article which he had thrown into the hat.”
They were also supplied with “clothes for three years, or until
they were able to provide these articles for themselves. They consisted
of coarse cloth for trowsers and Indian blankets for coats, and
of shoes; beside, each received a quantity of seed grain to sow
upon the newly cleared land, with certain implements of husbandry.
To each was allotted an axe, a hoe, and a spade; a plough, and one
cow, were allotted to two families; a whip and cross-cut saw to
every fourth family; and, even boats were provided for their use,
and placed at convenient points;” and “that nothing might seem
to be wanting, on the part of the Government, even portable corn
mills, consisting of steel plates, turned by hand like a coffee-mill,
were distributed among the settlers.” We have learned they were
also supplied with nails, hand-saws and other materials for building.
To every five families were given a “set of tools,” such as chisels
and augers, of various sizes, and drawing-knives; also pick-axes,
and sickles for reaping. But, unfortunately, many of these implements
were of inferior quality. The axe, with which the burden
of the work was to be done, was unlike the light implement now
in use, it was but a short-handled ship axe, intended for quite a
different use than chopping trees and clearing land. Notwithstanding,
these various implements, thoughtfully provided by Government,
how greatly must they have come short in meeting
the varied wants of the settler, in his isolated clearing, far
separated from places whereat things necessary could be procured.
However, the old soldier, with his camp experience, was enabled by
the aid of his tools, to make homely and rude articles of domestic
use. And, in farming, he constructed a rough, but serviceable plow,
and harrow, and made handles for his scythe.
185Thus provisioned and clothed, and thus armed with implements
of industry, the old soldiers advanced to the attack of a last enemy,
the wild woods. Unlike any previous warfare, was this lifetime
struggle. With location ticket in hand, they filed into the batteaux
to ascend the rapids. A certain number of batteaux joined together,
generally about twenty or twenty-five, formed a brigade, which was
placed under the command of a suitable officer; if not one who had
in previous days, led them against the foe. It is quite impossible
to conceive of the emotions which found a place in the breasts of
the old veterans as they journeyed along wearily from day to day,
each one bringing them nearer to the spot on which the tent was
to be pitched for the last time. Eagerly, no doubt, they scanned
the thickly wooded shores as they passed along. Curiously
they examined the small settlement, clustering around Cataraqui.
And, it cannot be doubted, when they entered the
waters of the lovely Bay Quinté, the beauty of the scene created a
feeling of joy and reconciliation to their lot, in being thus cast upon
a spot so rich in natural beauty. These disbanded soldiers, at least
each family, had a canvass tent capable of accommodating, in a
certain way, from eight to ten persons. These were pitched upon
the shore, at first in groups, until each person had learned the situation
of his lot, when he immediately removed thereto. But there were
by no means enough tents to give cover to all, and many had only
the friendly trees for protection. The first steps taken were to clear
a small space of trees, and erect a place of habitation. We have
seen what were the implements he had to work with—the materials
he must use to subdue the forest tree standing before him.
Here, at the very threshold of Upper Canadian history, was
initiated the “institution” of “bees.” “Each with his axe on his
shoulder, turned out to help the other,” in erecting a log shanty.
Small and unpretending indeed, were these humble tenements first
built along the shores of the bay. The size of each depended upon
the number to occupy it. None were larger than twenty by fifteen
feet; and an old man tells me that his father, who was a carpenter,
built one fifteen feet long and ten feet broad, with a slanting roof
seven or eight feet in height. The back-woodsman’s shanty, which
may yet be seen in the outskirts of our country, is the counterpart
of those which were first built; but perhaps many of our readers
may never have seen one. “Round logs,” (generally of basswood,)
“roughly notched together at the corners, and piled one above
another, to the height of seven or eight feet, constituted the walls.
186Openings for a door, and one small window” (always beside the
door) “designed for four lights of glass, 7 × 9, were cut out,” (Government
had supplied them with a little glass and putty); “the
spaces between the logs were chinked with small splinters, and
carefully plastered outside and inside, with clay for mortar. Smooth
straight poles were laid lengthways of the building, on the walls,
to serve as supports of the roof. This was composed ‘of strips of
elm bark, four feet in length, by two or three feet in width, in layers,
overlapping each other, and fastened to the poles by withs.’”
(The roof was some times of black oak, or swamp oak, bark,) “with a
sufficient slope to the back, this formed a roof which was proof against
wind and weather. An ample hearth, made of flat stones, was then
laid out, and a fire back of field stone or small boulders, rudely built,
was carried up as high as the walls. Above this the chimney was
formed of round poles, notched together and plastered with mud.
The floor was of the same materials as the walls, only that the logs
were split in two, and flattened so as to make a tolerably even surface.
As no boards were to be had to make a door, until they could
be sawn out by the whip saw, a blanket suspended from the inside
for some time took its place. By and by four little pains of glass,
were stuck into a rough sash, and then the shanty was complete.”—(Croil.)
Furniture for the house was made by the old soldier; this was
generally of the roughest kind. They had the fashion of exchanging
work, as well as of having bees. Some of them had been mechanics
in other days. A carpenter was a valuable acquisition, and while
others would assist him to do his heavy work, he would in return do
those little nicer jobs by which the household comforts would be
increased. No chests of drawers were required; benches were made
of split basswood, upon which to sit, and tables were manufactured in
the same style. The bedstead was constructed at the end of the
cabin, by taking poles of suitable size and inserting the ends between
the logs which formed the walls on either side. These would be
placed, before the cracks were filled in and plastered.
A log hut constructed, wherein to live; and such plain rough articles
of furniture as were really necessary provided, the next thing was
to clear the land, thickly covered with large trees and tangled brush.
Many a swing of the unhandy axe had to be made ere the trees
could be felled, and disposed of; and the ground made ready for the
grain or root.
187A few years later, and the settler would, in the dry summer season,
fire the woods, so as to kill the trees. By the next year they would have
become dry, so that by setting fire again they would burn down. In
this way much labor was saved. But sometimes the fire would prove
unmanageable and threaten to destroy the little house and log barn,
as well as crops. Another mode of destroying the large trees, was to
girdle them—that is, to cut through the bark all around the tree,
whereby it was killed, so that the following year it would likewise
burn down.
A portion of the disbanded troops, as well as other loyalists, had
been bred to agricultural pursuits; and some of them, at least those
who had not been very long in arms, could the more readily adapt
themselves to their new circumstances, and resume their early occupation.
The axe of the woodsman was soon swung as vigorously
along the shores of the well wooded river and bay, as it had been in
the forests years before, in the backwoods of New England.
It is no ordinary undertaking for one to enter the primeval forest,
to cut down the tough grained trees, whose boughs have long met the
first beams of the rising sun, and swayed in the tempest wind; to
clear away the thick underbrush, which impedes the step at every
turn; to clear out a tangled cedar swamp, no matter how hardy may
be the axeman—how well accustomed to the use of the implement.
With the best mode of proceeding, with an axe of excellent make,
and keen edge; and, combined with which, let every other circumstance
be favorable; yet, it requires a determined will, an iron
frame and supple muscle, to undertake and carry out the successful
clearing of a farm. But, the refugees and disbanded soldiers, who
formed the pioneers of Upper Canada, enjoyed not even ordinary
advantages. Many of the old soldiers had not the slightest knowledge
of the duties of pioneer life, while others had but an imperfect
idea. Some scarcely knew how to fell a tree. Hardy and determined
they were; but they possessed not the implements requisite to
clear off the solid trees. We have seen that the axe furnished by
government was large and clumsy, and could be swung only with difficulty
and great labor, being nothing more than the ship axe then in use.
Slow and wearisome indeed, must have been the progress made by the
unaccustomed woodsman in the work of clearing, and of preparing
the logs for his hut, while he had, as on-lookers, too often a feeble
wife and hungry children.
The ordinary course of clearing land is pretty well known. At
the present day the autumn and winter is the usual time, when the
188wood is cut in sleigh lengths for home use, or made into cord wood
for the market. The brush is piled up into huge heaps, and in the
following season, when sufficiently dry, is burned up. Now, wood,
except in the remote parts, is very valuable, and for those who can
part with it, it brings a good income. But then, when the land was
everywhere covered with wood, the only thought was how to get rid of
it. The great green trees, after being cut down, had to lie until they
had dried, or be cut into pieces and removed. Time was necessary
for the first. To accomplish the second, involved labor with the
unwieldy axe; and there were at first, no beast of burden to haul the
heavy logs. The arm of the pioneer was the only motor power, and
the trees had to be cut in short lengths, that they might be carried.
To overcome the more heavy work connected with this, the settlers
would have logging bees from place to place, and by united strength
subdue the otherwise obstinate forces. Mainly, the trees were burned;
the limbs and smaller portion first, and subsequently the large trunk.
The fire would consume all that was flammable, leaving great black
logs all over the ground. Then came “logging,” that is, piling these
black and half burned pieces into heaps, where, after a longer time
of drying, they might be consumed. A second, perhaps a third time
the pieces would have to be collected into “log heaps,” until finally
burned to ashes. It was by such means, that slowly the forest along the
St. Lawrence, and surrounding the Bay Quinté, as well in the adjacent
townships melted away before the daily work of the aggressive settler.
Although deprived of all those comforts, which most of them had enjoyed
in early life in the Hudson, and Mohawk valleys, and fruitful fields
of Pennsylvania, they toiled on determined to conquer—to make new
homes; and, for their children at least, to secure comforts. They rose
early, and toiled on all day, whether long or short, until night cast
its solemn pall over their rude quiet homes. The small clearing of a
few acres gradually widened, the sound of the axe was heard ringing
all the day, and the crash of the falling tree sent the startled wild
beast to the deeper recesses of the wild wood. The toilers were not
all from the same social rank, but now in the main, all found a common
level; the land allotted to the half pay officers was as thickly
covered with wood. A few possessed limited means, and were able
to engage a help, to do some of the work, but in a short time it was
the same with all; men of education, and who held high positions,
rightly held the belief that it was an honor to be a refugee farmer.
At the close of the war a considerable number of the refugees
found safety in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. But a certain
189number, not finding such prospects as they had hoped, resolved to try
Canada. Consequently, for five or six years after the peace, this class
continued slowly to flow, to swell the number of inhabitants of Upper
Canada. Some of them tarried, or remained in Lower Canada; but
the majority ascended the Bay Quinté, and settled the new townships
at the head of the bay; not a few would remain for a year or two in
the townships already settled, working farms on shares, or living out,
until the future home was selected. A good many of the first settlers
in the sixth, seventh, and eight townships, had previously lived for a
while in the fourth township.
The advance of the settlements was along the bay, from Kingston
township and Ernest town, westward along both sides. When
the settlers in the first, second, third and fourth townships,
had, to a certain extent overcome the pioneers’ first difficulties, those
in the sixth, seventh, eight and ninth, were yet undergoing mostly all
the same hardships and trials. Far removed from Kingston, they
could, with difficulty, procure necessities, and consequently endured
greater privation, and experienced severer hardships; but in time these
settlers also overcome, and ended their days in comparative comfort.
Gen. Simcoe, after he became the first Governor of Upper
Canada in 1792, held the opinion that there remained in the States
a large number of Loyalists, and conceived the idea of affording
them an inducement to again come under British rule, as they were
British in heart. He, by proclamation, invited them to free grants
of the rich land of Upper Canada, in the following words:
“A Proclamation, to such as are desirous to settle on lands of
the Crown, in the Province of Upper Canada, By His Excellency
John Graves Simcoe, Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief
of the said Province, and Colonel commanding His
Majesty’s Forces, &c., &c. Be it known to all concerned that His
Majesty, both by his royal commission and instructions to the Governor,
and in his absence, to the Lieutenant-Governor of the said
Province of Upper Canada, gives authority or command to grant
the lands of the Crown in the same by patent under the great seal
thereof. I do accordingly make known the terms of grant and settlement
to be:” &c.
Without introducing the somewhat lengthy terms given under
the heads, it is sufficient to say that they were most liberal; in the
meanwhile reserving what was necessary to maintain the rights
previously granted to Loyalist settlers. No lot was to be granted
of more than 200 acres, except such as the Governor might otherwise
190desire, but no one was to receive a quantity exceeding 1000 acres.
Every one had to make it appear that he, or she was in a condition
to cultivate and improve the land, and “beside taking the usual
oaths, subscribe a declaration, viz: I, A. B. do promise and declare
that I will maintain and defend to the utmost of my power, the
authority of the king in his parliament as the supreme legislature
of this province.” These grants were free excepting the fees of
office, “in passing the patent and recording the same.” The
proclamation was dated 7th February, 1792, Thomas Talbot, acting
Secretary.
It was obligatory on settlers to clear five acres of land, to build a
house, and to open a road across the front of his land, a quarter of a
mile.
Whether Simcoe was right in his opinion, that many loyalists
remained in the States, ready to avail themselves of a judicious
opportunity of becoming citizens of British territory, may be questioned;
that there were some, cannot be doubted. Not a few responded
to his invitation, and entered the new province. The
recall of Simcoe led to the abrogation of the terms specified in
the aforementioned proclamation, and some of the new comers were
doomed to disappointment. As may naturally be supposed, these later
comers were not altogether regarded with favor by the first settlers,
who now regarded themselves as lords of the soil. The old staunch
loyalists were disposed to look upon them as Yankees, who came only
to get the land. And it seems that such was often the case. We
have the impartial statement of Rochefoucault, that there were some
who “falsely profess an attachment to the British monarch, and
curse the Government of the Union for the mere purpose of getting
possession of lands.” Even at this early day, they set about taking
possession of Canada! Indeed, it was a cause of grievance in Walford
township, Johnstown district, that persons from the States
entered the country, petitioned for land, took the necessary oaths—perjured
themselves, and having obtained possession of the land resold
it, pocketed the money, and left to build up the glorious Union.
But, while so much has to be said of some Americans, who took
land in Canada for mercenary motives, and committed fraud, it is
pleasing to say likewise, that a large number of settlers from the
States, who came in between 1794 and 1812, became worthy and
loyal subjects of the Crown. How far all of them were at first
Britons in heart, may be questioned. But the fact that the first
settlers regarded them with doubtful eye, and often charged them
191with being Yankees, led many, for very peace-sake, to display their
loyalty. But at last, when the war of 1812 broke out, they exhibited
unmistakeable attachment to the British Crown. To their honor be
it said, they were as active in defending their homes as any class.
The number who deserted from Canada, was quite insignificant. As
would be expected, the war of 1812 arrested the stream of emigration
from the States. The Government of Canada thereafter discountenanced
it, and instead, made some efforts to draw British European
emigrants.
DIVISION IV. THE FIRST YEARS OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER XVIII. — MODE OF PROCURING FOOD. — MAPLE SUGAR. — CHAPTER XIX. — THE FIRST FLOURING MILLS. — CHAPTER XX. — CLOTHING—FURNITURE—DOMESTIC AND FARMING IMPLEMENTS. — VARIOUS HARDSHIPS. — CHAPTER XXI. — INTRODUCTION OF STOCK AND BEASTS OF BURDEN. — CHAPTER XXII. — THE CONSTRUCTION OF ROADS THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. — CHAPTER XXIII. — “ODE TO CANADA.” — THE FIRST NATIVES OF UPPER CANADA. — MARRYING IN EARLY TIMES. — CHAPTER XXIV. — THE EARLY BURYING PLACES UPON THE BAY QUINTÉ.
Contents—Father Picquet—Provision of Forts in Upper Canada just before Conquest—Frontenac—Milk—Brandy—Toronto—The
Several Forts—Detroit—British
Garrisons—Grasping Rebels—Efforts to Starve out Loyalists in
Canada—Worse Treated than the Acadians—Efforts to Secure Fur Trade—The
Frontier Forts—Americans Conduct to Indians—Result—Conduct of
British Government—Rations for Three Years—Grinding by Hand—“Hominy
Blocks”—“Plumping Mill”—The Women—Soldier Farmers—The Hessians—Suffering—The
“Scarce Year”—Charge against the Commissariat Officers—Famine—Cry
for Bread—Instances of Suffering—Starving Children—No
Salt—Fish—Game—Eating Young Grain—Begging Bran—A Common Sorrow—Providential
Escapes—Eating Buds and Leaves—Deaths—Primitive
Fishing—Catching Salmon—Going 125 miles to mill—Disconsolate Families—1789—Partial
Relief—First Beef Slaughtered in Upper Canada—First
Log Barn—A Bee, what they Ate and Drank—Tea Introduced—Statements
of Sheriff Sherwood—Roger Bates—John Parrott—Col. Clark—Squirrelly
Swimming Niagara—Maple Sugar—How it was made—Women assisting—Made
Dishes of Food—Pumpkin Loaf—Extract from Rochefoucault—1795—Quality
of Grain Raised—Quinté Bay—Cultivation—Corn Exported—The
Grain Dealers—Price of Flour—Pork—Profits of the Merchants.
We have seen with what spirit and determination the loyalists
engaged in the duties pertaining to pioneer life; how they became
domiciled in the wilderness and adapted themselves to their new
192and trying situation. Thus, was laid the foundation of the Province
of Upper Canada, now Ontario. Upon this foundation was to be
erected the superstructure. Let us proceed to examine the circumstances
of the first years of Upper Canadian life. And first
with respect to food.
Father Picquet visited the Bay and Lake Ontario, from La
Présentation—Ogdensburgh, the year of the Conquest. He speaks
of his visit to Fort Frontenac, and remarks, “The bread and milk
there, were bad; they had not even brandy there to staunch a
wound.” By which we learn that the French garrison had a cow,
although she gave indifferent milk; and that even brandy for medicinal
purposes could not be had. The missionary proceeded to Fort
Toronto which was situated upon Lake Simcoe, no doubt ascending
by the bay Quinté and Trent. Here he found “good bread and
good wine” and “everything requisite for trade” with the Indians.
The cession of Canada to the British by the French had been followed
by a withdrawal of troops from many of the forts, around
which had clustered a few hamlets, specks of civilization in a vast
wilderness, and in most places things had lapsed into their primal
state. And, when rebellion broke out in the Colonies of Britain, there
were but a few posts whereat were stationed any soldiers, or where
clustered the white settlers. There were a few French living at
Detroit, and at Michilmicinac, and to the north-east of Lake Huron.
We have seen that during the war, refugees found safety at the
several military posts. The military rations were served out to
these loyal men in the same proportion as to the soldiers, and when
the war closed the garrisons continued to dispense the necessaries
of life to the settlers upon the north shores of the lake, and St.
Lawrence.
For ten years, after the terms of peace was signed between
England and the Independent States, the forts of Oswego, Niagara,
Detroit, and Michilmicinac, with the garrison on Carleton Island,
remained in the possession of the British troops. To this the
grasping Americans warmly took exceptions. Although it would
have been next to impossible to supply these places with provisions
for troops of their own, they nevertheless wished to dispossess the
Royal troops; we learn that the object was to starve out the refugees
who had found shelter upon the borders, and who would be depending
for years to these forts, for the very necessaries of life. In this,
their cruelty exceeded that practised towards the Acadians. Having
driven away the loyalists and dispossessed them at home, they would
193have followed them to their new wilderness home, there to cut off their
supplies and leave them to perish. They wished to obtain possession
of the forts not only to glut their vengeful feeling against the
tories, but to secure the traffic carried on with the Indians. Dreams
of aggrandizement floated through their avaricious minds. It was
regarded an excellent stroke of policy to turn the current of the
fur trade from the St. Lawrence, and starve out by degrees the
refugees, and the French who would have none of their “Liberty.”
Hence their desire to get possession of the frontier forts. But it
was destined that this valuable traffic should never come into the
hands of the United States; or rather it should be said, the Americans
had determined to pursue a course which would completely
alienate the Indian tribes from them. Under such circumstances
no possession of the forts could have turned the trade from its
natural channel by the St. Lawrence, across the continent to New
York.
The British Government never desired to stint the loyal refugees
and the disbanded soldiers. At the close of hostilities it was
determined that both alike, with their families, should receive while
traveling, and for a period of three years, such rations as are allowed
daily to the private soldier. And the Commissariat Department
was instructed to make the necessary provision to have transported
to each township by batteau, what should be requisite. Dépôts
were established, in addition to the different garrisons, in each township,
to which some prominent and trusted refugee of their number,
generally a half pay officer, was appointed as Commissary, and at
which ample provisions of the specified kind, as well as certain
implements, it was ordered should be stored, to be dealt out with
regularity and fairness to each family, according to the number of
children. In some of the townships two batteaux were provided to
bring the provisions from Montreal. Besides the food thus
obtained, they were often enabled to freely supply themselves with
game of different kinds. The greatest trouble of all was to get the
grain supplied to them, ground into flour. According to Carroll and
Croil, the townships upon the St. Lawrence, were supplied with steel
mills for grinding grain; but no word of such indifferent convenience
for the settlers of the Bay, has by us been received; the settlers
had to get the grain crushed as best they could. Various modes were
adopted to do this; but in all cases the work was done by hand.
Sometimes the grain was crushed with an axe upon a flat stone.
Many prepared a wooden mortar, by cutting a block, of suitable
194length, about four feet, out of the trunk of a large tree, oak or
maple. Sometimes it was the stump of a tree. In this a cavity
was formed, generally by heating a piece of iron, and placing it upon
the end. In some quarters, a cannon ball from the Garrison was
used. By placing this, red hot, upon the wood, a hollow of sufficient
depth could be made. These mortars, sometimes called “Hominy
Blocks” and sometimes “Plumping Mill,” varied in size; sometimes
holding only a few quarts, sometimes a bushel, or even more.
The pestle or pounder, was made of the hardest wood, six or eight
feet long, and eight inches in diameter at the bottom end; the top
sufficiently small to be spanned by the hand. The pestle was sometimes
called the stamper; and the stump or block, with the pestle,
was called the stump-mortar. Generally, it was by the unaided
hand that the grinding was done; but after a time a sweep pole was
arranged, similar to a well pole, and a hard weighty substance being
attached to the pole, much less strength was required to crush the
grain; at the same time a larger quantity could be at once done.
The work was generally done by two men. The grain thus pounded
was generally Indian Corn, and occasionally wild rice. To crush
wheat required much more labor, and a small mortar. The bran
was separated from the flour by a horse-hair sieve, one of which
generally served a whole community, as they were possessed only by
a few. This rude method continued for many years, especially in
those townships remote from the flouring mills. Frequently, an
individual would possess a large mortar, that would be used by a
whole neighborhood. Mr. Diamond, of Belleville, a native of
Fredericksburg, remembers when a boy, to have accompanied his
father “to mill.” The mill was one of these larger mortars which
would contain a bushel of grain when being ground, but which
would hold, even measure, two bushels. The grain was crushed by
a sweep with a weight attached, of ten or twelve pounds.
But grinding grain in this rude manner, was very frequently
done by the women; and was but one of the difficulties attending
the production of meal. It was a hard task to prepare for use the
corn supplied by Government; but when that supply was cut off, and
the settler had but his own raising, it became much worse. Elsewhere
we have seen the difficult process by which seed was planted,
and the fruit of the soil reaped, and then thrashed. It had been
thought by the Government that three years would suffice to give
the settler ample time to reap sufficient grain for their sustenance.
In most cases, industry and a right application of labor, enabled the
195farmer to accomplish what was expected of him. But the habits
which some of the soldiers had acquired during the war, were highly
detrimental to regular industry. When the three years’ supplies
were discontinued, many found themselves unprepared to meet the
requirements of their new condition. It is said that some of them
entertained the belief that “Old George,” as they familiarly called
the King, would continue to feed them, for an indefinite period of
time, upon the bread of idleness. The Hessians, who had settled in
the fifth township, who had no idea of pioneer life, were great sufferers,
and it is stated that some actually died of starvation. Again,
there was a considerable class who had not had time to prepare the
land, and reap the fruit of the soil, prior to the supplies being stopped;
or who could not procure seed grain. These were likewise
placed in the most distressing circumstances. The fearful suffering
experienced in consequence will be mentioned under the head of
the “Scarce Year.”
Notwithstanding, that Government supplied the settlers with
provisions for three years, and also with spring wheat, peas, corn,
and potatoes for seed, and took steps to furnish them, first with one
mill at Kingston, and then a second one at Napanee, at the expiration
of the three years, there were many unprepared. The mills were
almost deserted, and the hearts of the people were faint because
there was no grain to grind, and famine began to rest upon the
struggling settlers, especially along the Bay Quinté. It has already
been said that with some of the disbanded soldiers, there was some
degree of negligence, or, a want of due exertion to obtain home-raised
grain before the Government supplies were discontinued; also,
that there was a certain number, who came with their families two
or three years after the first settlement, who were not entitled to get
Government rations, and who had not had time to clear the land.
Many of these brought provisions with them, but the long distances
traveled by them through a wilderness, allowed no large quantity
of stores to be transported. And within a few months, or a year
their store of food was exhausted. But the greatest evil of all
it is averred, was the failure on the part of the Commissary Department
to bring up from Lower Canada, the supplies which were
required by those yet in the service, and who rightly looked to that
source for the bread of life. And, it has been alleged that some
who had charge of military stores forgot this public duty, in their
anxiety to secure abundant supplies for their own families. And a
spirit of cupidity has been laid to the charge of one or two for
retaining for private use the bread for which so many were famishing.
196At this remote period it is impossible to arrive at positive
conclusions relative to the matter. We can only examine the circumstances,
and judge whether such a thing was likely. Of course
the Commissary officers, whose duty it had been to distribute food
in the several townships, would not be likely to disburse with a
hand so liberal, that they should themselves become destitute; yet
the fact that such had food, while others had none, would naturally
create an erroneous impression. But the famine was not limited
to the Bay region; although, being remote from Montreal, it was
here the distress was most grievously felt. Throughout Lower
Canada the pinch of famine was keenly experienced. Even there, in
places, corn-meal was meted out by the spoonful, wheat flour was unknown,
while millet seed was ground for a substitute. Still more, the
opinion is given, that the accusation against certain parties is contrary
to the spirit which pervaded the refugee settlers at that time.
That they had laid up stores, and looked indifferently upon the
general suffering, is contrary to the known character of the parties
accused. In after days, as at the present time, there were aroused
petty jealousies, as one individual exceeded another in prosperity.
Family jars sometimes rise to feuds, and false surmises grow into
untruthful legends.
The period of famine is even yet remembered by a few, whose
memory reaches back to the immediately succeeding years, and the
descendants of the sufferers, speak of that time with peculiar feelings,
imbibed from their parents; and many are the touching stories even
yet related of this sad first page in the history of Upper Canada,
when from Lower Canada to the outskirts of the settlement was
heard the cry for bread! bread! bread!
The year of the famine is spoken of sometimes as the “scarce
year,” sometimes as the “hungry year,” or the “hard summer.”
The extreme distress seems to have commenced in the year 1787.
With some, it lasted a part of a year, with others a year, and with
others upwards of a year. The height of the distress was during
the spring and early summer of 1788. But plenty to all, did not
come till the summer of 1789. The writer has in his possession
accounts of many instances of extreme suffering, during the famine,
and for years after, through the ten townships. A few will here
be given, as briefly as may be possible.
One, who settled in the Sixth Township, (who was subsequently
a Member of Parliament for twenty years,) with wife and children,
endured great suffering. Their flour being exhausted he sent
197money to Quebec for some more flour, but his money was sent back;
there was none to be had. The wife tried as an experiment to
make bread out of some wheat bran, which was bought at a dollar
a bushel. She failed to make bread, but it was eaten as a stir-about.
Upon this, with Indian Cabbage, or “Cale,” “a plant with a large
leaf,” also wild potatoes or ground-nuts, the family lived for many
a week. In the spring they procured some potatoes to plant, but
the potatoe eye alone was planted, the other portion being reserved
for food. One of the daughters, in her extreme hunger digged up
for days, some of the potatoe rind and ate it. One day, her father
caught her at it, and seized hold of her arm to punish her, for forgetting
the requirements of the future, but he found her arms so
emaciated that his heart melted in pity for the starving child.
Others used to eat a plant called butternut, and another pig-weed.
Children would steal out at night with stolen potatoes, and roast
them at the burning log heap, and consider them a great treat.
One individual has left the record that she used to allay the pangs
of hunger by eating a little salt. But the majority of the settlers
had no salt, and game and fish, when it could be caught, was eaten
without that condiment. Even at a later date, salt was a scarce
and dear article as the following will show: “Sydney, 20th November,
1792—Received from Mr. John Ferguson, one barrel of salt,
for which I am to pay nine dollars.” (Signed), John German.
Often when fish or game was caught, it was forthwith roasted,
without waiting to go home to have it dressed. As spring advanced,
and the buds of the trees began to swell, they were gathered and
eaten. Roots were digged out of the ground; the bark of certain
trees were stripped off and consumed as food. One family lived
for a fortnight on beech leaves. Everything that was supposed to
be capable of alleviating the pangs of hunger, whether it yielded
nutriment or not, was unhesitatingly used; and in the fifth township
some were killed by eating poisonous roots. Beef bones were, in
one neighbourhood, not only boiled again and again, but actually
carried from house to house, to give a little taste to boiled bran,
until there remained no taste in the boiling water. In the fourth
township, upon the sunny side of a hill, was an early field of grain,
and to this they came, from far and near, to eat the milk-like heads of
grain, so soon as they had sufficiently grown, which were boiled and
eaten. The daughter of the man who owned the field, and gladly
gave to all, still remains with us; then, she was in the freshness of
girlhood; now, she is in the autumn of a green old age, nearly a
198hundred. She remembers to have seen them cutting the young succulent
grain, to use her own words “as thick as stumps.” This young
grain was a common dish, all along the Bay, until it became ripe.
One family lived several months solely on boiled oats. One day, a
man came to the door of a house in Adolphustown, with a bag, and
a piece of “calamink,” to exchange for flour. But the flour was low,
and the future doubtful, and none could be spared. The man
turned away with tears of anguish rolling down his face. The kind
woman gave him a few pounds of flour; he begged to be allowed to
add some bran lying on the floor, which was permitted, and he
went his way.
There were, scattered through the settlements, a few who never
were entirely out of provisions, but who had procured some from Lower
Canada, or Oswego. Many of these, even at the risk of future want,
would give away, day after day, to those who came to their door,
often a long distance, seeking for the very bread of life. A piece of
bread was often the only thing to give; but thus, many a life was
saved. These poor unfortunates, would offer various articles in
exchange for flour or food. Even their lands—all they had, were
offered for a few pounds of flour. But, with a few execrable exceptions,
the last loaf was divided; and when flour was sold, it was at a fair
valuation. A common sorrow knit them together in fraternal relationship.
The names of some are handed down, who employed others
to work all day for their board, and would give nothing for their
famishing ones at home. One of them also, sold eight bushels of
potatoes for a valuable cow. In some instances, families living
remotely, forsook their houses and sought for food at Kingston. One
family in Thurlow, set out for Kingston, following the bay shore on
foot. Their only food was bran, which, being mixed with water, was
cooked by the way, by heating flat stones and baking thereupon. As
before stated, the settlers of the fifth township suffered fearfully, and
it is stated, that some of them actually died. Mr. Parrott says, that
he has heard it stated that persons starved to death. And the extraordinary
statement is found in the M.S. of the late Mr. Merritt, that
one old couple, too old to help themselves, and left alone, were preserved
providentially from starvation, by pigeons, which would
occasionally come and allow themselves to be caught. The fact is
stated by others, that pigeons were at times, during the first years
of settling, very plentiful, and were always exceedingly tame. Another
person remarks, that although there was generally plenty of pigeons,
wild fowl, fish and partridge, yet, they seemed to keep away when
most wanted.
199One family, four in number, subsisted on the small quantity
of milk given by a young cow, with leeks, buds of trees, and often
leaves were added to the milk. A barrel of bran served a good
purpose for baking a kind of cake, which made a change on special
occasions. At one time, Reed, of Thurlow, offered a three year old
horse for 50 lbs of flour. This family would, at one time actually
have starved to death, had not a deer been miraculously shot. They
often carried grain, a little, it is true, to the Napanee mills, following
the river, and bay shores. And when they had no grain, articles
of domestic use were taken to exchange for flour and meal.
A woman used to carry a bushel and a half of wheat ten miles to the
Napanee mills, and then carry the flour back.
Ex-Sheriff Ruttan says of his father’s family, with whom his
uncle lived, “We had the luxury of a cow which the family
brought with them, and had it not been for this domestic boon, all
would have perished in the year of scarcity. The crops had failed
the year before, and the winter that followed, was most inclement and
severe. The snow was unusually deep, so that the deer became an
easy prey to their rapacious enemies, the wolves, who fattened on
their destruction, whilst men were perishing for want. Five individuals,
in different places, were found dead, and one poor woman also,
with a live infant at her breast; which was cared for and protected.”
“Two negroes were sent to Albany for corn, who brought four
bushels. This, with the milk of the cow dealt out day by day in
limited quantity, kept them alive till harvest.” “The soldiers’ rations
were reduced to one biscuit a day.” Referring to other days after the
famine he says: “Fish was plentiful”—the “fishing tackle was on a
primitive plan; something similar to the Indians, who fixed the bait on
part of the back bone of the pike, which would catch these finny tribe
quite as expeditiously as the best Limerick hook; but our supply was
from spearing by torchlight, which has been practiced by the Indian
from time immemorial; from whom we obtained a vast deal of practical
knowledge.”
Roger Bates, near Cobourg, speaking of the first years of Upper
Canada, says that his grandfather’s family, living in Prince Edward
for a while, “adopted many ingenious contrivances of the Indians
for procuring food. Not the least simple and handy was a crotched
pole, with which they secured salmon in any quantity, the creeks
being full of them.” He removed to the township of Clarke,
where he was the first white settler, and for six months saw no
white person. “For a long time he had to go to Kingston, 125
200miles, with his wheat to be ground. They had no other conveyance
than batteaux; the journey would sometimes occupy five or six
weeks. Of an evening they put in at some creek, and obtained
their salmon with ease, using a forked stick, which passed over
the fish’s back and held it fast. Sometimes they were so long gone
for grist, in consequence of bad weather, that the women would
collect together and have a good cry, thinking the batteaux had
foundered. If their food ran short, they had a dog that would,
when told, hunt a deer and drive it into the water, so that the
young boys could shoot it.”
The summer of 1789 brought relief to most of the settlers,—the
heaviest of the weight of woe was removed. But, for nearly a
decade, they enjoyed but few comforts, and were often without the
necessaries of life. The days of the toiling pioneers were numbering
up rapidly, yet the wants of all were not relieved. Those whose
industry had enabled them to sow a quantity of grain reaped a
goodly reward. The soil was very fruitful, and subsequently for
two and three years, repeated crops were raised from a single sowing.
But flour alone, although necessary to sustain life, could hardly
satisfy the cravings of hunger with those who had been accustomed
to a different mode of living. It was a long way to Montreal or
Albany, from which to transport by hand, everything required, even
when it could be had, and the settler had something to exchange
for such articles; beside the journey of several weeks. Game,
occasionally to be had, was not available at all seasons, nor at all
times; although running wild, ammunition was scarce, and some
had none. We have stated that Government gave to every five
families a musket and forty-eight rounds of ammunition, with some
powder and shot, also some twine to make fishing nets. Beef,
mutton, &c., were unknown for many a day. Strangely enough, a
circumstantial account of the first beef slaughtered along the Bay,
probably in Upper Canada, is supplied by one who, now in her 90th
year, bears a distinct recollection of the event. It was at Adolphustown.
A few settlers had imported oxen, to use in clearing the
land. One of a yoke, was killed by the falling of a tree. The
remaining animal, now useless, was purchased by a farmer upon the
Front, who converted it into beef. With the hospitality characteristic
of the times, the neighbors were invited to a grand entertainment;
and the neighborhood, be it remembered, extended for thirty
or forty miles. A treat it was, this taste of an article of diet, long
unknown.
201The same person tells of the occasion when the first log barn
was raised in Adolphustown, it was during the scarce period. The
“bee” which was called, had to be entertained, in some way. But
there were no provisions. The old lady, then a girl, saw her mother
for weeks previous carefully putting away the eggs, which a few hens
had contributed to their comfort; upon the morning of the barn raising,
they were brought forth and found to amount to a pailful, well
heaped. The most of the better-to-do settlers always had rum, which
was a far different article from that sold now-a-days. With rum and
eggs well beaten, and mixed with all the milk that could be kept
sweet from the last few milkings, this, which was both food and drink
was distributed to the members of the bee, during the time of
raising the barn.
Tea, now considered an indispensable luxury by every family,
was quite beyond the reach of all, for a long time; because of its
scarcity and high price. Persons are yet living who remember
when tea was first brought into family use. Various substitutes
for tea were used, among these were hemlock and sassafras; there
was also a plant gathered called by them the tea plant.
Sheriff Sherwood, in his most valuable memoirs, specially prepared
for the writer, remarks, “Many incidents and occurrences
took place during the early settlement which would, perhaps, at a
future day be thought incredible. I recollect seeing pigeons
flying in such numbers that they almost darkened the sky, and so
low often as to be knocked down with poles; I saw, where a near
neighbor killed thirty at one shot; I almost saw the shot, and saw
the pigeons after they were shot.” Ducks were so thick that when
rising from a marsh “they made a noise like the roar of heavy
thunder.” “While many difficulties were encountered, yet we realized
many advantages, we were always supplied with venison,
partridge, and pigeon, and fish in abundance, no taxes to pay and
plenty of wood at our doors. Although deprived of many kinds of
fruit, we had the natural production of the country, strawberries,
raspberries, gooseberries, blackberries, and lots of red plums, and
cranberries in the various marshes all about the country, and I can
assure you that pumpkin and cranberries make an excellent substitute
for apple pie.” Mr. Sherwood refers to their dog “Tipler,”
which was invaluable, in various ways, in assisting to procure the
food. He also speaks of “Providential” assistance. “After
the first year we raised wheat and Indian corn sufficient for
the year’s supply for the family; but then we had no grist mill
202to grind it; we made out to get on with the Indian corn very
well by pounding it in the mortar, and made what we called samp,
which made coarse bread, and what the Dutch called sup-pawn; but
let me tell you how we made our mortar. We cut a log off a large
tree, say two-and-a half feet through and about six feet long, which
we planted firm in the ground, about four feet deep, then carefully
burnt the centre of the top and scraped it out clean, which gave us
a large mortar. We generally selected an iron-wood tree, from six
to eight inches through, took the bark off clean, made the handle to
it of suitable length, this was our pestle; and many a time have I
pounded with it till the sweat ran down merrily. But this pounding
would not do for the wheat, and the Government seeing the
difficulty, built a mill back of Kingston, where the inhabitants, for
fifteen miles below Brockville had to get their grinding done. In
our neighborhood they got on very well in summer, by joining two
wooden canoes together. Three persons would unite, to carry each
a grist in their canoes, and would perform the journey in about a
week. But in winter this could not be done. After a few years,
however, when some had obtained horses, then a kind Providence
furnished a road on the ice for some years until a road was
made passable for sleighs by land. And it has not been practicable,
indeed I may say possible, for horses with loaded sleighs to go on the
ice from Brockville to Kingston, fifty years past.”
Roger Bates says that “the woods were filled with deer, bears,
wolves, martins, squirrels, and rabbits.” No doubt, at first, before
fire-arms were feared by them, they were plentiful and very tame.
Even wild geese, it would seem, were often easily shot. But powder
and shot were expensive, and unless good execution could be made,
the charge was reserved. Mr. Sherwood gives a trustworthy account
of the shooting of thirty pigeons at one shot; and another account
is furnished, of Jacob Parliament, of Sophiasburgh, who killed and
wounded at a single shot, four wild geese and five ducks. These wild
fowl not only afforded luxurious and nutritious diet, but their
feathers were saved, and in time pillows and even beds were thus
made. Mr. John Parrott, of Ernest Town, descendant of Col. Jas.
Parrott, says, “there were bears, wolves, and deer in great abundance,
and there were lynx, wild cats, beavers and foxes in every
directions; also martins, minks and weasels beyond calculation.” In
this connection, we may record a fact related by Col. Clark, respecting
the migration of squirrels in the early part of the present century
across the Niagara river, from the States. He says, “an
203immense immigration of squirrels took place, and so numerous were
they that the people stood with sticks to destroy them, as they
landed on the British shore, which by many was considered a
breach of good faith on the part of John Bull, who is always ready
to grant an asylum to fugitives of whatever nation they may
belong to.”
“Soon the blue-birds and the bees
O’er the stubble will be winging;
So ‘tis time to tap the trees
And to set the axe a-ringing;
Time to set the hut to rights,
Where the girls and boys together
Tend the furnace fire o’nights
In the rough and rainy weather;
Time to hew and shape the trough,
And to punch the spile so hollow.
For the snow is thawing off
And the sugar-thaw must follow.
Oh, the gladdest time of year
Is the merry sugar-making,
When the swallows first appear
And the sleepy buds are waking!”
In the great wilderness were to be had, a few comforts and
luxuries. Sugar is not only a luxury, but is really a necessary
article of food. The properties of the sap of the maple was understood
by the Indians, and the French soon availed themselves of the
means of making sugar. To the present day, the French Canadians
make it in considerable quantities. At first, the settlers of
Upper Canada did not generally engage in making it; but, after a
time a larger number did. The maple, the monarch of the Canadian
forest, whose leaf is the emblem of our country, was a kind
benefactor. In the spring, in the first days of genial sunshine,
active operations for sugar making were commenced. Through the
deep snow, the farmer and his sons would trudge, from tree to tree,
to tap them upon their sunny side. The “spile” would be inserted
to conduct the precious fluid into the trough of bass-wood, which
had been fashioned during the long winter evenings. A boiling
place would be arranged, with a long pole for a crane, upon which
would be strung the largest kettles that could be procured. At
night, the sap would be gathered from the troughs, a toilsome job,
and put into barrels. In the morning a curling smoke would rise
from amidst the thick woods, and the dry wood would crackle
204cheerily under the row of kettles, all the sunny spring day; and
night would show a rich dark syrup, collected in one smaller kettle,
for the more careful work of being converted into sugar. Frequently
the fire would be attended by the women; and the men
would come to gather the sap in the evening. In this way many a
family would be provided with abundant sugar, at all events it had
to serve them for the year, as they felt unable to purchase from
the merchant. In another place, we have related how a few made
a considerable quantity of sugar and sold it all, to pay for a farm,
doing without themselves.
The absence of various articles of food, led the thoughtful housewife
to invent new made dishes. The nature of these would depend
in part upon the articles of food most abundant, and upon the habits
peculiar to their ancestry, whether English, Dutch or some other.
The great desire was, to make a common article as tasty as possible.
And at harvest time, as well as at bees, the faithful wife would
endeavour to prepare something extra to regale the tired ones.
There was, for instance, the “pumpkin loaf,” a common dish. It
consisted of pumpkin and corn meal made into a small loaf, and
eaten with butter. Another dish which seems to have been derived
from the Dutch, was Pot Pie, which was always, and is even yet in
many places, made to feed the hands at bees and raisings, and even
was generally made to grace the board on a wedding occasion.
We cannot give the space, if we felt prepared to speak, of the
several made dishes commonly in use among the older Canadians of
Upper Canada. Many of them are truly excellent in taste and
nutritious in quality. They are often similar to, or very like the
dishes in the New England and Midland States.
This subject will be concluded by giving a few extracts from
Rochefoucault who wrote of what he saw and learned in Canada in
1795, and who may be regarded as quite correct.
He says, “It is asserted” (by Simcoe) “that all Canada, produces
not the necessary corn for the consumption of its inhabitants,
the troops are supplied with flour from London, and with salt meat
from Ireland.” But Simcoe then thought that Canada was capable
not alone of feeding her inhabitants, but of becoming the granary
of England, and receiving commodities in Exchange. Speaking of
Forty Mile Creek, he says: “Before it empties itself into the lake,
it turns a grist mill and two saw mills, which belong to a Mr. Green,
a loyalist of Jersey, who, six or seven years ago, settled in this
part of Upper Canada.” “Land newly cleared yields here, the
205first year, twenty bushels of corn. They plough the land after it
has produced three or four crops, but not very deep. The price of
flour is twenty-two shillings per hundred weight, that of wheat from
seven to eight shillings per bushel. Laborers are scarce, and are
paid at the rate of six shillings a day. Wheat is generally sown
throughout all Upper Canada, but other sorts of grain are also cultivated.”
“Mr Green grinds the corn for all the military posts in
Upper Canada.”
Approaching Kingston by water he remarks that “on the left
is Quinté Bay, the banks of which are said to be cultivated up to a
considerable extent. The eye dwells with pleasure once more on
cultivated ground. The country looks pleasant. The houses lie
closer than in any of the new settled parts of Upper Canada which
we have hitherto traversed. The variegated verdure of the cornfields
embellishes and enriches the prospect, charms the eye, and
enchants the mind.”
“This district not only produces the corn requisite for its own
consumption, but also exports yearly about 3 or 4000 bushels.
This grain, which, in winter, is conveyed down the river on sledges,
is bought by the merchants, who engage, on the arrival of the ships
from Europe, to pay its amount in such merchandise as the sellers
may require. The merchants buy this grain for government, which
pays for it in ready money, according to the market price at
Montreal. The agent of government causes part to be ground into
flour, which he sends to the different ports in Upper Canada, where
it is wanted; and the surplus he sends to England. The price of
flour in Kingston is at present (12th July, 1795) six dollars per
barrel. The district of Kingston supplied, last year, the other parts
of Canada with large quantities of pease, the culture of which,
introduced but two years ago, proves very productive and successful.
In the course of last year, 1000 barrels of salt pork, of 208 pounds
each, were sent from Kingston to Quebec; its price was eighteen
dollars per barrel. The whole trade is carried on by merchants,
whose profits are the more considerable, as they fix the price of the
provisions which they receive from Europe, and sell without the
least competition.” Indeed, the profits of the dealers must have
been immense. They sold to the military authorities at a rate
which would remunerate them when the provisions came from
England; and when the farmers of Canada began to raise grain to
sell, they bought it, or exchanged merchandise for it, upon which
they fixed the price, and continued to sell the flour at the same
price to the military authorities.
206
Contents—Kingston Mills—Action of Government—The Millwright—Situation
of the first Mill—Why Selected—The Machinery—Put up by Loyalists—No
Toll—Only Mill for three years—Going to Mill, 1784—The Napanee Mill—Commenced
1785—Robert Clarke—An old Book—“Appenea” Falls—Price
of certain articles—What Rum cost, and was used for—The Mill opened
1787—Sergt.-Major Clarke in charge—Indian Corn—Small Toll—Surveyor
Collins in charge—Becomes the Property of R. Cartwright, 1792—Rebuilt—Origin
of Napanee—Price of Butter, 1788—Mills at Four Mile Creek, Niagara
Falls, Fort Erie, and Grand River—Mills on the St. Lawrence—The Stone
Mills—Van Alstine—Lake of the Mountain—1796—Natural Beauty, versus
Utility—The Mill—Van Alstine’s Death—Wind Mill—Myer’s Mill—Mill at
Consecon.
Government was not an indifferent spectator of the difficulty
spoken of as to the grinding of grain—the procuring of flour, and
at an early day, ordered means to meet the requirements of the
pioneers. We have the certain statement of John C. Clark, of
Ernest town, now dead, written ten years ago, that his father,
Robert Clark, who was a millwright, “was employed by Government,
in 1782–3, to erect the Kingston Mills preparatory to the
settlement of the Loyalists in that section of Upper Canada.” The
place selected for erecting the mill, was upon the Cataraqui River,
seven miles north of the Fort, now the entrance of the Rideau Canal,
where are situated the first locks of that artificial water way.
When in a state of nature, the place must have been strikingly
beautiful; it is so at the present time, when the achievements of
art give variety of attraction. This situation, selected for the first
flouring mill, was central to the population strung along the banks
of the St. Lawrence, and Bay Quinté. Everything required for
the construction of the mill, was furnished by Government, such as
the mill stones, and the machinery. The rougher work, the walls
of the building, was done by men detailed for the purpose, from the
company of soldiers. The structure consisted of logs, or timber
roughly squared, and was erected, as well as the mill house, by the
combined efforts of the soldier settlers, collected for the purpose.
All the settlers had their grists ground without paying toll. The
original building was standing as late as 1836.
For nearly three years, the Cataraqui Mill was the only one in
Central Canada. The settlers came from Cornwall in the east, and
the most remote settlement up the Bay. At the present day, when
railroads and swiftly running steamers assist so materially to annihilate
space as it were, and bring distant places into close relationship,
207it would be regarded a matter of no little trouble and inconvenience,
to carry grain from Cornwall on the one hand, and Sidney
on the other, to Kingston, and wait to have it ground into flour;
but how infinitely greater the difficulty, when a trackless woods
covered the intervening spaces, when the only mode of carrying
anything was upon the back, or in a canoe, or batteaux, or upon a
raft, in summer; and upon a hand-sleigh in winter, drawn through
deep snow, following the windings of the shore along many a dismal
mile.
The increasing population around the Bay, caused the authorities
to seek a proper site for a second mill. The Napanee River,
with its natural falls, offered an advantageous place upon which to
erect a second mill for the settlers, upon the Bay. We have been
fortunate, through the kindness of Mr. P. Clark, of Collinsby, in
being permitted to examine an account book kept by Robert Clark,
the millwright, of both the Kingston and Napanee mills. By this,
we learn that in the year 1785, Robert Clark, who had completed
the Kingston Mill, removed to the second township, and, according
to instructions received from Government, proceeded to construct a
mill upon the Napanee River, at the site of the natural falls. In
the absence of the full particulars relating to the building of the
Napanee Mills, the following cannot fail to be of interest. In the
account book aforementioned, the following references to the building
of the mill, are found recorded:
“An accompt of articles bought for the use of the works, November
8.” “To 4 Augers of different size, from Mr. Phillips, carpenters
at Catariqui, 13s, 8d. To 3 quires of Writing Paper, 5s.
December 6, To 20 lbs. of Nails, £1; December 22, To 6 Whip
Saw Files, 3s. 9d.” Omitting some items, and coming to March 23,
1786, we find “For Raising the Saw Mill,” “2 gallons and 3 pints
of Rum, 17s. 6d.” “April 20th, To 1 quart of Rum, 2s.” On the
“25th May, To 4 gallons and 1 quart of Rum, for Raising the Grist
Mill, at 7s. 6d.” The “26th, To 1 quart of Rum for the People
at work in the water at the Dam.” By this we learn the day upon
which the Napanee mill was erected. On the 20th July, Government
is again charged with “3 pints of Rum for raising the
fender-post,” &c. On the 27th, a pint was again required, but
for what special purpose is not mentioned. In December, 1786, we
find “To making Bolt Cloth 15s.” “To Clearing one acre and
three-quarters of Land for a mill, at seven dollars per acre, £3.”
And we find that the iron or smith work for the mill was done
208by David Palmer and Conly. From the fact that the bolting cloth
was not made until December, 1786, we may infer that the mill
did not commence operations until the beginning of 1787. The
mill was a great boon to the inhabitants around the Bay Quinté,
not only because they had a shorter distance to travel, but the
amount of work pressing upon the Kingston mill, made it very
uncertain as to the time one would have to wait, to get his gristing
done. Consequently many came from the Lower Bay, and the
dwellers upon the South Bay in Marysburg, who followed the
shores around Indian Point and up the Bay Quinté. To those living
in Thurlow, Sidney, and at the Carrying Place, the mill was a great
blessing.
The father of the late Col. John Clark, of Port Dalhousie, who
had been Sergeant Major in the 8th Regiment, and who had, from
1777, been clerk and naval storekeeper at Carleton Island, removed
to within three miles of Napanee, the same year the mill was built,
to take charge of the works, in addition to his other duties. John
Clark, who was then a small boy, says in his memoirs; the grain
principally brought to be ground, was Indian corn; but as the
clearances increased, wheat became more plentiful. He also speaks
of the great industry which characterized the settlers. “A small
toll was exacted to pay for the daily expenses of the mill, but this
was a mere trifle, considering the advantages the settlers derived
from loss of time in proceeding to Kingston.” From this we infer
that no toll was demanded at the Kingston mill. “When my
father,” continues Col. Clark, “was ordered to Niagara, the mill
was delivered up to surveyor Collins, under whose directions it
was continued in operation for many years, and then the mill site
became the property of the Hon. R. Cartwright of Kingston.” But,
we find the statement elsewhere made that the land was originally
granted to Captain McDonald of Marysburg, who sold it to Cartwright.
Robert Clark, in his account book, says, “Commenced work for
Mr. Cartwright at the Napanee mills, the 28th August, 1792.” This
was probably the time when Cartwright became the owner. In the
same year, reference is made to timber, for the “new mill,” by which
we learn that Mr. Cartwright found it desirable to rebuild. The
iron work for the new mill came to £14.
By the book, from which we have made extracts, we see that
the name is spelled in different ways, the first being Appenea. For
many years the name was spelled Apanee. It has been said that it
209was an Indian name, signifying flour, and was given by the
Mississaugas, from the existence of the flouring mill. Napanee may
signify flour, in the Indian language, but the inference drawn
cannot be correct, as we find the name Appenea Falls given to the
place in 1785, before the mill was commenced.
Cartwright having rebuilt the mill put in one run of stone at
first, shortly after two, and then three. Robert Clark was the
millwright, and one Profect was in charge of the works. The mill
seems to have been constructed with some care, and Gourlay says,
in 1817, that the Napanee mill is the best in the Province. The old
account book from which we have gleaned, gives the price at which
certain articles were vended. Thus, we learn that in June, 1787,
and July 1788, butter sold at Napanee for 1s. per pound.
Some time after the erection of the Kingston and Napanee
mills, others were erected in other parts of the Province; one
at Four Mile Creek, one at the Niagara Falls, one at Fort Erie,
another at the Mohawk Village, Grand River; and still later,
one at Twelve Mile Creek. “In the year 1788, the first grist
mill in Dundas was built by Messrs. Coons and Shaver in Matilda.
It contained but one run of stone, and had a saw mill attached. It
stood about a mile above the present village of Iroquois. It could
grind 100 bushels of wheat per day, and turned out good flour.
Soon after, another mill was built on a much larger scale, by John
Munroe, also in Matilda, which had three run of stone.” There was
also a gang of saws. The machinery was driven by the St. Lawrence
waters. At a still later period VanAlstine’s mill was erected,
at the Lake on the Mountain.
The events connected with Captain, afterwards Major VanAlstine,
as a settler, are recorded in the settlement of Adolphustown.
Directly opposite the rich and sloping land on the north shore, on
which he settled, is a high prominent hill, which stands boldly up
against the bay. This “mountain” is famous on account of the
lake upon its summit, a particular account of which is given elsewhere.
It is referred to here in a practical sense. While, upon the
hill-top is the work of nature, presented in a striking manner; at
its feet is the work of man, which, particularly in the past, was of
no little consequence to the well-being of the settlers of the Bay.
About the year 1796, the third flouring mill of the bay was erected
at this place by VanAlstine, to whom had been granted a large tract
of land. The surplus waters of the lake, in primeval days, made
their escape over the cliff, falling into the bay, and forming, it must
210have been at times, a beautiful cascade. But, if Captain VanAlstine
had a taste for the beautiful in nature, he also had a just appreciation
of the wants of the people, and he proceeded to utilize the
falling water. A canal was cut down the mountain side, to form a
channel for the water to descend, and at the bottom was erected a
mill, the machinery of which was to be propelled by the descending
stream. From that day to this the work of grinding has been
carried on. However beautiful the lake above, and delightful the
prospect, they cannot exceed in interest the foundation of this mill.
Imagination would almost give words to the sound of the mill,
which so peacefully clicks the daily round of work. The down-rushing
waters by the artificial channel would seem to utter reminiscences
of the past—regrets that they may no longer tumble headlong
over the hill-side to form a lovely cascade; but the water-witch has
been driven away by the spirit of utilitarianism. This conspicuous
hill has often been the point of hope, the goal to which the farmer
turned his little bark, containing, it is true, but a few bushels of
grain, yet so precious, and about which the hungry ones in the little
log house, thought so frequently, with bodies long accustomed to
suffer for the want of enough to eat. And, often this mountain
stood up as a guide to the settler, as he trudged along wearily
through the thick snow with a bag or two of grain upon a hand-sleigh.
Although not the very first mill, it dates back to the last
century.
The Kingston Gazette of the 16th April, 1811, contains an
advertisement, signed by the executors of the deceased Major VanAlstine’s
will, namely, George W. Myers, Cornelius VanAlstine,
and Thomas Dorland, in which it is stated that the mill contains
two run of stone, one superfine and two common bolts.
A windmill was built at a somewhat early period, by Sergeant
Howell, nearly opposite the Upper Gap, in Fredericksburgh. It
was sold to one Russell, who was an Engineer in Kingston, in the
war of 1812. The windmill was never much used, if at all.
About the beginning of the century, 1802, Capt. Myers built a
flouring mill upon the Moira. (See Thurlow.) It seems to have
been a good mill, for persons came a long distance to get grinding
done. For instance: Isaiah Tubs, who lived at West Lake, would
come, carrying a bag of grain upon his back.
In the year 1804, Mr. Wilkins says, a gristing mill was built at
Consecon, to the south of the Carrying Place. Consecon is an Indian
name, from Con-Cou, a pickerel.
211
Contents—Clothing—Domestic and Farming Implements—Style of Dress
eighty years ago—Clothing of the Refugees—Disbanded Soldiers—No Fresh
Supply—Indian Garments of Skin—Deerskin Pants—Petticoats—Bed Coverings—Cultivating
Flax—Sheep—Home-made Clothes—Rude Implements—Fulling—French
Mode—Lindsay Woolsey—The Spinning-wheel—Industry—Young
men Selecting Wives—Bees—Marriage Portion—Every Farmer his own
Tanner and Shoemaker—Fashions—How odd hours were spent—Home-made
Shoes—What Blankets were made of—Primitive Bedstead—Nakedness—Bridal
Apparel—No Saddles—Kingston and Newark—Little Money—Bartering—Merchants
from Albany—Unable to buy—Credit with Merchants—The Results—Itinerant
Mechanics—Americans—Become Canadians—An old Stone-mason—Wooden
Dishes—Making Spoons—Other Hardships—Indians Friendly—Effects
of Alcohol upon the Mississaugas—Groundless Panic—Drunken Indians—Women,
defending Themselves—An erroneous Statement about Indian
Massacre in “Dominion Monthly Magazine”—Statement of an Old Settler,
Sherwood—Wild Beasts—Few Fire-arms—Narrow Escapes—Depredations at
Night—Destroying Stock—An Act of Parliament—“A Traveller’s” Statement—The
Day of Small Things—Settlers Contented—The Extent of their
Ambition—Reward of Industry—Population in 1808—Importations—Money—The
Youth.
The style of clothing worn by the refugees and disbanded
soldiers was such as prevailed eighty years ago in England. A
certain difference, no doubt, existed between the English and the
Colonists, yet mainly the style was the same. Among the first
settlers upon the bay were those who had fetched with them, and
wore, at least occasionally, garments of fashionable cut and appointments.
Tight knee-breeches and silver buckles would decorate the
bodies of some, who had in other days mixed in the fashionable
throng, perhaps luxuriated in the gay city of New York, where
the presence of British soldiers always gave life and gaiety. Indeed
some of the inhabitants had been commissioned officers in the
regular army. Dr. Dougall, who had been in the navy, and who
had settled in the sixth Township, is remembered as a wearer of
“tights” and silver buckles. Also, Major VanAlstine wore this
elegant attire, and the M’Leans, of Kingston. Those who left their
homes hurriedly during the course of the war, and fled to Lower
Canada and the several British Forts, brought only what was upon
their backs. Those who came more leisurely might have a little
more; but the distance to travel on foot would deter from undertaking
to bring more than supplies of food. The disbanded soldiers
had no more than what belongs to a soldier’s kit, and no doubt the
close of the war left many of them with well worn garments. A
few years of exposure to the wear and tear of pioneer life would
212quite destroy the best supplied wardrobe, however carefully husbanded,
or ingeniously mended by the anxious wife. To replace
the clothing was far from an easy matter to the settlers, many of
whom had no money, certainly no time for a long journey to Montreal
or Albany. After a few years, Kingston became a place of
trade, but the supply of clothing was scant and dear, placing it
beyond the reach of mostly all. The result was that the vast
majority of the inhabitants had to look to the production of their
lands wherewith to cover the nakedness of their families. Those
living up the bay continued to want for clothing for a longer time,
being unable to exchange with the merchants of Kingston, until
peddlers began to visit the more remote settlers.
The faded garments, patched until the original material could
no longer be distinguished, ultimately succumbed to the effects of
time and labor.
The Indians, who as a general thing were friendly and kind,
when they visited the settlement, gave to the settlers the idea of
manufacturing garments out of deer skin. They, now and then
exchanged skins for articles the settlers could part with, and taught
them how to prepare the fresh pelt so as to make it pliable. The
process consisted in removing the hair and then working the hide
by hand with the brains of some animal, until it was soft and white.
Trowsers made of this material were not only comfortable for
winter, but very durable. A gentleman who recently died in
Sophiasburgh at an advanced age, remembered to have worn a pair
for twelve years, being repaired occasionally, and at the end they
were sold for two dollars and-a-half. Petticoats for women were
often made of the same material. Roger Bates says “My grandmother
made all sorts of useful dresses with these skins, which
were most comfortable for a country life, and for going through
the bush, could not be torn by the branches.” Also, moccasins were
procured from the buckskin, and some had enough deer-skin to
make covering for beds. But deer-skin was not sufficiently abundant
to give covering to all, such as it was; and, certain clothing was
required, for which it was unfit. Thus left to their own resources,
the settlers commenced at an early period to cultivate flax, and as
soon as possible to procure sheep. For many years almost every
family made their various garments, for both sexes, of the coarse
linen made from the flax, and cloth from wool raised at home and
carded by hand. Preparing the flax for weaving, as well as spinning
were done by hand, with inferior implements rudely made. But
213in later years, occasionally spinning wheels and looms were brought
in by settlers. There were no fulling mills to complete the fabric.
Even the mode adopted then, in Lower Canada, was not practised,
which was as follows: A meeting of young folks, similar to a bee,
was held from house to house, at which both sexes took part. The
cloth to be fulled was placed in large tubs, and bare-legged youths
would step in and with much amusement dance the fulling done.
In Upper Canada, both high and low were glad to be able to don
the home-made linen, and the linsey-woolsey petticoat.
“The growth of flax was much attended to as soon as lands were
cleared and put in order.” “Then spinning-wheels were all the go,
and home-made linen, the pride of all families, manufactured substantial
articles that would last a lifetime.” The young men of industry
would look for the spinning-wheel and loom before selecting a wife.
“A young farmer would often be astonished to find on his marriage
that his fair partner had got a good supply of linen for her marriage
portion. I have known as much as sixty yards spun and manufactured
at one bee or gathering.”—Clark.
When the skins of sheep, and of calves and beef become available,
every farmer became his own tanner, and dressed his leather;
and then his own shoemaker. Fashions did not change, except as
the continued practice of making for an increasing family, gave the
maker ability to make something more like a boot than a moccasin.
Rainy days, and the nights, were spent in doing such kind of work,
not by candle light, but by the hearth fire. It was at the same
time that an axe-helve, a wooden plow, a reaping cradle, a wooden
fork, &c., were made. But many a child, whose grand-children are
now occupying positions of wealth and influence, stayed in the log
cabin the winter through, because he had nothing with which to
protect his feet from the snow. The writer’s father was not a shoemaker
by trade; but he remembers when a boy to have worn shoes
made by him. They were not conspicuous for their beauty, but it
was thought by the wearer they would last forever; within his
recollection there was not a shoemaker in Thurlow.
Much ingenuity was displayed in making clothes and blankets.
What was called the “Kearsy” blanket was made at an early date;
the writer has seen the first one said to have been manufactured in
Upper Canada, certainly the first on the Bay Quinté. It is yet in
use and belongs to one, nearly one hundred years of age, who is the
daughter of the maker, whom we remember to have seen when a
214boy, who, although then in the sear and yellow leaf, was as tall and
erect as if untold hardships had not crowned her life. Within fifteen
miles of Belleville, across the Bay, was a log cabin, the occupants of
which had for their first blanket, one made out of hair, picked out
of the tanner’s vat, and a hemp-like weed growing in the yard. The
hair was first cleaned by whipping it; then it was carded and
worked up with the hemp, and then spun. It was afterward doubled
and twisted, and finally woven into a blanket. The individual whose
wife did this, and whose descendants are among the most wealthy
farmers, bought his farm for a horse. For many a day, they had no
furniture, not even a chair, and the bedstead was made out of two
poles, driven between the logs of the shanty; and basswood bark was
twisted so as to bind them substantially together. Clean straw upon
this, was really the only thing they had in the house. And so it was
with very many, the exceptions being, some half pay officers, who
had brought a table, or a chest of drawers. In 1790, the brother of
an individual, holding an important post in Kingston, was near the
head of the bay, staying at a house in a state of nakedness; in which
condition his brother writes, “he must remain until I am able to go
up.” “I have agreed to put him to trial with a carpenter to learn
the trade,” he must therefore have been a large boy.
It was not until the close of the last century, that wearing articles,
other than those made out of flax and wool, were to be obtained.
A calico dress was a decided luxury. The petticoat, and short gown
of linen, was more common. A long chintz dress to go to meeting,
was the height of many a damsel’s ambition, or a grogran dress and
short petticoat. As years passed away, and a grown up daughter was
about to be married, efforts would be made to array the bride in
fitting costume. Often a dress, worn by the mother in other days,
amid other scenes, which had been laid carefully away, was brought
forth to light, and made by suitable alterations to do renewed service,
although the white had assumed a yellow cast, and had lost its lustre.
As late as 1816, a farmer owning land in Sidney, and who died rich,
made in winter a journey to Kingston with flour, wearing nothing
on his feet, but a pair of shoes, and who had his trowsers strapped
down to keep his ankles warm. Leg boots took too much leather.
It was many years before a bridle and saddle were known, and then,
but a few possessed such a convenience. Bare-back, or on a deer skin
was the primitive mode.
After the erection of Upper Canada into a separate province,
both Kingston and Newark, where there were always troops, and where
215articles of clothing were to be purchased from a few, who had gone
into the mercantile business, exhibited a degree of comfort and even
gaiety in dress.
At the first there was but little money in circulation. But few
of the refugees, or disbanded soldiers had any when they entered the
wilderness. The government were constantly paying a certain sum
to the troops at Kingston and Newark, and likewise to the retired
half pay officers. The few who could command money, were placed
in a position of greater comfort, as soon as articles of provisions
and merchandise, were brought to the new settlement. Mainly,
however, trading was carried on by exchanging one commodity
for another. Probably the first articles for trade, was the ticket
for grants of land in the back concessions, often parted with so
cheaply. The settlers required clothing, grain for sowing, and stock;
these wants in time, led to trade, two kinds of which were introduced.
One carried on by merchants established at Kingston, the other by
pedlars, Yankee pedlars, who would come from Albany with their pack
in a canoe or small batteau, and who plied their calling along the bay
shore from clearing to clearing. Both the merchant at Kingston, who
waited for his customers to come to him, and the pedlar who sought
customers, asked for their wares, only grain or any other produce.
But wheat was desired above all others. It was an event of no little
interest to the back woodsman’s family, when the pedlar’s canoe or
batteau came along, and halted before the log house, by the shore.
And, even when their circumstances would not permit them to buy, it
was a luxury to have a look at the things, which were so temptingly
displayed. The toil-worn farmer, with well patched trowsers, would
turn with an inward sigh from the piece of cloth, which although so
much wanted, could not be got. The wife looked longingly at those
little things, which would just suit baby. The grown up daughters
gazed wistfully, but hopelessly at the bright calico prints, more valuable,
in their eyes than the choicest silks are to their descendants to day.
But a calico dress was a thing not enjoyed, but by few, until it was
bought for the wedding dress. Frequently some articles of family use
was exchanged for goods, which were deemed of more use. The trade
of merchants at Kingston steadily increased; but not a cash business.
A credit system was initiated and carried on. Goods would be
purchased with an engagement to pay in wheat or potatoes, or something
else, at a certain time. Here and there along the bay were
Indian fur traders. They, also, began to exchange with the settlers.
While this was a great convenience, and gave immediate comfort to
216many a family, it, at the same time, led to serious results with many.
Disappointed in the return of crops, or in some other way, the payment
could not be made. Promissory notes were given at interest;
and, after a few years, suing and seizing of stock was the result.
Sometimes even the farm went to satisfy the creditor. Unfortunately,
there are too many such cases in the records of the settlers of the bay.
Not alone did pedlars come from the States, to pick up the fruit of
the industry, of those they had driven away; but there were itinerant
Yankee mechanics who would occasionally come along, looking for a
job. Carpenters, Masons, &c., after a few years, found much to do.
We would not speak disparagingly of these Americans, because they
served a good turn in erecting buildings, as houses, barns, &c. They
also introduced many valuable articles of husbandry and domestic use.
And finally, many of them forsook their republican government, and
permanently settled under the King, and became the best of subjects.
Even in the first decade of the present century, mechanics would go up
and down the bay seeking work. For instance, there was one
Travers, a stone mason, who found employment along the bay, and
even up the lake. Of this we are informed by one of his apprentices
who is now upwards of eighty years old. (We make place in our
Review to state that John W. Maybee, referred to, aged 88, died
7th February, 1869.)
A hundred things enter into the list of what constitutes home
comforts. But spare, indeed, were the articles to be found upon the
kitchen shelves. Plain enough, was the spread table, at which the
family gathered morning, noon, and night. Many had but one or
two dishes, often of wood, rudely made out of basswood; and spoons
of the same material. Knives and forks in many families were
unknown. A few families had brought a very limited number of
articles for eating, relics of other days, but these were exceedingly
scarce. The wooden spoon was the most common table
article with which to carry food to the mouth. By and by the
pedlar brought pewter spoons, and once in a while the settler procured
pewter and moulds and made spoons for himself.
Apart from the suffering arising from want of food, and clothing
to wear, and furniture to make the house comfortable, there were
others of more or less magnitude. It would naturally be expected
that one of the first dangers in entering a wilderness, would be from
217the Indians, whose territory was being occupied. But in the main
this evil was not added to their other distress. The considerate and
just policy pursued by the British Government, left the Indians
no cause of complaint, and they did not at any time assume
an hostile attitude toward the infant colony. But that curse of
the human race,—baneful curse to the Indians, alcohol, came with
the white man; and, too often, the unscrupulous trader, and merchant
would, not only sell the fire water to them, but rely upon its intoxicating
qualities, to consummate more excellent bargains for furs.
The evil thus inflicted upon the Indian, returned in some cases, upon
innocent pioneers. The Indians under the influence of liquor are particularly
savage and ungovernable; prone to exhibit their wild nature.
Thirsting for the liquor, they would sometimes enter dwellings, when
they knew the men were absent, and endeavour to intimidate the women
to give them rum. A few instances of alarm and actual danger, come
to us, among the bay settlers. At one time particularly, there arose
a wide spread alarm, (long remembered as the “Indian alarms,”) that
the Indians were, upon some fixed night, when the men were away to
Kingston mills, going to massacre the settlers. This arose from some
remarks, let fall by a half drunken Indian. A few of the settlers, did
actually leave their homes, and sought protection in a more thickly settled
locality, while active steps were taken to defend their homes against
the Indians. Mrs. Dempsey, of seventh township, gathered up what
she could, and with her children crossed in a canoe to the eighth township.
On another occasion, when her husband was absent, several half
drunken Indians came to the house, and one stepping up to where she
sat, trembling with fear, and with her little ones nestling close to her,
drew his knife, and cutting a piece from the palm of his hand, held
the bleeding wound before her face, crying out “look, look, Indian
no fraid.” Then he brandished his knife in the most menacing manner.
She hearing the sound of a passing team, got up and slowly
walked backwards to the door, looking the savage bravely in the eye
all the time. Her husband had opportunely arrived, in time to save
his family, which he did by a free use of the horse-whip. On another
occasion, Mrs. D. saved her life and the children from drunken
Indians, by rushing up a ladder with them, into the garret, which
could only be reached by a small opening through the ceiling, and
then hauling the ladder up. The Indians endeavoured to assist each
other up, and through the entrance, but she having a knife succeeded
by cutting their fingers, when they attempted to get up, in keeping
them back. These hostile attempts were exceptions, and always the
result of intoxication.
218Since writing the above, an article has been published in the
Dominion Monthly Magazine, in which it is stated that a family of
settlers were massacred by the Indians upon the banks of the St.
Lawrence in 1795. This statement is at variance with facts known
to us, and with the testimony of one who cannot be mistaken. His
statement is as follows:
Brockville, 13th April, 1868.
My Dear Sir,—
I am in receipt of your note of this date, adverting to the
statement of the massacre of a family in Upper Canada, by the
Indians in 1795. I noticed the same statement in some paper I have
lately read, and at the time I thought it to be a mistake in the date,
or an entire fabrication. I am not aware of the least hostility shewn
by the Indians to any of the U. E. Loyalists since 1784, eleven years
previous to date stated, and I do not believe a syllable of it.
Yours truly,
Adiel Sherwood.
Although the native Indians did not, as a general thing, alarm
the settler, there were wild beasts that did. For years the wolf, and
the bear, and other ferocious animals were a source of terror and
suffering. These animals, unaccustomed to the sight of man, were at
first exceedingly tame. The settlers had but few fire-arms, and
ammunition was very scarce; and the beasts knew no terror of them.
They would even by day, come to the very door of the cabin, ready to
seize the little child, or the scanty stock of poultry, pigs, or sheep, or
calves, or salted provisions which had been left exposed, government
stores, &c. And at night they made the most hideous and incessant
howls, until morning. Many instances of their rapacity in robbing
the scanty yard of the settlers, and of hair breadth escapes of individuals
from wolves and bears, are mentioned. The destruction of stock
by the wolf especially, caused the government of Canada, at an early
date, (1793,) to legislate, with a view of gradually exterminating them;
and an act was passed, granting a premium of four dollars to every
one who should bring a wolf’s head to the proper officer; and two
dollars for a bear’s. It was withdrawn with regard to bears, in 1796.
“A traveller,” writing in 1835, remarks that in Kingston, resided a
person who privately bred wolves to obtain the reward. But whether
such an enterprising citizen did actually live in the good old town the
writer saith not. Instances of narrow escapes from the wild beasts
are still remembered; for instance, Lewis Daly, of Ernest town, was
219suddenly attacked by a bear within a mile of home. He sprung up
a small tree, which bending over, he was in momentary danger of
being reached. His cries brought help.
In those early days, the settler, looked not for great things;
schooled by the hardships of civil war, and inured to want, and half
starvation, they asked not for riches. Enough to eat, and to be
warmly clad, and housed from the winter’s cold, was the great point
to which they stretched their longing hopes. Plenty in the future for
the little ones, and for themselves, when they had grown old, was the
single purpose of their toilsome life. A descendant of a first
settler upon the front of Sidney, tells of his grandmother whom he
had heard say, that her great ambition at first, was to raise vegetables,
onions and other useful articles in her garden bed; to have poultry
then, about her. After years she got the fowls; but a mink, in a
single night killed them all. Then, again, they had got a breeding
sow, and one morning a bear walked out of the woods, and with one
hug destroyed all their hopes of future porkers.
Gradually, as years passed away, comforts began to reward the
patient and industrious pioneers; acre after acre was brought under
cultivation. The log house received an addition, a little stock was
procured, and the future brightened up before them, and by the year
1808, the settlements in Upper Canada were increasing in number,
and spreading in every direction. “The frontier of the country was
fast filling up. Persons were taking up land several miles from the
water’s edge. Some had ventured to take up land in the second tier
of townships, in the midst of the wilderness, and many miles from
any habitation. The population was now increased to about 70,000
souls. The importations was chiefly liquors and groceries, which by
the St. Lawrence and the United States, brought a revenue of nearly
£7,000. The bulk of the inhabitants manufactured and wore their
own clothing. The way of trade was mostly by barter, as gold and
silver were scarce, and there were no banks to issue paper currency.
Intemperance was very prevalent, and schools were scarce. The
youth were too fond of foolish amusements.”—(Playter.)
220
Contents—Sweat of the Brow—No Beast of Burden—No Stock—Except by a
Few—Horses and Oxen—From Lower Canada—York State—Later comers,
brought some—No Fodder—First Stock in Adolphustown—Incidents—Cock
and Hen—“Tipler”—Cattle Driving—First Cow in Thurlow—First House in
Marysburgh—The First Oxen—No Market for Butter and Cheese—Sheep—Rev.
Mr. Stuart, as an Agriculturist—Horses at Napanee—An offer for a Yoke
of Steers.
We have seen that the refugees and disbanded soldiers who
entered Canada, brought but a limited number of implements, and
those of an imperfect nature. The most of them had no means of
lessening labor, no beasts of burden. All the work had to be done
by the sturdy arm, and by the sweat of the brow. For years,
mostly all alike thus labored, and for many years the increasing
number continued to toil, being unable to procure beasts of burden,
or any stock. The distance to go for them was too far, and the way
too difficult to be undertaken easily. But, a greater difficulty, an
insurmountable reason was that they had not the means to purchase,
until years of struggling had extracted from the ground, covered
with stumps, produce to exchange for the much required help, in
the form of beasts of burden. Some of the half-pay officers, and
other persons, favored by those holding some situations in the government,
were enabled to get beasts of burden at first, or within a
year or two. There were a few old soldiers who had a little money,
received at being discharged; and again, some sold their location
tickets of a portion of their land, and thereby were enabled to
make purchase of cows or oxen.
For beasts of burden, they, as a general thing, preferred oxen
in preference to horses, to work among the stumps with. Both
oxen and horses were brought from Lower Canada and York State.
The later comers, especially, fetched with them horses, oxen and
cows from the latter place.
A few of the very first settlers, perhaps, brought one or more
cows. We find it stated that the disbanded soldiers had a cow
allotted to every two families; these must have been procured at
Lower Canada, perhaps a few by way of Oswego, where were
stationed some troops. Sheriff Ruttan, speaking of the famine,
says: “We had the luxury of a cow which the family brought with
them.” Thomas Goldsmith came in 1786, and drove a lot
of cattle to the Bay: but he could not get enough for them to eat
221and they, starved to death, excepting one heifer and a yoke of oxen.
The Petersons, who settled in the Fourth Town in 1785, and cleared
a small lot of land, went “the following year to Montreal and
brought up some horses and three cows, which comprised the principal
stock then in the Township.”
After a few years, when the settlers had become somewhat
established, steps were taken more generally, to procure stock, so
necessary to give ordinary comfort to their families; while those
who now entered the country brought cows with them. Although
the cows and oxen were procured occasionally from Lower Canada;
the most of them were obtained from the States; but the horses
were in the main at first, brought from Lower Canada. Many incidents
attending the long and devious journey through the wilderness,
are still told. Thomas Goldsmith, before mentioned, who settled in
Prince Edward, came into Canada by way of the Mohawk, Wood
Creek, Oneida Lake, and Oswego river, thence to Cataraqui. He
undertook to drive some cattle through the woods to Cape Vincent,
piloted by a friendly Indian, to swim them across the St. Lawrence.
In this journey he suffered almost every privation—hunger, fatigue,
exposure. Resting one night in the ordinary manner, with his
head slightly raised, upon the root of a tree, with no other covering
than the tree’s branches, and sleeping very soundly, after a day’s
walking, he became benumbed from exposure, and knew not of the
rapidly descending rain, which had actually covered his body when
he awoke. Yet this man lived to be ninety years old. Driving
cattle through the woods was no easy matter, and dogs were often
employed for that purpose. Ex-Sheriff Sherwood, in his valuable
memorandum, relates an incident which throws light upon those
primitive days. After remarking how well he recollects the
pleasure, he and an elder brother experienced from a present made
them of a cock and hen, no common luxuries then, and with what
care they watched over them, he says: “let me tell you the tragic
story of our little ‘Tipler,’ she had become famed for driving
cattle, and we thought much of her. Two persons, one named
Urehart, from the Bay Quinté, and the other Booth, started to go
through the woods to Fort Stanwix for cattle, and prevailed upon
my father to let them take poor little ‘Tipler.’ We saw them safe
across the river; but, sad to say, neither the men nor Tipler were
ever heard of after.”
John Ferguson, writing from Sidney, in July 1791, says that
he cannot get horses for the farm until winter.
222In the summer of 1787, Elisha Miller and Col. Richey brought
from Saratoga County several cattle and horses. They were driven
by way of Black River, and swam the St. Lawrence at Gananoque.
The Reeds, who settled in Thurlow, in 1789, had a cow, which
afforded the principal means of sustenance. This, with basswood
leaves and other greens, constituted their food for many a day.
Mr. Harrison, now living in Marysburgh, tells of the first
horse “below the rock.” It was brought, and owned by Colonel
McDonald. This, and another were the only ones for many years.
Afterward, oxen were brought in, as well as cows, by drovers from
Lower Canada.
Rochfoucault says, 1795: “The cattle are not subject to contagious
distempers; they are numerous, without being remarkably
fine. The finest oxen are procured from Connecticut, at the price
of seventy or eighty dollars a yoke. Cows are brought, either from
the State of New York, and these are the finest; or from Lower
Canada; the former costs twenty, and the latter fifteen dollars.
These are small in size, but, in the opinion of the farmers, better
milch cows, and are, for this reason, preferred. There are no fine
bulls in the country; and the generality of farmers are not sensible
of the advantages to be derived from cattle of a fine breed. In the
summer, the cattle are turned into the woods; in winter, that is, six
months together, they are fed on dry fodder. There is no ready
market at which a farmer can sell that part of his cheese and butter
which is not wanted for the use of the family. Of cheese and
butter, therefore, no more is made than the family need for their
own consumption.” “Sheep are more numerous here than in any
part of the United States, which we have hitherto traversed. They
are either procured from Lower Canada or the State of New York,
and cost three dollars a head. They thrive in this country, but are
high-legged, and of a very indifferent shape. Coarse wool, when
cleaned, costs two shillings a pound.”
The above information was derived, the writer says, from Mr.
Stuart, the Curate of Kingston, “who cultivates, himself, seventy
acres of land, a part of 2,000 acres which had been granted him as
a Loyalist. Without being a very skilful farmer, he is perfectly
acquainted with the details of agriculture.” These statements refer
no doubt, to the settlements of the Bay. There is reference to
horses, by Col. Clarke, whose father, living at the Napanee Mills in
1788, had two favorite horses, Jolly and Bonny.
In an old account book, now before us, for which we are
223indebted to Mr. P. C. Clarke, of Collinsby, and which belonged to
his grandfather, Robert Clarke, who built the Napanee Mills, we
find the following entry.
“Appenea Falls, 23rd November, 1785.
“Acct. of work for Adam Bower with his horses. Dec. 3, To
day’s work, do., &c. He continued to work for sixty-two days
with his horses.”
The following supplies valuable information:
“Appanne Mills, 3rd Aug. 1788.
“Messrs. Collins and Frobisher, Dr.” &c. (They must have been
agents for the Government).
“Aug. 21st. To David Bradshaw, one day with his oxen, 6s.
June 11. To Samuel Browson, Jun’r., 2 days work with two
yoke of oxen, at 10s. March 28th. To 11½ days, Adam Arehart,
with a span of horses, at 6s.
“1789. Oct. 1. To Asa Richard; 9 days work with a pair of
horses and a woman, at 9s.”
There is a memorandum in Robert Clarke’s book, as follows:
“Mr. Joseph Crane got at Canada” (it will be remembered that the
first settlers spoke of the Lower Province as Canada) “a bay horse
six years old. A brown mare four years old. Second Township,
13th March, 1787.”
The Dempsey’s drove in, 100 miles, some cattle in 1789 to
Ameliasburgh. He was offered 200 acres of land for a yoke of
four-year-old steers, which offer he refused. At another time he
was offered 100 acres for a cow.
224
Contents—Old Channels of Trade, and Travel—Art and Science—New Channels—The
Wilderness—Loyalists Traveling on Foot, from Kingston to York—Formation
of Roads—Act of Parliament—1793—Its Provisions—Crooked
Roads—Foot-path—Bridle-path—King’s Highway from Lower Canada—When
Surveyed—Road from Kingston Westward—Its Course—Simcoe’s
Military Road—Dundas Street—Asa Danforth—Contract with Government—Road
from Kingston to Ancaster—Danforth Road—1799—Misunderstandings—Danforth’s
Pamphlets—Slow Improvement—Cause—Extract from
Gourlay—Thomas Markland’s Report—Ferries—1796—Acts of Parliament—Statute
Labor—Money Grants—Commissioners—Midland District—Distribution—The
Cataraqui Bridge Company—The Petitioners—An Act—The
Provisions—The Plan of Building—The Bridge—Toll—Completing the
Bridge—Improvement of Roads—McAdam—Declines a Knighthood.
The channels followed by the Europeans, as they penetrated
the unknown wilderness of America, were those indicated by the
Indians, who had themselves for centuries followed them, in their
pursuit after the chase, or when upon the war path. The great
routes mentioned elsewhere, are the natural ones, and no other
could have been pursued. It was only when art and science followed
emigration to the new world that new channels were opened
up, and the canal and railroad superseded the old devious ways
along the windings of rivers.
Prior to the visiting of Europeans, the Indian paths were more
or less trodden as the requirements of food and the existence of
prey led the hunter here or there, or the war cry led them to the
deadly encounter. But when the Europeans initiated trade by
giving for furs the attractive trinkets, and such articles as contributed
to the Indian taste of comfort and grandeur, then there were
more regular and frequent travelings from the sea-board to the far
west.
The occupation of Western Canada found the country in its
primeval state; a vast wilderness, and no roads. The only way
of traveling from one clearing to another was by the canoe and
batteau, or by foot through the trackless woods, guided by the
banks of the bay, or a river, or the blazing of the trees. For
a long time not even a bridle-path existed, had there been horses
to ride upon. Even at a late date, journeys were made on foot
from Kingston to York along the lake shore. The formation of
roads was a very slow process. In the year 1793, an act was passed
“to Regulate the Laying out, Amending, and Keeping in Repair,
the Public Highways and Roads.” The roads were to be not less
225than thirty feet, nor more than sixty wide. Each settler was under
obligation to clear a road across his lot; but there was the reserve
lands for the Clergy and Crown, which were not provided with
roads. Any one traveling the older settled districts will be struck
with the devious character of the highways. The configuration of
the Bay Quinté, and the mode of laying out the lots to secure a
frontage upon the water, tended to cause this irregularity. The
settlements being apart, when a communication took place between
them the shortest cut would be taken, so far as hill, and marsh, and
creek would permit. The consequences were that many of the
roads were angular with the lots, or running zigzag. In later
years, some of these roads were closed up, but many remain to
mark an original foot-path. The banks of the bay and of creeks
and rivers were naturally followed, as sure guides, or perhaps as an
Indian path. And thus sometimes the road was made not direct,
but roundabout. In the survey of the concessions, provision was
made for roads between the concessions, and cross-roads were to be
left between every fifth and sixth lots.
Many of the main roads were at first marked by the blazing of
the trees, when made through the woods, after a while a foot-path
could be seen, and then boughs were trimmed off, that one might
ride on horseback; and in time the sleigh was driven, and finally a
waggon road was made.
Government was slack in giving funds to open up the country,
and the legislation, for many years, in reference to the subject,
seemed as if it was intended to do as little as possible, forgetting
the fact that “the first improvement of any country should be
the making of good roads.” But it soon became important to
have a mail road between Montreal and Kingston, and between
Kingston and York, and then by way of Dundas to the Thames, and
to Niagara. Says Mr. A. Sheerwood, “I recollect when the King’s
highway was established from the Provincial line to Kingston, the
line was run by a surveyor named Ponair, with a surveyor under
his direction by the name of Joseph Kilborne. The distance from
the Provincial line to my father’s farm, three miles below Brockville,
was ninety-five miles, and from Brockville to the fort, this
side of Kingston, fifty miles; at the end of each mile was planted a
red cedar post, marked on it the number of miles from the Provincial
line; this line of road was made some years after the first
settlement, but I have forgotten the year.” The original mail road
between Kingston and York did not altogether follow the present
226line. At first, from Kingston, the road followed the bay shore to
Bath, and continued along the shore to Adolphustown to Dorland’s
Point, where was established a ferry to communicate with Marysburg
at the Lake of the Mountain; thence the road followed the
shore to the head of Picton Bay, and soon to Bloomfold, Wellington,
Consecon, by the Carrying Place, and continued to closely follow the
lake shore. Subsequently this great highway was called the York
Road when going towards York, and the Kingston Road when
going towards Kingston.
Gen. Simcoe intended to have a grand military road from one
end of the Province to the other. This he lined out and gave it
the name of Dundas Street. But he left the Province before his
intentions were carried out, and but a small portion was then constructed;
while settlers had located here and there along the proposed
road, and had cleared land and built with the full expectation
that the great thoroughfare would shortly be opened up. But
years passed away, before this was done. Piece after piece was
here and there made passable, until at last the road was made
through the length of the Province.
The late Mr. Finkle of Ernest Town writes: “An American
gentleman came into Canada, 1798, by the name of Asa Danforth,
and made a contract with the Upper Canada Government, to open
a road from Kingston through to Ancaster, at the head of Lake
Ontario, which road he completed. Danforth’s home was at my
father’s (Henry Finkle), before and after the contract was taken.
The work commenced in 1798, and was finished in three years
time.” This road passed through Prince Edward by Wellington.
Danforth “became dissatisfied with the government when the settlement
took place, and left Canada with a bitter feeling, so much so,
that he, some time after, sent to my father a package of pamphlets,
he had published to shew the injustice of the government transaction.
He desired they should be circulated through the country
along the road. However, the pamphlets were not distributed, and
the fact never became generally known.” For many years the main
road was called the Danforth Road.
As time advanced, the road between York and Kingston was
gradually improved. The great hindrance to road making is sufficiently
indicated by the following, taken from Gourlay. It is the
expression of a meeting of yeomen, held at the village of Waterloo,
Kingston, February 2, 1818, Major John Everett in the chair.
Among other things it is asserted that what retards the progress is
227that “great quantities of land in the fronts and public situations,
that remain unimproved, by being given very injudiciously to
persons who do not want to settle on them, and what is most shameful
and injurious, no law is made to compel them to make or work
any public road; but this is to be done by industrious people, who
settle around. Such lands remain like a putrid carcass, an injury
and a nuisance to all around: at the same time, to the owners, this
land increases in value, without their being made to contribute
towards it, at other men’s expense. Our worthies, a few years ago,
passed an act, that required a poor man to work three days upon
the public roads, and these over-gorged landowners but twelve
days, and others, with twenty times as much property, doing no
more. It would excite surprise at Governor Gore’s signing such a
bill, if it was not known that the Parliament voted him £3,000, to
buy a piece of plate.”
Says Thomas Markland, in a General Report of Midland
District:
“The same cause which has surrounded Little York with a
desert, creates gloom and desolation about Kingston, otherwise most
beautifully situated; I mean the seizure and monopoly of the land
by people in office and favour. On the east side, particularly, you
may travel miles together without passing a human dwelling; the
roads are accordingly most abominable to the very gates of this,
the largest town in the Province; and its market is often supplied
with vegetables from the United States, where property is less
hampered, and the exertions of cultivators more free, accordingly.”
In 1797, Parliament passed an Act, which was the first “for the
regulation of ferries.”
In 1794, an Act was passed “to make further provisions
respecting Highways and Roads.” An Act was passed, 1798,
respecting “Statute duties on Highways and Roads.” In 1804 an
Act was passed “granting £1,000 for repairing, laying out new
roads, and building bridges in the several districts.” Again, in
1808 £1,600 was granted for the same purpose; and again the same
sum in the following year. In 1811, £3,450 was granted. In 1812,
an Act was passed “to prevent damage to travelers on the highways
of the Province.” All persons meeting sleighs or waggons to turn
out to the right, and give half the way. Two or more bells to be
attached to every sleigh.
In 1812, it was found that “many roads were unnecessarily
228laid out;” to remedy this, every one had to be confirmed by Justices
of the Peace, and if this were not done, the party who applied for
the survey should pay for the same.
In 1814, £6,000 was granted for Highways and Bridges; and
the year following, “£20,500 to be appropriated,” and Commissioners
were appointed on the road, to receive £25 each. Again,
the year after, £21,000 was granted.
In 1819, Parliament passed an “Act repealing and amending
certain portions of previous Acts,” by which a more elaborate provision
was made to secure statute labor. This was again amended
in 1824. In 1826 was enacted to grant £1,200 for making and
repairing roads and bridges—Item: “In aid of the Society for
improving the Public Roads,” in a part of Ernesttown and Kingston.
In 1830, £13,650 was granted “for the improvement of Roads and
Bridges,” of which the Midland District received £1,900, to be
expended as follows, by contract after public notice: “On the
Montreal road, between the Town of Kingston, and the limits of
the County of Frontenac, the sum of fifty pounds. Joseph Franklin,
Elijah Beach, and James Atkinson to be Commissioners for expending
the same: On the road leading from the Town of Kingston, to
the Village of Waterloo, the sum of fifty pounds; and that Samuel
Askroyd, Horace Yeomans, and Benjamin Olcott, be Commissioners
for expending the same. On the leading road from Kingston to the
Village of Bath, the sum of one hundred pounds, and that Henry
Lasher, Joseph Amy, and Prentiss J. Fitch, be Commissioners for
expending the same. On the road leading from the Village of
Waterloo to the Napanee Mills, the sum of three hundred and fifty
pounds; and that the Treasurer and Trustees of the Kingston and
Earnesttown Road Society be Commissioners for expending the
same. On the road leading from Loughborough to Waterloo, the
sum of fifty pounds; and that Samuel Aykroyd, John Campbell,
and Henry Wood be Commissioners for expending the same. On
the road leading from the fifth Concession of Portland to the third
concession of the Township of Kingston, fifty pounds; and that
Jacob Shibly, Byron Spike, and Thomas Sigsworth, be Commissioners
for expending the same. On the road leading from Bath to the
Township of Camden, the sum of fifty pounds; and that Ebenezer
Perry, Benjamin Clarke, and John Perry, be Commissioners for
expending the same. On the road leading from Wessel’s Ferry, in
Sophiasburg, to Demorest’s Mill, the sum of one hundred pounds;
and that Abraham VanBlaricum, Daniel B. Way, and Guilliam
229Demorest, be Commissioners for expending the same. On the road
between the widow M’Cready’s and the north-east of Chrysler’s Creek
Bridge, in the seventh concession of Thurlow, the sum of twenty-five
pounds. On the road in the township of Huntington, leading
to the township of Madoc, and surveyed by W. Ketcheson, in one-thousand
eight hundred and twenty-eight, seventy-five pounds, and
that Jacob Jowngs, of Thurlow, Garret Garritson, of Huntingdon,
and James O’Hara, of Madoc, be Commissioners for expending the
same. On the road leading from the Napanee Mills to Belleville,
the sum of eight hundred pounds, and that Allan McPherson, John
Turnbull, William Post, David B. Soles, and John Mabee, of Thurlow,
be Commissioners for expending the same. On the road leading
from VanAlstine’s ferry to the Carrying Place, the sum of two
hundred pounds, and that Simeon Washburn, Esquire, Charles Biggar,
Esquire, and Jesse Henderson, be Commissioners for expending the
same.”
During the same session, “there being reason to believe there
would not be enough means on hand to meet the grant,” an Act
was passed to raise by loan £8000. The year after another Act
was passed to raise by debenture the sum of £40,000 more to be
appropriated to the several districts. The Midland district to
receive £2,200. Among the specifications, were “in the Indian
woods” £200 for the bridge at the mouth of the little Cataraqui,
£50 “to assist in erecting new bridge across Marsh Creek, near
William Brickman’s, in Ameliasburgh,” £20. “To erect a bridge
across East Creek, at the east end of East Lake, £50.” “On the
road leading from Belleville to the Marmora Iron Works, £250.”
On March, 25, 1828, there was passed an Act respecting “a
road between Ernesttown and the Gore of Fredericksburgh.”
The Preamble says, “whereas, in consequence of a dispute
having arisen between the Justices of the Peace of Ernesttown and
Fredericksburgh, respecting the right of either party to take
charge” of the road, and to which party the right of repairing it
belongs, “in consequence of which dispute, the aforesaid road
though much traveled from necessity, is dangerous and difficult to
travel, on account of being left, in a great measure, for a long time
past, without being mended,” &c. It was enacted that the two
townships should equally take charge and keep in repair the said
road, certain portions being allotted to each.
In 1827 an act was passed to incorporate “The Cataraqui
Bridge Company.” Up to this time the communication between
230Kingston and the opposite point of Frederick, was only by boat.
The Act, or some portions of it cannot but be interesting: “Whereas
John H. Glover, John Marks, John Macaulay, John Kerby,
Christopher Alexander Hagerman, Michael Sproatt, John P. Hawkins,
Robert Moore, Charles Jones, Stephen Yarwood, Augustus
Barber, George Calls, Richard Williams, James B. Forsyth, George
McBeath, Adam Krieu, John S. Cartwright, Robert D. Cartwright,
Alexander Anderson, George O’Kill Stuart, Laughlin Currin,
Donald McPherson, James Jackalls, the younger, Francis Archibald
Harper, John Cumming, James Sampson, Elizabeth Herchmer,
Catharine Markland, Anne Macaulay, John Jenkins, and Edward
Forsyth, have petitioned to be incorporated,” &c. (This furnishes
us with the names of the more prominent persons at that time
interested in Kingston). “And whereas, they have represented,
by their agents, that they have made arrangements with His
Majesty’s Government, in case the object above recited be carried
into effect, for the passage of Military and Naval stores, and of the
officers and men belonging and attached to the various Military
and Naval departments, for a certain consideration to be annually
paid by the Government, and that for the purpose of this incorporation,
they have subscribed stock to the amount of £6000.”
The Act of Incorporation provided that “the said Company are
authorized and empowered, at their own cost and charges, to erect
and build a good and substantial bridge over the great river Cataraqui,
near the town of Kingston, from the present scow landing
on the military reserve, opposite to the north-east end of the continuation
of Front Street to the opposite shore on Point Frederick,
at the present scow landing on the Military Reserve, adjoining the
western addition of the Township of Pittsburgh, with convenient
access thereto at both ends of the bridge, to and from the adjacent
highways, at present in use; that the said bridge shall be at least
twenty-five feet wide, and of sufficient strength for artillery carriages,”
&c., &c.; they shall also be at liberty to build tollhouses,
and toll-bars; Provided always, that there be a draw-bridge
not less than eighteen feet, in some part, for the passage of all
vessels, which bridge shall be opened at all hours required without
exacting toll, and a space for rafts between the piers, forty feet.
The amount of toll to be demanded from man and beast, and
vehicle, was fully specified in the Act.
The Company was to be managed by five Directors, Stockholders
to hold office for one year from each last Monday in January.
The bridge was to be completed within three years.
231It was provided that no ferry should be allowed, nor other
barge.
The final clause enacted that after fifty years his Majesty
might assume the possession of the bridge, upon paying to the
Company the full value thereof, to be ascertained by three arbitrators.
March 20, 1829, an Act was passed extending the time for
completing the bridge, two years from the passing of the Act.
We have seen how the roads throughout Canada, were gradually
constructed. As time advanced steps were taken, sometimes however
very tardily, to place public thoroughfares in a more passable
condition. We believe the road from Kingston to Napanee, was
the first to be macadamized, which for many long years was the
exception in an execrable road, stretching between Kingston and
York. The originator of macadamized roads was John Loudoun
McAdam. He was born in Scotland in 1756; emigrated to New
York when a lad, and remained in that City throughout the Revolution.
Under the protection of the British troops, he accumulated
a considerable fortune, as agent for the sale of prizes. At the
close of the war he returned to his native land, with the loss of
nearly all his property. His system of making roads is too well
known to require description. The British Government gave him
£10,000, and tendered the honor of knighthood, which he declined,
but which was conferred on his son, James Nicholl McAdam. He
died at Moffat, County of Dumfries, in 1836, aged eighty years.
232
Contents—Ode to Canada—Early events—First English child in America, 1587—In
New England—First French child, 1621—First in Upper Canada, 1783—In
Prince Edward—Adolphustown—Ameliasburgh—North of the Rideau—Indian
marriage ceremony—Difficulty among first settlers to get clergymen—First
marriage in America, 1608—First in New England, 1621—First
in Canada, 1620—Marriageable folks—No one to tie the matrimonial knot—Only
one clergyman—Officers marrying—Magistrates empowered—Legislation,
1793—Its provision—Making valid certain marriages—Further legislation,
1798—In 1818—1821—1831—Clergymen of all denominations permitted
to marry—Methodist ministers—Marriage license, 1814—Five persons appointed
to issue—A noticeable matter—Statements of Bates—Mode of courting
in the woods—Newcastle wedding expeditions—Weapons of defence—Ladies’
dresses—The lover’s “rig”—A wedding ring—Paying the magistrate—A
good corn basket—Going to weddings—“Bitters”—Old folks stay at
home—The dance, several nights—Marriage outfit—Frontier life—Morals in
Upper Canada—Absence of irregularities—Exceptional instances—Unable to
get married, Peter and Polly—A singular witness—Rev. Mr. Stuart—Langhorn—McDowell—How
to adorn the bride—What she wore—A wedding in
1808—On horseback—The guests—The wedding—The banquet—The game
of forfeits—The night—Second day wedding—The young folks on horseback—Terpischorean—An
elopement by Canoe—The Squire—The chase—The
lovers successful—The Squires who married.
Canada faithful! Canada fair!
Canada, beautiful, blooming and rare!
Canada, happiest land of the earth!
Hail to thee, Canada! land of my birth!
Land of fair freedom, where bought not and sold,
Are sinews and sorrows, for silver and gold!
Land of broad lakes, sweet valleys and plains!
Land where justice for rich and poor reigns!
Land of tall forests, famed rivers and rills!
Land of fair meadows, bold mountains and hills!
Land where a man is a man, though he toil!
Land where the tiller is lord of the soil!
Land where a people are happy and free—
Where is the land that is like unto thee?
Thou hast for the stranger that seeketh thy shore
A smile, and a cheer, and a welcome in store;
The needy, relief; and the weary repose;
A home for thy friends; and a grave for thy foes.
Thy nobles are those whose riches in store
Is the wealth of the soul, and the heart’s hidden lore;
They cringe to no master, they bow to no lord
Save Heaven’s, each night and each morning adored.
Land of swift rivers, sweet-gliding along!
Land of my pride, and land of my song!
Canada, prosperous! Canada, true!
Canada loyal, and virtuous, too!
Canada, happiest land of the earth!
Hail thee, forever, sweet land of my birth!
233
We turn from the sad pictures which have been truthfully, if
imperfectly done, which represent the darker side of the pioneer
life of the refugees, to others more pleasing. In those primitive
times, events which now seem trivial to a general public, were of
general interest, and the recollection cherished by a whole community.
In the absence of those stirring events which characterize the present,
incidents of comparative unimportance, became household words,
and recollections. Hence, it comes that posterity may, in some
instances, know who were first married in certain places in America,
of the first birth, and who first died.
“The first child born of English parents in America, was a
daughter of Mrs. Dore, of Virginia, October 18, 1587.” “There
is now standing in Marshalfield, Cape Cod, a portion of a house
built by Perigrine White, the first male child born of English parents
in New England.” According to the testimony of the registrar
of Quebec, the first white child born in Canada, was upon the 24th
October, 1621, which was christened the same day by the name of
Eustache, being the son of Abraham and Margaret L’Anglois;
Abraham was a Scotchman, named Martin Abraham. He was king’s
pilot, and married to Eustache. The plains of Abraham derive their
name from him.
In the obituary notice of Rev. Mr. Pringle, a Methodist preacher,
it is stated that he was born in Prince Edward, in 1780, but this must
be a mistake. There is sufficient proof that the first settlement at
Smith’s Bay commenced in 1784, when the first part of Prince
Edward became settled. Perhaps, indeed, very likely, the first
children born of European parents, was the late Colonel John
Clark, of Dalahousie, and an elder brother and sister. His father, an
Englishman, came to Quebec, attached to the 8th regiment in 1768.
From a sergeant-major, he was appointed in 1776, clerk and naval
store keeper at Carleton Island. Here, Sarah and William Clark
were born during the progress of the war. Col. Clark says, “I was
born at Frontenac, now Kingston, in 1783, and was baptized by the
Rev. Mr. Stuart.”
The Rev. Mr. Pringle, before alluded to, was the first, or among
the first-born in Prince Edward.
A son of Thomas Dorland, claimed to be the first white child
born in the fourth township; but the honor was disputed by Daniel
Peterson. Mrs. Wm. Ketcheson, now living in Sidney, daughter of
234Elizabeth Roblin, of Adolphustown, was born there in 1784. She
must have been one of the very first, as the first settlers came that
same year. On the 16th January 1785, Henry VanDusen was born
in Adolphustown, being one of the first natives.
Upon the 26th April, 1868, was buried Mrs. Bush, she was the
first female born in Ameliasburgh. Mr. Bleeker, yet living at Trenton,
was the first male child born in Ameliasburgh. Mrs. Covert,
was also one of the first persons born in Ameliasburgh.
The first person said to have been born in Toronto, was Mr. J.
Cameron, of Yonge Street, in 1798.
The first child born of white parents north of the Rideau, was
Colonel E. Burritt, Burritt’s Rapids, a relative of Elihu Burritt.
The native Indians of America practiced no important ceremony
in connection with marrying. Certain steps had to be taken by the
one who might desire to have a certain female as his partner, and
those proceedings were always strictly attended to. But the final
ceremony consisted in little more than the affianced one, leaving the
wigwam of her father and repairing to that of her future lord and
master. In many cases the first settlers of America experienced some
difficulty in obtaining the services of a Christian minister to solemnize
matrimony. In French Canada there was not this difficulty, as from
the first the zealous missionary was ever beside the discoverer as he
pressed on his way.
The first Christian marriage solemnized in America, took place
in Virginia in 1608, between John Loyden and Ann Burras. The
first marriage in New England was celebrated the 12th May, 1621,
at Plymouth, between Edward Waislow and Susannah White. The
first marriage in the colony of French Canada, was between Guillaume
Couillard and Guillmet Hebert, July 1620. This is found in the first
parish register, which was commenced this year, 1620.
Among the pioneers of Upper Canada, were persons of every
class as to age, from the tender infant at the breast, to the gray-headed
man. There were young men and young women, as well as the aged,
and as hopes and desires exist to-day in the breast of the young, so
did they then. As the gentle influence of love animates at the present
time, so it did then. But there was a serious drawback; the
consummation of courtship could not easily be realized. Throughout
the vast length of the settlements there were but few clergymen to
celebrate matrimony, and many sighing swains had to wait months,
235and even years of wearisome time to have performed the matrimonial
ceremony. At the first, when a chaplain was attached to a regiment,
he was called upon, but when the settlers commenced to clear, there
was no chaplain connected with the regiment. Indeed, Mr. Stuart, of
Kingston, was the only clergyman in all Upper Canada for a few
years. But the duties of the chaplain were frequently attended to by an
officer, especially at Niagara, and many of the first marriages in the
young colony were performed by a colonel, an adjutant, or a surgeon.
Subsequently, magistrates were appointed, who were commissioned
to tie the nuptial knot.
In the second session of the first Parliament, 1793, was passed
“An Act to confirm and make valid certain marriages heretofore contracted
in the country now comprised within the Province of Canada,
and to provide for the future solemnization of marriage within the
same.”
“Whereas many marriages have been contracted in this Province
at a time when it was impossible to observe the forms prescribed by
law for the solemnization thereof, by reason that there was no Protestant
parson or minister duly ordained, residing in any part of the
said Province, nor any consecrated Protestant church or chapel
within the same, and whereas the parties having contracted such
marriages, and their issue may therefore be subjected to various
disabilities, in order to quiet the minds of such persons and to provide
for the future solemnization of marriage within this Province,
be it enacted and declared by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and
Assembly of the Province of Upper Canada, that the marriage and
marriages of all persons, not being under any canonical disqualification
to contract matrimony, that have been publicly contracted before
any magistrate or commanding officer of a post, or adjutant, or surgeon
of a regiment, acting as chaplain, or any other person in any
public office or employment, before the passing of this Act, shall be
confirmed and considered to all intents and purposes as good and
valid in law, and that the parties who have contracted such marriages,
and the issue thereof, may become severally entitled to all
the rights and benefits, and subject to all the obligations arising
from marriage and consanguinity, in as full and ample a manner as
if the said marriages had respectively been solemnized according
to law.
“And be it further enacted, that in order to enable those persons
236who may be desirous of preserving the testimony of such marriage,
and of the birth of their children, it shall and may be lawful, at any
time, within three years from the passing of this Act, for any magistrate
of the district where any such parties as may have contracted
matrimony as aforesaid, shall reside, at the request of either of said
parties, to administer to each an oath that they were married on a
certain day, and that there is now living issue of the marriage.” This
attestation to be subscribed to by the parties and certified by the
magistrate. The Clerk of the Peace recorded these certificates in a
register for the purpose, which thereafter was considered sufficient
evidence of such matters.
It was further enacted, “That until there shall be five parsons
or ministers of the Church of England, doing duty in their respective
parishes in any one district,” persons “desirous of intermarrying
with each other, and neither of them living within the distance of
eighteen miles of any minister of the Church of England, may
apply to any neighbouring Justice of the Peace,” who should affix
in some public place, a notice, for which he should receive one
shilling, and no more. The purport of the notice was that A. B.
and C. D. were desirous of getting married, and there being no
parson within eighteen miles, if any person knew any just reason
why they should not be married, should give notice thereof to such
magistrate. After which a form of the Church of England was to
be followed, but should a minister reside within eighteen miles of
either parties the marriage was null and void.
It is related that these notices of marriage were often attached
to trees by the road side, and as it was considered desirable in those
days to keep intending marriages secret, not unfrequently the intending
parties would watch and remove the notice which had
been put up.
In the year 1798, an Act was passed to extend the provisions
of the first Act, which provided that “it shall be lawful for the
minister of any congregation or religious community of persons,
professing to be members of the Church of Scotland, or Lutherans,
or Calvinists” to marry according to the rights of such church, and it
was necessary that one of the persons to be married should have been
a member of the particular church six months before the marriage.
The clergyman must have been regularly ordained, and was to
appear before six magistrates at quarter sessions, with at least
seven members of his congregation, to prove his office, or take the
oath of allegiance. And then, if the dignitaries thought it expedient,
237they might grant him a certificate that he was a settled
minister, and therefore could marry, having published the intended
marriage upon three Sundays previous.
In November, 1818, a brief act was passed to make valid the
marriages of those who may have neglected to preserve the testimony
of their marriage.
In the year 1821, an act was passed “for the more certain punishment
of persons illegally solemnizing marriage, by which it was
provided, that if persons, legally qualified to marry, should do so
without the publication of banns, unless license be first had, should be
guilty of a misdemeanor.”
There was no further legislation until 1831, when provision was
again made to confirm marriages contracted “before any justice of
the peace, magistrate, or commanding officer of a post, or minister
and clergyman, in a manner similar to the previous acts.” It was at
this time enacted that it should be lawful for ministers of the church
of Scotland, Lutherans, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Baptists,
Independants, Methodists, Menonists, Tunkers, or Moravians, to
solemnize matrimony, after having obtained certificates from the
quarter sessions. According to the act of 1798, only the church of
Scotland, Lutherans, and Calvinists, beside the English church, were
permitted to marry persons. So it will be seen by this act of 1831,
important concessions were made to different denominations. This
act was by the Methodists, especially regarded as a deserved recognition
of the constantly increasing number of that denomination. It
certainly, at this time, seems remarkably strange, that so obvious a
right, was for so long a time withheld, not alone from them, but other
denominations. But the effort was strong, and long continued to
build up the church of England to the exclusion of all others.
The restriction upon the Methodist ministers was to them greater
from the fact, that for a long time they were members of a Conference
existing, where all denominations were alike endowed with the power
to perform the marriage ceremony. And it is recorded, that in a few
instances, the ministers stationed in Canada, either forgot the illegality
of marrying, or felt indisposed to submit to the unjust law, and
did actually marry some persons. Elder Ryan was one, and was
consequently banished; but was shortly pardoned by government,
because of his known loyalty. His son-in-law, Rev. S. B. Smith, was
another; but he defended himself at the trial and got free. Another
was the Rev. Mr. Sawyer, who at once, being accused, fled the
country for a time.
238It appears that on the 31st May, 1814, government appointed
five persons to issue marriage licenses. One at Queenston, one at
York, one at Kingston, one at Williamsburgh, and one at Cornwall.
John Cumming was appointed for Kingston. Prior to this, licenses
had been occasionally issued, probably, however, only by application
to government. Marrying by license was so noticeable an event, that
it was considered elegant to state in the marriage notice, “married
by license.”
According to a letter in our possession, sometimes the issuer of
license would be without any, when he would give a certificate to the
applicant, by which the party could get married, and subsequently he
would furnish him with the license.
Having given the legal and legislative facts relative to marrying
in early times, it may not be inappropriate to adduce some items of
a social nature.
Roger Bates, of Newcastle, in his memoir at the parliament
library, speaks thus pleasantly and graphically in referring to his
father’s courtship and marriage, which took place at the commencement
of the present century. “The mode of courting in those days
was a good deal of the Indian fashion. The buxom daughter would
run through the trees and bushes, and pretend to get away from the
lover; but somehow or other he managed to catch her, gave her a kiss,
and they soon got married, I rather think by a magistrate. Time
was too valuable to make a fuss about such matters.” Whether this
mode of courting was practiced elsewhere, than in Newcastle, it
may be doubted. Speaking of the weddings, and the journey to
get the knot tied, he says, “they generally furnished themselves
with tomahawks and implements to defend themselves, and to
camp out if required. The ladies had no white dresses to spoil, or
fancy bonnets. With deer skin petticoats, home-spun gowns, and
perhaps squirrel skin bonnet, they looked charming in the eyes of
their lovers, who were rigged out in similar materials.” Again,
about the wedding ring, which could not then be procured, he says,
“I have heard my mother say, that uncle Ferguson, a magistrate,
rather than disappoint a happy couple, who had walked twenty
miles, made search throughout the house, and luckily found a pair
of old English skates, to which was attached a ring, with this he
proceeded with the ceremony, and fixing the ring on the young
woman’s finger, reminded her, that though a homely substitute, she
must continue to wear it, otherwise the ceremony would be dissolved.
That curious token was greatly cherished, and is still
among the family relics.”
239Mr. Sheriff Sherwood, speaking of his father, one of the first
magistrates appointed by Simcoe, says “he probably joined more
individuals together in the happy bonds of matrimony, than any
other person ever has, in the county of Leeds. I have often heard
him mention the circumstance of a young man asking him to marry
him, but who said, I cannot get the money to pay you, but I will
make you a good wheat fan, which he readily accepted, as it was an
article much used at that time. At another time an old man came
on the same errand, and said to him, I cannot get the money to pay
you, but I will make you a good corn basket, with oak splints, and
so tight that I will warrant it to hold water, and the old man
punctually fulfilled his promise.”
We have some interesting information from an old lady who
settled in Ameliasburgh, and who still lives. Getting married at
the beginning of the present century was a great event. The
Carrying Place was the usual place of resort. They placed in a
lumber waggon, a number of chairs, and each gallant was supposed
to support his partner upon his knee, and thus economise room.
“Bitters” were indulged in, but no fighting allowed. If one began
that, he was put out. Keeping good natured was a point of duty
insisted upon. No old persons went to the wedding, but they joined
in the dance, when the youngsters got back. A wedding without
a dance was considered an insipid affair; and it was generally kept
up two or three successive nights at different places. Francis
Weese’s was a half-way house between McMan’s corners, (Rednerville),
and the Carrying Place. Weese was a distinguished player
upon the fiddle, and the wedding parties often stayed with him the
first night.
“A yoke of steers, a cow, three or four sheep, with a bed, table,
two dozen chairs, was regarded a very decent setting out for the
bride. And if the groom was heir to 50 or 100 acres of land, with
a little cleared, he was thought to have the worldly “gear,” to
constitute a first-rate match.”
The history of frontier life; of the advance body of pioneers
in the far west, frequently exhibits great irregularity in morals;
a non-observance of God’s commandments. But the record of the
first settlers of Upper Canada is remarkably bright. When it is
recollected that they were but scattered settlements in a wilderness;
far away from civilized life; excluded from the world, and removed
from the influence of the salutary power of public opinions, it is a
matter of wonder, that great and frequent violation of God’s law,
240with regard to marrying did not take place. But such was not the
case, as a general thing; the holy bonds of matrimony, were
employed to bind man and woman together, whether through the
officer, the magistrate or the clergyman. For years there was but
few clergymen to marry, and also but few magistrates, and there
were secluded settlements where the clergyman or magistrate
came not, and from which the inhabitants could not go, perhaps for
many miles to get married. But a few, and they are very
few instances, are recorded where parties deviated from the righteous
way. Upon the shore of the bay, in a remote locality, about
the year 1796, lived two individuals, whom we will call respectively
Peter and Polly. They were living in the same family, she as a
“help,” and he as a hired man upon the farm. This couple had
desired to enter the bonds of matrimony; but the ministers and
squires lived some distance off, and they could not get away to be
married, so they had to wait for the coming of one who would marry
them; they had to wait, it would seem for several years, in the
mean time they consoled themselves with genuine, and no doubt
honest love. At last it came to pass that a Squire visited that
neighbourhood, and stopped at the house where they lived.
The family bethought them of the wishes of Peter and Polly;
and that now was the time to have the legal knot tied. So Polly
was called from the kitchen just as she was, and Peter from the
field besmeared with sweat, and clean dirt, and the two were made
one. Among the witnesses of the interesting ceremony, was a
bright eyed boy who trotted unceremoniously from the bride to the
groom, calling them respectively “mozzer” and “fadder.” The
time came when this same boy was the owner of the land whereon
he had been born. This fact, from excellent authority, stands out
as an exception to a general rule, although there is not about it
that flagrant violation of moral principle which is too often seen
at the present day, under other circumstances which afford no
excuse.
The Rev. Mr. Stuart, living at Kingston, was not often called
upon to marry, by persons outside of that village, and persons
rarely found time to go all the way to him. When Mr. Langhorn
came and opened a church at Adolphustown, and Bath, a more
central place was supplied, and he consequently was often employed.
But Mr. McDowell was the one who most frequently was required
to marry. Being a minister of the church of Scotland, he enjoyed
the privilege of marrying, and unlike Langhorn, he would marry
241them at their homes. So when making his rounds through the
country, on his preaching excursions, he was frequently called upon
to officiate in this capacity.
In the region of the Bay, were some who had in previous
days, lived in comfort, and had not wanted all that belonged to the well-to-do
inhabitants along the Hudson, and at New York. In some
cases, these families brought with them the fine clothes that had
adorned their bodies in former times. Not only was it difficult for
them, in many cases, to get some one to perform the marriage ceremony;
but to the female, especially, it was a grave matter how to
adorn the bride with that apparel which becomes the event. In
those cases where rich clothes, which had been used by parents,
were stored away, they were brought forth, and by a little alteration,
made to do service; but by and by these relics of better days
were beyond their power to renovate, and like others, they had, if
married at all, to wear the garb mentioned by Roger Bates, or
some other plain article; a calico print, bought of a pedlar, or a
calamink, or linsey-woolsey petticoat, or a woolen drugget, were
no common luxuries in the wilderness home. An old lady who is
still living, tells us that she was married in 1807, and wore the last-mentioned;
and was thought very extravagant indeed. A venerable
lady, a native of the Bay, and now well-nigh eighty, remembers
to have attended a wedding about the year 1708, up the river
Moira. She was living with her uncle, Col. C. The wedding was
one of some importance, as both parties were well-to-do. There
was but a path along the banks of the river, and they went on
horse back. At that time riding on horseback was a common
practice, not a single person merely, but in couples. It was no
unusual thing to see man and wife riding along together, also
brother and sister, and as well lovers. The guests to this wedding
all came on horse back, generally in pairs. They assembled early
in the forenoon, and the happy pair were soon united. The bride’s
dress was unusually grand, being of lawn; the two bridesmaids
graced the occasion by being dressed in muslin. She bears a distinct
recollection of the entertainment. The banquet was crowned
with a majestic chicken pie, in a pan capable of holding some
twelve quarts; by roast goose, and with pies and cakes of all sorts,
in abundance. The bride’s father was the deacon of a church, and
did not allow dancing, but the afternoon and evening were spent in
joyous mirth and jovial “plays” in connection with which forfeits
were lost and redeemed. But, however much these plays may have
242degenerated in recent days, they were then conducted with purity
of thought, and innocence of soul. The party did not break up the
first day. Half of the company repaired to the house of the groom’s
father, where beds were arranged for them. In the morning they
went back to the scene of the wedding, upon the banks of the river,
which at this point is particularly attractive. After breakfast, the
young people, with the newly married pair, set out for the front, to
the mouth of the river. They formed a joyous, and it must have
been a picturesque cavalcade. Each gentleman selected his fair
partner, and having mounted his horse, she was duly seated behind
him. And thus they set out for their destination. Pleasant,
indeed, must have been the ride; striking the scene, as they
wended their way along the running water, and the bright autumn
sun shone upon them through the variegated leaves which clothed
the thickly standing trees. This night was spent at Myers’ Creek,
in following the notes of the fiddle with the nimble feet. This
terminated the wedding party. This is adduced as an illustration
of marrying in early times. Another will be briefly given: it was
a case of elopement, and occurred many years before the wedding
above mentioned. A certain Squire had been for many years in the
enjoyment of wedded bliss. His wife was the daughter of Capt.
——, a half-pay officer, an honest but wayward Dutchman. The
Squire’s wife died, and, in due time, he sought the hand of another
daughter of the Captain. But this the latter would not listen to;
he was determined they should not marry; because she was his
late wife’s sister. The worthy Squire could not see the force of the
objection, and the lady in question was likewise blinded by love.
They resolved to run away, or rather to paddle away, in a convenient
canoe. Clandestinely they set out upon the head waters of the
bay, intending to go to Kingston to obtain the services of a clergyman.
But the Captain learned the fact of their departure and
started in pursuit with his batteau and oarsmen. According to
one account, the flying would-be groomsman, who was paddling his
own canoe, saw the angry parent coming, and made haste to quicken
his speed, but finding that they would be overtaken, they landed
upon an island in the bay, and hauled up the canoe; and concealed
it, with themselves, in a cavity upon the island; and, after the
Captain had passed, returned homeward and procured the services
of a Squire to marry them. But, according to another statement,
the lovers set out while the Captain was absent at Montreal, and
arrived at Kingston, unfortunately, as he was returning home.
243Seeing the Squire, he had his suspicions aroused, and began to look
about for his daughter. She had, however, concealed herself by
throwing an Indian blanket about her person, and over her head,
and by sitting down among some squaws. The statement goes,
that it was well the Captain did not find her, as he would, as soon
as not, have shot the Squire. The end of it was, they were married,
to live a long and happy domestic life. Although there may be a
little doubt as to the details of this early elopement on the bay,
there is no doubt that it took place in some such manner as described.
Among the Squires upon the Bay, the following were the most
frequently called upon to marry: Young, of the Carrying Place;
Bleeker, of the Trent; Lazier, of Sophiasburgh. The magistrates
residing nearer Kingston and Adolphustown had less of this to do,
as clergymen could there be more easily obtained.
Contents—Burying Places—How Selected—Family Burying Places—For the
Neighbourhood—The Dutch—Upon the Hudson—Bay Quinté—A Sacred
Spot to the Loyalists—Ashes to Ashes—Primitive Mode of Burial—The
Coffin—At the Grave—The Father’s Remarks—Return to Labor—French
Burying-place at Frontenac—Its Site—U. E. Loyalists’ Burying-place at
Kingston—The “U. E. Burying Ground,” Adolphustown—Worthy Sires of
Canada’s Sons—Decay—Neglect of Illustrious dead—Repair Wanted—Oldest
Burying Ground in Prince Edward—Ross Place—At East Lake—Upon the
Rose Farm—“The Dutch Burying Ground”—Second Growth Trees—In
Sophiasburgh—Cronk Farm—In Sidney—Rude Tomb Stones—Burial-place
of Capt. Myers—Reflections—Dust to Dust—In Thurlow—“Taylor Burying
Ground”—The First Person Buried—Lieut. Ferguson—An Aged Female—Her
Work Done—Wheels Stand Still.
“Your fathers, where are they?”
Burying places in all the new settlements were, as a general
thing, selected by the family to which death might first come.
This was true of every part of America. Ere the forest had fallen
before the hand of the axeman, or while the roots and stumps of
the trees yet thickly encumbered the ground, before the scythe had
been used to cut the first products of the soil, the great reaper
death passed by, and one and another of the number were cut
244down. Some suitable place, under the circumstances, was selected
for the grave, and quietly the body was laid away. In time, a
neighbour would lose a member of the family, and the body would
be brought and laid beside the first buried. And so on, until a
certain circle would be found burying in a common place. But
sometimes families would prefer to have a private burial ground,
some conspicuous spot being selected upon the farm, where the
ashes of the family might be gathered together, as one after
another passed away. The Dutch are particularly attached to this
custom. This may be seen even yet in those old sections of New
York State, where the Dutch originally settled, especially at
Hoboken, opposite New York City. Sacred spots were appropriated
by each family upon the farm, in which the family was buried. The
descendants of these Dutch who became such loyal subjects, and
suffering refugees who settled around the bay, followed the same
practice. These spots may be seen along the Hudson, and the Bay
Quinté, which may be regarded as the Hudson of Canada, and are
indicated by the drooping willow, or the locust or cypress. Some
from whom reliable information has been received, state that the
spot selected on the Bay Quinté was often that, where the family
had first landed—where they had rested on the bare earth, beneath
the trees, until a hut could be erected. This spot was chosen by the
refugee himself as a suitable place to take his last rest. Indeed,
the devotion of the settler to the land where he had wrought out
his living, and secured a comfortable home, was sometimes of an
exalted character. One instance by way of illustration:—There
came to the shores of Hay Bay an heroic woman, a little rough
perhaps, but one whose soul had been bitterly tried during the conflict
between her king and the rebels. Her husband had been on
many a battle-field, and she had assisted on many an occasion to
give comfort to the British troops. The log hut was duly erected,
and day after day they went forth together to subdue the wilderness.
In the sear and yellow leaf, when competence had been
secured and could be bequeathed to their children, when the first
log tenement had fallen to decay, she caused her children to promise
that her body should be laid upon the spot where that old hut had
stood.
The mode of burial was often simple and touching, often there
was no clergyman of any denomination; no one to read a prayer
over the dead for the benefit of the living. Frequently, in the hush
of suspended work, through the quiet shades of the trees whose
245boughs sighed a requiem, like as if angels whispered peace to the
sad and tearful mourners who silently, or with suppressed sobs,
followed the coffin of the plainest kind, often of rough construction,
which contained the remains of a loved one to the grave, in some
spot selected. The rude coffin being placed in the grave, those
present would uncover, and the father, in sad tones, would make a
few remarks respecting the departed, offer a few thoughts which
the occasion suggested, and then the coffin was hidden out of sight.
The men would return to their labors, and the women to their
duties.
We learn, on excellent authority, that the burial place for
the French, at Fort Frontenac, was where the barracks now stand
near the bridge. But not unlikely the French, when one died away
from the fort at any distance, committed the dead to the earth in
Indian burial places. The first burial place for the U. E. Loyalists
in Kingston, was situated where St. Paul’s Church now stands, on
Queen Street, which was formerly called Grove Street.
No township is more rich in historic matters, pertaining to
the U. E. Loyalists than Adolphustown. Here settled a worthy
band of refugees whose lineage can be traced back to noble names
in France, Germany and Holland. Here was the birth-place of
many of Canada’s more prominent and worthy sons, and here
repose the ashes of a large number of the devoted pioneers.
As the steamboat enters to the wharf at Adolphustown, the
observer may notice a short distance to the west, upon the summit
of a ridge, a small enclosure in which are a number of second
growth trees, maple and oak. He may even see indistinctly a few
marble tombstones. If he walks to the spot he will find that the
fence is rough, broken, and falling down. Casting his eye over
the ground he sees the traces of numerous graves, with a few
marble head-stones, and a long iron enclosure within which are
buried the dead of the Casey family; with a marble slab to the
head of each. The ground generally is covered with the debris of
what once formed enclosures of individual graves or family plots.
When visited by the writer, one grave, that of Hannah Vandusen,
had growing out of its bosom a large poplar tree, while the wooden
fence around was falling and resting against the tree. The writer
gazed on these evidences, not alone of decay but neglect, with
great regret, and with a sigh. For here, without any mark of
their grave, lie many who were not only noble U. E. Loyalists,
but who were men of distinction, and the fathers of men well
246known in Canadian History. Mr. Joseph B. Allison, accompanied
us, and pointed out the several spots where he had seen buried
these illustrious dead.
In the north-west corner of the ground, with no trace even of a
grave to mark the spot, lies the old Major who commanded the
company. Mr. Allison was present, although a little boy at his burial.
The event is fixed upon his mind by the fact the militia turned out
and buried him with military honors. We stood on the spot overgrown
with thorn trees, and felt a pang that his name was thus
forgotten, and his name almost unknown. Close by is a neat
marble headstone to a grave, upon which is the following:
“Henry Hover, departed this life, August 23rd, 1842, aged 79 years, 5
months and 17 days.” Noble man! Imprisonment with chains for
nearly two years, with many hardships during, and after the war,
did not make his life short, and we were thankful he had left descendants
who forgot not to mark his resting-place. For account of
this person see under “Royal Combatants.”
The entrance gate to the ground is at the east side. To the
right on entering, a short distance off, is an oak tree. Between the
gate and tree was laid the body of Nicholas Hagerman. Sad to say,
nothing indicates the resting-place of the earliest lawyer of the Province,
and the father of Judge Hagerman. (See distinguished Loyalists).
In the middle of the ground rests the dead of the Casey
family. The two old couple whom we remember to have seen when
a boy in their green old age, lie here. “Willet Casey died aged 86.
Jane, his wife, aged 93.” We would say to all here buried, Requiescat
in pace. But the very crumblings of the enclosures which were put
around the graves by sorrowing friends when they died cry out against
the neglected state of the ground. The efforts which have repeatedly
been made to put the place in repair ought to be repeated, and
a stone wall at least made to effectually inclose the sacred dust.
The oldest burying place, we believe, in Prince Edward, is some
distance from Indian Point, upon the Lake Shore, and east of the Rock,
commonly known as Ross’s Burying Ground. In this spot are
buried some of the first and most distinguished of the first settlers
of Marysburgh.
Another old burying place in Prince Edward is at East Lake,
at the commencement of the Carrying Place. Here may be found
the graves of some eighteen persons who made the first settlement of
East Lake. The lot upon which it is situated belonged to Mr.
Dyse. It is no longer used, but is partially in a ploughed field, and
partially covered by a second growth of trees.
247Upon the road along the south shore of Marysburg, a short
distance west of the Rock, upon the Rose farm, are to be seen the
lingering remains of the first church of this township. It was
erected at an early date, and was twenty-four feet square. Here
Weant was wont to preach to his flock of Lutherans, and here at
times Langhorn from Bath also held forth. The situation is
pleasant, upon the brow of a comparatively steep hill, overlooking
a pleasant low-land, with the shining Ontario, and Long Point
stretching away into its waters; while to the right is the well
sheltered Wappoose Island. But another object attracts our attention.
Almost immediately fronting us upon a sand-hill close by the
water’s edge is to be seen “the old Dutch burying ground.” It is
about half-a-mile from the road, and we will descend the hill and
take the road through the fields along the fence, the way by which
so many have passed to their long home. The old graveyard is
overshadowed by good sized second growth pines, whose waving
tops sigh not unharmoniously over the ashes of the old Hessian and
Dutch settlers. The adjacent shore washed by the ever throbbing
lake gives forth to day the gentlest sounds. These old burying
places remind one that Canada is ever growing old. Here lie, not
alone the early pioneers, but their grand-children; and over the spot
cleared are now good sized second growth trees. The head boards
are fallen in decay, the fence around the plots have crumbled in
the dust.
The oldest burying place in Sophiasburgh is upon the Cronk
farm east of Northport.
Nearly midway between Belleville and Trenton is situated
the oldest burying ground of Sidney. It is pleasantly located
upon an eminence by the bay shore, and affords a fine view of the
bay, and opposite shore. The visitor will be struck with the
irregularity of the graves in the place primarily used, as if the
graves had been dug among the stumps. Some of them are almost
north and south. At the ends of mostly all are placed stones, rough
they are, but lasting, and have, in a large number of cases, more
permanently indicated the position of the graves. Upon some of
these rough stones are rudely cut the initials of the occupant of the
grave. In a great number of cases tablets painted on wood have
been placed to commemorate the individual deceased. But these are
totally obliterated, and the wood is falling to decay. Probably the
temporary mark of affectionate sorrowing was as lasting as the life
of the bereaved. We lingered among the graves here, and they
248are numerous. We see the name Myers. And we know that old
Capt. Myers was buried here, after an eventful life. Around him
also repose his old acquaintances and friends—and enemies. They
are gone with the primeval woods that covered the slopes by the
Bay Quinté—gone with the hopes and aspirations, and prospects,
and realizations that crowned their trying and eventful life—gone
so that their ashes can no longer be gathered, like the old batteau
which transported them thither—gone like their old log houses
whose very foundations have been plowed up—gone like their
rude implements of agriculture—gone by the slow and wearisome
steps of time which marks the pioneer’s life.
It is gratifying to see that while the ground has been extended,
a new fence has been built, and elegant tombstones, 1868.
The first place set apart in which to bury the dead, in the township
of Thurlow was the “Taylor Burying Ground.” It is situated
in Belleville, at the east of the mouth of the Moira, in view of the
bay. The first person committed to the earth here was Lieut. Ferguson,
who had been associated with Capt. Singleton. The
second individual is supposed to have been the mother of John
Taylor. She had been brought to the place by her son, her only
son, two having been executed by the rebels during the war, when
almost ninety years of age. But her stay on earth had almost
ended; not long after, she was one day engaged in spinning flax, and
suddenly ceased her work, and told them to put away the wheel,
as she would spin no more. A few minutes after she ceased to
live, and the weary wheels of life stood still. For many years this
ground was the repository of the dead, about the mouth of Myers’
Creek.
DIVISION V. THE EARLY CLERGYMEN AND CHURCHES. — CHAPTER XXV. — THE FIRST FRENCH MISSIONARIES. — CHAPTER XXVI. — THE FIRST PROTESTANT CLERGYMAN IN AMERICA. — REV. JOHN OGILVIE, D.D. — CHAPTER XXVII. — MEMOIRS OF DR. STUART CONTINUED—“FATHER OF THE UPPER CANADA CHURCH.” — CHAPTER XXVIII. — THE FIRST EPISCOPALIANS, CONTINUED—PRESBYTERIANS, BAPTISTS, AND LUTHERANS. — BAPTISTS—WYNER, TURNER, HOLTS, WIEM. — THE LUTHERANS—SCHWERDFEGER, MYERS, WEANT. — CHAPTER XXIX. — BISHOP STRACHAN—REV. MR. MCDOWELL AND REV. MR. SMART. — CHAPTER XXX. — THE EARLY CLERGYMEN AND CHURCHES OF UPPER CANADA.—THE QUAKERS.—NOXEN, LEAVENS, HICKS, SAND. — CHAPTER XXXI. — THE FIRST WESLEYAN METHODISTS IN CANADA. — CHAPTER XXXIa. — SOME ACCOUNT OF HENRY RYAN. — CHAPTER XXXII. — THE ROMAN CATHOLICS—BISHOP MCDONNELL. — CHAPTER XXXIII. — SABBATH SCHOOLS. — CHAPTER XXXIV. — THE SIX NATIONS—CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY. — CHAPTER XXXV. — BUILDING A NEW CHURCH. — CHAPTER XXXVI. — THE MISSISSAUGA INDIANS—THEIR CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY.
249
Contents—French Missionaries—First in 1615—Recollets—With Champlain—Jesuits,
in 1625—Valuable records—Bishopric of Quebec, 1674—First
Bishop of Canada, Laval—Rivalry—Power of Jesuits—Number of Missionaries—Their
“Relations”—First mission field; Bay Quinté region—“Antient
mission”—How founded—First missionaries—Kleus, abbe D’Urfé—La
Salle, to build a church—The ornaments and sacred vessels—The site of the
“Chappel,” uncertain—Bald Bluff, Carrying Place—Silver crosses—Mission
at Georgian Bay—The “Christian Islands”—Chapel at Michilmicinac, 1679—The
natives attracted—Subjects of the French King—Francois Picquet—La
Presentation—Soegasti—The most important mission—The object—Six
Nations—The Missionary’s living—“Disagreeable expostulations”—Putting
stomach in order—Trout—Picquet’s mode of teaching Indians—The same
afterward adopted by Rev. W. Case—Picquet’s success—Picquet on a voyage—At
Fort Toronto—Mississaugas request—Picquet’s reply—A slander—At
Niagara, Oswego—At Frontenac—Grand reception—Return to La Presentation—Picquet
in the last French war—Returns to France—By Mississippi—“Apostles
of Peace”—Unseemly strife—Last of the Jesuits in Canada.
In introducing this subject, we propose first to glance at the
original French Missionaries, and then at the first Protestant
Missionaries and clergymen, who labored in the Atlantic Provinces.
The first missionaries of Christianity to America, came to
Canada in the year 1615. They were four in number, and belonged
to the order of Recollets, or Franciscans, of Spanish origin, a sect
who attended to the spiritual wants of the people without accepting
any remuneration. Four of these devoted men attended Champlain
on his second visit to Canada in 1615. Three years later the Pope
accorded the charge of missions in Canada to the Recollets of Paris.
In 1625 members of the society of Jesus likewise entered the mission
of America. Ignatius Loyola founded the Jesuit society in
1521. These two orders of Roman Catholics, especially the Jesuits,
contributed much to the advancement of French interests in Canada,
and by their learning assisted greatly to elevate the people. Side
250by side they traversed the vast wilderness of America, with the
intrepid explorers, and by their close observations, committed to
paper, they have left most valuable records of the country in its
primeval state; and the different tribes of savages that held possession
of the country.
Canada was “constituted an apostolic vicariate,” by the Pope, in
1657; and became an episcopal see, named the Bishopric of Quebec,
about 1673. The first bishop of Canada was Francis de Laval, of the
distinguished house of Montmorency. The rivalry which existed
between the Jesuits and the Recollets, led to the withdrawal from
the country of the latter. But they returned again about 1669.
They were welcomed by the people, who preferred their self-supporting
principles to the Jesuits, under Laval, who required sustentation
from them, which was exacted by a system of tithes. The
Jesuits became a very powerful ecclesiastical body, and commanded
even sufficient political influence to secure the recall of the Governor,
who was obnoxious to them, in 1665. Yet the people did not like
them, in their usurpation of temporal power. The second bishop
of Canada was M. de Saint Vallier, who was elevated to that position
in 1688.
“Between the years 1635–1647, Canada was visited by eighteen
Jesuit missionaries.” It was due to these missionaries, who
remained with, and adapted themselves to the Indian tribes, that
Canada held such a position among the Aborigines. The relations
of these missionaries are of thrilling interest, and deserve the
attention of all who desire to become a student of history.
When there were no more than sixty inhabitants at Quebec, in
1620, the Recollets had begun to erect a convent and chapel upon
the banks of the St. Charles River.
The Bay Quinté region may be regarded as the earliest mission
field in America. Of the four Missionaries who came with Champlain
from France, in 1615, one at least accompanied him in his
journey up the Ottawa, across to Georgian Bay, and down the
Trent to the Bay. This was in July, and Champlain was under the
necessity of remaining in this region until the following spring,
in the meantime visiting several of the tribes all along the north
shore of Lake Ontario. During this period the zealous Recollet
earnestly labored to lay the foundation of Christianity among the
natives, and planted the “antient mission” spoken of by father
Picquet, 1751. We have positive statements to this effect. Probably
when Champlain returned to Montreal, in the spring of 1616, he was
251not accompanied by the missionary; who stayed to establish the
work he had commenced. We find it stated that the earliest missionaries
to this region were M. Dolliere de Kleus, and Abbé
D’Urfé, priests of the Saint Sulpice Seminary. Picquet remarks
that the ancient mission at the Bay Quinté was established by
Kleus and D’Urfé.
In June, 1571, DeCourcelles, as we have seen, visited Lake
Ontario, coming directly up the St. Lawrence. On this occasion, it
is recorded, he sent messages from Cataraqui “to a few missionaries
residing among the Indians.” Two years later, when Frontenac
came, with a view of establishing a fort, we find it stated
that as he approached Cataraqui, he was met by a canoe with the
“Abbé D’Urfé, and the Captains of the Five Nations.” The following
year, 1674, LaSalle, in his petition for the grant of Fort
Frontenac, and adjacent lands, proposed “to build a church when
there will be 100 persons, meanwhile to entertain one or two of the
Recollet Friars to perform divine service, and administer the sacraments
there.” In the reply to this petition by the King, it was
stipulated that LaSalle should “cause a church to be erected within
six years of his grant.”
When Bradstreet, nearly a hundred years later, in 1751, captured
Fort Frontenac, the Commandant, M. de Moyan, obtained the
promise from Bradstreet, to “permit the ornaments and sacred
vessels of the chappel to be removed in the luggage of the Chaplain.”
By the foregoing, we learn the interesting fact, that for 150
years before the capture of Canada by the English, and nearly 170
before Upper Canada was first settled, there existed at the Bay
Quinté an active mission of Roman Catholic Christianity. The exact
location of the “chappel” cannot be fixed; but there is every reason
to suppose that it was upon the shores of the Bay, at some distance
westward from Cataraqui, inasmuch as reference is made to the
chapel as quite apart from the Fort, at Cataraqui.
From the nature of the relics found in the Indian burying
ground, near the Carrying Place, at Bald Bluff, by Weller’s Bay, it
might even have been situated there. Silver crosses, and other
evidences of Roman Catholic Christianity, have been found in this
place. Father Picquet remarks that the land was not good, but the
quarter is beautiful.
There seems every probability that not many years after the
establishment of the mission by the Bay Quinté, another was established
in the neighborhood of Lake Huron, or Georgian Bay.
252Upon the river Wye, some six miles north of Penetanguishene,
Pe-na-tang-que shine, so called by the Indians upon first seeing the
sand banks, meaning “see the sand is falling,” was established a
French fort, at an early date, the foundation of which may yet be
seen. It appears likely that at this point, at the Christian Islands,
(a significant name,) situated between the Manitoulin Islands and
the mainland; and also at Michilmicinac, were commenced missionary
labors by the Recollets and others. We find it stated that
in 1679 there was a chapel at Michilmicinac, which may refer
to the Christian Islands. Here LaSalle, on his way westward,
stopped and attended mass, with the celebrated Recollet, Pére
Hennepin.
The natives were strongly attached to these French missionaries.
Presents of porcelaine beads to make wampum, with a kind
demeanor, soon won many of them to become Roman Catholics; and
the cross was set up in their midst. And the time came when they
were willing to acknowledge themselves under the protection of,
and subject to the French King.
At the present site of Ogdensburgh, in the year 1748, “Francis
Picquet, Doctor of the Sarbonne, King’s Missionary, and Prefect
Apostolic to Canada,” began to found the mission of La Presentation.
By the river Oswegotchie, then called by the Indians Soegasti, he
succeeded in planting a mission, which became the most important
in all Canada. The object was to convert the Six Nations to Roman
Catholic Christianity, and thereby to win them from their connection
with the English. M. Picquet was a devoted man. “He received at
that time neither allowance nor presents. From the King he had
but one half pound of pork a day, which made the savages say,
when they brought him a buck and some partridges, “We doubt
not, Father, but that there have been disagreeable expostulations
in your stomach, because you had nothing but pork to eat. Here
is something to put your affairs in order.” They sometimes brought
him trout weighing eighty pounds.
In 1749, when French interests were declining in the new world,
and when every effort to secure the alliance of the Iroquois was
devised, Governor de Veudreuil sent the Rev. Abbe Picquet of the
missionary house at La Presentation, he being well and favorably
known among the Five Nations. The object was to draw within the
bounds of La Presentation many of the families, where they should
not only be taught the Catholic religion, but also the elements of
husbandry. It was somewhat the same idea as that which led the
253Rev. William Case, in later days, to domesticate the Mississaugas on
the Grape Island. L’Abbe Picquet was successful in his mission,
and in 1751, he had 396 heads of families living at the place.
Among these were the most distinguished and influential families
of the Iroquois. The settlement was divided into three villages,
and much taste and skill were displayed in the planning. Great
attractiveness characterized the place up to the conquest of Canada.
In the month of June, 1751, Father Picquet set out upon a
voyage up to Fort Frontenac, and thence up the Bay Quinté, and
the River Trent to Fort Toronto, and so on around Lake Ontario.
He embarked in a King’s canoe, accompanied by one bark, in which
were five trusty savages. The memoir of this trip is curious and
edifying.
Proceeding to Fort Toronto, by way of the Trent, then an important
trading post with the Indians, he found Mississaugas there
who flocked around him; they spoke first of the happiness their
young people, the women and children, would feel, if the King
would be as good to them as to the Iroquois, for whom he procured
missionaries. They complained that instead of building a church,
they had constructed only a canteen for them. Abbe Picquet did
not allow them to finish, and answered them, that they had been
treated according to their fancy; that they had never evinced the
least zeal for religion; that their conduct was much opposed to it;—that
the Iroquois, on the contrary, had manifested their love for
Christianity, but as he had no order to attract them to his mission,
he avoided a more lengthy explanation,” (Paris Doc). This conduct
on the part of Abbe Picquet must be regarded as heartless in
the extreme. Such language ought not to come from the lips of a
missionary. It shows that the Iroquois, because of his relationship
with the English, had souls of far more importance than the Mississauga,
whose character for peace rendered him of minor importance.
The reflection upon the character was uncharitable; and,
judging by the light supplied by later days, it was untrue—shamefully
untrue. That the Mississauga Indians acquired a taste for
the brandy vended to them by the French trader was certainly a
fact; but that did not indicate an unwillingness on their part, to
become Christians. Missionaries, of the present century, have
succeeded in raising the Mississauga, not alone from paganism, but
from a degrading love of spirituous liquors acquired of the French,
to a distinguished place among converted Indians.
Abbe Picquet went from Fort Toronto, probably by the River
254Don, and thence across the lake, to Fort Niagara, to negotiate with
the Senecas. Passing along the south shore, he visited the English
fort at the mouth of the River Oswego, called Choueguen. He also
visited the River Gascouchogou, (Genesee) and returned to Frontenac,
where a grand reception awaited him. “The Nippissings and
Algonquins who were going to war, drew up in a line of their own
accord above Fort Frontenac, where three standards were hoisted.
They fired several volleys of musketry, and cheered incessantly.
They were answered in the same style from all the little crafts of
bark. M. de Verchere, and M. de la Valtrie, caused the guns
of the fort to be discharged at the same time, and the Indians,
transported with joy at the honors paid them, also kept up a continual
fire with shouts and exclamations which made every one
rejoice. The commandants and officers received our missionary at
the landing. No sooner had he landed than all the Algonquins and
Nippissings of the lake came to embrace him. Finally, when he
returned to La Presentation, he was received with that affection,
that tenderness, which children would experience in recovering a
father whom they had lost.” Three years later war was, for the
last time, in progress between the French and English in America.
Father Picquet contributed much to stay the downfall of French
domination. He distinguished himself in all the principal engagements,
and by his presence animated the Indian converts to battle
for the French King. At last, finding all was lost, he retired on
the 8th May, 1760. He ascended the Bay Quinté and Trent by
Fort Toronto, and passed on to Michilmicinac, and thence to the
Mississippi; and then to New Orleans, where he stayed twenty-two
months. Died 15th July, 1781, called the “Apostle of the Iroquois.”
During the French domination in Canada, the dissentions
between the Recollets and Jesuits were almost incessant. Now
the one was sustained and patronized by the governor regnant, now
the other, and many were the struggles between Church and
State. The closing days of French rule witnessed scenes of unseemly
strife between the clergy and the governors. The last of
the Jesuits in Canada, Father Casat, died in 1800, and the whole of
their valuable possessions came to the government.
255
Contents—First Church in New York, 1633—First Dominie, Rev. Everardus
Bogardus—The Dutch, Huguenots, Pilgrims—Transporting ministers and
churches—First Rector of New York, Wm. Vesey—Henry Barclay, 1746—First
Catholic Bishop in America, 1789—Episcopalian Bishop, 1796—Moral
state of Pioneers in Canada—Religion—No ministers—No striking immorality—Feared
God and honored their King—The Fathers of Upper Canada—Religious
views—A hundred years ago—“Carousing and Dancing”—Rev.
Dr. John Ogilvie—First Protestant Clergyman in Canada—Chaplain 1759, at
Niagara—A Missionary—Successor of Dr. Barclay, New York—Death, 1774—Rev.
John Doughty—A Graduate Ordained—At Peekskill—Schenectady—A
Loyalist—A Prisoner—To Canada—Chaplain—To England—Returns—Missionary—Resigns—Rev.
Dr. John Stuart—First Clergyman to settle—His
Memoir—The “Father of the U. C. Church”—Mission Work—The Five
Nations—The Dutch—Rev. Mr. Freeman—Translator—Rev. Mr. Andrews—Rev.
Mr. Spencer Woodbridge, Howley—New England Missionaries—Rev.
Dr. Whelock—The Indian Converts—The London Society—Rev. Mr. Inglis—John
Stuart selected missionary—A Native of Pennsylvania—Irish descent—A
Graduate, Phil. Coll.—Joins Church of England—To England—Ordination—Holy
Orders 1770—Enters upon his work.
According to the Rev. J. B. Wakley, “The Reformed Dutch
Church was the first organized in New Amsterdam, (New York).
This year, 1633, the first church edifice was erected on this island,
(Manhatten). It was built on what is called Broad Street. It was
a small frail wooden building. The name of the first Dominie is preserved,
the Rev. Everardus Bogardus. He came over from Holland
with the celebrated Wanter Van Twiller. The Dutch and the Huguenots,
as well as the Pilgrims, brought the church, the school-master,
and their Bibles with them. They erected a dwelling for the Rev.
Mr. Bogardus to reside in. This was the first parsonage built on
the island, if not in America. This first minister in New Amsterdam
met with a sad end. After spending some years in the new world,
in returning to his native land, he, with eighty-one others, was lost
off the coast of Wales. The Bogarts are probably descended from
this pioneer minister, he having left children behind him in America,
or some near connection. The first Rector of the Church of England
in New York, was the Rev. William Vesey, pastor of Trinity Church.
The Rev. Dr. Henry Barclay was the second Rector, who had previously
been catechist for ten years to the Mohawk Indians. He
became Rector October 22, 1746.” He was the father of the late
Thomas Barclay, Consul-General of His British Majesty in the
United States, and grandfather of Mr. Anthony Barclay, late British
256Consul at New York, who was under the necessity of returning home
during the Russian war, in consequence of the jealousy and partiality
of the American Government.
We find it stated that Dr. Carroll, of Maryland, was the first
Catholic Bishop in America, 1789.
Dr. Seabury, Bishop of Connecticut, was the first Episcopalian
Bishop of that State, he died in 1796.
The circumstances of the settlers in Upper Canada were not
such as would conduce to a growth of religion and morality. Apart
from the effect upon them resulting from a civil war, and being driven
away from home—isolated in a wilderness, far removed from civilization;
there were circumstances inimical to the observance of religious
duties. The earnest contest for life, the daily struggle for food,
and more especially, the absence of ministers of the gospel, all
combined to create a feeling of indifference, if not a looseness of
morals. In a few instances, there was on the part of the settlers,
a departure from that strict virtue, which obtains at the present
time, and in which they had been trained. But on the whole, there
was a close adherence, and a severe determination to serve the God
of their fathers. From many a log cabin ascended the faithful prayer
of the followers of Luther; of the conscientious Episcopalian, and the
zealous Methodist and Baptist. Yet, for years, to some the word of
life was not preached; and then but rarely by the devoted missionary
as he traveled his tedious round of the wilderness. After ten years,
the average of inhabitants to the square miles, was only seven. This
paucity of inhabitants, prevented regular religious sermons by clergymen,
as it did the formation of well taught schools. This absence of
educational and religious advantages, it might be expected, would
naturally lead to a demoralized state of society, but such was not the
case with the settlers of the ten townships. This sparseness of population,
arose in part, it must be mentioned, from the system pursued
by government, of reserving tracts of land, of granting to the clergy,
and to non-resident owners, all of which remained to embarrass the
separated settlers, and prevent advance of civilization, by begetting
ignorance and indifference to religion.
When it is remembered how great had been the trials of the
refugees during the continuation of the war; when we call to mind
the school of training belonging to a camp life; and still more, when
it is taken into consideration to how great an extent the settlers were
removed from the salutary influences of civilized life, it at once strikes
the thoughtful mind as surprising, that the early colonist did not
257relapse into a state of non-religion and gross immorality. But it is a
remarkable fact that the loyalists who planted Upper Canada, not
only honored their King, but feared God, and in a very eminent
degree fulfilled the later commandment to love one another. Certainly
there were exceptions. Even yet are remembered the names
of a few who availed themselves of their neighbors’ necessities to
acquire property; and the story still floats down the stream of time,
that there were those who had plenty and to spare of government
stores, while the people were enduring the distress of the “Hungry
Year.” But even these reports lack confirmation, and even if true,
are the more conspicuous by their singularity. There is no intention
or desire to clothe the founders of Upper Canada with a character to
which they are not entitled, to suppress in any respect facts that
would tend to derogate the standing of the loyalists. This is unnecessary
to place them upon an elevated ground, but were it not, it
would be contrary to the writer’s feelings, and unfair to the reader.
There will be occasion to allude to a few instances, where gross evils
manifested themselves, yet after all, they are but the dark corners
which only serve to bring out the more glowing colors of the picture
presented. In arriving at a just estimate of their state of morals, it
is necessary to take into consideration, that many of the views held
by truly religious men a hundred years ago, differed widely from
those held by many to day. Reference is made to certain kinds of
amusements then unhesitatingly indulged in, which to-day are looked
upon as inimical to sound Christianity. One of these is the habit of
using intoxicating liquors. It was also charged against them, that
they were “wofully addicted to carousing and dancing.”
This divine was probably the first Protestant clergyman that
ever officiated in Canada. He did so in the capacity of chaplain to a
British Regiment in an expedition to Fort Niagara, in 1759, when
that French stronghold was surrendered. Dr. Ogilvie, was a native
of New York, and a graduate of Yale college. He was employed by
the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, as a
missionary with success. In 1765 he succeeded the Rev. Dr. Barclay,
as Rector of Trinity Church, New York. He died in 1774. “A
portrait of him is still preserved in the vestry office of Trinity Church.”
The next Protestant clergyman we believe, was the Rev. John
Doughty.
“An Episcopal minister. He graduated at King’s College, New
258York, in 1770. He was ordained in England for the church at Peekskill,
but was soon transferred to Schenectady. In 1775, political
troubles put an end to divine service, and he suffered much at the
hands of the popular party. In 1777, he obtained leave to depart to
Canada, (after having been twice a prisoner,) where he became chaplain
of the “King’s Royal Regiment,” of New York. In 1781 he
went to England; but returned to Canada in 1784, and officiated as
missionary at Sorel. He resigned his connection with the society for
the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, in 1803.”—(Sabine.)
The first clergyman to settle in Canada, and one of the refugee
pioneers at the first settlement of Kingston, was the Rev. John
Stuart. We are fortunate in having before us a transcript of the
memoir of this distinguished person.
“Memoirs of the Rev. John Stuart, D.D., father of the Upper Canada
Church. He opened the first academy at Cataraqui—Kingston 1786.
The last missionary to the Mohawks.”
“The conversion and civilization of the American Indians,
engaged the attention of Europeans at an early date.” The Jesuits
first gave attention to the Mohawks, 1642, a few years later, Father
Joynes laid down his life on the Mohawk River. The first colonizers,
the Dutch did not give the subject much attention. “The government
of New York, did not make any effort to Christianize the five
nations, further than to pay, for some time a small salary to the clergyman,
at Albany, to attend to the wants of such Indians, as might
apply to him.” The Rev. Mr. Freeman, translated into the Mohawk
language, the Church of England Prayer Book, with some passages
of the Old and New Testament. “In 1712 Mr. Andrews was sent as
a missionary to the Mohawk, by the society, for propagating the
gospel, and a church was built at the mouth of the Schoharie creek,
but that missionary soon abandoned the place. As he was the first, so
he was the last that resided among them for a great many years.
After that the only ministration was at Albany. In 1748, the Rev.
Mr. Spencer, Mr. Woodbridge and Howly, were sent successively by
the people of New England,” to this field of labor.
The French war soon interrupted this, and not until 1761, was
anything more done, when the Rev. Dr. Wheelock, directed his attention
to that quarter, with missionaries, and schoolmasters. The testimony
mainly of all these mentioned, who labored among the Indians,
is to the effect that, although they were quick to learn, and would for
a time live a Christian life, they mostly all lapsed into their former
259savage state. “The necessity of having missionaries of the Church of
England, resident among the Mohawks, was again brought before
the society for promoting of the gospel, a few years before the revolution,
both by Sir William Johnson, and the Rev. Mr. Inglis, of
New York, the last of whom also laid the subject before the government
of England, in the form of a memorial. In 1770 the society
again consented to ordain a missionary for the exclusive service of the
Mohawks. John Stuart, who was selected for this purpose, was born
at Harrisburgh, in Pennsylvania, in 1730. The family mansion in
which he was born was still standing in 1836.” His father, an Irishman,
came to America in 1730. John Stuart had two brothers who
sided with the Americans. When he “graduated at the college of
Philadelphia, he made up his mind to join the communion of the
Church of England.” His father being a Presbyterian, this was
extremely distasteful to him. But his father finally consenting, he
proceeded to England for ordination, and received Holy Orders in
1770, and was appointed missionary to the Mohawks at Fort
Hunter.
260
Contents—At Fort Hunter—Mr. Stuart’s first sermon, Christmas—Officiates in
Indian tongue—Translates—The Rebellion—Prayers for the King—The
Johnsons—Rebels attack his house—Plunder—Indignity—Church desecrated—Used
as a stable—A barrel of rum—Arrested—Ordered to come before
Rebel Commissioners—On Parole—Limits—Idle two years—To Albany—Phil—Determines
to remove to Canada—Not secure—Exchanging—Security—Real
estate forfeited—Route—Negroes—The journey, three weeks—At
St. John’s—Charge of Public School—Chaplain—At the close of the war—Three
Protestant Parishes—Determines to settle at Cataraqui—Chaplain
to Garrison—Missionary—Bishop of Virginia, Dr. Griffith—Visits Mr. Stuart—Invitation
to Virginia Declined—“Rivetted prejudices,” satisfied—“The
only refugee clergyman”—Path of duty—Visits the settlement, 1784—Mohawks,
Grand River—Reception of their old Pastor—First Church—Mohawks,
Bay of Quinté—Remains in Montreal a year—Assistant—Removes
to Cataraqui, 1785—His land—Number of houses in Kingston—A short cut
to Lake Huron—Fortunate in land—5000 settlers—Poor and Happy—Industrious—Around
his Parish, 1788—Two hundred miles long—By Batteau—Brant—New
Oswego—Mohawk Village church, steeple, and bell—First in
Upper Canada—Plate—Organ—Furniture—Returns—At Niagara—Old Parishioners—Tempted
to move—Comfortable not rich—Declines a Judgeship—New
Mecklenburgh—Appointed Chaplain to first House of Assembly—Mohawk
Mission—At Marysburgh—Degree of D.D.—Prosperity—Happy—Decline
of life—His duties—Illness, Death, 1811—His appearance—“The
little gentleman”—His manners—Honorable title—His children—Rev.
O’Kill Stuart.
Mr. Stuart immediately returned to America and proceeded to
his mission, preaching his first sermon to the Mohawks on Christmas
of the same year, 1770. He preached regularly every Sunday
after the service had been read in Indian. In the afternoon he
officiated in the Mohawk chapel to the whites, mostly Dutch. “In
1774 he was able to read the liturgy, baptize and marry in the
Indian tongue, and converse tolerably well with them. He subsequently,
assisted by Brant, translated parts of the Bible. After
the commencement of the rebellion, until 1777, Mr. Stuart did not
experience any inconvenience,” although in other places the clergy
had been shamefully abused; he remained at Fort Hunter even
after the Declaration of Independence, and constantly performed
divine service without omitting prayers for the king. Mr. Stuart’s
connection with the Johnson family, and his relations to the Indians
rendered him particularly noxious to the Whigs. Although they
had not proof of his being active in aiding the British, everything
was done to make his home unbearable. “His house was attacked,
261his property plundered and every indignity offered his person.
His church was also plundered and turned into a tavern, and in
ridicule and contempt, a barrel of rum was placed in the reading
desk. The church was afterwards used as a stable, July, 1778.
He was ordered by the Board to detect conspiracies, to leave his
home and repair forthwith with his family to Connecticut until his
exchange could be procured.” He was to leave within four days
after receiving the orders, or be committed to close confinement.
“Mr. Stuart appeared before the Commissioners two days after
receiving the above order, and declared his readiness to convince
them that he had not corresponded with the enemy, and that he was
ready and willing to enter into any engagement for the faithful
performance of such duties as may be enjoined him.” The Board
took his parole, by which he was obligated to abstain from doing
anything against the Congress of the United States, or for the
British, and not to leave the limits of Schenectady without permission
of the Board. Soon after he writes there are only three
families of my congregation, the rest having joined the King’s forces,
nor had he preached for two years. In the Spring of 1780, the
Indians appeared in the county infuriated because of the conduct of
General Sullivan the previous year. Mr. Stuart had to abandon his
house and move to Albany. So imminent was the danger that the
fleeing family could see the houses about in flames, and hear the
report of arms. At Albany, Mr. Stuart received much civility from
General Schuyler, and obtained permission to visit Philadelphia.
Having returned, he made up his mind to emigrate to Canada, and
communicated his resolution as follows: “I arrived here eight days
from the time I parted with you (at Philadelphia) and found my
family well, and after being sufficiently affrighted, the enemy having
been within twenty miles of this place, and within one mile of my
house in the country, considering the present state of affairs in this
part of the Province, I am fully persuaded that I cannot possibly
live here secure, either in regard to ourselves or property during the
ensuing season; this place is likely to be a frontier, and will probably
be burnt if the enemy can effect it. For these and other
weighty reasons, materially weighed, I have resolved, with the approbation
and consent of Mrs. Stuart, to emigrate to Canada, and having
made an application for an exchange, which I have reason to believe
will be granted.”
Mr. Stuart applied by letter to Governor Clinton, to be exchanged,
March 30, 1781. His application received prompt attention,
262and he was the same day allowed permission on certain conditions,
which are stated by Mr. Stuart in a letter to Rev. Mr. White, of
Philadelphia. The letter is dated Schenectady, April 17, 1781.
“Being considered as a prisoner of war, and having forfeited my
real estate, I have given £400 security to return in exchange for
myself, one prisoner out of four nominated by the Governor, viz.:
one Colonel, two Captains, and one Lieutenant, either of which will
be accepted in my stead; or if neither of the prisoners aforesaid can
be obtained, I am to return as a prisoner of war to Albany, when
required. My personal property I am permitted to sell or carry with
me, and I am to proceed under the protection of a public flag, as
soon as it will be safe and convenient for women and children to
travel that course. We are to proceed from here to Fort Arin in
waggons, and from thence in Batteaux.” The danger of the journey
was adverted to, and the probability of obtaining a chaplaincy in
Sir William Johnson’s 2nd Battalion of Royal Yorkers, which is
nearly complete on the establishment. “My negroes being personal
property, I take with me, one of which being a young man, and
capable of bearing arms. I have given £100 security to send back a
white person in his stead.”
“Mr. Stewart set out with his family, consisting of his wife
and three small children, on his long and tedious journey, on the
19th of Sept., 1781, and arrived at St. Johns on the 9th of the following
month, thus accomplishing the journey in three weeks,
which is now done in twelve or fifteen hours. As there was no
opening in Montreal, he took charge of a public school, which, with
his commission as Chaplain, gave him support.” In a letter to Dr.
White, dated Montreal, October 14, 1783, he says: “I have no reason
hitherto to dislike my change of climate; but, as reduction must
take place soon, my emoluments will be much diminished, neither
have I any flattering prospect of an eligible situation in the way of
my profession, as there are only three protestant Parishes in this
Province, the Pastors of which are Frenchmen, and as likely to
live as I am.” Soon after, Mr. Stuart determined to settle at Cataraqui,
where was a garrison, and to which a good many loyalists had
already proceeded. He was promised the chaplaincy to the garrison,
with a salary of one thousand dollars a year, and he writes, “I
can preserve the Indian mission in its neighborhood, which, with
other advantages, will afford a comfortable subsistence, although I
wish it laid in Maryland.” After the acknowledged independence of
the United States, and the separation of the Episcopalian Church
263of America from the mother Church, Dr. Griffith, the Bishop elect
of Virginia, invited Mr. Stuart to settle in his diocese; but Mr.
Stuart declined. He writes, “The time has been when the chance
of obtaining a settlement in that part of Virginia would have
gratified my utmost desire; but, at my time of life, and with such
rivetted principles in favor of a Government totally different, ‘it
is impossible.’” Though Mr. Stuart did visit Philadelphia in
1786, he never seems to have repented his removal to Canada. Yet
the isolation in which he sometimes found himself, would sometimes
naturally call up memories that could not fail to be painful. “I
am,” he writes, “the only Refugee Clergyman in this Province,
&c.” As a relief from such thoughts, he turned to the active duties
of his calling. “I shall not regret,” said he, “the disappointment and
chagrin I have hitherto met with, if it pleases God to make me the
instrument of spreading the knowledge of His Gospel amongst the
heathen, and reclaiming only one lost sheep of the house of Israel.”
In this spirit he set out on the second of June, 1784, to visit the new
settlements on the St. Lawrence, Bay Quinté, and Niagara Falls,
where he arrived on the 18th of the same month. Already, 3,500
Loyalists had left Montreal that season for Upper Canada. His
reception by the Mohawks, ninety miles from the Falls, was very
affectionate, even the windows of the church in which he officiated
were crowded with those who were anxious to behold again their
old Pastor, from whom they had been so long separated. This
church was the first built in Upper Canada, and it must have been
commenced immediately after the Mohawks settled on the Grand
River. He officiated also at Cataraqui, where he found a garrison
of three companies, about thirty good houses, and some 1,500 souls
who intended to settle higher up. He next proceeded to the Bay
of Quinté, where some more Mohawks had settled, and were busy
building houses and laying the foundation of their new village,
named Tyendinaga. Though Mr. Stuart had now received from
the Society, whose missionary he continued to be, discretionary
powers to settle in any part of Canada, he remained in Montreal
another year, as assistant to the Rev. Dr. DeLisle, Episcopal Clergyman
of that town. He finally removed to Cataraqui, in August,
1785. His share of the public land was situated partly in Cataraqui,
and partly at a place, which, in memory of the dear old place
on the Mohawk River, was now called New Johnstown. Sometime
in 1785, Mr. Stuart says, “I have two hundred acres within half a
mile of the garrison, a beautiful situation. The town increases fast;
264there are already about fifty houses built in it, and some of them
very elegant. It is now the port of transport from Canada to
Niagara. We have now, just at the door, a ship, a scow, and a
sloop, beside a number of small crafts; and if the communication
lately discovered from this place by water, to Lake Huron and
Michilmackinac proves as safe, and short as we are made to believe,
this will shortly be a place of considerable trade.” Reference here
must be made to the route up the Bay and River Trent. “I have
been fortunate in my locations of land, having 1,400 acres at different
places, in good situations, and of an excellent quality, three
farms of which I am improving, and have sowed this fall with thirty
bushels in them. The number of souls to westward of us is more
than 5,000, and we gain, daily, new recruits from the States. We
are a poor, happy people, industrious beyond example. Our gracious
King gives us land gratis, and furnishes provisions, clothing, and
farming utensils, &c., until next September, after which the generality
of the people will be able to live without his bounty.” The
above must have been written in 1785, as in May, 1786, he opened
an academy. In the summer of 1788, he went round his Parish,
which was then above 200 miles long. He thus describes his voyage
on this occasion. “I embarked in a batteau with six Indians, commanded
by Capt. Brant, and coasted along the north shore of Lake
Ontario, about 200 miles from the head of the lake; we went
twenty-five miles by land, to New Oswego, the new Mohawk village
on the Grand River; these people were my former charge, and the
Society still styles me their Mohawk Vill. Missionary. I found
them conveniently situated on a beautiful river, where the soil is
equal in fertility to any I ever saw. Their village contains about
700 souls, and consists of a great number of good houses, with an
elegant church in the centre; it has a handsome steeple and bell,
and is well finished within.” By this we learn, that not only was
the first Protestant Church built at the Grand River, but as well
here was the first steeple to contain a bell, which was the first to be
heard in Upper Canada. Brant, when in England, collected money
for all this. With the above, they had the service of plate, preserved
from the rebels on the Mohawk; crimson furniture for the
pulpit, and “the Psalmody was accompanied by an organ.” “This
place was uninhabited four years ago.” “I returned by the route
of Niagara, and visited that settlement. They had, as yet, no
clergyman, and I preached to a very large audience. The increase of
population there was immense, and indeed I was so well pleased
265with that country, where I found many of my old Parishioners,
that I was strongly tempted to remove my family to it. You may
suppose it cost me a struggle to refuse the unanimous and pressing
invitation of a large settlement, with the additional argument of a
subscription, and other emoluments, amounting to near £300, York
currency, per annum more than I have here. But, on mature reflection,
I have determined to remain here. You will suppose me to
be very rich, or very disinterested; but, I assure you, neither was
the case. I have a comfortable house, a good farm here, and an
excellent school for my children, in a very healthy climate, and all
these I could not have expected had I removed to Niagara. But,
that you may be convinced that I do not intend to die rich, I have
also declined an honorable and lucrative appointment. Our new
settlements have been divided into four districts, of which this place
is the capital of one, called New Mecklenburgh, and Courts of Justice
are to be immediately opened. I had a commission sent me, as first
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. But, for reasons which
readily occur to you, I returned it to Lord Dorchester, who left
this place a few days ago.”
In 1789, Mr. Stuart was appointed Bishop’s Commissionary for
the settlements from Point au Boudette to the western limits of the
Province, being the district now constituting Canada West. Though
this appointment added nothing to his emoluments, it increased
considerably his duties. At the meeting of the first Session of
Parliament in 1792, he was named Chaplain to the Upper House of
Assembly, an appointment which required for a time his presence
at Niagara. He occasionally visited and officiated for the Mohawk
Village, at the Bay of Quinté. But, notwithstanding the laudable
exertions of the society, and the partial indulgence of the British
Government to this tribe, no flattering accounts can be given either
of their religious improvements, or approach to civilization; on his
return he usually stopped at Col. McDonnell’s, Marysburgh, and
preached in his house. In the year 1799, the degree of D.D. was conferred
on Mr. Stuart, by the University of Pennsylvania, his Alma
Mater, a complement he appreciated from his native state. About
the same time he received the appointment of Chaplain to the
Garrison of Kingston. “He had secured about 4000 acres of valuable
land to which he occasionally made additions.” In his prosperity
and wealth he exclaimed: “How mysterious are the ways
of Providence! How short-sighted we are! Some years ago I
thought it a great hardship to be banished into the wilderness, and
266would have imagined myself completely happy, could I have exchanged
it for a place in the City of Philadelphia,—now the best
wish we can form for our dearest friends is to have them removed
to us.” It must be remarked that the above is taken from letters
written to a friend in Philadelphia, and no doubt, being private and
social in their nature, there is often a coloring favorable to the
States which emanated from no love to that country. “The remainder
of Dr. Stuart’s life seems to have passed in the routine of
his duties, interrupted however by attacks of illness, to which the
increase of years, and the fatigue attendant on a mission in so new
a country, could not fail to subject him.” Dr. Stuart departed this
life on the 15th of August, 1811, in the seventy-first year of his
age, and was buried at Kingston, where he lives (says one of his
cotemporaries) in the heart of his friends. “He was about six feet
four inches in height, and from this circumstance, was known among
his New York friends as “the little gentleman.” His manners were
quiet and conciliating, and his character, such as led him rather to
win more by kindness and persuasion, than to awe and alarm them
by the terrors of authority. His sermons were composed in plain
and nervous language, were recommended by the affectionate
manner of his delivery, and not unfrequently found a way to the
conscience of those who had long been insensible to any real religious
convictions. The honorable title of Father of the Upper
Canada Church, has been fitly bestowed on him, and he deserves
the name not more by his age and the length of his services, than
by the kind and paternal advice and encouragement, which he was
ever ready to give those younger than he on their first entrance on
the mission.” “By his wife, Jane O’Kill, of Philadelphia, who
was born in 1752, he had five sons and three daughters.” All of
his sons subsequently occupied distinguished positions. His eldest
son George O’Kill, graduated at Cambridge, England, in 1801,
entered Holy Orders, and was appointed missionary at York, now
Toronto, from whence he returned on his father’s death to Kingston,
where he became Archdeacon. He died in 1862, at the age of
eighty-six.
267
Contents—A Missionary—Chaplain at Niagara—Pastor to the Settlers—Chaplain
to Legislature—Visits Grand River—Officiates—A Land Speculator—Receives
a pension, £50—1823—Rev. Mr. Pollard—At Amherstburgh—Mr.
Langhorn—A Missionary—Little Education—Useful—Odd—On Bay Quinté
In Ernesttown—Builds a Church—At Adolphustown—Preaches at Hagerman’s—Another
Church—A Diligent Pastor—Pioneer Preacher around the
Bay—Christening—Marrying—Particular—His Appointments—Clerk’s Fees—Generosity—Present
to Bride—Faithful to Sick Calls—Frozen Feet—No
Stockings—Shoe Buckles—Dress—Books—Peculiarities—Fond of the Water—Charitable—War
of 1812—Determined to leave Canada—Thinks it doomed—Singular
Notice—Returns to Europe—His Library—Present to Kingston—Twenty
Years in Canada—Extract from Gazette—No One Immediately to
take His Place—Rev. John Bethune—Died 1815—Native of Scotland—U.
E. Loyalists—Lost Property—Chaplain to 84th Regiment—A Presbyterian—Second
Legal Clergyman in Upper Canada—Settled at Cornwall—Children—The
Baptists—Wyner—Turner—Holts Wiem—Baptists upon
River Moira—First Chapel—How Built—Places of Preaching—Hayden’s
Corners—At East Lake—The Lutherans—Rev. Schwerdfeger—Lutheran
Settlers—County Dundas—First Church East of Kingston—Rev. Mr. Myers
lived in Marysburgh—Marriage—His Log Church—Removes to St. Lawrence—Resigns—To
Philadelphia—Mr. Weant—Lives in Ernesttown—Removes
to Matilda—Not Supported—Secretly Joins the English Church—Re-ordained—His
Society Ignorant—Suspicion—Preaching in Shirt Sleeves—Mr.
Myers Returns, by Sleigh—Locking Church Door—The Thirty-nine
Articles—Compromise—Mr. Myers continues Three Years a Lutheran—He
Secedes—The End of both Seceders—Rev. I. L. Senderling—Rev. Herman
Hayunga—Rev. Mr. Shorts—Last Lutheran Minister at Ernesttown, McCarty—Married.
The Rev. Robert Addison came as a missionary from the
Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in 1790. He
probably discharged the duties of chaplain to the troops stationed at
Niagara, and also was Clergyman, and officiated as such, to the
settlers. When the government was formed at Niagara, in 1792,
Mr. Addison, was appointed Chaplain. He occasionally visited
the Grand River Indians, officiating through an interpreter, and
baptizing and marrying. Col. Clark says, Mr. Addison was a land
speculator. In 1823, an act was passed by Parliament, granting
Mr. Addison a pension of £50 per annum during life, for service
rendered as Chaplain to the House of Assembly for thirty years.
Another Episcopalian Clergyman, who came to Canada about the
same time, was the Rev. Mr. Pollard, whose station was at Amherstburgh.
A fourth Church of England Clergyman, and one with whom
268we must become more familiar, was the Rev. Mr. Langhorn. According
to the statement made to us by the late Bishop Strachan,
Mr. Langhorn was sent to Canada as a missionary by a Society in
London, called “The Bees,” or some such name. He was a Welshman
by birth, possessed of but little education or talent, yet a
truthful, zealous, and useful man. Odd in his manner, he nevertheless
worked faithfully among the settlers from Kingston to
Hay Bay. Upon arriving he took up his abode in Ernesttown,
living at Hoyts, the present site of Bath. Here he was instrumental
in having, before long time, erected an English Church.
Soon after coming he visited Adolphustown, and preached at Mr.
Hagerman’s, where Mr. Stuart had previously occasionally held
service. Steps were at once taken to build a church also at
Adolphustown, and Mr. Langhorn came to hold service regularly
every second Sabbath. Mr. Langhorn was a diligent pastor in his
rounds among his flock, over an extensive tract with great regularity,
and once in a great while he went as far as the Carrying Place,
where it is said he preached the first of all the pioneer ministers.
He likewise occasionally visited Prince Edward, and preached at
Smith’s Bay, and at Congers, Picton Bay. He was very careful to
have all the children christened before they were eight days old, and
never failed to question the larger in the catechism. Marriage he
would never perform but in the church, and always before
eleven in the morning. If the parties to be joined failed to reach
the church by the appointed time, he would leave; and would
refuse to marry them, no matter how far they had come, generally
on foot, or by canoe. Sometimes they were from the remote
townships, yet were sent away unmarried. After performing the
marriage ceremony, he would insist on receiving, it is said, three
coppers for his clerk. For himself he would take nothing, unless
it was to present it to the bride immediately. Seemingly he did
not care for money; and he would go in all kinds of weather when
wanted to officiate, or administer to the wants of the sick. One
person tells us that he remembers his coming to his father’s in
winter, and that his feet were frozen. No wonder, as Mr. Langhorn
never wore stockings nor gloves in the coldest weather. But his
shoe buckles were broad and bright; and a broad rimmed hat turned
up at the sides covered his head. Upon his back he generally carried
in a bag some books for reading. We have referred to his peculiarities;
many extraordinary eccentricities are related of him,
both as a man and clergyman. He was very fond of the water, both
269in summer and winter. “In summer,” (Playter says,) “he would,
at times swim from a cove on the main shore to a cove in the
opposite island, three miles apart, and in winter, he would cut
a hole in the ice, and another at some distance, and would dive
down at one hole, and come up the other. He had some eccentricities,
but he seemed to be a good and charitable man.”
Mr. Langhorn, when the war of 1812 commenced, acquired the
belief, it is said, that Canada would be conquered by the United
States, and so determined to escape. The following somewhat
singular “Notice” appeared in the Kingston Gazette:—“Notice—To
all whom it may concern,—That the Rev. J. Langhorn, of
Ernesttown, intends returning to Europe this summer, if he can
find a convenient opportunity; and all who have any objections to
make, are requested to acquaint him with them, and they will much
oblige their humble servant,—J. Langhorn,—Earnesttown, March,
1813.” The Rev. gentleman did go home, and some say that he was
again coming to Canada, and was shipwrecked. Before leaving
Canada, he made a valuable present to Kingston, as the following
notice will show:
“The Rev. Mr. Langhorn, of Ernesttown, who is about returning
to England, his native country, has presented a valuable collection
of books to the Social Library, established in this village. The
directors have expressed to him the thanks of the proprietors for
his liberal donation. Many of the volumes are very elegant, and,
it is to be hoped, will, for many years, remain a memorial of his
liberality and disposition to promote the diffusion of useful knowledge
among a people, with whom he has lived as an Episcopal
Missionary more than twenty years. During that period his acts
of charity have been frequent and numerous, and not confined to
members of his own church; but extended to indigent and meritorious
persons of all denominations. Many who have shared in his
bounty, will have reason to recollect him with gratitude, and to
regret his removal from the country.”—(Kingston Gazette).
After his departure, the churches where he had preached were
vacant for many a day; and, at last, the one in Adolphustown went
to decay.
There died, at Williamstown, U. C., 23rd September, 1815, the
Rev. John Bethune, in his 65th year. He was a native of Scotland.
Came to America before the rebellion, and was possessed of property,
all of which he lost, and was thereby reduced to great distress
for the time being. The foundation was then laid for the disease of
270which he died. During the rebellion, he was appointed Chaplain
to the 80th Regiment. At the close of the war he settled in Canada.
He left a widow and numerous family.
Ex-Sheriff Sherwood, of Brockville, says that “the Rev. Mr.
Bethune, a Presbyterian Clergyman, was the second legalized Clergyman
in the country. He settled at an early period at Cornwall.
He was father of the Rev. John Bethune, now Dean of Montreal,
(1866).”
The first Ministers of this sect were Elders Wyner and Turner,
a brother of Gideon Turner, one of the first settlers of Thurlow.
One, Elder Holts, also preached around the Bay, but a love of brandy
hindered him. Yet he was an attractive preacher. This was probably
about 1794.
A considerable number of Baptists settled up the river Moira,
in Thurlow. The first chapel built here was for that denomination,
in the fifth concession. Its size was thirty feet square. But, prior
to the building of this, a dozen or so would meet for worship at the
house of Mr. Ross. The chapel was mainly built by each member
going to the place and working at the building, from time to time,
until it was completed.
Mr. Turner traveled through different sections, preaching
wherever he found his fellow communionists. He occasionally
preached at Capt. McIntosh’s, at Myer’s Creek, and now and then
at the head of the Bay. The Baptists were, probably, the first to
preach at Sidney, and Thurlow. Myer’s Creek was not a central
place at which to collect the scattered settlers until it became a
village. Before that, the preaching place of the Baptists, and afterwards
of the Presbyterians and Methodists, was up at Gilbert’s
house, in Sidney, or at Col. Bell’s, in Thurlow. When the village
grew, services were held at Capt. McIntosh’s and Mr. Mitz’s, at the
mouth of the river, by different denominations, and still later, in a
small school house. Preaching also was held up the river, at Reed’s
and Hayden’s Corners.
The first Baptist Minister that preached at East Lake, Hallowell,
was the Rev. Joseph Wiem. Not unlikely, he and Elder
Wyner are the same.
Among the early ministers of religion who attended to the
spiritual interests of the pioneers, were several of the Lutheran
271Church. Of this denomination, there was a considerable number
in the County of Dundas, chiefly Dutch. There were also a community
of them in Ernesttown, and another in Marysburgh. The
first church built in Upper Canada, east of Kingston, perhaps the
next after the one built at Tyendinaga, was erected by the Lutherans.
It was put up in 1790, named Zion’s Church, and a Mr.
Schwerdfeger, who resided near Albany, was invited to be their
Pastor. This invitation was gladly accepted, as he and his family
had suffered severe persecution from the victorious rebels. He died
in 1803.
At an early period, indeed it would seem probable before Mr.
Schwerdfeger came to Canada, although the time cannot be positively
fixed, the Rev. Mr. Myers, from Philadelphia, lived in Marysburgh
and preached to the Lutheran Germans of that Township.
He married a daughter of Mr. Henry Smith, one of the first settlers
there, where stood his log church, about twenty-four feet square,
upon the brow of a hill overlooking a lovely landscape. Mr. Myers
removed to the St. Lawrence, and “in 1804 became Pastor of the
Lutheran churches there.” (History of Dundas). He resigned
in 1807, not being supported, and removed to Pennsylvania.
The second Lutheran clergyman to preach upon the Bay, was
the Rev. Mr. Weant. He lived a short distance below Bath, and
went every four weeks to preach at Smith’s Bay; and, in the meantime,
preached to the Lutherans of Ernesttown, where he built a
log church, the first there. In 1808, he received a call from
the Lutherans of Matilda, “which he accepted, and for some time
preached acceptably, residing in the parsonage.” He, too, seems to
have been inadequately supported by the people, and yielding to
inducements, too tempting for most men to resist, he, in 1811,
secretly joined the Church of England, and was re-ordained by
Bishop Mountain, in Quebec. Upon his return, he pretended still
to be a Lutheran minister, and preached, as usual, in German exclusively.
Suspicions, however, soon arose that all was not right, for
he began to use the English Book of Common Prayer, and occasionally
to wear the surplice, practices which gave such offence to his
former friends, that they declared they would no longer go to hear
a man who proclaimed to them in his shirt sleeves. A few were
persuaded by him to join the Church of England. The majority
remained faithful. In 1814, the Lutherans again invited the Rev.
Mr. Myers; upon his consenting to come, they sent two sleighs, in
the winter, to Pennsylvania, and brought him and his family to
272Dundas. But Mr. Weant would not give up the parsonage and
glebe, and put a padlock on the church door, and forbade any one
to enter, unless acknowledging the thirty-nine articles of the Church
of England. A compromise resulted, and the Lutherans were permitted
to use the building once in two weeks. For three years,
Mr. Myers continued his ministrations as a Lutheran, in the meantime
being in straitened circumstances. In 1817, strangely
enough, Mr. Myers also forsook the Lutheran Church, and conformed
to the Church of England. (Hist. of Dundas.) The end of
Mr. Weant and Mr. Myers, according to accounts, was not, in either
case satisfactory. The latter died suddenly from a fall, it is said,
while he was intoxicated, and the former was addicted to the same
habit of intemperance.
The successor of Mr. Myers was the Rev. I. L. Senderling. He
came in 1825, and stayed only a short time.
In 1826, Rev. Herman Hayuniga became the Pastor; and succeeded,
after many years, in restoring to the church its former
prosperity, notwithstanding much that opposed him. He had a new
church erected. His successor was the Rev. Dendrick Shorts.
The Kingston Gazette contains a notice of perhaps the last
Lutheran Minister at Ernest town. “Married. In Ernesttown,
29th Jan, 1816, the Rev. Wm. McCarty, Minister of the Lutheran
congregation, to Miss Clarissa Fralick.”
273
Contents—Bishop Strachan—A teacher—A preacher—A student—Holy Orders—A
Presbyterian—Becomes an Episcopalian—A supporter of the “Family
compact”—Sincere—His opinion of the people—Ignorant—Unprepared for
self-government—Strachan’s religious chart—He was deceived—The Methodist—Anomalous
connection—A fillibustering people—Republicanism egotistical—Loyalty
of Methodists—American ministers—Dr. Strachan’s position—His
birth place—His education—A. M., 1793—Studying Theology—Comes
to Canada—A student of Dr. Stuarts—Ordained Deacon—A missionary
at Cornwall—Rector at York—Archdeacon—Bishop of Toronto—Coadjutor—Death—A
public burial—Rev. Mr. McDowell—First Presbyterian at
Bay Quinté—Invited by VanAlstine—On his way—At Brockville—Settles
in second town—His circuit—A worthy minister—Fulfilling his mission—Traveling
on foot—To York—Marrying the people—His death—His descendants—Places
of Preaching—A Calvinist—Invites controversy—Mr. Coate
accepts the challenge—The disputation—Excitement—The result—Rev. Mr.
Smart—Called by Mr. McDowell—Pres. clergyman at Brockville—Fifty
years—An earnest Christian—A desire to write—“Observer”—A pioneer—A
cause of regret—Not extreme—Mr. Smart’s views on politics—The masses
uneducated—The “Family Compact”—Rise of responsible government—The
Bidwells—Credit to Dr. Strachan—Brock’s funeral sermon—Foundation
of Kingston gaol—Maitland—Demonstration—Sherwood’s
statement.
Having elsewhere spoken of this distinguished man as the first
teacher of Higher Education in Upper Canada, it is intended to give
him a proper place among the first who preached the Gospel. Dr.
Strachan, who had studied Divinity at Kingston, under the guidance
of Mr. Stuart, took Holy Orders while engaged in teaching at Cornwall.
Although he had been brought up in the Presbyterian faith, he
deliberately connected himself with the Church of England, as the
church of his choice.
From the first, Dr. Strachan took a decided stand in favor of the
exclusive power claimed by the government and the “Family Compact.”
This step was no doubt, deemed by him the very best to
secure the interest of the rising country, believing as he did, that the
people generally were unfitted by want of education to perform the
duties of legislation and self-government. His devotion to the
government, led doubtless, in some instances, to errors of judgment,
and on a few occasions placed him in a false position. Yet he was
always seemingly conscientious. The course pursued by him, in preparing,
and sending to the Imperial Government a religious chart,
which subsequent investigation proved to be incorrect, had, at the
time, an unfortunate effect. But it is submitted, that it has never
274been shewn, that Dr. Strachan was otherwise than deceived when
preparing the document. He made statements of a derogatory
nature with respect to the Methodist body; but can it be shewn that
there was no reason whatever for his statements. The history of the
Methodists of Canada, exhibits a loyalty above suspicion. But was
there no ground on which to place doubts respecting the propriety of
any body of Canadians receiving religious instruction from men who
were subjects of another country—a country which was ever threatening
the province, and who had basely invaded an unoffending
people—a country that constantly encouraged her citizens to penetrate
the territory of contiguous powers with the view of possessing
it. While there is sufficient proof that the Methodist ministers who
came into the country were actuated by the very highest motives, it
cannot be denied that any one taught in the school of republicanism,
will carry with him wherever he goes, whether among the courtly of
Europe, the contented and happy Canadians, or the blood-thirsty
Mexicans, his belief in the immaculate principles of republicanism.
He cannot, even if he would, refrain from descanting upon the superiority
of his government over all others. The proclamation of Gen.
Hull, at Detroit, and of others, shews that the belief was entertained
in the States, that many Canadians were favorable to the Americans.
Whence could have arisen this belief? Not certainly from the old
U. E. Loyalists, who had been driven away from their native country?
Not surely by the English, Irish, or Scotch? Dr. Strachan, with the
government, could not close their eyes to these facts, and was it
unnatural to infer that American-sent Methodists had something to do
with it?
Bishop Strachan was a man of education, and as such, he must
be judged in reference to his opinion that Methodists were unqualified
to teach religious truth, from their imperfect or deficient
education. We say, not that much book learning is absolutely
essential to a successful expounding of the plan of salvation, although
it is always most desirable. But having taken our pen to do justice
to all of whom we have to speak, we desire to place the reader so
far as we can upon the stand of view occupied by the distinguished
Divine and Scholar.
Dr. Strachan was born at Aberdeen, Scotland, 12th April, 1778.
He was educated at the Grammar School, and at King’s College, at
that city, where he took the degree of M. A., in 1793. He then
removed to the neighborhood of St. Andrews, and studied Theology,
as a Presbyterian. As stated elsewhere, he came to America in 1799,
275reaching Canada the last day of the year. Disappointed in his expectations
respecting an appointment to establish a college, he became a
school teacher in Kingston, and at the same time a student of Divinity,
under the guidance and friendship of Dr. Stuart. He prosecuted his
Theological studies during the three years he was in Kingston, and
in 1803, was ordained Deacon, by Dr. Mountain, the first Protestant
Bishop of Quebec. The following year he was admitted to Holy
Orders, and went as a missionary to Cornwall. Here he continued
nine years, attending diligently to his duties as a minister, all over
his widening parish; and also conducted a Grammar School. In 1812
he received the appointment of Rector at York, the capital, and in
1825 he was made Archdeacon. Enjoying political appointments with
these ecclesiastical, he finally, in 1839, was elevated to be the first
Bishop of Toronto. Dr. Strachan discharged the duties of his high
office with acceptability. In 1866 Archdeacon Bethune was appointed
as Coadjutor Bishop, the venerable prelate beginning to feel that his
time was almost done. He died 1st November, 1867, having attained
to his ninetieth year, and was accorded a public funeral. No higher
marks of esteem and veneration could have been exhibited than were
displayed by all classes at the death of this Canadian Divine.
The most of the settlers from the Hudson, not Lutherans, were
Presbyterians, or of the Dutch Reformed Church. Mr. McDowell
was the first Presbyterian minister to visit the Bay. He came about
1800, perhaps before; when yet there were but few clergymen in
the province. We have seen it stated that he was sent for by
Major VanAlstine, who was a Presbyterian. On his way he tarried
a day in the neighborhood of Brockville. Adiel Sherwood was then
teaching school, in connection with which he was holding a public
exhibition. Mr. McDowell attended, and here first took a part as a
minister, by offering his first public prayer in the country. He proceeded
to Kingston, and settled in the second township. But his
circuit of travel and places of preaching extended from Brockville
to the head of Bay Quinté. The name of this worthy individual is too
little known by the inhabitants of the bay. No man contributed more
than he to fulfill the Divine mission “go preach;” and at a time when
great spiritual want was felt he came to the hardy settlers. The spirit
of Christianity was by him aroused to no little extent, especially among
those, who in their early days had been accustomed to sit under the
teachings of Presbyterianism. He traveled far and near, in all kinds
of weather, and at all seasons, sometimes in the canoe or batteau, and
sometimes on foot. On one occasion he walked all the way from Bay
276Quinté to York, following the lake shore, and swimming the rivers that
could not be otherwise forded. He probably married more persons
while in the ministerial work than all the rest in the ten townships
around the bay. This arose from his being the only minister legally
qualified to solemnize matrimony, beside the clergymen of the English
Church, Mr. Stuart, of Kingston, and Langhorn, of Fredericksburgh.
Persons wishing to be married repaired to him from all the region of
the bay, or availed themselves of his stated ministerial tours. The
writer’s parents, then living in Adolphustown, were among those
married by him, the certificate of which now lies before him. Mr. A.
Sherwood thus speaks of him, “He lived to labor many years in
the service of his Master, and after an honorable and good old age
he died highly esteemed by his friends and much respected by all who
knew him.” Mr. McDowell had at least two sons and a daughter.
The last is Mrs. Carpenter, now living at Demorestville. One of his
sons removed to New York and there established a Magdalene Asylum.
Mr. McDowell, used to pass around the bay twice or three
times a year. He was one of the first, to preach at the extreme
head of the bay, the Carrying Place, and for that purpose occupied
a barn. Another of his preaching places was in Sophiasburgh,
on the marsh front. He preached here four times a year. He
was a rigid Calvinist, and preaching one Sabbath at the beginning
of the present century in the Court House at Adolphustown, he
offered to argue with any one publicly the question of Calvinism.
The Methodist minister of the bay, the Rev. Samuel Coate, was urged
by his society to accept the challenge, and after a good deal of hesitation
did so. So a day was appointed for the discussion. The
meeting took place at a convenient place, three miles from Bath, in
the Presbyterian church. The excitement was great; the inhabitants
coming even from Sidney and Thurlow. Mr. McDowell spoke first,
and occupied half a day. Then followed Mr. Coate. After he had
spoken two hours Mr. McDowell and his friends left; why, it is not
said. Mr. Coate continued speaking until night. We have the statement
of the Methodists, that Mr. Coate had the best of it, but we
never learned the belief of the other party. Mr. Coate’s sermon was
published by request, and thereafter, it is said Presbyterianism
waned in the locality.
Rev. Mr. Smart,—This truly pious man, and evangelical minister,
came to Canada in 1811. He never actually lived within the precincts
of the Bay; but he was called to the wilderness of Upper
Canada by the Rev. Mr. McDowell, at least he was chiefly instrumental
277in bringing him out, even before his student days were ended.
For upwards of fifty years he discharged the duties of Presbyterian
clergyman at Brockville, the first clergyman of any denomination
within fifty miles. We shall ever remember the kind genial person
with whom we spent a few pleasant hours in the evening of his
eventful life, a life spent earnestly in the service of his Master,
and for the welfare of his family, for, to use his own words, “In his
day it was no easy matter to live and rear a family.” This he said
not complainingly, but because it hindered him from indulging a
desire he once felt to do something with his pen—to record, as he
was desired to do, the events connected with his early life in Upper
Canada, and his cotemporaries. At first he did contribute to the
Kingston Gazette, over the cognomen “Observer.” But other things
pressed upon him, and when repose came he fancied the fire of his
early days, for scribbling, had too far sunk. This is much to be
regretted, for as a close observer and upright man, and living in
eventful times of Canadian history, he was pre-eminently qualified to
treat the subject. Mr. Smart was always distinguished for moderate
and well-considered views upon Religion, Political Government and
Education. He lived when the battle commenced between the
“Family Compact” and the people. While he firmly set his face
against the extreme stand taken by the Rev. Mr. Strachan, he never
identified himself with the party that opposed that worker for, and
with the Government. On this point, Mr. Smart makes judicious
remarks. In speaking of the rise and first days of the Province, he
says, “it was necessary the Government in Council should create
laws, and govern the people, inasmuch as the vast majority of the
inhabitants were unlettered, and unfit to occupy places which required
judgment and discrimination.” There were but few of the U. E.
Loyalists who possessed a complete education. He was personally
acquainted with many, especially along the St. Lawrence, and Bay of
Quinté, and by no means were all educated, or men of judgment;
even the half-pay officers, many of them, had but a limited education.
Many of them were placed on the list of officers, not because they
had seen service, but as the most certain way of compensating them
for losses sustained in the Rebellion. And there were few, if any,
of them fitted by education for office, or to serve in Parliament.
Such being the case, the Governor and his advisers were at the first
necessarily impelled to rule the country. Having once enjoyed the
exclusive power, they became unwilling to share it with the representatives
of the people. But the time came when the mass, having
278acquired some idea of Responsible Government, were no longer to
be kept in obscurity, and thence arose the war between the Tory and
the Radical. In all the contentions arising therefrom, Mr. Smart
held an intermediate position with the Bidwells and others. In
speaking of all this, Mr. Smart is particularly anxious to give credit to
Dr. Strachan for his honesty of purpose, saying that the Colony is
much indebted to him in many ways.
Mr. Smart was called upon to preach the funeral sermon of
Canada’s great hero, General Brock.
He also delivered an address on the occasion of laying the foundation
stone of the gaol in Kingston, in presence of the Governor,
Peregrine Maitland, who was down from York, on which occasion
there was great demonstration of Free Masons, and the farmers of
the Bay.
Mr. Sherwood thus speaks of Mr. Smart: “On his arrival, he for
some little time made his home at my house, he was then 23 years
old, he has now (1866) entered his 78th year, has retired from a
public charge, and is now residing quietly, and I trust comfortably,
at Gananoque; and I feel quite sure, all that know him throughout
the whole Province, will join with me, in wishing him long life and
happiness, both here and hereafter.”
279
Contents—The Quakers—Among the Settlers—From Penn.—Duchess County—First
Meeting-house—David Sand—Elijah Hick—Visiting Canada—James
Noxen—A first settler—Their mode of worship—In Sophiasburgh—The
meeting-house—Joseph Leavens—Hicksites—Traveling—Death, aged 92—Extract,
Picton Sun—The first preaching places—First English church—In
private houses—At Sandwich—The Indian church at the bay—Ernesttown—First
Methodist church—Preaching at Niagara—First church in
Kingston—At Waterloo—At Niagara—Churches at Kingston, 1817—In
Hollowell—Thurlow—Methodist meeting-houses, 1816—At Montreal—Building
chapels in olden times—Occupying the frame—The old Methodist
chapels—In Hollowell township—In the fifth town—St. Lawrence—First
English Church, Belleville—Mr. Campbell—First time in the pulpit—How
he got out—The old church superseded—Church, front of Sidney—Rev. John
Cochrane—Rev. Mr. Grier—First Presbyterian Church in Belleville—Rev.
Mr. Ketcham—First Methodist Church in Belleville—Healey, Puffer—The
site of the church—A second one.
Among the early settlers of the Bay were a goodly number of
the Society of Friends. Some of them were natives of Pennsylvania;
but the majority were from the Nine Partners, Duchess
County, New York, where had existed an extensive community of
the followers of Fox. The first meeting-house built by the Quakers
in Canada was in Adolphustown upon the south shore of Hay Bay,
toward the close of last century.
About 1790, two Quaker preachers of some note visited Canada,
they were David Sand and Elijah Hick. By appointment they
held service in Adolphustown; it is uncertain whether this was
before or after the building of the meeting-house. The first and
principal preacher among the Quakers was James Noxen, one of
the first settlers of Adolphustown, under whom the Society was
organized. He subsequently in 1814 removed to Sophiasburgh,
where he died in 1842.
The worship of the Quakers consists in essentially spiritual
meditation and earnest examination of the inmost soul, a quiet
holding of the balance, to weigh the actions and motives of everyday
life. To the proper discharge of these duties no place can be
too quiet, too far removed from the busy haunts of men.
The sixth township, or Sophiasburg had among its settlers a
good many of this sect, which at first had meetings at Jacob Cronk’s,
until the year 1825, when they erected a meeting-house upon the
northern front of the township.
280Two miles below the village of Northport, is situated a Friends’
meeting-house. Here twice a week, on Thursdays and Sundays,
congregate few, or many of the adherents of this persuasion, to
commune with their God. The meeting-house, reposing upon the
very verge of the shore, and half shadowed by beautiful maples and
evergreens, is a fit place in which to submit oneself to strict self-examination.
There is nothing here to disturb the supreme quietude
of the place, unless, the gentle ripples of the water, or the
more restless murmuring of the wave.
Joseph Leavens “was an early settler of Canada, an emigrant
from New York,” he was for many years an esteemed preacher of
the Hicksite branch of Quakers, and was accustomed to travel from
place to place, to talk to his co-religionists. He had a place for
preaching in a loft of his brother’s store in Belleville. He was one
of the first Quaker preachers in Canada and travelled through all
the townships at the Bay, and to East Lake.
“Died in the township of Hallowell, about the 24th of May,
1844, the venerable Joseph Leavens, in the 92nd year of his age.
He was amongst the early settlers of the Canadian forest, and
emigrated from New York State, and probably was a native of
Nine Partners District. He had long been a Preacher in the
Religious Society of Friends, and though not possessed of more than
one talent, yet it is believed that, as he occupied that to his Maker’s
glory, his reward will be as certain as though he had received ten
talents. He was a diligent reader in the sacred volume. He was
much beloved both by his neighbours and friends, and it is desired
that his gospel labours may be profitably remembered by them and
his relatives.”—(Picton Sun.)
In speaking of the individual clergymen who first came to
the Province we have referred to many of the first preaching
places and churches: but there remains to be added some further
remarks.
We have seen that the first church erected in Western Canada
was at the Mohawk settlement, Grand River, which was built the
first year of their habitation in that place—1785–6. Strange that
the natives of the wood, should take the lead in erecting places of
worship. It was several years later before even log meeting-houses
were put up by the loyalists. For many years the pioneer
clergymen or preachers officiated in private houses. Now the service
would be at the house of one, to which a considerable number
281could come from a circuit of ten or fifteen miles, then it would be at
the place of some settler whose larger log house afforded a more
commodious place of worship.
A church was built at an early date at Sandwich, but the year,
we know not. The first church erected upon the Bay, the Rev.
Mr. Smart thinks, was at the Mohawk village, Tyendinaga. At an
early period a log church was built in Ernesttown by the Lutherans
and another on South Bay; one also for Mr. Langhorn to
preach in, and then another in Adolphustown. The first Methodist
church was built in Adolphustown in 1792, and a second one a
month later in Ernesttown.
The Rev. Mr. Addison, went to Niagara in 1792. When
Governor Simcoe lived in Navy Hall, the Council Chamber a
building near the barracks it was said, was used alternately by the
English Church, and Church of Rome.
The first English Church was erected in Kingston in 1793, and
up to 1810 it was the only one. A Methodist church was built at
a very early date at Waterloo; it was never finished, but used for
many years. The first at Niagara, was in 1802.
In November 28, 1817, there were in Kingston, “four
churches or meeting-houses, viz: 1 Episcopalian, 1 Roman Catholic
and 2 Methodists; there were 4 professional preachers, viz: 1
Episcopalian, 1 Presbyterian and 2 Methodists. This enumeration
does not include a chaplain to the army, and one to the royal navy.”
In Ernesttown there was one resident professional preacher, a
Methodist.
In Sophiasburgh there were no churches; but the Quakers,
Methodists and Presbyterians had meetings at private houses.
In Hollowell, says Eben. Washburne, “we have one Methodist,
and one Quaker meeting-house; preparations are making also for
a Presbyterian meeting-house. The former is attended by a circuit
preacher every two weeks; the latter by a Quaker every Sabbath.”
In Thurlow, “the Gospel is dispensed almost every Sabbath of
the year, in different parts of the township, by itinerant preachers
of the Methodist and Baptist sects.”
In 1816, there were eleven Methodist meeting-houses in
Canada. These were all of wood excepting one in Montreal, built
in 1806, which was of stone. “The mode of building chapels in
the olden times was by joint labor, and almost without the aid of
money. The first step was for scores of willing hands on a
given day, to resort to the woods, and then fell the trees, and
282square the timber; others, with oxen and horses, drawing the
hewed pieces and rafters to the appointed place. A second step
was to call all hands to frame the building, selecting the best genius
of the carpenter’s calling for superintendent. A third step was a
“bee” to raise the building; and the work for the first year was
done. The next year, the frame would be enclosed, with windows
and doors, and a rough floor laid loose. As soon as the meeting
house was thus advanced, it was immediately used for preaching,
prayer meetings and quarterly meetings. Some of the early
chapels would be finished inside; others, would be used for years
in their rough, cold, and unfinished state. The people were poor,
had little or no money, but loved the Gospel, and did what they
could.”
The oldest of the eleven chapels is the Adolphustown, on the
south shore of the Hay Bay, and on the old Bay of Quinté circuit.
“The next for age is the chapel in the fourth concession of
Ernesttown. It was not erected here at first, but on the front of
the township, lot No. 27, and close to the Bay of Quinté. After
some years, (some of the principal Methodists moving to the fourth
concession), the frame was taken down, drawn to the present site,
and put up again. It stands on the public road, leading from
Napanee to Kingston, and near the village of Odessa. A roughcast
school-house, now stands on the old site, east of Bath. Some
challenge the antiquity of the Ernesttown, with the Adolphustown
chapel; but both were commenced at about the same time, by
William Losee; the latter was first erected. As the traveler
passes, he may look on this old and useful meeting-house, still used
for public worship, and see a specimen of the architecture of the
pious people settled in the woods of Ernesttown seventy years ago.
“About nine miles from Odessa toward Kingston is the village of
Waterloo, and on the top of a sand-hill, formerly covered with lofty
pines, is a well proportioned and good looking Wesleyan stone
church. It is on the site of an ancient frame meeting-house, decayed,
and gone, which bore an antiquity nearly as great as the other two
chapels. The meeting-house in the Township of Kingston was an
unfinished building, a mere outside, with rough planks for seats.
“Two miles from the Town of Picton, and in the first concession
of the Township of Hollowell, is still to be seen one of the oldest
Methodist chapels in Upper Canada. The ground and the lumber
were the gift of Steven Conger. The first work was done in June,
1809. An account book, now existing, shows the receipts and payments
283for the building. Some paid subscriptions in money, some
in wheat, some in teaming and work; and one person paid one
pound “by way of a turn.” The first trustees were named Conger,
Valleau, Vanblaricum, Dougal, German, Benson, Wilson, and Vandusen.
They are all dead, but children of some of them are still
living in the vicinity. The building is square, with pavilion roof,
of heavy frame timber, yet sound, having a school-house on one
side, and a mill on the other. Here is a burying ground attached,
in which lie many of the subscribers to, and first worshippers in,
the chapel. It is still used as a place of worship, and for a Sabbath
school. These four chapels were all in the old Bay of Quinté
circuit.
“In the fifth township east of Kingston is another relic of the
times of old, called the Elizabethtown chapel. It is now within the
boundaries of the village of Lyn, about eight miles from Brockville,
and near the river St. Lawrence. A chapel particularly remarkable
for the assembling of the Genesse conference in 1817, and
the great revival of religion which there commenced.”
The first English Church erected west of Adolphustown, was
at Belleville. It was commenced in 1819, and finished the next
year. The Rev. Mr. Campbell was the first clergyman, and came
to the place some little time before the building was completed.
An anecdote has been related to us by one who saw the occurrence,
which will serve to illustrate the character of those days.
Mr. Campbell one day entered the church, when near its completion,
and walked up a ladder and entered the pulpit; immediately
one of the workmen, named Smith, removed the ladder, leaving the
Rev. gentleman a prisoner; nor would they release him until he
had sent a messenger to his home for a certain beverage. This
church when erected was an ornament to the place, and is well
remembered by many, having been taken down in 1858, the present
handsome structure being completed. Mr. Campbell continued in
charge until his death in 1835. During this time he caused to be
erected a church at the front of Sidney, midway between Belleville
and the Trent, and he held services there every second Sabbath, in
the afternoon, for a time; but the congregation was never large.
Methodism seemed to take more hold of the feelings of the people.
Mr. Campbell’s successor was the Rev. John Cochrane, who was
pastor for three years, when the present incumbent, the Rev. John
Grier, who had been at the Carrying Place for some years, took
charge.
284The first Presbyterian clergyman of Belleville, was Mr.
Ketcham, under him the first church was built.
The first Methodist church to be built in the western part of
the Bay country was at Belleville. It was probably about the
beginning of this century that the itinerant Methodist began to
visit the head of the Bay Quinté. They were accustomed to preach
in private houses, and barns, here and there along the front, and
up the Moira River, and at Napanee.
Healy and Puffer were accustomed to preach at Col. Bell’s,
Thurlow.
Belleville was laid out into lots in 1816; Mr. Ross applied to
government for one, as the society was disqualified from holding
landed property until 1828. The land was accordingly granted to
him, and recorded, January 7, 1819. A frame building was immediately
commenced 50 by 30 feet. Before it was inclosed, service
was held within the frame. The building was never completed.
The pulpit was of rough boards, and the seats were of similar
material, placed upon blocks. In 1831, a second chapel was commenced,
and the old one removed.
285
Contents—The first Methodist Preachers—The army—Capt. Webb—Tuffey—George
Neal—Lyons—School-teacher—Exhorter—McCarty—Persecution—Bigotry—Vagabonds—McCarty
arrested—Trial—At Kingston—Banished—“A
martyr”—Doubtful—Losee, first Methodist missionary, 1790—A minister—A
loyalist—Where he first preached—“A curiosity”—Earnest pioneer
Methodist—Class-meetings—Suitable for all classes—Losee’s class-meetings—Determines
to build a meeting-house—Built in Adolphustown—Its size—The
subscribers—Members, amount—Embury—Those who subscribed for
first church in New York—Same names—The centenary of Methodism—New
York Methodists driven away—American Methodist forgetful—Embury
and Heck refugees—Ashgrove—No credit given to British
officers—Embury’s brother—The rigging loft, N. Y.—Barbara Heck—Settling
in Augusta—First Methodist Church in America—Subscribers—“Lost
Chapters”—The Author’s silence—What is acknowledged—“Severe
threats”—Mr. Mann—To Nova Scotia—Mr. Wakely “admires piety”—not
“loyalty”—Second chapel, N. Y.—Adolphustown subscribers—Conrad
VanDusen—Eliz. Roblin—Huff—Ruttan—The second Methodist chapel—The
subscribers—Commenced May, 1792—Carpenters’ wages—Members,
Cataraqui Circuit—Going to Conference—Returns—Darias Dunham—Physician—First
quarterly meeting—Anecdotes—Bringing a “dish cloth”—“Clean
up”—The new made squire—Asses—Unclean spirits—Losee discontinues
preaching—Cause—Disappointment—Return to New York—Dunham
useful—Settles—Preachers traveling—Saddle-bags—Methodism among the
loyalists—Camp-meetings—Where first held, in Canada—Worshipping in
the woods—Breaking up—Killing the Devil—First Canadian preacher—Journey
from New York.
The first Methodist Preachers both in Lower and Upper Canada
were connected with the British Army; also, the second one in
America, who was Capt. Webb. “In 1780, a Methodist Local
Preacher, named Tuffey, a Commissary of the 44th, came with his
regiment to Quebec. He commenced preaching soon after his arrival,
and continued to do so at suitable times, while he remained,” or
until his regiment was disbanded in 1783. The second Methodist
Preacher in Canada was George Neal, an Irishman. During the
war he was Major of a cavalry regiment. He “crossed the Niagara
river at Queenston on the 7th October, 1786, to take possession
of an officer’s portion of land, and soon began to preach to the
new settlers on the Niagara river—his labours were not in vain.”—(Playter).
“In 1788 a pious young man, called Lyons, an exhorter in
the Methodist Episcopal Church, came to Canada, and engaged in
teaching school in Adolphustown.” He collected the people
together on the Sabbath, and conducted religious services. “In
the same year came James McCarty, an Irishman, to Ernesttown.”
286He was a follower of Whitfield, but acted with the Methodist, holding
religious meetings. His preaching caused severe persecution
against him on the part of certain loyalists, who held the doctrine
that none could be true subjects who adhered not to the Church of
England; but to oppose the Church was to oppose the King.
Advantage was taken of this loyalty to try to prevent the introduction
of any other religious denominations. A law had been
enacted by the Governor in Council, that persons wandering about
the country might be banished as vagabonds. McCarty was arrested
on a charge of vagabondism in Adolphustown, and brought before
a magistrate at VanDusen’s tavern, at the front, who remanded
him to Kingston. According to Playter, he was preaching at
Robert Perry’s when arrested; our informant is the Rev. C. VanDusen,
at whose father’s he was first arraigned. After being
released on bail, he was finally tried before Judge C., and was sentenced
to be banished, tradition says, upon an island in the St.
Lawrence. At all events he was placed in a batteau and taken
away by French boatmen. McCarty has obtained the name of
martyr, but it is the belief of unbiassed persons that he was not left
upon the island, but was conveyed to Montreal.
William Losee was the first regular preacher of the Methodist
denomination in Canada. He first visited the country in 1790,
preached a few sermons along the Bay of Quinté and St. Lawrence,
and returned with a petition from the settlers to the Conference, to
send him as a preacher. In February, 1791 he again came, as an
appointed minister from the Methodist Episcopal Church of the
United States. “Losee was a loyalist, and knew some of the
settlers in Adolphustown, before they left the United States. He
desired to see them and preach to them the glad tidings of salvation.
Had he been on the revolutionary side, the warm loyalists
would not have received him—rather would have driven him from
the country.”—(Playter). One of the first places at which he
preached, was at the house of John Carscallian, in Fredericksburgh.
The tavern of Conrad VanDusen, in Adolphustown, was another,
and at Paul Huff’s, on Hay Bay, another. “A Methodist Preacher
was a curiosity in those days, and all were anxious to see the phenomenon;
some would even ask how he looked, or what he was
like! A peculiarity in Losee, too, was, that he had but one arm
to use, the other being withered.” A true pioneer Methodist, he
set earnestly to work to form class-meetings and organize societies,
and during the summer his circuit embraced the settlements in
287the Township of Kingston, Ernesttown, Fredericksburgh, Marysburgh,
and even Sophiasburgh. Class-meetings form the corner
stone of Wesleyan Methodism. But little understood, often
entirely misunderstood by others than Methodists, they are generally
regarded as the abode of cant or of priestly control. No greater
error could exist. Rightly conducted they are invaluable as a
means of training the religious mind, and establishing it upon the
Rock of Ages. It has been said that they are only suitable for the
uneducated; not so, they are alike beneficial to the peasant and the
noble, the clown and the littérateur. Losee, in accordance with the
principles of Methodism, at once set to work to create classes, and
on the Sabbath of February 20, 1792, in the 3rd concession of Adolphustown,
at Paul Huff’s house, he established the first regular
class-meeting in Canada. The second class was formed on the
following Sabbath, in Ernesttown, four miles from Bath.
A third class was formed in March, at Samuel Detlor’s, three
miles from Napanee. The following year the congregation had so
increased, which met at Paul Huff’s house, that a determination
was formed to erect a meeting house. A paper was drawn up, in
which was set forth the great blessing of God in sending a minister
to their wilderness home, that a “Meeting-house or Church” is
requisite. Then follows an agreement of the subscribers to build
a Church, under the direction of Losee; to be thirty-six feet by
thirty feet, two stories high, with a gallery. “Said house to be
built on the north-west corner of Paul Huff’s land, lot No. 18, third
concession, Fourth Town;” and promising to pay the sums of
money annexed to their respective names. This interesting document,
with the names of subscribers, and the subscription of each, is
to be found in Playter’s History of Methodism, a work that ought to be
in the hands of every Canadian, no matter what his creed, because
of the fund of general knowledge upon Canada it contains. The
total number of subscribers was twenty-two; the amount subscribed
was £108. Among the names are those familiar to every inhabitant
of the Bay, some known throughout Canada. To one, especially,
reference must be made, Andrew Embury, a name of historic
interest in connection with Methodism in America. It is a remarkable
fact, that this and other names are to be found among those
who planted Methodism in New York. The celebration of the
centenary of Methodism in America, in 1866, was marked by frequent
and glowing accounts of those who introduced Methodism
into America. Too much credit, too much honor could not be given
288to the Emburys, the Hecks and others, which was quite correct.
But no reference was made in the United States, nor in Canada for
that matter, to the dark days of the infant Society in New York,
when the cruel rebellion interrupted the meetings in that place;
and where persecution followed the retirement of the British forces,
1783. It is a page of history in connection with that body, which
American writers of Methodism endeavor to wipe out, when the
very founders of the Church in America were made to flee from
their homes; and had all their property sacrificed. The names of
Embury and Heck; of whom so much was said, were among the
refugees from rebel oppression. No word has been said of the
cause of the removal of these persons to the wilderness of Canada.
Barbara Heck, who enjoys the everlasting honor of causing Philip
Embury to begin Preaching, was driven away from her Methodist
home. Philip Embury was not likewise treated, because death had
sealed his eyes a year before the declaration of independence, ere
the demon of rebellion was evoked by the spirit of radicalism, and
unhallowed desire for neighbor’s goods; otherwise his bones, the
resting place of which they have given so glowing a picture of, would
likewise be sleeping in our midst, in the quiet shades of the Canadian
forest, as do those of Paul Heck, who died in 1788; and of his
wife, Barbara, who died in 1804. The remains of Philip Embury,
instead of being urned, as they were, in 1822, in Ash Grove, Washington
County, New York, after lying buried for fifty-seven years
in the old burying ground of Abraham Beninger, should have
found a burying place on Canadian soil, where rests his widow, the
place to which his brother and the Hecks were driven. We have
listened to some of the American orators, and read more of their
speeches, and could not help noticing that they forgot to mention
that their impetuous rebellion drove away from them the founders of
Methodism; they forgot to give any credit to Capt. Webb, who was
the second Methodist preacher in America; forsooth, because he
was a British officer, and it would be unpleasant to associate such
with centenary orations in this their day of Anglophobia.
Upon the north shore of Hay Bay, in Fredericksburgh, settled
David Embury, brother of Philip, who officiated as a Methodist Minister
in New York, in a Rigging Loft, on William St., about 1766. To do
this he was urged by Barbara Heck, wife of Paul Heck, both of whom
were among the first to settle on the St. Lawrence, in Augusta, in 1785.
The first Methodist Church erected in America, was in 1768, on John
Street, New York. Among the 250 subscribers, was the name of
289David Embury, the same who settled on Hay Bay; he gave £2.
Also, the name of Paul Heck, who contributed £3 5s. Twenty-four
years later, and among the twenty-two subscribers to build the first
Methodist meeting-house in Canada, again appears the name of
Embury—Andrew, son of David Embury. The author of the “Lost
Chapters of Methodism,” gives interesting accounts of the formation
of the Methodist Society in New York; but he is remarkably
silent in this instance, as others are, about the treatment they
received from the Americans; not a word to make it known that
they were driven into the wilds of Nova Scotia and Canada by a
relentless people. Yet, at the conclusion, he acknowledges this
much: he says, “At the conclusion of the Revolutionary war,
severe threats having been thrown out against the Loyalists who
had taken refuge within the British lines, Mr. Mann thought it his
duty to embark, with a considerable number of the Society, for the
wilds of Nova Scotia.” Mr. Mann was a class leader, and local
preacher, and, during the war, at the request of the Trustees, kept
the chapel in John Street open, after the regular preacher had left.
“We see what became of a part of the Society, in John Street.
Some of them had been so loyal to their sovereign, they were afraid
they would suffer if they remained.” Of course they were, and
had they not sufficient reason from the “threats” which had been
“thrown out.” Mr. Wakely, the author, continues, “We can
admire their piety without endorsing their loyalty.” How kind.
The second Methodist Church of New York was built on the land
of DeLancy, who had his immense property confiscated.
Of the subscribers to the chapel in Adolphustown, Conrad Van
Dusen gave the largest amount, £15. He had been a Tavern
keeper on the front, and was one of the first fruits of Losee’s
missionary labors. “He lived a little east of the Court House. Of
him many pleasing and amusing anecdotes are told; though a
tavern-keeper, as well as a merchant, he opened his house for the
Gospel, and when that Gospel entered his heart, he deliberately
took his axe and cut down his sign posts.”—(Playter.)
The second largest contributor, was Elizabeth Roblin, who gave
£12. She was the widow of Philip Roblin, who died 1788. They
had been among the first settlers of Adolphustown. (See U. E.
Loyalists.) Mrs. Roblin afterwards became the wife of John
Canniff, the founder of Canifton, and her remains now rest on the
hill in the old family burying ground, in that village. She was the
grand-parent of John P. Roblin, of Picton, “a man who has served
290his country in several Parliaments of Upper Canada. Her daughter
Nancy, born in 1781, is the mother of a large branch of the
Ketcheson family in the County of Hastings.”—(Playter.) She,
with her husband, still live in the fifth concession of Sidney, yet
hale and hearty, in the autumn of their genial, though toilsome,
life. “The subscription of the widow was liberal; indeed, the
Roblins of the Bay of Quinté have always been a hospitable and
liberal minded people.” Paul Huff and William Ruttan, each gave
£10. The others gave smaller sums; but, considering the date, it
is noteworthy that so much was contributed.
The same month, it is said, Losee undertook to build a second
Church in Ernesttown, a short distance below Bath. The principal
persons who aided in building this meeting-house were James
Parrot, John Lake, Robert Clarke, Jacob Miller, and others. There
is evidence in the account book of Robert Clarke, who was a carpenter,
that the chapel was commenced May, 1792. He credits
himself with then working twelve and a-half days; and with
working in October twelve and a-half days, at five shillings and
six-pence per day, which shows carpenter’s wages at that time. But
like a good hearted man, seeing the building fund not too full, he
reduced his wages to two shillings and nine-pence per day. His
payment to the chapel was £10. James Parrot received the subscriptions.
The two buildings were to be of the same size and form.
As soon as these two chapels were inclosed, the congregations sat
on boards to hear the preaching. They were the first Methodist
Churches in Canada. At the end of the year Mr. Losee had
165 members enrolled in the “Cataraqui Circuit.” He set out
on his long journey to attend conference at Albany. Mr. Losee
returned the following year, accompanied by Rev. Darius Dunham.
The latter took charge of the Bay of Quinté district—the “Cataraqui
Circuit,” while Losee went to the St. Lawrence to organize a
new society—this was called the “Oswegotchie” circuit.
On Saturday, September 15, the first “Quarterly” meeting
was held, in Mr. Parrot’s barn, 1st Con., Ernesttown, to which many
of the settlers came from the six townships. Darius Dunham was
a Physician by profession. “He was a man of strong mind,
zealous, firm in his opinions.” “He labored well on the Cataraqui
Circuit, and was in high repute by the people.”—(Playter.)
Many anecdotes are told of Dunham. On account of his quick
and blunt way of speaking and rebuking evil doings, he acquired
the name of “Scolding Dunham.” Withal, he was witty, and he
291loved, it would seem, next to Godliness, cleanliness, so he would, if
at a house, where it were not observed, according to his idea (and as
there was only the one room, he could see the whole process of
preparing for the table,) he would tell the housewife that the next
time he came he would “bring a dish-cloth along,” or perhaps, he
would bluntly tell the woman to “clean up.” Carroll relates the
following story, yet often told and laughed at by the old settlers of
the Bay. “His reply to the newly appointed magistrate’s bantering
remarks, is widely reported. A new-made ‘Squire’ rallied
Dunham before some company, about riding so fine a horse, and told
him he was very unlike his humble Master, who was content to
ride an ass. The preacher responded with his usual imperturbable
gravity, and in his usual heavy and measured tones, that he agreed
with him perfectly, and that he would most assuredly imitate his
Master in that particular, but for the difficulty of finding the animal
required—the Government having made up all the asses into magistrates.”
A person of the author’s acquaintance, informed him
that he saw an infidel, who was a fallen Lutheran clergyman, endeavoring,
one night while Dunham was preaching, to turn the whole
into ridicule. The preacher affected not to notice him, but went on
exalting the excellency of Christianity, and showing the formidable
opposition it had confronted and overcome; when, all at once, he
turned to where the scoffer sat, and fixing his eyes upon him, the
old gentleman continued: “Shall Christianity and her votaries,
after having passed through fire and water,” &c.—“after all this,
I say, shall the servants of God, at this time of day, allow themselves
to be frightened by the braying of an ass.” In those days it
was believed, by some at least, that unclean spirits and devils might
be cast out by the power of God through the faithful Christian, and
Dunham had the credit of having, on several occasions, cast out
devils.
Mr. Losee remained a preacher only two years, when he
became mentally unfit, having encountered a disappointment of a
crushing nature. The uncertainty of the cause of his discontinuing
to preach, has been dispelled by Playter, in the
most touching language, “He was the subject of that soft, yet
powerful passion of our nature, which some account our weakness,
and others our greatest happiness. Piety and beauty were seen
connected in female form then as well as now, in this land of woods
and water, snows and burning heat. In the family of one of his
hearers, and in the vicinity of Napanee river, was a maid, of no
292little moral and personal attraction. Soon his (Losee’s) attention
was attracted; soon the seed of love was planted in his bosom, and
soon it germinated and bore outward fruit. In the interim of
suspense, as to whether he should gain the person, another preacher
came on the circuit, visits the same dwelling, is attracted by the
same fair object, and finds in his heart the same passion. The two
seek the same person. One is absent on the St. Lawrence; the
other frequents the blest habitation, never out of mind. One, too,
is deformed, the other a person of desirable appearance. Jealousy
crept in with love. But, at last, the preference was made, and
disappointment, like a thunderbolt, overset the mental balance of
the first itinerant minister in Canada.” He subsequently removed
to New York, where he continued to live for many years, and
recovered his mental health. He had purchased lots in Kingston,
which he returned to sell in 1816; at this time he was perfectly
sound in mind, and was a good man. He visited Adolphustown,
and other places, preaching here and there, and finally returned to
New York.
Mr. Dunham proved a useful man, especially among the settlers
of Marysburgh. He ultimately in the year 1800, retired from the
ministry and settled near Napanee, having married into the Detlor
family. But he continued to act as a local preacher.
The early preachers often traveled from place to place on
horseback after a bridle-path had been made, with saddle-bags,
containing oats in one part, and a few articles of wearing
apparel in another, perhaps a religious book; thus the zealous
preacher would travel mile after mile through interminable forests.
Indeed there are plenty to-day who have done likewise.
There is one fact connected with the early Methodist preachers,
which requires a passing notice.
The settlers were all intensely loyal; yet when the Yankee
Methodist preacher came in their midst he was gladly received; it
is true Losee the first who came was a loyalist; but many who
followed were Americans and republicans. Although the Lutheran,
Presbyterian, and English churchmen had preceded the Methodists
into Canada, neither seemed to obtain that hold upon the hearts of
the plain U. E. Loyalists, that the Methodists did. The people
of every denomination as well as those belonging to none, flocked
to hear them, and many stayed to become followers. These
Americans were always regarded with suspicion by government,
and serious doubts were entertained whether those who became
293Methodists were loyal. But the war of 1812, exhibited in a thrilling
manner the old fire of attachment to their sovereign the King.
There seemed to be an adaptability between the Methodist mode of
worship and the plain old settlers, and for years there were many
who left the church of their fathers, and joined the more demonstrative
society of Wesleyans. Not only was this mode of
ordinary worship followed by the Methodist congenial, but
especially the camp meeting engaged their hearty attention. This
mode of worshipping in the woods was first known in Kentucky in
1801, and was initiated by two brothers named McGee, one of whom
was a Methodist, the other a Presbyterian. There are many who
regard the holding of camp-meetings as very questionable, even in
the past. Whatever may be said about the necessity of such
meetings at the present day, they were it is thought, highly appropriate
in the infant days of the country. At the first, and for many
long years, there were but few churches of any size. Then, the
inhabitants had been buried as it were in the primeval forests, left
to meditate in its deep recesses, far away from the busy haunts of
men. No doubt the solemn repose, and silent grandeur awoke in
their minds feelings of awe, and of veneration, just the same as
one will feel when gazing along the naves of some old grand
cathedral, with its representations of trees and flowers. It is not
difficult to understand that the mind, trained by habit to meditation
in the woods, with its waving boughs telling of other times, and of
a mysterious future, would naturally find worshipping in the woods,
congenial to the soul,—find it a fit place for the higher contemplation
and worship of the great God. The first camp-meeting held in
Canada was in 1805, on the south shore of Hay Bay, near the chapel.
The meeting was attended by some from the distant townships,
who went down in batteaux. This was a great event to the settlers.
Its announcement, says Dr. Bangs, “beforehand excited great interest
far and near. Whole families prepared for a pilgrimage to the
ground, processions of waggons, and foot passengers wended along
the highways.” The ministers present were Case, Ryan, Pickett,
Keeler, Madden and Bangs. The meeting commenced on the 27th
of September; the whole was characterized by deep religious
feeling as well as decided demonstration, and the joy and
comfort of believing, which ought always to be present with the
Christian, was generally experienced, while there was an absence
of that outside exhibition, too often seen in later years, around the
camps. We quote from Carroll respecting the ending of this meeting.
294The account is from Dr. Bangs, “The time was at hand at last for
the conclusion of the meeting. The last night was the most
awfully impressive and yet most delightful scene my eyes ever
beheld. There was not a cloud in the sky. The stars studded the
firmament, and the glory of God filled the camp. All the neighbouring
forest seemed vocal with the echo of hymns. Turn our
attention which way we would, we heard the voice of prayer and
praise. I will not attempt to describe the parting scene, for it was
indescribable. The preachers, about to disperse to their distant
fields of labor, hung upon each other’s necks, weeping and yet
rejoicing. Christians from remote settlements, who had here
formed holy friendships, which they expected would survive in
heaven, parted probably to meet no more on earth. As the hosts
marched off in different directions the songs of victory rolled along
the highways.”
Apropos of Methodist camp-meetings, Carroll tells an anecdote
characteristic of the times, and as well of the honest Dutch. One
of these old settlers was speaking of a recent camp-meeting from
which he had just come said, “It was a poor, tet tull time, and no
goot was tone, till tat pig Petty (the Rev. Elias Pattie) come; but
mit his pig fist, he did kill te tuval so tet as a nit, and ten te work
proke out.” The Methodists of that day were fond of the demonstrative.
In the year 1806, a native of Prince Edward district entered
the Methodist ministry. He was the first native Canadian preacher
of any denomination, his name was Andrew Pringle.
The same year Thomas Whitehead was sent by the New York
Conference. He was six weeks on the road through the woods
with his wife and six children, “and during most of the time they
subsisted on boiled wheat.”
295
Contents—Henry Ryan—Ryanites—He comes to Canada—His associate, Case—At
Kingston—A Singer—Preaching in the Market-place—Their treatment—In
office—His circuit—1000 miles—What he received—Elder—Superseded—Probable
cause—A British subject—During the war of 1812—President
of Conference—“High-minded”—Useful—Acceptable to the people—Desired
independence by the Canadians—How he was treated—His labors—Brave—Witty—“Fatherless
children”—“Impudent scoundrel”—Muscular—“Methodists’
Bull”—“Magistrate’s Goat”—Ryan seeks separation—Breakenridge—Conduct
of the American Conference—Ryan’s agitation—Effect
upon the Bishops—First Canada Conference—At Hollowell—Desire
for independence—Reasons, cogent—Fruit of Ryan’s doings—The way the
Conference treated Ryan—Withdraws—No faith in the United States Conference—Ryan
sincere—“Canadian Wesleyans”—The motives of the United
States Conference questionable—The wrong done Ryan—Second Canada
Conference—Case, first Superintendent—Visit of Bishop Asbury—Account
by Henry Bœhm—Asbury an Englishman—During the rebellion—A Bishop—His
journey to Canada—Crossing the St. Lawrence—Traveling in Canada—An
upset—“A decent people”—His opinion of the country—The Bishop ill—At
Kingston—Bœhm at Embury’s—A field meeting—Riding all night—Crossing
to Sackett’s harbor—Nearly wrecked.
A sketch of the early ministers who preached around the Bay
Quinté, would be incomplete without a somewhat extended notice
of Elder Ryan, after whom was called, a certain number of non-contented
Methodists, Ryanites.
Henry Ryan, an Irishman, “of a bold energetic nature, with a
powerful voice,” commenced preaching in 1800. He was for five
years stationed in the States. In the year 1805, he, with the Rev.
Wm. Case, was appointed to the Bay Quinté circuit. It was they
who arranged and conducted the first camp meeting. Carroll, writing
of that period, says, “there was no society (of Methodists) then
in the Town of Kingston, and its inhabitants were very irreligious.
The market house was the only chapel of the Methodists, Case and
his colleague (Ryan) made a bold push to arouse the people. Sometimes
they went together, Ryan was a powerful singer too. They
would ride into the town, put their horses at an inn, lock arms, and
go singing down the streets a stirring ode, beginning with ‘Come
let us march to Zion’s hill.’ By the time they had reached the
market-place, they usually had collected a large assembly. When
together, Ryan usually preached, and Case exhorted. Ryan’s stentorian
voice resounded through the town, and was heard across the
adjacent waters. They suffered no particular opposition excepting
a little annoyance from some of the baser sort, who sometimes tried
296to trip them off the butcher’s block, which constituted their rostrum;
set fire to their hair, and then blew out their candle if it were in
the night season.” Proof was subsequently given that this preaching
was not without effect.
Mr. Ryan continued ten years at the Bay Quinté, and then three
years in the west at Long Point and Niagara. In 1810, he was
presiding Elder. His duties, as such, was to visit every part of
the Province, from Detroit to Cornwall. “Allowing for his returns
home, he traveled about 1000 miles each quarter in the year, or
4000 miles a year. And what was the worldly gain? The presiding
Elder was allowed $80 for himself, $60 for his wife, and
what provisions he would need for his family. His entire allowance
might have been £60 a year. Such was the remuneration,
and such the labors, of the presiding Elder” of the Methodists fifty-three
years ago—(Playter).
Henry Ryan continued a presiding Elder, for many years, in
the whole of Upper Canada, a few years in Lower Canada, and then
when the Bay of Quinté district was set apart by division, he was
appointed Elder to it. But in 1834, for some reason, Mr. Ryan
was superseded in office. The reason of this can only be guessed.
He was an Irishman by birth, and although sent to Canada by an
American body, he seems to have been more a British subject, a
Canadian, than American. During the war of 1812, he remained
in Canada attending to his duties, with three other faithful men,
Rhodes, Whitehead, and Pringle. More than that, as presiding
Elder, he assumed the oversight of the preachers at the close of the
first year. Others had been stationed in Canada who were British
subjects, but they ceased before the war had closed, to discharge
their duties. The Americans feared to come, or, having come, were
warned off by proclamation. Those who continued in the ministerial
field met under the presidency of Ryan. In the year of the
commencement of the war, the conference was to have met at
Niagara, in Upper Canada; but war was declared by the United
States a month previous, and instead of venturing into the country
where their fellow countrymen were about to carry the midnight
torch, they turned aside to another place to hold their conference.
“None of the brethren laboring on the Canada side went over. It
is probable, although we are not certain, that they met at the place
appointed, where some sort of deliberations would take place.”
The Rev. John Ryerson says Mr. Ryan “held a conference, and
held three conferences during the war, the principal business of
297which was employing preachers, and appointing them to their
different fields of labor.” The Rev. Ezra Adams says, “the second
conference was held at Matilda,” and “in 1814, it was held at
the Bay of Quinté, at Second or Fourth Town”—Carroll. Mr.
Ryan was impulsive and authoritative, at least the ministers
thought so, and the rule of “Harry Ryan” was called “high-handed.”
The end of it all was that, although he was useful and liked by the
people, his ministerial brethren in Canada did not like him, and
the conference seemed glad to supersede one, who no doubt already
manifested his desire that the Canadian Methodists should become
independent of the Americans. In view of the political state of
affairs, the objection felt by the government to have American
preachers giving religious instruction to Canadians,—in view of
the course pursued by Ryan during the war of 1812—in view of his
whole career up to this time, the belief is forced upon the mind
that it was not only when Ryan had been superseded that he began
to agitate for a separation. His labors during the war were severe
and continuous, says a preacher of the times, “He used to travel
from Montreal to Sandwich, to accomplish which he kept two horses
in the Niagara district, and one for the upper part of the Province,
and another for the lower. As his income was very small, he eked
out the sum necessary to support his family by peddling a manufacture
of his own in his extensive journeys, and by hauling with
his double team in winter time, on his return from Lower Canada,
loads of Government stores or general merchandise. Mr. Ryan, by
his loyalty, gained the confidence and admiration of all friends of
British supremacy, and by his abundant and heroic labors, the
affections of the God-fearing part of the community.” Much more
might be said in the same vein, but probably enough has been said
to establish his claim to the sympathy of every Bay of Quinté inhabitant,
where he so long labored and where most of his subsequent
followers lived. It may be added that he was brave and witty, and
had a ready answer for every bantering remark. Some wicked
fellows are said to have asked him if he had heard the news? What
news? Why, that the devil is dead. Then said he, looking around
on the company, he has left a great many fatherless children. On
another occasion, on entering a public house, a low fellow, knowing
him to be, from his costume, a minister, remarked aloud, placing
his hand in his pocket, “There comes a Methodist preacher; I
must take care of my money.” Ryan promptly said, “You are an
impudent scoundrel.” “Take care,” said the man, “I cannot
298swallow that.” “Then chew it till you can,” was the fearless reply.—(Carroll).
At camp meetings, when it came to pass that individuals
came to create disturbance, and when there was no police to
take care of rowdies, Mr. Ryan has been known to display his
muscular power by actually throwing the guilty individuals over
the enclosure to the camp ground.
Mr. Ryan preached occasionally at Vandusens’ tavern in Adolphustown.
After one of his thundering sermons, a neighboring
squire who was a daily visitor at the tavern, and who had recently
attempted to cut his own throat, wrote upon the wall of the bar-room,
“Elder Ryan, the Methodist bull, preaches hell and damnation
till the pulpit is full;” whereupon some one wrote below it, “Bryan
C——d, the magistrate goat, barely escaped hell and damnation by
cutting his throat.”
Mr. Ryan, upon his return from the General Conference in
1844, commenced an agitation for independence of the Canadian
Methodists, and from Port Hope Creek to the Ottawa, he continued
to urge the necessity of such an end.
“While not much liked by the preachers, Ryan was very popular
among the people,” especially along the Bay Quinté. Captain Breakenridge,
a local preacher, living on the St. Lawrence, joined him, in
holding conventions, and in procuring largely signed petitions, praying
for separation. Ryan and Breakenridge, went to the General
Conference, bearing these petitions, and were not received. But
these petitions were the commencement of the separation, which it
was quite time should take place for the well being of both parties.
Concessions were made—a Canada conference was formed through
the instrumentality of Elder Ryan; but under the superintendency
of the United States conference. This did not satisfy Ryan, and his
followers in the Bay Quinté circuit. Meetings were held at which it
was resolved they would “break off” from the American Church
without permission. For four months Ryan energetically appealed
to the people. To allay this the Bishop had to come and say to the
Canadians, that if they wished independence, the next general conference,
which would meet in 1828, would no doubt grant it. The
following year the first Canada conference was held at the village of
Hollowell, (Picton). It was opened on the 25th August. There
were thirty preachers present, and they continued in session five
days. The agitation initiated by Ryan, had done its work, “a general
desire existed, that the Canada body should become an independent
body, not later than the general conference of 1828,” and a
299memorial was prepared to be submitted to that body. After requesting
to be set apart an independent body, the following reason, with
others was given. “The state of society requires it. The first
settlers having claimed the protection of His Britannic Majesty in the
revolutionary war, were driven from their former possessions to
endure great hardships in a remote wilderness. Time, however, and
a friendly intercourse, had worn down their asperity and prejudice,
when the late unhappy war revived their former feelings; affording
what they considered, new and grievous occasion for disgust against
their invading neighbors. The prejudices thus excited would probably
subside if their ministry were to become residents in this country,
as would be the case in the event of becoming a separate body.”
The fact that government regarded with dislike the connection was
adverted to, also that they were not allowed to solemnize matrimony.
Such was the fruit of Elder Ryan’s proceedings, and to him belongs
great credit, however much his motives may have been impugned.
It has been acknowledged that he was disliked by the preachers, and
this dislike was manifested this year by sending him as a missionary
to the Indians. No wonder he was dissatisfied. Not because he was
placed in a humble position, after acting nearly a quarter of a century
as presiding Elder; but because of the animus of those who did it.
And moreover, he entertained the belief that the general conference
did not intend to give independence. The next year Ryan was placed
among the superannuated ministers, and thus remained two years; the
next year 1827, he withdrew, and resumed the agitation for independence.
He had no faith in the United States conference, the cry was
raised, Loyal Methodism against Republican Methodism. In this
Ryan was countenanced by Government and the English Church, and
Playter says, Dr. Strachan sent him £50 to carry on the work of
separation.
The whole previous life of Ryan, leads us to believe that he
was sincere and honest in his movements and statements, but
it is said he was greatly mistaken. The people generally said, wait
till we see what the general conference does. The preachers have
said they will give us independence, pause till we see. The result
of the conference was as had been promised; while already
Ryan had separated, and, with a limited number of followers, mostly
along the bay and St. Lawrence, had formed a new body with
the name of Canadian Wesleyan Methodist Church. But it will always
remain a question whether the general conference would have conceded
the independence had it not been well known that Ryan would
300take almost all if they were not made free. It is not an unknown
thing for a person who has worked for some public good to be robbed
of the credit in a surreptitious manner. Ryan was deceived, and his
kind, though impulsive nature resented the wrong done him. Though
his name has been placed under a shadow by those who were indebted
to him, yet his memory is even yet green and sweet in the hearts of
some of the old settlers. Well might Elder Ryan, select as his text
at the time, “I have raised up children and they have rebelled.”
The general conference assembled at Pittsburgh, 1st May, 1828.
The memorial from the Canada conference was duly considered, and
whatever may have been the reasons, they granted in the most kindly
spirit, the decided request of the Canadian Methodists. Ryan, it is
said when he heard of it, “looked astonished, trembled and could
scarcely utter a word.”
The second Canada conference met at Ernesttown, the 2nd
October, 1828, in Switzer’s chapel. “Bishop Hedding came for the
last time, and presided over the conference. No United States Bishop,
no Bishop at all, has ever presided since.” This year, Andrew Pringle,
the first native Methodist preacher, was placed on the superannuated
list. After due deliberation the conference resolved to organize into
an independent body, and adopted the discipline of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, as the basis of their own. The Rev. Wm. Case was
appointed General Superintendent until the next conference.
It is not possible, nor would it be proper to give a connected
history of Methodism, or any other religious denomination. But the
aim of the writer is to supply facts relative to those who have lived
and acted a part in connection with the early history of the bay, with
such other facts as will throw light upon the matter. With this
object in view, we will here introduce, in conclusion, a brief notice of
the visit of Bishop Asbury to Canada in 1811. The account is from
the pen of the Rev. Henry Bœhm, with remarks by Mr. Carroll.
Reading this account, it called to our mind the account given to us
by Father Bœhm, in 1854, while sojourning at Staten Island, New
York, where we had the great pleasure of frequently meeting him
and of enjoying the hospitality of his genial family. Mr. Bœhm
was the traveling companion of Bishop Asbury when he visited
Canada.
Bishop Asbury, the cotemporary of the Wesleys, being one whom
Wesley ordained to preach, he came to America in 1771, as a missionary,
being 25 years old. Of all the English preachers in the
revolting colonies, he alone remained during the revolutionary war,
301and was under the necessity of concealing himself in Delaware.
Created a Bishop by Dr. Coke, in 1785, he continued for many years
in the oversight of the Methodist Church in America and in Canada.
But although Methodism was planted in Canada in 1792, it was not
until the year mentioned that a Bishop found his way to the remote
settlements of Canada. Bishop Asbury, however, had for years a
desire to see Canada. Two years before he came he wrote, “I shall
see Canada before I die,” says Bœhm.
“We had a severe time on our journey. We crossed Lake
Champlain, and Mr. Asbury preached in a bar-room in Plattsburgh.
The roads through the woods, over rocks, down gulleys, over
stumps, and through the mud, were indescribable. They were
enough to jolt a hale bishop to death, let alone a poor, infirm old
man, near the grave. On entering the village (of St. Regis)
as Mr. Asbury was leading his horse across a bridge made of
poles, the animal got his foot between them, and sunk into the
mud and water. Away went the saddle-bags; the books and
clothes were wet, and the horse was fast. We got a pole under
him to pry him out; at the same time the horse made a leap, and
came out safe and sound. We crossed the St. Lawrence in romantic
style. We hired four Indians to paddle us over. They lashed
three canoes together, and put our horses in them, their fore feet
in one canoe, their hind feet in another. It was a singular load;
three canoes, three passengers, the bishop, Smith and myself,
three horses and four Indians. They were to take us over for three
dollars. It was nearly three miles across to where we landed”—“did
not reach the other side till late in the evening.” The
Indians claimed another dollar, because three could not be easily
divided between four, this was “cheerfully paid.” “We arrived
in Canada on July 1st, 1811, landing at Cornwall, and about midnight
reached the hospitable house of Evan Roise, who hailed the
bishop’s arrival with joy, and gave him and his companions a
welcome worthy of patriarchal times.” “We found it warm in
Canada, and the Bishop suffered greatly. Here Henry Ryan,
Presiding Elder of Upper Canada, met us. The next day Bishop
Asbury preached, the day after the Bishop preached again and
there was a love-feast, and the Lord’s Supper.” Proceeding up
the River St. Lawrence, arrived at the eastern line of Matilda,
the Bishop rode in Brother Glassford’s close carriage, which he
called a ‘calash,’ and he inquired how they would get out if it
upset. He had hardly asked the question before over went the
302carriage, and the venerable Bishop was upset, but fortunately no
bones were broken; the saplings alongside the road broke the fall.
On Friday the Bishop preached in Matilda chapel, in what was
called the German settlement. I followed, preaching in German.
The Bishop was delighted with the people, he wrote, “here is a
decent loving people. I called upon Father Dulmage, and Brother
Heck.” We tarried over night with David Breackenridge. He
married and baptised a great many people, and attended many
funerals. In 1804 he preached the funeral sermon of Mrs. Heck,
who died suddenly, and it is said she claimed to be the person who
stirred Philip Embury to preach the Gospel. On Saturday we
rode twelve miles before breakfast to Father Boyce’s, where we
attended Quarterly Meeting. Bishop Asbury preached a thrilling
sermon. “The Bishop greatly admired the country through which
we rode. He says ‘Our ride has brought us through one of the
finest countries I have seen. The timber is of noble size; the
cattle are well shaped, and well looking; the crops are abundant
on a most fruitful soil. Surely this is a land that God, the Lord
hath blessed.’” (Such was the testimony of one who had traveled
all over the United States, concerning a country eighty years
younger than the older States of the Union. Such the testimony
respecting the pioneers of the country who twenty-five years previous
came thereto into an unbroken wilderness—respecting the
men the Americans had driven away and stigmatized by the application
of the most degrading names). “On Monday we proceeded
to Gananoque Falls, to Colonel Stone’s. Father Asbury was very
lame from inflammatory rheumatism. “He suffered like a martyr.
On Tuesday we visited Brother Elias Dulmage, a very kind family,
and Bishop Asbury preached in the first Town Church” (Kingston
Church). E. Dulmage, one of the Palatines, lived afterward a long
time as jail-keeper.”—(Carroll). The Bishop was so poorly he
could not proceed on his journey, and was obliged to lie up and
rest. He remained at Brother Dulmage’s, where he found a very
kind home, and I went with Henry Ryan to his Quarterly Meeting,
in Fourth or Adolphustown, Bay of Quinté. On Friday we rode
to Brother John Embury, Hay Bay. He was a nephew of Philip
Embury, the Apostle of American Methodism. On the Lord’s day
we had a glorious love-feast, and at the Lord’s Supper He was
made known to us in the breaking of bread. In a beautiful grove,
under the shade of trees planted by God’s own hand, I preached
to two thousand people, John Reynold’s, afterward Bishop Reynolds,
303of Belleville, and Henry Ryan exhorted. (Exhorting after
sermon was a common practice among the Methodists in those
days). Mr. Bœhm had to return to Kingston the same night, in
order that the Bishop might get to the Conference to be held in
the States immediately. To do so they rode all night—35 miles.
“To our great joy we found Father Asbury better”—“he had sent
around and got a congregation to whom he preached in the chapel.
He also met the Society and baptized two children. We were in
Canada just a fortnight. The Bishop was treated everywhere as
the angel of the churches. The Bishop preached six times in
Canada, besides numerous lectures which he delivered to societies.”
The Bishop and Mr. Bœhm set out on the Monday for Sackett’s
Harbour, in a small sail boat. There was a heavy storm, and they
were nearly wrecked. On the water all night without a cabin.
Spent a fearful night, and reached Sackett’s Harbour the next
afternoon.
Contents—McDonnell—First R. Catholic Bishop—A “Memorandum”—Birthplace—In
Spain—A Priest—In Scotland—Glengary Fencibles—Ireland,
1798—To Canada—Bishop—Death in Scotland—Body removed to Canada—Funeral
obsequies—Buried at Kingston—Had influence—Member of Canadian
Legislative Council—Pastoral visitations, 1806—A loyal man—A
Pioneer in his Church—The Bishop’s Address, 1836—Refuting mal-charges—Number
of the R. C. Clergy in 1804—From Lake Superior to Lower
Canada—Traveling horseback—Sometimes on foot—Hardships—Not a
Politician—Expending private means—Faithful services—Acknowledged—Roman
Catholic U. E. Loyalists—First Church in Ernesttown—McDonnell
at Belleville—Rev. M. Brennan—First Church in Belleville—What we have
aimed at—The advantages to the English Church—The Reserves—In Lower
Canada—Dr. Mountain—Number of English Clergymen, 1793—A Bishop—Monopoly
initiated—Intolerance and Exclusion swept away—An early habit
at Divine service.
We are much indebted to J. P. McDonnell, Esq., of Belleville,
for a “Memorandum of his grand-parent, the Rev. Alex McDonnell,
first Bishop of Upper Canada.”
“He was born in the year 1760, in Glengary, in Scotland,
educated for the Priesthood at Valladolid College, in the Kingdom
of Spain; for, at this time no person professing the Roman Catholic
304faith could be allowed to be educated in any part of the British
empire. He was ordained Priest before the year 1790. Then
came back to Scotland, his native country, and officiated as a
Priest in Badenoch, a small district in North Scotland, also in
the city of Glasgow; afterwards joined, in 1798, the Glengary
Fencibles, then for duty in Ireland, under the command of Lord
McDonnell, of Glengary, who was Colonel of said Fencible Regiment.
He came to Canada in the year 1804; was consecrated first
Bishop of Upper Canada in the year 1822, titled as the Bishop of
Kingston.” He died in Dumfriesshire, a County bordering on
England and Scotland, in the year 1840. His body was laid in St.
Mary’s Church, Edinborough, until removed to Canada, in 1862.
His remains was taken from the cars at the station at Lancaster,
and carried to St. Raphael’s Cathedral; in which Church he had
spent some of his most useful days, administering the consolations
of his religion to his numerous co-religionists throughout the Province
of Upper Canada. His remains were escorted by thousands
of people, of all denominations, from St. Raphael’s Church to St.
Andrew’s Church, and thence to Cornwall depot, in order to convey
his remains to Kingston, the head of his See; where his remains
now lie in the vaults of the Cathedral of that ancient city, in which
he, as Bishop, officiated for years, a favorite of both Protestants
and Catholics. I may here remark, that no other man, either
clergyman or lay, ever had more influence with the Government,
either Imperial or Colonial than Bishop McDonnell. In fact he
established the Catholic Church in Western Canada. All the lands
that the church now possesses were procured by his exertions. The
Bishop was a member of the Legislative Council for years in connection
with the Venerable Bishop Strachan, of Toronto. About
the year 1806, he passed on his way from Toronto, then York, to
Kingston; celebrated mass at his relation’s, Col. Archibald Chisholm,
whose descendants are now living on Lot. Nos. 8 and 9, 1st Con.,
Thurlow, adjoining the Town of Belleville—carried his vestments
on his back most of the way from Toronto to Kingston; and he
took passage in a birch canoe from his friend’s, Col. Chisholm, to
another relation, Col. McDonnell, (McDonald’s Cove,) on his way
to Kingston.
“Although his religion was then proscribed by the British Government,
and he was compelled to go to a foreign country to be
educated, no more loyal man to the British Crown lived; no other
man ever conduced more to the upholding of British supremacy in
North America than he, and helped to consolidate the same.”
305We are also indebted to Mr. McDonnell for other valuable documents
concerning the Bishop, who may be regarded the father of his
Church in Upper Canada. At least, he was the pioneer of that
denomination in the Bay region. To a great extent, his history is
the early history of his Church. The worthy prelate will speak for
himself, when at the advanced age of seventy-four, and he spoke
under circumstances which precluded the possibility of any statement
accidentally creeping in, which could not be fully substantiated.
Referring to an address of the House of Assembly, 1836, in
which his character had been aspersed, and his motives assailed, he,
in a letter to Sir Francis Bond Head, asks “the liberty of making
some remarks on a few passages” thereof, and, among other things,
says, “As to the charges brought against myself, I feel very little
affected by them, having the consolation to think that fifty years
spent in the faithful discharge of my duty to God and to my country,
have established my character upon a foundation too solid to be
shaken by the malicious calumnies of two notorious slanderers.”
To the charge that he had neglected his spiritual functions to
devote his time and talents to politics, he, by plain declaration,
refutes their “malicious charge,” stating the following facts, which
relate to the country from the year he entered it, 1804. He says,
“There were then but two Catholic clergymen in the whole of
Upper Canada. One of these clergymen soon deserted his post; and
the other resided in the Township of Sandwich, in the Western
District, and never went beyond the limits of his mission; so that
upon entering upon my pastoral duties, I had the whole of the Province
beside in charge, and without any assistance for the space of
ten years. During that period, I had to travel over the country,
from Lake Superior to the Province line of Lower Canada, to the
discharge of my pastoral functions, carrying the sacred vestments
sometimes on horseback, sometimes on my back, and sometimes in
Indian birch canoes, living with savages—without any other shelter
or comfort, but what their fires and their fares, and the branches of
the trees afforded; crossing the great lakes and rivers, and even
descending the rapids of the St. Lawrence in their dangerous and
wretched crafts. Nor were the hardships and privations which I
endured among the new settlers and emigrants less than what I
had to encounter among the savages themselves, in their miserable
shanties; exposed on all sides to the weather, and destitute of every
comfort. In this way I have been spending my time and my health
306year after year, since I have been in Upper Canada, and not
clinging to a seat in the Legislative Council and devoting my time
to political strife, as my accusers are pleased to assert. The erection
of five and thirty Churches and Chapels, great and small,
although many of them are in an unfinished state, built by my
exertion; and the zealous services of two and twenty clergymen,
the major part of whom have been educated at my own expense,
afford a substantial proof that I have not neglected my spiritual
functions, or the care of the souls under my charge; and if that be
not sufficient, I can produce satisfactory documents to prove that I
have expended, since I have been in this Province, no less than
thirteen thousand pounds, of my own private means, beside what I
received from other quarters, in building Churches, Chapels, Presbyteries,
and School-houses, in rearing young men for the Church,
and in promoting general education. With a full knowledge of
those facts, established beyond the possibility of a contradiction,
my accusers can have but little regard for the truth, when they tax
me with neglecting my spiritual functions and the care of souls.
The framers of the address to His Excellency knew perfectly well
that I never had, or enjoyed, a situation, or place of profit or
emolument, except the salary which my sovereign was pleased to
bestow upon me, in reward of forty-two years faithful services to
my country, having been instrumental in getting two corps of my
flock raised and embodied in defence of their country in critical
times, viz., the first Glengary Fencible Regiment, was raised by
my influence, as a Catholic corps, during the Irish rebellion, whose
dangers and fatigues I shared in that distracted country, and contributed
in no small degree to repress the rapacity of the soldiers,
and bring back the deluded people to a sense of their duty to their
sovereign and submission to the laws. Ample and honorable testimonials
of their services and my conduct may be found in the Government
office of Toronto. The second Glengary Fencible Regiment
raised in the Province, when the Government of the United States of
America invaded, and expected to make a conquest of Canada, was
planned by me, and partly raised by my influence. My zeal in the
service of my country, and my exertions in the defence of this
Province, were acknowledged by his late Majesty, through Lord
Bathurst, then Secretary of State for the Colonies. My salary was
then increased, and a seat was assigned for me in the Legislative
Council, as a distinguished mark of my sovereign’s favor, an honor
I should consider it a disgrace to resign, although I can hardly
307expect ever to sit in the Council, nor do I believe that Lord Glenelg,
who knows something of me, would expect that I should show so
much imbecility in my latter days, as to relinquish a mark of honor
conferred upon me by my sovereign, to gratify the vindictive
malice of a few unprincipled radicals. So far, however, from
repining at the cruel and continued persecutions of my enemies, I
pray God to give me patience to suffer, for justice sake, and to
forgive them their unjust and unmerited conduct towards me. I
have the honor to be Sir,—Your most obedient and very humble
servant,—(Signed)—Alex. McDonnell. To T. Joseph, Esq., Sec’y
to His Excellency, Sir Francis Bond Head, &c., &c., &c.”
There were a number of Roman Catholics among the U. E.
Loyalists. Among them were the Chisholms on the front of
Thurlow, to whose house Mr. McDonnell came to preach as he made
his annual round. I am told by an old settler, that a very old
Roman Catholic Church existed in Ernesttown west, a short distance
from Bath. Probably Mr. McDonnell travelled all around the Bay,
visiting members of his Church. There were several in Marysburgh.
He was the first to preach in Belleville, when it had become
a village. But the Rev Michael Brennan, who still lives, and is
highly respected by all classes, was the first priest located in Belleville;
he arrived in 1829. The frame of a building which had been
erected for a Freemason’s Lodge, was moved to the lot which had
been received from Government, and was converted into a Church.
The present Church was commenced in 1837, and completed in
1839.
We have now adverted to the several early clergymen of the
different denominations in the young colony of Upper Canada, and
have dwelt upon those facts, and related those events, which appertain
to the work we have in hand. We have essayed to simply
write the truth, without reference to the interests of any denomination,
either by false, or high coloring, or suppression of facts.
From what we have recorded, it is plain that the Church of
England stood the best chance of becoming the religion of Upper
Canada. The seventh part of the lands were reserved for the clergy,
and it was determined to erect an Ecclesiastical establishment in
the Province. In Lower Canada the Roman Catholics had been
secured by Act of Imperial Parliament. In Upper Canada it was
resolved that the English Church should occupy a similar position.
The Rev. Dr. Jehoshaphat Mountain was sent out from England in
1793, having been consecrated the first Bishop of Quebec, to take
308charge of the English establishment in all Canada. There were
then in both Canadas five clergymen of the church. The monopoly
thus instituted continued for many years, and other denominations
could not even hold land upon which to build a place of worship.
But time swept all intolerance and exclusiveness away. In the
year 1828, was passed “An act for the Relief of Religious Societies”
of the Province, by which it was authorized “That whenever any
religious congregation or society of Presbyterians, Lutherans,
Calvinists, Methodists, Congregationalists, Independents, Anabaptists,
Quakers, Menonists, Tunkers, or Moravians, shall have an
occasion to take a conveyance of land, it shall be lawful for them to
appoint trustees,” which body should hold perpetual succession, &c.
But it was also enacted that no one Society should hold more than
five acres.
This subject will be concluded by the following, the writer of
which we fail to remember. It is within our own recollection when
this habit still existed:
An early writer, a visitor to the Province of Canada, speaking
about religious denominations says, “The worshipping assemblies
appear grave and devout, except that in some of them it is customary
for certain persons to go out and come in frequently in time
of service, to the disturbance of others, and the interruption of that
silence and solemnity, which are enjoyed by politeness, no less
than a sense of religion. This indecorous practice prevails among
several denominations.”
Contents—First Sabbath teaching—Hannah Bell, 1769—School established, 1781—Raikes—Wesley—First
in United States—First in Canada—Cattrick, Moon—Common
in 1824—First in Belleville—Turnbull—Cooper—Marshall—Prizes,
who won them—Mr. Turnbull’s death—Intemperance—First Temperance
Societies—Change of custom—Rum—Increasing intemperance—The tastes
of the Pioneers—Temperance, not teetotalism—First Society in Canada—Drinks
at Raising and Bees—Society at Hollowell.
The earliest attempt known to teach children upon the Sabbath
was in 1769, made by a young lady, a Methodist, by the name of
Hannah Bell, in England, who was instrumental in training many
children in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. In 1781, while
309another Methodist young woman (afterward the wife of the celebrated
lay preacher, Samuel Bradburn) was conversing in Gloucester
with Robert Raikes, a benevolent citizen of that town, and publisher
of the Gloucester Journal, he pointed to groups of neglected children
in the street, and asked: “What can we do for them?” She
answered: “Let us teach them to read and take them to church!”
“He immediately proceeded to try the suggestion, and the philanthropist
and his female friend attended the first company of
Sunday-scholars to the church, exposed to the comments and
laughter of the populace as they passed along the street with their
ragged procession. Such was the origin of our present Sunday-school,
an institution which has perhaps done more for the church
and the social improvement of Protestant communities, than any
other agency of modern times, the pulpit excepted. Raikes, and
his humble assistant, conducted the experiment without ostentation.
Not till November 3, 1783, did he refer to it in his public journal.
In 1784, he published in that paper an account of his plan. This
sketch immediately arrested the attention of Wesley, who inserted
the entire article in the January number of the American Magazine
for 1785, and exhorted his people to adopt the new institution.”
In 1786, they were begun in the United States by the Methodist
Bishop, Francis Asbury, in Virginia. In 1790, the Methodist conference
“resolved on establishing Sunday-schools for poor children,
white and black,” since which time they have been in operation.
The first notice found of a Sabbath-school in Upper Canada, is
in June, 1817, when a Rev. Mr. Cattrick proposed at Kingston to
organize one. A communication from Wm. Moon, in the Gazette,
expresses great pleasure thereat, and Mr. Moon offers for the purpose
his school-room, and likewise his services. In 1824, Sunday-schools
were common in the old settlements, and were valued and
encouraged by all classes of people. Not only did private benevolence
contribute to the schools, but the Upper Canada Parliament
granted £150, for the “use and encouragement of Sunday-schools,”
and of indigent and remote settlements, in the purchase of
books and tracts—(Playter). A Sabbath-school was established
in Belleville about 1826, by John Turnbull, Dr. Marshall, and
Dr. Cooper who taught in the school. Some religious society
granted books and tracts to schools. Four prizes were granted for
good attendance and behaviour, consisting of two Bibles and two
Testaments. They were awarded, the first to J. H. Meacham, who
is now Postmaster of Belleville; the second to his sister, Anna
310Meacham, the third to Matilda McNabb, the fourth to Albert Taylor.
While these pages are going through the press, we receive the sad
intelligence that John Turnbull, Esq., last living of the three mentioned,
has passed away at the beginning of this new year, 1869,
after a life of well-merited respect, and honor. The writer feels he
has lost a friend.
Intemperance.—Total abstinence or teetotalism was unknown
when Upper Canada was first settled. The first temperance
society ever organized was at Moreau, Saratoga, County, New
York, in 1808.
To taste and drink a glass of wine or grog, was not regarded
as a sin by any one of that day. To the soldiers and sailors grog
was dealt out as regularly every day as rations. Rum was the
liquor more generally used, being imported from Jamaica, and infinitely
purer than the rum sold to-day. It has to be recorded that
at a comparatively early date, breweries and distilleries were
erected, first in one township then in another, so that after a few
years the native liquor was much cheaper than rum, and then followed
the natural result—namely, increasing intemperance. It is
not difficult to understand that the old soldier would like his regular
glass of grog. In the long and tedious journeys made by boat, when
food perhaps was very limited in quantity, the conveniently carried
bottle would take its place, and extraordinary labor and severe
exposure would be endured by the agency of unnatural stimulus.
The absence of teetotal principles, the customs of the day; want
of food; frequent and severe trials and exposures, would lead
even the best of men to partake of spirituous liquors. As we see it
to-day, so it was then, abuse arose from moderate use, and those
who had no control over the appetite, or who loved to forget the
bitterness of the day by inebriation, would avail themselves of the
opportunity to indulge to excess. The mind naturally craves a
stimulant. If this desire be not fed by legitimate food, it is too
likely to appropriate the unnatural. The excitement of war had
passed away; but had left in its wake the seeds of longing in the
breast of the old soldier. The educated man shut out from the
world, had but little to satisfy the usually active mind. With some,
the remembrance of old scenes—of old homesteads, and their belongings,
were forgotten in the stupefying cup. When all these facts
are considered, is there not abundant reason to wonder that intemperance
did not prevail more extensively. But it is a question
after all, whether the loyalists became more addicted to the cup
311after they settled, than when at the old homes. Those who have
charged the old settlers with the vice of drinking, have forgotten to
look at them in comparison with other countries at that day, instead
of the light set up at a later period.
But while the pioneers preserved themselves from unusual indulgence,
it is to be regretted that their children too often forsook the
path of soberness, and in losing their right minds, lost the old farm
made valuable by their fathers’ toil. It was often a repetition of
what occasionally occurred when the soldiers were disbanded.
They would often sell a location ticket, or two or three acres of
land for a quart of rum; the sons would sell the fruit of a father’s
hard work of a life time.
One of the first temperance societies formed in Canada was in
Adolphustown, on the 4th January, 1830. On this occasion the
Rev. Job Deacon, of the Church of England, delivered an address,
after which a respectable majority and three out of five magistrates
present, adopted resolutions condemning the use of ardent spirits,
and unitedly determining not to use or furnish drink for raisings,
bees, and harvest work. At the same meeting a temperance
society was formed and a constitution adopted under the title of
“The Adolphustown Union Sabbath School Temperance Society.”
They pledged themselves not to use ardent spirits for one year.
According to the Hollowell Free Press, a temperance society
was formed at Hollowell, in 1829; for it is announced that the
“Second Anniversary” will be held 3rd June, 1831. It is announced
April 12, 1831, that a temperance meeting will be held in the
Methodist Chapel, when addresses will be delivered by Dr. A.
Austin. The officers elected for the ensuing year are Asa Worden,
Esq., M.P.P., President; Dr. Austin, Vice President; P. V. Elmore,
Secretary and Treasurer.
312
Contents—The Six Nations—Faithful English Allies—Society for the Propagation
of Gospel—First missionary to Iroquois—John Thomas, first convert—Visit
of Chiefs to England—Their names—Their portraits—Attention to
them—Asking for instructor—Queen Anne—Communion Service—During
the Rebellion—Burying the Plate—Recovered—Division of the articles—Sacrilege
of the Rebels—Re-printing Prayer Book—Mr. Stuart, missionary—The
women and children—At Lachine—Attachment to Mr. Stuart—Touching
instance—Mr. Stuart’s Indian sister—Church at Tyendinaga—School
teacher to the Mohawk—John Bininger—First teacher—The Bininger
family—The Moravian Society—Count Zinzendorf—Moravian church at New
York—First minister, Abraham Bininger—Friend of Embury—An old
account book—John Bininger journeying to Canada—Living at Bay Quinté—Removes
to Mohawk village—Missionary spirit—Abraham Bininger’s
letters—The directions—Children pleasing parents—“Galloping
thoughts”—Christianity—Canadian Moravian missionaries—Moravian
loyalists—What was sent from New York—“Best Treasure”—The “Dear
Flock”—David Zieshager at the Thames—J. Bininger acceptable to Mohawk—Abraham
Bininger desires to visit Canada—Death of Mrs. Bininger—“Tender
mother”—Bininger and Wesley—“Garitson”—“Losee”—“Dunon”—Reconciled
to Methodists—Pitying Losee—Losee leaving Canada—Ceases
to be teacher—Appointing a successor—William Bell—The salary—The
Mohawks don’t attend school—An improvement—The cattle may not go in
school-house—The school discontinued.
From the first occupation of New York by the English, the
Six Nations had almost always been their faithful allies. This
devotion did not remain unnoticed. Returns were made not only
of a temporal nature, but in respect to things spiritual. So early
as 1702 the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, the next year after its organization, sent a Missionary
(Rev. Mr. Andrews) to the Mohawk Valley. Under his direction
in 1714, the Church of England Common Prayers was translated
into their tongue. The first convert to Christianity was christened
John Thomas, who died in 1727, aged 119.
It is said the English in their determination to secure the
alliance of the Iroquois against the French prevailed upon certain
chiefs to visit the Court of Queen Anne, in 1710, thinking that
the greatness and splendour of England, would firmly fix their
attachment.
There were four of them who crossed the water, and who
were treated with distinction. Their names were “Te Yee Neen
Ho Ga Prow, and Sa Ga Yean Qua Proh Ton, of the Maquas;
Elow Oh Roam, and Oh Nee Yeath Ton No Prow, of the River
Sachem.” Portraits were taken of these four kings and placed in
313the British Museum. When presented to the Queen they made an
elaborate speech, in which they spoke of their desire to see their
“great Queen;” the long tedious French war in which they had
taken a part; they urged the necessity of reducing Canada, and
closed by expressing a wish that their “great Queen will be pleased
to send over some person to instruct” them in a knowledge of the
Saviour. Consequently the Queen caused to be sent to the Mohawk
church just erected among them, a valuable sacramental service of
plate, and a communion cloth. This royal gift was ever held in
the most fervent esteem by the tribe. The part taken by the
noble Iroquois during the cruel rebellion of 1776–83 is elsewhere
detailed; but in this connection is to be noticed an incident of a
touching nature. The rebel commander of a blood-thirsty gang,
stimulated by promises of the land which they were sent to despoil,
came upon the tribe at an unexpected moment. The valuable—the
costly—the revered gift from the Queen was in danger of being
seized by the lawless horde which was approaching. Not forgetting
them—not unmindful of things sacred, some of the chief
members of the tribe decided to conceal them by burying them in
the earth, which was accordingly done, the plate being wrapped
in the communion cloth. These doubly valuable articles remained
buried until the close of the war, when they were recovered. The
plate had suffered no injury, but the cloth had been almost
destroyed by the damp earth. These precious relics were divided
between those who settled upon the Grand River, and the smaller
branch that remained at the Bay. They are to this day used on
sacramental occasions. Upon each of the articles, sacred to
memory, and sacredly employed, is cut the following words:
“The Gift of Her Majesty Queen Anne by the Grace of God of
Great Britain, France and Ireland, of Her Plantations in North
America, Queen of Her Indian Chappel of the Mohawk.”
When the lawless rebels came into their settlement, they
destroyed the translated Prayer book. The Mohawks, apprehensive
that it would be lost, asked the Governor (Haldimand) to have an
edition published. This was granted by printing a limited number
in 1780 at Quebec. In 1787 a third edition was published in London,
a copy of which before us, supplies these facts. In connection
with it there is also a translation of the Gospel according to St. Mark
by Brant. It is stated in the Preface that a translation of some
other parts of the New Testament may soon be expected from
Brant. But such never appeared.
314The missionary employed at the commencement of the rebellion,
by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, was the Rev. John Stuart. In 1770, he was appointed to
the Mission at Fort Hunter. He soon prepared a Mohawk translation
of the Gospel by Mark, an exposition of the Church catechism,
and a compendious History of the Bible. He was undisturbed in
his labors, until after the Declaration of Independence, though
“he constantly performed divine service without omitting prayers
for the King.”
The women and children of the Indians when hurried away from
their homes repaired to Lachine, where they mostly remained until
the end of the war. The particulars of the history of their missionary
is elsewhere given. There was a sincere attachment
between him and the tribe, an instance of which is supplied by the
conduct of a sister of Captain Johns. Mrs. Stuart had an infant
child which was deprived of its natural food. The Indian woman
weaned her own child that she might thereby be able to supply the
missionary’s child with food. This child was Charles O’Kill Stuart.
When he became the Venerable Archdeacon, he did not forget the
act of motherly kindness bestowed upon him. The faithful breast
upon which he had nestled, had long since closed its heaving by
death; but the daughter whom she had put away from the breast
still lived. Dr. Stuart visited the Indian woods every year, and
invariably went to see his sister, as he called her.
Early steps were taken to have built a church in which they
might worship. The Rev. John Stuart had his home in Kingston,
yet he often visited the Indians.
The first church was erected on Grand River by Brant in
1786, and as nearly as we can learn the plain wooden building at
the settlement upon the Bay was, at the same time, or shortly after
erected.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
not only employed the Rev. Mr. Stuart, as a missionary, to labor
with the Mohawks, but likewise set apart a sum of £30, as a salary
to a teacher to instruct the children of the Indians upon Bay
Quinté. Mr. Stuart lived at Kingston, however, and could but
visit the Indian village occasionally. But a catechist was employed
by him to supply spiritual instruction. Mr. Stuart also had the
appointing of a school teacher. The precise time when this school
was opened, it is impossible to determine. The first reference we
find to it is in a letter, (one of many kindly entrusted to us by Mrs.
315Bininger of Belleville) written by John Bininger, then living in
Adolphustown, to his father, the Rev. Abraham Bininger of Camden,
New York, Moravian missionary. The letter is dated 18th September,
1792, and says, “being at Kingston, I heard as it were accidentally,
that the Rev. Mr. John Stuart wanted, on behalf of the society in
England, to hire a teacher for the Mohawks up this bay, accordingly,
I made an offer of my services.” This may have been the commencement
of the school. Mr. Stuart, not long after, accepted the offer,
and John Bininger says he gave his employers notice that he should
leave them. We learn that he was at that time, or had been a short
time before, engaged as a book-keeper in Kingston. He was detained
for two months before his employers would release him, immediately
after which he removed to the Mohawk village.
Before proceeding with the record of the Mohawk school, we
shall ask the reader to listen to a few of the facts in the history of
the Bininger family.
The Moravian Society was founded by Count Zinzendorf. He
visited New York in 1741, and seven years later, 1748, a Moravian
Church was established in New York. The first or principal Moravian
minister was Abraham Bininger, a native of Switzerland, from
the same town where the immortal William Tell lived.—(Wakeley.)
He was the intimate friend of Embury and the other early Methodists
in America.
Of the sons of the Rev. A. Bininger we have only to notice
John. Before us is an old account book in which is found the following
memorandum: “1791, May 30th, Moved from Camden in Salem,
Washington County; June 2nd, Arrived at St. John’s, Canada; June
8th, Arrived at Lachine for Kingston; 24th, arrived at Kingston,
Upper Canada; July 2nd, Arrived at John Carscallian’s, Fredricksburgh,
Bay Kanty; October 2nd, Moved from Fredricksburgh to
Adolphustown, 1792; November 13th, Moved from Adolphustown
to Mohawk Village.” A letter written by John Bininger to his
father, is in a fine distinct hand, and indicates both learning and piety,
and that he was actuated, in taking the situation of teacher to the
Mohawks, by a missionary spirit. His father wrote to him from
time to time; the letters are dated at Camden, and usually refer to
family affairs; but each has a large portion devoted to Christian
advice, simply and touchingly, and sometimes quaintly given. They
are signed Abraham and Martha. The first letter is addressed to
“Caterockqua,” and the request is made upon the corner of the
letter to “please forward this with care and speed,” “also to the care
316of Mr. John Carscallian, or Lieutenant Carscallian.” The rest of the
letters are addressed to Adolphustown, and the Mohawk Village,
“Bay Quinté.”
In one letter he says “Remember children never please parents
more than when they are willing to be guided by them; self-guiding
is always the beginning of temptation, and next comes a fall that we
must smart for it; we are to work out our own salvation (not with
high galloping thoughts) but with fear and trembling.” In this
way every letter beams with pure and simple Christianity. After
his children’s personal well-being, he is concerned about the Moravian
missionaries in Canada, and also a considerable number of Moravian
Loyalists who had settled upon the Bay Quinté, after whom he frequently
inquires. In one letter he says “remember me to all my
friends, in particular to old Mr. Carscallian and wife.” One letter
says, “We send you with Mr. McCabe a lag. cheese, weight five pounds
and three-quarters, about half-a-pint of apple seed, from Urana’s
saving. I also send you part of my best treasure, the Daily Word
and Doctrinal Texts, for the year 1792. The collection of choice
hymns and sixteen discourses of my very dear friend, Count Zinzendorf.”
He says, “I would heartily beg to make Inquiry and friendship
with the brethren among the Indians. They are settled in the
British lines, I don’t know the name of the place.” Again he expresses
a wish that he should inquire for the brethren’s settlement,
and “make a correspondence with them,” to think it his “duty to
assist them in the furtherance of the Gospel, both on account of
yourself and on account of your old father. If you can get any
intelligence pray let me know, I am often concerned in my mind for
the dear flock that believe in the Lord Jesus Christ. I think if any
gentleman in your parts can give information, it is the Reverend Mr.
Stuart, a minister of the Church of England, he is a gentleman that
I have great esteem for, I know he will give you all the intelligence
he possibly can.” Subsequently, 1794, he wishes his son to correspond
with the brethren at the river La Trenche (the Thames). As a
result of this request, we see a letter received from David Zeisherger,
dated at River Thames, 20th July, 1794, eighty miles from Detroit.
John Bininger was acceptable to the Mohawks of the Bay,
as an instructor. His father writes 5th January, 1794, “It was a
real satisfaction to me to see Mr. Hekenalder in New York, and
more so when I heard the good character of the Indians of your place
living among them.” Writing February 23rd, he says, “was I able
to undergo the hardships, I would certainly join with you and tell
317the poor Indians of God their Saviour, that would be the highest and
happiest employ for me.” In August, he says “I would have ventured
the hardships of the journey, but mother and Isaac wont approve of
it, they think I am too old and feeble. I know that if I was with
you I should have more contentment than I have here.”
The last communication we have is dated February, 1804, in
which the good old Moravian says to his children, John and Phœbe,
that their “dear tender mother went happy to our dear Saviour;” at
the funeral was so many, he wondered how so many could collect.
The Rev. Abraham Bininger was intimate with Wesley, whom
he accompanied to Virginia. He also was familiar with Philip
Embury, and Mr. “Garitson” who baptized his grand-child. The
first two Methodist preachers in Canada were well known to him.
Several letters, back and forth, are “per favor of Losee.” In one
letter he says, “Don forget to remember my love and regards to Mr.
Dunon (Dunham) and Mr. Loese.” The postscript of another letter
says, “Isaac intends to send a young heifer, two pound of tea, a
gammon, and a pise of smokt beef. Mother sends her love to Dunon
and Mr. Loese.” A letter dated April 12th, 1792, says John Switzers’
son “was baptized by Mr. Garitson. Mr. Garitson is well approved
of in these parts. I heartily wish, as much as I love him, that he
were in your parts. I am of late more reconciled to the Methodists
than I was before, I see they really are a blessing to many poor
souls.”
Writing 2nd August, 1794, he says “I heartily pity Mr. Losee
for withdrawing his hand, he is now to be treated with patience and
tenderness. I have sent last part of a discourse which I translated
from the brethren’s writing. I did it chiefly on account of Mr. Losee,
if you think proper send him a copy with a tender greet from me.”
John Bininger, writing January 12, 1795, remarks, Mr. Losee is just
setting out for the States.
Mr. John Bininger ceased to be teacher to the Mohawks sometime
in the latter part of 1795, or first part of 1796.
There are several letters before us, written by Mr. Stuart, in
reference to the appointment of a successor to Mr. Bininger, the
first one is directed to “Mr. William Bell, at the head of the Bay of
Quinté,” and dated at Kingston, September 26, 1796. He says “I
received your letter respecting the Mohawk school; I can give you
no positive answer at present: because I have agreed, conditionally
with a school-master at Montreal, that is, if he comes up, he is to
have the school; I expect daily to hear from him, although I do
318not think he will accept of the employment. Some time ago Mr.
Ferguson mentioned you as one who would probably undertake
that charge. I told Captain John that if the person from Montreal
disappointed me I would talk with you on the subject. The salary
is £30 sterling, with a house to live in, and some other advantages
which depend wholly on the pleasure of the Mohawks—but the
teacher must be a man, and not a woman, however well qualified.”
The teacher from Montreal did not come, and Mr. Bell was appointed.
The following seems to have been a copy of Mr. Bell’s
first call for payment, the half-yearly instalment.
“Mohawk Village, Bay of Quinté, July 5, 1797—Exchange for
£15 sterling.
Sir,—At thirty days sight of this first of exchange, please to
pay to Mr. Robert McCauley, or order, the sum of fifteen pounds
sterling, being half-year’s salary, from the 15th day of November,
1796, to the 15th day of May, 1797, due from the Society, without
further advice, from, Sir, &c., (Signed), William Bell, school-master
to the Mohawks. To Calvert Chapman, Esq., Treasurer to the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts—Duke
Street, Westminster.”
The Mohawks, it seems, did not appreciate the advantages
which the establishment of a school among them was intended to
afford, and Mr. Stuart is found writing as follows: “Kingston,
August 18, 1799—Sir,—Unless the Mohawks will send such a number
of their children to school as will justify me in continuing a
school-master, in duty to myself, as acting for the Society, I shall
be under the necessity of discontinuing the payment of your salary
after the expiration of the present year. This information I think
proper to give you, that you may govern yourself accordingly. I
am, Sir,” &c., (Signed), John Stuart.
But writing again, March 16, 1800, Mr. Stuart says, “I am happy
to hear that the school is now furnished with a dozen or more
scholars, and it is expected you will be very strict in your discipline,
and see that prayers are read night and morning; that the
children are taught the Lord’s Prayer, and the Commandments—that
children may not be sent home even if their parents do not
send wood at the stated times; that the cattle may not be allowed
to go into the school, but that it be kept clean, and the wood belonging
to it may not be used unless in school hours.”
Writing again, September 11, 1801, Mr. Stuart says, “I have
waited with patience to see whether the Mohawks would send their
319children more regularly to school, but if the accounts I receive are
true, the money is expended to no purpose. I am told that there
has not been a scholar in school since last spring. And, as I never
found that the fault was on your side, I cannot, in conscience, allow
the salary of the Society to be paid for nothing. Therefore, unless
Capt. John and the chief men of the village will promise that the
school shall be furnished with at least six scholars, I must dismiss
you from their service—as soon as you receive this notification. I
hope you will see the reasonableness of this determination of mine,
and you may show this letter to Capt. John and the Mohawks, by
which they will see that the continuance or discontinuance of the
school depends wholly on themselves.”
The final letter upon the subject is dated “Kingston, 26th
August, 1802,” and says, “I have not yet received any letter from
the Society; but, for the reasons I mentioned to you, I think it
will be expedient to let the Mohawk school cease, at least for some
time. I therefore notify you that after your present quarter is
ended you will not expect a continuance of the salary.” (Signed),
“John Stuart.” “To William Bell, school-master to the Mohawks,
Bay of Quinté.”
Contents—The first Church at Tyendinaga grows old—A Council—Ask for
Assistance—Gov. Bagot—Laying first stone of new Church—The Inscription—The
Ceremony—The new Church—Their Singing—The surrounding
Scenery—John Hall’s Tomb—Pagan Indians—Red Jacket—His Speech—Reflection
upon Christians—Indians had nothing to do with murdering the
Saviour.
Their original edifice of wood, having served its purpose, and
being in a state of decay; it was deemed necessary to have erected
a new and more substantial building. They, consequently, held a
Council, at which the Chief made the following speech, after hearing
all the ways and means discussed—“If we attempt to build this
church by ourselves, it will never be done. Let us, therefore, ask
our father, the Governor, to build it for us, and it will be done at
once.” Reference here was made, not to the necessary funds, for
they were to be derived from the sale of Indian lands; but to the
320experience requisite to carry out the project. Sir Charles Bagot,
the Governor, was accordingly petitioned. “The first stone was
laid by S. P. Jarvis, Esq., Chief Superintendent of Indians in
Canada; and the Archdeacon of Kingston, the truly venerable G.
O. Stuart, conducted the usual service; which was preceded by a
procession of the Indians, who, singing a hymn, led the way from
the wharf.” “The following inscription was placed in this stone:
TO
The Glory of God Our Saviour
THE REMNANT OF THE TRIBE OF KAN-YE-AKE-HAKA,
IN TOKEN OF THEIR PRESERVATION BY THE DIVINE MERCY
THROUGH JESUS CHRIST,
In the sixth year of Our Mother Queen Victoria: Sir Charles Theophilus Metcalf, G.C.B., being Governor General of British North America;
The Right Rev. J. Strachan, D.D., and LL.D., Being Bishop of Toronto:
AND
THE REV. SALTERN GIVINS, BEING IN THE THIRTEENTH YEAR OF HIS INCUMBENCY.
The old wooden fabric having answered its end,
THIS CORNER STONE OF
CHRIST’S CHURCH TYENDINAGA,
WAS LAID
In the presence of the Venerable George O’Kill Stuart, LL.D., Archdeacon of Kingston;
By Samuel Peter Jarvis, Chief Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Canada, assisted by various Members of the Church,
ON TUESDAY MAY 30TH, A. D., 1843.
&c., &c., &c.
A hymn was sung by the Indians, and Indian children of the
school. The Rev. Wm. Macauley, of Picton, delivered an address,
which was followed by a prayer from the Rev. Mr. Deacon.”—(Sir
Richard Henry Bonnycastle.)
321This edifice, with four lancet windows on each side, presents
to the eye a very pleasing appearance upon approaching it. While
the interior may not altogether appear so attractive, it is sufficiently
interesting. There is the elevated desk, and the more elevated
pulpit; and upon the wall, over the altar, are the ten commandments,
in the Mohawk tongue. Here is grandly united the Mother
Church, and the devoted piety of the once great Mohawk nation.
Opposite the altar is a gallery, across the end of the building, in
which is an organ. Therefrom proceeds, Sunday after Sunday,
rich notes of tuneful melody, blending with the stout voices of the
singers. From this church ascends, have we not reason to believe
the adoration of hearts warmed into spiritual life by the pure
principles of Christianity.
The view from the church upon the surrounding scenery is very
pleasant, and, in the quietness of a summer day, one may linger
gazing and meditating upon the past history of the race whose
dead slumber hard by. The visitor’s attention will be directed to a
flat tomb, of blue stone, inclosed by a low stone wall, overgrown
with shrubs. Upon the face of the tomb are the words:
“This tomb, erected to the memory of John Hall, Ochechusleah,
by the Mohawks, in grateful remembrance of his Christian labors
amongst them. During thirty years, he served as a Mohawk
Catechist, in this settlement, under the Society for Propagating the
Gospel, adorning the doctrine of God, his Saviour, and enjoying the
respect of all who knew him. He died, generally regretted, June,
1848, aged 60 years.” This stone also covers the remains of “Eloner,
the exemplary wife of the Catechist, who died in the Lord, May 7,
1840, aged 50.”
While the Mohawks always manifested a desire to learn the
truth, as taught by Christians, there were some of the Six Nations
who believed not, and steadfastly turned their backs upon the missionaries
of the Cross. Among these stood prominent the Seneca chief
Sagnoaha, or Red Jacket, one well known as an eloquent Sachem
in all the Councils of his people. A Seneca council was held at
Buffalo Creek, in May, 1811, when Red Jacket answered the desire
of a missionary that they should become Christians, as follows:—
“Brother!—We listened to the talk you delivered to us from the
council of black coats in New York. We have fully considered your
talk, and the offers you have made us. We now return our answer,
which we wish you also to understand. In making up our minds
we have looked back to remember what has been done in our days,
and what our fathers have told us was done in old times.
322“Brother!—Great numbers of black coats have been among
the Indians. With sweet voices and smiling faces, they offered to
teach them the religion of the white people. Our brethren in the
East listened to them. They turn from the religion of their fathers,
and look up the religion of the white people. What good has it
done? Are they more friendly, one to another, than we are? No,
Brother! They are a divided people; we are united. They quarrel
about religion; we live in love and friendship. Besides, they drink
strong waters, and they have learned how to cheat and how to
practice all the other vices of the white people, without imitating
their virtues. Brother!—If you wish us well, keep away; don’t
disturb us. Brother!—We do not worship the Great Spirit as
the white people do, but we believe that the forms of worship are
indifferent to the Great Spirit. It is the homage of sincere hearts
that pleases him, and we worship him in that manner.” “Brother!
For these reasons we cannot receive your offers. We have other
things to do, and beg you will make your minds easy, without
troubling us, lest our heads should be too much loaded, and by and
by burst.” At another time, he is reported to have said to one
conversing with him upon the subject of Christianity, that the
Indians were not responsible for the death of Christ. “Brother,”
said he “if you white people murdered the Saviour, make it up
yourselves. We had nothing to do with it. If he had come among
us, we should have treated him better.”
323
Contents—Mississauga Indians—Father Picquet’s opinion—Remnant of a large
tribe—Their Land—Sold to Government—Rev. Wm. Case—John Sunday—A
drunkard—Peter Jones—Baptising Indians—At a camp-meeting—Their
department—Extract from Playter—William Beaver—Conversions—Jacob
Peter—Severe upon white Christians—Their worship—The Father of Canadian
missions—Scheme to teach Indians—Grape Island—Leasing islands—The
parties—“Dated at Belleville”—Constructing a village—The lumber—How
obtained—Encamping on Grape Island—The method of instruction—The
number—Agriculture—Their singing—School house—The teacher—Instructions
of women—Miss Barnes—Property of Indians—Cost of improvements—A
visit to Government—Asking for land—“Big Island”—Other
favors—Peter Jacobs at New York—Extracts from Playter—Number of
Indian converts, 1829—River Credit Indians—Indians removed to Alnwick.
We have learned that the French missionary, Father Picquet
did not entertain a very high opinion, at least he professed not to,
of the moral character of the Mississaugas, and their susceptibility
to the influence of Christian religion. We will now see what was
accomplished by the agency of the Rev. William Case. We refer
to that branch at present called the Mississaugas of Alnwick,
and formerly known as the Mississaugas of the Bay of Quinté.
They were the remnant of the powerful tribe, which ceded a large
tract in the Johnstown, Midland and Newcastle districts to the
Government. This block contained 2,748,000 acres, and was
surrendered in 1822, for an annuity of £642 10s.
In 1825 the Rev. William Case visited the Bay. Among the
first to come under the influence of religion, from the preaching of
the Methodists was John Sunday. The writer has conversed with
many, who remember Sunday as a very filthy drunkard. Peter
Jones and John Crane, Mohawks who had been converted to
Methodism at the Grand River, visited Belleville. Peter Jones
with simple eloquence, soon reached the hearts of the Mississaugas.
The writer’s father has heard Peter Jones preach to them in Indian
near the banks of the Moira, just by No. 1 school-house in Belleville.
In the spring of 1826 Case baptized 22 Indian converts,
while 50 more seemed under the influence of religion. In June, a
camp-meeting was held in Adolphustown, the Mississaugas attended.
Special accommodation was afforded them. Their arrival is thus
graphically given by Playter, and it supplies an excellent idea of
Indian character in connection with religion.
324A message came that the Mississauga fleet was in sight. A
few repaired to the shore to welcome and conduct the Indians to
the ground. The bark canoes contained men, women and children,
with cooking utensils, blankets, guns, spears, provisions, and bark
for covering their wigwams. The men took each a canoe reversed
on his head, or the guns and spears; each squaw a bundle of
blankets or bark. The men marched first, the women in the rear,
and in file they moved to the encampment, headed by two preachers.
The congregation seeing the Indians passing through the gate, and
so equipped, was astonished. Reflecting on the former condition
and the present state of these natives of the woods, gratitude and
joy filled every bosom. God was praised for the salvation of the
heathen. After the natives had laid down the burdens, they all
silently prayed for the blessing of the Great Spirit, to the surprise
and increased delight of the pious whites. The Indians next built
their camp, in the oblong form, with poles, canoes, and bark. The
adults numbered 41, of whom 28 had given evidence of a converted
state, and the children were 17: in all 58. The natives had private
meetings by themselves, and the whites by themselves; but in
preaching time, the Indians sat on the right of the preaching
stand. At the close of each sermon, William Beaver, an Indian
exhorter, translated the main points for the Indians, the other
Indian exhorters, Sunday, Moses, and Jacob Peter spoke to their
people on different occasions. Beaver’s first exhortation was on
Friday, and produced a great effect on the natives.
On Sunday Beaver spoke to his people with great fluency.
Upon being asked what he had been saying, “I tell ‘em,” said he,
“they must all turn away from sin; that the Great Spirit will give
‘em new eyes to see, new ears to hear good things; new heart to
understand, and sing, and pray; all new! I tell ‘em squaws, they
must wash ‘em blankets clean, must cook ‘em victuals clean, like
white women; they must live in peace, worship God, and love one
another. Then,” with a natural motion of the hand and arm, as
if to level an uneven surface, he added, “The Good Spirit make the
ground all smooth before you.”
“On Monday, the Lord’s supper was given to the Indians and
the whites, of the Indians 21 were also baptized, with ten of their
children. The whole number of the baptized in this tribe was now
43, 21 children. As yet these Indians knew but one hymn, “O for
a thousand tongues to sing, my great Redeemer’s praise,” and one
tune. This hymn they sung, over and over, as if always new, and
always good.”
325It has been the custom, of not alone the United States, but
some in our midst, to regard the Indians as altogether degraded
below the whites in intelligence, in natural honesty, and in appreciation
of right and wrong. At the camp-meeting above referred
to, there was a convert by name of Jacob Peter. He is described
as “a sprightly youth of 18 years.” At some subsequent date during
the same year, the Indians held a prayer-meeting at the village of
Demorestville. Mr. Demorest being present with other white
inhabitants, to witness the Indian’s devotion, requested Jacob to
speak a little to them in English; which he thus did:
“You white people have the Gospel a great many years. You
have the Bible too: suppose you read sometimes—but you very
wicked. Suppose some very good people: but great many wicked.
You get drunk—you tell lies—you break the Sabbath.” Then pointing
to his brethren, he added, “But these Indians, they hear the
word only a little while—they can’t read the Bible—but they become
good right away. They no more get drunk—no more tell
lies—they keep the Sabbath day. To us Indians, seems very
strange that you have missionary so many years, and you so many
rogues yet. The Indians have missionary only a little while, and
we all turn Christians.”
“The whites little expected so bold a reproof from a youth
belonging to a race which is generally despised.”—(Playter).
Camp-meetings were peculiarly calculated to impress the
Indians with solemn thoughts. These children of the forest deemed
the shade of trees a fit and true place in which to worship the true
God, just as seemed to the first settlers who had for so long a time
had their homes within the quiet glades. And no more inconsiderate
step could have been taken than that pursued by Governor
Maitland, who, at the instigation of others, forbade the converted
Indians at the River Credit to attend camp-meetings. The conversion
of the Mississaugas at Belleville, and the Credit, soon became
known to the other branches of the tribe scattered throughout
Canada, and in time the whole nation was under the influence of
Methodist teaching. Their change of life was as well marked as it
has been lasting.
The Rev. William Case, “The father of Canadian Missions,”
determined to permanently settle the tribe, to teach them the
quiet pursuits of agriculture, and their children the rudiments of
education, as well as of Christian knowledge. To this end the plan
was adopted, of leasing two islands, situated in Big Bay, which
326belonged to the tribe, and establish thereupon the converted Indians.
The parties to whom the tribe granted the lease for 999 years, for
the nominal sum of five shillings, were “John Reynolds, Benjamin
Ketcheson, Penuel G. Selden, James Bickford, and William Ross.”
The Chiefs, Warriors, and Indians conferring the lease, and who
signed the indenture, were “John Sunday, William Beaver, John
Simpson, Nelson Snake, Mitchell Snake, Jacob Musguashcum,
Joseph Skunk, Paul Yawaseeng, Jacob Nawgnashcum, John Salt,
Isaac Skunk, William Ross, Patto Skunk, Jacob Sheepegang, James
Snake.” It was “signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of
Tobias Bleaker, and Peter Jones.” Dated Belleville, 16th October,
1826. The islands thus leased were Huff’s Island, then known as
“Logrim’s,” containing about fifty acres, and Grape Island with
eleven acres.
Steps were promptly taken to carry out the object aimed at by
the projectors, and arrangements were made to construct a village
upon Grape Island. The lumber for the buildings was obtained
by cutting hemlock saw logs upon the rear part of Tyendinaga, by
the river Moira, under the direction of Surveyor Emerson, which
were floated down to Jonas Canniff’s saw mill, and there sawed
into suitable pieces. These were again floated down in small rafts
to the island. During the ensuing winter, the buildings not being
as yet erected, a large number encamped upon Grape Island, while
the rest went hunting, as usual. Instructions commenced immediately.
Preachers visited them from time to time, and two interpreters.
William Beaver and Jacob Peter taught them the Lord’s
Prayer and Ten Commandments. In January the hunting party
returned, and “a meeting, lasting several days, was held in the
chapel in Belleville, to instruct them also.” “The tribe mustered
about 130 souls, and the Society embraced every adult, about ninety
persons.”
A branch of the tribe living in the rear of Kingston, forty in
number, came in May, the following Spring, and joined those at the
island, and became converts. In this month the buildings were
commenced, and some land ploughed and planted. The condition
of the people was every day improving. As many as 130 would
assemble for worship. Their voices were melodious, and delightful
was the singing. A school and meeting-house was built in July,
30 feet by 25 feet. William Smith was the first school-teacher,
having thirty scholars in the day school, and fifty in the Sabbath
school. The farming operations were under the superintendence
327of R. Phelps. The girls and women were instructed in knitting,
sewing, making straw hats, and other work, by Miss E. Barnes.
“The public property of the Indians comprised a yoke of oxen,
three cows, a set of farming tools, and material for houses, as
lumber, nails and glass,—contributions of the benevolent. The
improvements of the year were expected to cost £250, to be met
by benevolence in the United States and Canada. In October, the
meeting-house was seated, in connection with which was a room
provided for a study and bed for the teacher. The bodies of eleven
log houses were put up; eight had shingled roofs, and they were
enclosed before winter.”—(Playter).
Soon after, a deputation from Grape Island visited York, with
a deputation from Rice Lake, and the Credit Indians, to seek an
audience with the Government. A council was held with the
Government officers on the 30th January, 1828. The speeches were
interpreted by Peter Jones. John Sunday, after referring to their
conversion, and having settled by the Bay Quinté, said, “that when
they considered the future welfare of their children, they found
that the island they claimed would not afford them sufficient wood
and pasture for any length of time, and that they had now come to
ask their great father, the governor, for a piece of land lying near
them.” “He then proceeded to ask the Government in what situation
Big Island was considered; whether or not it belonged to the
Indians? and, if it did, they asked their father to make those
who had settled on it without their consent, pay them a proper
rent, as they had hitherto turned them off with two bushels of
potatoes for 200 acres of land. In the last place, he asked permission
of their great father to cut some timber on the King’s land
for their buildings.”—(Peter Jones).
In April of this year, Mr. Case, with John Sunday and Peter
Jacobs, attended the anniversary of the Missionary Society in New
York. The manifestation of Christianity displayed by these sons
of the forest touched the hearts of the people present, and led to a
considerable augmentation of the contributions previously supplied
by private individuals. They visited other parts of the United
States, and returned to the bay, May 12, “accompanied by two
pious ladies, Miss Barnes, and Miss Hubbard.” “The ladies came
with the benevolent design of assisting the Indians in religion, industry,
and education.”
“In the tour Mr. Case received many presents of useful articles
for the Indians; and among the rest ticking for straw beds. This
328was divided among twenty families, and made the first beds they ever
slept upon.” Among the conversions of this year, was an Indian
woman, practising witchcraft, as the people believe, and a Roman
Catholic.
The people were not only persevering in religious duties, but
made progress in industry. Mr. Case collected the Indians together
one evening, to show what they had manufactured in two weeks.
They exhibited 172 axe handles, 6 scoop shovels, 57 ladles, 4 trays,
44 broom-handles, 415 brooms. “The Indians were highly commended
for their industry, and some rewards were bestowed to stimulate
greater diligence.”—(Playter).
According to the Annual Report of the Missionary Society of
the Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States, there were
“two hundred and twenty natives under the Christian instruction of
one missionary, one hundred and twenty of whom are regular communicants,
and fifty children are taught in the schools.” Lorenzo
Dow visited Grape Island, and writing July 29, 1829, says, “viewing
the neatness and uniformity of the village—the conduct of the children
even in the streets—and not a drunkard to be found in their
borders. Surely what a lesson for the whites!”
The other communities of the Mississaugas that came under the
religious teaching of the Methodists are the River Credit Indians,
the Rice Lake Indians, and those at Schoogog, Simcoe, and the
Thames River.
When the Indians from the Bay Quinté, and from Kingston, left
Grape Island, they removed to Alnwick. A Report on Indian Affairs,
of 1858, says, “they have now a block of land of 2000 acres divided
into 25 acre farms.”
DIVISION VI EARLY EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER XXXVII. — THE FIRST SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. — CHAPTER XXXVIII. — HIGHER EDUCATION—FOUNDATION OF UNIVERSITIES—STRACHAN—BIDWELL. — ACADEMY AT ERNESTTOWN—BIDWELL. — CHAPTER XXXIX. — HIGHER EDUCATION, CONTINUED. — UPPER CANADA ACADEMY—VICTORIA COLLEGE. — BOOKS, LIBRARIES—PRINTING. — CHAPTER XL. — THE FIRST NEWSPAPERS IN THE WORLD. — CHAPTER XLI. — NEWSPAPERS—CONTINUED.
329
Contents—Education among the Loyalists—Effect of the War—No opportunity
for Education—A few Educated—At Bath—A common belief—What was
requisite for farming—Learning at home—The School Teachers—Their
qualifications—Rev. Mr. Stuart as a Teacher—Academy at Kingston—First
Canadian D.D.—Mr. Clark, Teacher, 1786—Donevan—Garrison Schools—Cockerell—Myers—Blaney—Michael—Atkins—Kingston,
1795—Lyons—Mrs.
Cranahan—In Adolphustown—Morden—Faulkiner—The School Books—Evening
Schools—McDougall—O’Reiley—McCormick—Flogging—Salisbury—James—Potter—Wright—Watkins—Gibson—Smith—Whelan—Articles
of Agreement—Recollections—Boarding round—American Teachers—School
Books—The Letter Z.
The majority of the refugees possessed but limited education.
There were a very small number whose education was even
excellent; but the greater portion of Loyalists from the revolting
Colonies, had not enjoyed opportunities for even a common education.
The state of society, for many years, precluded the teaching
of youth. During the civil war, the chances for learning had been
exceedingly slender. Apart from this, there did not exist, a hundred
years ago, the same desire to acquire learning which now
prevails. The disbanded soldiers and refugees, even some of the
half-pay officers, were void of education, which, even in the back
woods, is a source of pure enjoyment. There was, however, an
English seminary at Quebec, and at Montreal, at which a few were
educated during the war; for instance, Clark, who was a naval
store-keeper at Carleton Island, had his children there at school.
At the village of Kingston, there were a certain number of educated
persons; but around the Bay there was not much to boast of. As
their habitations were sparse, it was difficult for a sufficient number
to unite to form good schools. Among the old, sturdy farmers, who
themselves had no learning, and who had got along without much,
if any learning, and had no books to read, there obtained a belief that
it was not only unnecessary, but likely to have a bad effect upon
330the young, disqualifying them for the plain duties of husbandry. If
one could read, sign his own name, and cast interest, it was looked
upon as quite sufficient for a farmer. But gradually there sprung
up an increased desire to acquire education, and a willingness to
supply the means therefor. In most places, the children were
gladly sent to school. And, moreover, in some cases, elder persons,
without learning, married to one possessed of it, would spend their
long winter evenings in learning from a willing partner, by the
flickering fire light. Says Ex-Sheriff Ruttan, then living at Adolphustown,
“As there were no schools at that period, what knowledge I
acquired was from my mother, who would, of an evening, relate
events of the American rebellion, and the happy lives people once
led under British laws and protection previous to the outbreak.”
“In a few years, as the neighborhood improved, school teaching
was introduced by a few individuals, whose individual infirmities
prevented them from hard manual labor.” We find it stated that
the first school teachers were discharged soldiers, and generally
Irish.
The Rev. John Stuart, subsequently. D.D., (See first clergyman)
was the first teacher in Upper Canada. So early as 1785, the year
he settled at Cataraqui, as he called the place, he says, in a letter
written to an old friend in the States, “The greatest inconvenience
I feel here, is there being no school for our boys; but, we are now
applying to the Legislature for assistance to erect an academy and
have reason to expect success; If I succeed in this, I shall die here
contented.” “In May, 1786, he opened an academy at Kingston;”
writing in 1788, he remarks, “I have an excellent school for my
children,” that is the children of Kingston.—(Memoirs of Dr.
Stuart). The degree of D.D., which was conferred upon Mr.
Stuart, in 1799, by his Alma Mater, at the University of Pennsylvania,
was the first University degree of any kind conferred upon
a Canadian, probably to any one of the present Dominion of Canada.
While the Rev. Mr. Stuart was engaged with the first school in
Kingston, Mr. Clarke was likewise employed in teaching upon the
shores of the Bay, probably in Ernesttown or Fredericksburgh.
“We learn from Major Clark, now residing in Edwardsburgh, that
his father taught the first regular school in Dundas. He arrived
with his family in Montreal, in the year 1786, and proceeded to the
Bay Quinté. He remained two years at the Bay, employed in
teaching. In 1788, he came to Matilda, at the instance of Captain
Frazer, who, at his own expense, purchased a farm for him, at the
331cost of one hundred dollars. A few of the neighbors assisted in
the erection of a school house, in which Mr. Clark taught for several
years. He was a native of Perthshire, Scotland.”—(History of
Dundas).
One of the first teachers at Kingston, was one Donevan.
As a general thing, all the British garrisons had, what was
called, a garrison school, and many of the children at first derived
the rudiments of education from these; that is, those living convenient
to the forts. The teachers of these army schools, no doubt,
were of questionable fitness, probably possessing but a minimum
of knowledge, next to actual ignorance. However, there may
have been exceptions. Possibly, where a chaplain was attached to a
garrison, he taught, or superintended.
Col. Clark, of Dalhousie, says, “The first rudiments of my
humble education I acquired at the garrison school, at Old Fort,
Niagara. When we came to the British side of the river, I went
to various schools. The best among them was a Richard Cockerell,
an Englishman, from the United States, who left the country during
the rebellion.” He also speaks of D’Anovan of Kingston, as a
teacher, and likewise Myers, Blaney, Mr. Michael, Irish, and
another, a Scotchman. This was before 1800.
A memorandum by Robert Clark, of Napanee, says, “My boys
commenced going to school to Mr. Daniel Allen Atkins, 18th
January, 1791.”
Rochefoucault says, in 1795, speaking of Kingston, “In this
district are some schools, but they are few in number. The children
are instructed in reading and writing, and pay each a dollar a month.
One of the masters, superior to the rest, in point of knowledge,
taught Latin; but he has left the school, without being succeeded
by another instructor of the same learning.”
“In the year 1788, a pious young man, called Lyons, an
exhorter in the Methodist Episcopal Church, came to Canada, and
engaged in teaching a school in Adolphustown,” “upon Hay Bay
or fourth concession.”—(Playter.) Ex-Sheriff Ruttan tells us, that
“At seven years of age, (1799), he was one of those who patronized
Mrs. Cranahan, who opened a Sylvan Seminary for the young idea,
(in Adolphustown); from thence, I went to Jonathan Clark’s, and
then tried Thomas Morden, lastly William Faulkiner, a relative of
the Hagermans. You may suppose that these graduations to Parnassus,
was carried into effect, because a large amount of knowledge
could be obtained. Not so; for Dilworth’s Spelling Book, and the
332New Testament, were the only books possessed by these academies.
About five miles distant, was another teacher, whose name I forget;
after his day’s work was done in the bush, but particularly in the
winter, he was ready to receive his pupils. This evening school
was for those in search of knowledge. My two elder brothers
availed themselves of this opportunity, and always went on snow
shoes, which they deposited at the door.” It looks very much as if
courting may have been intimately associated with these nightly
researches for knowledge. Mr. Ruttan adds, “And exciting
occasions sometimes happened by moonlight, when the girls joined
the cavalcade.” At this school as well, the only books were
Dilworth, and the Testament; unless it were the girl’s “looks.”
“Those primeval days I remember with great pleasure.” “At
fourteen, (1806), my education was finished.” We learn that at an
early period there was one McDougall, who taught school in a log
house upon the south shore of Hay Bay. Says Mr. Henry VanDusen,
one of the first natives of Upper Canada, “The first who
exercised the prerogative of the school room in Adolphustown were
the two sons of Edward O’Reily, and McCormick, both of whom
are well remembered by all who were favored with their instruction—from
the unmerciful floggings received.”
About the year 1803, one Salisbury taught school on the High
Shore, Sophiasburgh. The first teacher upon the Marsh Front,
near Grassy Point, was John James. At the mouth of Myers’
Creek, in 1807 or 8, James Potter taught school; but, prior to that,
a man by the name of Leslie taught. About this time, there was
also a Rev. Mr. Wright, a Presbyterian, who taught school near Mrs.
Simpson’s. He preached occasionally. In 1810, in a little frame
school house, near the present market, (Belleville,) taught one John
Watkins. One of the first school masters up the Moira, fifth concession
of Thurlow, was one Gibson. Mrs. Perry, born in Ernesttown,
remembers her first, and her principal school-teacher. His
name was Smith, and he taught in the second concession of Ernesttown
in 1806. He had a large school, the children coming from
all the neighborhood, including the best families.
During the war of 1812, Mr. Whelan taught at Kingston, in
the public school. The school house stood near the block house.
It is stated, January, 1817, that he had been a teacher for ten years.
Before us, is a document, dated at Hollowell, Oct. 28, 1819. It
is—“Articles of agreement between R—— L——, of the
one part, and we, the undersigned, of the other part: that is to say:
333that R—— L—— doth engage to keep a regular school, for the
term of seven months from the first day of November next, at the
rate of two pounds ten shillings per month; and he further doth
agree to teach reading, writing, and arithmetic; to keep regular
hours, keep good order in school, as far as his abilities will allow,
see that the children go orderly from school to their respective
homes. And we, the undersigned, doth agree to pay R—— L——
the sum above named of ten dollars per month for the time above
mentioned; and further, doth agree to find a comfortable house for
the school, and supply the same with wood fitted for the fire. And
further, to wash, mend, lodge, and victual him for the time of
keeping said school. School to be under charge and inspection of
the following trustees: William Clark, Peter Leavens, and Daniel
Leavens.”
To which is subjoined, quaintly, in Mr. L.’s hand writing:
“It is to be understood that the said R—— L—— has performed
his business rightly till he is discharged,—(Signed) R—— L——.”
Below are the names of the subscribers, and the number of
scholars each will send.
The practice already referred to, of setting apart for school teachers
such members of the family as were physically incapable of doing
hard manual labor, without any regard to their natural or acquired
capabilities, was of Yankee origin, and continued in many places
for many years. The writer had, among his early teachers, one
who boarded round from family to family, whose sole qualification
to teach consisted in his lameness. This prostitution of a noble
calling, had the effect of preventing men of education for a long
time, from engaging in the duties of this profession.
In different places, young men would engage for three or four
months, in winter, to teach school; but, with the return of spring,
they would return to the labor of the field and woods. After a
while, young women could be found who would teach in the concession
school house all the summer, to which the younger children
would go.
Some of the first school teachers were from the old country, and
some from the American States. The latter would naturally desire
to have used American school books, and, as they were the most
conveniently procured, they were introduced, and continued to be
in use for many years. At least, by some schools, Dr. Noah Webster’s
spelling book was among the first to be used; and the writer
commenced his rudimentary education in that book. It followed,
334from the presence of American teachers and school books, that
peculiarities of American spelling and pronunciation were taught
to the children of Canada. For instance, take the letter Z. This
letter of the English alphabet is, according to original authority
pronounced zed; but Webster taught that it had not a compound
sound, and should be pronounced ze. This matter was brought
before the public, by a letter over the signature of “Harris,” which
appeared in the Kingston Herald, in 1846. After adducing abundance
of authority, he concludes that “the instructor of youth, who,
when engaged in teaching the elements of the English language,
direct them to call that letter ze, instead of zed, are teaching them
error.”
Contents—Mr. Stuart’s school—Simcoe—State Church and College—Grammar
Schools—Hon. R. Hamilton—Chalmers—Strachan—Comes to Canada—Educational
history—Arrival at Kingston—The pupils—Fees—Removes to
Cornwall—Pupils follow—Strachan, a Canadian—Marries—Interview with
Bishop Strachan—His disappointment—A stranger—What he forsook—300
pupils—Their success—Stay at Cornwall—Appointments at York—A lecturer—At
Kingston—Member of Legislative Council—Politician—Clergy
Reserves—Founds King’s College—The thirty-nine articles—Monopoly
swept away—Voluntaryism—Founds Trinity College—Bishop Strachan in
1866—What he had accomplished—Those he tutored—Setting up a high
standard—“Reckoner”—Sincerity—Legislation, 1797—Address to the King—Grammar
Schools—Grant, 1798—Board of Education—Endowment Of
King’s College—Its constitution—Changes—Upper Canada College—Endowment—“A
spirit of improvement”—Gourlay—The second academy—At
Ernesttown—The trustees—Bidwell—Charges—Contradicted—Rival school—Bidwell’s
son—Conspicuous character—Bidwell’s death—Son removes
to Toronto—Academy building, a barrack—Literary spirit of Bath—Never
revived—York.
Up to the time that Upper Canada was set apart from the Province
of Quebec, as a distinct Province, and even until 1799, when Dr.
Strachan came to Kingston, the Rev. Mr. Stuart continued to be the
only teacher who imparted anything like a solid education. But his
scholars consisted mainly of boys not far advanced. No doubt many
of them, however, received from him the elements of a sound, and
even classical education.
335Governor Simcoe, soon after assuming office, impressed with the
importance of higher education, even for an infant colony, took early
steps to procure from the mother-country a competent person to place
at the head of a College he had determined to establish in connection
with a State Church. His scheme of education to further that
object, was to establish a system of grammar schools, and a University
as the head.
The Hon. Robert Hamilton, of Queenston, had at this time a
brother living in Scotland, and it was through him that an offer was
made first to the celebrated Dr. Chalmers. But not desiring to come,
although he had not yet attained to his greatness, he mentioned the
name of his friend Strachan, to whom the offer was then made. Mr.
Strachan decided to come. Thus it was the veteran school-teacher,
the divine, the founder of Universities, who but recently passed away,
was led to Canada to become the occupant of one of the most conspicuous
places in the Province of Upper Canada. So intimately is
the name of Dr. Strachan associated with the history of education, as
well as with the Episcopalian Church, that it becomes necessary to
supply here a somewhat lengthened account of his educational history.
He arrived at Kingston the last day of the year, 1799, having sailed
from Greenock the latter part of August, and having been over four
months on the way. But when Strachan arrived, Simcoe had been
recalled, and his scheme was at least, in abeyance.
Col. Clark says that “a school was established at Kingston, 1800,
by the Hon. R. Cartwright for his sons, having Mr. Strachan for
teacher, who had the privilege of taking ten additional scholars at
£10 each per annum.” Among these ten were the late Chief Justice
Robinson, Chief Justice Macaulay, the Hon. George Markland, Bishop
Bethune, the successor of Dr. Strachan; the Rev. W. Macaulay, Picton;
Captain England, Royal Engineers; Justice McLean, Col. John Clark,
and the two sons of Hamilton, James and Samuel. These, with four
sons of Richard Cartwright, formed Mr. Strachan’s first school for the
higher branches of education.
Mr. Strachan continued to teach in Kingston for three years,
when he removed his school to Cornwall.
All of his pupils at Kingston, except John Clark, of Niagara,
followed him to that place, and continued for years under his instruction.
The high standard of education now set up by Mr. Strachan had
a beneficial effect. He trained here for usefulness and distinction,
some of the first men of the Province. In addition to
336those mentioned as distinguished pupils, was Christopher Hagarman.
Here Mr. Strachan, it may be said, became a thorough
Canadian, and began to identify himself with the higher interests of
the country. He shortly after married a lady of Cornwall, Miss
Woods, who lived to within a few years of the Bishop’s death.
Dr. Strachan, in conversation with the writer, referred to the
time of his coming to Canada with no little feeling. He evidently
felt the disappointment arising from the departure of Governor
Simcoe very keenly, which left him quite to his own resources in the
new country, far from his home which he had forsaken, in view of
certain promises of advancement, congenial to his taste. He was, to
use his own words, “a lonely stranger in a foreign land, without
resources or a single acquaintance.” But in coming to speak of his
pupils, of which there had been about 300, and whose course in life
he had been permitted to see; whose success he had been proud to
note, he spoke of them with all the kindness and regard of a parent.
He dwelt upon the character and high position to which so many had
attained, especially the late Chief Justice Robinson. Speaking of
himself, he said his “early life was of too busy a nature to allow him
to keep a journal.” And we find it stated that he had to support a
mother and two sisters.
Mr. Strachan continued at Cornwall nine years, teaching, when
he removed to York. The Government recognised his ability, and
to increase the sphere of his usefulness, and to establish a Provincial
College, he was requested to remove to the capital of Upper Canada,
and had offered to him every advantage, pecuniary and otherwise.
In these early efforts to establish higher education, says the Rev. Mr.
Smart, whose testimony is important, too much praise cannot be
given to Dr. Strachan.
Although Mr. Strachan had removed to Cornwall, Kingston
was occasionally favored by his presence as a public lecturer, as
the following notice which appeared in the Gazette, December, 1810,
will show:
“Mr. Strachan’s annual course of popular lectures on Natural
Philosophy, will commence on the second Monday in January, the
course consisting of thirty-six lectures, to be completed in two
months. Tickets of admission, four guineas; students taught at
any of the District Schools of Upper Canada, entitled to tickets for
one guinea. This money to be appropriated to the purchase of
scientific books, for the use of those who attend the lectures.”
In 1818 Dr. Strachan was appointed a member of the Legislative
337Council, and also of the Executive Council. In these positions
he was a consistent worker to secure the establishment of a
State Church; and for the twenty-two years he took part in the
politics of Upper Canada he ceased not to work for the cause, and
the preservation of the Clergy Reserves. Dr. Strachan never
forgot the original purpose which brought him to Canada, the
foundation of Grammar Schools and a University. In 1827, after
using the influence which his political position allowed him to
secure this object, he procured a royal charter for a University
which he named King’s College after his Alma Mater. This institution
was intended for the exclusive benefit of those who would
subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles. For nearly twenty years
this University continued under the control of the Church of England.
But the spirit which obtained in the public mind of Canada
was hostile to this monopoly, and the time came when the University
he had founded became more truly a national one. Although
at this time an old man, when it might have been supposed he
would yield to the adverse influence which had overcome his college,
he never thought of resting satisfied, but, in direct opposition
to the principle against voluntaryism, for which his life had been
so far spent, he set about laying the foundation of another University,
and the Trinity College of Toronto is a second monument to
his untiring energy and success; a monument which renders another
unnecessary to commemorate him.
We penned the following remarks in 1866: This widely
known worthy still animates the church he has been mainly instrumental
in erecting to a high and ever influential position in Canada,
and whose untiring energies, guided by a brilliant intellect and a noble
purpose, has made him the parent of higher education in the Province.
The result of his doings—the traces of his vigorous mind, the
repletion of his noble life may be seen, not alone upon the page of
Episcopalian Church History; but in all the departments of Provincial
life—in the halls of learning, in the recorded charges from the
Bench, by the mouth of those he educated; in the speeches of many
of Canada’s earliest and foremost statesmen. For it was he tutored
the mind of a McLean, a Hagerman, a Robinson, of the Sherwoods,
Jones, besides a large number of others who have acted a conspicuous
part in the history of the country. While the trees of the
forest yet overshadowed the muddy soil where Toronto now proudly
rears her graceful spires and domes, and while the wild duck found
a safe resting place in the bay, now thickly dotted with crafts of every
338size, Dr. Strachan by pen, and by word of mouth, was setting up a
high standard of learning; and by worthy means, was stimulating the
minds of the future men of Canada to attain that high mark. Read
the easy flowing words that appeared in the Kingston Gazette, over
“Reckoner,” and it will strike one that if he took the Spectator as a
model, he abundantly succeeded in imitating the immortal Addison.
His school at Cornwall was pre-eminently good, “he had the welfare
of those committed to him at heart, (says the Rev. Mr. Smart,) as
well as the youth of the country generally.”
Five years after the erection of Upper Canada into a distinct
Province, 1797, steps were taken by the two Houses of Parliament
to establish schools for the higher branches of learning. A joint
address was presented to His Majesty, Geo. III., asking that he
“would be graciously pleased to direct his Government in this Province,
to appropriate a certain portion of the waste lands of the
Crown, as a fund for the establishment and support of a respectable
Grammar School in each District thereof; and also a College, or
University, for the instruction of youth in the different branches of
liberal knowledge.” The Imperial Government replied, enquiring
in what manner, and to what extent, “a portion of the Crown lands
might be appropriated and rendered productive towards the formation
of a fund for the above purposes.” The Executive Council of Canada
recommended “that an appropriation of 500,000 acres, or ten townships,
after deducting the Crown and Clergy sevenths, would be a
sufficient fund for the establishment and maintenance of the royal
foundation of four Grammar Schools and one University.” It was
also suggested, that the Grammar Schools be established at Cornwall,
Kingston, Newark (Niagara), and Sandwich, and the University
at York. It is not known what action was taken on this
recommendation.—(Lillie). But, in 1798, “a grant was made of
549,000 acres of land in different parts of the Province, to carry out
the design of the Grammar Schools and University.” “Of the
above land endowment, 190,573 acres were, up to the year 1826,
assigned to (or disposed of by) a public body, known as the Board
of Education, the proceeds having been applied to the support of
Common and Grammar Schools.” The residue of the grant,
amounting to 358,427 acres, appears to have been regarded as
properly constituting that portion of the royal gift which had been
intended for the support of the contemplated University.
Through the influence and exertion of Dr. Strachan, the
University of King’s College was established by Royal Charter of
339Incorporation, 15th March, 1827, with an endowment of “225,000
acres of crown land, and £1,000 for sixteen years.” The Council or
Governors were to consist of the Chancellor, President, and seven
Professors or Graduates of the institution. All were to be members
of the Church of England. This exclusive feature of the College
continued to exist until 1843, when the charter was modified
whereby parties were eligible to hold office by a declaration of
their “belief in the authenticity and Divine incorporation of the
Old and New Testaments, and in the doctrine of the Trinity.”
Various changes were made by Legislative enactment until the
present institution became established, in 1853, when the faculties
of Law and Medicine were abolished, the name changed from King’s
College to University College, and the University and College
made two distinct institutions.
The Royal Grammar School was merged into Upper Canada
College in 1829, and this institution was opened the following year.
“In the years 1832, 1834, and 1835, it received endowments of
land, amounting, in all, to 63,268 acres, irrespective of two valuable
blocks in York—on one of which the present College buildings
stand.” “The College further received an allowance from Government
of £200 sterling, in 1830; £500 in 1831; and £1,000 sterling
per annum since.”
While to Dr. Strachan belongs the honor of establishing the
first school whereat a liberal education might be obtained the
efforts and labors of others must not be forgotten. Shortly after
the commencement of the present century, there arose, perhaps as
a result of the teaching of Strachan, a greater desire for advanced
learning. Says a writer in 1811, “A spirit of improvement is
evidently spreading, the value of education, as well as the want of
it, is felt. Gentlemen of competent means appear to be sensible of
the importance of giving their children academical learning, and
ambitious to do it without sending them abroad for the purpose.
Among other indications of progress in literary ambition, I
cannot forbear referring to the academy lately erected in Ernesttown,
by the subscription of public-spirited inhabitants of that,
and the neighbouring townships, who appear to be convinced that
the cultivation of liberal arts and sciences is naturally connected
with an improvement of manners and morals, and a general melioration
of the state of society.”
340The academy above referred to was the second school of importance
established in Upper Canada. It was also situated upon the
shores of the Bay of Quinté. The following is from the Kingston
Gazette:
“Ernesttown Academy.—The subscribers hereby inform the
friends of learning that an Academical School, under the superintendence
of an experienced preceptor, is opened in Ernesttown,
near the church, for the instruction of youth in English reading,
speaking, grammar and composition, the learned languages, penmanship,
arithmetic, geography, and other branches of Liberal
Education. Scholars attending from a distance may be boarded in
good families on reasonable terms, and for fifteen shillings a year
can have the use of a valuable library. School Trustees: Robert
McDowel, Benjamin Fairfield, William Fairfield, Solomon Johns,
William Wilcox, Samuel Neilson, George Baker.—Ernesttown, 11th
March, 1811.”
The person selected for teacher was Mr. Barnabas Bidwell, who
had a few years previously come to Canada from the State of
Massachusetts, where he had been, according to a writer in the
Kingston Gazette, Attorney-General of that State. The same
writer made charges of a serious nature against Mr. Bidwell, as to
the cause of his leaving his country; but one of the above committee
vindicated Mr. Bidwell’s character; by asserting that
although Mr. B. had been “unfortunate in business, and became
embarrassed, he was honest, and had left property to pay his debts
when he left—that he had been a tutor at the first college in
America—that he avoided politics and devoted himself to literary
pursuits.” It was about the commencement of the present century,
when Mr Bidwell came to Bath to live.
Probably the academy at Bath was regarded somewhat as a
rival to the school existing at Cornwall.
Barnabas Bidwell remained at Bath about eight years when he
removed to Kingston, with his son, Marshal Bidwell, who became a
lawyer, and a very conspicuous character in Canada. B. Bidwell
died at Kingston, July 26, 1833, aged 70. His son removed to
York in 1830, where he practised his profession until the eventful
year of 1837.
The academy, at the commencement of the war of 1812, was
in a prosperous state, but very soon all was changed,—the school
was broken up, and the building converted into a barrack. The
close of the war unfortunately saw no return of the old state of things,
341the teacher was gone, and the students scattered, “having resorted
to other places of education, many of them out of the province.
The building is now, (1822), occupied as a house of public worship,
and a common school. It is to be hoped, however, that the taste
for literary improvement may be revived, and this seminary be
re-established.” But these hopes were never realized. The literary
glory of Bath had departed. The capital of York was now to
become a centre to which would gravitate the more learned, and
where would be established the seats of learning. The limited,
though earnest rivalry which had existed between Kingston and
Bath, was to be on a more important scale, between the ancient
capital, Kingston, and the more promising one of York.
Contents—Extract from Cooper—Educational institutions—Kingston—Queen’s
College—Own’s Real Estate—Regiopolis College—Roman Catholic—Grammar
School—Attendance—School houses—Library—Separate Schools—Private
Schools—The Quaker School—William Penn—Upon the Hudson—Near
Bloomfield—Origin of school—Gurnay—His offer—Management of
school—The teaching—Mrs. Crombie’s schools—Picton Ladies’ Academy—McMullen,
proprietor—Teachers—Gentlemen’s department—Popular—The
art of printing—In America—Book publishing—First in America—Books
among the loyalists—Few—Passed around—Ferguson’s books—The Bible—Libraries
at Kingston and Bath—Legislation—In Lower Canada—Reading
room at Hallowell—Reserves for Education—Upper Canada in respect to
education—Praiseworthy—Common School System Bill introduced 1841—Amended,
1846—Dr. Ryerson’s system—Unsurpassed.
The subjoined statement we extract from Cooper, which was
written in 1856. We have no doubt the last twelve years has been
attended with a steady increase in the importance of the Educational
institutions of Kingston.
“Educational Institutions.—There are in Kingston two
colleges, Queen’s College and Regiopolis; the County Grammar
School, 11 Common Schools, 2 separate R. C. Schools, one School
connected with the Nunnery, or Sisters of Charity, with numerous
good private schools for boys, private schools for girls, infant
schools and other minor educational establishments, such as evening
schools, classes for teaching continental languages, &c., in all
between 20 and 30.
342“Queen’s College.—Queen’s College is an educational institution
of very considerable importance, and from it have issued
graduates in arts, divinity and medicine, of no despicable attainments.
It was incorporated by Royal Charter in 1842, and is
under the management of a Board of Trustees and Senate. It has
a Principal and four Professors in Arts and Divinity, besides six
Medical Professors. It confers Scholarships of the aggregate value
of £200, the highest being worth £12 10s. It numbers during the
present year, 47 medical students, 30 in Arts, 10 in Divinity, connected
with it is a Preparatory School, where great pains are
taken to prepare pupils for matriculation at the college. A good
library, containing some 3,000 volumes belongs to the College. A
series of meteorological observations are taken by the graduates,
with the able supervision of the Rev. Professor James Williamson,
under whose assiduous attention this branch of knowledge, so much
neglected in Canada has been carefully fostered.
“This institution owns valuable real estate, and is aided by an
annual grant from the Legislature of £750, and £250 to the
medical branch.
“Regiopolis College is a Roman Catholic Seminary of learning;
it has three Professorships, the duties of which are discharged
by Roman Catholic clergymen. Beyond its own walls, and its
own community, it is little known as an educational institution.
“The County Grammar School is supported as those in other
counties, that is, by a grant from Government of £100 per annum,
and the tuition fees of pupils. It possessed formerly a small endowment;
this for the present has been consumed in creating a fund
for the liquidation of some debt on the school-house, a plain substantial
building in a healthy and elevated part of the town; it is
under the control of a Board of Trustees, appointed by the County
Council, and is managed by a head-master and under-master. It
is one of the three Grammar Schools first established in the Province,
and created by Royal Charter—the other two being at
Cornwall and Niagara.
“The Common Schools are, as in other places, under the
management of the department of education, and the local control
of a Board of Trustees, and local Superintendent. There is a great
want of proper and sufficient school-houses, a want which it is
anticipated will soon be supplied, the Board having in contemplation,
the immediate erection of proper buildings. The free school
system has been adopted here; the difficulties usually attendant on
343its establishment have not been altogether escaped—the public
seeming loth to tax themselves to any extent, for the purpose of
general education. A marked increase in the attendance at the
city schools has taken place during the last two years, and there
are now taught as large a number of children in the common schools
of Kingston as in any other Canadian city, in proportion to its
population: the standard of education may or may not be as high
as in Toronto, Hamilton or Brockville, but if it is more elementary,
it is not less sound. In free public schools, such as now established,
it is perhaps as well not to aim at a higher standard than is here
attained to. When good school-houses are erected, it will doubtlessly
be found necessary to adopt the Central School system, on
the model of that so successfully carried out in Hamilton, Perth
and St. Catharines, and perhaps elsewhere. When such is the case
the present schools will rank high as primary schools, whilst the
central schools will have to compete with other similar institutions
in the province, and will not likely be behind them in character
and value; these changes are in contemplation, and will before
long be carried into effect. The people of Kingston do not fail to
appreciate the benefits of sound education of its inhabitants in
elevating the position of a city. A public library, containing some
2,000 volumes, has been established in connection with the city
schools.
“The Roman Catholic Separate Schools are under the
management of a separate Board of Trustees; they are supported
as are the Common Schools, by a Legislative grant, proportionate
to the average attendance of pupils, and by a rate settled by the
Board, collected from all rate-payers; in the case of the Separate
Schools, from the parents of pupils and supporters of the schools,
who are exempt from all other taxation for school purposes. The
rate in their case is usually very low. The wealthier supporters
of the schools, with a praiseworthy zeal, voluntarily contribute
largely to the required fund. Among the private schools are many
excellent academies for both boys and girls, which afford both
ornamental acquirements and substantial, classical and commercial
education.”
Quaker Schools.—The noted and good William Penn founded
a school for the children of the Friends at an early date. Subsequently
a Quaker Boarding School was established upon the banks
of the Hudson, near Poughkeepsie.
Toward the latter part of 1841, a school for the children of
344the Quaker denomination, was opened near the pleasant village of
Bloomfield, about 4 miles from Picton. The origin of the school
we believe, was pretty much as follows: An English gentleman,
John Joseph Gurney, brother to Elizabeth Fry, a member of the
Quaker Society, and we believe a minister, was travelling in Canada,
and discovering the wants of that denomination, with respect to
education, offered to bestow a certain sum, (£500), on condition
that another specified sum were raised, a suitable place bought, and
buildings prepared. His offer being accepted, and at this juncture,
Mr. Armstrong being desirous of selling his farm of 100 acres,
with a good brick house just completed, the present site of the
school was procured. In addition to the means thus obtained there
was also a limited sum held by the society, it is said a bequest, for
educational purposes. Additional buildings were erected, and the
school duly opened. The first teachers were Americans. The
school was managed by a committee chosen annually by the
Society, until the latter part of 1865, when it was leased to Mr.
W. Valentine, to whom we are partially indebted for the foregoing
facts. The school continues under the supervision of a managing
committee, appointed by the Society. Its capacity does not extend
further than to receive 30 pupils of each sex, who are taught the
usual branches of a good English education, and sometimes the
rudiments of the classics and the modern languages.
In 1836, Mrs. Crombie and her sister Miss Bradshaw opened a
“Female Academy” in Picton, which promised to give “substantial
and ornamental accomplishments.”
The Picton Ladies’ Academy was opened in December, 1847, by
the Rev. D. McMullen, as sole proprietor. It was continued by him
until May, 1851, when Miss Creighton rented the premises and took
charge of the school. It continued under her management nine months,
when it finally was closed. The first teachers were the late Mrs. N.
F. English, and Miss Eliza Austin. Afterwards Miss M. E. Adams
was preceptress, and Miss Ployle was teacher.
A male department was established by Mr. McMullen, with the
hope of having it connected with the Grammar School. But this was
not done. The principal of the school was C. M. C. Cameron, now
Dr. Cameron of Port Hope, and a graduate of Victoria College. He
was assisted by Mr. Samuel W. Harding; the school existed but one
year. Both of these schools were well attended, and were deservedly
popular. When closed it was generally regarded as a public loss, by
those most capable of judging.
345
We have accorded to Dr. Strachan a prominent and foremost
position in connection with the subject of higher education. We
considered it a duty as well as a pleasure, to thus honor one whose
praise was in all the land when he ceased to live. But the fountain
of education opened by him did not flow, shall we say, was not
intended to flow to the masses. Dr. Strachan’s educational establishment
was rather created for a select circle, for an expected
Canadian aristocracy. It remained for others to originate a stream
of learning that should water the whole land, and come within the
reach of every Canadian family—that should give intellectual life
to the whole of the country, irrespective of creed or origin. To the
Wesleyan Methodists belongs the greater honor of establishing an
institution of higher learning, whose doors were opened to all, and
within which any one might obtain learning without hindrance, no
matter what his belief. While religious oversight was to be
extended, no peculiar dogma was to be enforced, no sectarian
principle was to be inculcated.
In the month of August, 1830, when the Wesleyan Conference
met upon the Bay Quinté, the Rev. Wm. Case, being General Superintendent,
and Rev. James (now Dr.) Richardson, Secretary, and
while Cobourg was yet embraced within the Bay Quinté District,
the following Resolution was adopted by that body:
“That a Committee of nine be chosen by ballot, consisting of
three from each District, to fix the location of the Seminary,
according to some general instructions to be given them by the
Conference.” The committee consisted of “J. Ryerson, T. Whitehead,
S. Belton, David Wright, J. Beatty, Wm. Ryerson, Thos.
Madden, Wm. Brown, James Richardson.”
The following Constitution for the Upper Canada Academy,
was adopted:
“1. That nine Trustees be appointed, three of whom shall go
into office annually.
“2. That a Board of Visitors, consisting of five, be chosen
annually by the Conference. That these two bodies should jointly
form a Board to appoint the Principal and Teachers, and govern,
and generally superintend the institution.”
The Conference, in the Pastoral Address, asked for the liberal
support of the members, in the establishment of the proposed
Academy. A general agent was appointed, and active steps taken
346to carry out the object. It is noteworthy, that the call thus made to
the farmers, many of whom were yet struggling for the necessaries
of life, was promptly and nobly responded to. Agents continued
to be appointed from year to year, and in the Conference address of
1835, it is said, “We are happy to be able to say that the buildings
for the Upper Canada Academy are nearly completed. We trust
the Institution will soon be open for the reception of pupils.” There
had been delay “for want of funds.” Arrangements were making
to accommodate one hundred and seventy pupils, with board and
lodging. In 1836, it is found stated, that “the Conference and the
friends of general education, and of Wesleyan Methodists in Canada,
have at length, by their unremitting efforts, succeeded in preparing
the Upper Canada Academy for the reception of pupils, and we
expect, in a few days to see it in operation.” In 1837, we find that
Matthew Ritchey, A. M., was the Principal of the U. C. Academy.
If we mistake not, the Rev. Egerton Ryerson had previously been
named to fill the office. At all events, we have every reason to
believe that this distinguished Canadian educationist was chiefly
instrumental in securing the foundation of an abiding institution,
probably, indeed, was the originator of the scheme. He not only
stimulated others to work; but obtained from Government a grant,
so often begrudged. He also, as a representative to the British
Conference, was the means of procuring a donation of one hundred
pounds’ worth of books, beside other contributions. In 1840, the
Rev. Mr. Ritchey ceased to be Principal. During his time of service,
it is stated, the Academy increasingly progressed in efficiency and
in increase of pupils. Mr. Ritchey’s successor, in 1841, was the Rev.
Jesse Hurlburt, A. B. Daniel C. VanNorman was Professor of
Mathematics, a post to which he had been appointed a year
previous.
The year 1842 saw the Upper Canada Academy changed into
the Victoria College, by Provincial Legislative enactment, possessing
the usual powers and privileges of a University. The Rev.
Egerton Ryerson was made Principal; Jesse Hurlburt, A. M., and
D. C. VanNorman, Professors; and James Spencer, English Teacher.
Dr. Ryerson continued Principal until 1845. In 1845, Alexander
MacNab, A. M., was appointed Acting Principal, and in 1847 he
became Principal, and held the position until 1850.
In 1851, the Rev. S. S. Nelles, A. M., was elected to the office
which he now continues to hold with so much credit and dignity,
having been instrumental in materially advancing the reputation
of the previously well known College.
347
The art of printing was not old when the colonies of France and
Great Britain were planted in America. The discovery of this art,
with the avenue which the discovery of America, opened for the pent
up millions of Europe, wrought out the most striking changes which
ever marked the history of the human race. It struck the final blow
to the spirit of feudalism, while America supplied an asylum for
those who found not full freedom of conscience and an opportunity
to rise in the scale of human existence.
Book publishing being once introduced into England, rapidly
became of vast magnitude, and thus everywhere scattered the food
essential for the human mind. It was in the year 1639 that printing
was introduced into America; but it was sixty-two years before it
became of any account, during which time the business was mostly
in Philadelphia. Altogether there were but four presses in the
country. The first book printed in America was made in 1640. It
was a reprint of the Psalm Book, and afterwards passed through
many editions, while it was reprinted in England in eighteen editions,
and twenty-two in Scotland, being seventy in all.
Whatever may have been the state of education in the British
Colonies, and the general desire to read books at the time of the rebellion,
it is quite certain that the hasty manner in which many left
their homes, the long distance to travel, and necessity of carrying
quantities of provision which took all the strength of the refugees,
precluded the possibility of carrying many, or any books to the
wilderness of Canada. Even after the peace the long distance to
come, and the frequent impoverished condition of the settler, allowed
not the desire, if such existed, to fetch books for instruction and
mental enjoyment. However, there were some brought by them,
but mostly by the officers recently out from the old country. During
the first ten years the books among the settlers were very few; but
these few were circulated from one township to another—from
one person to another, who had the desire to, and could, read. We
have in our possession, a letter from John Ferguson to Mr. Bell, who
was then, 1789, at Kingston, in which the latter is requested to tell
Mr. Markland, that he, Mr. Ferguson, had sent him from the Eighth
Township, by the bearer, the History of France. The same person
writing from Fredericksburgh in 1791, desires to have sent from
Sidney to him, “some books, viz.: five volumes of the History of
England, by Horn, and the two volumes of Andrew’s History of
France.”
348But while few, or no books of a secular nature, were brought by
the settler, a large number, true to their conscience, carried a copy of
the Bible, even many of the disbanded soldiers had one, especially the
Lutherans. These were often in the German, or Dutch language.
Some of these venerable and sacred relics we have seen; one in
German, which belonged to Bongard of Marysburgh.
For many years Kingston took the lead in everything that pertains
to education. The history of the Kingston Gazette shows that,
not only did the leading men of the place give the patronage necessary
to establish and maintain a newspaper, independent of Government
support, and give interest to the columns of the paper by contributions;
but there is evidence of early and successful efforts to
form a public library. Reference is made to the Social library
established in this village (Kingston) in 1813, when the Rev. Mr.
Langhorn presented to it a valuable collection of books, (see the
first clergyman). This library had probably been in existence for
some years. Another library was established at Bath prior to this
time. Gourlay says, in 1811, “books are procured in considerable
numbers, social libraries are introduced in various places.” And, no
doubt, the High School at Cornwall, under Mr. Strachan, had attached
to it a select library.
The Kingston Gazette announces, August 1, 1815, that “A small
circulating library” has been opened at the Gazette office, “on the
most reasonable terms.”
In 1816, an act was passed “to appropriate a sum of money for
providing a library for the use of the Legislative Council and House
of Assembly of this Province.” The sum granted was £800 to purchase
books and maps.
While the growth of Upper Canada was attended by a corresponding
increase of private and public libraries, Lower Canada, there
is reason to believe, was maintaining the character it had acquired
under its original rulers, for educational privileges and individual
efforts to create centres of learning.
We find the statement “that the library of F. Fleming, Esq.,
Montreal, comprising 12,000 volumes, sold by auction, September 8,
1833, was the largest ever offered for sale on the American continent.”
In the Hallowell Free Press, 15th February, 1831, is the following:
“Library notice.”—“A meeting of the inhabitants of the
village of Hallowell is requested to-morrow evening, at Strikers’ Inn,
at seven o’clock, to take into consideration the propriety of establishing
349a Reading-room in the village.” The next issue of the
Journal says, “we are glad to see our friends have established a
reading-room.”
“At an early period of British dominion in America, blocks of
wild land were set apart, to make provision, by a future day, for
public institutions. Since the revolution, the United States have
followed out, in part, this practice, by allotting lands for schools, and
in Canada, whole townships have been appropriated for the same
purpose.” While this forethought respecting schools indicated a
proper desire to secure educational interests, it must be observed
that the reserves, like those of the Crown and Clergy, very materially
prevented the opening up of the country by settlers, and kept apart
the settlers, over a wide field, and thus preventing advancement in
civilization.
Looking back at the history of legislation, relative to education,
one is struck with the fact that much, very much, was done by the
young colony of Upper Canada. The establishment of the Common
Schools especially, which first took place 1816, has been regarded as
most wise, and the grants of money most praiseworthy.
The present Common School system of Upper Canada was introduced
in 1841. The Bill was brought forward by the Hon. S. B.
Harrison. The fundamental principle, being the allotment of money
to each county, on condition of its raising an equal amount by local
assessment. This act was amended and improved in 1843, by the
Hon. Francis Hincks, and in 1846, by the Hon. W. H. Draper. In
1849, the Hon. J. H. Cameron introduced an act, establishing schools
in cities and towns. In the year following, these two acts were incorporated
into one, with further improvements.
The Common School system, as we find it to day, is, in a great
measure, the production of Dr. Ryerson’s long continued and intelligent
labor. Borrowing the machinery from the State of New York,
and the mode of support from Massachusetts, taking the Irish national
school-books for instruction, and making use of the Normal School
system of Germany, he has, by the addition of what was necessary,
built up a system of Common School education in the Province of
Ontario, that cannot be surpassed, if equalled, in the whole world.
350
Contents—First Newspapers, 1457—Year 66—English Newspapers—In America—In
Canada—‘Gazette’—Founder—Papers in 1753—Quebec ‘Herald’—Montreal
‘Gazette’—‘Le Temps’—Quebec ‘Mercury’—Canadien ‘Courant’—‘Royal
Gazette’—First in Newfoundland—‘U. C. Gazette’—First Paper—Subscribers—Upper
Canada ‘Guardian’—Wilcox—Mr. Thorpe—Opposition—Libel—Elected
to Parliament—York Jail—Leader—In 1812—Deserted—York
‘Gazette’—Kingston ‘Gazette’—Only Paper—News
sixty years ago—In Midland District—Rev. Mr. Miles—Pioneer of Journalism—His
Birthplace—Learns the Printing Business—Mower—Montreal
‘Gazette’—Kendall—Partnership—To Kingston in 1810—The Printing
Office—Kingston ‘Gazette’—Mr. Miles sells out—The concern purchased—Mr.
Miles asked to be Editor—Their kindness—Gratitude—Second Volume—Extract
from ‘Gazette’—The Price—Kingston ‘Chronicle’—Upper Canada
‘Herald’—‘Canadian Watchman’—Mr. Miles at Prescott—Returns to Kingston—Enters
the Ministry—Loyal Subject—In 1812—On Duty—Archdeacon
Stuart—Col. Cartwright—Contributors to ‘Gazette’—Our Thanks—A Watch—Faithfulness—“A
Good Chance”—Subscribers at York—Kingston
‘Spectator’—‘Patriot’—‘Argus’—‘Commercial Advertizer’—‘British
Whig’—‘Chronicle’ and ‘News’—First Daily in Upper Canada—Paper
Boxes—Brockville ‘Recorder’—A Reform paper—McLeod—Grenville
‘Gazette’—Prescott ‘Telegraph’—‘Christian Guardian’—Reform Journals.
The first newspaper published in the world, says Galignani,
bears the name of Neuremberg, 1457. But according to Tacitus,
newspapers, under the name of diurna, circulated among the
Romans so early as the year 66. The first English newspaper was
issued in 1622, and the first French in 1631. The first in America
was the Newsletter, published at Boston, 1704. It was discontinued
in 1776. The first published in New York, was by Wm. Bradford,
in 1773. In 1775, there were but thirty-seven in the British colonies.
By 1801, there were in the United States 203, and in 1810,
358. The first newspaper in Canada was the Quebec Gazette, first
issued in 1776. Although now upwards of a hundred years old, it
continues to live an active and useful life. The founder of it, Mr.
Brown, brought his press from Philadelphia in 1763. By his heirs
it was sold to Mr. Nelson, who left the establishment by his will to
his brother, the late Hon. John Wilson, long the experienced and
able editor of the paper. There were, in 1763, not more than
twenty newspapers in the breadth and length of the then American
colonies; and the Quebec Gazette is the oldest in the British North
American Provinces. For nearly thirty years it remained without
a competitor; but about 1788 the Quebec Herald was started, which
had but a brief existence. About the same time, the old Montreal
351Gazette was established by one Mesplet, and was published in
French; but was soon discontinued until 1794. About the same
date Le Temps newspaper was published at Quebec, in French
and English, and was of short life. The Quebec Mercury, published
in English, by Thomas Cary, commenced its career in 1804, and the
Canadien followed it in 1806; but was stopped by the seizure of the
press by the Government, in 1810. The Canadien Courant was
founded at Montreal about 1808. The Royal Gazette and Newfoundland
Advertiser, the first newspaper in Newfoundland, appeared in
1707. The Upper Canada Gazette or American Oracle, the first paper
in Upper Canada, was established by Governor Simcoe, in 1793. It
was first published on the 18th April, by Gideon Tiffany. Naturally
its circulation was limited, as the population was sparse, and communication
difficult. It was supported mainly by Government.
Rochefoucault says, in 1795 it was “not taken by a single person
in Kingston. But the Quebec Gazette was by two.”
The second journal published in Upper Canada, was the Upper
Canada Guardian, in opposition to Government, at York, by Mr.
Joseph Wilcox, an Irishman, in 1807, whose history is not of the
most satisfactory nature. He had been a Sheriff in the Home District;
but was displaced for voting at an election for one Thorpe.
Mr. Thorpe had been sent out from England as one of the Justices
of the King’s Bench. Notwithstanding this position, he became a
candidate for member of Parliament; but, being opposed by the
Government, he was defeated. Subsequently he was recalled by
the Secretary of State, at the request of Governor Gore. Wilcox,
having lost his office, commenced publishing the Guardian, and was
very bitter in his opposition to the Government. He was prosecuted
for libel, but was acquitted, and becoming popular, was
elected to Parliament. Having used language considered unbecoming
or seditious, he was arrested, and confined in York jail, a
miserable log building, “in a filthy cell fit for a pig.” Subsequently,
he became the leader of the opposition, and had a majority
in the House; for a time becoming more and more an object of
Ministerial dislike. At the commencement of the war of 1812, he
gave up his paper, and shouldered his musket. He fought at
Queenston against the Americans; but afterward deserted, taking
with him a body of Canadian militia, and became a Colonel in the
American army. He was killed, finally, at Fort Erie, by a musket
ball, when planting a guard during the seige.
Mr. Miles remarks that “When he came to Kingston, in 1810,
352there was but one paper published in York, by the Government,
called the York Gazette, printed by Cameron and Bennet; and one
at Newark, by Joseph Wilcox.” These were the only papers then
printed in Upper Canada; but the one at Newark was discontinued
in 1812, and the other was destroyed when York was taken by the
Americans, in April, 1813. The Kingston Gazette was the only
paper then printed in Upper Canada, till 1816, when the Government
Gazette was again commenced. The Rev. Mr. Carroll says
of the York Gazette, the number “for November 13, 1801, now lies
before the writer, a coarse, flimsy, two-leaved paper, of octavo size;
department of news is pretty large, but “news much older than
their ale.” On this, November 13, they have, wonderful to say!
New York dates so late as October the 23rd; Charleston, of October
the 1st; Philadelphia and Boston, of October the 19th; and a
greater exploit still, Halifax dates of Oct. 19, &c.”
We are indebted to the Rev. Stephen Miles, of Camden East,
for the facts relating to the establishment of the first newspaper in
the Midland District, indeed the first between Montreal and York,
at Kingston. Mr. Miles is not only the sole pioneer of journalism
in Upper Canada, now living, but he is the faithful parent of the
fourth estate in the province, and probably the oldest journalist now
living in America or Europe. The history of such an one cannot
but be interesting, while it is especially appropriate to the work
upon our hands. Mr. Miles, although a native of Vermont, is of
English and Welsh extraction. Born October 19, 1789, he was
brought up on the farm until 1805, when he was placed as an
apprentice to the printing business, at Windsor, Ver., in the office
of Nahum Mower. In the spring of 1807, Mr. Mower moved his
printing materials to Montreal, Lower Canada, to which place Mr.
Miles accompanied him. “At that time there was only one
printing establishment in Montreal, under the management of Mr.
Edward Edwards, who was also the Postmaster there; the paper
printed was the Montreal Gazette, of small demy-size, two columns
on a page, one in French the other in English. Mr. Mower commenced
printing the Canadian Courant, in Montreal, about the
middle of May, 1807. Mr. Mower, says Mr. Miles, giving me three
months of my time, my apprenticeship expired on the 19th July,
1810.” Not long after “I made arrangements in connection with
an excellent young man Charles Kendall, who had worked as a
journeyman, to go to Kingston, Upper Canada, and commence
publishing a paper.” Accordingly having purchased our material
353from Mr. Mower, we left Montreal 1st September, 1810, in the old
fashioned Canadian batteau (17 in number) and arrived at a wharf
in Kingston just the west side of where the barracks now are, on
the morning of the 13th. We took an excellent breakfast at a
tavern opposite, and at once set about to procure a suitable room
for a printing office. Upon the 25th September, the first number
of the Kingston Gazette, was published under the names of “Mower
and Kendall,” Mr. Miles not being of age. At this time there were
five papers in Lower Canada. The following March, Mr. Miles
sold out his share to Mr. Kendall, who finished the first volume.
At the close of the year, Mr. Kendall wishing to retire, disposed of
the office and contents “to the late Hon. Richard Cartwright, the
Hon. Allen McLean, Thomas Markland, Esq., Lawrence Herchimer,
Esq., Peter Smith, Esq., and John Kerby, Esq.” These gentlemen
saw the necessity of having a public journal in Kingston, and
became the proprietors. They immediately wrote to secure the
services of Mr. Miles, to conduct the office, and even desired him to
take it off their hands. Mr. Miles promptly came “expecting that
the proprietors would wish to be publishers as well, and that I
should attend only to the mechanical part, but it was their unanimous
wish that I should take the whole concern off their hands,
continue to print the paper, and do the best I could with it.” Mr.
Miles speaks feelingly of the kindness of these gentlemen who
would accept no other terms than that he should take possession
and pay them when convenient, “and by God’s blessing all were
promptly paid.” These kind friends, says Mr. Miles, “have all
passed into the spirit world, and the prayer of my heart is, that
God may greatly bless their posterity.” “After some unavoidable
delay, the second volume of the Gazette was commenced by me,
and printed and published in my name, till December 31, 1818.”
Before proceeding with Mr. Miles’ history, as a journalist, we will
copy from the volumes which he has kindly placed at our service,
such items as are appropriate.
“Kingston, Tuesday, November 19, 1811.—The establishment
of the Kingston Gazette, being now in the possession of the subscriber,
he takes the earliest opportunity of re-commencing its
publication, as he intends that it shall be conducted in the same
impartial manner as heretofore practiced by his predecessors, he
confidently expects and solicits the patronage and support of its
former patrons, and of the public in general. He will not intrude
upon the patience of his readers by making a multiplicity of promises,
354but will merely observe that he asks the patronage of the
public no longer than he shall be deserving of it. Former correspondents
of the Gazette, and gentlemen of science generally, are
respectfully invited to favor us with their communications.—(Signed)—S.
Miles.
“Printed and published by Stephen Miles, a few doors east of
Walker’s hotel. Price fifteen shillings per annum, five shillings in
advance, five shillings in six months, and five shillings at the end
of year. Exclusive of postage.”
In the beginning of 1819, John Alexander Pringle, and John
Macaulay, Esquires, to whom Mr. Miles had sold his printing establishment,
commenced publishing the Kingston Chronicle, Mr. Miles
having charge of the mechanical part for nearly three years.
In February or March, 1819, the Upper Canada Herald, owned
and edited by Hugh C. Thompson, Esq., was first issued. In 1822
Mr. Miles took charge of the work of printing of this Journal, and
continued in charge until the spring of 1828.
On the 15th of May, the same year, Mr. Miles commenced
printing on his own account the “Kingston Gazette and Religious
Advocate,” in quarto form, which he continued till August 6, 1830.
Again, Mr. M. took charge of printing for Ezra S. Ely, who commenced
August 13, the Canadian Watchman, and continued it for
one year. In December 1831, Mr. Miles moved to Prescott; and
on the 3rd June, 1832, commenced printing the first paper in that
place, and continued till April 1833. In July he disposed of his
establishment and returned to Kingston, and engaged as printer of
the Kingston Chronicle, which was now published by McFarlane &
Co., with whom he remained till December, 1835. This ended Mr.
Miles’ career as a printer and publisher; and he then entered upon
the calling of a Wesleyan minister.
Mr. Miles although a native of the States was a truly loyal
subject, and proved himself such during the war of 1812. The
Gazette of May 5, 1813, says “our attendance at military duty prevented
the publishing of the Gazette yesterday.” This was the
time when Kingston was threatened by the Americans, and every
man turned out as a volunteer. Mr. Miles tells of the occasion,
that he saw, among those shouldering the musket in the market
place, the late Arch Deacon Stuart. Mr. Miles belonged to Captain
Markland’s company. “Col. Cartwright seeing him, called him
and desired him to go to his office and he would be sent for when
wanted.” The principal contributors to the Gazette were Col.
355Cartwright, who wrote a good deal, sometimes over Falkiner,
Barnabas Bidwell, Christopher Hagerman, generally Poetry, while
a student with McLean, Solomon John, who kept a book store; and
particularly Rev. Mr. Strachan, over Reckoner.
We cannot leave Mr. Miles without expressing here our sincere
thanks and regard for the interest, trouble, and encouragement he
has favored us with, nor can we forgo recording the following.
Says he, “the only watch I ever owned I purchased in Montreal,
on the 1st January 1810, price $20. It has travelled with me in all
my journeyings from that day to the present time, and still keeps
good time. It was made at Liverpool.” A faithful man and a
faithful watch; both for time, one for eternity.
About the year 1816 the Gazette had the following, under the
caption of “A good chance:”
“A sober, honest, persevering man, would find it to his advantage
to undertake the circulation of the Kingston Gazette, weekly,
on the following route: say, to start from Kingston every Wednesday
morning, go through the village of Ernesttown, from thence
to Adolphustown, and cross either at Vanalstines or Baker’s Ferry,
and so on through Hallowell, &c., to the Carrying place; cross the
River Trent, and return to Kingston by the York post road. The
advantages to be derived from an undertaking of this kind, exclusive
of the papers, we are persuaded would be many; and any
honest, persevering man, who could produce good recommendations
as to his sobriety, &c., and will give security for punctual
payment once a quarter, will make a good bargain by applying to
the publisher of the Kingston Gazette. There is not a doubt but
that four or five hundred papers might be distributed on this route
to great advantage.” We learn from another source, that at an
early period there was one Shubal Huff, who went around the Bay
every fortnight, carrying the Kingston Gazette with other papers,
pamphlets, &c., and also tea and sugar.
The following indicates the character of the times when the
Gazette was established. It is a notice from the Gazette:
“Subscribers to the Kingston Gazette, in the neighbourhood of
York, will please apply at the store of Q. St. George, where their
papers will be delivered once a fortnight. Payments made to him
in grain, &c., will be acceptable. He will also receive subscriptions.”
(Signed), Mower & Kendall.
In addition to the papers already mentioned, there was the
Kingston Spectator, issued about 1830, and lasting three or four years.
356The Patriot was commenced in 1829, by T. Dalton. Subsequently
there was the Argus, Commercial Advertiser, and Churchman. The
British Whig was started in 1832, by Dr. Barker, and is still published.
The Chronicle and News began in 1830, is also still published.
The British Whig was the first Daily published in Upper Canada.
For many years the subscribers to the Gazette and other papers
were indebted to footmen who traveled through the more thickly
settled parts of the settlement, which were generally along the
front. But after a time there were scattered along in the second
or more remote concessions, subscribers to whom the footman could
not go. These individuals would often place boxes upon the path
followed by the carrier, into which could be dropped the paper,
and letters as well. These boxes were attached to a tree and made
water-tight, and the owner would go for his paper at his convenience.
One of the first newspapers in Upper Canada, east of Kingston,
was the Recorder. Says Adiel Sherwood, Esq., in a letter to
the writer, it was “the first and only paper of note, of early date
in this district. It was first got up in 1820 by one Beach, who
continued but a short time when he sold out to William Buel, Esq.,
and about 1848 Mr. Buel sold out to the present proprietor and
editor, D. Wylie, Esq. It was got up as Reform paper, and has
ever continued as such.”
The following is extracted from an American paper:
“In 1818, D. McLeod, a retired soldier,” who had fought at
Badajoz, and other places in the campaign under Wellington, and
at Queenston, Upper Canada, Chrysler’s Farm, Lundy’s Lane, and
then under General Picton, at Waterloo, “purchased a farm in
Augusta, a few miles back of Prescott, moved on it, and commenced
the business of farming; not succeeding well in his new avocation,
he removed to Prescott and opened a classical school, at which the
late Preston King received his rudimentary Greek lessons, and
subsequently accepted the appointment of Clerk of the new court
of Commissioners, for the collection of debts. He purchased a
printing establishment and commenced the publication of a paper
at Prescott, called the Grenville Gazette, taking a decided stand
against the “Tory Compact” administration, and continued a zealous
advocate of reform until the insurrection broke out in December,
1837, when he was forced to leave the country, when his
press, type, and the various paraphernalia of the printing office
were seized by the Tories. A mob of Tories visited his house, after
357he left the place, at midnight, to the terror of his unprotected
family, seized, and carried off his books, letters, and other papers,
and his elegant sword, as the trophies of their midnight raid. He
was chosen by the insurgents as their major-general, and acted in
that capacity during the continuance of the insurrection. At this
time large rewards were offered for his arrest on each side of the
line, on the Canadian side, for his rebellion against that government;
on the United States side for an alleged violation of the
Neutrality Laws,” in being supposed the leader of the party of
men who captured and burned the Canadian Steamer, “Sir Robert
Peel,” Well’s Island.
McLeod settled in Cleveland, Ohio, and is yet alive, being
upwards of eighty-four years of age. The Cleveland Herald, from
which we learn the above, records the celebration of “General D.
McLeod’s fiftieth anniversary of his marriage.”
The Prescott Telegraph, “The first number” said an exchange
“published by Messrs. Merrell & Miles, (1831) is now lying before
us. From the appearance of the first number, and the known
ability of the proprietors, we anticipate that the Telegraph will be
a valuable acquisition to the best of newspapers in this Province,
and also to the principles of reform.”
The Christian Guardian was established in the year 1829. Rev. E.
Ryerson being the Editor.
The following were so-called “Reform” papers: The Colonial
Advocate, by McKenzie, The Canadian Watchman, The Brockville
Recorder, and The Hamilton Free Press, &c.
358
Contents—First paper between Kingston and York—Hallowell Free Press—The
Editor—“Recluse”—Fruitless efforts—Proprietor—Wooden press—Of Iron—Free
Press, Independent—The Traveller—Press removed to Cobourg—Prince
Edward Gazette—Picton Gazette—Picton Sun—Picton Times—New
Nation—Cobourg Star—Anglo-Canadian at Belleville—The Editor—Price—The
Phœnix—Slicer—Canadian Wesleyan—Hastings Times—The Reformer—The
Intelligencer—George Benjamin—The Victoria Chronicle—Hastings
Chronicle—Extract from Playter—Colonial Advocate—Upper Canada Herald—Barker’s
Magazine—Victoria Magazine—Joseph Wilson—Mrs. Moodie—Sheriff
Moodie—Pioneer in Canadian literature—Extract from Morgan—Literary
Garland—“Roughing it in the bush”—Eclectic Magazine—Wilson’s
experiment—Wilson’s Canada Casket—The Bee at Napanee—Emporium—The
Standard—The Reformer—North America—Ledger—Weekly Express—Christian
Casket—Trenton Advocate—British Ensign—The Canadian
Gem—Maple Leaf—Papers in 1853—Canadian papers superior to Americans—Death
at Boston—Berczy—Canadian idioms—Accent—Good English—Superstition—Home
education—Fireside stories—Traditions.
The first newspaper published between Kingston and York, was
the Hallowell Free Press, of demy size, the first number of which was
issued 28th December, 1830, by Joseph Wilson, Esq., now of Belleville;
W. A. Welles, Esq., editor, a gentleman from Utica, New
York. Attempts had been made at Cobourg, Port Hope, as well as
at Hallowell, prior to this, to establish papers, prospectus having been
acknowledged by the Kingston Gazette. A letter in the first number
of the Free Press, signed “Recluse,” says, “a number of attempts
have been made to publish a journal in this county, proposals circulated,
subscriptions obtained to a considerable amount, and the expectations
of the public wrought up to the highest degree, yet every
attempt hitherto made, has proved abortive, except the present;
repeated imposition has, no doubt, had a tendency to create in the
public mind, a spirit of indifference and apathy respecting newspapers.”
Mr. Wilson had his press of wood, made by one Scripture, of
Colborne. Although a very indifferent affair, it was used for a year,
when Mr. Wilson procured an iron press from New York. Probably one
of the first iron printing presses in the Province. The Free Press was
continued for five years. Mr. Welles was editor for a short time only.
This journal was evidently intended for the public weal. No one
can read the first issues of the paper without being convinced that the
proprietor was intent upon rendering service to the public. He
allied himself to no party: the contending political aspirants of the
359day, had equal access to the columns of the Press, and could thereby
challenge unbiased attention. “The Traveller, or Prince Edward
Gazette,” published every Friday, by Cecil Mortimer, Editor and
Proprietor, “John Silver, Printer,” 12s. 6d., per annum, in
advance. Commenced April, 1836, and continued about four years,
when the printing press was removed to Cobourg. In 1840,
the Prince Edward Gazette appeared, J. Dornan, Publisher. It
was continued under this name by Rev. Mr. Playter. In 1847,
and in 1849, Mr. Thomas Donnelly became Editor and Proprietor,
changing the name to the Picton Gazette, which name it still
bears. Mr. Donnelly was succeeded as editor in 1853, by Maurice
Moore, and he again by S. M. Conger, in 1856, who still continues to
publish this old and popular journal. The Picton Sun, established in
1841, by Mr. J. Douglas, who was succeeded in 1845, by J. McDonald,
and he again in 1849, by Mr. Striker, who removed it to Cobourg in
1853. The following year Dr. Gillespie and R. Boyle commenced the
Picton Times, which still continues to be published by Mr. Boyle.
The North American removed from Newburgh in 1861, published by
McMullen Brothers. The New Nation succeeded it in 1865.
The Anglo Canadian was established in Belleville in February,
1831. It was “printed and published by Alexander T. W. Williamson,
Editor, and W. A. Welles. Printed at four dollars per annum, payable
in advance.” A copy of this paper is before us, and is very respectable
as to size and quality, and is readable. This was the
first journal published in Belleville. The Phœnix arose from the ashes
of the Anglo-Canadian. It was first issued in the early part of July,
1831, “published every Tuesday by T. Slicer, Editor and Proprietor,
at his office, Water Street, Belleville, U. C., 20s. per annum—if
sent by mail, 22s. 6d., payable half-yearly.” A few copies before us
resemble, in appearance, its predecessor, the Anglo-Canadian. In
one of the early copies is a prospectus of the Canadian Wesleyan, the
subscribers to the announcement are “H. Ryan,” and “J. Jackson,”
dated Hamilton, August, 1831.—(See first clergyman, H. Ryan).
The last number of the Phœnix issued July 3, 1832, and which
was “published by William A. Welles, for the Proprietors,” says,
“As the present number completes the year, it is intended to give
the paper a new name; which, though less classical, may be considered
more appropriate.” The name selected was the “Hastings
Times,” No. 17, of the Times now before us, was published by Rollin
C. Benedict, every Saturday.
“The Reformer” of Cobourg, published every Friday, J. Radcliff,
Editor, was first issued, June, 1832.
360“The Intelligencer, of Belleville,” was founded by George Benjamin,
in September, 1834, who continued its editor until 1848, when
McKenzie Bowell, Esq., now M. P., succeeded him, who remains the
proprietor. Mr. Benjamin was an Englishman, born 1799, and died
1864. He was a gentleman of more than ordinary ability, a consistent
politician, and a true friend. He held the highest municipal
offices, and was Member of Parliament from 1856 to 1863. He had
talent to adorn any position.
The Victoria Chronicle was founded in 1841, by S. M. Washburn
and Sutton, who had removed from Brockville. Sutton remained
partner for two years. In 1849 the establishment was purchased
from Washburn by E. Miles, Esq., who, with T. R. Mason, Esq., continues
proprietor. The name was changed many years ago from
Victoria to Hastings Chronicle.
A Magazine of cheap miscellany was issued monthly, by Seth
Washburn, &c., Belleville, 1847 & 8.
Playter, writing of the year 1824, says, “books, periodicals, and
newspapers were scantily supplied to, and not much desired by the
people as yet, the country was not old enough to give much encouragement
and support to literature. Still, in the Methodist connection,
the Magazine, (Methodist) was tolerably well circulated, no less
than seventy subscribers were among the friends on the Bay of Quinté
circuit at once. Newspapers were on the increase; nineteen were
now published in Canada, and six of them twice a week. Quebec
printed four, (of which one was French); Stanstead one, Brockville
one, Kingston two, York two, Niagara one, Queenston one.”
The Colonial Advocate was issued in the latter part of 1824, by
William Lyon McKenzie.
We have a copy of the Upper Canada Herald before us, dated June
27, 1832, vol. xiv. which gives us the period at which it was started.
Barker’s Canadian Magazine, published at Kingston, by Edward
John Barker, M. D., commenced May, 1846.
——The Victoria Magazine, a monthly periodical, was issued first in
September, 1841, by Joseph Wilson, of Belleville, formerly of the
Hallowell Free Press. Like many a one subsequently commenced,
the Magazine had but a brief existence. It continued just one year.
The editors were Sheriff Moodie, and his accomplished wife,
whose writings have gained for her a European reputation
of no ordinary standing. Mrs. Moodie may be regarded as the
pioneer of Canadian literature, and, as a long standing inhabitant
of the Bay, she claims a brief notice in these pages, to give which
361affords the writer but a meagre opportunity to express his own
high estimation of, and gratitude to a personal friend, whose kind
words of encouragement has so frequently been a stimulus to action,
when his energies flagged in this undertaking.
Morgan, in his Bibliotheca Canadensis, a most useful compilation,
says: Mrs. Moodie is “well known in Canada and Great Britain
for her works, and as an extensive contributor to the periodical
literature of both countries. Born at Bungay, County of Suffolk,
England, sixth December, 1803. She is a member of the talented
Strickland family, of Beydon Hall, in the above County; four of
her sisters, Elizabeth, Agnes, (the best known), Jane, and Mrs.
Trail, have each contributed to the literature of the day.
Both Mrs. Moodie and her sisters were educated by their father,
who is represented to have been a gentleman of education, refined
taste, and some wealth. Mrs. M. was only in her thirteenth year,
when her father died. As early as her fifteenth year, she began to
write for the press generally, for annuals and for periodicals, contributing
short poems and tales for children. About 1820, she
produced her first work of any pretension—a juvenile tale, which
was well received by the public and the press. In the following
year she married Mr. Moodie, a half-pay officer from the 21st
Fusileers, and, in 1832, emigrated with her husband, to Canada.
They bought a farm near Port Hope, which, however, they only
held for a short time, removing to the back woods, ten miles north
of Peterborough, where they settled. There they remained for a
period of eight years, experiencing all the trials, mishaps and
troubles incident to early settlers, and which are so graphically
narrated and depicted by Mrs. M. in her “Roughing it in the Bush.” In
1839, Mr. Moodie was appointed Sheriff of Hastings, (an office from
which he retired a few years since,) and, with his wife, took up his
residence at Belleville, where they have since lived. During the
existence of the Literary Garland, (Montreal), Mrs. M. was the
principal contributor of fiction to its pages. For some years she
edited the Victoria Magazine, (Belleville). Her contributions to
these and other annuals, magazines, and newspapers, would fill
many volumes.”
The work for which Mrs. Moodie became more especially
famous, was “Roughing it in the Bush;” but other volumes are exceedingly
interesting, as “Flora Lindsay,” “Mark Hurdlestone,” “Geoffry
Moreton,” or the “Faithless Guardian,” and “Life in the Clearings.”
“John Wedderburn Dunbar Moodie, formerly Lieutenant in
362the 21st Reg. of Fusileers,” saw action in Holland, where he was
wounded; he was a writer for the United Service Journal, Literary
Garland, (Montreal), and author of “Ten Years in Africa,” and “Scenes
and Adventures as a Soldier and Settler, during half a Century.”
The Victoria Magazine was succeeded by the Eclectic Magazine,
Joseph Wilson being Editor and Proprietor. This monthly was
also continued only one year. Mr. Wilson now commenced a “family
paper called Wilson’s Experiment,” and soon after, in connection with
it, Wilson’s Canada Casket. These were issued alternately every
two weeks, and were continued for two years. They had a large
circulation, as Mr. Wilson avers, at the last about 6,000. The
subscribers were not only in Canada, but in the Lower Provinces.
The journals were discontinued, not because they did not pay; but
in consequence of embarrassment from other causes.
The Bee was the first newspaper published in Napanee, in 1851,
by the Rev. G. D. Greenleaf, Editor and Proprietor. It was a small
sheet, and semi-political, at one dollar per year. It was printed on
a press of the owner’s own construction, and continued two years,
when it was succeeded by the Emporium, published by the
same person, at the same office. It was somewhat larger than
the Bee, and was two dollars a year. Its existence extended but
little over a year.
The Standard was the third journal established at Napanee,
1853, by a joint-stock company. It was in the interest of the Conservatives.
Its first editor was Dr. McLean, formerly of Kingston.
Subsequently, the paper came under the management of Alexander
Campbell, Esq., and continued for a few years. It then passed into
the hands of Mr. A. Henry. It is still published by Henry and
Brother.
The next paper, after the Standard, to be issued was the
Reformer, by Carman and Dunham. There have subsequently been
published the North American, The Ledger, and the Weekly Express.
Besides the above, there was published, in 1854, continuing for
two years, The Christian Casket, by E. A Dunham.
Trenton first possessed a newspaper in 1854. It was published
and edited by Alexander Begg, and its name was the Trenton Advocate.
The first number was issued March 4, 1854. About a
year, afterward, the paper changed owners, and took the name of
British Ensign. It was continued about two years longer.
We have before us several copies of The Canadian Gem and
Family Visitor, published at Cobourg; and edited by Joseph H.
363Leonard, 1848. It is very readable, and exhibits no little enterprise.
Also, we have The Maple Leaf; published at Montreal by
R. W. Loy, 1853. Mr. Loy died not long after its issue. This also
contains many interesting articles of a local and general nature.
In 1853, 158 papers are mentioned in the Canada Directory, of
which, 114 are issued in Upper Canada. At the present time the
number has much increased. Respecting the newspapers of Canada,
Mr. Buckingham, who visited Canada in 1840, says that they are
generally superior to those of the Provincial towns of the United
States.
The following cannot fail to be of interest:
A Boston paper says, “Died—In the early part of the year
1813, Wm. Berczy, Esq., aged 68; a distinguished inhabitant of the
Province of Upper Canada, and highly respected for his literary
acquirements. In the decease of this gentleman, society must
sustain an irreparable loss, and the republic of letters will have
cause to mourn the death of a man, eminent for genius and talent.”
Canadian Idioms.—The loyalist settlers of Upper Canada were
mainly of American birth, and those speaking English, differed in no
respect in their mode of speech from those who remained in the States.
Even to this day there is some resemblance between native Upper
Canadians and the Americans of the Midland States; though there is
not, to any extent, a likeness to the Yankee of, the New England
States. While the Yankee, and to some extent, the whole of the
American people have steadily diverged from the pure English,
both with respect to accent and idiom, as well as in the meaning
attached to certain words; in Canada this tendency has been
arrested by the presence of English gentlemen, often half-pay
officers, and their families, by the officers of the Army and Navy,
and as well by the school teachers, high and low, which were often
from the old country. The accent of Canadians, and their idioms
to-day, are to a certain extent peculiar, sui generis, which peculiarity
is constantly increasing, even as the British American is assuming
in appearance a distinct characteristic. Taking all classes of Canadians,
it may be said that for a people far removed from the source
of pure English, that is the Court, they have a very correct mode
of speaking, the criticisms of English travelers to the contrary,
notwithstanding. As education becomes more diffused among the
masses there will ensue a very decided improvement in the mode
of speaking among Canadians. Listening to the children at any
school, composed of the children of Englishmen, Scotchmen, Irishmen,
364Americans, and even of Germans, it is impossible to detect
any marked difference in their accent, or way of expressing themselves.
Superstition.—Although a few of the settlers had books to
read, many had none. And as there were no school teachers very
many children grew up without being able to read, or at most very
little, and entirely unable to write, unless it might be their name.
The writer has been struck with the difference between the composition
and penmanship of many of the settlers and that of their immediate
children, the former being good, the latter bad; while the parent
could write a bold signature, and express himself in writing a letter,
intelligibly, the offspring either could do nothing of the kind, or else
made a very poor attempt. The result of this was, that the mind,
starved for want of mental food of a wholesome nature, did not
become inactive, but sought other kinds of pabulum. They derived
a certain amount of information from the legendary tales told and
retold of former days of happiness and plenty. Excluded from the
world of literature, and secluded in a forest of eternal silence,
except the tones uttered by the voice of nature, sometimes whispering
in the gentle murmurs of the sighing wind, and sometimes
thundering forth in the loudest voice,—shut up with nature they
listened to her words, and not educated to understand her meaning,
they undertook to interpret her speech, and oftentimes superstition
of the deepest kind took possession of their minds. This prevailed
perhaps more especially among the Dutch. Belief in ghosts, or
“spooks” was a common thing, and before the bright and flickering
light of many a hearth fire, during the winter nights, were
told “stories” which lost nothing in their relating. And along
the Bay were many old houses, once the homes of the settler
which it was declared, was occasionally visited by the spirit of the
builder, who returned to discharge some duty which rested heavily
upon him in the spirit world, or who desired to reveal the place of
concealment of some hoarded gold which had been so safely buried
in some cranny nook.
A company of neighbours spending the evening would take
their turn in telling of what they had seen or dreamed, or heard
told; and at last when the bright sparkling fire had sunk into subdued
embers, the consciousness of having to go home through the
woods, or past a grave yard, would arouse the talkers. Shuddering
at the thought, with imagination heightened by the conversation,
they would set out on their path. It was at such times that
365the spirit of some recently departed one would be seen hovering
over the grave, or floating away at the approach of footsteps. Strange
voices came from the midst of the darkness, and unnatural lights
flashed in the eyes of the midnight traveler. Should no sound or
sight present themselves on the way, there was still a chance to experience
much in dreams, when revelations of the gravest import
would be made, which only had to be repeated three nights in succession
to obtain the status of absolute certainty.
The traditions and recitals made known to the children were
sometimes, not alone exaggerated, but untrue. The old soldier, or
loyalist in his great hatred to the rebels, would sometimes unduly
blacken the character of the fathers of the American Republic;
for instance, the writer has heard it several times, told as a
fact, that Washington was the illegitimate son of King George.
By some means a belief obtained, that at a place called Devil’s
Hill, at the Indian Woods, was concealed in the earth, a quantity of
money, and parties used to actually go and dig for it. There was
a huge rock here which was supposed to cover the precious metal,
and a “bee” was formed, on one occasion to overturn it, but they
found nothing to reward them for their pains.
DIVISION VII. THE TERRITORY OF UPPER CANADA—THE BAY QUINTÉ. — CHAPTER XLII. — CHAMPLAIN’S DISCOVERY OF THE BAY QUINTÉ, AND LAKE ONTARIO. — PRE-HISTORIC CANADA. — THE ABORIGINES OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER XLIII. — THE NAME OF BAY QUINTÉ—THE ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS OF UPPER CANADA IN 1783. — CHAPTER XLIV. — BAY QUINTÉ CONTINUED—ITS APPEARANCE. — CHAPTER XLV. — THE SEVERAL BAYS. — CHAPTER XLVa. — THE ISLANDS OF BAY QUINTÉ. — THE CARRYING PLACE.
366
Contents—The Indians—Their origin—Pre-historic Canada—Indian relics—Original
inhabitants—Les Iroquois du nord—Original names—Peninsula of
Upper Canada—Champlain exploring—Ascends the Ottawa—His route to
Lake Nippissing—To Lake Huron—French River—The country—Georgian
Bay—Lake Simcoe—Down the Trent—A grand trip—Bay Quinté, and Lake
Ontario discovered—War demonstration—Wintering at the Bay—A contrast—Roundabout
way—Erroneous impressions.
In this work but brief reference can be made to the general
history of the Indians. Perhaps it is hardly necessary to explain
that the term Indian, applied to the aborigines of America, took its
origin from the fact, that when the New World was discovered it
was supposed to be a part of the Indias (East Indias), the riches of
which had led the intrepid navigator to seek a more direct route
thereto. And consequently the natives were called Indians.
It does not lie within the scope of this work to speak of the
several theories which have been given with respect to the origin
of the natives, nor to advance any particular view. It is sufficient
to remark that the character of the various tribes, their features,
their traditions, and customs, all indicate most unmistakably that
Asia was the original birthplace of the aborigines of America. Of
course, reference is made only to those Indians whose representatives
occupied the continent when discovered by Columbus, and not
to those who had in some long past day held possession, who have
left here and there indications of their rude character, and primitive
mode of life, and who were swept away by the more powerful
and warlike invaders—the predecessors of the aborigines of whom
we now write.
In our researches we have collected a good many Indian relics,
of the origin of which we have no record, and can only guess,
while science strives to explain. We offer no views of our own, but
give the following upon
367
From the Manchester Guardian. “At a meeting of the Manchester
Anthropological society, on Monday, Mr. Plant made a communication
upon some curious relics which he exhibited, of a race of pre-historic
men, for which he was indebted to Mr. J. S. Wilson, of
Perrytown, Canada West. These objects were obtained from the
soil of the lands which have been cleared of the forests and
brought into cultivation. It is only in the spring, when the snow
has disappeared, that these objects are found, the winter snow acting
like a riddle to the soil, and bringing to the surface the pebbles
and broken pieces of pottery, flint, weapons, &c. The most interesting
features connected with these relics is, that the localities
where they are so frequently found are situated on the high level
ground of ancient terraces, or beach lines, which may be traced at
about 600 ft. above the sea level, all around the great Canadian
lakes, or, in fact, all around the high lands of the River St. Lawrence
basin. There are three terraces at descending levels to the
present shores of the great lakes. The highest terrace is the most
ancient, and the evidences connected with this terrace all seem to
point to the conclusion that it belongs to an age very remote, when
the area now occupied by the great fresh-water lakes was filled by
an inland bay, connected by a wide strait with the Atlantic, and
was subject to the action of glacier ice from the land, as well as
flows of icebergs from the current flowing from the north-east. The
high terraces are, therefore, of marine origin, and the pre-historic
objects found in them are indicative of a race of men whose habits
were consistent with the physical features of the land and sea; a
race of hardy fishers, living upon the whale, the walrus, the shark,
and marine sources of food, together with the reindeer and Arctic
animals. Since this remote time, the whole of the land about the
lakes has risen from 600 to 1,000 feet above the sea, slowly and
evenly through a great length of time, pausing twice sufficiently
long to form two lower terraces; and at present is forming a
fourth on the shore lines of the lakes. The pre-historic objects
consist of great quantities of earthenware of rude make, quartz
arrow heads, black stone adzes and hatchets, sharp splinters of bone
worked to a point, teeth drilled and bone needles, and bowls and
stems of smoking pipes about six inches long. These last are
singular and most interesting objects, and are solely confined to the
North American continent, proving that the habit of smoking some
368narcotic plant has been indulged in by mankind from the most
remote ages to which the geologist assigns the relics of pre-historic
man, the age which immediately succeeded the glacial period.”
All around the bay, as well as in other parts of Canada, may be
found here and there indications of an extinct people whose sepulchral
remains can be traced. Along the western portion particularly,
are faint traces of mounds or tumuli which have been found
to contain not only human remains; but objects of curiosity. For
a more particular account of these the reader is referred to an interesting
paper in the Canadian Journal for September 1860, by T. C.
Wallbridge, Esq., of Belleville.
“Dark as the frost-nipped leaves that strew the ground,
The Indian hunter here his shelter found;
Here cut his bow, and shaped his arrows true,
Here built his wigwam and his bark canoe,
Speared the quick salmon leaping up the fall,
And slew the deer without the rifle ball;
Here his young squaw her cradling tree would choose,
Singing her chant to hush her swart pappoose;
Here stain her quills, and string her trinkets rude,
And weave her warrior’s wampum in the wood.
Brainard.”
For many long years, perhaps centuries, before the white man
saw the pleasant shores of the Bay, the Indian war-whoop was often
heard, and the war dance performed along its borders. We know
but little of those primal days. We cannot estimate the cruelties
of barbaric warfare, natural to the aborigines, which have been
enacted. We cannot count up the number of Indian braves who
have moved upon its wood-begirded waters, as conquerors, or as
captives, nor the woman and children carried away from their
kindred—nor yet the total of the bleeding scalps which have hung
at the girdle of the returning warriors, as they pursued the devious
trail.
Early French travelers, generally Jesuits, have marked
roughly the territory, which embraces in its area, the land extending
from the Ottawa westward to Lake Huron, and from the St.
Lawrence and Lake Ontario, northward to the French River, and
Lake Nippissing. This was named the country of Les Iroquois du
Nord, and, according to a map in the Imperial French Library, the
land north of Bay Quinté, was called in 1656, Tout-hatar, and the
land west to Lake Huron, was named Conchradum. There were,
at the same time indicated at the eastern borders, the “antient
369Hurons” and the “Outtawas” at the west, occupying the peninsula
of Upper Canada, the Neutre Nation de truite, and at the mouth of
the French river, Mississagues. It would seem at first, that the inhabitants
were a branch of the Iroquois, or Six Nation Indians.
But it may be that they had given to them the name Iroquois from
their peculiar mode of expression, like the Indian to the south of
the lake;—although not immediately connected. According to a
map, examined by the writer, in the Imperial library at Paris, all
the land between the Ottawa and Lake Huron was the Algonquins.
A map by Champlain calls the land north of the Bay Quinté, Lien
force cerfs. The northern Iroquois was divided into several tribes,
each of which had a distinct name, and lived in considerable communities,
here and there. The old maps are marked with sites of
Indian villages, where, no doubt, they lived a greater portion of
their time; probably the families remained most of the time, and
also the males, except when away up the rivers to the north, upon
hunting expeditions. Among these tribes and villages was the
Kentes. Their village was situated at the east of Hay Bay, according
to some maps; according to others, it was placed upon the south
shore of Prince Edward, west of West Lake. Another tribe mentioned
is Gaungouts. And along the north shore of the Mohawk
Bay near Napanee, is marked an Indian village called Gaunaroute.
Upon another map the village here is called Gameydocs. Just above
the Carrying Place, near the harbour of Presqu Isle, is another
village called Ganaroske, and a second one designated Gonetoust.
Some of the maps here alluded to, bear date as late as 1703, while
others are much earlier.
The waters of the bay and the lake adjacent, were looked upon
as valuable for fishing, and the land as abundant in game. McMullen,
in his History of Canada, speaks thus of the bay region. Referring
to the year 1692, he states, “the Aborigines and French ravaged the
frontiers of Massachusetts, and revenged upon its helpless borderers
the injuries suffered by the Canadians; detachments of troops swept
the favorite hunting grounds of the Iroquois along the beautiful Bay
of Quinté; and an expedition from Montreal did considerable injury
to the Mohawks in their own country.”
The peninsula of Upper Canada was called, in 1686, Saquinan—(Paris
documents). The “Neutre Nation” was exterminated by
the Iroquois prior to 1650.
It is an interesting fact that Champlain arrived at Lake
Ontario, or “fresh water sea,” as he called it, being the first European
370to gaze upon its broad blue waters, by the way of the Bay of
Quintè. This was in 1615. Prior to that he had penetrated by
way of Sorel river, and the lake which has been named after him,
and explored some part of the territory to the south of Ontario lake;
but probably was not north of the Mohigan mountains, at least he
did not then discover Lake Ontario. His principal object at
this time was to create terror of the French arms, on behalf of the
Six Nation Indians.
It was after a return from France, with a commission granting
him extensive powers in the peltry traffic, that Champlain, with the
view of protecting that trade, erected a fort on the site of Montreal.
This done he directed his attention to the country lying unexplored
to the north. Aware of Hudson’s discovery in the north, of the
bay now bearing his name, he was led to hope that by following
the river Ottawa, of which the Hurons gave him some information,
to its upper waters, he would be brought into close proximity
if not actually to the bay, explored by Hudson. He accordingly
set out accompanied by one or more of the four Recollet missionaries
he had brought with him from France, and a considerable
force of Hurons, with the view of ascending the Ottawa to its
source. How far he penetrated into that rugged region, or how
long a time he expended, does not appear. But it would seem that
failing in his attempted discovery, he retraced his steps down the
Upper Ottawa, until he reached the mouth of the Mattawan river,
which empties into the Ottawa, and rises in the high lands to the
west, approaching Lake Nippissing. As nearly as can be learned,
Champlain was here joined by more warriors, who persuaded him
to follow them and assist in a proposed attack upon the
Iroquois nation to the south of Lake Ontario. His course was up
the Mattawan river, through la petite rivière to lac du Toulon.
Thence across to Trout Lake, Upper Trout Lake, and traversing
the high lands, from which the waters flow in opposite directions;
some into the valley of the Ottawa, and others towards the west,
he descended the river La Vase into Lake Nippissing. Crossing
this lake, he descended the French river into the Georgian Bay.
In passing it may be observed that all the names, some of which
are in French, and some in English, have a special meaning, and were
applied, at least some of them, by the Indians. The Ottawa is so
called not from the fact that the territory through which it runs was
the home of the Ottawa tribe, but, because it was by its waters
that they came to visit the French. The Ottawa river, that is, the
river by which the Ottawas came. On the other hand the French
371river, which discharges into the Georgian Bay, was so called by
the Indians, because it was the river by which the French came
to their western domain. The length of French river is about 61
miles, and is a chain of lakes, connected by short rapids. Lake
Nippissing is 69 feet above Lake Huron.
It is now 253 years since this voyage of discovery was made
by Champlain, guided by the Indians. The appearance then presented
to the intrepid navigator must have been exceedingly wild
and beautiful, as he passed along the unknown way. Now swiftly
gliding in the birch canoe upon the glassy waters of a lake, now
dancing down the rapids, among rugged rocks, and green-clad islands;
and anon, threading the devious path of a portage, beneath the lofty
arches of the wilderness, making the first European footprints upon
the virgin soil.
Deputy Surveyor-General Collins, writing to Lord Dorchester,
by his command, in 1788, speaking of the French river says: “The
entrance is composed of a considerable number of small islands
and channels,” the westernmost is the best navigable—about 250
feet wide, and has from two to three fathoms depth of water. It is
narrower a little way up, and at about half a league from the entrance
becomes exceedingly intricate, on account of the small
islands and channels, which are here so numerous in every direction,
and so much resembling each other in appearance, as to make it
extremely difficult without a guide to find the true navigable channel,
which, although deep in some places, is so narrow there is scarce room
for two canoes to pass each other. The bank in these situations, is a
steep rock, almost perpendicular, and there are very strong currents
or rapids. The term Souters, sometimes given to the Missisauga
Indians by the French, means to jump up and down, in reference to
their living upon this river, and being expert in navigating its channels.
“The country adjoining to, and near this, (river) is a rocky desert,
nothing growing but small scrubby bushes and pine trees not thirty
feet high—the same dreary prospect continues, I am informed, all the
way up to Lake Nippissing, which is recorded twenty-five leagues.”
He states that the coast from the mouth of the river eastward is
dangerous, for even canoes, although they may find shelter among the
islands which lie along most of the coast. It is equally rocky and
barren. Such was the nature of the way by which Champlain was
led.
He now directed his course southward along the wild and irregular
shore of the Georgian Bay, through the myriad islands that
372give beauty to that coast. Arrived at the mouth of the Severn river,
he ascended that devious stream, and entered Sparrow Lake. Thence
he crossed to Lake Couchiching, which, at its southern extremity
approaches to Lake Simcoe. Crossing the portage to this Lake, he
ascended the River Talbot, in a north-east direction, and by frequent
portages reached Balsam Lake. Then, through Cameron Lake, past
Fenelon Falls, and into Sturgeon Lake. So on, by Pigeon Lake,
Buck Hare Lake, Deer Lake, into Salmon Trout Lake. Turning
south, by Clear Lake, he descended the Otanabee, or Pamoduscoteong,
past the present site of Peterborough, and entered Rice Lake. Again
turning east, he entered the head waters of the River Trent. Around
by Heely’s Falls, down by Campbellford, then, by Chisholm’s Rapids,
he arrived at the head of the Bay of Quinté, sometime in July, 1615.
Champlain took this route from the Ottawa, which had long
before been traveled by the Indians, at the request of the Indian
warriors who accompanied him, to make an attack upon their bitter
enemy the Iroquois.
At the present day it would be a grand trip to make, by the
way pursued by Champlain, when he visited the Bay region. But
how wonderfully magnificent must it all have been to the bold, but
educated French explorer of the primeval forest.
Champlain crossed the Lake to a point not far from Oswego.
Whether he passed through the upper, or lower gap to the opposite
side of the Lake, and coasted the south shore; or whether he ascended
Picton Bay and crossed the Indian Carrying-place to East Lake, and
thence into Ontario, may be questioned. But in order to make an
unexpected attack upon the enemy, he had need to conceal his
advance; hence it is reasonable to suppose he would take the nearer
route by Picton Bay, although it would involve the crossing of the
portage. This could scarcely be regarded as a serious difficulty, as
he had already passed many in the devious route by the Ottawa.
Strange enough, that a European should discover Lake Ontario
by entering the head waters of the Trent River, and sailing
through the Bay of Quinté. Strange enough that a warlike demonstration
should be made by this route, against a foe living upon the
south shore of the Lake.
Champlain, notwithstanding his caution, found his Indian foes
prepared to receive him, having well entrenched themselves, and he
suffered a serious defeat, being glad to secure a safe retreat in the
Bay of Quinté region, probably Prince Edward, after having himself
received two wounds.
373Failing in his efforts to obtain a guide to conduct him down
the St. Lawrence, to his fort at Montreal, Champlain was compelled
to spend the winter months, which were by this time approaching, in
the vicinity of the Bay of Quinté. Probably six or nine months were
passed by him upon the northern shores. He did not remain all the
time at the Bay, as it is stated he visited the neighbouring Indian
nations, especially the neutral nation which occupied the peninsula
between Lakes Erie and Huron, and the head of Ontario. We can
readily imagine the wide difference between a long winter thus spent
in 1615–16, mid the wild scenes of aboriginal life by the ice-locked
waters, and one spent in this latter part of the 19th century, with
the highly cultivated land, and advanced civilization. Then, the trees
of the forest, in one unbroken denseness, was the sole home of the
savage, and wild beast, and waved in solemn mournfulness over the
wintry landscape; while few other than nature’s sounds disturbed the
stillness of the wilderness. Now, the dark forest has disappeared and
human habitations of comfort and luxury thickly stud the land. The
wild beasts, as well as the original owners of the territory, have
almost disappeared. The snow of the ice-covered bays and streams
no longer remain unbroken by human foot. Sleigh roads thickly
intersect the surface, and joyous shouts of the skater break upon the
light pure air, while the gingle of sleigh bells indicate the overflowing
stream of travelers. The strings of telegraphs sigh in the wind,
instead of the tall trees’ bough. The iron horse snorts along through
the snow hills, instead of the beast from his lair. Towns and cities
rest in peaceful security, where there were thick jungles of cedar and
furs.
It was by this roundabout way that the Bay of Quinté was discovered;
and it was fifty years later when DeCourcelles, pursuing
the Iroquois from the Lower St. Lawrence ascended for the first time
the river, direct from Montreal to Lake Ontario. But during this
time missionaries had been at work among the Indians, upon the
northern shores of the Lake—(See early Missionaries).
The impressions made upon the minds of these first explorers,
respecting the Bay, seem to have been very erroneous; at least they
have left maps not only rude, but incorrect. Thus, we find upon an
old map intended to represent Lake Ontario and the Bay, with the
country north of the Lake, the Bay is made to extend northward, at
right angles with the Lake, for some distance, and then, turning westward
somewhat, its extremity is brought very near to another bay,
which empties into Georgian Bay.
374
Contents—Name—Letter, Daily News—“Omega” Lines—The writer—Conjectures—Five
Bays—Indian origin—Kentes—Villages—Les Couis—Modes of
spelling—Canty—The occupants, 1783—Mississaugas—Origin—With the
Iroquois—The Souter—Mississaugas, dark—At Kingston—Bay Quinté—Land
bought—Reserves—Claim upon the islands—Wappoose Island—Indian
agent—Indians hunting—Up the Sagonaska—Making sugar—Peaceable—To
Kingston for presents.
There appeared in the “Daily News” of Kingston, October 20,
1856, the following letter and verses:
“Sir,—I send you a few lines in connection with what I believe
to be an historical fact, though not generally known, even in the
vicinity of the bay. When the French first took possession of
Canada, or shortly after, they established posts at Frontenac,
Niagara and Detroit.
In the fall following their establishment, the men under Col.
Quinté, who commanded at Niagara, were driven out by the Indians,
and pursued and harassed several days, when following the lake
shore to the west of the bay, they took the south shore of the bay
and got to the reach. The snow was falling and ice making on
the bay, without sufficient strength to carry them; when, nearly
starved and exhausted, they started back two or three miles to what
is known as Stickney’s Hill, where (an extremely cold night coming
on) they nearly all perished, including Quinté himself. Only
two of the party (the ice having become strong) reached Frontenac.
Hence the name of the bay.”—(Signed,)—“Omega.”
This note was accompanied with the following lines:
QUINTÉ.
On the Bay of Quinté gliding,
O’er its smooth and tranquil breast,
Whilst the sun is fast declining
To its waters in the west;
“And the gorgeous leaves of autumn,
In their varied gold and green,
Adds fresh glory to such beauty
As the eye hath seldom seen.
375Yet this Bay had once its terrors,
Ere the red men were subdued,
And the scene that’s now so lovely,
Was terrific, wild and rude,
When the gallant Quinté flying
From the savage of the west,
On the cheerless hills lay dying,
With fierce cold and hunger pressed:
And his bones were left unburied,
But his name won’t pass away,
While there’s beauty on thy hill-side,
Or thy waters gently play.”
“Steamer Bay of Quinté.”
Mr. T. C. Wallbridge, to whom we are indebted for the foregoing,
informs us that upon the day this was written, a learned
judge (Robinson) now dead, was a passenger from Belleville to
Kingston, and the inference was that he penned the lines, which
must have been based upon what he considered facts. The same
tradition has been received also, from other sources, and many
living upon the bay, regard it as true. But it becomes our duty
to question the matter. In the first place unfortunately, for the
plausibility of the statement, the name of no such French officer
can be found.
The nearest approach to the name of Quinté, held by any
Frenchman known, was that of Prince de Conti. This person was
a particular friend of Cavalier de la Salle, to whom was ceded the
Seignory of Cataraqui. “Chevalier de Tonti, went with him, proposing
to share his fortunes,” in western explorations. Now La
Salle, named one of the islands near Cataraqui, (Amherst,) after
this officer, and even yet may be found living, persons who call
that island, “Isle Tanta.” Well, it might reasonably be supposed
that La Salle would wish to do honor to his friend the Prince
de Conti, and therefore named the bay after him. From Conti, it
might gradually change to Canta, or Quinté. Now, however
probable this may seem, it cannot be regarded as the origin of the
name.
Again, it has been supposed to be derived from the Latin
Quintanus, or Quinta,—the fifth place,—having reference to five
bays, namely, the Lower Bay, Picton Bay, Hay Bay, the Reach,
and Upper Bay; or, as some aver, it refers to five Indian stations,
formerly existing in the vicinity of the bay. But, however much
may be advanced in support of the plausibility of these theories, we
think a more certain origin is perfectly intelligible.
The word Quinté, as at present spelled and pronounced, when
376rightly done, is undoubtedly a French one, being one of the few
remaining memorials of French possession; but its origin can be
distinctly traced to an Indian source.
We have seen elsewhere that the country lying north of Lake
Ontario was called the “Country of the Northern Iroquois.” To
the south of the lake was the Iroquois country proper. Among
the several nations which composed the Iroquois Confederation, was
the Seneques, or commonly called Seneca. Wentworth Greenhalgh
in the “London Documents,” writing of a journey in May, 1677,
from Albany to the Indians, westward, says “the Seneques have
four towns, viz: Canagora, Tiotohalton, Canoenada,” (how like
Canada), “and Keint-he—which contained about 24 houses, and
was well furnished with corn.” In connection with this
we find a statement made in the documentary History
of New York, that some of the tribes belonging to the
Iroquois proper, separated from them, and removed to the
north of the lake. Now the Indian term, “Keint-he,” be it
remembered, was written by an English explorer, and of course was
spelled in accordance with the pronunciations of the Indians.
Every one knows that the letters of the alphabet have a
different sound in the French language. If therefore, a French
writer were to write the English term Keint-he, it is not unlikely
he would spell it Kanta or Kente. Examining the old French
maps, made by some of the early travelers through Canada, but
bearing date subsequent to 1677, we find marked with distinctness,
an Indian village, sometimes in one place, sometimes another,
by the name of Kente. This may be seen on quite a number of
different maps, which we have examined in various libraries in
Canada, and in the Imperial Library in Paris. It is not always
spelled Kente, sometimes it is Kante, and upon one it is Kenti, and
upon a map in the Imperial Library, Paris, it is Kento. This
Indian village has its location upon most of the maps, at the eastern
extremity of Hay Bay; but upon a few it is placed at the south
shore of the peninsula of Prince Edward; upon one map it is put
at South Bay; while in another Wappoose island, is called Isle de
Quinté. Hence it is inferred, that a branch of the Seneca tribe
separated from the main body, and removed to the north of the
lake, and settled probably first at South Bay, and afterward, or at
certain seasons visited at Hay Bay, to which, in time they gave their
name—that of Kente, according to the pronunciation of the French.
It was an easy matter to convert Kente into Quinté. In other
377words, we find that K and Qu are used indifferently among early
writers of New France; for instance, Quebec is spelled by early
writers, Kebec. The origin of the word Quinté seems to be in
this way perfectly clear.
The Indian village of Kente was situated at the eastern extremity
of Hay Bay, and it seems plain that this was regarded as
the head of the bay by the French, and the waters leading to the
village, was designated the Bay Kente, or the Bay to the Kentes.
The waters above the entrance to Hay Bay were looked upon rather
as the mouth of the River Trent; and as quite another bay, to
which was given a different name. This was a water way from
Lake Ontario to Lake Huron. Travelers passing along would at
times receive imperfect ideas respecting the names of the several
bays and lakes. Again, the early French explorers, and the Jesuits,
in their maps would frequently give the names, derived from the
Indians, in Latin, while later French travelers gave the names in
French. The consequence was that several different names were
at times bestowed upon the waters stretching between Lakes Huron
and Ontario.
One of the old French maps, and perhaps, it may have been prepared
before the Kentes had settled upon its shores, gives to the
bay the name “Bayedes Couis,” while several islands between the
south shore of Lake Ontario, and the north, are called “au des
Couis,” as if indicating a line of travel. There is one larger island,
called Les Couis.
The waters west of the Long Reach are, in several maps which
have been examined, named Lac St. Lion, and Lionel. But whether
this name was limited to the uppers waters of the bay, or applied
to the Trent, with Rice Lake, is doubtful, inasmuch as the maps
represent the River Trent as being very wide and seemingly navigable
up to almost the river’s source. Again, the name of Quinto
and Quintio are found upon a few maps, and are applied to Rice
Lake. A map in the Imperial library, dated 1777, gives to
Rice Lake, Quinto, and close by is the village of Tonnaonto; and
the Bay Quinté proper, is called Lake Tento. Another map names
it Kentsio. There is also a map which gives to Simcoe Lake, the
name of Œntarion Lake, instead of Lake Taronto. From these varieties
of names, we discover an indistinct connection between the
words Kente and Toronto. Their origin and meaning it is impossible
to trace. Perhaps they were names used only for a short time. It
is worthy of remark, that upon an ancient map examined in the
Imperial library, we find Lake Erie called Lac. Conty.
378The word Quinté is in one or two places spelled Quintee, and also
Quintie. The most common mode of pronunciation was that used by
the loyalists. They spelled it generally Canty, or Kenty. Such they
heard it called by the French and Indians when they came here;
and, unacquainted with the French mode of spelling, they naturally
rendered it according to the English idea; and we have found it in
letters written, by the first settlers, mostly always spelled “Canty,”
or “Cante,” and occasionally “Canta.” The last of these approaches
the nearest to the correct way of pronouncing the name; and it is
a cause for regret that some years ago there arose the belief that
it ought to be called “Quinty.” We would request the inhabitants
of the bay, to return to the old fashioned, and correct pronunciation.
The settlement upon the bay was sometimes identified with
Cataraqui; being known by the refugees, as well as by those who
stayed in the States, only by that name. Indeed, it may be said
that all of Upper Canada was, for a few years, designated by that
name; the settlements at Detroit and upon the Niagara, contiguous
to the fort, being regarded as merely military stations. For many
years the name Canada, was limited to the lower Provinces. After
a few years the settlement along the bay came to be generally
called, both by the settlers, and those who knew them abroad as
that of the Bay “Canty.” The writer has in his possession a letter
dated from one of the townships upon the bay, in which reference
is made to Canada as a place quite distant and distinct from the
British settlements.
Mr. Ferguson, in a letter dated at Sidney, 23rd July, 1791, to
a person at Kingston, says, “I’ll send you a memorandum of what
you’ll want from Canada,” and he further speaks about taking an
Indian to Canada. By this we learn that the new townships were
regarded as quite apart from Canada.
Before proceeding to speak of the appearance of the bay, a
space must be given to speak more particularly of those Aborigines
who occupied the territory of the bay, and Upper Canada generally,
at the time of the revolutionary war, and from whom the
British Government purchased the land to bestow upon the U. E.
Loyalists, namely, the Mississaugas.
The meaning of the word Mississauga has reference to “many
outlets,” or a place of settlement by the “fork of a stream.” The
first notice we have found of this name is upon a map in the Imperial
library, dated 1620. It is applied to a lake,—L’Missauga, or
379Buade. The location is not far from the source of the Mississippi
River, and there is a small stream represented as running from this
lake to empty into the Mississippi, the lake is doubtless the Itasca
Lake in Minnesota. The Indians, then inhabiting that region, was
the “Eastern Sioux.” There is no doubt some identity as to origin and
meaning, between Mississippi and Mississauga. It will be remembered,
we have in the north of Upper Canada a River Mississippi as
well as River Mississauga. The Mississauga Indians first came into
notice about the middle of last century, some time before the rebellion.
They were then living east of the Georgian Bay upon the lake
and the river, both of which have derived names from this tribe.
Capt. Anderson thinks they took the name from living by this
river, which has many outlets. It may be regarded as a question
whether the river gave a name to the tribe, or the tribe a name to
the river.
The Mississaugas have been more generally regarded as a
branch of the Otchipewas. Father Charlevoix says, they are a
branch of the Algonquins.
Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the Iroquois had
quite overrun the territory formerly designated by the French “the
country of the Northern Iroquois,” and now constituting Upper
Canada. As the Six Nations retired to their territory upon the
south of Lake Ontario, the Chippewas, or Otchwas and the Mississaugas
descended to the north shore of Ontario, the St. Lawrence,
and around Bay Quinté. The exact time at which these tribes obtained
possession of the land around the Bay, and its Islands, and
other parts of Canada, is uncertain. But, long before the settlement
of Upper Canada, they were the acknowledged owners of the
soil, and Great Britain purchased from them the right of ownership.
The first record we have of surrender of land, was by the
Chippewas, in 1781, to Gov. St. Clair. The Mississaugas seem to
have been a neutral nation, at least, they never appear to have
taken any part in the wars between the French and English. But
we find that at a great assembly of chiefs and warriors, at Albany,
in August 17, 1746, the chief speaker of the Six Nations, informed
the English Commissioners that they had taken the Mississaugas
as a seventh nation. There certainly seems to have been a very
friendly relationship between the Iroquois and Mississaugas.
The Mississaugas were divided into several tribes, or rather,
were divided into several villages, which were scattered all along
the St. Lawrence, from the river Gananoque to the Bay Quinté, and
380Lake Ontario. Thus, we find it recorded that “They were dispersed
along Lake Ontario, South of Frontenac.” This means Prince
Edward particularly; but they were as well settled in little villages
at different points. Charlevoix speaks of the Mississaugas as having
a village at Niagara and upon Lake St. Clair; most likely at the
mouth of the Thames. They likewise had villages along the upper
waters of the Trent, and at the Don. Their armorial bearing, or
“totem” was the crane, crow, muskrat, and beaver. The Kentes
and Ganneyouses, two tribes of the Mississaugas, although taking
no part in the wars against the French, had practised upon them a
base act of treachery. In 1687, M. de Nonville, who was then
Governor of Canada, being at Frontenac, invited these two tribes
to the fort to hold a conference, and while there, seized forty or fifty
men, with eighty women and children, who were sent prisoners to
France.
The French called the Mississauga, while living in the west,
the Souter, or Jumpers, because of the numerous rapids in the river
Mississauga down which their canoes were wont to jump.
The Mississaugas are of a darker hue than any other tribe in
the northern part of America.
The uncertainty that attaches to the Mississaugas as to origin,
and the fact that they were not given to warfare; but seemed to be
at peace with all native tribes, causes us to think that possibly they
may have sprung from the dispersed “Neutral Nation.”
At the time of the settlement of Upper Canada, the Mississaugas
seem to have been the principal, if not the sole aboriginal
occupants of the land. There are a great many “Mississauga
Points” along the Bay, even at the present day, and there was a
greater number at the first, all of which indicated the site of an
Indian Village. At Cataraqui, just by the old fort, and Tete du
Pont, was a Mississauga point, so called from its being the site of an
Indian village. For years after the refugees entered, the Indians
continued to dwell here, at least during certain periods of the year.
The ground whereon a portion of the railway is laid, used to be the
scene of many an Indian dance, to the tune of other music than
the screaming of the iron horse, although no less inharmonious.
Peter Grass was wont to tell of these scenes, whereat fearful orgies
were witnessed by the lurid glare of their rude torches. “At the
time of the peace, in 1783, the Mississaugas ceded to the Crown
large tracts of land in the Johnstown, Midland and Newcastle
Districts.”—(Report).
381The whole of the land contiguous to the Bay was purchased
from the “Mississaugas of the Bay Quinté.” The Indians, in
relinquishing their claims to the land, had guaranteed to them
certain stipulated payments yearly, in presents. We find it stated
that “every man received two blankets, cloth for one coat and one
pair of trowsers, two shirts, several small articles, besides a gun,
ammunition, kettles, and other things.”—(Playter).
“They claim, however, to have retained the following reserves.”
Mississauga Point, six miles below Belleville, about 1,200 acres;
Grassy Point—in Sophiasburgh—about 600 acres; Cape Vesey, in
Marysburgh, six miles east of Wappoose Island, 450 acres; Bald
Head, at Weller’s Bay, Ameliasburgh, 100 acres. “They also claim
the islands eastward from Presqu Isle to Gananoque, Nicholsons’
Island, in Lake Ontario, 250 acres, near West Lake, Wellington;
Weir’s or Tubb’s Island, McDonald’s Island, and Sugar Island, in all
about 1,000 acres. The islands from Trenton to Kingston, and
thence to Gananoque. Also, Green’s Island, Timber Island, False
Ducks, with others in Lake Ontario.”
The Commissioners considered that the Indians had claims to
compensation for their lands. As for the islands, the following
extract from a letter from Sir John Johnson to the Military Secretary,
dated Lachine, 9th October, 1797, will show their right to the
Islands. “No islands were ceded to the Crown but Grenadier
Island and the Islands between it and Kingston; two of which
were granted to me, with the lands at Gananoque, by the Governor
and Council, together with the Island of Tontine above Kingston,
at the entrance of Lake Ontario.” This was Amherst Island.
The portion of the Mississaugas to which the land belonged,
were those subsequently known as the Bay Quinté, and the Kingston
Indians. The same that lived for a time at Grape Island, and
who now reside at Alnwick.
“The acceptance of the surrender of the Indians in 1856, by
the Government, is an acknowledgment that these islands had never
been ceded by them.”
We thus learn that the Indian claims made to the islands and
reserves in Prince Edward, were allowed by the Government. But
the Indians claimed also that the treaty of cession, as they understood
it when made, did “not include, a portion of land bounded on
the north by a line which marks where the waters flow into the
Ottawa River, and thence to the south, some thirty miles, to the
head waters of some streams which flow towards the Lake, with a
382length of some sixty miles.” But this claim was not considered as
tenable.
According to the testimony of the first settlers, Wappoose
Island, at the opening of Smith’s Bay, was the abode of the Indian
Chief; at least, he came here yearly to receive the rates from the
settlers who had squatted upon it. The Indians went from this to
Kingston, to get their presents, which they obtained from one
Lyons, who it is said, was the first Indian agent there. He lived a
quarter of a mile from the Market Place.
From the several villages, placed by the water board, the Mississaugas
were accustomed to ascend up the rivers to the interior
of the country for game. Of the different rivers, the Sagonaska,
(Moira), was, perhaps, more generally selected. Stoco Lake was a
favorite hunting and fishing region, so named after a famous Mississauga
Chief, Stougeong. They had a lot reserved at the
mouth of the river, and also lot number four, in the second concession
of Thurlow,—altogether 428 acres, which was sold in 1816, for
£107. They generally ascended about the last of March, and
returned the latter part of December. The writer can remember to
have seen their birch canoes, well laden, passing up and down the
river. Before the settlement of Belleville, they had their encampment
on the plains by the river’s mouth, but in later years they
selected grounds some way up the stream. At first the trading
post, kept by Chisholm, east of the river on the bay, was a point of
attraction to them.
The Indians would make sugar in the spring, and bring it to
the settlers in small basswood bags, which they would exchange for
different articles.
The Mississaugas being a race of naturally peaceful disposition,
the settlers never had any reason to fear them, even had the Canadian
Government, like the American, forgot to recognize the rights
of the natives, and owners of the soil. When under the influence
of liquor they might assume a mock heroic character to intimidate
women and children, in order to get something; but no attempt was
ever made to disturb the settlers along the Bay.
Every year the Indians would go to Kingston to receive their
presents, annually given by Government; sometimes there would
be a hundred canoes.
383
Contents—Appearance—Mouth of Bay—Length—The Peninsula of Prince
Edward—Width of Bay—Long Reach—Course of Bay—The High Shore—Division
of bay—Eastern, central, western—Taking a trip—Through the
Reach—A picture—A quiet spot—Lake on the mountain—A description—Montreal
Gazette—Beautiful view—Rhine, Hudson—Contrast—Classic
ground—A sketch—Birth place of celebrated Canadians—Hagerman—A
leading spirit—Sir J. A. McDonald—Reflections—A log house—Relics of
the past—Lesson of life—In the lower bay—Reminiscences—The front—Cradle
of the province—Shore of Marysburgh—In the Western Bay—Cuthbertson—Up
the bay—A battle ground—Devil’s Hill—Stickney’s Hill—In
the depths—Prosperity—Geological supposition—Head of bay—The
past.
Perhaps there is no sheet of water in Upper Canada possessed
of greater natural beauty than this arm of Lake Ontario. At the
eastern extremity of Ontario, where it merges into the St. Lawrence,
with its 1692 islands, on the northern shore, is found the
entrance to the Bay Quinté. In the early days of the settlement
the name was limited to the waters west of Indian Point, at the
extremity of Prince Edward Peninsula. At the present time the
Bay Quinté is understood to include the sound between Amherst
Island, and Wolfe Island, upon the south, and the mainland to the
north. Our history is intended specially to embrace the events
connected with the settlement of this region.
The bay, commencing where the St. Lawrence begins its
mighty flow, extends in an irregular manner inland to a distance
of some 70 miles, its western extremity approaching to within a
short distance of the lake; and thus creating a lengthy peninsula,
varying in breadth, the greatest being about 25 miles; but with
a neck so narrow, that the peninsula is almost an island. The
width of the bay varies, averaging about a mile; but in some
places it is two miles. Not only is the bay irregular in its direction;
but there are many indentations, some several miles in
length, which increase the irregularity, and add beauty and variety
to the scenery.
The course of the bay from the lower gap, is at first, for some
35 miles almost due west. It then makes a turn toward the north,
tending a little to the east; while to the south is an indentation
forming the Picton Bay. This portion of the bay is called the
Long Reach, and in its length, presents some of the most striking
384beauties of the whole bay. Extending to the south of the Reach is
a lengthy indentation five or six miles long, forming Hay Bay.
At the northern extremity of the Long Reach, is another small
bay into which the Napanee River empties, called the Mohawk
Bay. Here the main body of water makes another turn, and again,
stretches almost directly westward, to the head of the bay. At a
distance of eight miles from Mohawk Bay there is a material widening
of the water. This portion is called Big Bay. The width
does not appear so great in consequence of the existence of islands,
one of which, the Big Island, stretches along the south shore even
the whole length of Big Bay. At the western limits of the wide
part, the bay is very narrow by reason of two opposite points,
Mississauga and Ox Points, approaching to within a half mile of
each other. It is the opinion of geologists, that the channel
between these two points is of comparatively recent formation,
caused by a sinking of the land, and that the old channel was
through the marsh which divides Mississauga point from the
peninsula.
The High Shore, which forms so prominent a feature in the
scenery of the bay, and the highest summit of which is at the Lake
on the Mountain, is a remarkable formation. Commencing in
Marysburgh, near the East Lake by the shore of Lake Ontario, it
follows the course of Smith’s Bay eastward, down the shore to what
is called “the Rock,” thence across the peninsula to the bay and
so follows the course of the bay upward, around Picton Bay, and
thence along the eastern front of Sophiasburgh to a point opposite
Hay Bay. Here the hill leaves the bay shore and takes a westerly
course, and stretches away toward the lake, to the south of the
Carrying Place.
The Bay of Quinté may be divided into three portions—an
eastern, a western, and a central portion. The eastern and western
portions, we have seen, run east and west. The middle portion, connecting
these two together, is a reach of some twelve miles and
mostly north and south, from Picton Bay to Mohawk Bay.
Undoubtedly the “Long Reach” possesses the most attractive
scenery, from the waters themselves, along the whole sheet, from
Kingston to the Carrying Place. To obtain some idea of the
scenery here presented, the reader is invited to accompany the
writer, in imagination, upon the steamer from Mill point, Tyendinaga,
or the Indian Woods, to Kingston. It is upon a bright
morning in September. Leaving the wharf at Mill Point, our boat
385makes a graceful sweep and turns here prow down the bay toward
the Reach. The power of the sun is beginning to be felt, and
the mist which has rested upon the waters is gradually rising.
After leaving the wharf a few minutes, an angle is reached from
which we can look up through the Big Bay almost to Belleville,
and, at the same time down the Reach, into Picton Bay. This
morning, on glancing upwards, a lovely view presents itself. The
water is like glass, from which the mist, here and there, is rising
like a sheet of the purest snow. Resting in the glassy bed are
several schooners, whose white sails and rigging are perfectly
mirrored by the unrippled surface of the water. Turning our gaze
down through the Reach, even a more beautiful sight is before us.
From this stand point we seem to be looking through, as it were, a
telescope, at the distant shores of Picton Bay. The sun’s rays have
not yet reached the deep and narrow channel, so that a thick
covering of white mist hides the water, excepting here and there,
where its lovely blue may be seen, as it reflects the azure sky.
A vessel with snowy sails, seems to be resting against the high
shore, while its hull is half enshrouded in the fog. To the right,
over a point of low land, may be seen the top mast of another
vessel, which, in an indentation of the bay, is as if left upon
the dry land by a retiring flood. It has always seemed
to the writer that this is the most delightful and picturesque spot
upon the bay, and he has endeavored, in but an imperfect way, to
draw to it the attention of tourists, who may desire to see the more
enchanting scenes connected with the bay. Proceeding on our
way down the Reach, the steamer stops at Roblin’s wharf upon
the right. Here, in a little dell, leading into a peaceful valley
pleasantly wooded, which leads up to the high shore, is situated Mr.
Roblin’s buildings. For a quiet place in which to live during the
summer, where one may forget the cold artificial world, it
is unequalled. To the right is the bold high shore, which
protects from the northern wind. Spread out before, is a beautiful
landscape. There, is another view of Adolphustown, with its many
points, and corresponding indentations, the home of peace and
plenty. There, is the entrance to Hay Bay, and more directly
opposite, the elevated shore, well crowned with trees, still clothed
in green.
We now continue our voyage close to the precipitous rocks which
form the shore, and presently we approach the mouth of Picton
Bay. Here again is obtained a varied and delightful prospect, ere
we leave this “Grand Bay,” as it was at first called.
386Issuing again from Picton Bay, our steamer glides along in
the shadow of the eastern shore, and approaches the Stone Mills, at
the foot of the lake on the mountain. The captain will wait until
we have ascended, and viewed the lake, and the magnificent prospect
spread out around. But the brief time allowed to accomplish
the ascent affords no adequate chance to take in the exceeding
loveliness, and call to mind the historic events connected with the
country within view. So we shall detain the tourist for a days’
inspection of the scene.
The Lake of the Mountain is a curiosity of no mean order.
The following, taken from the Montreal Gazette, published in the
summer of 1834, is worthy the place we give it:
“The Lake of the Mountain is one of the most remarkable
objects in the District of Prince Edward. This singular body of
water is about five miles distant from Hallowell, (Picton). It is
situated on the top of a lofty eminence, about one hundred and
sixty feet above the level of the Bay of Quinté. The manner in
which it is bounded is rather singular. In one direction it is only
separated from the waters of the Bay below by a ledge of limestone
rock, about eighty feet high, and by a precipitous embankment,
which extends half way around it. In every other direction it is
skirted by a ridge which rises to the height of 40 feet above the level of
its surface. This Lake is about five miles in circumference. Its waters
are at present applied to propel only a grist mill and a fulling
machine. An artificial canal has been cut, along which the water
is conveyed to the edge of the embankment, from whence it is
conducted by a wooden raceway to the mills, which are situated
near the margin of the bay below. The original outlet of the lake
is at a few paces distance from the raceway. At this place the
surplus waters formerly escaped through an orifice in the precipice
I formerly mentioned, and after dashing over the rocks below,
ultimately found their passage into the Bay.
“When I first heard of this lake, the most incredible stories
were related to me concerning it. The gentleman who first directed
my attention to it, absolutely told me that it was supplied by a
subterraneous passage from Lake Erie, that there was no inlet in
the neighborhood, capable of affording it a supply, and lastly, that
it was unfathomable, or that its bottom was lower than that of the
adjoining part of the Bay of Quinté. Such information as this,
communicated by a well-informed Barrister, did not fail to excite
my curiosity, and I accordingly set out to examine it with feelings
of considerable anxiety.
“What led to the absurd idea that this lake was supplied from
Lake Erie, I am at a loss to understand. It contains no springs,
and the banks of that part especially from which it is viewed by
strangers, being all so low that no inlet is visible, it might, perhaps,
387have been thought impossible to account for its source by any
other means. The absurdity of the notion is, however, so glaring,
that I would not spend a single moment in exposing it, had it not
taken strong hold of the imagination of a great proportion of intelligent
people residing in this part of the country.
“If the Lake of the Mountain were supplied from Lake Erie,
its waters should experience a corresponding rise and fall with
those of Lake Erie. This, however, they do not, for last year the
waters of Lake Erie were higher than usual, while those of the
Lake of the Mountain were very low. Again, this year, the waters
of Lake Erie were lower than usual, while those of the Lake of the
Mountain are very high.
“Further, if the Lake of the Mountain were supplied from
Lake Erie, it should be altogether uninfluenced by any state of the
weather in its neighborhood. This, however, is not the case, for in
wet weather it becomes high, and in dry weather it becomes low.
When I first visited this lake, its waters were nearly upon a level
with its banks, and when I saw it some months afterwards, they
were seven or eight feet above them. This was after a continuance
of dry weather.
“From all this it is evident that Lake Erie does not furnish the
supply of the Lake of the Mountain, and that it must be looked for
in some other quarter. Being determined to discover from whence
this supply was derived, I proceeded along the east side of the
lake for about a mile, upon the top of the eminence which separates
it from the Bay of Quinté. I then entered the woods and began
imperceptibly to ascend, until I found, by again coming in site of
the lake, that I had reached an elevation of about forty feet above
it. Continuing to proceed for two or three miles, I descended, in
the same imperceptible manner, to the place from which I first set
out. In the course of this journey, I crossed no less than five different
water-courses, four of which were dry at the period of my first
visit, but all of which I have since seen pouring out very considerable
quantities of water. The fifth is a beautiful stream flowing into the
lake over successive ledges of limestone rock, underneath the rich
foliage of the trees by which it is overarched. This stream affords
the chief supply to the lake, and judging from the appearance of
its channel, it must be sometimes upwards of a foot deep. In the
spring and fall, when the greatest quantities of water are discharged
by it, I have distinctly heard the noise which it makes at a distance
of two miles, and on the opposite side of the lake, as it dashes over
the rocks. The whole of these rivulets proceed from two extensive
swamps. That from which the largest arises is situated to the
south west of the lake, and is about three or four miles in circumference.
“The depth of the lake next claimed my attention. Having procured
a sufficient length of line, I pushed out upon its waters in a
small scow. For a considerable distance we distinctly perceive the
bottom, which consists of dissolved, or rather corroded lime, so loose
388and light that with little or no exertion one may push the whole
length of his oar into it. Continuing to look downwards upon the
beautiful white bottom as we sail along, we start instinctively upon
finding that we all at once lose sight of it, and that we gaze into a
deep, dark, frightful abyss, which is formed by the sudden appearance
of a precipitous ridge, running right across the lake. Nothing
can exceed the amazement—terror, I had almost called it—which
some people express on finding themselves surrounded by lofty, dark
woods, and floating upon the surface of water as black as ink, over
an abyss which they have been told is quite unfathomable.
“After having sailed over the lake in every different direction,
and taken an immense number of soundings, I found its greatest
depth to be only ninety-one feet. The bay below I found to be eighty-two
feet. Now as the lake is about one hundred and sixty feet above
the level of the bay, it follows that the bottom of the lake is one
hundred and fifty-one feet higher than that of the bay.
“Thus, then, it appears that the Lake of the Mountain does not
derive its supply from Lake Erie, that its source is to be found in its
immediate neighbourhood, that it is not unfathomable, and that its
bottom is not lower than that of the Bay of Quinté.
“The Lake of the Mountain is however, an object of sufficient
interest, without adding to its wonders those of a subterraneous
communication with Lake Erie, and an unfathomable depth. There
is, for instance, the very singular manner in which it is separated
from the Bay of Quinté, by a wall of solid rock, and the extraordinary
form of its basin. The fine views, too, with which the mountain
abounds, ought to be sufficient to attract the attention of all
those whose minds are capable of enjoying the various forms in
which beauty may be contemplated.
“Nothing can surpass the savage grandeur of the scene we look
upon from the summit of the limestone rock I have so often mentioned,
nor can a lovelier prospect be anywhere found than that which
breaks upon the view, on first reaching the top of the mountain. To
the north and west, we behold the Bay of Quinté, stretching far away
into the land, and dividing itself into many beautiful inlets. There
are too, the promising settlements and clearances all along the coast,
which can never fail to raise and exhilarate the spirits of every one
who wishes well to the destinies of his species. There is, however,
one view at this lake, which, above all others, I have most delighted
to enjoy. It is from the woods, upon the most elevated part of the
eminence which bounds the lake to the south. From this we behold
the deep dark waters of the lake beneath our feet, the bay of an
hundred arms, with its smiling coast, and far away we gaze upon
forest rising behind forest, until we are lost in the interminable—the
dreamy distance.
“I have visited this place when the surrounding woods shone in
all the gorgeousness of summer sunshine. I have viewed it again by
the pale moonlight, when the splendour and magnificence of the scene
surpassed even what it exhibited when viewed by the broad light of
389day. The lake below, and the distant bay, appeared like sheets of
molten silver, and every object was softened down by the mellow
light under which they were viewed. At first the sky was perfectly
cloudless, but, in the course of the evening, the scene gradually underwent
a change. On the one hand, the moon shone out with a degree
of splendour which no one can have any idea of, save they who have
beheld her chaste countenance peering above a Canadian forest. On
the other hand the thin, fleecy-looking clouds rapidly chased each
other up towards the zenith. As the evening advanced, gleams of
purple lightning at intervals streamed forth. At length one large
cloud which seemed to be the nucleus of the whole, shot from around
its margin successive flashes of pure white lightning, unaccompanied
by the slightest noise of thunder. As I gazed on the brilliant spectacle
before me, it seemed instantly to assume the shape and form of
the bust of some gigantic being. The longer I looked at it, the
brighter did the lightning blaze around it, and the more forcibly was
I impressed with the resemblance. It might have seemed to a superstitious
or highly imaginative mind, as if the great Spirit of nature
had deigned to reveal himself, amid the grandeur and sublimity of a
scene so congenial to his character.
We would supplement this just tribute of praise, and interesting
statement; and we venture to say, after having viewed many lovely
spots in the old and new worlds, that we know of no lovelier
panoramic view than that to be obtained from the Lake of the
Mountain, not even excepting the far-famed Hudson, and the classic
Rhine. Of course we except the rich relics of the old feudal days,
which so picturesquely adorn the mountain tops along the swift
running Rhine. But even here we are not destitute of historic
reminiscences. True, we have no embattled towers, resting on
rugged summits; no castle keeps, with mysterious dungeons, upon
whose walls may be traced the letters laboriously cut by long retained
captives; no crumbling walls and half-filled moats; no magnificent
ruins of graceful architecture. We possess no Tintern
Abbey by the quiet waters, to tell of the olden time; no gloomy
cloisters where comfortable monks did dwell; nor romantic cathedral
whose antique windows admitted but dim religious light. Still,
there is something to be said of the past, in connection with our
country. From our position here we may examine the classic
ground of Upper Canada, and trace the course of settlement followed
by our fathers, the pioneers.
At our feet is the bay, and seemingly so near, that one could
toss a stone into the clear blue water; and across, at the distance
of a mile, though apparently much nearer, lies the low rich land of
Adolphustown. To the right stretches, in almost a straight line, the
390waters of the bay, along which may be seen the well settled shores
even to Ernesttown, and over which we get a view of the Upper Gap,
where the waters of the bay co-mingle with the more boisterous flood
of Ontario. Upon this bright autumn day the view is almost enchanting.
The surface of the waters of the several indentions,
especially Hay Bay, as well as the main channel, have imparted to
them the bright blue of the sky, while the fields of rich green and
gold give variety to the scene. This rich landscape spread out
before us is really the classic ground of Upper Canada. Within
the compass of our view was for several years the western limit of
the settlement. We can see, where landed the refugee loyalists to
take possession of the land. Along that green and golden sloping
shore has slowly passed the batteaux laden with the settlers and
their limited household effects; there also has gone the Skenectady
boat with its ungainly soil, and toiling rowers. There, upon the
rich land of Fredericksburgh and Adolphustown, lived and died
many of the fathers of Canada. In the old homesteads, which there
gradually arose, were born, and spent their boyhood days, a host
of sons, who, moving further west up the bay and lake, planted the
townships. From that spot sprang many of Canada’s earliest public
men, who passed their younger days among these natural beauties
which belong to the bay. Under our eye is the birth-place of Judge
Hagerman, Sheriff Ruttan, and others, who have left a name upon
the pages of Canadian history. There, upon the front of Adolphustown
stands the old Court House, where were held the first Courts
of Law of Upper Canada; there flourished the earliest lawyer of
the Province, Judge Hagerman’s father, and there pleaded McLean
of Kingston, in his robes and powdered wig. And, there yet stands
the house where lived the little boy, who, now a man, is the leading
spirit in our enlarged Canada. Upon this hill, and up and down its
slopes, often played this, the foremost man in British America, Sir
John A. McDonald. Those four townships, Kingston, Ernesttown,
Fredericksburgh, and Adolphustown, were the early homes of those
who faithfully served their country. How many thoughts are
suggested as the student of history looks abroad on this the first
inhabited land of Western Canada. Many of the present inhabitants
here never heard of the noble ones, who have struggled, and
whose bones now decay in yon “U. E. burying ground,” just across
the water.
Descending the mountain, we will continue our voyage toward
Kingston. The next stopping place is Adolphustown, the history
391of which is given elsewhere. We have to cross the water, and as
we approach the landing, we may see the splendid farm where
lived the leader of the original settlers, Major VanAlstine. The
village of Adolphustown, once one of the most important places in
Upper Canada, is now a quiet but pleasant spot, especially during the
summer days.
Proceeding on our way, we may observe, just west of Coles’
Point, where settled the very first person in Adolphustown, a
small log house. It is much larger than those which sparsely
dotted the bay shore seventy years ago. But it reminds one, of the
first domiciles here erected. Divided into two, one part having been
first built, and the other, when a growing family made it desirable,
and means possible. This old log house close by the shore is a
lingering specimen of an almost extinct feature of the bay. See here
and there those tall poplar trees, brought in by the early settlers from
the Hudson valley, and planted in front of the dwelling; many of
them are yielding to the tooth of time. These trees generally mark
the spot where the settler erected his second home after years of
labor had prospered him. In many places they stand erect, but with
age stricken limbs, as faithful sentinels over the ashes of the old
homestead. Ashes indeed! For the crumbling chimney alone indicates
where was once the abode of the pioneer—of life’s cares and
hopes, of doubt and expectation—of all the ins and outs belonging to
the home of the pioneer. We have read to us the lesson of life;
there, are the graves of the brave old veterans and pioneers, and there,
the dust of their earthly dwellings. Ashes to ashes! Dust to dust!
In the lower bay particularly have come to pass many events
of varied import, and fraught with thrilling interest. Here, in times
anterior to the French rule in Canada, did the native tribes come to
hold their councils, to make treaties, form alliances, or declare war.
Here, at the mouth of the Cataraqui; or along the shores toward
the little Cataraqui, the French first fixed their place of meeting,
and trade with the Indians who lived afar off in the west. Over
these waters have Champlain, the French Recollets, the first discoverers,
La Salle, Father Hennepin, Chevalier de Tonti, La Barre,
Denonville, Conte de Frontenac and others, passed time after time.
Over the waters here floated the English under Bradstreet, upon
the 25th August, 1750, who, at the break of day were to besiege Fort
Frontenac, and to capture it.
The close of the war in 1783, brought the disbanded soldiers
and many a refugee. Along the shores passed the whole of the
392Mohawk Indians on their way to their lands. Here the Nation
separated, a small party under Captain John, passing up the Bay of
Quinté, while the majority passed up the south shore of the lake to
the Grand River. For years after might have been seen day after
day, batteaux, singly, or in brigades, and at a later date Skenectady
boats, freighted with families old and young, and with a few precious
household effects, slowly and laboriously pulling their way to
their place of destined settlement. In the war of 1812, the American
fleet ventured in at the upper gap and passed along at a safe
distance from the field artillery that occupied the shore at Herchimer’s
Point. They were essaying to capture the Royal George;
but this attempt was as vain as that to overrun our province.
Into these waters entered the vessel of war, bearing the officers of
Hull’s army from Detroit, which they boastingly had declared
would conquer Canada. From these waters issued some of the first
sailing vessels of Lake Ontario. Here was likewise built the first
steamboats upon the lake and bay, the Frontenac and Charlotte.
Upon the shores of these pleasant waters was commenced the
survey of the ten townships around the bay. Here was the starting
point of settlement. Here, for many a year, was the central
point of Upper Canada. Along from Cataraqui up to Collin’s Bay
was the great front of the infant settlement. Going up the bay,
even to Adolphustown, was regarded for several years as going
far into the backwoods.
Along the north shore of the bay to Adolphustown, were enacted
those scenes which constituted the very first events of Upper Canadian
history. The front of Kingston township may, indeed be called
the birth place, and the front of Adolphustown the cradle, of the province.
Every farm along this shore has its history, which if written
in the noble spirit that animated the British American Loyalists,
would command the attention of the world. These quiet old homesteads
now reposing upon the gentle slopes in peace and plenty,
tell not of the hardships of the old soldiers and refugees, who, with
ticket in hand entered to commence the earnest work of clearing.
Mainly, in the third and fourth townships, the officers settled by
the bay, while the rank and file took up lots in the second and rear
concessions. The first four townships are indeed, the classic ground
of Canada.
Nor is the south shore of the bay, Marysburgh, devoid of
interest in an historic sense. Reserving for another place a full
account of the first settlement by the Hessians, we can but glance
393at the fact that a band of men without any knowledge of the English
language, and unacquainted with the first principles of pioneer
life, constituted the first settlers. There, in McDonald’s Cove
landed he, after whom the name is given; and there, amid the
woods and upon the bright waters, he passed his days.
We commenced our trip and observations at Mill Point, and
proceeded down the bay. Let us return, and starting from the same
place proceed to the head of the bay, the Carrying Place. This part
of the bay possesses less of that picturesque beauty than is found in
the part over which we have passed; yet there is much to engage
the attention of the tourist.
Mill Point, although a name suggestive of enterprise and of
the existence of mills; cannot be regarded with approbation, and it
is to be hoped that some appropriate name, commemorating some
past event or person, connected with the place, will be bestowed
upon it. It was for many years known as “Culbertson’s wharf.”
The proper name, however, was Cuthbertson. It was from the son
of a Scotch fur trader who became connected with the Mohawks.
He lived at Kingston for many years, leaving when he died a
natural son and daughter, by a daughter of Captain John. After
his death, she and the two children removed to the Mohawk village.
It was this son who first built the wharf here, and hence the
original name.
Continuing our way up the bay, leaving to the east the pleasant
inlet stretching up to Napanee, the first thing to attract our
attention is the Parsonage and Indian Church, embowered in the
beautiful forest trees. The Parsonage first strikes our view, where
resides the amiable and worthy clergyman Mr. Anderson. In front
of it is a solitary poplar with the branches partially decayed. It
marks the spot upon which the tribe first landed, when they came
to the place in 1784. Here they first spread their tents. Somewhat
to the east of this stood the first English Church, the foundation
of which can yet be traced. Near by sleeps the remains of
Captain John, the leader of the tribe, and likewise many other
warriors.
A half mile to the west of the Church, is an eminence, which
tradition points to as the battle ground between the ancient Mississaugas
and the Hurons. Further westward is Devil’s Hill, so called
because a drunken Indian declared he there had seen, one night, his
Satanic Majesty, and chased him all night. Then comes Eagle
Hill, once the abode of this Imperial bird. To the south, first lies
394the low island, known as Captain John’s, bought by Cuthbertson who
built the wharf, from the Mississaugas. Then comes the north
front of Sophiasburg, rich in agricultural beauty. The first eminence
by the shore is Stickney’s Hill, once the burying place of Indians,
but erroneously supposed to be the spot where a Col. Quinté, with
his army, perished from hunger and cold. In the depths of the
waters over which our boat now glides, it has been recorded, have
been seen cannon and ammunition, and other warlike material,
which Col. Quinté vainly endeavored to take across on his way to
Fort Frontenac. But the truth is, if such material have been seen,
they were the contents of a military sleigh which, while passing up
through here in the winter of 1812–13, heavily laden, broke through
the thin ice. We now enter Northport, at the eastern side of Big
Bay; and the land, on every hand, tells of comfort and thrift, and
quiet peace. Next, the wider portion of the Bay, which has
received the name of Big Bay, is passed over. To the left is Big
Island, and Grape Island, where the Rev. Mr. Case endeavoured to
civilize and Christianize a community of Mississaugas. We now pass
through the Narrows, and the spires of Belleville Churches may be
seen in the distance. From Big Bay to the Carrying Place, there is
great uniformity in the appearance of the land on either side,
excepting upon the south shore at about seven miles from the head
of the Bay. Here, where is the Village of Rednersville, is a somewhat
remarkable hill, which, commencing at this point, extends up
along the Bay toward the end. It is separated from the western
extremity of the High Shore by a valley, through which, at one
time, the waters of Ontario flowed; and, when this hill was an
island. The rock of this hill consists of shaly limestone, similar to
that which forms the bed of the Moira. We now approach the end
of our voyage, and, as the steamer enters the port at Trenton, we
can see the basin which forms the end of the bay, in which rests
one Island known as Indian Island. Taking the Bay Quinté in its
whole extent, the events of the past belonging to this quiet sheet of
water, are of no ordinary interest. The tourist of to-day, while he
admires the beauty as he passes along, sees no trace of the past.
The placid water, no more reflects the trim and light canoe of birch,
no longer the clumsy, but staunch batteau, or Durham boat, nor the
Skenectady boat. No more is heard the oar of the Canadian voyageur,
keeping time by tuneful voices.
395
Contents—The “Big Bay”—Musketoe Bay—Mohawk Bay—Hay Bay—“Eastern
Bay”—Site of Ancient Kentes—The Name—Old Families—An Accident,
1819—Eighteen Drowned—Extract from Playter—Searching for the Bodies—Burying
the Dead—Picton Bay—Appearance—The “Grand Bay”—Upper
Gap—Lower Gap—Kingston Bay—A Picture—Recollections—A Contrast—Ship
Yards—Extract from Cooper—Inland Lakes.
In looking at the main channel, we have mentioned several
indentations, which have, from their size, received distinct names.
We will now examine these more particularly.
About twenty miles from the Carrying Place, and eight miles
east of Belleville, is Big Bay, meaning, originally the big part of
the Bay. As before stated, its size does not appear so well marked
as it otherwise would, from the existence of a large island which
lies in the south part of the Bay, and which is, seemingly a part of
the main land. To the north is a small bay, where the Salmon
River empties. Between Mississauga point, which forms the
western boundary of Big Bay, and Huff’s Island, is another inlet
from Big Bay, which is called by the inhabitants Musketoe Bay, or
sometimes, erroneously, “Miscouter” Bay. It is, mainly, but a
marsh, in which the Muskrat finds a home, the wild duck a safe
retreat, and where myriads of musketoe may, in their season, be
found. This last mentioned fact explains the origin of the name.
It is stated that, before the adjacent land was cleared, the swarms
of insects was so thick as to actually cloud the air.
At the junction of the western and middle portions of the Bay
is the Mohawk Bay. This name is derived from the residence here
of the Mohawk Indians, who came in 1784, and consequently is of
no older date than the settlement of Upper Canada. The original
name was Ganeious. The Bay is about five miles in length, and a
mile wide at its mouth; it gradually lessens until it forms the
mouth of the Napanee river. In summer the scenery along this
Bay is very agreeable, and in some places really beautiful. The
second flouring mill having been built in 1785, Mohawk Bay and
the Napanee River were well known by early settlers, and along
these shores, now well cultivated fields, there have passed many a
time the batteau laden with grain, or the canoe with a bag of gristing;
or along the shore trudged the pioneer with a bushel of corn
on his back, or in winter hauled it upon a hand sleigh.
396Hay Bay.—From the entrance of Mohawk Bay southward,
along the reach about seven miles, is another inlet. This is
Hay Bay, and, by far, the largest of the several Bays. By
looking at the map, it will be seen that this indentation
is somewhat divided into two almost equal portions by a narrow
channel; and that the eastern part is considerably broader than the
western. This narrow channel was originally called, according to
an old map of Fredericksburg, dated 1784, the “Long Reach,” and
the east end, the “Eastern Bay.” This was then regarded as the
real end of the Bay Quinté. The “North Channel,” leading to the
Mohawk settlement, was but little known, and not taken into consideration.
It must be remembered that the names originally given
to the several portions of the Bay were such as the circumstances
of the settlers would be likely to suggest. The soldiers who settled
on the front of the third township soon learned that in the rear
was a Bay, by which they could reach the back concessions. Some
crossed the peninsula, while others reached their lots by making a
circuit of the Fourth Town shore. The distance to them as they
toiled in the batteaux, seemed a long stretch, and hence it was
called the “Long Reach,” while the wider portion, at the end of the
Bay was named Eastern Bay, or the most eastern bay. Here, as
we have seen, dwelt the ancient Kentes. The name of Hay Bay
must have been given to this sheet of water about 1786. In
the absence of any certain knowledge of the origin of the name,
we have concluded that it was so called, out of respect to his
memory, after Lieut.-Governor Hay, who died at Detroit, 29th
August, 1785, “after twenty-nine years service.” This was the year
previous to the time of the first settlers locating here. The name
was, most likely, given by the Surveyor, who, in accordance with
the custom, named everything after some influential or prominent
person, or friend. While advancing this theory of the origin of the
name, we must not omit to mention, that when the country was
opened up there was, growing in some places upon the bay shore,
wild hay. This may possibly have given rise to the name; or
the name may have been taken from Chief Justice Hay. Hay
Bay, although possessing no particular features of beauty, has
a charm peculiarly its own, as being the original Kente Bay.
It is not wanting in historic interest. Along its shores, now
so fertile, for long years existed abundant game; a fact well
known to all the neighboring tribes. Although no settler
took up land here until 1786, there were among them individuals
397who took no unimportant part in the war against rebellion.
Upon the south shore lived and died some families who acted
more than ordinarily venturesome parts during the contest, as the
Huycks, Miss Loyst, who married a Diamond, and whose two
brothers were with Sir John Johnson at Hungry Bay. Here settled
three Embury’s, David on the north shore, who was brother of
Philip Embury, the first Methodist Preacher in America. On the
south side lived Andrew, and John Embury, and the first family of
the Bogarts of Canada, descendants of the first Moravian minister,
to America. Also, here lived Judge Fisher, Squire Beegle,
James Knox, the first Quaker Preacher in Canada. Upon the
north bank, while the colony was yet in its infant days, was committed,
probably, the first act of suicide in the country. An event
even yet remembered by some. And, more than all, it was upon
these waters where occurred an accident, which filled the whole
Bay country with horror; and awakened emotions of the keenest
sympathy, which produced an impression throughout the whole
Province, exceeded only by the loss of the schooner “Speedy,” with
all on board.
The accident on Hay Bay took place on a Sunday morning,
20th August, 1819. On the south shore of the bay, in the Methodist
meeting-house, was this day a Quarterly Meeting. Quarterly meetings,
in the early days of the country, were always largely attended,
persons coming from a considerable distance. On this occasion there
were present many from the adjacent townships. Not a few came
from the banks of the Napanee. Those living to the north of the bay
had to cross to the place of meeting by boat. It was a bright sunny
Sabbath morning, and already had many crossed and were joining in
the religious services, when there put off from the north shore, a
short distance from Casey’s Point, a boat load, consisting of eighteen
young men and women, most of whom lived along the bay. They
were all dressed in good and modest apparel as befitted the day, and
the house and worship of God. Buoyant with the cheerfulness of
youth, and the emotions of piety, they sang as they stepped into the
boat, and as they made progress to the other shore. The boat being
rather leaky, and so many, pressing it too near the water’s edge, the
water came in and increased fast, and they had no vessel to bail with.
Unhappily, the young men did not think of bailing with their clean
hats, or did not like to do so, until it was too late. The boat filled
and sank, when near the other shore, and these eighteen young men
and women, crying and shrieking, went down into the deep water.
398At the time of crossing, there was a prayer meeting proceeding
in the chapel. One of those present was now engaged in prayer,
and had just uttered the petition that “it might be a day long to be
remembered,” when a shriek was heard, another, and another. The
prayer was stopped, and some ran up to the pulpit to look out, and
saw the youths struggling in the water. All ran to the shore, and
some plunged in to render assistance. Eight were taken to the shore.
Ten bodies were yet in the water. A seine was prepared, and so the
bodies of these unhappy youths, a few hours ago so blythe and cheerful
were brought dripping to the land. One was not recovered till the
next morning. Two young men were drowned, and eight young
women. Two were of the German family, two Detlors, one Bogart,
one Roblin, one McCoy, one Clark, one Madden, and one Cole. The
grief of the families, so suddenly bereaved, gathered together on the
shore, gazing at the loved bodies, may be better imagined than
described. The grief, too, was shared by the large congregation
assembled, and by the minister. No public worship was attended
to, but preparations for the solemn funeral.
Monday was a day of mourning. News of the disaster soon
spread far, and a great congregation was assembled. Nine coffins
were laid in order outside the chapel. One of the corpses was buried
in another graveyard. Mr. Puffer took for the text, Job xix. 25–27,
“I know that my Redeemer liveth,” &c. He stood at the door and
tried to preach to those within and without, but was so affected by
the catastrophe, the weeping congregation, and the coffined dead
before him, that he confessed he could not do justice to the subject,
or the occasion. But he offered consolation from the gospel to the
stricken families mourning. Next, the coffins of the youthful dead
were opened, that friends and neighbours, and young acquaintances,
might take a last look and farewell. Six of the graves were in rotation,
and the coffins were placed in the same manner. The others
were near departed friends in other parts of the ground. After the
reading of the burial service, the graves, one after another, received
the dead, and then were closed up again, until the day when “the
trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised incorruptible.”—(Playter).
The writer has often heard his father relate the touching circumstances
here told. He was then at home, his father being a resident
of the south shore, and was an eye witness of the scene. His father’s
steelyards were used, the hooks being attached to a pole, to grapple
for the bodies.
399Picton Bay.—Where the eastern portion of the Bay Quinté and
the Long Reach unite, the waters are comparatively wide. This was at
the first called the Grand Bay. The south side of the Grand Bay forms
the mouth of Picton Bay, which stretches southward some five miles,
and which has at its head the town of Picton, after which the bay has
been named.
The view presented upon passing up this indentation of the Bay,
and as well in returning, and looking up the long reach, is one of the
most attractive perhaps in all Canada. As the tourist approaches
the head of the Bay he will be struck with the extraordinary beauty.
To the left are two picturesque buildings, one the Ontario College.
Rising up majestically at the very head of the Bay, is an almost precipitous
mountain, whose gray sides, and wood-crowned summit,
gives a grand, though sombre appearance. Nothing seems to be
wanting but the crumbling walls of an old castle to make the picture
complete.
When the refugees first came to the Bay, the inlet, now called
Picton Bay, was regarded with some degree of aversion. The high
barren-looking shores, covered with dwarf firs and cedars, offered
no inducements to the settler. During the first two or three years
a party of three or four ascended to the head of the Bay, but observing
the thick cedars and firs on either hand, and withal suffering
much from the musketoes, they returned and reported that no
man could ever inhabit it, that it was fit only for the musketoe.
But before many years the Congers, the Johnsons, Washburns and
Steeles, had taken up their abode here.
We have seen that this Bay constituted a part of an Indian
route from the west to the south shores of Ontario.
To the east of “Grand Bay,” the peninsula of Adolphustown
is indented by two bays.
Between the extremity of Prince Edward Peninsula and
Amherst Island, where Lake Ontario joins the Bay, at a point which
formerly was regarded as the mouth of the Bay of Quinté, is a
space nearly a mile. This is called the Upper Gap. Between the
eastern end of Amherst and Grape Island is the Lower Gap which
is something more than a mile wide. Directly to the north of the
east end of Amherst Island, upon the coast of Ernesttown is an
indentation where empties a small stream, this is called Collins’
Bay, after Deputy Surveyor Collins.
The only remaining bay of which we shall specially speak, is
the Kingston Bay.
400Perhaps no piece of water can be found in Western Canada
possessed of more natural beauty than the Bay of Kingston, during
the season of navigation by water. Whether one enters it from
the Great Lake with its rough swell, or the quiet waters of Quinté,
or the bright St. Lawrence, whose waters are beautiful with a
thousand isles; or whether he gazes from the curving shore at the
City’s front; or from the Cataraqui Bridge; or instead, takes his
stand at the point of Frederick or Fort Henry, there is spread out
the same pleasing view; one upon which the eye can long gaze
with admiration. Encircled by a border of green clad islands, with
the massive city upon one side, the waters of the harbour are peaceful
and secure. The former beauties such as Champlain and Frontenac
looked upon, have passed away. There is less of the natural
beauty entering now into the view, but art has taken the place.
The barracks at the Tête du Pont, the buildings at Navy Yard, the
strong fort, the warlike martello towers, and the city of solid stone,
give a different, but yet a pleasing picture. Kingston Bay affords
a safe place for boating in summer, and in winter, its coating of
ice is the theatre of attraction for the joyous skater.
Respecting the events which have come to pass by the Bay of
Kingston in the early history of the country, the reader is
referred to the history of Kingston. We will only add that the
“ship-yards and marine railways at Kingston, Garden Island, and
Portsmouth, have launched on the inland seas the greatest in number
and largest of tonnage of Canadian vessels in Canada West; Kingston
being second only to Quebec in the extent of its ship-building.”
Here in 1814 was built the three decked ship of war “Saint
Lawrence,” at a cost of £500,000. The chief cause of this enormous
cost was the expense of transportation of stores and equipments
from Montreal. In 1853, the aggregate tonnage of the vessels
built at the ship-yard in Kingston alone, apart from those built at
Portsmouth and Garden Island, amounted to 2,500 tons; the
cost of these vessels was £26,000, of which £14,000 was paid for
labor.
We will here introduce an interesting notice of the several
lakes lying north of the Bay in the adjacent townships, from
Cooper. “Through the whole tract of country lying north of the
Township of Kingston, and in these and the neighbouring counties,
are a multitude of lakes of various sizes, from that of a mere pond
up to that of a lake twenty miles in extent. The water of these
lakes is extremely pure and clear, and they are furnished with
401abundance of fish; they are mostly connected by streams of water,
and are navigable, and the streams are capable of floating canoes or
small boats. Through these lakes and streams are annually floated
immense quantities of lumber and timber, and in the absence of
the roads now in course of construction, they have been the highway
to the city from many a fine farm on their banks. Around
them, in some places, the land is much broken, rocky and waste,
but between such broken and rough tracts are lands of great richness
and fertility, and of the first quality. The scenery throughout
this tract of country, and in the neighbourhood of these lakes and
rivers is extremely picturesque, and in many places even grand,
varied with rock, valley, streamlets and wood. When as the
country gets older, localities are sought not only with regard to
their flat unvaried richness of soil, but with some consideration of
their beauty of location and scenic charms; there is little doubt
that many a romantic glen here will have its accompanying cottage,
hamlet or mansion, and that many a pretty homestead will
be empowered among these woods and water-falls; even now, many
a good farm is being brought under cultivation in these parts. If
any surpass the rest in picturesque beauty, we should incline to
give the palm to Buck Lake and its vicinity. The neighbourhood
of these lakes abound in deer.”
402
Contents—Islands—Possessed by Indians—The “Thousand Islands”—Carleton
Island—History of Island—During the rebellion—Wolfe Island—The name—Howe
Island—Old name—County of Ontario—Garden Island—Horseshoe
Island—Sir Jeffry Amherst—The size—Indian name—“Tontine”—Johnson’s
Island—The Island won—Present owner—First settler—The three
brothers—Small Islands—Hare Island—Nut Island—Wappoose Island—Indian
rendezvous—Captain John’s Island—Bartering—Hunger Island—Big
Island—First settlers—Huff’s Island—Paul Huff—Grape Island—Hog
Island—Smaller Islands—Mississauga Island—A tradition—The Carrying
Place—Its course—Original survey—History—American prisoners—Col.
Wilkins.
The reader who has kindly followed us thus far in examining the
bay, and its several coves, or indentations, is invited to accompany
us once more along its course, and note the several islands which
stud its bosom. They are not numerous; but the numerous points
all along, as well as the turns in the bay recompense any lack
arising from the absence of islands.
When the Mississauga Indians ceded the land along the bay to
the British Government, they reserved certain points of land, and
mostly all the islands between the head of the bay and Gananoque.
Those excepted were Grenadier Island, and the small islands
between it and Kingston, and Amherst Island.
The islands of the St. Lawrence are famed almost the world
over, they are called the “Thousand Islands.” But Howison says,
that the commissioners appointed to fix the limits between Canada
and the United States, counted the islands of the St. Lawrence and
found there were 1692. The islands below Gananoque belonged to
the Iroquois.
Carleton Island.—The first island is Carleton Island, called
by the French the island of Chevreux, Goat’s Island; situated
between the American shore of the St. Lawrence, and Wolf Island.
It was a military and naval station during the American rebellion,
at which government vessels were built for navigating the lake,
and possessed fortifications. Its name is derived from Guy Carleton,
Esq., “his Majesty’s Captain-General and Governor-in-chief, and over
his Majesty’s province of Quebec, afterward Lord Dorchester.” This
military post, as we have seen, afforded a retreat for the refugees,
who fled from the Mohawk valley. Says the Rev. William
Mcaulay, “Jay’s treaty of peace, as it was called, in 1783, found
Carleton Island occupied by the 84th Regiment, a body of Highlanders
403levied in the Carolinas, and subsequently adopted into the
line.” Upon the erection of the northern line of the United States,
Carleton Island came within the boundary of the State of New
York. But it continued in common with other military posts, in
possession of the British, until 1796. Indeed, according to the
gentleman whose words we have quoted above, it remained in
possession of the British until 1812, when the Americans crossed
and seized a sergeant’s guard stationed there. It would seem that
parties entering Canada were required to procure a passport here.
A copy of one, extracted from the history of Dundas, is as follows,
directed “To whom concerned.”
“Permit the boat going from this to pass to Kingston with their
provisions, family, clothing, bedding, household furniture, and farming
utensils, they having cleared out at this post, as appears by their
names in the margin. (John Loucks, two men, two women, three
children).”—Signed “C. McDonell, P. O.”
Among the refugees here during the war was Mr. Mcaulay.
In 1776, Sergeant Major Clark, of the 8th, or King’s Own Regiment,
was appointed clerk and naval store keeper at Carleton
Island, where he remained till 1790. This was father of the late
Colonel Clark, of Dalhousie. For further particulars of Carleton
Island the reader is referred to the history of Kingston.
Wolfe Island.—This is a considerable island, 25 miles long,
stretching along near the American shore, directly opposite Kingston.
It contains 28,129 acres of good land. The name is found often
spelled wolf, leading us to infer that it is derived from the presence
of that animal upon the island at some time. But it is no doubt after
General Wolfe, who fell at Quebec. The original Indian name, as
given in the document conferring a seigniory at Cataraqui upon La
Salle, including this and Amherst Island, was Ganounkouesnot.
The French called it the Grande Island, and Simcoe in his proclamation
1792, directed it to be called Wolfe Island. Mr. Detlor says
that “it would seem the greater part of Wolfe Island was granted
to the heirs of Sir William Johnson, the clergy and Crown reserves
excepted.”
We observe a notice in the Kingston Gazette, that Wolfe Island,
with Pittsburgh, was conjoined to Kingston for municipal purposes
in 1812.
Howe Island.—Is situated in the St. Lawrence, somewhat
below Kingston, it is a large, long island in front of the township of
Pittsburgh, and one part of it is almost conjoined to the mainland.
404It is a township by itself, and contains about 8000 acres. It was
called by the French, Isle Cauchois; but was named by Simcoe, or
his advisers, Howe Island.
When Upper Canada was erected into a province, it was
divided into nineteen counties; the seventh of these consisted of
Howe Island, Wolfe Island, Amherst Island, Gage Island, with all
the other islands between the mouth of the Gananoque and the
point of Marysburgh. They constituted the county of Ontario.
Garden Island.—Upon the north of Wolfe Island, in Kingston
Bay, is Garden Island, containing some sixty-three acres. Near
the western extremity of Wolfe Island, is another small island,
which received the name of Horseshoe Island, and separated from
the large island by a narrow channel, which was named Batteau
Channel, is Gage Island, after Brig. General Gage, which was also
sometimes called Simcoe Island. The name given to it by the
French was Isle aux Foret. It contains some 2164 acres of rich
land.
Amherst Island.—So called after “Sir Jeffrey Amherst,
of the honourable and military order of Bath, Colonel
of the Third and Sixteenth Regiments of Infantry, Lieutenant-General
in the Army, and Commander-in-Chief of all His Majesty’s
Troops and Forces in North America.” This beautiful island,
stretching along opposite, and about a mile and a half from Ernesttown,
being some twelve miles in length, causes an extension of
the Bay Quinté to a corresponding distance. It contains about
14,015 acres of very rich land. The channel separating it from
Gage and Wolfe Islands, forms the Lower Gap, and that which flows
above, between it and Marysburg, is the Upper Gap.
In the time of LaSalle, the Indian name of this island was
Kaouenesgo. It formed a part of his Seigniory, and he, some
time after his arrival to build Fort Frontenac, 1678, named the
island Isle de Tonti, after a brave French officer, with one arm, who
accompanied him. This name, modified to “Isle Tanta,” clung to
the island until recent years. Sir John Johnson, to whom it was
granted, with other land, at the close of the war, 1783, in a letter
to the Military Secretary, calls it the “Island of Tontine.” This
may have been a fancy name of the owner, as we find no other
reference to it. The present name was bestowed in 1792, after
Gen. Amherst, who acted so conspicuous a part in the wars. Upon
some old maps the Island is designated “Sir John Johnson’s Island.”
We find an indefinite statement that the island was claimed by the
405Mohawks, and that they ceded their rights to Col. Crawford, who
accompanied Sir John, and who, in turn, transferred it to Johnson.
But, as he and Brant were on the most intimate terms, they could,
no doubt, arrange any difference between themselves.
We do not see that there can be any objection to record a
statement which has been told for many long years by the inhabitants
of the Bay, that the Island was subsequently won by an aristocratic
gambler, Lady B——, in England, at a game of cards, who
afterwards disposed of it to the present owner, Lord Mountcashel.
Some of the farm lots have been, we believe, disposed of, but
the island is mostly held by tenants, under lease from the Earl.
The oldest settler upon the island was Lieutenant McGinnis, of
Johnston’s Regiment. He lived here in some comfort, having
several slaves to do the work.
Off the east end of Amherst Island, in the Bay, are three
small islands, called the Three Brothers, “famous for black bass
fishing, and for deep rolling sea.”
Leaving the waters of the Lower Bay, and directing our course
westward, we find the Bay comparatively free of Islands. Here
and there, all along its course, may be seen small islands, close to
the shore. These received names, as a general thing, after the
person who owned the adjacent land. There are, however, a few
more islands which need special notice.
Upon an old plan of Fredericksburgh, dated 1784, is to be seen
in Hay Bay, three islands; one near the north shore, at its eastern
extremity, is called Hare Island. To the south, at the eastern shore,
are the other two; the north one is called Nut Island; the more
southern one is Wappoose Island. This island, from its name, must
have been the place of residence of the principal chief of some
Indian tribe, probably the Kente Indians. Here, must have been
a place of considerable importance to the Indian—a rendezvous,
whereat they met, and whereat the chief held his simple, but
dignified court.
Opposite the Mohawk Church, in the Indian Village, just
off Grassy Point, of Sophiasburg, is a low island, containing
fourteen acres. This island originally belonged to the
Mississaugas, as did most of the islands in the Bay, until a comparatively
recent date. John Cuthbertson, a grandson of Capt. John,
purchased the island from John Sunday, and other Mississauga
chiefs. The price paid was a cow and a yoke of steers. A quit
claim deed was received by Mr. Cuthbertson, which is yet to be
406seen. This bargain led to some trouble with the Government,
who held that the Mississaugas had no right to sell their land except
to Government. However, finally, the receipt held by Cuthbertson
was allowed to be a legal document. This Island is known as
Capt. John’s Island.
There are three small islands in Mohawk Bay, the largest of
which is called Hunger Island. It is situated a short distance from
the mouth, near the north shore, and contains about seven acres
of land.
Along the north shore of Sophiasburg is Big Island. As its
name implies, it is an island of considerable size, containing
over 3,000 acres of excellent land. The channel separating this
long narrow island from the mainland, especially at its east end is
very narrow, and is spanned by a short bridge, and may even be
forded. Long grass abundantly grows all though the channel,
which, in summer, covers the water, and seems to form the island
and mainland into one. Here, is the constant abode of the muskrat,
and at certain seasons the resort of the wild fowl.
It is said that Samuel Peck and Samuel Shaw were the first
settlers on this island. The older inhabitants along the bay remember
when this island was thickly covered with wood of the most
heavy description. It was for many years, at the beginning of the
present century, the scene of lumbering operations. Winter after
winter, large quantities were cut down, and in the spring, rafted and
conveyed to Montreal.
The writer has heard it stated, this island was originally, when
no longer owned by the Indians, bestowed on one Hall, and that early
maps designate it Hall’s Island.
Huff’s island is situated to the west of Big Island, and forms a
part of Ameliasburgh, from which it is separated by a marsh, and
to which, at one point it is connected by a low neck of land. To
the north is Mississauga Point. The island obtains its name from
the first settler, Solomon Huff, who settled there in 1825. Solomon
Huff was the son of Paul Huff, one of the original settlers of Adolphustown,
who came from Long Island, New York, with Van
Alstine. The writer has conversed with the wife of Solomon
Huff when in her 91st year, who retained a vivid recollection of
the time of their settling, from the fact that when crossing the
ice to the island they broke through with their furniture. At the
time of their settlement their nearest neighbours were on one hand
at Demorestville and on the other at Walbridge’s, on the north
shore of Mississauga Point.
407Immediately to the east of Huff’s Island, is Grape Island. It
received the name it bears from the great quantities of wild grapes
that at one time grew spontaneously upon it. This island, now
barren and treeless, was at one time, the home of domesticated
Indians. Even yet, may be seen, the traces of the wooden cabins,
where the Mississaugas lived under the paternal care of the Rev. Mr.
Case.
Continuing westward from Big Bay, there are to be seen several
small islands close to the shore, the names accorded them are not
beautiful, but probably have in their origin something significant.
Thus, there is one called Hog Island, and opposite Belleville is another
known as Cow Island. An island west of the mouth of the Moira, is
yet called Zwick’s Island, after the person who once owned the
adjoining land. This island was, at one time, an Indian burying
ground.
We next come to the island upon which are extensive sawing
mills, commonly called Baker’s Island. It was formerly called Myers’
Island, after Captain Myers, who lived adjacent thereto. He, for
several years, paid rent to the Indians for it. Telegraph Island is
about four miles above Belleville; and “Nigger” Island nine miles.
The last island we have to notice, belonging to the bay, is Indian
Island, situated at the extremity of Bay Quinté, west of the mouth of
the Trent River. Upon a map, to be seen in the Crown Land’s
Department, this is designated Mississauga Island. It has also been
called Fighting Island. There is a tradition respecting this island, to
which the existence of human bones found there, seems to give some
degree of plausibility. It is even now related, that at an early date,
a company of Mohawks, who had crossed from the south side of the
lake, were encamped upon this island. A band of Mississaugas,
learning the fact, approached the island cautiously at night, took
away their boats so they could not escape, and then suddenly,
with superior numbers, fell upon the Mohawks, and killed and
scalped them all. But the bones found there may have been placed
there for burial.
The distance between the head of bay Quinté, and the waters
of Lake Ontario, at the narrow part of the isthmus is about a mile
and three-quarters. By this narrow neck of land the peninsula of
Prince Edward is saved from being an island. This was called in
the first proclamation of Simcoe, “the isthmus of the Presqù isle de
408Quinté.” It is from this source that the harbour on the lake west
of the isthmus has received the name Presqù isle.
We have elsewhere spoken of the fact that a Carrying Place
had existed here from time immemorial. From the Indian villages,
which at times were located, now along the lake shores of the
peninsula, and now upon the bay, the Indians started forth, perhaps
to ascend the Trent, or the Moira, or to pass down the waters of the
bay, or perhaps to coast along the shore of the lake, westward to
the mouth of some river. And, when the French had possession of
the country they found this a well marked Indian path. The
French had not occasion to cross it, as they either ascended the
Ottawa, the Trent, or if desirous of going to the head of Lake
Ontario, they passed along its south shore. But in the early years
of Upper Canada, this portage was frequently crossed by those passing
back and forth from the lower parts of Canada to the west.
This was the case particularly after the forts of Oswego and
Niagara were handed over to the United States in 1796.
The original Indian Carrying Place can yet be traced. Its
course is indicated by a road which leads from water to water. The
street is consequently somewhat crooked, and is in some places
wider than in others. When the land was originally surveyed, this
path was made the base line of a row of lots on either side. The
surveyor being ill and entrusting the matter to an assistant; the
Indian path was faithfully followed. While this irregular dividing
line between Ameliasburgh and Murray may appear unseemly, it
cannot be regretted that the old path is thus indubitably known.
Upon the Murray side of the road the fence is comparatively
straight, but upon the opposite side it is very devious. This
pretty nearly marks the old Indian path. While used as a
Carrying Place for batteaux, which were transported upon low
wheels, the road was no doubt, to a certain extent, straightened; yet
mainly the old route remained.
The old days, when Weller used to haul the batteaux from
water to water, have left no memorial; and even more recent days
when the first steamboats invariably came to this place, have left
but little to mark their history. Here is the remains of the wharf
and frame store house where once was life and enterprise; but now
all is in decay, and rural solitude prevails. But there is beauty
here, as well as interest. All along the street between the head of
the bay and Weller’s Bay of the lake are buildings, consisting of
private residences, and churches. The tourist will find abundant
409food for thought at the Carrying Place; whether he contemplates
the far remote past ere the Indian was disturbed in his native abode;
or the days when the French Recollet Missionaries followed the
footsteps of those whom they sought to convert; or the time when
the pioneer surveyor and settler first trod the path; or whether he
reflects upon the many human beings who have come and gone on
their way of life, now going one way now another; or thought of the
trader intent on pressing his business into the very outskirts of the
settlements; of the soldiers—regulars, and militia, who pressed
onward for the conflict, to drive off the invading foe; or of the
thousand prisoners carried captive through the province, which
they had boastingly came to conquer. If the writer were there
again, he would ponder, in addition to all this, upon the sad, yet
natural occurence, that, of all those who had come and gone, the
one who imparted much information to him, who came to the
Carrying Place long years ago, is now gone the way of all the
earth. The history of the place is inseparably associated with the
life of the Hon. Col. Wilkins, whose loss was expressed by the
presence of many as he was carried to his grave.
DIVISION VIII. THE FIRST TEN TOWNSHIPS IN THE MIDLAND DISTRICT. — CHAPTER XLVI. — HISTORY OF THE FRENCH OCCUPATION. — CHAPTER XLVII. — SETTLEMENT AT CATARAQUI BY THE LOYALISTS. — CHAPTER XLVIII. — THE FIRST TOWNSHIP—EVENTS IN ITS EARLY HISTORY. — MODERN KINGSTON. — CHAPTER XLIX. — THE SECOND TOWNSHIP—ERNESTTOWN—BATH. — THE THIRD TOWNSHIP—FREDERICKSBURGH. — CHAPTER L. — SETTLEMENT OF ADOLPHUSTOWN. — CHAPTER LI. — THE FIFTH TOWNSHIP—MARYSBURGH. — CHAPTER LII. — SIXTH TOWNSHIP—SOPHIASBURGH, NORTHPORT, DEMERESTVILLE. — AMELIASBURGH. — CHAPTER LIII. — PENINSULA OF PRINCE EDWARD. — HALLOWELL. — HILLIER. — PICTON. — CHAPTER LIV. — THE EIGHTH TOWNSHIP—SIDNEY—ITS SETTLEMENT. — CHAPTER LV. — THE NINTH TOWN—THURLOW. — BELLEVILLE. — CHAPTER LVI. — THE TENTH TOWNSHIP—RICHMOND.
410
Contents—The French—Their policy—Trading posts—Cahiaque—Variations—Name
of River—Foundation of Fort Frontenac—A change—Site of old fort—La
Salle’s petition—A Seigniory—Governors visiting—War Expedition—Fort
destroyed—Rebuilt—Colonial Wars—Taking of Fort Oswego—Frontenac
taken—End of French domination.
It was the policy of the French, to penetrate, as far as possible,
into the interior of the country, and, by all possible means, secure the
peltry traffic with the Indians. The Recollets and the Jesuits, while
seeking to convert the Pagan Indian, endeavoured as well, to win him
to the interest of their country. As soon as practicable, trading posts
were established at convenient points, at which to buy furs of the
Indians. Not sure, even at the first, of the continued friendliness
of the natives, and subsequently exposed to tribes, who assumed a
hostile attitude, they proceeded to fortify their trading depots against
sudden attacks; not alone to secure this, but to maintain a constant
menace to those who might venture to assume such attitude. It was
in carrying out these designs, that M. de Courcelles, in 1670, ascended
the St. Lawrence, direct to Lake Ontario, from the mouth of the
Ottawa, being the first European to do so. Two years later, he convened
a meeting at the head of the St. Lawrence, of Indian chiefs
of the region round about, when, concealing his ulterior object, he
gained permission to erect a fort; but being immediately thereafter
recalled to France, it was left for his successor, Conte de Frontenac,
to establish the fort.
The first name which is found applied to the place, where the
fort was founded, is Cahiaque, or Cadaroque. It is an Indian name,
and most probably signifies “the strongest fort in the country.” This
411is inferred from the following fact:—When certain of the chiefs of
the Mohawks, were in London, in 1710, desirous of doing honor to
their host, where they stayed, at King Street, Covent Garden, they
called him Cadaroque, meaning “the most powerful man in London.”
Or, possibly, in using the word, in connection with Frontenac, they
may have referred to the strong expedition which accompanied him.
For many years the fort was known by this name, or one derived
from it. It must be remembered that this word, with many others
spoken by the Indians, was written by the French according to the
particular idea of the person hearing the pronunciation. Hence it
is that we find this word changed frequently as into the following.
Beside the two already mentioned are found Catarcoui, Catarcouy, or
Cataraccouy, Catarakvy, Catarakouy, Catarasky, Cataracto, Cataracouy,
Cadaraque, Cadarachqui, Kadaraghke, Kadaraghkie, Kodakagkie,
Cadarochque, Cadaacarochqua, Catarocoui, Cuadaraghque, Crederoqua,
Cataraqui.
While the fort, or place of the fort, was thus known mostly by
the Indians, it was, according to Charlevoix, called by the French, the
fort of Lake St, Louis, the name then applied to Lake Ontario.
Subsequently, the fort was spoken of as the one built by Frontenac;
and ultimately, it came to be permanently designated Fort Frontenac.
After the conquest, and at the time of the revolution, the place was
known in the rebel colonies, as Cataraqui; and, in speaking of going
to Upper Canada, they would say to Cataraqui. The river between
Ontario and Montreal, was sometimes called Cariqui, or Iroquois.
The following account of the foundation of the fort, is extracted
from Draper’s Brochure. He says “the expedition was a vast one
for those days, 120 canoes, 2 batteaux, and 400 men.” He then
quotes from a journal of Frontenac’s voyage, describing the entrance
into the river Cataraqui;—“12th, broke up camp very early in the
morning, and having proceeded till ten o’clock, halted three hours to
rest and eat. On approaching the first opening of the lake, the Count
wished to proceed with more order than had been already done, and
in line of battle. He accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this
wise:—
“Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and
in one line. The two batteaux followed next. After these came
Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes, of his guards, of his
staff, and of the volunteers attached to his person; having on his
right, the squadron from Three Rivers, and on his left, those of the
Hurons and Algonquins.
412“Two other squadrons formed a third line, and composed the
rear guard.
“This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than
half a league, when an Iroquois canoe was perceived coming with the
Abbe D’Ursé, who, having met the Indians above the River Katarakoui,
(Cataraqui) and having notified them of the Count’s arrival,
they were now advancing with the captains of the Five Nations.
“They saluted the admiral, and paid their respects to him with
evidence of much joy and confidence, testifying to him the obligation
they were under to him for sparing them the trouble of going further,
and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoui, which
is a very suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to
him.
“After Count Frontenac had replied to their civilities, they proceeded
him as guides, and conducted him as guides, and conducted
him into a bay, about a cannon shot from the entrance, which forms
one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world, capable
of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the
mouth, and in the harbor, with mud bottom, and so sheltered from
every wind, that a cable is scarcely necessary for mooring.” “On
the 13th of July, 1673, the fort was commenced, and on the 19th, it
was finished, and De Frontenac left on the 27th for Montreal, having
laid the foundation of the future City of Kingston.”
How different was the appearance then from that presented
to-day. No clearing, as yet, broke the woody shores. At this
conference between Frontenac and the Iroquois chiefs, the charms
of nature only were displayed. Where now stands the city of
Kingston, was then a dense forest. The gently curving shore,
which now forms the front of the city, with its line of piers, was
undisturbed, except by the birch canoe. The quiet Bay, within the
Point, then more prominent than now, stretching up with its low
sand banks, and begirt with marshes, was then the safe abode of
the wild fowl and muskrat. Across the inlet of the bay, and where
now is the Navy Yard, the land was thickly covered with the
greenest foliage; as well as was the higher and more beautifully
wooded peninsula of Point Henry. And still beyond, to the south, the
third point, stretching out almost to the rugged little island, called
Cadar Island, increased the variety of the picture; and the two indentations
where now is Navy Bay, and the “Dead Man’s” Bay, at one
time called Hamilton’s Cove, added thereto. Then, turning toward
the south, there reposed the magnificently green, long island, now
413Wolfe Island, with Gage Island in its front; and still extending the
view around the Bay, was to be seen the islands, now called Simcoe
and Amherst, all richly clothed with the garments of nature. One
would wish to look upon a faithful picture of this primeval appearance
of Kingston Bay, before even the French had planted a post
or cleft a tree. However beautiful Kingston of to-day may be
regarded, with its graceful architecture, as displayed in its public
and private edifices; however grand the strong fortifications, which
silently utter words of warning to the passing stranger whose
nation covets our territory, while pretending to depreciate it;
however striking the combination which composes the picture of
Kingston and its harbor of to-day, they cannot exceed, as a whole,
in attractiveness, the prospect seen by Frontenac, of wood and
water so remarkably associated, and charmingly blended, ere the
hand of man had marred it.
It was immediately after this conference, between Frontenac
and the chiefs, when he concealed the true designs he entertained,
that the erection of the first fort was proceeded with. Its site was
upon the point of land by the entrance of the bay, near the Tete
du Pont, and commanded the entrance to Cataraqui Creek. It
seems, from the testimony of early settlers of Kingston, that the
fort was separated from Kingston by a deep trench, so that the
point was converted into an island, upon which was built the
original village of Cataraqui. In later years, this ditch has been
obliterated by the filling in of material, and, in like manner, a portion
of the bay, immediately north of the point has disappeared.
In the following year, LaSalle, who has been particularly
referred to in the introductory chapter, presented the following
petition to King Louis XIV.
“The proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony of
Canada, of the establishment of Fort Frontenac, of which he was
some time in command, and desiring to employ his means and his
life in the King’s service, and for the augmentation of the country,
offers to support it, at his expense, and reimburse its cost, on the
following conditions, to wit:—That His Majesty be pleased to grant
in Seigniory, to the proposer, the said fort, four leagues of country
along the border of Lake Frontenac, the two islands in front, named
Ganounkouesnot and Kaouenesgo, and the interjacent islets, with
the same rights and privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold
lands in the country in Seigniory, with the right of fishing in
Lake Frontenac and the adjoining rivers, to facilitate the support of
414the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place
and of said lake, under the orders and authority of His Majesty’s
Governor, Lieutenant-General in the country; on which condition,
the proposer will be bound:—1st. To maintain the said Fort; to
place it in a better state of defence; to keep a garrison there, at
least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to
twenty laborers, during the two first years, to clear and till the land;
to provide it with necessary arms, artillery and ammunition, and
that so long as the proposer will command there, in His Majesty’s
name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above
the Long Sault of the River St. Lawrence, through which people
pass to the said Fort, without being charged with similar expense,
or to contribute to that which the proposer will be obliged to incur
for the preservation of the said Fort.
“2nd. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty’s Governor
and Lieutenant-General in Canada, the expense he incurred for the
establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of 12,000 to
13,000 livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared.
“3rd. To make grants of land to all those willing to settle
there, in the manner usual in said country; to allow them the
trade (la traite) when their settlements will be in the condition
required by the Edicts and Regulations of the Sovereign Council of
said country. 4th. To grant them land for villages and tillage; to
teach them trades, and induce them to lead lives more conformable
to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with success, when he
commanded there. 5th. To build a Church, when there will be
100 persons; meanwhile, to entertain one or two Recollet Friars, to
perform Divine service, and administer the sacraments there.
6th. His Majesty, accepting these proposals, is very humbly supplicated
to grant to the proposer letters of noblesse, in consideration
of the voyages and discoveries which he made in the country at his
expense, during the seven years he continually lived there, the
services he rendered in the country, and those he will continue to
render; and all the other letters necessary to serve him as titles
possessory to said Seigniory.”
In the succeeding year this petition was granted, and a decree
to that effect was issued by the King on the 13th May, 1675, and a
Patent of Nobility issued to La Salle; and Fort Frontenac, with four
leagues of the adjacent country, was created a Seigniory of Canada,
and LaSalle its first Seignior.
In the decree making the grant, it is specified that LaSalle
415shall “induce the Indians to repair thither, give them settlements,
and form villages there in society with the French, to whom he
shall give part of said land to be cleared, all which shall be cleared
and improved within the time and space of twenty years. * *
His Majesty wills that appeals from the Judges (to be appointed by
La Salle), be to the Lieutenant-General of Quebec.” But, the
subsequent chequered career and early death of La Salle, probably
prevented the carrying out of these intentions.
When La Salle set out on his western exploring expedition,
he “left Sieur de la Forest in charge of the fort.” As before stated,
La Salle had many enemies, and among them the Governor, M. de
la Barre, “who actually sequestered Fort Frontenac and took possession
of it, pretending that La Salle had abandoned it. This was
in 1682.”
The history of the French occupation of Cataraqui is marked
by occasional visits of the French Governor, and the presence of
large and small bodies of armed forces. In 1684 M. de la Barre,
the successor of Frontenac, tarried at Cataraqui two weeks with
his convoy, which was composed of 130 regular soldiers, 700 armed
Canadians, 200 savages, and a mixed body of several hundred from
the west. It must have been a picturesque sight, the encampment
of this army. The veterans from France in their uniform attire,
the Canadians in their various hued garments, and the Algonquins
and Ottawas in their wild garb of paint and feathers formed the
components of a picture truly striking. A year or two later and
De Nonville, another Governor, was likewise found encamped here
with an army of 2000. At this time the original fort of wood was
at its greatest pitch of renown and glory. Here was kept
stored within the palisaded walls, arms, ammunition, and provision,
beside furs. It was while enjoying this considerable power
that De Nonville committed the act of treachery toward the
Ganneyouses and Kentes Indians. But this act was followed by
an attack by the Indians, and the fort was in a state of siege
for the space of a month; “but was not taken.” Two years
later, however, finding it difficult to maintain this out-post so
far from Montreal, De Nonville ordered De Valrenne, the commander,
to blow up the fort, which was accordingly done, and
“three barks on the lake were scattered,” and “property to the
extent of 20,000 crowns,” was sacrificed.
The fort thus destroyed was rebuilt by the orders of Frontenac,
and in 1695 he sent 700 workmen for the purpose. (For the circumstances
416and the opposition respecting this, see Introductory.)
The fort being completed it was garrisoned with 48 soldiers. “The
expense of re-victualling and re-establishing the fort, cost 12,000
livres, or between £600 and £700.”—(Draper).
Respecting the situation of the fort, a manuscript published
in 1838, under the direction of the Literary and Historical Society
of Quebec, says, “it was situated at the bottom of a bay, which a
little river flowing into Lake Ontario forms, close to the junction
of Lake Ontario and the River St. Lawrence. It consisted of four
stone curtains, 120 feet each, defended by four square bastions.
The walls were defended by neither ditches nor palisades. There
was no terrace to sustain it on the inside. A wooden gallery was
built all round for communicating from one bastion to another.
The platforms of these bastions were mounted on wooden piles, and
the curtains were pierced for loopholes.”
Father Charlevoix, writing in 1720, says of Fort Frontenac,
“that it is a square with four bastions built of stone, and the ground
it occupies is a quarter of a league in compass; its situation has
something very pleasant; the sides of the river present every way
a landscape well varied, and it is the same at the entrance of Lake
Ontario.”
Fort Frontenac now fully re-established on a stronger basis,
continued for many years to be an important post, with respect to
trading, and likewise offensive and defensive operations against the
Indians, and also the English. Here was deposited vast stores of
provision, and materials of a war-like nature for the use of other
forts.
In the first years of the 18th century, rivalry and jealousy
between the French and English Colonists, assumed a more
determined form. Already was gathering the fierce elements of
Colonial war, which were to culminate in the siege of Quebec, and
spend its fury upon the Plains of Abraham. We have seen that
the two powers tried zealously, and often by unscrupulous means
to secure the alliance and aid of the savages, whose love of war
and desire to engage in the bloody attack, with the allurements of
promised presents, led them too often to scenes of blood and rapine.
The regions about Cataraqui were often the place of sudden attack
and cruel torture. The fort was an object of dread to the Iroquois,
of jealousy to the English, and with the view of breaking the
chain of forts, of which this was so important a one, the English
set about erecting one at Oswego.
417In 1754 the eventful seven years war began, and one of the
first events was the sending of a force of 4000 men and 12 guns by
the French Governor, to attack Fort Oswego. But when the force
reached Cataraqui, it was found necessary to recall a portion of
them to Lower Canada, and defer the attack. One battalion was
ordered to Niagara, while one or two battalions were encamped
under the walls of Frontenac. The total force of Canadians and
savages in arms west of Cataraqui at this time was 1000. The following
year, it is found stated that, on “June 26, 1756, English
vessels were seen across the Bay of Quinté, coming toward Frontenac.
The French gave chase, and captured a sloop.”
July 29, 1757, witnessed the arrival at the fort of a considerable
body, and for days armed men continued to rendezvous here.
The woods around the fort were alive with soldiers. The attack
upon Fort Oswego, contemplated three years previous, was now
about to be made. On the evening of the 4th August, the party,
of no small dimensions set out for the attack. It consisted of 80
batteaux laden with artillery luggage and provision, and canoes to
carry the force of 3100 men. They started at night, when the
shades of darkness were gathering, and stealthily directed their
way, one boat after another, for the opposite shore. At the
approach of morning they came to a stop, where the thick woods
met the southern shore of the lake. The bushes were parted, and
without noise, the batteaux were, one by one, withdrawn from the
water and carefully covered with leaves, so that unless one passed
directly by the way, no indications could be observed of their
existence. By the dawn of day there was not a ripple upon the
waters from the party, and the woods were hushed, except by the
denizens of the forest. All the day long the party lay concealed.
After night had fallen, re-embarkation took place, slowly and
calmly beneath the mild summer’s sky. For five days and nights
the same course was pursued, by which time they had reached the
neighbourhood of Fort Oswego, where reposed the English garrison,
unconscious of danger. The attack was so unexpected, and
carried on with so much spirit, that the garrison had to succumb
before reinforcements could be obtained, and the French returned
to Fort Frontenac laden with spoils.
But the time was approaching when the glory of Fort Frontenac
should depart. At this time the building itself was beginning
to decay. Sixty years had told upon the walls, and a writer of
1758 says they “were not good.” However, had the fortifications
418been never so strong, the course of events would have all the same
witnessed the final fall of this stronghold. “In this year, the commandant
at Fort Frontenac was a Monsieur de Noyan, King’s
Lieutenant for Three Rivers. He was an old man, but brave as a
lion.” We have seen that de Lévis having withdrawn, the fort was
left with but a few men, Garneau says seventy; but Warburton,
one hundred and twenty Frenchmen and forty Indians. Even with
this number it was but an easy success for Bradstreet, with his
three thousand men and eleven guns, to possess himself of a fort
weakened by age. Having descended the Oswego River, Colonel
Bradstreet crossed to the Upper Gap and approached Cataraqui
along the shore, observing great caution, and landed about a mile
to the west of the fort, August 25, in the evening. During the
following night he cautiously approached the place of attack, and
upon the ground where now stands the market buildings, he
erected a battery. So silently was this done, and with such despatch,
that before the morning of 27th August, 1758, he had it all
completed. The morning light revealed to the French how
imminent was their danger. Dismayed, but not discouraged, the
intrepid commander ordered every man to his post; but a few
shots from the English guns showed to him how futile was resistance.
Having signified his intention to surrender, which was
about seven o’clock in the morning, he became, with his garrison,
prisoner of war. The conquerors found in “the fort sixty pieces
of cannon, sixteen mortars, an immense supply of provisions, stores
and ammunitions, with all the shipping on the lake,” also, “several
vessels richly laden with furs, to the value, it is said of 70,000 louis
d’ors.” There was also a large quantity of merchandise intended for
the western forts, beside some of the booty which had been brought
thither after the capture of Oswego. Colonel Bradstreet had no
intention of holding the fort; but to destroy, which he accordingly
did, with the vessels.
There was a feeble attempt to restore the fort in the fall, and
“a small detachment of troops and Canadians, under the command
of the Chevalier Benoit, was sent to Frontenac partly to protect
merchandize and ammunition passing up and down, and partly to
rebuild the fort; and subsequently the Sieur de Cresse, an assistant
engineer, with Captain Laforce, a sailor, were sent there to construct
two new schooners, to endeavor to maintain the supremacy
on the lakes.” But the following year the presence of Wolfe before
Quebec, and Amherst at Carillon, rendered the restoration of Frontenac
419an impossibility. The glory of Fort Frontenac had forever
departed. But the spirit of bravery again appeared, in later days,
in a people of another language, though, nevertheless Canadians. In
1812–13 the Americans approached Kingston, but the hostile and
determined attitude assumed by the militia and troops deterred
them from attempting to touch the soil here, and when they did
attempt, both above and below, great indeed was the repulse and
discomfiture.
Contents—Cooper’s Essay—Loyalists naming places—King’s Town—Queen’s
Town—Niagara—Spanish names—Cataraqui from 1759 to 1783—Desolation—The
rebellion—Station, Carleton Island—Settling—Refugees at New York—Michael
Grass—Prisoner at Cataraqui—From New York to Canada—Captain
Grass takes possession of first township—First landholders—A letter
by Captain Grass—Changes—Surveying forts and harbors—Report to Lord
Dorchester—Kingston, versus Carleton Island—The defenses—Troops—King’s
township—First settlers—“Plan of township No. 1”—First owners
of town lots—Names—Settlers upon the front—First inhabitants of Kingston—A
naval and military station—The Commodore—Living of old—Kingston
in last century—New fortifications.
It would be impossible to write of Kingston without traveling
the ground already taken by writers, especially in an admirable
essay written by C. W. Cooper, Barrister-at-law, being a prize
essay published in 1856. We shall accept very many of the statements
therein contained except we find trustworthy grounds for
controverting them. Much, however, of the subject matter we had
laboriously collected before this pamphlet was placed in our hands
by our friend M. Sweetnam, Esq., P. O. Inspector.
The practice of naming places, rivers, &c., after royal personages
and those occupying prominent places in the public service,
naturally arose from the intense loyalty which reigned in the
bosoms of all who had forsaken their old homes to settle under the
old flag in the wilderness. The pre-eminence of Kingston is indicated
by the name, which seems to have been given it at a very
early date, as surveyor Collins uses that name in 1788. This, the
420first township surveyed and settled, was named King’s township.
Afterwards the town and township came to be called Kingston.
In this connection reference may be made to Queenstown at the
head of navigation upon the Niagara River. Trade with the west
along Lake Erie was carried on, and boats were accustomed to pass
up and down on their way to and from Montreal. These boats had
to be carried around the Falls of Niagara. Already many of
Butler’s Rangers and persons connected with the Indian department,
began to settle upon the Canadian side of the Niagara.
There was very shortly a collection of houses at the point of landing,
and the commencement of the portage, and nothing was more
natural than this, the second village formed by the United Empire
Loyalists, should receive the name of Queenstown, not unlikely the
name was bestowed by the Hon. R. Hamilton.
As we proceed, it will be observed how general was the habit
to give names derived from Great Britain and Englishmen. The
most notable exception to this is to be found in connection with
those places that received names during the time of Sir Peregrine
Maitland, who had a fancy for bestowing Spanish names.
During the time which elapsed between the evacuation of
Frontenac, the year after the destruction of the fort, in the autumn
of 1759, until the commencement of the American rebellion, and
until its close, ruin and desolation prevailed at Cataraqui. It is
found intimated, but not on the best authority, that there continued
to live at this place a certain number of French families and half-breed
Indians. That such was the case is quite possible, though, as
yet, no positive proof is to be found. But, at the most there was a
few log huts around the ruins of the fort, and upon the cleared
ground adjacent thereto, or perhaps upon the site of the ancient
chapel of the Recollets. No doubt the Indians frequently encamped
in this vicinity, perhaps had a permanent village. The words of
Captain Grass, penned twenty-seven years later, may probably be
accepted as correct, that “scarse the vestige of a human habitation
could be found in the whole extent of the Bay of Quinté.”
The rebellion led to the establishment of a military post at the
Island of Chevereux, or Goat Island, subsequently named Carleton
Island. This position was found more convenient than the site of
old Fort of Frontenac. After the defeat of General Burgoyne, at
Saratoga, in 1778, there were many refugees who sought protection
at the several military posts along the northern frontier of New
York, that of Carleton Island among the rest. Indeed, it is probable
421that to this place a large number escaped, as being more safe
than Oswego or Niagara. A communication was with some regularity
kept up between this place and Montreal, and also the Fort
of Niagara. By the army boats, refugees may have passed to
Montreal; but it would seem that a considerable number remained
domiciled at Carleton Island, eating the food supplied by government.
Of course, able bodied men would be at once enrolled into
the companies, to do military service; yet there would remain a
certain number of males, besides the women, who were incapacitated
for military life. During the continuation of the war, there is every
reason to believe that individuals, perhaps families, would cross to
the old fort at Cataraqui, to stay for a while, or even take up their
abode.
It may have been, that there were here some advantages in cultivating
the cleared land, which did not exist at Carleton Island. In
the absence of active duty, not unlikely the soldiers and officers
would pass over to fish or hunt, or perhaps to examine the land as to
quality, and facilities for settlement. Bongard says his father, who
was with Holland, said that a small village existed at Cataraqui.
But it was not until the close of the war 1783, that a systematic
settlement commenced. That settlers existed, during this year, at
Cataraqui, there is no doubt. It was sometimes referred to in Lower
Canada as Seignory, No. 1. Col. John Clark, whose father was in
the Commissariat Department during the war, says, that he was born
at Cataraqui, in 1783, and was baptized by the Rev. Mr. Stuart. The
family must then have been living on the mainland, as he speaks of
another brother as being born on Carleton Island. The probability is
that at this date, there were a few families living in the vicinity of
the fort.
At the close of the war, it was a question of considerable importance,
what can be done to ameliorate the condition of the
loyalists? While the commissioners, who completed the terms of
peace at Paris, chose to sink the interests and welfare of the
loyalists in their unseemly haste to complete the treaty, the officers
commanding in America, everywhere felt the deepest sympathy,
and keenest compassion for the refugees. Among these was the
officer commanding at New York. At this juncture of affairs, when
they were undecided, whether to embark for Nova Scotia, or Lower
Canada, it came to the ears of the General, that one Michael Grass,
of New York, had been a prisoner of the French, before the conquest
at Cataraqui. He caused that person to appear before him,
422and to report as to the character of the country, and the probabilities
of its being a suitable place for refugees to seek homes. Mr.
Grass having rendered a favorable report, the result was that he
was commissioned Captain, and placed at the head of a band of
loyalists, staying at New York. They were dispatched in King’s
ships, under the care of a man-of-war.
Mr. Robert Everett Grass, of Sidney, the grandson of Captain
Grass, says, that the party of refugees set sail from New York in a
fleet of seven vessels, and after a long voyage of nine weeks, during
which they encountered a severe gale, lasting eight days, and
nearly wrecking them, they reached Sorel. This was probably in
the early part of 1783. The men of the party ascended the St.
Lawrence in batteaux, and landed at the mouth of Little Cataraqui
Creek, thence proceeding westward, prospecting as far as Collin’s
Bay. Crossing to the west side of this little bay, Captain Grass
attempted to drive a stake in the ground, with the intention of
fixing a tent, or commencing a survey, whereupon he found it rocky.
Remarking that he had come too far to settle upon a rock, he returned
to the east of the cove, and took possession of the first
township of the Bay Quinté. There seems some reason to believe
that, when Grass arrived in Canada, and explained to the Government
his mission, that Surveyor General Holland, directed Deputy
Surveyor Collins to proceed with Captain Grass to Cataraqui, so
that he might be guided by him. If such was the case, the base
line along the front of the first township, must have been run
before Captain Grass crossed to the west of Collins Bay, and rejected
the land lying to the west thereof. Captain Grass, as well
as the surveying party, returned to Sorel for the winter, and, in
the spring, they returned, accompanied by all of the families, under
Captain Grass. It was the summer of 1784 that the first township
was occupied. There was some dissatisfaction at the preference
accorded to Captain Grass by those who had been in Canada. His
superior claim was however acknowledged. At the same time,
there appears to have been some compromise, from the fact, that
while Captain Grass himself obtained the first lot adjoining to the
reserve for the town, the second one, which was by number, lot 24
was granted to the Rev. Mr. Stuart, and the next to Mr. Herkimer,
neither of whom had any connection with Captain Grass’ company.
The following extract of a letter written by Captain Grass, at
a subsequent period, reveals to us the appearance the place presented
to him, at the time of his settling. The old gentleman had
423some grievance to make known to the public, respecting a road,
and he commences his communication thus:—
“Seven and twenty years, Mr. Printer, have rolled away since
my eyes, for the second time, beheld the shores of Cataraqui. In
that space of time, how many changes have taken place in the
little circle in which fate had destined me to move! How many
of the seats of my old associates are now vacant! How few of
these alas! to mourn with me the loss of the companions of our
sufferings, or to rejoice with me at the prosperous condition of this
our land of refuge! Yet will I not repine; they are gone, I trust,
to a better land, where He who causeth the wilderness to smile and
blossom as the rose, hath assigned to them a distinguished place,
as a reward for their humble imitation of his labors. Yes! seven
and twenty years ago, scarce the vestige of a human habitation
could be found in the whole extent of the Bay of Quinté. Not a
settler had dared to penetrate the vast forests that skirted its
shores. Even on this spot, now covered with stately edifices, were
to be seen only the bark-thatched wigwam of the savage, or the
newly erected tent of the hardy loyalists. Then, when the ear
heard me, it blessed me for being strong in my attachment to my
sovereign, and high in the confidence of my fellow-subjects, I led
the loyal band, I pointed out to them the site of their future metropolis,
and gained for persecuted principles, a sanctuary—for myself
and followers a home.” “Kingston, 7 Dec. 1811.” (Signed) “G.”
On the 29th May, 1788, Lord Dorchester, the Governor of
Canada, issued instructions to John Collins, Surveyor, to make a
survey of “forts, harbours, &c., from Carleton Island to Michilmacinac.”
His report was found among the “Simcoe papers.”
The report, dated Quebec, 6th Dec., 1788, says:—
My Lord—“In obedience to your Lordship’s instructions,
wherein is specified, that doubts being entertained whether Carleton
Island or Kingston” (and this shows how early the royal name
had been given to the first township) “is the most eligible station
for the King’s ships of war to protect the navigation of Lake
Ontario, and the upper part of the river St. Lawrence, I am to
make this particularly an object of my attention, and report how
far it may be necessary to occupy either, or both, and what works
I judge advisable for that purpose.” “With respect to Kingston,
and what is there called the harbour, and where the town is laid
out, is not the best, situation on this side for vessels, as it lies rather
open to the lake, and has not very good anchorage near the
424entrance, so that they are obliged to run a good way up for shelter;
the most eligible situation is to the east.” After referring to the
more frequent directions of the wind, he concludes, that to get into
the lake, it is as easy from Kingston as from Carleton Island, but
that the latter affords the best shelter. “Having brought forward
all the material information and observations I have been able to
make and procure, and having duly weighed the several properties,
both of Kingston and Carleton Island, relative to naval purposes
only,” he concludes, “that the preference rather leans on the side
of Carleton Island. If the object was that of trade only, or regarded
merely by the transport of goods to Niagara, I do not see that
Carleton Island has any material advantage over Kingston; but, as
a station for the King’s ships of war, I am induced to think that
Carleton Island is the best,” as it possessed many natural advantages.
Respecting Kingston, a fort and out-works could be constructed
to protect the harbour; but an enemy might advance in
the rear, and bombard the fort and the navy. “In regard to the
present condition of the works at this post, the whole is so far in
ruins as to be altogether defenceless, and incapable of being repaired,
the ditch which is in the rock, has never been sufficiently
excavated, the other works have been completed, but it strikes me
they were never capable of any serious defence, as well as from the
bastions, as well as the oblique manner in which their faces are
seen from the other works, but the whole could only be considered
as a temporary matter. The green logs with which the fort was
built, could not be expected to last long: the ground is favorable
for a fort of greater capacity and strength, but it is probable that
such a system may have been originally adopted for the works, at
the place it might have been thought adequate to its importance,
to the number of troops designed for its defence, and the strength
it was likely an enemy would be able to bring against it; and there
ideas would again be brought into consideration, if this post should
be established, or any new system adopted. Without, therefore,
going, in this place, into a detail of particular works, I will remark,
that as the ground in front widens and extends somewhat over the
extremities of the work, particularly on the right, precaution should
be taken to strengthen those points towards the field, to contract,
in some degree, the advantage an enemy attacking might have in
the extent of his flanks. The barracks, although partly dismantled,
and in a very bad condition, may be still repaired.”
From the foregoing, it may be inferred that the troops had all
425been withdrawn from the head of the St. Lawrence, and that only a
Commissariat Department remained at Carlton Island. Probably,
it was only when Canada was erected into a distinct Province, that
regular troops again were stationed here, and then, it having been
ascertained that Carleton Island would belong to the United States,
Kingston superseded it.
Although the “King’s Township” was mainly settled by the
band of Loyalists who came by way of the St. Lawrence, from
New York, there were several others who received grants of land
here, a few of whom, no doubt, reached Kingston at as early a
date as 1783, and, as we have seen, they may have visited the
place, previous to that date. Among these, was Col. Hanjost, or
John Joost, or Joseph Herkimer, who had been compelled to forsake
his home at the German Flats, where his father lived. Looking at
“A Plan of Township No. 1,” (now Kingston), “in the District of
Mecklenburgh, surveyed in 1783, with the proprietor’s names on
the lots,” in the Crown Lands Department, the following may be
observed. Just by the grounds of the Fort, the water is called
Cataraqui Harbor. Across the mouth of the Bay, and between
Points Frederick and Henry, is Haldimand Cove. Beyond Point
Henry, is Hamilton Cove. Passing up the river, the first lot has
upon it the name of Joseph and Mary Brant. This lot was not
numbered, however. (Capt. Brant came to the place in 1785, and
remained living there for a time). Still proceeding along the west
shore of the river, lot No. 1, has the name of Neil McLean; No. 2,
Henry Wales; No. 3, James Clark; No. 4, Capt. Crawford; No. 5,
Lieut. Brown; No. 6, Sovereign; No. 7, at first was granted to
Lawrence; this name is superseded by the name of Braton. To the
west of the road, is a block of land, of 700 acres, for “Capt. James
McDonnell;” but this name is erased, and Robert Macaulay written
instead. Probably Macaulay became the purchaser. To the east
of the road, is another block of land, for John Macaulay. The
island in the mouth of the river, called “Isle Aux Pére,” was
granted to Neil McLean, “by order of General Haldimand.”
Turning to the south of the Fort, the first lot has the name of Capt.
Grass; the second from the Fort, Rev. Mr. Stuart; the third has the
names upon it of Lawrence Herkimer, Sam. Hilton, Capt. Jost
Hartman; the fourth, Francis Lozion, Rockland, James Brown,
John Moshier; fifth, Lieut. Ellerbeck; sixth, John Stuart, Lieut.
Gallary, Lieut. Mower, Charles Pauder; seventh, Capt. McGarrow;
eighth, Lieutenant Atkinson; ninth, Robert Vanalstine; tenth,
426Richard Moorman; eleventh, R. Gider: this lot lies on the “Petite
Cataraqui;” twelfth, Lieut. Kotte, Surveyor, and afterward John
Stuart; thirteenth, Capt. Grass, also Capt. Everett; fourteenth, Grass;
fifteenth, Capt. Harkman; sixteenth Nicholas Herkimer. This
brings us to Collins’ Bay, or, as the original name appears “Ponegeg.”
Continuing westward, among others, are to be seen the names of
Purdy, Capt. Wm. Johnson, Wm. Fairfield, Senr., Daniel Rose,
Matthias Rose, Robert Clark, James Clark, Sen., Sergt. John Taylor,
Capt. J. W. Myers, who has two lots; (these two last became the
first settlers in Sidney and Thurlow); Lieut. James Robins, Sergt.
Williams, Lieut. Best, Lieut. John Durenbury, and then there was
a lot (No. 18) for the “King’s saw mill,” subsequently Booth’s
Mills. Of the foregoing, it is uncertain how many became settlers.
But the most of them seem to have obtained these front lots, irrespective
of Captain Grass.
Of the other early settlers, the following are, doubtless, the
principal ones. For their names, I am partially indebted to Mr. G.
H. Detlor, himself the descendant of an Irish Palatine. “Wm.
MacAulay, Thomas Markland, John Kirby, John Cummings, Peter
Smith, England, John Ferguson, Lyons, Pousett, McDonnell,
Boyman, Cook, Taylor, Smyth, DeNyke, Murney, Cuthbertson,
Alcott. The Rev. John Stuart, Hon. Richard Cartwright, Allen
McLean.” These did not probably come the first year, but within
the first two or three years.
It is said that John Fralick or Freeligh, who had held a commission
in the army, was one of the first settlers in Kingston, and
built the fourth house erected. Other names given, as among the
first inhabitants of the village of Kingston, are John Forsyth,
Joseph Forsyth, Anderson, Punbee, Merrill, Stoughton, Gray,
Hix, Cassady, Ashley, Burley, Stower, Donald McDonald, James
Richardson, Patrick Smith, John Steel, Ebenezer Washburn.
Early settlers on the front of the Township, beside those before
given, were Holmes, Day, Ferris, several Wartmans, and Graham.
Before proceeding with the history of Kingston, it is desirable
to notice more particularly some events connected with the occupancy
of Kingston, as a Naval and Military station. We have seen
that Surveyor Collins gave the preference for Carleton Island. But
Lord Dorchester decided that Kingston was the most desirable place
for purposes of defense, and it is a striking fact that the views held
by him have been, to a certain extent, reiterated by Gen. Michel,
in 1867. Both seemed to hold the opinion that Canada, west of
427Kingston, was untenable against an invading foe. When Simcoe
assumed the Government of the newly formed Upper Province, it
was the declared desire of Lord Dorchester, that he should select
Kingston as the capital, and make it a well fortified town. Already
steps had been taken to establish a naval as well as a military
station. Haldimand’s Cove, between Point Frederick and Point
Henry, had been selected for the Naval depot, and here was a
Dock Yard and Stores, which were continued for many years. These
were commenced about 1789, and the same year barracks were built
by soldiers, upon the ruins of the old fort, which was the commencement
of the Military Station, and the head-quarters of
the troops in Upper Canada, and the residence of the Commander-in-Chief;
also a staff of the Ordinance and Engineer Departments
was kept up. Cooper, writing 1856, says: “Of late years,
a general reduction has been made,—a small garrison only is
now kept, and the Artillery is wholly withdrawn.” (This was at
the time of the Crimean war). The establishment was, some dozen
years ago, greatly reduced, and is now wholly abandoned. In years
past, however, the officers and crew of Her Majesty’s ship Niagara,
were regularly piped to quarters in a handsome stone building in
the Dock Yard, which was manned, and the crew disciplined in complete
man-o’-war fashion. In these bygone days, Kingston was the
residence of the Commodore in charge of the Naval Department,
who lived in a style which would have quite outshone that of some
of our economical Governors. Those connected with this and
other departments, followed the worthy Commodore’s example, and
as the population was not then great, the influence of that example
rendered the town, if not a very prosperous, certainly a very gay,
and seemingly happy one. Times have certainly changed since
then, as far as the expenditure of Imperial money is concerned.
After Kingston had been selected as a military station, it
naturally grew more rapidly. The presence of the soldiers and of
seamen, and their expenditure of money, had the effect of starting
into quicker life, the infant town; but when Simcoe, in 1792,
passed it by, and sought his gubernatorial residence at Newark, it
received a material check in its growth. Being the largest collection
of houses in Upper Canada, Kingston had claims, irrespective
of the existence of the two arms of the service. During the first
decade in the history of Upper Canada, Kingston did not rise above
a small village, although it was honoured, sometimes, with the
appellation of “city.” Rochefoucault says, 1795, that Kingston
428“consists of about 120 or 30 houses. The ground in the immediate
vicinity of the city, rises with a gentle swell, and forms, from the
lake onwards, as it were, an amphitheatre of lands, cleared, but not
yet cultivated. None of the buildings are distinguished by a more
handsome appearance from the rest. The only structure, more
conspicuous than the others, and in front of which the English flag
is hoisted, is the barracks, a stone building surrounded with palisades.
All the houses stand on the northern bank of the bay,
which stretches a mile further into the country. On the southern
bank are the buildings belonging to the naval force, the wharfs,
and the habitations of all the persons, who belong to that department.
The King’s ships lie at anchor near those buildings, and
consequently have a harbour and road separate from the port for
merchantmen.”
“Kingston, considered as a town, is much inferior to Newark;
the number of houses is nearly equal in both. Kingston may contain
a few more buildings, but they are neither so large nor so good
as at Newark. Many of them are log houses, and those which
consist of joiners’ work, are badly constructed and painted. But
few new houses are built. No town-hall, no court-house, and no
prison have hitherto been constructed. The houses of two or three
merchants are conveniently situated for loading and unloading
ships; but, in point of constructure, these are not better than the
rest.
“Kingston seems better fitted for a trading town than Newark,
were it only for this reason, that the ships, which arrive at the latter
place, and are freighted for Lake Erie, pass by the former, to sail
again up the river as far as Queen’s Town, where the portage
begins.”
Cooper remarks that “Fort Frontenac existed for several years
after the conquest, the remains of the tower in the interior being
removed in 1827. The present barracks were built, the officers’
quarters in 1821, the men’s stone barracks in 1827, and the frame
barracks in 1837. At the commencement of the war in 1812, Point
Henry, the site of the present extensive military works, was
covered with trees; in the following year a rude fort of logs and
embankment was thrown up. A year or two after its erection two
large and substantial stone towers were added to the defences, they
were lofty, square towers, rounded at the corners. These remained
until 1826 or 1828. Stone magazines, ordnance offices, and armoury
were built outside the fort during the years 1816, ‘17 and ‘18.
429Extensive stone barracks, roofed with tin, were built between 1818
and 1820; one of these within the fort was 230 feet in length;
another building which stood where the advanced battery has
since been built, was 80 feet in length, and formed the officers’
quarters.
“These barracks stood until 1841, when they were pulled down
and the material sold. Two large houses in Brock Street, and one
in Barrack Street, were built from the stone, which, it may be
remarked in passing, is not the ordinary blue limestone in general
use, but a much whiter material, apparently not so durable. The
erection of the present fort was commenced in 1832, several previous
years having been spent in the quarrying and preparing
material. It was first occupied in 1836. On Point Frederick the
first works were a breastwork of logs and earth, with traversing
platforms for guns; within the breastwork was a block house.
These works were built during or just after the war; this block
house was burnt in the year 1820. There were also built, about the
same time, a block house surrounded with a strong stockade on the
hill on Princess Street, on the lot formerly owned by the late Mr.
Jacob Ritter; a small redan on Ordnance Street; a battery at Mississauga
Point; a block house near the present Marine Railway; one
on Stuart’s or Murney’s Point; another at Snake Island; one which
stood until recently, near the present new court house, with those
now standing, one of them on the hill to the east of the city, and
the other at the west end of Wellington Street. These block
houses, excepting, of course, that on Snake Island, were all connected
by a strong stake fence, or stockade; portions of which still
exist, and formed a chain of defences surrounding, what was then,
the whole city.”
From the first, it will be seen that the village of Kingston was
to a great extent indebted to the public service for its prosperity.
Isaac Wild, writing in 1796, says that from 60 to 100 men are
quartered in the barracks.
430
Contents—The situation of Kingston—Under military influence—Monopolist—Early
history of legislation—In 1810—Gourlay’s statement—Police—Modern
Kingston—Lord Sydenham—Seat of government—Perambulating—Surrounding
country—Provisions—An appeal for Kingston as capital—Barriefield—Pittsburgh—Building
of small crafts—Famous—Roads—Waterloo—Cemetery—Portsmouth—Kingston
Mill—Little Cataraqui—Collinsby—Quantity
of land—Early and influential inhabitants—Post
masters—“Honorable men”—Deacon, Macaulay, Cartwright, Markland,
Cummings, Smiths, Kerby—Allen McLean, first lawyer—A gardener—Sheriff
McLean—“Chrys” Hagerman—Customs—Sampson, shooting a
smuggler—Hagerman, M.P.P.—Removes to Toronto.
It must be admitted, the place did not possess from its geographical
situation the requisites for becoming a great city, although its
situation at the head of the St. Lawrence, would always secure for
it a certain degree of importance. There are evils incident to places,
depending upon the military and naval bodies, and these can be
seen in connection with the history of Kingston. Anything which
drew away for a time, to any extent, either arm of the service, had
a damaging effect upon the prosperity, and stagnation resulted in
business.
Early Kingston must be regarded as a town growing up in the
back woods, with a population governed and influenced more or
less by the society of officers and soldiers, and while the former
gave dignity and tone to the higher classes, the lower portion of
society was correspondingly and for evil, affected by the presence
of the soldiers, with the numerous groggeries, and low houses of
entertainments, which particularly in former days, were found to
exist in connection with military establishments.
In the first years of Canada, speculation was common with
a certain class. Land claims could be purchased for a mere song.
The holder of a “location ticket,” would often part with his title for
a few quarts of rum, while many other holders were glad to sell for
a few pounds of ready money, or certain articles of stock. It came
that in time, a certain number of monopolists, living at Kingston,
held land in the rear concessions and neighboring townships. The
Imperial money in Kingston was often spent without contributing
to the improvement of the adjacent country. But the
time came when the encircling settlers compelled a more generous
course of conduct.
431But, much obscurity rests upon the history of the first seven or
ten years of the village of Kingston. The effort has been made to
gather up the fragments pertaining thereto, and arrange them so
as to form a connected whole.
Cooper says that “the town was laid out in 1793, being then
confined to what is now the eastern portion in the vicinity of the
Tête du Pont barracks, and what was then known as the Cataraqui
Common, lots 25, 24, 23, on which is situated the chief part of the
city, were then farm lots of 200 acres each, and uncleared.”
According to the census roll in the office of the clerk of the
peace 1794, the population of Cataraqui village was 345. It would
seem that the appearance of the village was not very pleasing.
But the surroundings had a certain wild beauty. The first buildings
were of the most inferior kind. Kingston now so beautiful in its
fine buildings and well appointed streets, had in its first days but
the humblest of log tenements, with the rude Indian wigwam
for a neighbor. Instead of fair broad streets, and a well ordered
park, there was the Indian foot path, and the thick tangled wood,
with the stately pine.
In 1793 an act was passed “to fix the times and places of holding
the courts of quarter sessions, within the several districts,”
according to which it was provided that the courts of the midland
district should be held in Kingston, in April and October of each
year. This added somewhat to the dignity of the place. Then in
1801, there was created an act to empower commissioners of the
peace, to establish a market at Kingston, where might be exposed
for sale “butchers’ meat, butter, eggs, poultry, fish, and vegetables.”
It was further enacted that all “rules and regulations shall be
published by causing a copy of them to be affixed in the most public
place in every township in the district, and at the doors of the
church and court house of the said town of Kingston, &c.”
In 1810, Kingston was yet a small place. Mr. Miles who
moved there at the time says there was not a sidewalk or pavement,
and he for a time boarded in one of several log houses close by the
market place, “where was no lack of mud in the spring and fall,
and it was no uncommon thing for waggons to be pried out by fence
rails just north of the market place. Pine trees of the forest yet
waved almost over the market place. A thick wood covered Point
Henry, and the ground, where now is erected St. Andrew’s
Church and parsonage. The limit of the town on the north was
at Store Street, now Princess, the last house being on the north
432east side, Alcott’s old store, and on the west side where Mr. Meadows
now resides. The road, for it was then such only after passing,
Alcott’s turned to the right, and went a zigzag course northwards,
till it reached the second concession, now Waterloo road.
This was a distance of five miles from the foot of Store Street.”
A resident writing to the Kingston Gazette, December 26, 1815,
among other things, says that the town of Kingston, “possessing so
many advantages, it is time that its inhabitants should adopt some
plan of improving and embellishing of it. The streets require very
great repairs, as in the rainy seasons it scarcely possible to move
about without being in mud to the ankles; from the breadth, they
will admit of very wide footpaths on both sides, which ought to
be paved, at least in every part of the town where the buildings
are connected. Lamps are required to light the streets in the dark
of the moon. Trees should be planted on each side. The streets
should be kept free of lumber of every kind, and piles of wood. A
fire engine, with a certain number of buckets, with a company of
firemen should exist. But first the legislature must form a code of
laws, forming a complete police. To meet expense, government
might lay a rate upon every inhabitant householder in proportion
to value of property in house.”
Another correspondent under the signature of Citizen, says,
“January 27, 1816, that he approves of “A Residents” remarks, and
in addition, he suggests that the lower classes follow the example
of the liberal spirit manifested among heads of society in the previous
summer in contributing to the turnpiking of the streets, and
paving the footpaths before their own doors. They ought to
imitate, though faintly, that noble and generous example.” Besides
this, among other things, Citizen speaks against persons who work
at their trades on Sunday, instead of going to church. “Luther,”
another correspondent says, there is the noise of hammers and axes
from sunrise to sunset, on Sundays.
According to the Kingston Gazette, August 14, 1829, the census
taken that year shewed the population of the town to be 3528, but
this did not include the military. The number of inhabitants in
1836 was 6000.
At the present time, 1867, Kingston is said to cover an area of
2930 acres, while Toronto boasts of 5885 acres.
R. Gourlay says, in 1816, that Kingston “is now progressing
rapidly in population and buildings, as well as in business. From
1811 to 1816 the number of dwellings increased from 130 to 300;
433but it is estimated that 100 more will have been erected at the
close of this year.” Much of this prosperity was doubtless due to
the war, causing so many troops to be stationed there; at the same
time business and general growth of the City received an impetus
which the close of the war failed entirely to arrest. This year a
bill passed Parliament “to regulate the police, within the town of
Kingston.” More ample provision was made in 1824.
In 1821, a writer says, Kingston was the largest town in Upper
Canada, containing about 5000 inhabitants including the military.
“The people live in good style, but are not very hospitable; they
are mostly in the mercantile business.” The number of inhabitants
is probably over estimated, as in 1824 it is stated on good authority,
that the population amounts to 2336. “The buildings are of such
an inferior description as scarcely to be worthy of notice.”
The events chronicled in this work are mainly those which
came to pass prior to 1830, and the history of the first township
here recorded must mainly be limited to those early days. It will
not, however, be inappropriate to glance, and it will be a mere
glance at the Kingston of modern days. The greatest event in
connection with Kingston, was the selection by Lord Sydenham,
when the Upper and Lower Provinces were united in 1840, into
one, for the capital of United Canada. Its claim to that honor as
the most central city cannot be questioned. It may fairly be questioned
on the other hand whether it was a wise and judicious policy,
which caused Kingston to be forsaken, and the perambulatory
system to be substituted. Had the Seat of Government permanently
rested at Kingston, much expense to the country would have
been saved, and at the same time a great deal of heart bitterness
stirred up by political agitators, likewise prevented. But the
hopes of Kingston as the capital were shortlived, and with the
death of Lord Sydenham, in 1842, resulting from an accident, who
had been mainly the cause of Kingston becoming the capital, the
brightest prospects of the oldest town in Upper Canada, were
buried.
In 1845 Government was removed to Montreal. The motives
according to Cooper, which had much to do in determining the
removal were not such as are supposed to actuate statesmen.
After rebutting the charge which it seems had been made, that
434there was “no surrounding country calculated to furnish marketable
produce to a large non-producing population,” and referring
to the undoubted facts that the townships along the Bay of Quinté
were far more than adequate to meet all the gastronomists wants, he
concludes. “It may seem a small consideration when treating of
so important a branch of the subject, to take into account these
circumstances, but there is no ignoring the fact that the absence
of some of these minor luxuries had a serious effect on the minds,
and perhaps digestion of some of the officials of Her Majesty’s
Provincial Government, and some people at a distance are persuaded
that Kingston is a city built on a rock, surrounded with
barren and stoney wilds, out of which a bare existence is wrung
by the occupants, and but a scanty supply afforded to the City, and
in deference to those thus unenlightened, facts are dwelt on which
may seem trivial to those in the least acquainted with the neighborhood.
Since 1845, when the Government was removed to
Montreal, this City has greatly increased in the number of well
built and commodious houses, which, with a well regulated and
well supplied market, tempting the most fastidious, would prevent
even the temporary inconveniences which in that year were felt.
If any families had to adopt double-bedded rooms, and to import
their own celery in those days, we can now assure them ‘nous
avous changes tout cela.’ In short we claim for a City central, indeed
almost in the very centre of the Province to be governed,
proverbially healthy, substantially built, strongly fortified, well
lighted, thoroughly drained, pleasantly situated, abundantly supplied,
easy of access, the focus of a net-work of good roads, the outlet
of the produce of several rich countries, provided with a good
harbour, and enjoying many other advantages, a pre-eminence
among all Canadian Cities, as the permanent Seat of the Government
of the Province.”
The existence of the Seat of Government at Kingston, although
of short duration, had a beneficial effect; many handsome buildings
were erected besides those used for the several Public Departments.
“The Municipal Legislature of the City was encouraged
to make improvements in streets, drainage, sidewalks, and otherwise,
and to erect the present handsome and expensive edifice, the
City Hall and Market House, though not so useful as it would have
been had the Government remained here. The whole building is
occupied, and produces a revenue exceeding in amount the interest
on its cost. On the whole it may fairly be considered that the
435City was improved by the temporary location of the Government
here.”
Barriefield.—The Cataraqui Bridge, which spans the great
Cataraqui River, connects Kingston with the Township of Pittsburgh,
the origin of which name is sufficiently well indicated. Close by, is the
village of Barriefield, “named after Commodore Barrie, who was head
of the Naval Department for many years.” “It forms a sort of suburb
to the city, and though not a place of much increase, has been long
settled. It has an elevated ground, and from it the visitor obtains
a very favorable and pleasing view of Kingston, with its harbors,
forts and towers. At Barriefield, are built the best small crafts,
skiffs, and pleasure boats in use throughout the Province. They
are sent hence to all parts, and their character and build are well
known to the aquatic sportsman, and amateur mariner. Not only
in the Province, but abroad, these boats are sought after, and in use,
some of them being now afloat on the Lake of Geneva. The Kingston,
Pittsburgh, and Gananoque, and the Kingston and Phillipsville
Macadamized Roads run through this township, opening up
the township beyond, and affording to the settler a ready access to
a never-failing market. Within this township, are upwards of
thirty-eight miles of thoroughly macadamized roads, besides good
country roads to and between the concessions. That part of Pittsburgh
where Barriefield stands, and for about two miles eastward,
was formerly part of the township of Kingston. When the site of
the Town of Kingston was first selected, the spot where this village
is situated was suggested, but was overruled in favor of the present
locality of Kingston, which certainly offered greater advantages
for the site of a city.”
Kingston Township contains, not only the city of that name,
but various villages; “one of the nearest to that city is that of
Waterloo, a very pretty and neat little hamlet, about three miles
from town. It contains about 300 inhabitants, and has its Town
Hall, Church, Stores, Inns, &c.”
“In the neighborhood of this village, is the Cataraqui Cemetery,
laid out on a rising ground crowned by a grove of small pine trees.
Much care and skill in landscape gardening has been displayed in
rendering the ground picturesque and pleasing; a fine and extended
view of the surrounding country, and a pretty glimpse of the Bay
is obtained from the Cemetery grounds. This spot is not excelled
in beauty and appropriateness, by anything in the Province, and is
compared by travelers, who view it, to Greenwood Cemetery, in
436Brooklyn, N. Y. It covers some sixty-five acres of land, and when
ornamented by such numerous and elegant monuments, as the living
have erected to mark their respect to the beloved dead in older
places of sepulture, will be unsurpassed by the oldest and most
beautiful cemeteries known.”
“Portsmouth is another village, about equidistant from
Kingston with Waterloo, lying westward on the Lake shore; it was
at one time, a very bustling spot, and much enterprise was evinced
in ship-building. It suffered, for a time, from the withdrawal of
the Seat of Government, and the construction of the St. Lawrence
canals, but has now recovered its former prosperity, which promises
to continue. The ship-building business has revived, and is carried
on with energy and success. In its neighborhood are several
handsome houses and villa-residences: the surrounding country
offering very inviting spots for building. It contains about 350
inhabitants, and a large amount of rateable property, and has an
exceedingly neat unique little Church, in old English style, with a
belfry.” Portsmouth is now united to Kingston, by the erection of
buildings between them.
Within the Township of Kingston, about five miles from the
city, is the old “Kingston Mill.” It is situated upon the Rideau
Canal. The traveler, as he passes along by train, over a tubular
bridge, will be struck by the beauty and grandeur of the scene.
(For particulars, see “Early Years of Upper Canada.”)
Little Cataraqui is a stream of small dimensions, confined to the
township. In addition to the Little Cataraqui stream, there is running
across the township, the Collins Creek, so named after Surveyor
Collins. Not far from its source, in the north east part of the
township, is a small, pleasant lake, of the same name, while, at its
mouth, is Collins’ Bay. This is a beautiful inlet of the Bay Quinté,
and forms a good harbour. The place is known as Collinsby, and is
situated about five miles west of Kingston.
The quantity of land in the township, is about 47,906. The
soil is principally clay upon a limestone foundation; but still there
is much of it capable of bearing good crops, to the careful and
scientific farmer.
Thomas Deacon, father of the present Post Master, was Post
Master from 1800 to 1836, when his duties in the Commissariat
Department obliged him to resign that office. The Hon. John
Macauley occupied the post from 1813 to 1836, when he resigned,
and was succeeded by the present incumbent, Robert Deacon.
437We will supplement the reference we have made to the leading
men of Kingston, by giving extracts from a communication we
have, at the last moment received, written by one who, now well
advanced in life, spent his earlier years of manhood in Kingston,
when the first inhabitants were in the afternoon of their life.
The Hon. R. Cartwright, the pioneer merchant, and Judge of
Mecklenburgh, seems to have stood next in importance and influence
to the Rev. Mr. Stuart. “Among the prominent merchants were
Thomas Markland, John Cummings, Peter Smith, John Kirby, and
John Macaulay.” They were “all honorable men,” and “members
of the English Church,” and of undeviating loyalty. Mr. Markland
left a son. John Cummings left no issue. He was a man of
“great energy; a magistrate, and filled other offices under the
Government.” Peter Smith was “highly respected, upright in all
his dealings, and free from any moral or political reproach.” “A
fine specimen of an English gentleman.” He “carried with him
evidence that he was no stranger to good dinners, and understood
the qualities of good wine.” He died at an advanced age, 1825,
leaving a son and two daughters.
“John Kirby was another fine specimen of an Englishman.
He loved good wine and good dinners. Extremely affable, always
in good humor, universally respected. His highest ambition, in the
evening of his days, seemed to be the enjoyment of domestic tranquility,
and a quiet home, made happy to him by a wife of rare
sense, intelligent, and possessed of many amiable accomplishments.”
The Hon. John Macaulay had a well disciplined mind, possessed
great energy of character, and was decided in his political opinions
no doubt, from conscientious motives. In his business transactions
“he was scrupulously exact.” “Extremely temperate in his habits.
Was one of those who passed through life without exposing themselves
to the obloquy of their political opponents.” Allen McLean,
Esq., the first Lawyer of Kingston; created such by an order in
Council. His “abilities were moderate,” and “his original education
defective.” “A man of considerable taste, modest, dignified
in his deportment. For many years, was the only legal adviser in
the place. He was a faithful representative in Parliament for many
years. Was liberal in his political opinions.” “As proof of his
good taste, he was proprietor of one of the best gardens in the
Province. It covered one acre of ground, and contained many
choice fruit trees, such as apples, plums, pears, peach, &c.,—all
tastefully arranged, kept in prime order, and defended from the
438wind by a high wall. He took an honest pride in showing his
garden to his friends who called upon him, and was not stinted in
distributing its luscious products.” Mr. McLean left one daughter,
who became the wife of John McLean, Esq., Sheriff of the Midland
District. Christopher Hagerman resided for many years in Kingston.
Was, for many years, Custom House Officer, and while so,
one of his students (Mr. Samson, afterwards of Belleville) detected
a man, by the name of Lyons, in the act of carrying smuggled
goods, and ordered him to stop. On his refusing to do so, Mr. S.
discharged his pistol, which took effect, the ball passing through
the chest. Lyons rushed to his house, a few doors off, and fell
exhausted from loss of blood. Mr. Samson, frightened at what
he had done, hastened to summon two doctors, Drs. Armstrong and
Sampson. This occurred before daylight, on the morning of the
26th June, 1824. The life of Lyons was despaired of for many days;
but, eventually, he grew better, and gained a moderate degree of
health. It is creditable to Mr. Hagerman, that he cheerfully paid
the medical attendants. Mr. Hagerman represented Kingston in
Parliament several years. He removed to Toronto, a few years
previous to the rebellion of 1836.
439
Contents—The second town—Ernest’s town—King George—His children—Settlers
of Ernesttown—Disbanded soldiers—Johnson’s regiment—Major
Rogers’ corps—The “Roll”—Number—By whom enlisted—An old book—Township
surveyed—Settling—Traveling—Living in tents—A change—Officers—Names—Occupants
of lots—Mill Creek—The descendants—Quantity
of land—Village—The settlers in 1811—The main road—Incorporation of
Bath—Trading—Fairfield—The library—Bath by Gourlay—Bath of the
present—Bath versus Napanee—In 1812—American Fleet—Wonderful
achievement—Safe distance from shore—Third township—Fredericksburgh—After
Duke of Sussex—Surveyed by Kotte—A promise to the disbanded
soldiers—Johnson—Fredericksburgh additional—A dispute—Quantity of
land—Extract from Mrs. Moodie—Reserve for village—Second surveys.
The first township was named after His Majesty, the King’s
Town, and all of the other townships, both upon the St. Lawrence
and Bay Quinté, received names after distinguished loyalty, or
some distinguished nobleman, or general of Great Britain, then
occupying a prominent position. King George the Third, who died
in 1820, aged eighty-two, having reigned sixty years, had a family
of fifteen children, whose names were George, Frederick, William
Henry, Charlotte Augusta Matilda, Edward, Sophia Augusta,
Elizabeth, Ernest Augustus, Augustus Frederick, Adolphus Frederick,
Mary, Sophia, Octavius, Alfred, Amelia. These royal names
were appropriated to the townships, towns, districts, &c.
Ernesttown was so named after Ernest Augustus, the eighth
child of the King.
The first township, we have seen, was chiefly granted to Captain
Grass and the band of loyalists who came from New York under his
guidance, notwithstanding some objection from Sir John Johnson,
and the officers of his regiment. The second township, however,
and also the third, were allotted to the 2nd battalion of the 84th
regiment, commonly called Sir John Johnson’s regiment, also the
King’s New York Royal Rangers. The regiment was generally
designated, by the rebels, as the Royal Greens. This body of
men took a conspicuous part in the war—took a noble part,
although those who feared them, and were unequal to meet
them in successful combat, endeavoured to malign them. The
history of this regiment is referred to elsewhere, and as well
that of the distinguished founder. The writer has in his possession
the “roll of the 2nd battalion of the King’s Royal Rangers, New
440York,” containing the names of the parties by whom each of the
soldiers was enlisted, which will be found in the appendix.
By this it is learned that the whole number of the company
was 477. That Sir John Johnson enlisted 88, Major Ross 47, Captain
Leahe 17, Guminall 38, Munrow 29, Anderson 1, Lieutenant
Halbert 1, Captain McKay 95, Morrison 30, Singleton 1, Major
Gray 2, Captain Crawford 2, John McDonell 2, Lieutenant Langan
30, Langhn 2, Lieutenant Wair 1, French 1, C. McAlpine 1,
Ensign Thompson 1, Lieutenant McKay 2, Sergeant Howell 2,
Tipple 1, Ensign Smith 3, and 69 by whom, it is not stated,
they were enlisted. This roll was afterwards a precious document,
when it became necessary to prove that one was truly a
U. E. Loyalist. The book in which this roll is found, seems to
have been an account book kept by the Adjutant, Fraser, and is
dated at Oswego, 28th November, 1782. Subsequently, it was
used as an account book by “Captain Crawford’s company.”
We believe it was after his death that the book came into the
possession of Mr. Sills. It is an interesting relic of the past,
and ought to find a lodgement in some museum.
Many of these disbanded soldiers were from the Mohawk valley
and Upper Hudson. The majority were from the old Johnston
district, and not a few of Dutch origin. These honest and industrious
settlers are represented to-day by wealthy and valuable
citizens, whose names unmistakably indicate the stock from which
they have descended.
This township was surveyed probably in 1784. It may be that
a base line was run in the fall of 1783. By looking at the map of
this township, it will be seen that the lots are marked, like those
of Kingston, from west to east, showing that the base line was run
along the whole length, and then subsequently the survey completed
from the west.
In the early spring of 1784, came the soldier settlers; the 1st
battalion, commonly called Jessup’s Corps, settled on the St.
Lawrence, in Edwardsburgh and Augusta, while the second, or
Rogers’ Corps, passed up to the Bay of Quinté. Respecting this
regiment, the following will prove appropriate, from the pen of the
historian of the County of Dundas. “At the close of the war, this
regiment was stationed at the Isle aux Noix, a fortified frontier
post at the northern extremity of Lake Champlain, which has
been mentioned as an important fortress during the old French war.
Here they passed a whole year, and were employed in adding to
441the already extensive fortifications of that island. While they
remained there thus employed, two Government surveyors, named
Steichmann and Tewit, were actively engaged surveying the
County of Dundas, for their future occupation. Late in the autumn
of 1783, the soldiers were joined by their wives and little ones, who
had wandered the weary way afoot, to Whitehall, through swamps
and forest, beset with difficulties, dangers, and privations, innumerable.
The soldiers from Isle aux Noix met them there, with boats,
and conveyed them the rest of their journey by water, through Lake
Champlain. Imagination fails us when we attempt to form an idea
of the emotions that filled their hearts, as families, that had formerly
lived happily together, surrounded with peace and plenty, and had
been separated by the rude hand of war, now met in each others
embrace, in circumstances of abject poverty. A boisterous passage
was before them in open boats, exposed to the rigors of the season—a
dreary prospect of a coming winter, to be spent in pent
up barracks, and a certainty, should they be spared, of undergoing
a life-time of such hardship, toil, and privation, as are inseparable
from the settlement of a new country. As soon as the
journey was accomplished, the soldiers and their families, were
embarked in boats, sent down the Richelieu to Sorel, thence to
Montreal, and on to Cornwall, by the laborious and tedious route of
the St. Lawrence. The difficulty of dragging their boats up the
rapids of this river was very great; to us it is really quite inconceivable.
Arrived at Cornwall, they found there the Government
Land Agent, and forthwith proceeded to draw by lottery the lands
that had been granted to them. On the 20th of June, 1784, the
first settlers landed in the County of Dundas.”
Not unlikely some of the 2nd battalion were stationed at
Carleton Island and Oswego, up to the time that settlement took
place. We learn that Captain Crawford’s company at least
was at the latter place in 1782. However, it seems clear that
most of the battalion was in Lower Canada, and came up with
the first battalion. The survey was not yet completed, and they
pitched their tents along the shore, waiting until the work of drawing
lots was accomplished. In the meantime, they passed their
days as best they could; not knowing where their lot would be cast,
they could not proceed with the clearing of land. The writer has
been told by one who, passing up during this summer, saw the
tents spread along the shore, upon whose brink the primeval forest
yet stood in all its native beauty. Now, had they been stationed
442at Carleton Island or Oswego, it is not likely they would have thus
come before they could enter upon their work of settling.
The camp tents in use by these disbanded veterans were the
same they had occupied in their campaigning. How great the
change to them. The alarm of the coming foe, the thought of
approaching battle, the cannon’s roar, the rattle of small arms, no
longer disturbed their dreams, nor sounded upon their ears. The
battle cloud had passed away, leaving but a wreck of their worldly
goods, and there was a great calm—the calm of the desert wilderness,
unbroken even by the sound of the pioneer’s axe—the calm of a conscience
quieted by the thought that all had been sacrificed in a
righteous cause. They had met and conquered many a foe; but the
fate of war had driven them to the desert wild, to encounter new
fears, to fight the battle of the pioneer. How they succeeded; how
glorious the victory, is written, not merely by our own feeble hand
elsewhere—it is indelibly inscribed upon the pages of the townships,
by the tillers of the soil.
In this township as well as elsewhere, the officers seem to have
had the choice of lots upon the front, while the rank and file took
possession of the rear lots. Among the officers who settled on the
front of Ernesttown and Fredericksburgh, may be found the names
of Lieut. Church, Lieut. Spencer, Capts. Crawford and Thompson,
Ensign Fraser, Capt. Howard. According to John Collins Clark,
son of Robert Clark, the first lots were taken up in the following
order, commencing at the easternmost lot, No. 42:
Lot 42 was first occupied by David Purdy; Joshua Booth, Esq.,
married to a daughter of David Fraser, lived on Lot 40 or 41; Mr.
Nicholas Lake, Lot 39, but soon left it; Lot 38 was settled by Capt.
Wm. Johnson; William Fairfield, sen., Lot 37. He had twelve
children, all of whom lived to marry. Daniel Rose commenced a
settlement on Lot 30, but in a few years left, and removed to the
third concession. Matthias Rose, sen., settled on Lot 35, he died in
his 90th year. Lot 34 and east half of 33, were settled by Robert
Clark, Esq. His wife was a Ketcham, they had five sons and a
daughter; he died at the age of 80 years. His eldest son, Matthias,
had twelve sons. West half of Lot 33 was occupied by John Longwell.
The east half of Lot 32 was first owned by John Sayer; the
west half by Simon Swarts. Lot 31 was school land, first occupied
by Michael Phipps and William Sole. East half of Lot 29, owned
by a German named Gedd, west half occupied by Daniel Fraser, Esq.,
though not the first settler on that lot. Sebastian Hogle, John Lake,
443and John Caldwell settled Lots 27 and 28, but soon removed back
into the concessions. James Parrot, Esq., a half-pay officer, settled
Lot 26; he afterward sold this lot to Adam Stanring, from the
Mohawk River. The next settlers, continuing westward, were
Jacob Miller, Frederick Baker, Wigant (Lutheran clergyman), John
Mabee, Joseph Huff, a waggon maker, Adam Peat, a tailor, Nicholas
Amey, Simon Snider, David Williams, generally called Sergeant
Williams, a blacksmith, Joseph Losee, Lieut. John Dusenbury.
Lieut. Best soon left, and Dusenbury died. Lot 19, has latterly
been partially laid out into village lots, and a number of buildings
erected. Lot 18 was a Government mill lot. It was
leased for some years by Joshua Booth. From the number of mills
subsequently erected on the stream, that empties here, it obtained
the name of “Mill Creek.” Lot 17, settled by William Cottier
which was afterward owned by A. D. Foward. There were several
occupants of the next lot; and the next was settled by Brisco, and
the next by Richard Robins. Then came one by John George. Lot 11,
now a part of Bath, was owned by George McGinnis, a half-pay officer,
who sold to Fairfield. No. 10, on which is situated most of the village
of Bath, was occupied by John Davy. No. 9 was owned by
James Johnson, father of the celebrated “Bill” Johnson, the traitor
of 1812. The next was settled by Jeptha Hamley, Esq. Westward
lived Matthias Rose, William Rose, Wilcox, Shibley, then Finkle,
Brisco, Huffman, Pruyn, Williams, Church, &c. As a general thing,
the sons of the first settlers, settled in the rear concessions. At the
present time, says Clark, there are not more than 10 or 12 of the
farms on the front owned by the descendants of the original settlers.
The township of Ernesttown contains 68,644 acres, all of which
is excellent land with the least exception, so that the pioneers were
not the losers in having this township allotted to them instead of
Kingston. However, at that time the distance from Carleton Island
and Cataraqui seemed considerable. The land being good, and the
settlers industrious, as a general thing, the time was not long, when
the township became the best cultivated, and most wealthy, not
alone around the Bay of Quinté but in the whole of Western Canada.
The richness of the soil, and lying more immediately at the mouth of
the Bay, contributed to its prosperity, and a village before many years
sprung up, which for a time rivalled even Kingston itself, in respect
to rapid increase of inhabitants, the establishment of trade, building
of ships, and from the presence of gentlemen of refinement and education,
and in the foundation of a library and a seminary of higher
education.
444Gourlay says, in 1811, that “the settlers are most of them practical
husbandmen. Their farms are well fenced, well tilled, and
accommodated with barns.” There are now above 2,300 inhabitants, a
greater number than are found in any other township in the Province.
They have three houses of public worship, one Episcopalian,
one Presbyterian, and one Methodist. In 1817, Ernesttown had
“one parochial academy in the village, and thirteen common schools
over the township.”
In some of the townships first surveyed, a plot was reserved at
the front, and subsequently laid out into town lots. Such was the
case in Ernesttown, seemingly. At all events a village sprung up at
an early period, on the front of the tenth lot. It was for a long time
known as the Village of Ernesttown; but in time, after the war of
1812, it acquired the name of Bath, probably after the beautiful English
town of that name. The distance of Bath from Kingston is
about eighteen miles, and the road leading thereto was one of the
first constructed in Upper Canada, and the country there was regarded
as the very centre of civilization in the Province. For a long time
the main road between Kingston and York passed by Bath, even
after it was no longer solely by the way of Prince Edward and the
Carrying Place. A branch of the main road passed from this place
to Napanee, and thence to Thurlow and Sidney. Bath was regarded
as a city in embryo. Its progress was onward, until the war of 1812.
Gourlay says of it in 1811, that “it promises to be a place of considerable
business.” But the war dealt a serious blow to the place,
from which it never recovered fully. The Kingston Gazette, of 1816,
remarks, to the effect, that the village is emerging from its depression,
and that it ought to be made a post town, and a port of entry. In
the summer of this year Samuel Purdy started a public conveyance
between Kingston and Bath. The following year the Steamer Frontenac
and Charlotte were commenced here. In 1818 a bill was introduced
into Parliament “to constitute the town of Bath—to provide
for laying out and surveying town lots and streets, and a market-place
therein, and regulating the police thereof.”
The first person to engage in the trading business at Bath was
Benjamin Fairfield.
Thus wrote Gourlay, of Bath, in 1811: “From the lake shore
the ground ascends about seventy rods, and thence slopes off in
a gentle northern descent. The ascent is divided into regular squares
by five streets, laid parallel with the shore; one of them being the
lower branch of the main road, and all of them crossed at right angles
445by streets running northerly. One of these cross streets is continued
through the concession, and forms that branch of the main road
which passes round the Bay of Quinté. On the east side of this
street, at the most elevated point, stands the church, and on the opposite
side is the academy, overlooking the village, and commanding a
variegated prospect of the harbour, the sound, the adjacent island,
the outlets into the open lake, and the shores stretching eastward and
westward, with a fine landscape view of the country all around.
The situation is healthy and delightful, not surpassed perhaps in
natural advantages by any in America. The village is increasing in
buildings, accommodations, inhabitants, and business, and seems calculated
to be the central point of a populous and productive tract of
country around it.”
A stranger visiting Bath to-day, having read of its early and
enterprising days, will not unlikely feel a pang of disappointment.
We are sorry to say that the place presents a tumbling-down appearance.
A large brick building, built in 1809, to accommodate what
was then the largest Free Mason lodge in the province, has a large
rent in it, as if an enemy’s cannon ball had penetrated and shattered
it. Prominently situated it attracts great attention. The quietness
of the place reminds one of Goldsmith’s deserted village. Within
our own recollection, ship building was carried on here; but now
nothing indicates the place of busy enterprise; there is nothing
but the plain unbroken beach, where was constructed the first
steamboats built in Upper Canada. The literary spirit that led to
the establishment of a library here at an early date, we fear has
departed—gone with the spirit of those who nobly conceived the
project—gone as lawyers Macaulay, Fairfield, and Ridwell, who
here entered upon promising careers of professional usefulness.
The glory of Bath has not ceased to depart; year after year it
has lost some element of importance to its existence. The rich
country around for many years poured into this charming village
its ever increasing supplies. The merchants of Bath exchanged
goods for the produce, and became rich; but now, Napanee, affording
a greater variety of the necessaries and luxuries for family
use, draws a large majority of the well-to-do yeomen, who there
spend their money. Occasionally, a grain buyer may be able
to offer a little higher price here, yet the farmer takes his
money to spend in Napanee. Times, indeed, have changed since
the denizens of Bath regarded their village as a rival of Kingston;
when enterprise sought here a larger field in which to drive business,
446and men of education adorned society, and gave refinement
and superior advantages to its people. Then Napanee was in the
backwoods—a place regarded as we do now the settlements upon
the Hastings’ Road; and those who lived there were removed from
the centre of civilization. But now the iron horse speeds along by
the old York Road; and Bath of Canada, like its great namesake at
home, although still beautiful, is interesting, mainly from its past
associations.
It was the citizens of Bath who first saw the American fleet in
1813 approaching the shore. The early morning sun saw the
inhabitants very shortly aroused to action. The old veterans, who
for so many years had used the plow and the axe, anxiously enquired
for their old weapons of warfare. Mrs. Perry tells us that she
distinctly remembers that the word came to her father’s while they
were at breakfast, that the enemy was entering Bath. Her father,
then fifty-eight, forsook his breakfast and sought his gun. But
before he and his sons reached the village, the fleet had passed on
toward Kingston. Three of his sons, hurried on to Kingston.
In like manner, all along the front, arose the men of seventy-six,
with their sons; and their arms flashed in the morning sunlight.
The enemy had won at Bath a great victory. They had stolen in
at the early dawn, when no foe was there, and actually had
succeeded in taking and burning the schooner Benjamin Davy.
The early settlers sometimes called it the “Township of Frederick.”
It was called after Augustus Frederick, the Duke of Sussex,
ninth child of the king.
According to the original plan of this township, preserved in
the Crown Lands’ Department, it was “surveyed in 1784 by James
Pearly Lewis Kotte, Henry Holland, and Samuel Tuffe.”
The limits of the second township having been defined, the third
was also planned. Having fixed the base line, which formed a slight
angle with that of the second town, over the width of twenty-five
lots, it was at first, the intention to limit the township to this extent
of frontage; and the lots were consequently completed and numbered
from west to east, as had been done with the first two townships.
But it turned out that this would not meet the requirements of Sir
John Johnson’s disbanded soldiers, to whom the promise had been
made that they should be located in a township by themselves. The
447result was, that the wishes of this corps’ were gratified, and the township
was enlarged to the extent of thirteen additional lots, which the
map will show are numbered from east to west, and which indicate
that the lots were completely surveyed before they were numbered.
That portion of the third town included in the portion first numbered,
received the name of “Fredericksburgh Original,” and that subsequently
added, was called “Fredericksburgh Additional.” The original
intention of the surveyor, was to have the latter portion form a
part of the fourth township, which would have effected a more equal
division of the land; but the disbanded soldiers did not wish to pass
under the control of other officers, such as held command of the settlers
of the fourth township. Indeed, as will be more particularly pointed
out in connection with that township, Adolphustown had well nigh
been entirely consumed by the renewed arrivals of Rogers’ men.
There need be no wonder that the old soldiers should thus desire to
remain side by side under a common commander, in the wilderness
field, to fight the stern battle of pioneer life, and to convert the wilderness
into homesteads. The fact that numbers of each battalion
were unwilling to settle, except under their own officers, reveals the
spirit of the times: it tells us how much the settlement partook of a
military character, and the feeling of attachment which existed between
the officers and men, as well as among the rank and file. It
would not do that the same lots should be occupied as a part of the
fourth town under Captain VanAlstine; they must be severed from
that township, and united to Fredericksburgh, under the jurisdiction
of their old major.
Fredericksburgh contains 40,215 acres of the very best quality
of land. The following is taken from Cooper’s Essay, by the pen of
the talented Mrs. Moodie. “We approach Fredericksburgh: this
too is a pretty place, on the north side of the bay; beautiful orchards
and meadows skirt the water, and fine bass-wood and willow-trees
grow beside, or bend over the waves. The green smooth meadows,
out of which the black stumps rotted long ago, show noble groups of
hickory and butternut, and, sleek fat cows are reposing beneath them,
or standing midleg in the small creek, that wanders through them, to
pour its fairy tribute into the broad bay.” In 1811, the township
had “a large population, and many excellent farms, an Episcopal
Church (subsequently burnt), and a Lutheran Meeting-house.”—(Gourlay).
There was also a “reserve” for a village in this township at the
front, which, however, never grew into a village.
448In 1798, an act was passed, the object of which was to ascertain,
and establish the boundary lines between the townships by which
irregularities might be removed. In 1826, a special act was obtained
“to make provision for a survey of the first, second, and third, concessions
of Fredericksburgh, original, and the whole of Fredericksburgh,
additional.” It was enacted that the eastern boundary line of
the said township, otherwise known as the line between lots number
twenty-five, and the Gore, in the said second and third concessions,
shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be, the course or courses
of the respective division or side lines of lots or parcels lying in the
aforesaid tract of land; and all surveyors shall be, and are hereby,
required to run all such division or side lines of any of such lots or
parcels of land, which they may be called upon to survey, to correspond
with, and be parallel to, the aforesaid eastern boundary line.
Contents—The Fourth Township—Adolphustown—After Duke of Cambridge—Quantity
of Land—Survey—Major VanAlstine—Refugees—From New
York—Time—Voyage—Their Fare—Names—Arrived—Hagerman’s Point—In
Tents—First Settler—Town Plot—Death—The Burial—A Relic—Commissary—Dispute
of Surveyors—The Settlers—All things in common—An
Aged Man—Golden Rule—Old Map—Names—Islands—The Township—Price
of Land—First “Town Meeting”—Minutes—The Officers Record—Inhabitants,
1794—Up to 1824—First Magistrates—Centre of Canada—Court
Held in Barn—In Methodist Chapel—“A Den of Thieves”—Court House
erected—Adolphustown Canadians—Members of Parliament—The Courts—Where
first held—Hagerman—Travelers tarrying at Adolphustown.
The Fourth Township westward from Fort Frontenac, was,
some time after its survey and settlement, named Adolphustown,
after Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge, the tenth son of King George
III. The Township contains about 11,459 acres, and was surveyed
in 1784, by Surveyor-General Holland.
In the year 1783, a party of Loyalists sailed from the port of
New York. They were under the command of Capt. VanAlstine,
with a fleet of seven sail, and protected by the Brig “Hope,” of
forty guns. Some of this band had served in the army, in an
irregular way, more had been in New York as refugees. VanAlstine
449although commissioned to lead this company, it would seem, had
not been in the service—was not a military man, but a prominent
Loyalist of the Knickerbockers. But these refugees, in setting out
for the unknown wilderness, were provided with camp tents and
provision, to be continued for three years, and with such implements
as were given to the disbanded soldiers, as well as a batteau
to every four families, after arriving at their place of destination.
The company were mostly from the Counties of Rockland, Orange,
and Ulster, on the east side of the Hudson, and Westchester,
Duchess, and Columbia, on the west.
They sailed from New York on the 8th Sept. 1783, and arrived
at Quebec, 8th Oct. Many were undecided whether to remain in
the Lower Provinces, or go on to Canada. The events of this
voyage; this departure from old homes, to penetrate the unknown
north, are even yet held in remembrance by their descendants.
Thus, it is told, that after leaving New York a few days, a shark
was observed following the vessel, which created no little consternation.
It continued to follow for many days, until a child had died
and been consigned to the deep, after which it was no longer seen.
The Government rations with which they were supplied, consisted,
as the story has been told the writer, of “pork and peas for breakfast;
peas and pork for dinner; and for supper, one or the other.”
The party proceeded from Quebec thence to Sorel, where they
spent the winter. They inhabited their linen tents, which afforded
but little protection from the intense cold. While staying there, it
was determined to grant them a township on the Bay Quinté. The
first Township had been granted to Capt. Grass, the second and
third were to be possessed by Johnson’s Second Battalion; so VanAlstine’s
corps were to have the next township. Surveyor Holland
was engaged in completing the survey, and even then, had his tent
pitched on the shore of the fourth township. The party left Sorel
21st May, 1784, in a brigade of batteaux, and reached the fourth
township on the 16th June. The names of some of those who
composed this party, were: VanAlstine, Ruttan, Huycks, Velleau,
Maybee, Coles, Sherman, Ballis, three families of Petersons, Loyce,
VanSkiver, Philip and Thomas Dorland, Cornelius VanHorn,
VanDusen, Hagerman, father of the late Judge Hagerman, Angel
Huff, Richard Beagle, John and Stephen Roblin, Fitzgerald, Michael
Stout, Capt. Joseph Allan, Hover, Owen Ferguson, John Baker,
Wm. Baker, German, Geo. Rutter, James Noxen, John Casey, Benj.
Clapp, Geo. Rutledge, David Barker, Owen Roblin.
450It is a curious fact, fully attested by the Allison’s, the Hover’s
and others, that as the batteaux slowly wended their way along the
shore, having passed the mark which indicated the boundary of the
Third Township, several of the passengers, gazing upon the woods,
expressed a wish to possess certain places, according to the fancy of
each; and, strangely enough, the Cole’s, the Hover’s, the Allison’s,
the Ruttan’s, and others, did actually come respectively into
possession, by lot, in accordance with their previously expressed
wish.
The company had reached the land whereon they were to
work out their future existence. The writer has driven upon the
ice along the Bay, following, it must have been, almost the way
taken by this party, as they landed. They passed along the present
Adolphustown wharf, westward nearly half a mile, and rounded a
point known as Hagerman’s Point. Here a small, but deep stream
empties itself, having coursed along a small valley, with sloping
sides, in a westerly direction. They ascended this creek for nearly
a quarter of a mile; and proceeded to land upon its south side.
Between the creek and the bay is a pleasant eminence; it was upon
its slopes the settlers, under VanAlstine, pitched their tents. The
boats were hauled up; and among the trees, the white tents were
duly ranged. Thus housed, and thus far removed from the busy
haunts of men, this community continued to live for many days.
Steps were taken at an early day to draw lots for land. As so
much of the township was washed by the waters of the bay, there
was not the same anxiety among the settlers with respect to the
decision of the ballot. Every one drew his number, with one
exception, and this was a notable one, as indicating the noble feeling
of brotherhood which lived in the breasts of the noble band of
refugees. The exception was not in favor of the person in command,
or a particular friend. Mr. Cole had expressed a liking for
the first lot, now known as Cole’s Point, and he, having a large
family and consequently more anxious to get on his land, and get
settled for the winter, and the land ready for the next summer, was
immediately, by universal consent, put in possession of the lot; and
he even that year raised some potatoes.
In addition to the 200 acres granted to each of the company,
there was a town plot, consisting of 300 acres, regularly laid out into
town lots of one acre each, and one of these was granted to each of
the settlers. This plot thus surveyed, it was believed in time would
become the site of a town.
451While they were yet living in their tents one of their number
died, a child it is said by some. The dead was buried close by,
under a tree. When others came to die, they also were buried here,
and thus was formed the “U. E. Loyalist burying ground.”
The second person buried in this place, while it was yet a woods,
was Casper Hover. Shortlived was his career as a pioneer. But a
few months had passed, and he had barely taken possession of his
land when, one day engaged in clearing off the land, he was struck
by a falling limb and killed. A blow so sudden was felt not alone
by his own family, but by all the settlers. Imagination cannot call
up the heart-stirring scene of this burial in the woods by his comrades.
As there was yet no roads nor path, not unlikely the body
was conveyed by batteau from Hover’s farm to the burying ground.
The coffin must have been made of rough green boards, split out
of logs, or perhaps made with a whip saw. There was no minister
to discharge any rights belonging to the dead, or improve the events
for the spiritual welfare of the living.
Casper Hover had for his wife Barbara Monk, a relative of
Barbara Heck, well known for her connection with early Methodism
in the new world. There remains now in possession of Joseph
Allison, of Adolphustown, whose wife was a Hover, a pewter platter
which belonged to Barbara Monk. It is a relic of no ordinary
interest. Barbara Monk was a descendant of the Palatines, and this
platter was carried by her ancestors when they were forced to leave the
Palatinate. They took it with them to Ireland, thence to New York,
and finally it was brought by Barbara to Adolphustown, with VanAlstine’s
company. The writer has had the satisfaction of examining
this relic of former days. It is a round dish, of solid
metal, 16 inches broad, and weighing over five pounds. It bears no
signs of wearing out. This article of household usefulness is, or was
in the past, regarded as a township one, and was famous for its associations
with innumerable pot pies. For many a year when there
was a bee, or a raising, or a wedding, the pewter platter was engaged
to do service.
The stores of provisions for the settlers in this township, were
placed under the care of VanAlstine himself; but it would appear,
from the statements of some, that Philip Dorland gave his assistance,
and to some extent, was responsible, acting under the instructions of
a committee, for the distribution to the families. Also, one Emery,
was connected with the department.
It would seem that Surveyor General Holland, who surveyed the
452fourth town, and Deputy Surveyor Collins, who surveyed third town,
had some trouble with respect to “Fredericksburgh additional.” The
number of lots composing the third township at first, was not enough
to supply the whole of the battalion; having been promised lots in the
same township. When it was seen that all could not be accommodated
in the lots of third township, it was determined to take a certain number
from the fourth township. To this Surveyor Holland consented,
probably with the concurrence of Major VanAlstine. But more of
Rogers’ company continued to come; and Collins wished to absorb the
whole of the fourth town, to accommodate them. In this he was, no
doubt, supported by officers of the battalion; Sir John Johnson
among the rest. But Holland, in the interest of the company, which
had already settled in the fourth town, under VanAlstine, objected.
The statement comes to us that Holland and Collins had well nigh
fought a duel in connection with the matter. As Collins was a deputy
under Holland, there must have been some strong influence supporting
the former, which was probably through Sir John Johnson. But
Holland, having completed the survey of the side lines as he desired,
started precipitately to Quebec with his report. Collins hearing of
this, started after. Whatever may have been the contest at head
quarters, Holland’s report of the fourth township was received, and
the third township was limited to its present size.
Mr. Joseph Allison, says, respecting the settlement, that “what
was one’s business was everybody’s business, they were all dependent
on each other.” Each concession was considered a neighbourhood,
each being about four miles in length. After the trees were felled
and the brush burnt, then came on the logging bees, and every man
had to give an account of himself, if he should be missing when notified.
There were no aristocrats, from Major VanAlstine down to the
humblest individual. Each had to do what he could. They were
perfectly organized in this branch of business, being divided into
companies or squads of six; and each squad had to take a regular
“through” of about six or seven rods wide, piling all the timber in
their respective “throughs.” These logging bees were always
attended with much strife, all striving to be ahead; and as they were
always used to their rations of rum, they must, on these occasions,
have all they wanted. Then, in the evening, they must have their
dance. It was considered the privilege and duty of all the women
in the neighbourhood to attend and assist in cooking, as many of the
settlers were bachelors. Indeed, if there was a wedding, in one of the
concessions, all had a right to attend, belonging to the neighbourhood.
453These pioneers of Adolphustown were a wonderfully hardy set of
men, possessed of great physical powers, although inured to hardships
of a very pressing kind. They lived to a great age; very few
of them died under eighty, and two of them lived to be over a hundred.
John Fitzgerald was the oldest man that came with VanAlstine,
he died in 1806, aged 101; Daniel Cole was 106, when he
died. The leading men of the settlement were VanAlstine, Captain
Peter Ruttan, Michael Stout, the Dorlands, and Nicholas Hagerman.
If any dispute or grievance arose, it would be left to some one to
settle, but they all, with very few exceptions, tried to do as they
would wish to be done by.
“Joseph Allison was a whip-sawyer by trade, and assisted to saw
the first boards that were used in the buildings. He drew lot 17.”
Examining an old map in the Crown Lands Department, certain
names are found written upon the Islands and Points of Adolplustown.
The southern extremity has upon it the name of Lieutenant Michael
Vandervoort. The adjacent island has Lieutenant Samuel Tuffee, and
P. V. Dorland. Proceeding around the point to the north, the first
indentation of the bay is named Bass Cove. The next point is for
John Speers, and Humphrey Waters—called on the map “Speers and
Waters lot, 150 acres.” The next cove is called Perch Cove, and the
next point is for Lieutenant Samuel Deane, 100 acres. Then comes
Little Cove. The bay off these points is called “Grand Bay,” northward
to where Hay Bay commences, it is called “The Forks,” while
Hay Bay is designated “East Bay,” and up toward the Mohawk
Bay it has the name of “the North Channel;” Casey’s Point on the
north shore of Hay Bay is called Green Point, and the land there is
allotted to Philip and Owen Roblin.
Beside those mentioned, as forming a part of VanAlstine’s company,
there were, among the first settlers of Adolplustown, and probably
of VanAlstine’s party: Angel, William and John Huff, Thomas
Casey; and at a later period came “Billy” Monroe, John Roblin, John
and James Canniff, Philip Flagler, Carnahan, Robert Short, Fisher,
and Captain Allan.
In some respects Major VanAlstine’s company were better off
than the soldier pioneers. Although they had to come a long distance
by ship, and ascend the St. Lawrence in small boats, which precluded
the possibility of bringing to the country many articles for family
use; yet they could fetch with them some things to contribute to
family comfort, beside clothing.
The township being almost surrounded by water, and having
454many indentations of the bay, there was thereby afforded the most
advantageous place for the settlers, whose only mode of traveling
was by boat. Every concession has communication with the bay.
The township is the smallest in the Province, containing but 11,459
acres. The land at first, it is said, could be had for “one shilling an
acre,” and half of lot 15, of 100 acres, was sold for a “half joe”—£8.00.
In contrast to this, in 1817, there was “no land in the township
which could be procured for less than £4 an acre,” and few
would sell at that price. Although so well provided with a water way
for travel, good roads were early constructed.
The following are the minutes of the first “Town meeting” held
in Adolphustown, on the 6th of March, 1793, for which we are indebted
to Mr. J. B. Allison.
“The following persons were chosen to officiate in their respective
offices, the ensuing year, and also the regulations of the same.”
“Ruben Bedell, Township Clerk; Paul Huff, and Philip Dorland,
Overseers of the Poor; Joseph Allison, and Garit Benson, Constables;
Willet Casey, Paul Huff, and John Huyck, Pound Keepers; Abraham
Maybee, and Peter Rutland, Fence Viewers.”
“The height of fence to be 4 feet 8 inches. Water fence voted
to be no fence. Hogs running at large to have yokes on 18 by 24
inches. No pigs to run until three months old. No stallion to run.
Any person putting fire to any bush or stubble, that does not his
endeavour to hinder it from doing damage, shall forfeit the sum of
forty shillings.”
(Signed) Philip Dorland, T. C.
It is most likely that Philip Dorland was merely secretary for
the meeting.
Ruben Bedell was successively elected town clerk for three years,
when, in 1795, Archibald Campbell was appointed, who served for
four years. In 1800, Daniel Haight was appointed. In 1801,
William Robins filled the office, and continued to fill it for three
years, when in 1804, Ruben Bedell was again elected. The following
year Bryan Crawford was appointed; the next Daniel Haight, who
continued four years; John Stickney then filled the office three
years, and Daniel Haight was again appointed, 1813.
There is in the Township Records, a Return of the inhabitants
for 1794, March, with the names of each family, and the number
of members in each. They are as follows: Ruben Bedell, 5; Paul
Huff, 6; Solomon Huff, 10; William Griffis, 5; Caspar VanDusen,
4556; Nicholas Peterson, 8; Nicholas Peterson, Sen., 3; Isaac Bern, 1;
Thomas Jones, 4; Alexander Fisher, 10; James McMasters, 8;
James Stephenson, 1; Russel Pitman, 7; Joseph Clapp, 4; George
Brooks, 6; John Halcom, 3; Martin Sherman, 3; Joseph Cornell, 5;
Peter Valleau, 5; William Clark, 6; Joseph Clark, 1; Albert
Cornell, 8; Peter Delrya, 4; John Huyck, 6; Alexander Campbell,
5; Buryer Huyck, 2; Albert Benson, 4; Gilbert Bogart, 2;
Abraham Bogart, 3; Christopher German, 5; William Casey, 6;
Edward Barker, 3; David Kelly, 4; Battin Harris, 8; John Canniff,
13; Nathaniel Solmes, 10; Peter Wanamaker, 4; Garret Benson, 1;
William Mara, 4; John Roblin, 3; John Elms, 3; John Wood, 2;
Peter Ruttan, Jun’r., 3; Owen Roblin, Jun’r., 2; Owen Roblin,
Sen’r., 8; Benjamin Clapp, 8; George Rutter, 7; Jacob Bullern, 6;
Cornelius VanHorn, 6; Robert Jones, 5; Paul Trumper, 8; William
Hanah, 4; Michael Slate, 4; Peter Ruttan, Sen., 5; Denis Oscilage,
1; Joseph Carahan, 8; Thomas Dorland, 6; Philip Dorland, 9;
Willet Casey, 8; Peter VanAlstine, 3; John VanCott, 7; David
Brown, 3; Peter Sword, 2; William Brock, 5; Nicholas Hagerman,
8; Cornelius Stouter, 3; Abraham Maybee, 7; Henry Tice, 3;
Thomas Wanamakers, 1; William Button, 5; Joseph Allison, 2;
John Fitzgerald, 2; Matthew Steel, 5; Conrad Vandusen, 5; Henry
Hover, 3; Arion Ferguson, 2; Henry Redner, 4; Andrew Huffman,
4; Daniel Cole, 11; Henry Davis, 5; James Noxen, 1.—Total 402.
The total number of inhabitants in 1800, was 524, and in 1812,
575. The returns are given, yearly, up to 1822, when the number
was only 571. It is observable that the number fluctuates from
year to year. This was due to the fact that families would come to
the township, from the States, remain a few years working a farm
on shares, and then would move up the Bay, to another township.
Major VanAlstine, as the military commander, was the chief
officer. But there lives no account of dissensions and litigations, for
many a year. When the Government appointed Magistrates, probably
not until after Upper Canada was erected into a separate
Province, VanAlstine was the first to receive the commission. There
were, likewise, appointed at the same time, or soon after, several
others, viz., Thomas Dorland, Nicholas Hagerman, Ruttan, Sloat,
and Fisher, afterwards Judge. It is said the Magistrates did not
always agree. Ruttan and VanAlstine had dissentions; and VanAlstine
claimed certain power, by virtue of his command over the
corps who peopled the township. Whereupon Ruttan, at the next
meeting, donned his suit of clothes, which he had worn as an
456officer of the Regular Army, and declared no one was his superior,
and, it is said, gained his point.
The time came, when Adolphustown was almost the Centre of
Canada. It is true, Kingston was the great point to which the
military and naval forces centred, and the circumstances of such
gave that place a status which it could not otherwise have obtained.
But Adolphustown was really the centre of the settlements in the
central part of Canada—the Midland District. So it came that the
court was alternately held at the Fourth Town and Kingston, being
twice a year in each place. The first court in this township, was
held in the barn of Paul Huff, which served the purpose very well
in summer. The next occasion was in winter, and some building
had to be procured. Application was made for the Methodist
Chapel. Some objection was made, on the ground that a “house of
prayer” should not be made a “den of thieves,” referring to the
criminals, not to the lawyers. But the Chapel was readily granted
for the second court held in Adolphustown. It is said that a proposition
was made, in due form, that if the inhabitants of the Fourth
Town would build a Court House, the court should be held there
twice a year. The offer was accepted, and a subscription set on
foot, which resulted in the erection of a Court House. When the
court ceased to be held, in accordance with the agreement, the
Court House reverted to the Township.
The building of the Court House was followed by the growth
of a village, and among its population were those whose names
became household words in every Canadian home. It continued a
place of importance for many a year; and, even when the court
ceased to be held, the village, by virtue of its situation, and the
standing of the township, continued for a long time of no little
repute.
Adolphustown contributed, during the first years of Upper
Canada, a good many worthy individuals to the welfare of the
country, indeed Adolphustown look the lead for many years in political,
as well as more general matters relating to the country. The
general elections, at one time, resulted in the election of four
natives of this township to Parliament, viz: two Hagermans, Sam’l
Casey, and Paul Peterson. Says Joseph B. Allison, of Adolphustown,
“Our township, though, perhaps, the smallest in the Province, (if
it were consolidated, it would not be more than three miles and a
half square,) has furnished as many statesmen and judicial officers
as any of the larger townships. From the humble abodes of Adolphustown,
457have gone to the Legislative Halls of Canada, Thomas
Dorland, John Roblin, Christopher A. Hagerman, Paul Peterson,
Dr. W. Dorland, Willet Casey, Henry Ruttan, Samuel Casey, Dan’l
Hagerman, David Roblin, John P. Roblin, who represented the
County of Prince for many years. The Hon. John A. McDonald
although not born here, spent his juvenile years, and attended the
common schools in Adolphustown. Now, we challenge any township
in the Province, that has not a city or town connected with it,
to turn out eleven members of Parliament, all of them U. E.
Loyalists.”
Roblin, who settled in the third concession, was elected three
times to Parliament, in 1808, 1811, and 1812. At first, he sat for
two years; but, when sent the second time, he was expelled, because
he was a local Methodist Preacher. His constituents re-elected him,
and again he was expelled, to be a third time elected; but he died
before the Parliament again met, on the last day of February, 1813,
aged 44.
It was in the year 1793, in the second Session of Parliament,
that an Act was passed “to fix the time and place for holding the
Courts of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace.” The Act provided
“that the Courts of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the
Midland district of this Province, shall commence and be holden in
Adolphustown, on the second Tuesday in the month of July, and on
the second Tuesday in the month of January; and in Kingston, on
the second Tuesday in the month of April, and on the second Tuesday
in the month of October.” The other places were Michilmackinac,
Newark, New Johnstown, and Cornwall. In this second year of
Upper Canada, no mention is made of Toronto, nor yet of York.
Where now stands the splendid Osgoode Hall, with its chaste and
beautiful decorations; and, indeed, now exists the whole of Toronto,
with its unrivalled University building, its Colleges, its handsome
Churches and elegant mansions was then a tangled forest, and, except
an Indian path along the Don, marking a portage to Lake Simcoe
and Fort Toronto, there was no indication of human existence.
Moreover, about this time, upon the shores of Adolphustown was
born Christopher Hagerman, who was destined to adorn the bar and
grace the bench; who saw arise the Courts of Law, the organization
of the Law Society, and assisted to establish them at Toronto, where
he spent his latter days, and where now his ashes repose.
Among those who first came to Adolphustown are some who
had seen service in an irregular way, as well as the refugees. The
458names of some of them will be found among the loyal combatants
and loyalists.
For several years, the families that came from the States would
stop at the Fourth Township, where they would “work out,” or take a
farm on shares, or perhaps rent a farm, until they could find a suitable
place on which to permanently settle, in the back townships,
such as Sophiasburgh, Ameliasburgh, Sidney and Thurlow. The
ordinary terms for working a farm on shares was for the owner
to furnish team, seed, &c., and take one-half of the produce when
gathered.
Conrad VanDusen kept the first tavern west of Kingston, and
at his house travelers up and down the Bay would stop. Also, new
comers to the Bay would here first tarry, until decided where to
settle.
Contents—Marysburgh—Origin—Once part of a Seigniory—Survey—Hessians—Old
map—The lots—Officers of 84th Regt.—Original landowners—Indian
Point—McDonnell’s Cove—Grog Bay—“Accommodating Bay”—“Gammon
Point”—Black River—“Long Point”—Reserves—Course pursued by the
Surveyor—Number of Hessians—Their sufferings—Dark tales—Discontented—Returning
to Hesse—A suitable location—Not U. E. Loyalists—Received
land gratis—Family land—Their habits—Capt. McDonnell—Squire Wright—Sergt.
Harrison—The Smith’s—Grant to Major VanAlstine—Beautiful
Scenery—Smith’s bay—“The Rock”—Over a precipice.
This township is so called after Mary, Duchess of Gloucester,
eleventh child of the King.
It is more than likely that the extremity of Prince Edward
Peninsula was frequently visited during the French occupancy of
Frontenac. Indeed, it is quite probable that the Seigniory granted
to La Salle included a portion of the present township of Marysburgh.
And no doubt, the beautiful bay, long time called South
Bay, that is the body of water lying between Indian Point and
Long Point, with Wappoose Island, was often visited during the
American rebellion.
The original surveyor, Mr. Collins, having been instructed to
lay out a fifth township on the shores of the Bay, recognized the
459south shore as a desirable place upon which to settle disbanded
troops. The forked peninsula, with the coves, and the Black River,
supplied valuable facilities for the intending pioneer. The surveying
was commenced in 1784, and finished in ‘85 or ‘86. Referring
to the loyal combatants, it will be seen that the Foreign
Legion composed of Hessians, and a few Irish and Scotch, had
offered, to such of them as desired to remain in Canada, grants of
land. It was the Fifth Township in which the Government determined
they should be located. Having been staying in Lower
Canada for a time, they ascended in batteaux in 1785, and, we
believe, under the care of Archibald McDonnell, proceeded to
occupy the township; while the surveying was still going on along
the bay. Great pains had been taken to secure a frontage upon
the water either of the Bay Quinté, the South Bay, or Black
River. By referring to the oldest map of the township in the
Crown Lands Department, it is found that while most of the land
was allotted to the Hessians, a considerable portion was taken up
by commissioned and non-commissioned officers of the 84th Regt.
By looking at the map of Marysburgh, it will be seen that
great irregularity exists in the formation of the lots, and it will be
observed that great care has been taken to secure a frontage upon
the water to as many lots as possible. This was, as elsewhere
shown, to procure a water communication to the central points of
the settlement; and as well facilities for fishing, to the settlers. By
maps preserved in the Crown Land Department, it may be seen
to whom was originally granted certain parts of the township, from
the names written thereupon. The names of places are, as well,
very suggestive. It would seem that Collins, as well as others,
engaged in laying out the townships, did not forget to make
claim to eligible lots, here and there, for himself. To these he was
doubtless entitled, and acted no unjust part.
At the extremity of what is now called Indian Point, but formerly
designated Point Pleasant, was a considerable tract of land
which was not laid out into lots, but which has marked upon it, as
the original owner, Surveyor John Collins. Subsequently, Collins
conveyed it to Alexander Aitkins, a lawyer. Proceeding up the
Bay of Quinté, we come to a small cove, known now as McDonnell’s
Cove; but maps exist upon which this is called Grog Bay. In the
absence of fact, it may not be well to relate the traditionary origin
of this name. It is sufficient to say that it most likely arose from
the habit, then far more common than now, of visiting this place to
460fish, and drink grog. Adjacent to this bay was a large block of land
granted to Archibald McDonnell. Upon the south shore of Point
Pleasant the water, now Smith’s Bay, is marked “Accommodating
Bay.” When we remember the great necessity for each settler to
have access to the water, and the constant course pursued by the
surveyor to secure it; we have no difficulty in arriving at the conclusion
that this name arose from the increased facilities this indentation
of the lake supplied, in this respect. The point of land stretching
out between “Accommodating Bay” and Prince Edward Bay,
and Black River, a name due to the dark color of its water, which
is north of the furthermost point of the peninsula, is called “Gammon
Point.” This name was given, most likely from the fancied
resemblance it bore to a ham; the term gammon being the word
commonly used by the old settlers for ham. Looking at the hill
from the south-west, it does bear such a resemblance.
The lots were surveyed with their front upon the north shore of
the Black River, and, then returning to the water, and continuing
towards the extremity of Prince Edward’s Bay, the lots were made
to front upon the water, making them angular with the others. At
the very end of the Bay, they are changed again, so as to have a front
at right angles with the others. There are four of these lots. The
surveyor had now reached the rock of “Long Point,” as it is called,
at the present day. Here we find, again, that the lots front to
the north, upon Prince Edward’s Bay. The surveyor next proceeded
to survey the base line as far as Bluff Point, and then returning,
formed fifteen lots, which brought him to the rear of those
laid out at the head of the Bay. He then crossed over to the Lake
Shore, and commenced to survey westward. The point was then
named “Point Traverse,” from the fact, we fancy, that the surveyor
crossed here to continue his survey without laying out the extremity
of Long Point, which offered no inducements for the settlers.
Upon Point Traverse, was set apart a block of land, containing
2,500 acres, which is marked “Military Lands.” Probably, with
some idea of erecting here some military post. These were afterwards
conveyed to “Capt. Joseph Allen.” Upon the same map,
in the Crown Lands Department, we learn that a block of land
near Black River, was originally granted to James Brock, Esq.
To the west of the fifteen lots laid out at the neck of Point Traverse,
and fronting upon the Lake, was a reserve for the Clergy. This
seems to have been the extent of the first survey in this section.
Returning to the Bay of Quinté, we find that at this time lots
461were laid out along the shore westward, to within about two miles
of the Lake on the Mountain. The land thence not being attractive,
it was not then surveyed. Subsequently when laid out, the lots were
placed at a slight angle with those to the east, in order to front
upon the Bay. Sixteen lots brings us to the entrance of Picton Bay.
Again a change is found to take place, so that the lots may front
upon the east shore of this bay. Six lots reach to the head of
the bay, which appears to have been the termination for a time.
But subsequently, the survey was continued, being slightly altered,
that the base line might follow the old Indian Carrying Place.
There were nine lots in this row. Turning to East Lake and West
Lake, it will be seen that the lots were arranged to front on either
side, as well as at the ends. The time at which these lots mentioned
were surveyed, is somewhat uncertain, but probably before 1786.
It is impossible to state the exact number of Hessians who
settled in Marysburgh; but judging from accounts, and the names
taken from the Grantee’s list, it is surmised there were about forty.
Unacquainted with the English language, and unaccustomed to the
profound solitude of the forest, and the flittings of the dark-skinned
Indian, often in a state of semi-nudity, it is no reason for wonder, if
the Hessians felt otherwise than contented in their wilderness home.
Although upon the borders of a lovely bay, rich in valuable fish,
they were ignorant of the mode of catching them; and, when the
Government supplies, which were continued to them, as to the
other settlers for three years, was withdrawn; although this valuable
article of diet was at their very door, they were exposed to
the terrors of actual starvation. Even during the time that rations
were to be given them, it is related they were often in want. A
dark tale of cupidity, and heartless carelessness on the part of officials,
to whom were entrusted the duty of furnishing the necessary stores,
has been told. How much of truth there may be in this report, it
is now impossible to say. When we remember the circumstances
of the times; the settlers scattered along hundreds of miles of uncleared
land, that the stores had to be transported from Montreal, and
Lachine by batteaux, and that, necessarily, many persons became
responsible for the transit, as well as the distribution, we need not
be surprised if there was now and then carelessness and neglect; and
now and then reprehensible appropriation of stores, which were
intended by a paternal Government for the mouths of the
hungry. Many of the Hessian settlers would gladly have escaped
from all the terrors which encompassed them; but it was now too
462late. As a general thing, they had not the means of removing.
But there were a few who managed to extricate themselves, and
who returned to the old country. One John Crogle went to Kingston,
mortgaged his farm for £6 to Rev. Mr. Stuart, and took his
departure for the fatherland; another mortgaged his lot to
Captain Allan and left, leaving his wife; and never returned.
Probably no place in the country afforded a better location for
these foreigners who were entirely ignorant of the rugged duties of
pioneer life, and had but an imperfect conception of agricultural
pursuits, and moreover, were quite unable to speak the English
language. It has been said, indeed, that the Government exercised
a thoughtful regard in placing them, where a means of existence
was at their very door, by the catching of fish, beside what the soil
might bring forth. But the fact that they were of a different
nationality—essentially a different people from the loyalist settlers,
militated against them. Many of the latter were Dutch, and could
speak little or no English; but the former could understand Dutch
no more than they could English, German was their native tongue.
The Hessians were not U. E. Loyalists, and they were often made
to feel this by not receiving for themselves and family the
same allowance of land, and by the behaviour manifested toward
them by the loyalists. The writer recollects the tone of disparagement
toward the “fifth towners,” by an old inhabitant of the fourth
town. These things combined to delay prosperity to the township,
as a general thing.
They received land gratis; but subsequently when the title
deed was given, a sum of £5 was demanded, being the amount of
expense incurred at the time of their enrolment into the service.
This was protested against upon the floor of the Parliament, but
without avail. The quantity of land each should receive was to
depend upon the number of children. Beside the allotment to
each, at the time of settling, he was to receive an additional fifty
acres at the time each child attained the age of twenty-one. This
took the name of “Family Lands.”
Although prosperity did not come to the township of Marysburgh
as quickly as to the first four townships, yet the time eventually
arrived when it partook of the general spirit of advancement. From
several sources we have the statement that the old soldiers were for
many years given to somewhat irregular habits; and that an important
instrument in effecting a reformation among them, was the Rev.
Darius Dunham, the first Methodist preacher to visit them.
463Beside those of the foreign legion who settled in this township,
were several officers, and non-commissioned officers of the 84th regiment,
and a few who had been in the regular army. The most important
of these was Captain Archibald McDonnell, who arrived at
the township in 1784, and landed in the cove, which now bears his
name, and there on the shore pitched his tent, until he had erected a
log cabin.
Then, there was “Squire” Wright, who was supreme in authority
in the township for many a day, even before he was appointed
magistrate. He was the Commissary Officer, and the old soldiers
were wont to come to him, to settle any differences that might
arise among them.
Sergeant Harrison was an early settler, he has a son still living
now in his 88th year; yet hale as a man of sixty-eight. He was born
in St. John’s, Lower Canada, and was five years old when he came
with the family to the place, an elder brother having preceded and
erected a hut. He tells us that the Hessians were to have three
years’ provisions, but for some reason only received two years. He
remembers when blazed trees alone marked the way, from one
house to another; and then the bridle path, which in time was
widened into a road. The first horse brought to the township is
well remembered, it was owned by Colonel McDonnell. This one,
with another, were the only ones, for many a year, in the place.
Among the first settlers were William Carson, Daniel McIntosh,
and Henry Smith, a German, who had several sons: John, William,
Benjamin, Charles, Barnit, and Ernest. Smith’s Bay is so called
after Charles.
Major VanAlstine had granted to him a large block of land in
this township. The original grant is now before us, and gives the
information that the quantity was 437 acres, consisting of lots
number five and six in the first concession. The document is dated
“4th June, 1796,” signed “J. G., S.” (John Greaves, Simcoe). “Peter
Russell, Auditor General. Registered, 17th June, William Jarvis,
Registrar.”
This lot of land included the high hill, with the lake at its
summit, so well known to excursionists. The Major at once proceeded
to erect a mill here, which proved a great convenience to
the inhabitants of the township. The lake was for a time called
VanAlstine’s Lake. In 1811, Major VanAlstine having died, the
land, with 30 acres cleared, and a dwelling-house, and another for
the miller, and out-houses are found offered for sale by the executors.
464We cannot leave the township of Marysburgh without commending
the beautiful scenery to those who may not have visited
it, especially the interior, and the shores of South Bay. A trip by
carriage from Picton across the rugged hill, which seems to encircle
in an irregular manner, the whole township, to the Black Creek,
whose dark and narrow waters, inclosed by muddy banks, contrast so
markedly with the bright blue of the bay into which it empties, hard
by Gammon Point, is one that will well repay any one making it.
The irregularity of the roads makes the drive none the less interesting.
Approaching the bay, there is spread out a view whose beauty we
have never seen surpassed, and rarely equalled either in the new
world or the old. Having obtained a close view of Prince Edward
Bay, and observed the far-stretching Point Traverse with the three
prominent Bluffs; and still further away to the south, the Ducks,
and Timber Islands, the tourist should follow us closely as may be
the changing shore, that forms the head of Smith’s Bay, to the north
side, where another delightful prospect will lay before him.
About six miles east of Wappoose Island, is a bold point standing
out into the Lake. It presents a bold and precipitous front of about
100 feet in height. It is now commonly designated the “Rock.”
Formerly, it was called “Cape Vesey Rock.” Here was a reserve
for the Mississauga Indians, of about 450 acres. This was not surrendered
by the Indians until 1835, although some time prior, a
settler by the name of Stevenson, had been in occupation. Some
years ago, there was overhanging the brow a mass of rock, which
one day fell, with a thundering crash. And the old inhabitants tell
of a deer and an Indian huntsman, whose bodies were found lying
at the foot of the rock both having approached the brink with
such speed that, to turn aside was impossible, and both bounded
over the perpendicular rock to meet a common doom.
465
Contents—Sixth township—Name—Survey—Convenient for settlement—First
settlers—A remote township—What was paid for lots—“Late Loyalists”—Going
to Mill—Geological formation—Along the fronts—High shore—Grassy
Point—Its history—Marsh front—Central place—Stickney’s Hill—Foster’s
Hill—Northport—Trade—James Cotter—Gores—Demerestville—The
name—“Sodom”—First records—Township meetings—The Laws of
the township—Divided into parishes—Town clerk—Officers—The poor—The
committee—Inhabitants, 1824—Fish Lake—Seventh township—The
name—Survey by Kotte—At the Carrying Place—Surveyor’s assistant—No
early records—First settlers.
This township is named after Sophia, the twelfth child of King
George III. In the year 1785, Deputy Surveyor General Collins,
who was then at Kingston, instructed his assistant Louis Kotte, to
lay out a sixth township, commencing at the southern extremity of
South (Picton) Bay, and proceeding northward along the west
coast of the Bay Quinté, the lots to front upon the bay. These
were measured along the high shore to Green Point, forty-four lots.
Following the bay, which at Green Point turns westward, a row of
lots were laid out to the head of the bay, sixty-four lots of which
were to form the northern front of the sixth township. By referring
to the map it will be observed that this township was also a
convenient place for a new settlement, having two sides of a
triangle upon the bay. The comparatively straight high shore; and
the equally even coast upon the north, enabled the surveyor to
obtain a uniformity which had been impossible in the fifth township,
although securing an extensive frontage for the settlers.
About 1788, probably, the first settlers of this township took up their
land at the head of Picton Bay, sometimes called Hallowell Bay.
They were two Congers, Peterson, Spencer, Henry Johnson; and at
a later date came Barker and Vandusen.
Respecting this township generally, Mr. Price, who has kindly
exerted himself to procure facts, observes, “I find there is some
difficulty in getting information.” “The first settlers are all dead,
with one or two exceptions, and many of the farms on the north
shore were bought from the U. E. Loyalists who never lived on
them.” The occupation of the township generally, may be regarded
as a later settlement. This rich, and now, long settled place, was
once considered as a remote settlement, as Rawdon, Huntington,
466and Hungerford, were thirty years later. All, or nearly all, who
took up land here and became the pioneers, had at first lived in one
of the townships upon the lower part of the bay, most of them in
Adolphustown. Guilliam Demerest, John Parcels, and Roblin,
were among these. Some of the settlers drew land here; but
many purchased, and lots, now worth the highest price, were procured
for a very small sum, or for a horse, or cow, or a certain
quantity of grain. Some of the settlers had formerly lived in the
Lower Province, or in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Also,
there was continually coming in, those who felt no longer at home
under the new form of government in the States, or who were glad
to escape persecution. These were not in time to secure land, and
were often called the “Late Loyalists”. Then, again, a few years
later, when the bitterness of spirit, which had led the rebels to
commit such serious acts of cruelty to the loyalists, had subsided,
and a degree of intercourse had commenced between the two; it
came to pass that many, who had not taken an active part on either
side in the contest, and who had friends in Canada, emigrated to
the shores of the bay, or, as they called Canada then, Cataraqui.
For instance, the Cronks and Ways, who were among the first
settlers upon the Marsh front, as the north shore was called, were
but the precursors of several others of the same name, who entered
about the beginning of the present century. Some of these were,
no doubt, influenced by the proclamation issued by Simcoe.
Nathaniel Solmes was one of the older settlers. He came from
Duchess County in 1792, lived in Adolphustown two years, then
settled on lot No. 10, 1st concession.
One of the first settlers upon the north front was John
Parcels. He was of Captain VanAlstine’s company, and settled
in that township, where he continued to live until 1809, when
he removed to lot No. 24, where Northport now stands.
His wile having died in 1787, he married Mrs. Parliament.
Their first-born, named Richard, was the first, or one of the
first white children born in Sophiasburgh. Mrs. Parcel’s son,
George Parliament, says, in a memorandum, “I recollect having
to go to Napanee Mills, in company with my brother Jacob, a distance
of nearly twenty miles, to get our grinding done, we had our
wheat on a hand-sleigh, as the roads were not passable by any other
mode of conveyance.”
The land was often purchased at a very low price; for instance,
lot No. 16, in the 1st concession, was purchased for a horse, harness,
467and gig. A farm belonging to Matthew Cronk, was bought for a
half barrel of salmon. The Foster-place, where Benjamin Way,
used to live, was sold for an old horse. This is one of the best
farms in Prince Edward, now, perhaps valued at seven or eight
thousand dollars. In 1793, Nicholas Lazier paid $25 to Tobias
Ryckman, for 200 acres.
The geological formation of Sophiasburgh and Ameliasburgh,
is not without interest. That the mountain about Picton, and the
high shore at one time formed the shore of the bay, or perhaps,
what is more likely, stood up as an island in a lake, with much
broader boundaries than Lake Ontario now has, there is but little
doubt. It will not be possible to discuss such points to a great
extent, at the same time, it will be well to make a few observations
as we proceed. It has been seen that this township has two long
fronts upon the bay.
These join at what is known as Grassy Point. Commencing
at the head of Picton Bay, the reader is invited to follow the course
of the bay, and to observe the points of interest which may be
found. No one can travel by the road on the summit of the high
shore, without been deeply impressed with the beauty of the
scenery. From this height, is an extended view of the bay, stretching
down toward Kingston, with the rugged shore of Marysburgh on
the right, and the lower and more attractive lands of Adolphustown,
and Fredericksburgh on the immediate left, while beyond the
Reach, lies the placid waters of Hay Bay. About fifteen miles from
Picton, the high shore recedes from the bay, and turns to the west,
stretching away almost to the waters of Ontario. From this part
of the coast, to Grassy Point, a distance of over nine miles, the land is
low; but the road is a pleasant one, until it turns to cross to the
north shore. Continuing along the south shore, although walking
in silence, and quite removed from human habitation, we are treading
upon ground, which, in the past, was a place of note. The
following notice respecting Grassy Point supplies information.
“On Wednesday, the 27th of June, at the Court House, will be
sold by auction to the highest bidder, that beautiful property, consisting
of 343 acres of excellent land, of which a large portion is
cleared, situated in one of the finest parts of the Bay of Quinté,
being the residue of a reserve for military purposes, and afterwards
granted to Sir John Harvey, on which there is a Ferry crossing to
the Six Nation Tract. In the neighborhood, there is an extensive
settlement of respectable farmers. The premises and the vicinity
468abound with game, and the bay with fish of every description
peculiar to Lake Ontario. It is particularly suitable for grazing,
and is within 40 miles of Kingston, which is a never failing ready
money market.”
Sir John Harvey was afterward, for his services in the war of
1812, appointed Governor of Nova Scotia. The land was sold to
Samuel Cluse, Civil Engineer, the person who surveyed the Welland
and Rideau Canals. He died at Ottawa some years ago, and left
this property to his daughter, Anna, now Mrs. Paul Peterson, who
resides upon the place. The agent who advertised the land for Sir
John, as ‘excellent land,’ was scarcely correct. Much of the land
is rocky, with but few inches of soil. Clumps of scraggy trees
exist with patches of plain. But along the shores are pleasant
nooks, in which agreeable fishing may be found. The Point is
divided into two, by a small bay. The more eastern of the two
points is known as Grassy Point, and the other Green Point. The
intervening cove has been known as Louis Cove, from a Frenchman
of that name who long lived here. The land to the East of the
cross roads, between lots two and three, is useless, almost, for agricultural
purposes.
Grassy Point, from its geographical position, naturally became
a place at which the early settlers, in passing up and down the Bay,
made a rest. At that time, but few trees were growing, the Point
being a green plain. Most likely, it had been the site of an Indian
village. The first settler here, who came at an early date, was
Haunce Trumpour. His house was well known to the pioneers;
and the navigator, wearily toiling in the batteau, gladly welcomed
the appearance of his hospitable roof. Passing around the extreme
northerly point, off which is Capt. John’s Island, we are upon the
north shore, or marsh front, of Sophiasburgh.
Grassy Point was not only a convenient place for resting, to
those passing along; but it likewise was regarded as the most central
point at which to hold township meetings. And here, the whole
militia, which comprised mostly all the male population of Prince
Edward, even from the extreme point of Marysburgh, were wont
to meet, to have their annual trainings. At these times, John
Trumpour’s house became one of no little importance. The training
took place here so late as 1802.
Proceeding on our way westward, the land becomes very much
better. At the northern termination of the cross-road before mentioned,
is a ferry, which has long existed. The first settler here,
469who established the ferry, was Richard Davenport. It originated
from the necessity of the settlers of the Sixth Township, having to
go to Napanee to mill. Many a bushel of grain has been backed
from this township to Napanee mills, and the flour carried back.
Mr. Paul Peterson now lives here.
Proceeding on our course. As the land improves, it is no longer
level, but becomes uneven, and, on lot eight, is found a considerable
eminence, known as Stickney’s Hill, which stands closely against
the Bay. This hill has attracted no little attention, on account of
the large number of human bones which the plow has, year after
year, turned to the surface. Various stories have gained currency
relative to the origin of the bones; the most notable of which is,
that here perished Col. Quinté, with a number of men. (Respecting
this, see History of Bay). The most likely explanation is, that
here, for years, the Indians living on Grassy Point buried their
dead. Upon this hill, in the burying ground of the Solmes family,
reposes the remains of Dr. Stickney, after whom the place is named,
and who was the first physician to practice in this township. Since
we visited this spot, but a few short months ago, another pioneer
has found here a resting place. A faithful Canadian, an exemplary
citizen, Richard Solmes, having lived to see the wilderness truly
blossom as the rose, full of years, has passed to the grave, followed
by a whole community of people, and mourned by a highly esteemed
family.
West of Stickney’s Hill, the land gradually rises; and a few
miles gradually brings us to a higher eminence, called now, Foster’s
Hill, which is noticeable for many miles up and down the Bay. It
was once, no doubt, an island in the midst of a great lake. Being
covered with wood, adds, in summer, very much to the beauty and
interest of the scenery. At the summit of this prominent hill is a
table land of rock covered with but little soil. But very soon the
soil increases in depth, and away, on every hand, stretches a fertile
land. Near the foot of the hill, and upon the shore, where the land
is pressed out into the bay, almost to form a point, is situated the
Friends’ Meeting House. No one acquainted with the mode of
worship practiced by this exceedingly conscientious denomination,
can help being impressed with the truly suitable locality for deep
spiritual communing. Two miles further westward, at the commencement
of the channel, between the mainland and the Big
Island, brings us to the pleasant village of Northport, so called from
its situation, upon the north shore of the township. The situation
470is charming, and here may be seen the very essence of rural happiness.
The village, consisting of some 200 inhabitants, has two
stores, but no place where intoxicating liquors are sold. The trade
is confined to the inhabitants of the township, with an occasional
customer from the Mohawks, across the Bay. The view, looking
westward, through Big Bay and the Narrows, along the shore of
Thurlow, to Belleville, is, upon a lovely summer night, very pleasant
to the gaze.
The village of Northport was built partly on the property
originally owned by James Morden and Isaac Demill; James
Morden having built first here in 1791. The first merchant to commence
business here was Orton Hancock, in 1819. The first wharf
built here was in 1829; but prior to that Jacob Cronk had constructed
one on his farm, lot twenty-one, probably in the second
year the Charlotte run.
In addition to the names already given, of the first settlers of
Sophiasburgh, we may mention the following: three families of
Ostrom’s, the Short’s, Brown, the Cole’s, Barse, Abbott, Cronks,
La Zier, Spencer, Basker, Peck, De Mill, Fox, Spragg, Goslin,
Trippen, Mowers.
James Cotter was an early settler, became the first Justice of
the Peace, and, in 1813, was elected to Parliament, and served four
years.
The township having been surveyed so that the lots might front
upon both sides, there resulted a certain number of Gores, designated
respectively by the letters B C D and G. The first of these
Gores settled was by Philip Roblin, who was one of the first settlers
of the township.
Demerestville.—This village, which is situated upon lots 38
and 39, of the marsh front, is named after the original settler,
Guillame Demerest. The old settlers called him “Demeray”. He
was a native of Duchess County, N. Y., and was a boy during the
rebellion. He was often engaged in carrying provision to the British
army. He continued to live in Duchess County, until 1790, when
he came to Canada. He failed to prove his right as a U. E. Loyalist,
and consequently “lost a fine grant of land”. He died at Consecon,
1848, aged seventy-nine. The village sprung up from the mills,
which were here erected. It was, for many a day, called Sodom.
This name, it is stated, arose from the fact that when Mr. Demerest’s
first wife was on her death-bed, a ball was given in the place, at
which the inhabitants generally attended, and created some little
471noise, whereupon she said they were “as bad as the inhabitants of
Sodom.” The village of Demerestville was incorporated in 1828.
We copy the following from the first record of the township of
Sophiasburg, by which it will be seen that their mode of procedure
was unlike that observed by other townships. All of the townships
were acting by virtue of a common law, but seem to have given
the law a widely varying interpretation.
“Passed, at Sophiasburg, at a regular town meeting, held on
the 3 day of March, 1800.
“For the better ascertaining astrays, and knowing and describing
horses and neat cattle, sheep or swine. Be it understood by
this town meeting, that every inhabitant and householder shall,
within six weeks from the passing of this Act, have their mark
and brands recorded, according to law by the Town Clark.
“And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
any astrays, horses, neat cattle, sheep or swine, that shall be found
on any open or improved lands from the twentieth of November to
the first of April yearly, and every year the owner or owners of
such improvement or cleared lands shall give in their natural mark,
or artificial marks, and describe their age, as near as possible, to
the Town Clark, who is hereby ordered to record the same in a
book, to be kept for that purpose; for which such informer shall
receive one shilling for each horse or neat cattle; and sixpence for
each sheep or swine. Provided always, and be it so understood,
that such astrays above mentioned, is not one of his near neighbors,
which shall be left to the Town Clark to decide; and the Clark shall
send word to the owner or owners, if he knows them, by the mark
or brands; and, if unknown to the Town Clark, he is hereby ordered
to advertise them in three different places in this township; for
which he shall be entitled to receive from the owner, or owners, as
followeth, viz: For sending word, or writing, or recording, or
informing any way, one shilling and threepence; if advertised, one
shilling and six-pence, for each horse or neat cattle; and for each
sheep or swine, six-pence per head. And be it further enacted by
the authority aforesaid, that if any inhabitant or householder who
shall leave any astrays, as above mentioned, on his or her cleared
lands for eight days, from the 20th day of November to the first of
April, and neglect to give notice thereof, as by the above Act mentioned,
shall loose the reward for finding, or feeding such astrays,
and pay the owner one shilling for each horse or neat cattle; and
six-pence for each sheep or swine. And be it further enacted, by
472the authority, that if no owner or owners shall appear by the first
Monday in April, to prove their property, then, and in that case,
the Town Clark shall advertise for sale, all such astrays, in three
townships, viz., Ameliasburg, Sophiasburg, and Hallowell, for the
space of twenty days, describing the marks and brands, color and
age, as near as possible; and if no owner or owners shall appear and
prove their property, then the Town Clark shall proceed to the
sale of such astrays, by appointing the day of sale, to the highest
bidder; and, after deducting the expenses, to be adjudged by persons
hereafter appointed by each parish, in this town, and the overplus
shall be delivered into the hands of a Treasurer, hereafter to be
appointed.
“And be it observed—That all well regulated townships is
divided into parishes. Be it enacted, by the majority of votes, that
this town shall be divided into parishes, and described as followeth,
that is to say: That from lot No. 45, west of Green Point to lot
No. 19, shall be a parish by the name of St. John’s, and by the
authority aforesaid, that including No. 19, to No. 6, in the Crown
Lands, west of Green Point, shall be a parish by the name of St.
Matthew. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
That including the tenants on the Crown Lands, and including
lot No. 28, shall be a parish by the name of St. Giles; and from
Nicholas Wessel’s, to Hallowell, shall be a parish by the name of
Mount Pleasant.
“Whereas, all the fines and forfeitures that may incur within
our limits, shall be appropriated to charitable uses; we, the inhabitants
of Sophiasburg, in our town meetings, on the 3d day of March,
1800, do think it necessary to appoint our Treasurer, in this town,
out of the most respectable of its inhabitants, to be Treasurer to
this town, to receive all forfeitures and other sums of money that is,
or shall be, ordered to be appropriated to charitable uses; which
Treasurer is hereby ordered to serve in that connection during good
behaviour, or till he shall wish a successor. And be it enacted by
the authority aforesaid, that we do appoint and nominate Peter
Valleu, who is appointed Treasurer, who is to keep a book and
receive all the moneys coming into his hands, and enter by who
received, and for what fined; and when a successor is appointed, he
shall give up all the monies he has belonging to said town, with the
book and receipts, to the successor, and deliver the same on oath, if
required; and that each parish shall nominate one good and
respectable inhabitant, who together with the Overseer of the Poor,
473shall be inspectors to inquire and see that all the fines and forfeitures
of this town is regularly received and delivered to said
Treasurer. And if any person who comes and proves of any astrays
that had been within one year and a day, then the Treasurer and
those Parish Inspectors, and the Overseers of the Poor, shall refund
such moneys as was delivered to the Treasurer, deducting two
shillings on the pound for its fees of said Treasurer. And be it
enacted by the authority aforesaid, that when there is any money in
the hands of the Treasurer, and a necessity to lay it out on the
same charitable use—this body corporate shall have the sole
management and disposing of, who is to receipt to the Treasurer
for the same end, have recorded in his book, and the use they had
applied the same and the Treasurer, Overseers of the Poor, and the
Parish Inspector may hold meetings and adjourn the same when
and as often as they or the major part of them shall choose so to do
and shall be a body corporate to sue and be sued on anything that
may appertain to their several offices.”
We find no further record until the year 1820, which is as
follows: “An Act passed at a town meeting, held at Sophiasburg,
3rd January, 1820, for the relief of the poor in the township of
Sophiasburg.
“Report of the Committee on the subject.
“We, the Committee appointed, who have the care of the poor
of the said township, have agreed to report that one half-penny on
the pound, of each man’s rateable property, be paid for the present
year, and it is seen of the Committee that when any person is
agreed with to keep any of the poor, that they endeavour to get
them to take produce in payment for defraying said poor. Signed
on behalf of the Committee,
JAMES NOXEN, Chairman.
Sophiasburg, 3rd January, 1820.
“Passed at a regular town meeting, held at Sophiasburg, 1st
January, 1821.
“The report of the Committee to the care of the poor for the
present year is, that one farthing on the pound, of each man’s rateable
property, will be sufficient for the present year.
“By order of the Committee.
(Signed) JAMES NOXEN, Chairman.”
The following year, a somewhat similar report is found, signed
by Tobias Ryckman, Chairman.
474It is not until the year 1822 that any record is found of the
appointment of officers, that is, the Township Constables, Assessors,
Collectors, &c.
“At a regular town meeting, held at Sophiasburg, at the house
of John Goslins, on the first January, 1822, the following officers
were chosen and elected”: “Town Clark, John Shorts; Lewis
Ketchum, David Birdett, Sylvenus Doxy, Constables; Thomas D.
Apleby, John Shorts, Assessors; Sylvenus Day, Collector,” &c.
John Shorts was successively elected until 1826, when Thomas
D. Appleby was appointed. We find a note appended to the report
of this year as follows: “Our laws at present be as they will. We
have them long, and keep them still.”
The next year, 1827, the town meeting was held at the inn of
John Goslin, and John Smith was elected Town Clerk. A note says
“Farmers Town Laws, as heretofore—Hogs not to run at large in
Demerest Vill.” John Smith was Town Clerk until 1832. This
year S. W. Randell was elected.
It is found stated that in 1824 there were 1796 inhabitants, and
in 1825, there were 1793.
In some respects, it would be found interesting to notice the
township to a later period; but we have already devoted as much
space to this town as we had intended.
Within this township is Fish Lake, situated a short distance
east of Demerestville, it was so named from the countless numbers
of fish which inhabited its waters when discovered, which was in
the year of the famine, or “scarce year.” The food thus supplied
saved, it is said, many from suffering and death.
This township took its name from the fifteenth child, and
seventh daughter of the King. She died in November, 1811, aged
27 years. Upon the oldest chart of this township, to be found in
the Crown Lands Department, is the following note: “The front of
this township is a continuation of Lieut. Kotte’s survey from Green
Point to the head of the Bay of Quinté, whose orders were in 1785,
to have cross roads between every six lots.” This note was most
probably, made in consequence of there being an absence of three
cross roads, when the settlement of the county made them necessary.
Coming to the Carrying Place, or portage, from the head of
Bay Quinté to Weller’s Bay, it will be seen that a row of lots somewhat
475smaller in size, is formed on either side of the road. But
while the road seems to have a straight course upon the map, by
visiting the place, one will observe that the course is not altogether
direct. We have it from one, who, no doubt knew, that the surveyor’s
assistant, a mulatto by the name of Smith, was told to lay
out a double row of lots; both to front upon the Indian path, which
instructions were literally carried out, whereas it was intended
they should be straight. The lots upon the west side of the road
extended to the small marshy creek. This row of lots, numbering
twelve, originally forming a part of Ameliasburgh, now belong to
Murray, the Carrying Place being the dividing line between the
two townships.
We have been unable to find any early record of Ameliasburgh.
According to information furnished us by Mr. Ashley and
others, the first family that settled in this township was George
Angel Weese, with three sons, John, Henry and Francis, natives of
Duchess County; they came here in 1787. The second settler was
Thomas Dempsey, who came in 1789. (See U. E. Loyalists).
Among the other settlers were Bonters, Sagers, Bleekers and
Coverts.
The names of other early settlers of Ameliasburgh are mentioned
elsewhere, and are among the first patentees. Among them
was Elijah Wallbridge, a native of Duchess County. He came to
Canada in 1804, and purchased on Mississauga Point, of one Smith,
1200 acres of land, all of which, we believe, is still retained in the
family. Two years later his family came by French train in
winter.
William Anderson, sen., who is still living, aged 88 years, a
native of Ireland, emigrated to America with his parents in
1793. He came to Canada in 1803. In 1806 he settled on Mississauga
Point, having married Miss Polly Way, a descendant of the
U. E. Loyalists.
476
Contents—Prince Edward—The name—Rich land—Size of peninsula—Shape—Small
Lakes—Sand hills—The Ducks—Gibson’s rock—The past—First
settler—Col. Young—Prospecting—Discovery of East Lake—West Lake—Moving
in—Settlers in 1800—East Lake—Capt. Richardson—“Prince Edward
Division Bill”—Office seekers—Township of Hallowell—The
name—Formation of Township—First Records 1798—The officers—The
laws—Magistrates—Picton—Its origin—Hallowell village—Dr. Austin—Gen.
Picton—His monument—Naming the villages—A contest—The Court-house—An
offer—Enterprise—Proposed steamboat—Churches—Rev. Mr.
Macaulay—Rev. Mr. Fraser—Rev. Mr. Lalor.
The name of this district is derived from Prince Edward, Duke
of Kent, the father of our Queen, who visited Canada at an early
date (see under Early Government).
The peninsula is a rich and beautiful tract of land stretching
away from the main land, to be washed on the one hand by the
quiet waters of the bay, and on the other by the more turbulent
waves of Ontario. It is some seventy miles in length, and varying
in breadth from two to twenty miles. The neck of land, or isthmus
which separates the head waters of the bay from Lake Ontario, is
something less than a mile-and-a-half across. It is known as the
Carrying place.
Prince Edward district is irregular in outline, on both the lake
and bay sides. Along the lake coast there are numerous bays extending
inward, two or three being of considerable size. The
larger ones are Weller’s bay, Consecon Lake, West Lake, and
East Lake. In places, the shore is rendered exceedingly picturesque,
by the presence of irregular and beautifully white sand-hills. They
have been gradually formed by well washed sand which the waves
have carried shoreward, so that the wind might, in the lapse of time,
deposit it heap upon heap. The mariners regard this coast with justifiable
concern, at the extreme southerly portion, off Long Point,
in the vicinity of the Ducks, where many a vessel has come to
grief.
The geological formation of the peninsula is of considerable
interest; and the observant student of this interesting science, may
trace many steps which indicates the geological history.
In a valley, upon the second concession road of Ameliasburgh,
may be seen a huge mass of rock, known as Gibson’s rock, whose history
477carries us back, far into the remote past, when the continent of America
was covered by a vast ocean, and when massive icebergs, cast loose
from their native place in the frozen north, carried with their icy
scales huge rocks from the north land coast. Then, carried southward
by wind or tide, and reaching water of a milder temperature,
the ice became melted, and the rocks were deposited in the depths
of the ocean. When the continent of America was upheaved, and
the waters departed to their present limits, this huge body of stone,
unlike the stone forming the geological bed of this region, was
found fast fixed to the soil, ever to form a part of it.
In the whole of Upper Canada, there is not, perhaps, any
section so full of historic interest, excepting Frontenac, as Prince
Edward. We have seen that the forked peninsula was well known
by the Aborigines, and that they were accustomed to cross from
the south side of the lake to Point Traverse. It was always a
favorite hunting and fishing ground, where abundant supplies were
obtained. And, not unlikely, some portion of Indian Point belonged
to the Seigniory, granted to La Salle. Moreover, the two points
stretching far into the lake, became early locations for the refugees
and disbanded soldiers.
In the history of Marysburgh, reference has been made to the
early settlement of the point east of Picton Bay, which commenced
in 1784. But it appears by the statement of John C. Young, that
his grandfather, Colonel Henry Young, made the first settlement in
the summer, or fall of 1783. For an account of this half-pay officer,
the reader is referred to the Royal combatants of the rebellion of
1776.
With a brother officer, Young left Cataraqui, or, Carleton Island,
in a canoe, and ascended what was then called (perhaps first by
these parties), the South Bay, now Picton Bay. They landed at
the commencement of the Indian Carrying Place, subsequently, for
some time known as Hovington’s Landing, after the individual
who here built a convenient house. They left their canoe here,
and set out southward. We have been told that they intended to
seek the bay now known as Smith’s Bay; but, according to his
descendant it would seem they had no particular point in view,
desiring only to examine the land. Following, no doubt, the old
Indian path, they came out at the north corner of East Lake, a
point afterward called the Indian Landing, which name it still
retains. Following the east shore of this lake to the south corner,
they were surprised to hear the roaring of Lake Ontario, having
478thought they were following the shore of an inland lake. They
crossed the strip of land covered with cedar, spruce, and balsam,
and taking off their shoes, waded from the beautiful sand-beach
across the outlet of the lake to the opposite point, and proceeded
along the west side to the north corner of the lake, to where David
McDonald now lives, having entirely walked around East Lake.
They here constructed a hut, of cedar bushes, in which to stay the
night. The following morning they set out in a north-west direction,
and came to West Lake, following the east side, they reached
the sand-beach. Traversing this, they arrived at the point where
Wellington now stands. Here they stayed the night. The next
day they continued on around the north side of West Lake through
the woods, and the same evening regained their canoe. They
observed plenty of deer and other game, and fish, the former of
which Ensign Young’s wife subsequently assisted him to hunt.
The succeeding day they returned to Carleton Island. Mr. Young,
from this rich land over which he walked, selected the west side
of East Lake for his future abode. His eldest son Daniel, who had
belonged to the Engineers, was at Carleton Island, having been
with his father during his stay at Fort Oswego. His second son,
Henry, was at St. John’s with the rest of the family. He sent a
message for him to come up. This must have been in July or
August. In September, the father and two sons, having procured
a large canoe, loaded it with provisions, and other necessaries,
and ascended to the Indian Carrying Place, Hovington’s Landing.
They carried their provisions across, and constructed another boat
with which they conveyed their things to the point selected for
settling, about three miles. Here they proceeded to build a log
shanty. Sometime after, the father left, leaving behind his two
sons, to winter alone in this out-of-the-way place. They were the
first settlers in Prince Edward County. Mr. Young descended to
St. John’s, where his family still remained, and stayed the winter.
In the spring he came up the St. Lawrence with his family as
far as Fredericksburgh, where he left his daughters while he went
to see how his sons fared, and had passed the winter. He found
them all well; and remained the summer with them, during which
they built a more commodious log house. In October, he returned
to Fredericksburgh for his daughters, who accompanied him to the
wilderness home. These four daughters, Elizabeth, Mary, Catherine
and Sarah, subsequently married Henry Zuveldt, Jonathan Ferguson,
William Dyre, and John Miller. They all lived to be upwards
of eighty years.
479On the first day of January 1800, the settlement at East
Lake, in the township of Hallowell, consisted of the following
families, in the following order, commencing at Silas Hills, at
the head of East Lake, near the place now known as the Cherry
Valley, and proceeding around the north side of lake, viz:—“Colonel
John Peters and family, half-pay officer; Major Rogers
and family, do; David Friar, Mr. Friar, U. E. L.; Roswell
Ferguson, do; Elisha Miller, do; Blasdall Tailor; Caleb Elsworth,
Lieut. Heny Young, half-pay officer; Henry Young, Jun., U.E.L.;
Augustus Spencer, half-pay officer; George Wait, U. E. L.;
Benjamin Wait, do; William Dyre, do; George Elsworth.”
“List of settlers on the south side of the lake.—Henry Zuveldt,
(Zufelt) U. E. L.; Johnathan Ferguson, Sen., U. E. L.; Johnathan
Ferguson, Jun., do; Anthony Badgley, do; John Miller, do;
Farnton Ferguson, do; William Blakely, do; Sampson Striker, do;
Barret Dyer, do; Daniel Baldwin, John Ogden, U. E. L.; Richard
Ogden, do; Solomon Spafford, Joseph McCartney, Joseph Lane,
William Ensley, Col. Owen Richards, U. E. L.; James Clapp, do;
Charles Ferguson.”
“At this time there were no settlers in the second concessions
neither side of the lake.”—(Rev. G. Miller.)
East Lake is about five miles long and one and a half wide. It
was for a time called Little Lake. West Lake is about fifteen
miles in circumference.
Prince Edward was one of the original nineteen counties of
Upper Canada, established by the proclamation of Simcoe in 1792.
By this proclamation, we learn that the Peninsula was called by
the French “Presque isle de Quinté.” Originally it was divided into
the three townships of Marysburgh, Sophiasburgh, and Ameliasburgh.
Subsequently the townships of Hallowell and Hillier, were
formed, and in later days the township of Athol.
In 1831, an act was passed to erect the county into a district,
“so soon as the Governor shall be satisfied that a good and sufficient
gaol and court house has been erected therein, when a proclamation
should announce the formation of the new district.” The
act specified that the “gaol and court house should be erected in
the village of Picton, upon a certain block of land, containing two
and a half acres, granted, or intended to be granted and conveyed
to Asa Worden, Simeon Washburn, and James Dougal, Esquires,
agreeably to a resolution adopted at a public meeting in May, 1826,”
unless a majority of Justices of the Peace of the Midland District
should declare the site ineligible.
480We find the following respecting the division of Prince Edward.
“Pro. Parliament,” “Prince Edward division bill.” Mr. Roblin
moved the adoption of the Preamble in a few remarks, stating its
(the Peninsula) geographical position, the population being 10,000,
the remoteness of the inhabitants from the location of the District
Court House and Gaol, at Kingston, the earnest desire of the people
for separation. Mr. Samson moved, as an amendment, that the
village should have a member when it contained 1,000 souls. The
debate upon the bill, resulted in one of those fierce encounters that
was then not unfrequent between William Lyon McKenzie, and the
Solicitor General, afterwards Chief Justice Robinson.
If we may credit the Free Press, there were plenty of applicants
for office in the newly erected district, there being no less than
sixteen seeking the office of Sheriff.
We find in Sabine, that “Benjamin Hallowell, of Boston,
Commissioner of the Customs in 1774, while passing through Cambridge
in his chaise, was pursued toward Boston by about one
hundred and sixty men on horseback, at full gallop. In July, 1776,
he sailed for England. While at Halifax, he said, in a letter, “If
I can be of the least service to either army or navy, I will stay in
America until this rebellion is subdued.” It appears from another
letter that he frequently tendered himself to the Commander-in-Chief
without success. In the autumn of 1796, Mr. Hallowell came
to Boston. He was accompanied by his daughter, Mrs. Elmsley,
and by her husband, who had just been appointed Chief Justice of
Upper Canada. He died at York, Upper Canada, in 1799, aged
seventy-five, and was the last survivor of the Board of Commissioners.
The British Government granted him lands in Manchester,
and two other towns in Nova Scotia, and a township in Upper
Canada, which bears his name. He was a large proprietor of lands on
the Kennebec, Maine, prior to the revolution; but proscribed and
banished in 1778, and included in the Conspiracy Act a year later,
his entire estate was confiscated. His country residence at
Jamaica Plain, was used as a hospital by the Whig Army during
the seige of Boston; and his pleasure grounds were converted into
a place of burial for the soldiers who died.”
We are unable to learn whether any part of the township of
Hallowell was granted to Benjamin Hallowell, or not, but, it is not
at all unlikely, that at first he did hold some portion of the land.
481At all events, there seems every reason to believe that the name
was derived from him. On July 3, 1797, an act was passed, whereby
it was provided “that a township shall be struck off from the
southern-most parts of the townships of Marysburgh and Sophiasburgh.”
The reason set forth was, that “the inhabitants of the
townships experience many difficulties from the uncommon length
of the said townships.” The Governor was by proclamation, “to
declare the name of such township before the first day of August
next.” Mr. Hallowell’s brother-in-law, Mr. Elmsley, had recently
been appointed Chief Justice, and doubtless the distinguished
position Mr. Hallowell had held, led to the naming of the new
township to commemorate his loyalty.
Surveyor Gen. William Smith, was the person employed to lay
out the new township.
The first record of this township is as follows: “The annual
meeting of the inhabitants of the township of Hallowell, held on
Monday, the fifth day of March, 1798, held by virtue of an act of
the legislature of the Province of Upper Canada, before Augustus
Spencer, and John Stinson, Jun., two of his Majesty’s Justices of the
Peace, the following persons were chosen town officers for the
ensuing year:” Bazel Ferguson, Town Clerk; Caleb Elsworth,
and Peter D. Conger, Assessors; James Blakely, and Thomas
Goldsmith, Town or Church Wardens; Benjamin Wail, John
Miller, Owen Richards, Henry Zufelt, Ichabod Boweman, Aaron
White, Carey Spencer and George Baker, Overseers of Highways
and Fence Viewers; Daniel Young, and Isaac Bedal, Pound
Keepers; Samson Striker, Henry Johnson, Samuel Williams, and
Isaac Garret, Constables.
At the first township meeting, “it was enacted that no fence is
to be lawful in the township under the height of four feet eight
inches high, sufficiently made.” Horses, horned cattle, hogs, sheep,
were to be permitted to run at large with certain exceptions. “It
is enacted that if any freeholder shall suffer any Canadian thistle
to go to seed on his farm, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of twenty
shillings.” A law was also passed, that if any one set fire to any
rubbish or brush, whereby his neighbors property was endangered,
without previously making two of his neighbors acquainted, he
should pay a fine of forty shillings, to be expended for the benefit
of the highways. Bazel Ferguson, who seems to have discharged
his duty as Town Clerk, recording the proceedings in a neat legible
hand, was successfully elected to that office for ten years. In 1810,
482James R. Armstrong was appointed, and again the following year.
The next following, Arra Ferguson was elected, who continued in
office three years, when Simeon Washburn received the appointment,
and remained in office two years, when Arra Ferguson was
again selected, and continued for three years. Robert Scott was
Town Clerk two years, and then again followed Arra Ferguson for
eight years. William Barker then was appointed.
The three Justices of the Peace, before whom the annual
meeting continued for many years to be held, were John Peters,
Augustus Spencer, and John Stinson, doubtless the first magistrates
in the township. In the year 1815, we notice as “present” at the
annual meeting, Stephen Conger, Barret Dyer, Ebenezer Washburn,
Justices of the Peace.
The town meeting was held in the year 1801, “at the house of
Richardson and Elsworth,” “near Hallowell Bridge;” likewise
the following year. In 1803 the meeting was held “at the house
of Thomas Richardson.” The following year 1805, it is “the house
of the late Thomas Richardson.” In 1806, the meeting was “at
the dwelling house of Thomas Eyre.” In 1807 it is “the Inn of
Thomas Eyre.” Here the annual meeting was successively held for
many years.
In the year 1823 there was an act passed for the division of the
township of Ameliasburgh, in consequence of the inconvenience of
the inhabitants to meet on public occasions. The dividing line was
established between the fourth and fifth concessions. The act went
into force on the first of January, 1824. The Lieutenant-Governor
at that time was Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had for his secretary,
Major Hillier. There is no doubt the new township was called
after Major Hillier.
At the beginning of the present century the ground on which
the town of Picton now stands, was covered with a dense forest of
pine and hemlock, while in the low land existed a thick and tangled
cedar swamp. A bridge of very inferior construction was erected
across the creek about the time of the war of 1812, it was on the
road between Kingston and York, and was called for a long time
Hallowell Bridge. Thus we find in an advertisement, in the
Kingston Gazette, 1815, that “Richard G. Clute sold goods and
groceries at Hallowell Bridge.”
483The first settlers of Picton are said to have been Ebenezer
Washburn, Henry Johnson, Abraham Barker, Harry Ferguson,
James Dougal, Cary Spencer, Congers, Peterson, Richard Hare,
Captain Richardson.
Among the early settlers of Picton were Dr. Armstrong, elsewhere
spoken of, and Dr. Andrew Austin. The latter was a native
of Vermont, and a doctor of medicine of the University of New
York. He came to Picton in 1822, having obtained his license to
practice in Canada. Remained practicing his profession, very much
respected, until his death in 1849.
Some time after the war of 1812, the Rev. William Macaulay,
bestowed the name of Picton upon a small collection of houses
situated at the south side of the stream which empties into the
head of Picton Bay, in the township of Marysburgh. The
name was given in memory of the celebrated British General
who had recently fallen upon the field of Waterloo. At a late
visit to St. Paul’s Cathedral, we felt no little pleasure with a
touch of sadness in gazing upon the memorial which has been
erected to commemorate a nation’s appreciation of military worth.
We transcribe the following:—
“Erected by the public expense, to Lieutenant-General Sir
Thomas Picton, K.C.B., who, after distinguishing himself in the
victories of Buzaco, Fuentes de Onor, Cindaet Rodrigo, Badajoz, Victoria,
the Pyrenees, Orthes, and Toulouse, terminated his long and
glorious military service in the ever memorable battle of Waterloo;
to the splendid success of which his genius and valour eminently
contributed,” &c.
Prior to the naming of this collection of buildings, the village
upon the west of the stream, upon the first lots in Sophiasburgh,
was known as Hallowell. The Rev. Mr. Macaulay with the enthusiastic
loyalty, characteristic of his family, desired that both places
should be known as one village, under the distinguished name of
Picton. The citizens of Hallowell Village, however, were opposed
to any other name than Hallowell, and we find in a map published
in 1836, the names of Picton and Hallowell respectively applied to
the two places. But when the whole was incorporated by Act of
Parliament, Mr. Macaulay had sufficient influence, we are informed,
to secure the name of Picton for the corporation; yet we have the
town of Hallowell spoken of in 1837. The growth of Picton was
not particularly rapid. At a meeting held at Eyre’s Inn, Feb.
14, 1818, over which Ebenezer Washburn, Esq., presided, it was
484stated that there was in the township of Hallowell, which included
Picton, but two brick houses, one carding and fulling-mill, one
Methodist chapel, now known as the old chapel at Congers, one
Quaker meeting house; and that preparations were being made to
build a church, that is for the Episcopalians. Orchards, it was
stated were beginning to be planted.
There seems to have been no little antagonism between the
villages of Picton and Hallowell. While an effort was earnestly
made to make the east side, the heart of the community, the inhabitants
of Hallowell strove to fix the central point upon the west side.
When Prince Edward was erected into a district, in 1831, and it
became necessary to erect a jail and court house, it became a warm
question as to the site of the building. The Hallowell Free Press
became the channel of a sharp discussion.
In the Press of June 21, 1831, is a letter signed, “A farmer of
Sophiasburgh,” one paragraph of which says, “Among all these
advantages pointed out in the most striking colours, I have discerned
none so great as the $200 so liberally offered by Mr. Macaulay,
which $200 must otherwise be paid by the rateable inhabitants of
the county.”
The year 1831 seems to have been an important one to the
inhabitants, not only of Picton, but the peninsula. Enterprise was
the order of the day, and improvements of a public character were
in various ways proposed. The Free Press of 5th July, says, under
the heading “Another Steamboat,” “We understand that a number
of the enterprising inhabitants of this village, have it in contemplation
to build a steamboat to ply between this place and
Prescott, to perform their trips in a week. A number of merchants
and capitalists have offered to take stock. We are of opinion that
a boat built and owned by the inhabitants of this county, would be
not only useful to the inhabitants of the Peninsula, but profitable to
the stockholders. We would suggest to them the propriety of
having the channel in the bay at the lower end of the village
cleared, so as to allow steamboats to pass up as far as the bridge.”
The present English Church, standing on Church Street, was
the first built in Picton. It was erected by the Rev. Wm. Macaulay,
aided by a partial loan in 1825. Mr. Macaulay was the first minister;
he came to the parish after seven years of officiating at Cobourg,
and has remained as Rector ever since. The Roman Catholic
chapel, now standing on Church Street, was the first erected, in
1828 or 9, the land having been given for that purpose by Mr.
485Macaulay. The new stone church was built in 1839. Rev. Mr.
Frazer was first minister, in 1828; Rev. Mr. Brennan, occasionally
from 1832 to 1836; the Rev. Mr. Lalor from 1836 to the present
time.
Contents—Eighth Township—Sidney—Name—Survey—Settlement, 1787—Letter
from Ferguson—Trading—Barter—Potatoes—Building—Cows—No salt
to spare—First settlers—Myers—Re-surveying—James Farley—Town Clerk
at first meeting—William Ketcheson—Gilbert’s Cove—Coming to the front
River Trent—Old names—Ferry—Bridge—Trenton—Its settlement—Squire
Bleeker.
No Royal name being available for this township, the noble
one of Sidney was conferred. The name is derived from Lord
Sidney, who, at the time of the Revolutionary War, was His
Majesty’s Secretary for the Colonial Department.
A map in the Crown Lands Department, has written upon it
“Sidney, in the District of Mecklenburgh, was surveyed in 1787,
by Louis Kotte.” This was probably written by Kotte himself. It
is most probable that the first lots only were then laid out. While
Kotte was the chief surveyor to whom was entrusted the duty, it is
gathered from different sources that he was not present to superintend
the work. Mr. William Ketcheson, of the fifth concession, who
came with his father to the place, in 1800, says that one McDonald
was the surveyor, and laid out the land as far back as the 5th concession,
when he died.
While the townships fronting upon the two shores of the Bay
were being surveyed in the western portion, not a few were on the
look out for a good location. These parties consisted of all classes,
but it appears most likely that the majority of those who had the
first choice were individuals connected with the surveyors, and who
had influence with them. The officers, naturally, enjoyed greater
privileges, and some of them sought suitable spots with the view of
trading with the Indians, or streams of water to supply power for
sawing and flouring-mills.
As illustrative of those times we will make use of a letter
lying before us, written at that time.
486In the year 1789, John Ferguson and Wm. Bell opened a store
in the Eighth Township. It appears with the view of trading with
the Indians, and such of the settlers as could pay for the goods
they might buy. A letter written by Ferguson, in 1790, from Kingston,
to his partner, says: “As to again taking up goods for trade,
had I money I would not think it worth while—notwithstanding
all I said and begged of you, you nevertheless have let the white
people have almost everything we had. When do you think they
will pay for it?” By the foregoing we may learn the difficulties
attending mercantile pursuits, as well as the procuring of the common
necessaries of life. It was no doubt a matter of first importance
to Ferguson to see that the goods brought a return. It was
no hard-heartedness that caused him to find fault; for in the same
letter he says, “Forsyth is arrived, and I know not how I’ll pay
him.” On the other hand, Mr. Bell, with his little stock of goods
upon the Bay Shore, in the distant Eighth Township, is applied to
by the needy settlers for necessaries. They have no money; it is
an article almost unknown among them, but they want this
and that, and who could refuse? Ferguson afterward says, “You
must oblige every one to pay you in wheat, or otherwise I will
want bread before winter is over—if they will not take 3s. 9d. for
wheat, make them pay in money immediately, or else send me
down their accounts, and I’ll summon every one of them. Let
your half bushel be examined before Squire Gilbert. Do not spare
a potatoe to any one soul. I hope to get a barrel of pork here, but
do not trust to that.”
In the same letter Mr. Ferguson says, “If convenient, I could
wish you’ld get cut and brought home, as many logs as would build
a house the width of the one we have, and 14 feet long. Let them
be small and handy—we have plenty of small pine handy—and it
soon can be put up when I get home. If Johnson will saw ten
logs about 14 feet long, for us, into inch boards, and find himself.
He shall have the loan of the saw from the time he finishes them
until the 15th day of April next.” “The cows must be sent up. I
do not know how the calf will be kept. I have bought two pairs of
ducks which I’ll take up, and also some fowls if I can get them.”
“Spare no salt to any one, as none is to be had here, but at a very dear
rate.” “The Indian prints goes up, which will spoil the trade this
season, as after this the Indians cannot want clothing until the
spring.” “Rum I must endeavour to take up, as without that
nothing can be had.”
487The late Mr. Bleeker, of Belleville, tells us that among the very
first settlers upon the front of Sidney, were Chrysler, Ostrom and
Gilbert.
The interesting history we give elsewhere, of Capt. Myers,
as a loyalist and pioneer, shows that he was one of the first inhabitants
of Sidney. A pioneer in the construction of mills upon the
River Moira, he had previously built in 1794 or ‘5, a sawing mill
upon a small uncertain stream which empties into the Bay a few
miles east of Trenton.
We have seen that the survey took place in 1787. It is questionable,
however, whether more than the first concession was at
this time laid out. There is some reason to believe that Louis
Kotte did not attend very closely to his duties, but left the surveying
to an incompetent assistant. Probably he thought it did not
matter whether the side lines were correct or not, in a remote
township so far removed from civilization, as Sidney. At all events,
in later days, it was found necessary to re-survey the township,
which was done by Atkins.
The first settlers, most likely, came in 1787, yet it may be that
one or two had previously squatted by the Bay Shore. We do not
find in the Crown Lands Department any map with the names of
grantees upon the different lots, such as exist in connection with
other townships.
No doubt that in Sidney, as in other places, many lots were
drawn, and subsequently disposed of before the patents were issued,
so that the original owner cannot be traced. By the close of last
century the township was pretty well settled. An early settler
who has recently passed away, and who leaves highly respectable
descendants, was James Farley. He came in 1799.
The first township meeting was held the following year at
Gilbert’s Cove, and James Farley was chosen Town Clerk; but
Surveyor Smith was present and did the writing on that occasion.
Another early settler, the first one in the back concessions was
Wm. Ketcheson. Reference is made to him elsewhere. His son,
now almost 90 years of age, remembers full well the days of their
coming, and settling. The 400 acres of land was bought of Martin
Hambly, who lived by the Napanee River, at one dollar per acre,
in 1800. Gilbert’s Cove was the place of landing, which was for
many years a central spot. Here the batteaux unloaded their contents,
and the provision was stored. William Ketcheson, my informer,
says, “he used to come every Saturday during the season,
488through the trackless woods, some seven-and-a-half miles, and
carry upon his back provisions of pork, peas and flour, sufficient to
serve three of them for a week.” After a while they would come to
the Front by the way of the River Moira. To do this they constructed
a scow which was kept near the present village of Smithville,
in which they crossed the river.
In the western part of the township is the River Trent, which
empties into the Bay, somewhat to the west of the boundary line
between Sidney and Murray. This river possesses no little interest as
one of the original routes of Indian and French travelers; and as
the way by which Champlain entered the Bay, and discovered Lake
Ontario. The Indian name we find upon an old map was Ganaraske.
Upon many ancient maps the bay and river are very imperfectly
distinguished. It is named Quintio occasionally.
The Trent being a stream of considerable size, it formed a
barrier to journeying up and down, from Kingston to York. A ferry
was established here about the beginning of the present century,
by the Bleekers, after which the main road between Kingston and
York gradually became fixed to the north of the Bay, instead of
by Prince Edward.
The construction of a bridge across the Trent, which took place
in 1834, was a great benefit. It was 750 feet long and 32 broad. It
was for many years “the best bridge in Upper Canada.” The
Hastings Times, of Belleville, has an advertisement for tenders by
the Commissioners, &c., C. Wilkins, Reuben White, and James G.
Bethune, dated River Trent, 9th March, 1833.
At the mouth of the Trent there naturally sprung up a village.
Up to 1808 the site of the village was a dense cedar swamp. Two
years before A. H. Myers had removed from Belleville and
erected a mill about a mile from the mouth of the river, first a saw
mill, afterward a flouring mill. Excepting the mills, and a very
narrow road, the place was a perfect wilderness. The land upon
the west side, where the village stands, originally belonged to “old
Squire” Bleeker. The portion of land between the river and Sidney
was held by Dr. Strachan. The first lot in Sidney was owned by
Judge Smith.
Old Squire Bleeker was probably the very first settler between
the Trent and the Carrying Place. He was a trader with the
Indians, and was probably Indian Agent. At all events he was a
man of considerable authority among them.
489
Contents—Ninth town—Thurlow—Name—When surveyed—Front—Indian burying
ground—Owner of first lots—Chisholm—Singleton—Myers—Ferguson—Indian
traders—To Kingston in batteau—Singleton’s death—Ferguson’s
death—Distress of the families—Settled, 1789—Ascending the Moira—Taking
possession of land—Fifth concession—John Taylor—Founder of
Belleville—Myers buying land—Settlers upon the front—Municipal record—Town
officers—1798—Succeeding years—Canifton, its founder—Settling—The
diet—Building mill—Road—River Moira—Origin of name—Earl
Moira—Indian name—Indian offering—“Cabojunk”—Myers’ saw-mill—Place
not attractive—First bridge—The flouring-mill—Belleville—Indian
village—Myers’ Creek—Formation of village—First inn—Permanent
Bridge Street—In 1800—Growth—A second mill—McNabb’s—Sad death—Captain
McIntosh—Petrie—Inhabitants, 1809—Dr. Spareham—Naming of
Belleville—Bella Gore—By Gore in council—Petition—Extract from Kingston
Gazette—Surveying reserve—Wilmot—Mistakes—Granting of lots—Conditions—Board
of Police—Extent of Belleville—Muddy streets—Inhabitants
in 1824—Court-house—First Court, Quarter Sessions—Belleville in
1836.
The oldest map in the Crown Lands Department, states that
this township was surveyed in 1787, by Louis Kotte; perhaps only
the front concession. By this map, we learn that at the mouth of
the river had been, probably on Zwick’s Island, an Indian burying
ground; and a lot is reserved for the Indians, for a burying ground.
The map informs us that lot No. 1, in both the first and second concessions,
was at first given to John Chisholm. Lot No. 2, in first
and second concession, to David Vanderheyden; No. 3, to Alexander
Chisholm; No. 4, the reserve for the “Indian burying ground;”
Nos. 5 and 6, to Captain John Singleton. These are the only names
which appear upon the map; but it is likely that lot No. 7, was
granted at first to Captain Myers. The late George Bleeker, Esq.,
told the writer that Captain Myers having stayed in Lower Canada
three years, came and settled upon lot 7, where he built a hut and
lived for a year, before going to Sidney. This was probably in
1787, when the surveying was proceeding. Thus it was that
Captain Myers, who afterward gave a name to the river and place,
was the first squatter. About this time, Captain Singleton, who had
been a first settler in Ernesttown, came to Thurlow with a brother
officer, Lieutenant Ferguson, both having recently married and
settled upon lot No. 6. Their object in coming was to carry on a
fur trade with the Indians, who regularly descended the River
Sagonoska to barter, and subsequently to get their presents. The
490single log house which was first built, was shortly added to, by a
second compartment, into which was stored furs and goods for
barter. The life of these first settlers of Thurlow was a brief one,
and the termination a sad one. Both had just married, and with
their faithful servant, Johnson, and his wife, they hoped for a future
as bright as the wood and water which so beautifully surrounded
them. It mattered not to them that no human habitation existed
nearer than the Mohawk settlement, and the Napanee River. Many
trips with the batteau were necessary to obtain a complete outfit
for Indian trading, and ample provisions had to be laid up, with
stores of rum. These articles were procured at Kingston. Singleton
had rented his farm in the second town; but reserved a room,
where he might stop on his way up and down. In September, 1789,
Captain Singleton, his wife, child, some eight months old, with
Lieutenant Ferguson, his wife, and the servants, Johnson and wife,
set out for Kingston and Ernesttown in a batteau. The women
were to visit in Ernesttown, while the men proceeded to Kingston
to purchase flour and other articles. Not long after starting, Singleton
was taken ill. They stopped at Captain John’s, at the Mohawk
settlement, and Indian medicines were given him; but he continued
to grow worse, and when he reached his home, in Ernesttown, he
was dangerously ill. A doctor from Kingston was procured; but
Captain Singleton died nine days after, from what seems to have been
a malignant fever. His faithful servant, Johnson, contracted the
disease and also died. Thus, Lieutenant Ferguson was left with
three women and a child, away from home, which could only be
reached after much toil. Captain Singleton was spoken of as a
“pleasing gentleman, and beloved by all who knew him.” His infant
son grew to man’s estate, and became one of the first settlers of
Brighton, where his widow, now far advanced in years, and descendants
reside.
Lieutenant Ferguson went to Kingston, exchanged his load of
furs for a barrel of flour, then very dear, and other articles, and returned
with his charge to Thurlow. But Ferguson’s days were also
numbered; and, in three months’ time, he died, and there were left
in the depth of winter, alone, upon the front of Thurlow, three
widowed women, and an infant; with but little to eat, beside the
barrel of flour; which, before long, was to be the only article of food,
and used by cup-fulls to make spare cakes.
Lieutenant Ferguson, the associate of the first settler in the
township, was at first a refugee from the Mohawk valley in New
491York, and latterly served, probably in Johnson’s regiment. He had
lived a short time at Sorel before coming to Thurlow. His body
was buried upon a pleasant elevation, between their house and the
plains to the east of the river. The first one of the loyalists to
die in Thurlow, his body was the first to be interred in the “Taylor
burying ground.”
In the spring of 1789, a party of about fifty, reached the bay.
They were all refugee loyalists, and most of them had been since the
close of the war in the States, looking up their families, and arranging
to take them “to Cataraqui.” This party settled in Sidney and
Thurlow. Those who settled in Thurlow, finding no land available
at the front, prepared to ascend the river. Among them were John
Taylor, William Reed, with four sons, John, William, Samuel, and
Solomon; Richard Smith, Cavelry, Robert Wright, John Longwell,
Sherard, Zedie Thrasher, Asa Turner, Stephen and Laurence Badgley,
Solomon Hazleton, Archibald McKenzie, McMichael, William Cook,
and Russell Pitman. The party reached the mouth of the river late
in the day, and pitched their tent among some cedar shrubs upon the
east bank of the river, just by the site of the upper bridge. The
following day, they followed the bank of the river, searching for
indications of good land The surveyor had not yet laid out any but
the front lots; but the pioneers had been assured that any land they
should choose to occupy, would be granted them. When they
reached the point where now is the fifth concession, they felt that
they had reached their destination, and proceeded to take possession
of such land as struck their fancy. William Reed, and his four
sons, possessed themselves of 600 acres in a block, through which the
river wound its way. The land here was unmistakably good; and four
generations have now reaped the fruit of the soil, while two generations
lie buried there. But the first years of pioneer life with
those first settlers of the fifth concession, were years of great hardship
and want (see First years of Upper Canada). They all went to
Napanee at first to mill. Sometimes took articles to exchange for
flour.
John Taylor settled in the fifth concession, where he remained a
year, when he came down to the mouth of the river. A sketch of
this old soldier is elsewhere given. Among the settlers who came in, a
few years later, were Richard Canniff, and Robert Thompson.
In some respects, the settlers of these townships, at the western
extremity of the bay, suffered in a peculiar manner. They were far
removed from Kingston, and from the necessaries of life to be procured
492there. And they were settling after the period when Government
allowed provisions.
The name of Captain Myers must ever stand identified with the
early history of Thurlow. He cannot be regarded as the founder of
Belleville; yet he was the first to give a name to the village at the
mouth of the river. Captain Myers saw service during the revolutionary
war (see Royal Combatants). At the close of hostilities,
having tarried for a time at Lower Canada, he came to the bay, and
squatted at first upon the front of Thurlow. He first became a settler
upon the front of Sidney, a few miles east of the Trent River. Being
a man of enterprise, and with forethought, he did not content himself
with clearing a farm and cultivating its soil. He saw the wants of
the settlers, that they required sawed lumber, and greater conveniences
for grinding grain. Hence he is found, even before 1790, erecting a
sawing mill upon a small stream on his land in Sidney. The waterpower
was very inefficient, and he looked about for a more suitable
place. The waters of the Moira presented the inducements he sought.
A bargain was effected with John Taylor for the rear half of lot No. 5,
which embraced a portion of the stream, affording the desired mill-site.
It was, most probably, in the year 1790, that Captain Myers
came to Thurlow, and built his log hut upon the banks of the river,
a few rods above the present mill-dam. Within a year, the first dam
erected upon the river was finished, and a log saw mill built upon the
east bank.
The late Colonel Wilkins, of the Carrying Place, says, that when
he came to the bay, in 1792, Myers had his mill built, the one farthest
west, until they came to where is now Port Hope.
The following are the names of those who settled upon the
front, as supplied by the late G. Bleeker, Esq. Commencing at lot
No. 1, the first settler was John Chisholm; No. 2, Coon Frederick;
No. 3, Crawford, the lot having been drawn by A. Chisholm.
Coming to No. 7, it was settled upon by A. Thompson, who sold
the right to Schofield; No. 8, by Arch. Chisholm; No. 9, by Samuel
Sherwood, who was an Indian trader. Then Fairman, William
Johnson, Edward Carscallion, J. Carscallion, Fairman, Biddell.
There is no record of the first municipal transaction. Most
likely, no record was kept. The following, however, takes us back
a long way:—
“At the annual town meeting, for the township of Thurlow,
held the fifth day of March, 1798, whereat the following persons
were chosen town officers, viz., John McIntosh, Town Clerk, John
493Chisholm and William Reid, Assessors; Joseph Walker, Collector;
Samuel B. Gilbert, John Reed, William Johnson, Path-masters;
John Cook and Daniel Lawrence, Town Wardens; John Taylor,
Pound-keeper; John Fairman, Constable.”
John McIntosh, remembered as Capt. McIntosh, was Town
Clerk for three years, and was succeeded by Jabez Davis. The
following year, the occupant was Caleb Benedict. The year succeeding,
Roswell Leavens was appointed, and continued to hold the
office for three years, when John Frederick was chosen, who held
the place two years, when John McIntosh was again selected; he
held it two years. Then John Thompson was appointed, who held
it one year. The next year it was Roswell Leavens; the next,
John Frederick; the next, R. Leavens, who continued uninterruptedly
in office for twelve years, up to the year 1826. During that
time very many changes are observed in the names of those holding
the other municipal offices in the Township. The Town Clerk, in
the year 1826, was Daniel Canniff, who held it two years; the
next was James McDonnell, who filled the post seven years. In
1835, D. B. Sole was appointed, who held it two years. The year
ensuing, Dr. Hayden was appointed. It would seem that during the
year following, Dr. H. escaped as a rebel, while his wife refused to
hand over the township records.
Canifton.—Up to the year 1806, the way from Myers’ mill up
the river to where stands Corby’s mill, a distance of four miles,
was unbroken by a single clearing. There was but a poor waggon
road, which had been cut by the two individuals who alone could
afford the comfort of a waggon. But in that year another settler
was added to Thurlow, and a third waggon to the community. John
Canniff, having bought some 800 acres of land from one McDougall,
and one Carle, in the third concession, commenced the work of
clearing upon the present site of the village of Canifton. John
Canniff was a U. E. Loyalist, and was born at Bedford, in the
County of Westchester, in the present State of New York, in the
year 1757. There is no reliable statement handed down as to the
part he took in the war against the rebellion. That he took an
active part is believed by those most capable of judging. The name
of Lieut. Candiff appears among the officers of a New Jersey regiment,
which is thought to have been one of the family. John
Canniff was a refugee at the close of the war in New Brunswick,
where he remained a few years. He then came to Canada, in 1788,
and first settled in Adolphustown, where he lived until his removal
494to Thurlow. He had witnessed and experienced the suffering of
the year of the famine. And it is known that he actually saved one
family from death by starvation. Before bringing his family to
Thurlow, in 1807, he had cleared a considerable piece of land, on
the east side of the river, around the present site of the bridge;
built a mill-dam, a saw-mill, and a frame house, which stood a short
distance above the site of the Methodist Church. Although this
took place near the end of the first decade of the present century,
yet the settlement was attended by no little hardship. The necessaries
of life were not always to be had, and it is authentically
related, that for a time pea bread constituted the principle article
of diet, while a fish, now and then caught, was a great luxury.
About the year 1812, Canniff erected a flouring-mill, having for
mill-stones those made on the spot, out of hard granite; the man
who made them yet lives. These relics of the past may yet be
seen. But in two years he procured a pair of Burr stones from
the Trent.
In the year 18—, Mr. Canniff removed to the front of Thurlow,
and lived upon lot number eight, where he continued to dwell until
his death, 21st Feb., 1843. He was in his 87th year when
he died. His remains are buried near the front of the Episcopal
Church, in Belleville. He was a great uncle to the writer.
Up to the year 1715, there was but one small house in Canifton,
beside that occupied by Mr. Canniff, this was occupied by a cooper,
named Ockerman.
For four years after John Canniff settled upon the river, there
was an unbroken wood between his place and Myers’ mill, while
but a rough road existed, which followed the river’s bank. In
the spring of 1811, James Canniff, the writer’s father, commenced
to clear land, midway between Myers’ mill and John Canniff’s. At
this time, the road remained almost impassable, for the half-dozen
waggons, owned in the township. Some years later, the road was
somewhat straightened and improved; but although now, and for a
long time, so great a thoroughfare, the road continued to be, for
many years, the most execrable.
The River Moira.—This river is named after the Right Hon.
the Earl of Moira, afterward Marquis of Hastings, and previously,
when a soldier, serving in the American war, known as Lord
Rawdon. At his death the title became extinct. His body was
buried in his native town in Ireland. While in America, he formed
a strong attachment to Brant.
495The Moira takes its rise in the township of Tudor, and in its
windings to the Bay Quinté, passes through the townships of Madoc,
Marmora, Rawdon, Huntingdon, Hungerford, Tyendinaga, and
Thurlow. It was well known, and yearly ascended by the Indians
for the excellent hunting which it afforded. They called it Sagonasko,
which name may be found on the first maps issued by the
surveyor. It was sometimes spelled Saganashcocon.
The Indians, when about to pass up on their hunting expeditions,
leaving many of the women and children in wigwams upon
the plains near its mouth, would make an offering to their pagan
god, of tobacco, which was dropped upon the east shore, near its
mouth, just below the site of the first bridge. A thank offering was
repeated upon their return.—(B. Flint).
When the first mill dam was erected by Capt. Myers, the
obstruction was called by them Cabojunk.
When the land was surveyed, the Government reserved at the
mouth of the river 200 acres, ostensibly, for an Indian burying
ground. But the place of burying was upon Zwick’s Island, in the
Bay, near the river’s mouth.
Upon the old maps, this river is called Singleton’s River, after
Capt. Singleton.
About the year 1790, Capt. Myers settled upon the river, and
erected a dam and log saw mill. It consequently took the name of
Myers’ Creek, which it retained, until after the war of 1812, and
by some, to within the writer’s recollection, thirty years ago. The
writer remembers to have seen the Indians, in their birch canoes,
ascending and descending the river. The fact that the word Moira
has some resembling sound to that of Myers, has led some to
suppose that the latter name became gradually changed into the
former. But the fact is as stated above.
The appearance of the place, presented to the first adventurers
in pursuit of land on which to settle, was not attractive. It was a
barren plain with a cedar swamp covering the shores on either side.
There were, however, on the east side, at the mouth, some tall
and good sized oaks, indicating deep soil, while the land around was
rock; this land, like the two islands upon which mills are built,
was rich, and had been made from the washings of the river’s sides
for centuries, and carried down from the back country.
The first bridge upon the Moira, was a floating structure, and
was placed quite at the mouth of the river, with the view of
escaping the current; but it was soon carried off. The bridge was
496built about 1800; prior to which time there had been a ferry for
foot passengers, when the stream was not fordable. At certain
seasons, crossings could take place almost anywhere. The first
spring freshet carried away the bridge. In the winter of 1802,
according to Mrs. Harris, who then lived in the place, a more substantial
structure was commenced; but again it was carried off by
ice breaking over Myers’ dam. Possibly, this may be the first one.
The first permanent bridge must have been completed in 1806 or 7.
The excellent water power was first employed by Capt. Myers,
and the second person to use it was the Reeds, at the place where
is now situated Corby’s mill. The benefit of a flouring mill to the
Reeds will be understood when it is known that they had previously,
to carry on their back the grist to the Napanee mills, a
distance of some forty miles, and thus occupying four days.
The early voyageurs, passing along in their birch canoes,
bound for the far west, by the way of the River Trent
to Lake Simcoe, were never attracted to the low, thick woods,
which bordered the river, called by the Indians Sagonoska. It
is true, there was generally an Indian village upon the plains
situated to the east of the river’s mouth. But the collection
of rude tents offered no special invitation. While the French, it
would seem, never ascended the river; the Indians of the Mississauga
tribe inhabited the region, and mostly always had a village
upon the bay shore. As we have seen, the Government, at the
time of surveying, reserved lot number four, which included the
river and the plains, for the Indians. About 1789 or 90, Captain
Myers, having purchased a part of lot number five, of John Taylor,
for $100, endeavored to obtain a lease of the Indian lot for a long
period of years; and he subsequently claimed the lot, averring that
it had been leased him for ninety-nine years. This claim of Capt.
Myers, it has been stated, led to the name which so long obtained,
Myers’ Creek. But the claim was never recognized by Government,
although there is some reason to think that the Indians did
actually bargain it away. The settlement upon the river, by Captain
Myers, very soon came to be known as Captain Myers’, and the
inhabitants up and down the bay, spoke of the settlement, as well as
of the river, as Myers’ Creek. But, at the same time, Myers’ mill
and house were quite remote from the first collection of houses at
the mouth of the river. Apart from the water privileges, there
497was nothing to attract to the place, and, until the beginning of the
present century, there was not even a hut at the mouth of the river.
If public meetings were held, they were up the front, or back near
the fifth concession, afterward known as Hayden’s Corners.
The village began to form upon the east bank of the river, a
little distance below Dundas street, and, for many years, it did not
extend further north than that street. The first place of habitation
so far as can be learned, was a log house, built and occupied by
Asa Wallbridge, a trader, who was well known by the early settlers.
Then came John Simpson, in the year 1798, and constructed a log
hut, 20 × 12. This house, the first public house in Thurlow, was for
many years known from Kingston to York, as a place of public
entertainment. Within its rough walls rested many an important
traveler, and here, in later days, convened the men of dignity and
office, to discuss matters of great import concerning the village.
Here met, in jovial companionship, the inhabitants of the village at
night. Around this rude public house centered the crowd upon
training days, or when the race course was a point of attraction.
For many years, the heart of the village was at the corner of
Dundas street. At this place was the ferry, and afterwards the
first bridge.
John Simpson, who was Sergt.-Major of the Militia when first
organized, died shortly after coming to Myers’ Creek; but his
widow, Margaret, continued the hostess for many years. She
endeavored to keep pace with the wants of the growing village,
and made one improvement after another, and finally had built the
frame structure now converted into the agreeable residence of the
Hon. Lewis Wallbridge. About the year 1800, a second inn was
opened in the village, the descendant of this is the present Railroad
House.
When it became necessary to build a bridge across the river,
about 1806–7, the question of site was one of no little consideration.
It seemed the most natural that it should be erected on Dundas
Street, which was the great mail road between Kingston and York;
and those living in the heart of the village could see no reason in
having it placed elsewhere. But a majority of those having a voice
in the matter, looked at the question in a more practical light; and
rightly thought a bridge would cost less where the river was the
narrowest, while it should not be too far for convenience. The
result was that it was built on the site of the present lower bridge,
and so gave to the street the name of Bridge Street.
498Retracing our steps to the beginning of the present century,
we present the statement of Mr. William Ketcheson, who settled in
Sidney, and also of James Farley, both of whom say that there was
not then even a village at the mouth of the river, there being but
two or three shanties, among them Simpson’s tavern, at the rude
bar of which the sole drink was a home brewed beer, which, however,
possessed intoxicating properties. Another building was an
ash house, owned by Asa Wallbridge.
During the first years of the present century, the place grew
to the importance of a village, whose inhabitants, with those of
the adjacent farmers, made up nearly a hundred persons. Important
additions had been made, and enterprise was at work. Two noble
and loyal Scotchmen had come to the place several years before,
and purchased lot number three, and had built a second mill dam
and mills. These were Simon and James McNabb. They subsequently
took an active part in everything relating to the village.
James McNabb became Collector of Customs, and the first Post-Master
and Registrar, and both were officers in the militia. The
melancholy death of James McNabb, is hardly yet forgotten.
During the rebellion of 1836, there was an alarm in Belleville, and
Capt. McNabb, while running through an unlighted hall, was fatally
wounded by a careless militiaman, who was trailing his musket
with bayonet fixed.
Capt. McIntosh was an early settler in Belleville, as well as a
pioneer with sailing vessels. He built the first frame store house
at Belleville, which was taken down in 1867. The house he built
is still standing, a quaint edifice, at the lower extremity of front
street. Within its walls rested General Brock, when on his way
westward, at the commencement of the war of 1812; also General
Gore, after the close of the war. Capt. McIntosh met an untimely
death by drowning while attempting to swim from his schooner,
which was wind-bound off Ox Point, to the shore, 23rd Sept, 1815.
In the year 1809, Alexander Oliphant Petrie, came to live at
Myers’ Creek. He found the following persons living in Belleville
at that time. Commencing at the lowest part; there first lived
Capt. John McIntosh, who kept a store; John Johnson, a saddler;
Dr. Sparehan; John Thompson, who had been a soldier in the King’s
Rangers; Peter Holmes, a carpenter, who had also been in the
Rangers; Mrs. Margaret Simpson, inn-keeper; Roswell Leavens, a
blacksmith; John Simons; one Ames, a cooper; Hugh Cunningham,
store-keeper, at Mrs. Simpson’s; Simon McNabb, who lived
499across the river; Ockerman, a cooper; Benj. Stone, a sawyer; Wm.
Maybee, and Abraham Stimers. In the neighborhood of the village
lived John Taylor; James Harris, a hatter, and Capt. Myers. The
only road was along the river, while foot paths led to the different
dwellings. Respecting Dr. Spareham, there is the following notice
in the Kingston Gazette: “Died, Friday 20th, 1813, Dr. Thomas
Spareham, at Kingston; aged about 88. He was one of the first
settlers in the country.”
The McNabbs had a flouring-mill, and there was a small cloth
factory on the west side of the river, at Myers’ dam. Harris had a
small shop on the bank of the river; and just below the present
market, back from the river, stood a little frame school house,
where taught one John Watkins. About the year 1810, Mr. Everitt,
from Kingston, erected a fine building for a hotel, outside of the
village, near Coleman’s, formerly McNabb’s mills. This was near
the Victoria buildings.
The naming of Belleville took place in 1816. The circumstances
attending it were as follows: There met one evening at Mrs.
Simpson’s tavern, Captain McMichael, the two McNabbs, Wallbridge,
R. Leavens, and S. Nicholson. These gentlemen, at the
suggestion, it is said, of Captain McMichael, determined to invite
Lieutenant-Governor Gore, to name the newly surveyed town.
The request was complied with, by calling it after his wife
Bella. In reference to this, we find in the Kingston Gazette, Aug.
24, 1816, the following: “The Lieutenant-Governor, in council, has
been pleased to give the new town (formerly known by the name
of “Myers’ Creek”) at the River Moira, the name of “Belleville,”
by the request and petition of a great number of the inhabitants of
that town and the township of Thurlow.” In the issue of 7th
September, the Gazette remarks, “We mentioned in our paper of
the 24th ult., that the new town at the River Moira, was now called
“Belleville,” &c. We were under the impression, from the very
pleasant situation of that town that its name was derived from the
French; but we have since been informed that it has been given
the name of Bellville, in honor of lady Gore at the request of the
inhabitants.” We have it also, on the authority of Mr. Petrie, who
could not be ignorant of the facts, that the name is after Lady
Bella Gore. It will be observed that the name was originally
spelled Bellville, instead of Belleville, as at the present time. In
all letters and public documents where the town was mentioned, we
find it spelled Bellville for many years. The writer will now,
500quote himself from another work. “The same year (1816) the
Government instructed surveyor Wilmot to lay out the 200 acres of
Indian reserve, lot number four, into town lots of half an acre each.
It cannot be recorded that Mr. Wilmot discharged his duty to his
credit or the advantage of the town. In the first place he made
the serious mistake (it has been questioned whether it was a mistake)
of placing the line between Sidney and Thurlow, upwards of
sixty feet to the east of that marked by the original survey. The
consequence was, that the line between lots numbers three and four
(at the front) instead of being mainly in the river, where it ought
to have been, was established where now is Front Street, and
thereby, a valuable strip of land belonging to the Reserve, was
added to private property on the western side of the river; while
the owner of lot number five, Mr. Taylor, was a loser to a corresponding
extent. Another mistake was the very few cross streets
laid out, the inconvenience of which is felt daily by many; although
some new ones have been opened latterly. A third error was the
respect he made to a hotel which stood a little to the east of where
now stands the Victoria buildings. This hotel had been erected on
the ground, where the street, in surveying, happened to come.
The result is the unseemly turn in its course at Pinnacle Street.
While the hotel gave a name to the street, the name commemorates
the cause of its ugliness. The town lots were disposed of by
Government to petitioners, true subjects of His Majesty, on a payment
of a fee of thirty dollars. No one could obtain more than a
single lot. Seven plots were reserved: one for a hospital, one
where stands the Catholic Church, the Grammar School, the English
Church, also, the Parsonage house, the old Market Square, and
the Jail.”
The lots were granted to applicants upon presenting a petition
signed by two citizens, to Government. The grantee was obligated
to build, in a given time, a house, one story and a half high, and
18 × 30 feet.
Belleville is the oldest town in Upper Canada. At the time it
was named, where now stands Cobourg, were but three houses.
In 1816 the Kingston Gazette says, “A Post Office is now established
in the new and flourishing town of Bellville, S. McNabb. Esq.,
Post Master.”
In the year 1834, a petition was submitted by the inhabitants
of Belleville to Parliament, the result of which was “An act to
establish a Board of Police in the town of Belleville, passed 6th
March, 1834.”
501It would seem that the act passed did not come into operation,
for in 1836, an act was passed repealing the former one. This
latter act was in many respects the same, but making further provisions.
The same year the town record begins. The boundaries
were, “commencing at the limits between lots number five and six,
in the first concession, so as a line at right angles will run on the
northerly side of Wonnacott’s bridge, thence south seventy-four
degrees, west to the limits between lots numbers two and three,
thence sixteen degrees east to the Bay of Quinté, thence easterly
following the winding of the bay to the limits between lots numbers
five and six aforesaid; thence north sixteen degrees, west to the
place of beginning, together with the island and the harbour.”
There were two wards, each of which elected two members of the
Board of Police, and the fourth selected a fifth. The body then
selected one of themselves for President. Those elected the first
year were, Wm. McCarty and Asa Yeomans, for first ward; Zenas
Dafoe, and Wm. Connor for second ward; Billa Flint was elected
the fifth member, and was also chosen President; Geo. Benjamin
to be clerk to the Board.
Up to this time there had been no sidewalks, and at the same
time there was no drainage. The consequence was, that in the
rainy season the streets were almost impassible, quite as bad as
those of Muddy York are said to have been. The first pavement
was laid in 1836, the stones of which were taken from the river.
It is impossible to say definitely what was the number of
inhabitants at any one period. These were, however, in 1818,
according to Talbot, about 150; about 500 in 1824; 700 in 1829,
and in 1836 more than 1,000. But McMullen, writing in 1824, says
that between Kingston and York, there are two or three very small
villages, the largest of which is Belleville, containing about one
hundred and fifty inhabitants.
After this the town increased more rapidly in size and importance.
Steps were taken to have built a Court House and Jail, as
the nearest place of confinement of prisoners was at Kingston; and,
in 1838, just at the close of the rebellion, the present building was
finished.
The first court of Quarter Sessions held at the Court House in
Belleville, was November, 1839, Benjamin Dougall presided;
Edmund Murney, Clerk of the Peace; J. W. D. Moodie, Sheriff.
The principal business of the court was to organize, and take the
502oaths of office. The second court was held in March, 1840, in the
Court House; there were the same officers, except that W. H.
Ponton was Clerk of the Peace.
A writer in the Intelligencer, in 1836, says, Belleville is said to
contain about 1,800 inhabitants. There is an English and Scotch
Church, a Roman Catholic and Methodist Chapel, also a congregation
of Episcopal Methodists, and one of American Presbyterians;
25 merchants’ shops, 2 Apothecaries and Druggists’, 12 huxters’ and
grocery shops, 9 taverns, 3 breweries, 3 butchers’, 2 flouring mills,
4 saw, and 2 fulling and carding mills, 1 pail factory, 7 blacksmiths’
shops, 3 tanneries, and mechanics of almost every description. In
Front Street there are a number of spacious brick, stone, and frame
buildings; being the most central part of the town for business.
The town has recently being called East and West Belleville;
separated by the river Moira. The latter has been laid out in town
lots by the present owners; and the streets and lines defined. On
Coleman Street there are already erected a handsome brick and
other stone and frame buildings; a Trip-Hammer Forge and Axe
manufactory carried on by Mr. Proctor, celebrated for making the
best axes in the province. A saw mill in operation and a flouring
mill for four run of stone now erecting, and another for six run in
contemplation of being built next summer by our enterprising
townsman, Mr. Flint. A cabinet-maker, blacksmith’s shop, and a
tavern, together with a variety of lots unsold, some of which are
calculated for hydraulic purposes; and for which there are abundance
of materials for stone buildings. The same street leads
to the extensive wharfs and store houses belonging to Mr. Billa
Flint.
503
Contents—Tenth township—Richmond—Origin—Quantity of land—Shores of
Mohawk Bay—Village on south shore—Original land holders—Names—Napanee—The
falls—The mill—Salmon River—Indian name—Source of
Napanee River—Its course—Colebrook—Simcoe Falls—Name—Clarke’s
Mills—Newburgh—Academy—The settlers—“Clarkville”—No records.
This township is called after the Duke of Richmond, and contains
about 50,000 acres.
At an early period, the shores of the Mohawk Bay were occupied
by settlers. At first, upon the Fredericksburgh side, and shortly
after upon the north shore. The facilities for erecting a flouring-mill
at the falls, upon the river which empties into the Mohawk Bay,
attracted the attention of Government so early as 1785, in which year
the first mill was erected. The existence of this mill caused something
of a village to spring up on the south shore. About the same
time, the land upon the north shore of the bay and river, was taken
up by the loyalists. We can find nothing to indicate the year in
which this township was originally surveyed; but it was most probably
done in the latter part of 1785, or in the spring of 1786, after
the front of Thurlow had been surveyed. Upon the old chart of this
township in the Crown Lands Department, may be seen the names of
certain officers, as claimants of land near the mouth of the river. The
names are in the main, now unknown, and it seems that the land passed
into other hands. The second and third concessions seem to have
been settled at a comparatively early date. We believe that some of
the first settlers on Mohawk Bay, were, Alexander Nicholson, Woodcock,
Peterson, Campbell, Richardson, Detlors.
Napanee, a name given to the river, and to the town upon its
banks, is of Indian origin. Originally it was Appanee, which signifies,
in the Mississauga language, flour, or the river where they make
flour. This designation, it has been supposed, arose from the existence
of the flouring-mill, built here at an early date (see first days of
Upper Canada). The place was first visited by loyalists, in 1784.
The beauty of the scenery, the waters of the river, tumbling over the
rocks, down a distance of thirty feet, and sweeping down through a
muddy bed, and widening into Mohawk Bay, and the surrounding
hills clothed in nature’s rugged habiliments, would naturally attract
the settler. Then, when Government placed a mill, at which the
504settlers could get their grain ground, a consideration of great importance,
the land in the vicinity would be eagerly sought, upon which to
settle. And, it can readily be inferred, that the more valuable lots in
the township of Richmond were, at an early date, appropriated and
settled upon.
Running across the back part of this township, from east to west,
and continuing across the township of Tyendinagua, is the Salmon
River. It takes its rise in Crow Lake, in the Township of Kenebec.
It empties into the Bay Quinté, at the border line between this township
and Thurlow. Near its mouth is the Village of Shannonville.
The Indian name of the Salmon River was Gosippa.
The Napanee River, of which we have spoken, takes its rise in
the townships of Hinchinbroke, Bedford, Loughborough, Portland,
which are thickly strewn with beautiful lakes and streams, all connected
so as to form a sort of net work. The Napanee then crosses
the front part of Camden, and pursues its way along, forming the
southern boundary of Richmond, to empty into the Mohawk Bay.
Along the course of the stream are several villages, all possessed of
more or less beauty. There is the village of Colebrook, having
upward of 300 inhabitants; Simcoe Falls comes next, beautiful and
picturesque, with some 250 of population. The village is named after
the Falls, which are some forty feet high. The name is derived from
Governor Simcoe, who at one time owned here 1000 acres of land.
Four miles further down the stream is the pleasant village of Clark’s
Mills, after a family name of which we have elsewhere spoken, as a
distinguished U. E. Loyalist. Continuing down the river we come
to Newburgh, a village picturesquely situated, and of considerable
importance. Beside its grist-mills, saw-mills, factories, machine
shop, foundry, and other machinery worked by the water; Newburgh
has a very respectable academy. Perhaps there is no stream in
Canada which possesses the same number of mill privileges as the
Napanee. There are numerous rapids and several falls along its
course, and the banks on either side are often strikingly beautiful.
The original settlers along the stream were mostly the children of
loyalists.
Napanee.—The settlement of Napanee is pretty fully given in the
chapter upon the first flouring-mills. We there have stated that
Sergeant Major Clark of the 84th regiment, was ordered to Napanee
to act as superintendent of the works in connection with the building
of the mill; second flouring-mill in Upper Canada. The mill was
situated upon the Fredericksburgh side of the river. Upon an early
map of the township, by P. V. Elmore, a village is marked here by
the name of Clark ville.
Napanee was incorporated in the year 1854.
We regret our inability to procure the township record of Richmond.
DIVISION IX. THE EARLY GOVERNMENT OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER LVII. — UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1792—THE GOVERNMENT, MILITARY AND CIVIL. — CHAPTER LVIII. — ORGANIZATION OF THE UPPER CANADA GOVERNMENT BY SIMCOE, 1792. — CHAPTER LIX. — THE GOVERNORS OF UPPER CANADA, FROM SIMCOE TO LORD SYDENHAM. — CHAPTER LX. — THE CAPITALS OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER LXI. — THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. — THE EARLY ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
505
Contents—Military rule—Imperial Act, 1774—French Canada—Refugees—Military
Government in Upper Canada—New Districts—Lunenburgh—Mecklenburgh—Nassau—Hesse—The
Judges—Duncan—Cartwright—Hamilton—Robertson—Court
in Mecklenburgh—Civil Law—Judge Duncan—Judge
Cartwright—Punishment inflicted—First execution—New Constitution
of Quebec—1791, Quebec Bill passed—Inhabitants of Upper Canada.
For three years after the conquest the Province of Quebec was
governed by military laws, but in 1774, the British Government
introduced a Bill, conferring civil rights upon the Canadian French,
with a governing council of not more than 23, nor less than 17.
The laws, religion and language were secured to the Province, as
before the conquest, so that in most respects, excepting the presence
of an English Governor, Canada remained a French Colony.
The timely concessions of the British Government, and the natural
antipathy felt by the Canadians to the New Englanders, prevented
in a most positive way, any desire or intention, on the part of the
Canadians, to take sides with the revolting British Provinces.
When the loyalist refugees began to pick their way into Canada
they found themselves as it were in a foreign country. A colony
it is true, under the government of an English Governor, but nevertheless
consisting of a people entirely dissimilar to themselves.
While the war continued the presence of a large number of British
troops made the country seem less foreign in its character; but
the close of the war, and the disbanding of many of the companies,
and withdrawal of others, left the unhappy refugees in a
society to them altogether unnatural. It was under such circumstances
506that steps were taken to survey land upon the upper waters,
to which the loyalists might go. The plan pursued by Government
was, not to extend the operation of the laws belonging to
Lower Canada, and therefore French and unnatural, to the settlements
in Upper Canada; but to marshal the pioneer in bands
under officers, with the necessary appointments, to secure order,
protect interests, and administer justice. The first settlers of Upper
Canada, then came in military order, by word of command, and
were directed to the point where each should find the land allotted
him, and meet his wilderness foe.
All alike were governed by military law, until 1788. Says the
historian of Dundas, “It was decided by Government that the first
settlers should live under Martial Law, till such times as it should
be rescinded, and replaced by competent courts of justice. But by
martial law was meant only, that the English laws, having by the
settlement of this part of Canada, been introduced, should be its laws
for the present, and that these laws, which very few knew, should be
martially executed by the Captain in command, having the superintendence
of the particular locality.”
Upon the 24th July, 1788, Lord Dorchester issued a proclamation,
dated at the Castle of St. Louis, Quebec, forming a certain
number of new districts in the Province of Quebec. Upper Canada
was formed into four districts, viz.: Lunenburgh, which extended
from the borders of Lower Canada “to the River Gananoque, now
called Thames;” Mecklenburgh, which included the settlement from
Gananoque to the Trent River; Nassau, extending from the Trent to
Long Point on Lake Erie; Hesse, which embraced the remaining
parts of Western Canada, including Detroit. The division was based
upon the number of settlers rather than the extent of territory.
To each of these districts was appointed a Judge, a Sheriff, &c.
The Judge seems to have been clothed with almost absolute power.
He dispensed justice according to his own understanding or interpretation
of the law, and a Sheriff or Constable stood ready to carry
out the decision, which in his wisdom, he might arrive at. These
four courts of Common Pleas constituted it seems the whole machinery
of the law in Upper Canada, after the people ceased to be under
military jurisdiction. It may have been, however, probably was,
that appeal could be made against the Judge’s decision, to the
Governor and Council. There were no other magistrates, and no
lawyers in those primitive happy days.
Of the four Judges appointed to the districts, positive knowledge
507can be obtained but of three; these are Richard Duncan, Judge
of Lunenburgh, Richard Cartwright, Judge of Mecklenburgh, and
Robert Hamilton, Judge of Nassau. Not unlikely, William Robertson,
of Detroit, was Judge of Hesse. This opinion is ventured from
the fact that this gentleman was the most successful and prominent
man in that locality; the same as Duncan, Cartwright, and Hamilton
were in theirs.
Respecting the Judgeship of Mecklenburgh, the Rev. Mr. Stuart
writes, 1788, that “our new settlements have been lately divided
into four districts, of which this place (Kingston,) is the Capital of
one called New Mecklenburgh. I had a commission sent me as first
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, which I returned to Lord
Dorchester, who left a few days ago.” The office thus refused was
subsequently filled by Mr. Richard Cartwright. In a letter before us,
written by John Ferguson, dated 29th December, 1788, it is stated
that “our Courts are opened, but they have done nothing particular,
but I suppose will in a few days.” This was the commencement of
other than martial law at the Bay of Quinté. 1788 then, is the year
in which civil law began to be administered. This was considered a
boon by the British Americans, who objected quite as much to military
law, when the individual might not by education, be qualified to
dispense judgment and justice, as they did to the French laws of Lower
Canada. Indeed the loyalists of Lower Canada complained very
much that they had lost the protection of British laws. And probably
many were induced to ascend to Upper Canada where the
British law was in operation. At the same time Upper Canada
remained a part of the Province of Quebec.
Reference is made in the History of Dundas, to Judge Duncan,
of Lunenburgh as follows: “As a soldier he was generous and
humane.” The Court sat at Mariatown, of which he was the founder.
He “seemed to have monopolized every office. A storekeeper,
and holding a Captain’s rank, he dealt out law, dry goods
and groceries alternately.” The court room was at the place of
Richard Loucks, who kept a store and tavern, about a mile below
the present eastern limits of the County of Dundas. The name of
the Sheriff was Munro, probably John Munro, who was subsequently
called to the Legislative Council.
With respect to Judge Cartwright, the reader is referred to
individual U. E. Loyalists for a notice of his history. The fact that
he was selected as the Judge after the office was refused by Mr.
Stuart, shows that he was a man of influence, education and wealth,
508and persons are now living who remember him as a “big man,”
along the Bay. From all that we can learn, it is most probable that
Judge Cartwright held his court at Finkle’s tavern, Ernesttown. It
is stated that he convicted the first man that was hanged in Canada.
The crime charged against him for which he was executed was
watch stealing. The article was found upon him, and although he
declared he had bought it of a pedlar, yet, as he could not prove it,
he was adjudged guilty of the crime, and sentenced to be hanged.
Dr. Connor, of Ernesttown, stood up in court and appealed against
the decision of the Judge, but he was hissed down, and the law took
its course. The man was hanged, and subsequently the pedlar from
whom the watch had been purchased came along and corroborated
the dying words of the unfortunate man.
The most common punishment inflicted upon those convicted of
high offences, was that of banishment for a certain number of years,
or for life, to the United States, “a sentence next to that of death,
felt to be the most severe that could be inflicted.” “Minor offences
were atoned for in the pillory. For a long time there stood one such
primitive instrument of punishment, at Richard Louck’s Inn, the
centre of law and Justice for the Lunenburgh District.” (History of
Dundas).
The first person executed at Niagara was in 1801, a woman by
name of Loudon, who was convicted of poisoning her husband, at
Grimsby.
The difference between the French and British in Canada, as
to religion, language and laws, was so great that, although efforts
were earnestly made to unite the two races, the divergence of views
continued to increase. And the result was, that a Bill was introduced
into the Imperial Parliament, by the Government, which duly became
law.
On Friday, 4th March, 1791 Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved, “that
His Majesty’s message concerning the New Constitution for Quebec
might be read. It was read accordingly.”
“George R.—His Majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the Commons,
that it appears to His Majesty, that it would be for the benefit
of His Majesty’s subjects in the Province of Quebec, that the same
should be divided into separate provinces, to be called the Province
of Upper Canada and the Province of Lower Canada; and that it is
accordingly his Majesty’s intention so to divide the same, whenever
His Majesty shall be enabled by Act of Parliament to establish the
necessary regulations for the government of the said Provinces. His
509Majesty therefore recommends this object to the consideration of
this House,” &c., &c. The discussion which arose in connection with
the passage of this Bill was of unusual interest, and produced
that historic scene between Burke and Fox, during which “tears
trickled down the cheeks” of the latter, as “he strove in vain to give
utterance to feelings that dignified and exalted his nature.” The
Bill passed its third reading on the 18th May.
At this time there were distributed along the St. Lawrence, the
Bay of Quinté, Niagara frontier, Amherstburgh, with the French
settlement on the Thames, and the Indians at Grand River, about
20,000 souls, or double the number, who came at the first as refugees,
and disbanded soldiers.
For a list of the Governors of Upper Canada see Appendix.
Contents—Simcoe—His arrival in Canada—Up the St. Lawrence—An old house—“Old
Breeches’ River”—Simcoe’s attendants—The old veterans—“Good
old cause”—“Content”—Toasting—Old officers—Executive Council of
Upper Canada—First entry—Simcoe inducted to office—Religious ceremony—“The
proceedings”—Those present—Oath of office—Organization of Legislative
Council—Assembly—Issuing writs for elections—Members of Council—Simcoe’s
difficulty—At Kingston—Division of Province—The Governor’s
officers—Rochfoucault upon Simcoe—Simcoe’s surroundings—His wife—Opening
Parliament in 1795—Those present—Retinue—Dress—The nineteen
counties—Simcoe’s designs—Visit of the Queen’s father—At Kingston—Niagara—A
war dance.
Colonel John Graves Simcoe, the pioneer Governor of Upper
Canada, and the Lieutenant-Governor under Lord Dorchester, entered
upon the duties of his office, July 8, 1792.
His arrival in Canada was signalled by much rejoicing, as he
passed along in a fleet of bark canoes from Lower Canada, by the St.
Lawrence. A writer, in 1846, relates some interesting facts respecting
this passage. He speaks of one house then remaining in
Johnstown, which remained in all its original proportions. “It
is built in the Dutch style, with sharp-pointed roof, and curious
gables.” This house was framed of oak of the finest growth; and,
considering that it has been drawn from lot to lot, until it has traveled
510almost the entire extent of the bay, (at Johnston) within the last half
century, it certainly is a remarkable edifice. It is now a hostelrié,
as it has always been, and no sign of repentance can be yet seen in its
huge sign-board, exhibited at the top of a taper pine, on which some
cunning disciple of Michael Angelo, hath depicted a tolerably sized
square, and a pair of exquisitely expansive compass, striding classically,
in imitation of the Collosus of Rhodes, with the staring capitals
of “Live and let live—St. John’s Hall—Peace and plenty to all mankind”—thrown
in as a sort of relief to the compass, and as a sweet
inducement to the weary and dust-begrimmed traveler to walk in,
and make himself as comfortable as the little peculiarities of the lazy-eyed
landlord, and the singular temperament of the land-lady, will
allow.
“This house is Governor Simcoe’s house. In it John Graves
Simcoe, the first Governor of the U. E. Loyalists, himself a hearty,
brave old colonel, who fought in the cause of these men, held his
levee, on his first arrival in Upper Canada. Time hallows all. Young
Canada has her antiquities—although she may be more prone to look
forward to the future with hope, than back on the past with regret.
Yet the house in which John Graves Simcoe reposed himself, and
cast his martial eye over the gracefully curving bay, the sparkling
river, and the dilapidated fortifications of the old French fort, built
during the French ascendancy; on the point and islands below, may
still be an object of interest to more than those who reside in the
vicinity, in a Province, which owes so much of its present prosperity
to the good commencement made by one possessed of his historic
heroism, humanity, and noble self-denial in the cause of an exiled race.
The house stood on a point of land formed by the bay, and a small
stream which passes from the north westward, called formerly by the
French, “Riviere de la Vielle Culotte,” which being translated, probably
means “Old Breeches’ River.” Governor Simcoe had, but a
short half-hour previously, taken his departure for Niagara, in one of
the large bark canoes with which the passage on the St. Lawrence,
and along the shore of the lakes, was then generally made. A brigade
of smaller canoes and boats followed him, conveying his suite, and a
few soldiers; and never since the year 1756, when Montcalm led his
army upward to the attack of Oswego, had the swelling bosom of the
wild forest river borne so glad a sight as on that sparkling morning.
“The old piece of ordnance, obtained from the island fort below,
had ceased to belch forth its thunders from the clay bank; whereon,
fort want of trunnions it had been deposited. The gentry of the surrounding
511country, collected together for the occasion, and looking
spruce, though weather-beaten, in their low-tasselled boots, their
queer old broad-skirted military coats, and looped chapeaux, with
faded feathers fluttering in the wind, had retired to the inn, and were
toasting in parting goblets, the “good old cause for ever,” previously
to betaking themselves to their woodland path homeward, or embarking
in their canoes to reach their destinations by water, above or
below.
“Now I am content—content, I say, and can go home to reflect
on this proud day. Our Governor—the man of all others—has come
at last—mine eye hath seen it—drink to him gentlemen—he will do
the rest for us,”—cried Colonel Tom Fraser, his face flushed and fiery,
and his stout frame drawn up to its full height at the head of the
table.
“We do—we do!” vociferated young Kingsmill, emptying his
glass, and stamping to express joy. “Bonhomme” Tom Fraser then
got on his legs, and shouted a brawny young soldier’s echo to the
toast of his relative.
The mild, placid countenance of Dr. Solomon Jones, was lighted
up by the occasion, and he arose also, and responded to the toast,
recounting some of the services performed by the newly appointed
Lieutenant-Governor in the late war.
Captain Elijah Bottum, a large portly person, having at his side
a formidable basket-hilted claymore, then addressed them in brief
military phrase, and gave one of the old war slogans. Major Jessup
followed in the same strain, and proposed a sentiment which was
received with vociferous cheers by the younger portion of the company.
Captain Dulmage, Captain Campbell, Pay-master Jones, Commissary
Jones, Captain Gid. Adams, Lieutenant Samuel Adams,
Ephraim Webster, Captain Markle, Captain Grant, and numerous
other captains and officers, managed to make themselves heard on
the joyful occasion, until finally the meeting broke up, and the company
separated not to meet again until the next fourth day of June,
in the following year.
The first entry in the journals of the Executive Council of Upper
Canada, gives an account of the induction of Colonel Simcoe into the
gubernatorial office at Kingston. The event was made one of solemnity
and religious observance, the proceedings taking place on a
Sunday, in the old church of wood, which stood opposite the market-place.
We quote an extract from the proceedings of the Executive
Council.
512Kingston, July 8, 1792.
“His Excellency John Graves Simcoe, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor
of the Province of Upper Canada, colonel, commanding the forces in
the said Province, &c., &c., having appointed the Protestant church,
as a suitable place for the reading and publishing of his Majesty’s
commissions, he accordingly repaired thither, attended by the Hon.
William Osgoode, Chief Justice; the Hon. James Baby, the Hon.
Peter Russell, together with the Magistrates and principal inhabitants,
when the said commission appointing his Excellency (Grey)
Lord Dorchester, Captain-General and Governor-in-chief, &c., &c., of
Upper and Lower Canada, and also the commission appointing the
said John Graves Simcoe, Governor of the Province of Upper Canada,
were solemnly read and published.”
The oaths of office were then administered to his Excellency.
According to the Royal instructions to Governor Simcoe, he was to
have five individuals to form the first Executive Council. The five
named were William Osgoode, William Robertson, James Baby,
Alexander Grant, and Peter Russell, Esqs. The next day, Monday,
Osgoode, Baby, and Russell were sworn into office, as Executive
Councillors. Robertson was not then in the Province; Grant was
sworn in a few days after.
Upon the 17th of July, a meeting of the council was held at the
Government House, at Kingston, when the first steps were taken to
organize a Legislative Council, and assembly writs were issued, summoning
the gentlemen who were to form the first Legislative Council.
These were, in addition to those forming the Executive Council,
Richard Duncan, Robert Hamilton, Richard Cartwright, Junr., John
Munro, and we believe, Thomas Fraser. These constituted the
Legislative Council.
Two of the nine, it would seem, never took upon themselves
the duties of the high place thus allotted them. One was Richard
Duncan, who lived at Mariatown, County of Dundas. He was a
captain, and had, in 1788, been appointed Judge of the Lunenburgh
district. When Upper Canada became a separate province, Judge
Duncan, as well as Cartwright, Judge of Mecklenburgh, were appointed
Legislative Councillors. Duncan was a man of extensive
business, and highly respected; but “some transactions in connection
with banking business, were so imprudent,” that “he left the country
somewhat abruptly for the United States,” and “never dared to
return,” (Croil). This unfortunate affair, whatever its nature may
have been, probably occurred about the time of the above mentioned
513appointment, as he shortly after removed to Schenectady, New York,
where he continued to live until his death. The other was Mr.
Robertson, a resident of Sandwich, where he had become a successful
merchant. He never took his seat in the council, the reason of
which does not appear.
It is stated that, according to the despatches of Simcoe to the
Imperial Government, he found no little difficulty in obtaining suitable
persons to fill the offices of the Executive and Legislative Council, who
would absent themselves from home for the purpose.
The Executive Council continued to hold meetings at Kingston
up to the 21st July, when Simcoe proceeded westward, and determined
to make the village at the mouth of Niagara River, his capital.
Upon the same day that the Governor and Council issued summonses
to the gentlemen of the Legislative Council, the 16th July,
a proclamation was likewise issued, forming the Province into
Counties, and specifying the number of representatives to be elected
by the people to constitute the Legislative Assembly. And these
proclamations were speedily conveyed and posted in every settlement.
The following were the officers connected with the Governor
while at Newark. “Military Sec. Major Littlehales; Provincial
Aide-de-Camp, Thomas Talbot; Solicitor General, Mr. Gray; Clerk
of Executive Council, Mr. Small; Civil Secretary, William Jarvis;
Receiver General, Peter Russell; Surveyor General, D. W. Smith;
Assistant Surveyor General, Thomas Ridout and William Chewitt.”
The Council Chamber was a building near to Butler’s barracks on
the hill, where the Episcopal and Catholic Churches assembled
occasionally, and alternately. The first meeting of the Executive
at Newark, was held on the 29th September. Ten days after this was
the opening of Parliament. Peter Clark was appointed Clerk of the
Legislative Council; John G. Law, Usher of the Black Rod. The
superintendent of the Indian department, was Colonel John Butler,
of Butler’s Rangers of the Revolutionary war.
John White, the first Attorney-General of Upper Canada,
came to the country, accompanied by Thomas Ward, in 1792.
The Duke de la Rochefoucault, Linancourt, a French nobleman,
traveling in America, in 1795, visited Governor Simcoe, and
remarks in his writings that “Upper Canada is a new country, or
rather a country yet to be formed. It was probably for this reason
General Simcoe accepted the government of it. He was fully aware
of the advantages which his native land might derive from such a
colony, if it attained perfection; and imagined that means might
514be found adequate to this purpose. This hope was the only incitement
which could impel a man of independent fortune, to leave the
large and beautiful estates he possesses in England, and to bury
himself in a wilderness, among bears and savages. Ambition, at
least, appears not to have been his motive; as a man, in Gen.
Simcoe’s situation, is furnished with abundant means of distinguishing
himself by useful activity, without removing to a great distance
from his native country. But, whatever have been his motives,
his design has been attended with consequences highly beneficial.
The plan conceived by General Simcoe for peopling and improving
Upper Canada, seems, as far as he has communicated to us, extremely
wise and well arranged.” The same writer says, that Simcoe had
a hearty hatred against the United States, that he had been a zealous
promoter of the war, in which he took a very active part. “In his
private life Governor Simcoe is simple, plain, and obliging. He
inhabits a small miserable wooden house, which formerly was occupied
by the Commissaries. His guard consists of four soldiers,
who every morning come from the fort, and return thither in the
evening. He lives in a noble and hospitable manner, without
pride. Mrs. Simcoe is a lady of thirty-six years of age. She is
bashful, and speaks little, but she is a woman of sense, handsome
and amiable, and fulfils all the duties of a mother and wife with
the most scrupulous exactness. The performance of the latter she
carries so far as to act the part of Secretary to her husband. Her
talents for drawing, the practice of which she confines to maps and
plans, to enable her to be extremely useful to the Governor.”
“The Governor is colonel of a regiment of Queen’s Rangers, stationed
in the Province. His servants are privates of this regiment
which is stationed elsewhere.”
“During our residence at Navy Hall, the Session of the Legislature
of Upper Canada was opened. (This was 1795). The Governor
had deferred it till that time, on account of the expected arrival
of a Chief Justice from England, and from a hope that he should
be able to acquaint the members with the particulars of the treaty
with the United States. But the harvest has now begun, which in
a higher degree than elsewhere engages, in Canada, the public
attention. Two members of the Legislative Council were present
instead of seven; no Chief Justice appeared who was to act as
Speaker; instead of sixteen members of the Assembly only five
attended. The law requires a greater number of members for
each House, to discuss and determine upon any business, but within
515two days a year will have expired since the last Session. The
Governor has therefore thought it right to open the Session. The
whole retinue of the Governor consisted in a guard of fifty men of
the garrison of the fort. Dressed in silk, he entered the Hall with
his hat on his head, attended by the Adjutant and two Secretaries.
The two members of the Legislative Council gave, by their
Speaker, notice of it to the Assembly. Five members of the latter
having appeared at the bar, the Governor delivered a speech,” &c.
When Simcoe undertook the administration of the newly
established Province, a proclamation was issued which divided the
Province into nineteen counties. In the creation of this division,
Simcoe had a view to military organization. Rochefaucault
says, “The maxims of government professed by Gen. Simcoe are
very liberal and fair; he detests all arbitrary and military government,
without the walls of the fort; and desires liberty in its
utmost latitude, so far as is consistent with the constitution and
law of the land. He is, therefore, by no means ambitious of investing
all power and authority in his own hands; but consents to the
Lieutenants, whom he nominates for each county the right of
appointing the Justices of the Peace, and Officers of the Militia.”
“A Justice of the Peace could assign, in the King’s name,
200 acres of land to every settler, whom he knew to be worthy,
and the surveyor of the district was to point out to the settler the
land allotted him.”—(Rogers). Simcoe desired to populate the
Province as speedily as possible, no doubt he felt anxious the United
States should not get too far ahead. The schemes conceived by him
for the settlement, government, and defence of the Province, have
received the approval of most men capable of judging. But he
remained not to carry out the plan intended. In 1796, shortly after
the close of the first session of the second Parliament, he was
instructed by the Imperial authorities to repair to St. Domingo, to
assume the same duties; and the Hon. Peter Russell, President of
the Council, was delegated to discharge the duties belonging to the
office of Governor, and he enjoyed all the emoluments and perquisites
arising therefrom.
During the occupancy of Simcoe, an event came to pass which
may be here appropriately referred to. It was a visit to Upper
Canada of the Duke of Kent, father of our much loved Queen.
Prince Edward was stationed at Quebec with his regiment, having
arrived a short time before the division of the Province of Quebec,
and consequently before Simcoe came. Desiring to see the Upper
516Province, he set out in a calash, drawn by a French pony, accompanied
by his suite. At Montreal he took a batteau, manned with
Frenchmen, for Kingston. At Oswegotchie, “the royal party
was met by a pleasure barge from Kingston, manned by seamen
and military, accompanied by Peter Clark, of the Naval Department
at Kingston.” From thence they were speedily rowed to
Kingston, where the King’s schooner, the ‘Mohawk,’ Commodore
Bouchette, commander, was in waiting to receive him. The Prince
went on board, and after a tedious passage, safely reached Newark,
where he was received by the firing of guns. As soon as horses
and saddles could be mustered, the royal party wended their way
by a narrow river road on the high banks of the Niagara river to
the Falls. The only tavern, or place of accommodation, was a log
hut for travelers to refresh themselves. There, the party alighted,
and, after partaking of such refreshments as the house afforded,
followed an Indian path through the woods to the Table Rock.
There was a rude Indian ladder by which to descend to the rocks
below, 160 feet. This consisted of a long pine tree with the
branches cut off, leaving length enough at the trunk to place the
foot upon, and hold on by the hands, in ascending or descending.
(This Indian ladder continued in use several years later, when it
was superseded by a ladder furnished from money, given by a lady
from Boston to the guide). Our illustrious traveler availed himself
of this rude mode of descent. The Prince and party lunched at the
Hon. Mr. Hamilton’s on their way back. In the evening, the Prince
was amused by a war dance by the Mohawks, headed by Brant
himself. The next day, the Prince re-embarked, and proceeded to
Quebec. There is a tradition in Marysburgh that he stopped on his
way down in Smith’s Bay, to admire the beauty of that place.
517
Contents—General Hunter—Peter Russell—Francis Gore, 1806—Alex. Grant—Brock—1812—United
States declare war—Prompt action—Parliament—Proclamation—The
issue—Second proclamation—General Hull—His proclamation—Bombast
and impertinence—The Indians—Proclamation answered—Hull
a prisoner—Michigan conquered—To Niagara—At Queenston heights—“Push
on York Volunteers”—Death of Brock—McDonnell—War of 1812,
the Americans—Extract from Merritt—What Canadians did—Brock’s monument—General
Sheaffe—General Drummond—Invading the States—What
Canada will do—Lord Sydenham—A tribute by Dr. Ryerson—Union of the
Provinces.
Lieutenant General Peter Hunter, who had been Colonel of the
24th Regiment stationed at Newark, was the second Governor for
Upper Canada; his accession to office was on the 17th August, 1799.
During the two previous years, Hon. Peter Russell had been President.
He continued to hold the position until his death, which
took place at Quebec, 21st August, 1865. His age was sixty-nine.
The third Governor of Upper Canada was His Excellency
Francis Gore, who assumed the gubernatorial functions on the 25th
August, 1806. In the interim between this period and the death
of Hunter, the Hon. Alexander Grant having been President. The
reign of Gore was one of ease. No conflicting parties as yet disturbed
the political arena of the Province. Year after year he convened
Parliament, which enacted laws for the growing requirements
of the colony, with a degree of harmony not subsequently present.
In 1811, he resigned, when Sir Isaac Brock became President, upon
the 30th September. Although but the President, and not a Lieutenant-Governor,
he requires some notice.
General Brock.—In the year 1812, in June, the United States
declared war against Great Britain, ostensibly, on the question of
the right of England to take her seamen from American vessels to
which they had deserted; but, in reality, the object of the war was
to acquire Canada, and as England was engaged with an European
war, it was deemed a favorable opportunity by President Madison,
to subjugate the people whom they had once dispossessed of their
inheritance. The declaration of war was quickly made known to
General Brock, even sooner than the enemy thought possible, who
promptly took necessary steps to secure the defence of the Province,
against the dastardly intentions of the invader. On the 20th
518June, he issued orders to Captain Roberts, at St. Joseph, which
issued in the capture of Fort Michilmacinac, with seventy men,
beside valuable cargoes of furs. On the 28th July, he met the
Parliament at York, which continued in session eight days, and
sent forth a proclamation to the people, with these concluding remarks:
“We are engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By
unanimity in our councils, and by vigor in our operations, we may
teach the enemy this lesson, that a country defended by freeman,
enthusiastically devoted to the cause of their King and constitution,
can never be conquered.” Remarkable words! How true the
sentiments. And so, animated by this belief, strong in the consciousness
of right, indignant at an unprincipled foe, he went on
his way showing to all an example of “vigor,” and displaying the
bravery which freemen alone know how to practice, until in the
hour of victory, death overtook him on Queenston Heights. The
address of General Brock was supplemented by one from the Legislative
Assembly, and no excuse need be offered for introducing it
here in extenso. It ought to be read by every Canadian, and the
truths it contains made known to the rising generation, that they
may know the history of the fathers of those who support Fenianism.
Know how unscrupulous the neighbours we have upon our
southern borders, have ever been.
“Already have we the joy to remark, that the spirit of loyalty
has burst forth in all its ancient splendour. The militia in all
parts of the Province have volunteered their services with acclamation,
and displayed a degree of energy worthy the British name.
“They do not forget the blessings and privileges which they
enjoy under the protection and fostering care of the British Empire,
whose government is only felt in this country by acts of the purest
justice and most pleasing and efficacious benevolence. When men
are called upon to defend everything they call precious, their wives
and children, their friends and professions, they ought to be inspired
with the noblest resolutions, and they will not be easily frightened
by menaces, or conquered by force. And, beholding as we do, the
flame of patriotism, burning from the one end of the Canadas to the
other, we cannot but entertain the most pleasing anticipations.
Our enemies have indeed said that they can subdue this country
by proclamation; but it is our part to prove to them, that they are
sadly mistaken; that the population is determinedly hostile, and
that the few who might be otherwise inclined, will find it their
safety to be faithful. Innumerable attempts will be made, by falsehood,
519to detach you from your allegiance, for our enemies, in imitation
of their European master, trust more to treachery than to force,
and they will, no doubt, make use of many of those lies, which
unfortunately, for the virtuous part of those States, and the peace and
happiness of the world, had too much success during the American
rebellion; they will tell you that they are come to give you freedom,
yes, the base slaves of the most contemptible faction that ever distracted
the affairs of any nation,—the minions of the very sycophants
who lick the dust from the feet of Bounaparte, will tell you
that they are come to communicate the blessing of liberty to this
Province; but you have only to look at your situation to put such
hypocrites to confusion. Trusting more to treachery than open
hostility, our enemies have already spread their emmissaries through
the country to seduce our fellow-subjects from their allegiance, by
promises as false as the principles on which they are founded. A
law has therefore been enacted for the speedy detection of such
emmissaries, and for their condign punishment on conviction.
Remember when you go forth to the combat, that you fight, not
for yourselves alone, but for the whole world. You are defeating
the most formidable conspiracy against the civilization of man that
ever was contrived. Persevere as you have begun, in your strict
obedience to the laws, and your attention to military discipline;
deem no sacrifice too costly, which secures the enjoyment of our
happy constitution; follow, with your countrymen in Britain, the
paths of virtue, and like them, you shall triumph over all your unprincipled
foes.”
This address was followed by a second one from General
Brock, on the 22nd July, 1812, in which he reviewed an address
which had been issued by the American General, who had invited
the Canadians to seek voluntarily, the protection of his government;
also the threat to show no quarter if the Indians appeared
in the ranks; Brock eloquently defended their right to defend
their homes against an invading foe.
General Brock having prorogued Parliament, pushed on to the
scene of Hull’s invasion, where he had issued a proclamation to the
Canadians characterised by absurdity, falsehood, and Yankee brag.
Indeed, it seems quite impossible for any American General to
indite, an address or proclamation, without exposing himself to
ridicule. Having already collected an army at Detroit, General
Hull, the commanding officer, crossed over to Sandwich on the
Canadian side, and issued the following modest address to the
520“Inhabitants of Canada.”—“After thirty years of peace
and prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms.
The injuries and aggressions, the insults and indignities of Great
Britain, have once more left them no alternative but namely,
resistance or unconditional submission. The army under my
command has invaded your country, and the standard of Union
now waves over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable
and unoffending inhabitants it brings neither danger nor difficulty.
I come to find enemies, not to make them. I come to
protect, not to injure you. Separated by an immense ocean, and an
extensive wilderness, from Great Britain, you have no participation
in her councils, nor interest in her conduct. You have felt the
tyranny, you have seen her injustice, but I do not ask you to avenge
the one or redress the other. The United States are sufficiently
powerful to afford you every security consistent with their rights,
and your expectations. I tender you the invaluable blessings of
civil, political, and religious liberty, and their necessary result,
individual and general prosperity; that liberty which gave decision
to our councils, and energy to our conduct, in our struggle for independence,
and which conducted us safely and triumphantly
through the stormy period of the Revolution. That liberty which
has raised us to an elevated rank among nations of the world, and
which has afforded us a greater measure of peace and security, of
wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot of any people.
In the name of my country, and by the authority of my country,
and by the authority of my government, I promise protection to
your persons, property, and rights. Remain at your homes, pursue
your peaceful and customary avocations; raise not your hands
against your brethren; many of your fathers fought for the freedom
and independence we now enjoy. Being children, therefore, of the
same family with us, and heirs of the same heritage, the arrival of
my army of friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome.
You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored
to the dignified station of free men. Had I any doubt of eventual
success, I might ask your assistance, but I do not. I come prepared
for every contingency, I have a force which will look down all
opposition—and that force is but the vanguard of a much greater.
If contrary to your own interests, and the just expectation of my
country, you will be considered and treated as enemies, the horrors
and calamities of war will stalk before you. If the barbarous
and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and the savages are
521let loose to murder our citizens, and butcher our women and children,
this war will be a war of extermination. The first stroke of
the tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalping knife, will be the
signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man
found fighting by the side of an Indian, will be taken prisoner;
instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates of reason, duty,
justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the employment of a force
which respects no right, and knows no wrongs, it will be prevented
by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your
courage and firmness; I will not doubt your attachment to liberty.
If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted
readily. The United States offer you peace, liberty, and security.
Your choice lies between these and war, slavery, and destruction.
Choose then, but choose wisely; and may he who knows the justice
of our cause, and who holds in his hands the fate of nations, guide
you to a result the most compatible with your rights and interests,
your peace and prosperity.”
But it was not long till the same Gen. Hull was a prisoner
among them, and in his journey from Detroit to Quebec he had
abundant opportunity of seeing not only the loyalty of the Canadians,
but that they knew how to treat a conquered foe with consideration—that
without crying it out they could grant every “protection”
to their ancient foe, notwithstanding the cruel treatment
they had sustained when made exiles.
On the 18th July, with the intrepidity characteristic of the
British officer, Brock crossed the Detroit, advanced upon the town
with his brave militia and handful of regular troops, and demanded
of Gen. Hull the surrender of the place, following up the demand
with preparations to assault; but soon the white flag appeared,
and Gen. Hull, so brave in writing proclamations, with the whole
American army, became prisoners of war. They were conveyed
to Quebec in parties, some going by vessels of war from York to
Kingston, some in small boats along the shore and across the
Carrying Place, by the Bay of Quinté. Most of them were confined
in hulks in the St. Lawrence, at Quebec, where they remained
until exchanged. Gen. Brock after this brilliant conquest of
Detroit, which included the whole of Michigan, lost no time in
hastening to the Niagara frontier, where another army was threatening
to invade.
Upon the 12th October the Americans were preparing to
cross from Lewiston to Queenston. Gen. Brock was at Fort George,
522Niagara, and hearing the cannon’s sound, hurried to the field of
battle. He placed himself at the head of the troops, and triumphantly
led them up the heights of Queenston, against the enemy,
who had obtained a footing there; but with the deep river between
them and safety, the enemy rallied for a time in a struggle for life,
and Brock’s men, inferior in number, retired, until his reinforcements
had come, for which he would not previously wait. Then
again he essayed to lead them on, but his hour had come, and
while his cheering voice was ringing out “Push on York Volunteers,”
a musket ball struck him down. But the spirit of the brave
General was infused into every Canadian. As soon as Gen. Sheaffe
had arrived they advanced to conquer the polluters of Canadian
soil. Again the whole American army became prisoners of war,
and had the privilege of marching the length of the Province to
Quebec, and Gen. Scott among the rest, who was favored with a
passage down the Bay of Quinté.
Gen. Brock’s Aide-de-Camp, McDonnell also fell, mortally
wounded. Brock was buried in a bastion of Fort George, but
subsequently his remains found a resting place upon the heights
where he fell, and where now rises the monument to his memory.
This illustrious Chief was much beloved by the Canadians, and he
was held in great veneration. To him—to the energetic and heroic
Brock is due to a great extent the subsequent success by which
the enemy, ever boasting, was kept at bay, so that when peace
was sought by the United States, after three years of war, because
England, no longer at war at home, was about to deal heavy blows,
there was not a foot of Canadian territory in the enemy’s possession.
Of Gen. Brock the Hon. William H. Merrit, in 1853, speaks as
follows:
“It will be in the recollection of many now present, that in
the commencement of the war of 1812, only one regiment of British
troops, the 48th, was left to defend Upper Canada, from Kingston
to Michilimackinac, a distance of one thousand miles, and during
the whole campaign, only two companies of the 48th could be
spared on this frontier. Although this fact is one of the most
striking events connected with that war, it has never yet been
brought prominently before the public; yet it clearly proves that
the defence of Canada, then rested with its inhabitants. We find
that though they consisted principally of the old U. E. Loyalists
and their descendants, the native Indians who had been dispossessed
523of their possessions in the United States, and their descendants,
together with residents from the United States—emigration
from the Mother Country not having been commenced to any
extent,—a population thus composed, not exceeding in Upper
Canada, at most 90,000, without troops, without munitions of war,
without resources, and without the least expectation of any timely
aid from the mother country, with a few troops, unable to contend
against a powerful nation, numbering about 8,000,000, with munitions
of war, and resources without limit, within a comparative short
distance from maritime cities, also numerous forces at command,
of which they were not slow of apprising us, in the proclamations
circulated from time to time,—it was under those circumstances
that the character and ability of Sir Isaac Brock were brought to
light. Well knowing on whom he had to depend for the defence
of the country, he directed his personal attention to the clothing,
arms, equipment, mess, and personal comfort of the militia, and
took every opportunity of gaining the good will of the Indians.”
The estimation in which General Brock was held by the people
of the Province, was duly evinced by Parliament in passing an act,
14th March, 1815, “to provide for the erection of a monument to
the memory of the late president, Major General Sir Isaac Brock.”
The value of his wisdom, his councils, his energy, his wise plans,
as well as his bravery, and the effects thereof, are fully set forth in
the preamble. It was resolved to grant £1,000 for the purpose
referred to, and erect the monument at Queenston Heights.
Thomas Dickson, Thomas Clark, and Robert Nichol, Esquires, were
appointed commissioners to carry out the act. In January, 1826,
an act was passed granting £600 more “to complete the monument
on a scale which appears to the commissioners worthy of the
object.”
Major General Sheaffe, became President, 20th October, 1812,
and continued in office until January 19, 1813, when Major General
de Rottenburgh assumed the office, and remained until December
12, of the same year. At this date
Lieutenant General Sir Gordon Drummond was inducted as
President. It was immediately after this that the infamous American
General McClure, set fire to Newark when unprotected,
burning 150 houses, and leaving 400 women and children homeless
in the middle of December. This act of villany was fully avenged
by General Drummond. Having occupied Fort George, a night
attack was made upon Fort Niagara, with brilliant success. Then,
524the burning of Newark was remembered, and from Lewiston to
Buffalo the frontier was laid waste, including those two towns. In
this connection, we would remark, that in the event of another war
with the United States, it would be no doubt the policy of Canada
to make frequent disastrous raids into the States, wherever the
opportunity presented. The Americans may as well understand
that destruction of property will not be all on one side.
These brief sketches of the first Lieutenant-Governors of Upper
Canada, will be finished by alluding to one who devised the scheme
of uniting the two Canadas, who successfully accomplished that
noble design, and became the first Governor of United Canada. He
fixed the capital at Kingston, as the most central place suitable for
both Provinces, indeed, it is generally understood, that it was a
part of the plan when the union was made, that Kingston should
become the permanent seat of government. “It virtually formed
part of the contract between the respective provinces.” But with
the death of Lord Sydenham, also died the opportunity of Kingston
remaining the capital of Canada.
Lord Sydenham died at Kingston, in September, 1841, and was
buried beneath St. George’s Church. Says Dr. Ryerson, in an
affecting letter communicated to the public at that time: “Unlike the
close of the session of legislature, which was ever held in either
Province of Canada, the termination of the late session will produce
throughout Canada the opposite feelings of grateful joy, and melancholy
grief. The same post which conveys to the people of Canada,
the tidings of the harmonious and happy conclusion of a session
unprecedented in the productiveness of comprehensive and valuable
measures for the general improvement and social and intellectual
elevation of the province, conveys to them the appalling announcement
that death has terminated the earthly career of the noble
mind which conceived those improvements and originated those
institutions which will form a golden era in the annals of Canadian
history, by laying the foundation of Canadian prosperity and greatness.
While blessings are multiplied us, the agent of those blessings
is removed from us, and our country is, at the same moment,
thrilled with joy and consternation—and on the same day vocal
with thanksgiving and clothed in sackcloth; luminous with hope and
involved in mourning. Thus do the strokes of Providential chastisement
accompany the out-beamings of Providential munificence;
and the brightest picture of human life is shaded with disappointment,
suffering, and bereavement. It is in heaven only that death
is unknown, that pain is never felt, and tears are never shed.
525“Lord Sydenham belongs essentially to Canada. His nobility
was fairly earned in her service; the ripest fruits of his experience
and acquirements are embodied in her institutions; his warmest
and latest sympathies are blended with her interests; his mortal
remains repose, by choice, among her dead; and his name is indelibly
inscribed in the affectionate esteem and grateful recollections
of her inhabitants.
“It is not easy to determine which is most worthy of admiration,
the comprehensiveness and grandeur of Lord Sydenham’s plans,
the skill with which he overcame the obstacles that opposed their
accomplishment, or the quenchless ardor and ceaseless industry
with which he pursued them. To lay the foundations of public
liberty, and at the same time to strengthen the prerogative; to
promote vast public improvements, and not increase the public
burdens; to promote a comprehensive system of education upon
Christian principles, without interfering with religious scruples; to
promote the influence and security of the government by teaching
the people to govern themselves; to destroy party faction by promoting
the general good; to invest a bankrupt country with both
credit and resources, are conceptions and achievements which render
Lord Sydenham the first benefactor of Canada, and place him in the
first rank of statesmen. His Lordship found a country divided, he
left it united; he found it prostrate and paralytic, he left it erect and
vigorous; he found it mantled with despair, he left it blooming
with hope. Lord Sydenham has done more in two years to
strengthen and consolidate British power in Canada by his matchless
industry, and truly liberal conservative policy, than have been
done during the ten previous years by the increase of a standing
army, and the erection of military fortifications. His Lordship has
solved the difficult problem, that a people may be colonists and yet
be free; and, in the solution of that problem, he has gained a
triumph less imposing, but not less sublime and scarcely less
important, than the victory of Waterloo; he has saved millions to
England, and secured the affections of Canada.
“In the way of accomplishing these splendid results, the most
formidable obstacles oppose themselves. At the foundation of these
lay the hitherto defective theory, and worse than defective system
of Colonial Government; a system destitute of the safety-valve of
responsibility, of the attributes of freedom, and of the essential
materials of executive power; a system which was despotic from
its weakness, and arbitrary from its pretences to representation; a
system inefficient in the hands of good men, and withering in the
hands of mistaken or bad men.”
526
Contents—Kingston—First capital—First act of government—Niagara—Selecting
the capital—Niagara in 1788—Carrying Place—Landing Place—Newark—In
1795—Mr. Hamilton—The inhabitants—Little York—The Don—The
Harbor—Survey—De la Trenche—London—Inhabitants of the Don—Yonge
Street, a military road—Governor at York—Castle Frank—York in 1798—The
Baldwins—In 1806—Buffalo—York, 1813—Taken by the Americans—The
Combatants—Toronto—“Muddy York”—A monument required.
The site of the old Fort Frontenac, the first township to be
surveyed, and the place whereon to form the first village in Western
Canada, was in reality the first capital of Upper Canada. Here
the first Governor was inducted solemnly upon a Sabbath to his
office; here he formed his first cabinet, the Executive Council;
here he selected the gentlemen to form his first Legislative Council;
here he issued his proclamations forming the province into counties
and arranging the representation. Although the first Parliament
did not meet here, the first acts of government were here performed,
and public documents were dated at “the Government House,
Kingston, 1792.”
We have elsewhere spoken of Niagara River and the early
French Fort here erected, and its capture by the English. We
have learned that the place was garrisoned by troops during the
rebellion, and that many refugees here found a safe retreat.
Lord Dorchester desired Simcoe to make Kingston the capital
of the new province. But he was unwilling to do so until he had
informed himself of the advantages which other places might offer.
It seems that he became impressed with the belief that the seat of
government should be placed in the peninsula of Upper Canada,
and finally determined to fix it at the mouth of the River Niagara,
notwithstanding the recommendation of Dorchester, the wishes of
Bouchette, the Commodore of the Navy, and the urgent requests of
the Kingston merchants.
Collins in his report 1788, speaks of Navy Hall, near Niagara;
that the buildings of Navy Hall, are for the most part in exceeding
bad repair, and the wharf is in ruins. Of the Ranger’s Barracks one
pile has been so far dismantled as to be past re-establishing, one end
indeed, might perhaps, with some fitting up, be made to serve for
some time as a blacksmith’s shop to the Indian Department, which
527they say is much wanted; the other pile is capable of being repaired,
and might also answer for a temporary accommodation, (at least in
part) this same department, their storehouses, &c., on the Niagara
side as already observed being in absolute ruin and not repairable;
the fitting up of this pile of buildings would cost about £35. The
storehouse at the landing place, which is of round log work, is
mostly rotten, and altogether in exceeding bad repair, and should
be rebuilt; the dwelling house is much out of repair. The ways,
wharf, cradle, and capstan, want some repair, which may be done
for about £20, all the picketing and small platforms in the angles
of Fort Schlosser, are rotten and in a tottering state, part of the
wharf has been washed away, and the remainder cannot last long.
The barracks and store houses are not in much better condition,
they have been kept standing by the temporary repairs which have
been annually performed, merely to keep the weather out.
“From Niagara to the landing place, below the Falls, is about
seven miles and a quarter, there is a tolerable good road, but the
merchandise, store, &c., are carried up the river in batteaux or
vessels, there being sufficient depth of water all the way up, and
also alongside the wharf to unload, beyond this place the current
becomes too strong to proceed any further by water without great
difficulty, boats, indeed, but not vessels, go about half a mile higher,
but no advantage can be obtained from it as the shore then
becomes impracticable, being a precipice of loose rock about three
times as high as where the present landing is. From the wharf at
the landing, goods are drawn up the side of the bank about fifty
feet high upon ways, on easy slope by a capstan fixed at the top;
from this place there is a waggon road of seven miles to Fort
Schlosser, a mile and a half above the Falls, where the goods are
again put into boats and carried up eighteen miles to Fort Erie,
from whence they are conveyed in vessels across Lake Erie to
Detroit.
“I think a better situation for a landing place might be chosen
below the present one, about half a mile distant by land, and three-quarters
by water. The bank of the river here is not half the
height of the other; the water is sufficiently deep at a short distance
from the shore for vessels to unload; and by raising a wharf
and lowering some of the bank for a road, the labor and delay of
hauling goods up by ways, as is the present practice, and would
be avoided; it would also be much more convenient and expeditious
for vessels to come up to, as the worst part of the navigation would
528be avoided, which in passing round a point between this place and
the landing. The length of road to be made from this proposed
landing place, will be about half a mile, but it is mostly good ground
and will not require much expense. The real length of land carriage,
however, to Fort Schlosser, will not be increased, or at most
more than 100 or 150 yards.”
The original British fort at Niagara was upon the east side of
the mouth of the Niagara River, upon the present site of the American
Fort. By a treaty entered into in 1794, Great Britain was to
vacate this fort, with others situated to the south of the lakes,
namely, Oswego, Detroit, Miami, and Michilmacinac, which was
done in 1796. Upon the west side of the river, upon a point known
as Mississauga Point, had sprung up a small village. This, it is
said, was the largest collection of houses after Kingston when
Governor Simcoe arrived, and here he decided to make his residence,
and the permanent capital of the new province. He lived
“in a small frame house, half a mile from the village.” To this
place he gave the name of Newark. There was up the river, at the
end of navigation, and at the commencement of the portage around
the falls to Lake Erie, a small village which had arisen from the
course of travel upwards to the western lakes. The boats which
left Kingston, on their way westward, were here unloaded. And
this place had taken the name of Queen’s Town, a name which it
retains to the present day. Rochefoucault says, in 1795, “The
different buildings, constructed three years ago, consist of a tolerable
inn, two or three good storehouses, some small horses, a blockhouse
of stone, covered with iron, and barracks. Mr. Hamilton, an
opulent merchant, who is concerned in the whole inland trade in
this part of America, possesses in Queen’s Town, a very fine house,
built in the English style; he has also a farm, a distillery, and a
tan-yard. The portage was formerly on the other side of the river;
but as this, by virtue of the treaty, falls under American Dominion,
government has removed it hither.” The same writer, speaking of
Newark says, “About a hundred houses, mostly very fine structures,
have already been erected, but the progress of building will probably
be arrested by the intended removal of the seat of government.
The majority of the inhabitants, especially the richest
of them, share in the administration; and consequently will
remove to whatever place the government may be transferred.
In point of size and elegance, the house of Colonel Smith, of the
5th Regiment, is much distinguished from the rest, being constructed,
embellished, and painted in the best style.”
529York.—Governor Simcoe was thoroughly English; unlike Governor
Maitland, who gave foreign names in his time, he was intent upon
erecting another England in America. One new England had
alienated itself, and he determined another should arise in its place,
and hence he gave to his new capital the name of York. The present
New York had been named York, after James Duke of York,
brother to Charles the II. The term new being prefixed to distinguish
it from old York of England. To distinguish the new capital
of Canada from both of the others he designated it Little York.
As soon as Simcoe learned that the Niagara fort was to be
delivered to the United States, he saw the necessity of removing
the capital, as it would never do to have it under the guns of a
foreign government. The extreme dislike with which he saw the
fort pass into the Republic’s hands no doubt led to the haste with
which he set about the removal of the Seat of Government. After
examining several points upon the upper lakes, and Lake Ontario,
he selected the present site of the City of Toronto, back of which
was a fort of the same name, or rather Taranto. Upon this spot,
which then had for inhabitants but two families of Mississauga
Indians, Governor Simcoe immediately quartered one division of
his old regiment, the Queen’s Rangers, which came the 1st July,
1793. The same summer Bouchette, of the Royal Navy, surveyed
the harbour or bay.
The harbour of Toronto was first examined, by Deputy
Surveyor Collins, in 1788, when he made a survey of all
of the waters of the Upper Lakes, and the several forts, by instructions
from Lord Dorchester. In his report he says, “The
breadth at the entrance is about half a mile, but the navigable
channel for vessels is only about 500 yards, having from three to
four fathoms water, the north of the main shore the whole length
of the harbour, is a clay bank from 12 to 20 feet high, and rising
gradually behind, apparently good land and fit for settlements.
The water is rather shallow near the shore. The shoalness of the
north shore as before remarked, is also disadvantageous as to creating
wharfs, quays, &c. In regard to this place as a military post,
I do not see any striking features to recommend it in that view,
but the best situation to occupy for the purpose of protecting the
settlement and harbour would, I conceive, be on the point A, near
the entrance thereof.”
Subsequently however, Simcoe relinquished the intention of making
York the Capital, and determined to erect one at a central point
530in the peninsula lying between Lakes Ontario, Erie and Huron.
He selected a site upon the river De la Trenche, which he named
the Thames, and, to the intended Capital he gave the name of
London. He also gave the name to the town of Chatham, a place
intended by him, in carrying out his plan of forming a navy, for
a navy yard, which he intended to have communicate with a route
between Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. In the mean time he kept
troops to work, to cut a military road to the Thames, which he
called Dundas Street after the Home Minister. At the same time
he “intended York the centre of the naval force on Lake Ontario.”
In 1795 there had not been more than twelve houses built in York,
which stood on the bay near the Don. This year the land
was surveyed into lots. “The inhabitants” says Rochefoucault do
not possess the fairest character, to which Gourlay adds, in spite,
“Nor have they yet mended it.” The River Don was an old
Indian route to the waters of Simcoe Lake and the Huron. The
portage to a Lake, subsequently named after the Governor, was thirty
miles. The barracks, where Simcoe’s regiment was stationed, was
two miles from the Don, the present site of the old barracks. At
that time, in a circumference of 150 miles, the Mississauga Indians
were the only neighbours of York.
The desire of Simcoe to fix the capital at London was overruled
by Lord Dorchester, who, although a true friend of Canada,
seemed to oppose Simcoe. Having decided upon Toronto as the
capital, Simcoe proceeded to have constructed a military road from
the waters of Lake Ontario to Lake Simcoe. This road is now
Yonge Street. From 1794 the Governor resided at York, part
of which time was in his camp tent, until his departure.
Governor Simcoe caused to be built at York, upon the Don
River, about three miles up, on a beautiful eminence, a somewhat
large frame building, which he named after his son, Castle Frank.
This building was standing in 1829.
By the kind favor of Mrs. Murney, relict of the late Hon. E. Murney,
of Belleville, and her most estimable parent, Mrs. Breckenridge,
sister of the late Hon. Robert Baldwin, we are able to give
some particular notice of the appearance of York at a later date.
Mrs. Breckenridge’s father, with his family of three sons and four
daughters, arrived from Ireland after innumerable delays and
losses, dangers, and escapes by sea and land, at York in 1798.
They found it composed of about a dozen houses, “a dreary dismal
place, not even possessing the characteristics of a village. There
531was no church, school-house, nor in fact any of the ordinary signs
of civilization, being in fact a mere settlement. There was not
even a Methodist chapel, nor does she remember more than one
shop. There was no inn; and those travelers who had no friends
to go to, pitched a tent and lived in that so long as they remained.
My grandfather and his family had done so during their journey.
The Government House and the garrison lay about a mile from
York, with a thick wood between. After remaining a few days at
York, the family proceeded to take possession of a farm in the
township of Clarke. They traveled in an open batteau, when night
came pitching their tent on the shore of the lake.” The following
year Mrs. Breckenridge, then a young girl, accompanied her father
and sister to New York, whither the latter was going to be married
to Mr. Morgan, grandfather of Gen. Dix, the United States Minister
to France. She returned in 1806, and found many changes and
improvements—“where cities now stand, there was then only
woods,” for instance, at Buffalo, where she passed a night, was a
solitary inn with a swinging sign. But York was mostly changed,
there was a church, a jail, a light-house building, and many nice
houses, and the woods between the garrison and town were fast
disappearing. Governor Gore was then there.
On the 27th April, 1813, 2,700 Americans landed a little west
of Toronto. Two companies of the 8th, or King’s Own, with some
Indians, one company being the grenadiers, the other being the
3rd company, under Capt. J. H. Eustace, both being led by Capt.
McNeale, were sent to oppose the landing. The portable magazine
of the advance battery was accidentally blown up killing some
twenty of the grenadiers, Capt. McNeale, was also killed. This
accident led to Sir R. H. Sheaffe’s retreat, and the destruction of
the magazines. The total loss was 97, including two officers and
four non-commissioned officers. “The force engaged, including
the two companies of the 8th, consisted of one company of Newfoundland
Fencibles, one company of Glengarry Light Infantry,
a detachment of Royal Artillery, Militia, Volunteers, and Indians—in
all about 600 men. Among the volunteers was the present
highly esteemed Chief Justice of Upper Canada, Sir J. B. Robinson,
and Sir Allan McNab.” The gallantry of these two gentlemen
was most conspicuous. The unequal contest continued for 4 hours.
The month following the remnant of the 8th was nearly annihilated
at the attack upon Sackett’s Harbour. The above facts and
eulogium upon two distinguished Canadians are derived from
532Edward Hincks, who was Lieut., and who was present in charge
of a two gun battery, and “Another of the surviving officers of the
8th regiment,” published in London in 1860, upon the discovery of
human remains near the old fort at Toronto, which proved to be
some of the grenadiers who were killed by the explosion of their
magazine.
The name of York continued to belong to the capital till 1834,
when it received the more appropriate name of Toronto, an Indian
word we are told, which signifies “trees growing out of the water,”
referring to the low level shore, with the trees at the waters edge.
For many years before the name was changed; from the vast quantity
of mud which made the streets almost unpassable, the place
obtained the designation of “Muddy York.”
In 1820 a Parliament House was built near the site of the present
County Jail, at the front of the present Parliament Street;
this building was burned down in 1824.
In 1830 an address was carried by the House, to be presented
to the Governor, “to remove the Seat of Government from York
to a place of security,” but no action was taken in the matter.
The wisdom in the choice of selecting this situation upon
which to found a capital for Upper Canada cannot be questioned.
The proof is found in the handsome and richly circumstanced City
of Toronto. Should not Toronto, now again the Capital of Ontario,
the seat of learning, of magnificent Universities, the home of refinement,
the abode of wealth, erect a monument to the memory of its
founder, the illustrious first Governor of the Colony?
533
Contents—Parliament—Simcoe’s Proclamation—Nineteen counties formed—Names,
and boundaries—First elections—Names of members—Officers of
the House—A Quaker member—Chaplain—Meeting of Parliament—The
Throne, a camp stool—Address—To both houses—Closing address—Acts
passed—Simcoe’s confidential letters—A contrast—A blending—2nd Session
The Acts—Quarter Sessions—3rd, 4th, 5th Sessions—New division of Province—1798—Modes
of punishment—Burning the hand—Whipping—Salaries
of officers—Revenue first year—The members of Parliament—Education—Offering
for Parliament—A “Junius”—Early administration of justice—“Heaven-born
lawyers”—First magistrates.
Upon the 16th July, 1792, Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe issued
a proclamation in the name of the King, having for its object the
organization of a Legislative Assembly composed of persons, to be
elected by the people, of which there should be sixteen, and dividing
the province into counties. It was as follows:
“Know ye, that our trusty and well-beloved John Graves Simcoe,
Esquire, our Lieutenant-Governor of our Province of Upper Canada,
hath, and by this our proclamation doth, divide the said Province
of Upper Canada into counties, and hath and doth appoint and
declare the number of representatives of them, and each of them,
to be as hereinafter limited, named, declared, and appointed,” &c.
Nineteen counties were formed, namely: “Glengary, Stormont,
Dundas, Grenville, Leeds, Frontenac, Ontario, Addington, Lenox,
Prince Edward, Hastings, Northumberland, Durham, York, Lincoln,
Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, Kent.”
For the purpose of representation in Parliament, the following
arrangements were made: Glengary was divided into two ridings,
each riding to send a representative to the Legislative Assembly;
Stormont, to send one member; likewise Dundas and Grenville each to
have a representative; Leeds and Frontenac together, to send one
representative; Ontario and Addington to send one representative;
Prince Edward, together with the late township of Adolphus, in the
County of Lenox, to send one member; Lenox (except Adolphustown)
with the Counties of Hastings and Northumberland, to elect one
member; Durham and York, and the first riding of Lincoln, to be
represented by one member; the second riding of Lincoln to have
one member; the third riding of Lincoln to have one member; the
fourth riding of Lincoln, and the County of Norfolk, to have one
534member; Suffolk and Essex to have one member; the County of
Kent, which included all the west not Indian territories, to the
Hudson’s Bay, to have two members. The proclamation was dated
Government House, Kingston, 16th July, 1792, William Jarvis, Secretary.
The elections must have followed hard after the issuing of the
proclamation, as Parliament met on the 17th of September following.
They probably took place in August. Simcoe writing in November,
to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, speaks of the elections in
these words:—“On my passage from Montreal to Kingston, I understood
that the general spirit of the country was against the election
of half-pay officers into the Assembly, and that the prejudice ran in
favour of men of a low order, who kept but one table, that is, who
dined in common with their servants.”
The names of those first elected to Parliament were John McDonnell,
who was elected Speaker; Joshua Booth; Mr. Baby; Alexander
Campbell; Philip Dorland, (but being a Quaker, he would not
be sworn and did not take his seat, and Peter VanAlstine was elected
in his place); Jeremiah French; Ephraim Jones; William Mocomb;
Hugh McDonnell; Benjamin Pawling; Nathaniel Pettit; David William
Smith; Hazleton Spencer; Isaac Swazy; —— Young; John
White—16. Simcoe, in a despatch, spoke of the last mentioned:—“It
was by good fortune that the temporary residence I made at
Kingston created sufficient influence to enable us to bring the Attorney
General White, into the House.
The oaths to the members were administered by the Governor’s
Civil Secretary, William Jarvis, Esq., who was also the first registrar
of the Province. McDonnell, the member for Glengary, was unanimously
elected to the speakers chair. Angus McDonnell was clerk to
the Assembly; George Law, Sergeant-at-arms. In the matter of
Philip Dorland, of Adolphustown, a Quaker, who refused to take the
oaths, a resolution was unanimously passed by the House, that he
was incompetent to sit and vote in Parliament unless he took the
necessary oath, and consequently a writ was issued for a new election.
A chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Addison, was elected to the House of
Assembly, and he, on the day of prorogation, preached a sermon to
them before they were summoned to meet the Governor in the Legislative
Council Chambers. Mr. Addison continued a chaplain for
thirty years, and was then granted a yearly pension of £50.
This first Upper Canadian Parliament assembled at Newark, now
Niagara, on the 18th September, and was prorogued 15th October
535following. The circumstances of this infant legislation were well
fitting the new-born colony. The Governor himself was a soldier by
profession. Most of the members elect had been inured to the life
of the camp, though subsequently to the settling of the wilderness,
and they could, with no ordinary interest, and with appropriate intelligence,
direct themselves to the work of legislation. The first
Parliament of Upper Canada met in no stately hall; the proceedings
must have borne some resemblance to a court-martial. The collective
wisdom of Upper Canada assembled in a camp-tent on the plains of
Niagara. On the 18th September, the Governor, with his Secretary,
and probably adjutant, took his seat, not upon the throne, but a campstool,
and delivered the following address:
Honorable Gentlemen, &c.—I have summoned you together
under the authority of an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain,
passed last year, which has established the British constitution, and
all the forms which secure and maintain it in this distant country.
“The wisdom and beneficence of our most Gracious Sovereign and
the British Parliament, have been eminently proved, not only in importing
to us the same for government, but also in securing the
benefit, by the many provisions that guard this memorable act. So
that the blessing of your invaluable constitution, thus protected and
amplified, we may hope will be extended to the remotest posterity.
The great and momentous trusts and duties which have been committed
to the representatives of this Province, in a degree infinitely
beyond whatever, till this period, distinguished any other colony, have
originated from the British nation, upon a just consideration of the
energy and hazard with which its inhabitants have so conspicuously
supported and defended the British constitution.
“It is from the same patriotism, now called upon to exercise with
due deliberation and foresight, the offices of civil administration that
your fellow-subjects, of the British Empire, expect the foundation of
that mien of industry, and wealth of commerce and power, which may
last through all succeeding ages.
“The natural advantages of the Province of Upper Canada are
inferior to none on this side of the Atlantic; there can be no separate
interest through its whole extent. The British form of government
has prepared the way for its speedy colonization; and, I trust, that
your fostering care will improve the favourable situation; and that
a numerous and agricultural people will speedily take possession
of the soil and climate, which, under the British laws, and the munificence
536with which His Majesty has granted the lands of the
Crown, offer such manifest and peculiar encouragement.”
The session was closed the 15th October. The Governor delivered
the closing speech.
“Honorable Gentleman, &c.—It is with very great satisfaction
that I have considered the acts which you have found it expedient
to frame, and to which, in consequence of the power delegated to
me, I have this day given my assent, that they shall become laws
of the Province of Upper Canada.
“As the division which His Majesty, in his wisdom, thought
proper to make of the late Province of Quebec, obviated all inconveniences,
and laid the foundation for an establishment of the
English laws in the Province, it is natural to presume, that you
would seize the first opportunity to impart that benefit to your
fellow-subjects; and by the act to establish trials by jury, and by
that which makes the English law the rule of decision, in all
matters of controversy, relative to property and civil rights, you
have fully justified the public expectation. Your other acts seem
calculated to promote the general welfare and commerce of the
Province, &c.
“Honorable Gentlemen, and Gentlemen.—I cannot dismiss
you without earnestly desiring you to promote, by precept and
example, among your respective counties, the regular habits of
piety and morality, the rarest foundations of all private and public
felicity; and, at this juncture, I particularly recommend to you to
explain, that this Province is singularly blest, not with a mutilated
constitution, but with a constitution which has stood the test of
experience, and is the very image and transcript of that of Great
Britain, by which she has long established and secured to her
subjects, as much freedom and happiness as is possible to be enjoyed,
under the subordination necessary to civilized society.”
The modest and matter-of-fact Parliament passed eight Acts at
this the first session. Chapter I., An Act to Repeal certain parts
of an Act, passed in the fourteenth year of His Majesty’s Reign,
entitled, “An Act for making more sufficient provisions for the
Government for the Province of Quebec, in North America, and
to introduce the English Law as the rule of decision in all matters
of controversy relative to Property and Civil Rights.” Chapter II.,
“An Act to establish Trials by Jury.” Chapter III., “An Act to
establish the Winchester Measure, and a Standard for other Weights
537and Measures.” Chapter IV., “An Act to Abolish the Summary
Proceedings of the Court of Common Pleas in actions under Ten
Pounds Sterling.” Chapter V., “An Act to prevent Accidents by
Fire.” Chapter VI., “An Act for the more easy and speedy Recovery
of Small Debts.” Chapter VII., “An Act to Regulate the
Toll to be taken in Mills, not more than one-twelfth for Grinding
and Bolting.” Chapter VIII., “An Act for Building a Gaol and
Court-house in every District within the Province, and for altering
the names of the said Districts. The District of Lunenburgh to
be henceforth called the Eastern District; Mecklenburgh, the Midland
District; Nassau, the Home District; Hesse, the Western
District.”
Thus was the new-born colony, whose germ had been planted
in the wilderness eight years previous, ushered into life, and thus
the functions thereof were commenced.
Simcoe, it would seem, wrote frequent despatches to the Colonial
Secretary; and in one he gives his opinion of this first meeting
of the representative body of Upper Canada: “At this first meeting
they were active and zealous for particular measures, according
to the promises they had made, or the instructions they had
received. Many bills were accordingly framed, which required only
a little time to evince their impropriety or futility. Having offices
to create and salaries to bestow, they were rather too liberal of
their patronage, and pledged their credit to £174 annually to
different officers. The Legislative Council made no engagements,
but, of course, their expenses must be equal. The sum of £348
was, therefore, the first item.” “Upon the whole, I have no reason
to be dissatisfied with the disposition and conduct of the Assembly,
considering that it is composed of persons of not any restrictive
method, and unacquainted with power. I hope that by treating
them with temper and moderation, they may become a beneficial
establishment to the Province.” McMullen says, by way of contrast,
that “the Upper Canadian Parliament, with its “home-spun” members,
took five weeks to do what had taken the Lower Canadian
Seigniors seven months to accomplish.”
How great the change wrought by seventy-five years! As
the log hut in the wilderness has been superseded by the elegant
mansion, handsome villa, with thriving towns and cities, so has
the tented capital of Newark been forgotten in surveying the magnificent
proportions of the buildings at Ottawa; and the camp
stool, and nature’s carpet of green, in the elegant halls. And
538as the Legislature, whose infant days were passed within the
sound of the majestic Niagara, where its waters are precipitated
over a stupendous fall, and sweep on to fill a mighty lake, has,
after numerous mutations, and many uncertainties, found a safe
home upon the rugged cliffs overlooking the Ottawa, where still
may be heard the swelling sound of falling waters, as they rush
down the Chaudiere; so may the confederated Provinces forming
the New Dominion, after many changes, and frequent political
uncertainties—hope alternating with fear, not alone meet in formal
union,—not as incompatible elements of an unwise and unequal
connection, but as one people; even as the waters of the great
Ottawa, mighty in itself, meet and unite with the farther coming
St. Lawrence, and, commingling, form the grand stream of the Lower
Lawrence, upon whose bosom the proudest ships rest, and which is
a highway of trade, unsurpassed in the world.
The second session of the parliament of Upper Canada, was
opened at Newark, 31st May, 1793; prorogued 9th July, following.
At this sessions were passed thirteen bills, most of which were
important and useful measures. The first was “for the better regulation
of the Militia;” the second, respecting the appointment of
town officers; the third, having respect to assessments and rates,
and payment of assembly-men; the fourth, about highways; the
fifth, concerning marriage; sixth, of courts of Quarter Sessions
within the several districts; the seventh, a most important one—an
everlasting one of honor, “to prevent the further introduction
of slaves,” and to limit the time of servitude of those in slavery;
the eighth, respecting courts of Probate; ninth, to establish regulations
about duties between Upper and Lower Canada; tenth, for
paying salaries of officers of Legislative Council and Assembly;
eleventh, to encourage the destruction of wolves and bears; twelfth,
returning officers of the several counties; thirteenth, also about
officers, and taxing wine and spirituous liquors.
The places fixed for the holding of Quarter Sessions were Cornwall,
New Johnson, Kingston, Adolphustown, Newark, and
Michilmacinac. For the Midland District, it was enacted that
they should “commence and be holden in Adolphustown, on the
second Tuesday in the month of July, and on the second Tuesday
in the month of January; and in Kingston on the second Tuesday
in the month of April, and on the second Tuesday in the month of
October.”
The third session of the 1st parliament met at Newark, on the
5392nd June, 1794, and prorogued 9th July following. At this session
there was a continuation of that wholesome legislation which had
characterized the two previous sessions. Twelve acts were
passed.
The fourth session was at Newark, commencing 6th July, 1895,
when four acts were added. It was prorogued 10th August,
following.
A fifth session of first parliament met at Newark, 16th May,
1796, and was prorogued 3rd June following. Seven acts were
passed. This was the last meeting of parliament under the governorship
of Simcoe.
The second parliament opened at York, 16th May, 1797, under
the presidency of the Hon. Peter Russell. It was prorogued 3rd
July, following. Eighteen measures passed.
Second session under Hon. P. Russell, met at York, 5th June,
1798, prorogued 5th July. Passed eight bills. Among these bills
was one “to ascertain and establish the boundary lines of the different
townships of the province.” Stone or other durable monuments
to be set up, to mark the corners of lots; and any person
wilfully defacing or removing such, to “be adjudged guilty of
felony, and to suffer death without the benefit of the clergy.”
Another important act, which the growing province demanded,
was “for the better division of the province,” into townships,
counties and districts. According to this, there were formed eight
districts, with twenty-three counties, and one hundred and fifty-eight
townships. The districts were the Eastern, Johnson, Midland,
Newcastle, Home, Niagara, London, and Western. The Midland
district, with which we have more particularly to do, “was composed
of four counties, with land in their rear to the northern limits
of the province.” The first county was Frontenac. In this we have
Kingston, as well as the townships Pittsburgh, Loughborough,
Portland, Hinchinbroke, Bedford, and Wolfe Island. The second
county, the incorporated counties of Lenox and Addington; consisted
of the townships of Ernesttown, Fredericksburgh, Adolphustown,
Richmond, Camden, Amherst Island, Sheffield. The third
county, Hastings; contained Sydney, Thurlow, Mohawk land,
Tyendinaga, Hungerford, Huntingdon, and Rawdon. The fourth,
Prince Edward, had Marysburgh, Hallowell, Sophiasburgh, and
Ameliasburgh.
The third session met at Newark, 12th June, 1799, and was
prorogued 29th of the same month; five acts having been
passed.
540The fourth session met at York, 2nd June, 1800, prorogued
4th July, under Lieutenant-General Hunter. Six acts were passed,
the first of which was “for the further introduction of the criminal
law of England, and for the more effectual punishment of certain
offenders.” The third clause is as follows: “That whereas the
punishment of burning in the hand, when any person is convicted
of felony within the benefit of clergy, is often disregarded and ineffectual,
and sometimes may fix a lasting mark of disgrace and
infamy on offenders, who might otherwise become good subjects
and profitable members of the community; be it therefore enacted
by the authority aforesaid, that from, and after the passing of this
act, when any person shall be lawfully convicted of any felony,
within the benefit of clergy, for which he or she is liable by law to
be burned or marked in the hand, it shall, and may be lawful for the
court before which any person so convicted, or any court holden for
the same place with the like authority, if such court shall think fit,
instead of such burning or marking, to impose upon such offender
such a moderate pecuniary fine as to the court in its discretion shall
seem meet; or otherwise it shall be lawful, instead of such burning
or marking, in any of the cases aforesaid, except in the case of manslaughter,
to order and judge, that such offender shall be once or
oftener, but not more than three times, either publicly or privately
whipped; such private whipping to be inflicted in the presence of
not less than two persons, besides the offender and the officer who
inflicts the same, and in case of female offenders, in the presence of
females only; and such fine or whipping so imposed or inflicted,
instead of such burning or marking, shall have the like effects and
consequences to the party on whom the same, or either shall be
imposed or inflicted, with respect to the discharge from the same
or other felonies, or any restitution to his or her estates, capacities,
and credits, as if he or she had been burned or marked as aforesaid.”
In 1801 the salaries of the officers of the parliament stood
thus; per annum.
Clerk of Legislative Council, £145. Usher of the Black Rod,
£50. Master in Chancery, attending the Legislative Council, £50.
Chaplain of the Legislative Council, £50. Door-keeper of ditto £20.
Speaker of the House of Assembly, £200. Clerk of ditto, £125.
Sergeant-at-Arms, £50. Chaplain of the House of Assembly, £50.
Door-keeper of ditto, £20. Copying Clerks, £50. Total, £805.
The first tax raised by statute in the province, was to pay the
members, who received $2 per day.
541The revenue of the whole province the first year was £900.
Elsewhere the fact has been stated that many of the settlers
were devoid of a liberal education; while the stern duties of
pioneer life precluded the possibility of any mental culture whatever.
At the same time competent school teachers for the young
were not to be had. With a population made up of such material,
the question might be asked with becoming seriousness, “Where
are we to get our representative men to carry out responsible
government as accorded to the young province of Upper Canada?”
Many of the first Assembly men were not possessed of book learning,
and all along the list of those who have been M.P.P.’s, up to the
present, may be found very many who were limited in their education.
Yet, the first members convened in the tent, on the green
slopes of Niagara, discharged their duty with much decorum and
despatch.
It would be an interesting chapter to introduce some account
of the first members of Parliament, and the political contests in the
early days of Upper Canada. In the absence of complete information,
we give such items relating thereto as have come under
notice. We have already given the names of those elected to
the first Parliament.
Among the early members was James Wilson, of Prince
Edward, he was first elected in 1808, or 9, and remained a member
for some twenty-four years. Simeon Washburn, was also a member
for a time. Allen McLean, in a notice dated Kingston, 18th May,
1812, says “To the independent electors of the County of Frontenac.
Having had the honor of representing you at three successive Parliaments,
I again make you a tender of my services, and beg leave
to solicit your votes and interest at the ensuing election.”
Amos Ansley, Esq., says, in an address, dated at Kingston,
May 20, 1812: “To the Electors of the County of Frontenac.
Having had the honor to represent this County in the first foundation
of its happy constitution, I again make you a tender of my
services, and beg leave to solicit your votes and interest, &c.”
James Cotter, of Sophiasburg, was elected to Parliament in 1813,
and served four years.
A man of sterling integrity, and good common sense may
make a useful Member, if he be not egotistical. In recording
the early events of the Bay, we must not hesitate to mention
an incident which, at the time, created no little comment with
the public, but brought chagrin to an M. P. P. A member,
542who shall be nameless, whose early advantages for education had
been extremely limited, but with any amount of self-confidence,
was, on one occasion, sarcastically, but humorously, brought to
task in the Kingston Herald, by an anonymous writer. The member
replied, and in so doing, “copied verbatim, nearly the whole of
the first part of Sir William Draper’s letter to Junius, dated Jan.
26, 1769, in defence of his friend Lord Granby, over his own signature.
Macaulay, a young lawyer of Bath, noticed the plagiarism,
and exposed the M. P. P.,” which we believe, resulted in the political
demise of that individual.
For two years, Upper Canada, after becoming a distinct Province,
was without any lawyers. But, in 1794, such a number of Acts were
found upon the statute books, that it was necessary to create some to
interpret, not mystify the law. It was provided that his “Majesty
should appoint not more than sixteen, whom he should deem, from
their probity, education, and condition of life, best qualified to receive
the license to practice law.” This appointment of lawyers by the
Executive, gave rise to an expression of derision in after days, of
“heaven-born lawyers.”
The first lawyer appointed in Johnson District, was Samuel
Sherwood, who had studied law two or three years with lawyer
Walker, of Montreal. Jacob Farand, was the first lawyer in the
Eastern District. Allen McLean, the first lawyer for Kingston, and
Mr. Hagerman, the first for the Bay Quinté.—(See U. E. Loyalists).
James Clarke was appointed for Niagara District; also, William
Dickson, of Niagara, and Angus McDonald for Cornwall.
After the formation of Upper Canada into a Province, a number
of magistrates were appointed to each District, to form a Court of
Quarter Sessions. The four gentlemen who had been the judges of
Lunenburgh, Mecklenburgh, Nassau, and Hesse, respectively, no
longer had so extensive a jurisdiction. We have no further information
of Robertson, in this respect, and Duncan left the Province.
But Cartwright and Hamilton continued to fill the same positions,
as chairmen of the Quarter Sessions, in their respective Districts.
After the death of Cartwright, in the Midland District, Colonel
Thompson was appointed to the office, and his successor was Alex.
Fisher, of Adolphustown. John Ferguson was also Judge of the
District Court.
543Among the first appointments for magistrates, was Thomas
Sherwood, of Leeds. Also, Dr. Solomon Jones, who was afterward
Judge of the District Court.
Charles Stuart, Esq., was, for many years, Sheriff of the Midland
District; he died while yet young, in 1816. The first Sheriff of
Niagara District, was Alex. McDonnell; the next was Barrack-master
Clark, and afterwards Thomas Merritt was appointed.
Among the first, probably the first, magistrates appointed in
Thurlow, were Col. Wm. Bell, Col. Hazelton, and James McNabb.
Most likely Bell had the commission before the others. Bell
generally held his Court of Requests at Mrs. Simpson’s Inn. On
19th April, 1822, it was held at the house of John Taylor.
DIVISION X. THE EARLY MILITIA OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER LXII. — THE MILITIA. — CHAPTER LXIII. — THE WAR OF 1812. — THE MILITIAMAN’S REWARD. — CHAPTER LXIV. — THE SIX NATIONS AS CANADIANS IN 1812.
544
Contents—Militia Act, 1792—Simcoe—No faith in the Americans—His views—Military
Roads—Division of Districts—Military purposes—The officers—Legislation—The
expenses—Repeated Legislation—Aggressive spirit—The
Enrolment—Hastings Battalion—“Something brewing”—List of Officers—Col.
Ferguson—Col. Bell—Leeds Militia—Officers’ Clothing—The Midland
District—Prince Edward—Training Places.
Any magisterial power that the military commanders of the
first settlers may have possessed was lost by the proclamation of
Lord Dorchester, in 1788, forming Upper Canada into districts,
and appointing to each a staff of civil officers. From this period
until 1792, after the meeting of the second session of the First
Parliament, the military organization was a dead matter, although
there must have been in force some law relating to such, inasmuch
as the first Act passed at this Session was “for the better regulation
of the Militia in this Province.”
Governor Simcoe was a man of a military turn of mind. He
had taken an active part against the American rebels, and he continued
to entertain strong feelings of hostility to the American
cause, believing not in the integrity of their professed principles.
In many respects he was a well chosen person to take charge of a
people who had been under a military rule, and who shared his
antipathy to the republican people. Not only did Simcoe conceive
schemes of settling the forests, and improving it, but also for securing
the country against attack, likewise of drawing into the
country many who he believed remained in the States because
they could not help themselves, and to whom the Republican form
of government was exceedingly distasteful. Simcoe never felt any
545doubt about his ability to defend the Province against the Americans,
and he even had vague ideas that he might concentrate a
force of sufficient strength upon Upper Canada soil, to enable him to
invade the States, with a good prospect of success. Imbued with
these views, and animated by such feelings and desires, he lost no
time in taking the necessary steps to organize and train the Militia,
and to establish a Naval force for the Lakes. The regular soldiers
under his immediate command were put at work to cut roads, one
from Lake Ontario to the Thames, which was called the Dundas
road, the other from Lake Ontario to the Lake Simcoe, which has
received the name of Yonge Street.
The four districts of Upper Canada were subdivided into
counties. This division was, according to Rochfoucault, who
visited Simcoe, and procured his information from him, “into
counties is purely military, and relates merely to the enlisting,
completing and assembling of the Militia. The counties are about
twelve in number. The Militia of each county are assembled and
commanded by a Lieutenant; they must be divided into regiments
and companies. They assemble once a year in each county, and
are inspected by the Captains of the different companies, at least
twice a year. Every male inhabitant is considered a militia man
from the age of sixteen to fifty. He is fined four dollars if he does
not enlist at the proper time; and officers, both commissioned and
non-commissioned, who do not join their regiments at the time the
militia is assembled, pay a fine, the former of eight dollars, and
the latter of two. An officer who, in case of insurrection, or an
attack, who should not repair to his assigned post, would be punished
with a pecuniary penalty of £50, and a petty officer with a
fine of £20. A militia man who sells either the whole, or a part
of his arms, ammunition or accoutrements, is fined £5, and in default
of payment, imprisoned for two months. The Quakers, Baptists,
and Tunkers, pay, in time of peace, twenty shillings a year; and
during a war of insurrection, five pounds sterling for their exemption
from military service. Out of these fines and ransoms the
Adjutant-General of the Militia receives his pay, and the remainder
is at the Governor’s disposal. This is nearly the substance of the
first act of the legislative body of Upper Canada, passed in 1793.”
The following year an additional Act passed, relative to the
Militia, the chief regulations of which tended to improve and define
more accurately the internal form of the regiments, battalions and
companies, and to render the assembling of detachments more easy
546and expeditious. This Act determines, that, in time of war, the
obligation to carry arms in defence of the country shall not cease
before the age of sixty, and that, of consequence, Quakers and others
who enjoy exemption from military service, shall pay for their immunity
up to that age. It also obliges the militia to serve on board of
ships and vessels, to act as cavalry, and to extend their service beyond
the Province, on condition, however, that the same men be not
bound to serve more than six months successively. The exemptions
from military service are confined to the officers of justice, and other
public functionaries, whose number is very small. The whole militia
is estimated at nine thousand men. All the expenses of the civil and
military administration of Upper and Lower Canada are defrayed by
England. The expense, including money and presents to the
Indians, “amounts for Upper Canada to one hundred thousand
pounds.”
In all the measures introduced by Simcoe and passed into law by
Parliament, can be discovered a military mind actively at work. The
arrangements by which he endeavored to settle the country—to
secure it against invasion—to keep alive a spirit of military ardor—to
keep aglow the flame of patriotism, a love for the mother country,
were eminently judicious and commendable. There is no doubt that
the military spirit of Simcoe was pleasing to the old soldier-farmers,
and in them he found willing and zealous abettors of his military
schemes. Had it not been for the short-sighted policy of Lord
Dorchester, who, it is averred, became envious of his Lieutenant-Governor,
and tried to thwart the designs, and had he not succeeded
in having him re-called before time allowed for carrying out those
designs, there can be no doubt that Upper Canada would have
advanced more rapidly than she subsequently did advance, and
would have far surpassed any State in the Union.
In 1797, an act for still further regulation of the militia was
passed; but the nature of it does not appear in the statutes.
There was also passed an “Act for the better securing the province
against the King’s enemies.”
In 1801, there was still further legislation, and again in 1808,
when there was “an act to explain, amend, and reduce to one act of
Parliament the several laws now in being for the raising and training
of the militia.” And a suitable salary was to be allowed to the Adjutant-General.
Legislation at this time was deemed necessary, because
of the aggressive spirit manifested by the United States. The game
of conquest was already begun by the selfish statesmen of America,
547and even foul means were being adopted to subvert British power
on the continent. The year prior, Lower Canada had taken steps
under Mr. Dunn, to protect themselves against a wily enemy.
General Brock was earnestly engaged in perfecting the defences of
Quebec. In 1809 an act was passed respecting billeting Her
Majesty’s troops, and the Provincial Militia, and furnishing them
on the march, and impressing horses, carriages, oxen, boats, &c.
Respecting the enrolment of the militia in accordance with the
acts first and subsequently passed, comparatively little can be said
by the writer. The earliest, and indeed the only account of an
official nature to be obtained, refers to the organization of the
Hastings’ Militia. Through the kindness of Mr. Sager, of the front
of Thurlow, grandson of the late Colonel William Bell, we have had
placed in our possession, a portion of the papers left by Colonel
Bell, of an official and semi-official character. In a communication
dated at Kingston, 29th November, 1798, John Ferguson, of that
place, writes to Mr. William Bell, of the Mohawk village as follows:
“Having been appointed Lieutenant of the County of Hastings, and
being ordered to enrol the militia without delay, I must request
you will immediately proceed with the enclosed notices, and cause
them to be put up as directed. This is the beginning of your duty,
as I have recommended you to be Adjutant, as well as captain of a
company, and I have the satisfaction of telling you that the President
has assured me he will approve of my appointments.” In a
separate communication, Lieutenant Ferguson authorizes Captain
Bell “to give notice to the inhabitants of the county to attend a
meeting of Lieutenancy on Saturday, the 8th December next, at
ten o’clock, at the house occupied by David Harris, on lot 34, in
the first concession of Sidney, for the purpose of enrolment.”
It would seem that the second in command of the Hastings
battalion, was Major A. Chisholm.
Ferguson, writing 22nd February, 1799, says, “It appears from
the President’s letter, that there is something brewing to the westward.”
On the 25th February, 1799, Ferguson writes to Adjutant Bell,
to require the officers commanding companies “to cause the volunteers
and drafts in their respective companies to assemble, with
such arms as they may have, at the house of Ferguson, on the point
of Sidney, lot 23, to be made acquainted with the purport of a letter
received from the Hon. Peter Russell, President.”
Colonel Ferguson writing again on February 26, to Captain
548Bell, informs him that the President has been pleased to approve
of the appointments made, and that he must meet him at Sidney,
5th of March, to receive his commission. On the 1st March, he
further writes thus, “there is some appearance of the militia being
embodied next spring, and that Captain Bell is appointed to take
command of the detachment should such an event take place.”
In a communication dated, 10th March, 1799, Colonel Ferguson
refers Captain Bell to an inclosure from President Russell, giving
directions as to teaching the volunteers and drafts, “who are to
assemble at Wallbridge’s every other Saturday,” for platoon
exercise, &c.
“List of officers of the Hastings Militia, as approved of by
His Honor, the President, with the dates of their commission.”
“John Ferguson, Lieutenant of County; date of commission,
1798. The following officers were commissioned in December following:—Major
Alexander Chisholm, Captain Wm. Bell, Captain
Samuel Sherwood, Captain George W. Myers, Captain Lieutenant
Matthias Marsh, Lieutenant Gilbert Harris, Lieutenant John Stuart,
Lieutenant John Chisholm, Lieutenant John Fairman, sen., Lieutenant
L. W. Myers, Ensigns David Simmons, Jacob W. Myers,
Alexander Chisholm, Robert Fairman, Samuel B. Gilbert, Adjutant
William Bell, Quarter-Master, John McIntosh.”
At the commencement of the war of 1812, John Ferguson, of
Kingston, was Colonel; William Bell, of Thurlow, Lieutenant-Colonel,
and Alexander Chisholm, Simon McNabb, S. B. Gilbert,
Jacob W. Myers, L. W. Myers, David Simmons, Gilbert Harris,
John McIntosh, were Captains of 1st Regiment Hastings Militia.
John Thompson who had been a soldier in the King’s Rangers,
was Major.
In May, 1810, a notice was posted in Hastings to “all persons
of the battalion having in their possession arms and accoutrements
belonging to Her Majesty, to bring them in good order on the 4th
of June, and they will be furnished with powder and ball to shoot
at a mark.”
We are informed by Mr. Adiel Sherwood, that James Breakenridge,
who had been an officer in Rogers’ corps, was appointed
the first Lieutenant of the County of Leeds under Simcoe, with
authority to organize the body and appoint the officers. Mr. Sherwood
received his first commission as Ensign, from him, to the first
regiment of Leeds Militia in 1796. He was shortly after commissioned
a Lieutenant, which he remained until 1808, when he was
made Captain.
549Officers’ Clothing.—No sooner had the officers received their
commissions than the matter of military clothing came into consideration,
and steps were promptly taken to obtain suitable outfits,
in the way of scarlet coats, swords, and so forth. Reading the
letters which have come under notice, one is struck with the fact
of men putting themselves to trouble to procure costly uniform,
when very many of them could scarcely collect money enough to
meet their wants. At that time money was scarce and bartering
was the ordinary mode of proceedings between the farmer and
dealer. The merchants of Kingston did not find it necessary
to keep material for officers’ dress, and consequently it had to be
procured at Montreal. The officers without money and unknown,
in Montreal, could scarcely expect to get credit there. It was
under such circumstances that Colonel Ferguson, the Lieutenant of
the County of Hastings, undertook to assist the officers under him.
Concerted action on their part was necessary, that all the coats
might be alike, and moreover, they might expect to have them
supplied at a cheaper rate. The following will now become intelligible:
“We, the following officers of Militia of the County of Hastings,
having agreed to have uniform clothing, do empower John Ferguson,
Samuel Sherwood, Matthias Marsh, and John McIntosh, to agree
with any person to furnish the materials, and we will pay for it as
agreed upon by the above persons—the uniform to be red coats with
blue facings; long yellow buttons and white lining with shoulder-straps—the
Light Infantry to have short coats with wings. Thurlow,
7th October, 1800.” (Signed)—John Ferguson, William Bell,
John Chisholm, Daniel Rose, John McIntosh, David Simmons,
John Fairman, Junr., Samuel Sherwood, Matthias Marsh.
A few days later Colonel Ferguson supplies a memorandum to
Major Bell, recommending James Dawson, Kingston, as the person
to be employed to make the coats, the material, or at least the
cloth, to be bought at Mr. Cumming’s. Ferguson also suggests that
each person give his note of hand for the sum until paid, from
which it seems evident that he wished to be free from personal
responsibility. Three months later, and no steps had been taken
except by Ferguson, who, it appears, applied at Montreal for his coat.
He writes, “I have received my coat pattern from Montreal,” and
the cost of cloth and trimmings amounted to £4 7s. 7d., and “the
common price of making a regimental coat” was £1 3s. 4d., the
epaulets ready-made were £3 each. In another place, Colonel
550Ferguson says, “if any of those gentlemen wish to have a coat
from Montreal, and will put into my hands sixteen bushels of
wheat, as a part payment, I will send for them, and they will surely
find their profit in it”.
The following were among the first Militia officers connected
with the force in the Midland District.
Thomas Dorland, one of the first settlers of Adolphustown, was
the first captain commissioned in the township. He commanded a
company in 1812, at Kingston. His company partook of the loyal
spirit which actuated the captain, who indignantly said of the
Americans, “they drove us from our homes once and now come
after us.” Captain Dorland was much liked, as an officer, by his
men.
Captain Trumpour, who commanded a company of horse, was
generally estimated as a commander.
Christopher Hagerman, a native of Adolphustown, arose by
promotion from an Ensign, to be Aide-de-Camp. The following is
from the Kingston Gazette:—“Head Quarters, Upper Canada, York,
15th December, 1813. District General order. The Lieutenant-General
commanding and President, has been pleased to appoint
Christopher Hagerman, Esq., to be Provincial Aide-de-Camp to his
Honor, and to enter the Provincial Rank of Lieutenant Colonel on
Mr. Hagerman.”
Major Spencer, who had been Colonel in Major Rogers’ regiment
during the Revolutionary war, died at the breaking out of
the war of 1812, and was buried in Fredericksburgh on his own
place with military honors, he was succeeded by Captain Thompson.
Crawford was Colonel of a regiment of Militia.
The following were officers in Ernesttown: Lieutenant Colonel
James Parrot, Captain Joshua Booth, C. Fralick, Noris Briscoe,
Peter Daly, Robert Clark, Sheldon Hawley. Lieutenants: Davis
Hamby, Henry Day, John Richards, Daniel Fraser, Robert Worlet.
Ensigns: Isaac Fraser, David Lockwood, Daniel Simmons, Abraham
Amey, Solomon Johns, John Thorp, Senr.
Major Young, formerly ensign in Sir John Johnson’s regiment,
was an officer in the Prince Edward Militia for some time. He was
at Kingston in 1812, and died while on duty. Captain McDonnell of
Marysburgh, was also on duty at Kingston at that time. Captain
Young, of the Carrying Place, was likewise there, as well as his
Ensign, W. H. Wallbridge, who became Captain in 1831, Owen
Richards being the Colonel. Lieutenant Richard Howard, of Sophiasburgh,
551died March 1, 1814. Dengin Conger held a commission in
the first battalion of the Prince Edward Militia during twenty-four
years, fourteen of which he was Captain. William Ketcheson, of
Sidney, was commissioned Ensign in 1804; Lieutenant in 1812:
Captain toward the close of the war, served nine months at Kingston.
Coleman, of Belleville, was Captain of Provincial Light Dragoons.
The Militia of Adolphustown, Fredericksburgh, Ernesttown, and
probably of Kingston, were accustomed to meet on Finkle’s Place,
below the wind mill, before the war, 1812. Strange as it may now
seem, the place for training of the Prince Edward Militia was, for
many years, at Grassy Point, in the Sixth Town. All the way, not
only from the extreme point of Marysburgh, but from Amherst
Island, and from the western part of Ameliasburgh, the sparsely
settled inhabitants were wont to come, by anything but even roads,
to this point for their stated training. They met at this place until
the year 1800, after which they all met at Hallowell, Picton. Those
from Ameliasburgh required two days to reach the training place.
Some years later a second place was allowed.
Contents—In 1812, around Bay Quinté—The declaration of war—The news at
Kingston—The call to arms—Hastings—Events of Kingston—In 1813—Attack
upon Sacket’s Harbour—Oswego—American Fleet before Kingston—Royal
George—Kingston prepared—Chrysler’s farm—A “Postscript”—Along
the St. Lawrence—Ribaldry—The Commissary—Capt. Wilkins—Quakers—Rate
of pay—American prisoners—The wounded—Surgeons, Dougal, Meacham—Jonathan
Philips—Militiamen’s reward—Militia orders—Parliamentary
grants.
The call to arms was promptly and loyally responded to by
the inhabitants of the Midland District, including the militia of
Northumberland. The old veterans of former days, who had for
so many years been engaged in the peaceful occupation of farming,
were aroused to a high degree of indignation that their old enemies,
who had driven them away from old homes, should now threaten
them in their hard earned new ones. No wonder that these old
sturdy loyalists and their sons quickly obeyed the call to come in
defense of their homes. To a certain extent the Bay region was
552free from immediate danger. Excepting at Kingston the inhabitants
were not alarmed by the trumpet blast. There was not here
enacted such stirring events as transpired at Detroit, upon the
Niagara frontier, and below upon the St. Lawrence. Nevertheless
there was diligent preparation made for any contingency that
might come with the tide of war. The several regiments of militia
called out, were taken to Kingston and prepared for service
whether it might be offensive or defensive. Kingston being a
naval station and having a dock-yard as well as a military depot;
and at the same time situated within a short distance of the enemies’
territory, it was necessary that it should be well garrisoned, and
the surrounding country constantly watched. And here the raw
militia man was drilled for service, while they were ready to
defend the place.
The news of the declaration of war reached Kingston by a private
letter to Mr. Forsyth, from the States, and an hour and a half
afterwards, says one who was there, a letter having been conveyed
to Col. Benson, the drum beat to arms, and couriers were on their
way with all haste to warn out the militia along the Bay and in
Northumberland. The belief was entertained that Kingston would
be a place of attack at once, and the flank companies were ordered
there immediately.
Upon the 27th June, 1812, John Ferguson, Colonel commanding
1st regiment Hastings Militia, wrote from Kingston, to Lieut.-Colonel
William Bell, of Thurlow, “to cause the volunteers of the
battalion who already offered their services, to hold themselves in
readiness for actual service, and to apply to the Quartermaster for
such arms as are in his possession, to be used by the volunteers
until others were got from Kingston. Capt. John McIntosh to take
command, the other Captain will be J. W. Myers. Notice to be given
at once, be it night or day, to meet on the Plains—and be drilled
by the Sergt.-Major.” Col. Bell received the letter at sunset on the
29th, by the hands of John Weaver. A postscript to the letter says
“War is declared by the United States against Great Britain.”
The militia of Hastings were hurried to Kingston, but after a
few weeks when it was seen that Kingston would not be immediately
attacked, they were ordered home. The next year the Northumberland
Militia was ordered to York, and soon saw service.
In connection with Kingston were two events which may be
alluded to, one was a hostile demonstration against Sacket’s Harbour,
which had for its object principally the destruction of a man-of-war,
553there building; the other was an attempt, on the part of the Americans,
to destroy the British frigate, Royal George, lying at
Kingston.
It was in May, 1813, that Sir George Prevost and Sir James L.
Yeo, arrived at Kingston, where were Capt. Barclay Pring and
Furnis, preparing for service the few vessels stationed there; among
them one lately launched, the Sir George Prevost of 30 guns, greeted
them with a salute from the vessels. The American fleet was at the
head of the lake, bombarding Fort George. Under these circumstances
it was resolved to make an attack upon Sackets Harbour,
About 1000 men were embarked on board the Wolfe of 24 guns,
the Royal George of 24 guns, the Earl of Moira, of 18 guns, and four
armed schooners each carrying from 10 to 12 guns, with a number of
batteaux, so that no time might be lost in the debarkation. Two
gun-boats were placed in readiness as a landing escort. The boats
were under the direction of Capt. Mulcaster, of the Royal Navy, and
the landing under the immediate superintendence of Sir George
Prevost and Sir James Yeo. The following account is from A. O.
Petrie, Esq., of Belleville, who was present as a volunteer, being then
clerk to Capt. Gray, Assistant Quartermaster-General. So quickly
was the expedition arranged that Petrie had no knowledge of it until
about to start. By permission of Capt. Gray, Mr. Petrie formed one
of the party, who, although forgetting to procure a red coat, did not
forget his gun. “Was in a batteau with Capt. Gray the greater part
of the night, which was crowded with men. Capt. Gray told Petrie
that the object of the expedition was to burn the ship there building,
and told him he might have a hand in it, Petrie said he would be
there as soon as any one. They landed about four o’clock in the
morning, and Mr. Petrie carried Capt. Gray on his back to the shore
through the water. But before they had landed the Americans fired
upon them; they were soon relieved however, by the gun-boat. They
then advanced and was not far from the ship when the bugle sounded
the retreat. When he regained the boat he found that his friend
Capt. Gray had been killed.”
There is abundant evidence that the retreat was unnecessary,
that the enemy were fleeing; but one of those fearful mistakes
occurred by which the British and Canadian troops lost a victory
which had been won. This expedition exhibited the bravery of the
militia men in the fullest degree, and had the mind of Prevost remained
unclouded, due reward would have been secured. But the
precipitate retreat of the Americans was misunderstood by Prevost,
554he thought it a trap set. Says a writer, “It was true that Fort
Tomkins was about to fall into British hands. Already the officers
in charge of Navy Point, agreeably to orders, and supposing the fort
to be lost, had set on fire the naval magazine, containing all the stores
captured at York. The hospital and barracks were illuminating the
lake by their grand conflagration, and the frigate on the stocks had
been set on fire only to be extinguished when Prevost’s mind became
unsettled as to the ulterior design of the enemy. In the very moment
of fully accomplishing the purpose of the expedition, he ordered a
retreat, and the troops reached Kingston in safety.”
But, the following year an expedition left Kingston on the 4th
May, which arrived at Oswego on the following day, and took the
fort; but the stores had been removed.
About five miles from Kingston lies what is called Herkimer’s
Point. It was thought a thing not improbable that the Americans
might land upon this point and endeavor to enter Kingston. Here
was a telegraph signal, and two cannon had been planted there; afterward
one, a very good one was removed, lest it should fall into the
hands of the enemy. From this point a fair view of the Upper Gap
was to be had. At last, one morning, the Yankee fleet composed of
some 14 sail, large and small, appeared off the Upper Gap. A shot
it is said was fired from the old windmill by some militia men there,
which was replied to. A schooner, the Simcoe was chased, but
escaped by running over a bar between some islands at Herkimer’s
Point. She received several shots, and subsequently sank when she
had reached Kingston. The inhabitants along the coast were ordered
into the interior with all their stock. The fleet passed along not far
from the shore, and the field artillery moved along at an equal pace,
and a firing was kept up between them. The writer’s father was
present on the occasion. He was Sergt. in Capt. Dorland’s Company
from Adolphustown, and was this morning on duty with his Company
at Herkimer’s Point. He was standing a short distance from
the shore. The brass artillery sent a ball through one of the enemy’s
vessels, he saw her haul off from the rest. The fleet fired back, and
he saw the first ball from them as it passed near him. The Governor’s
horse being held by a negro near by, while the Governor stood
a little off, squatted to the earth and the ball passed over his back,
the ball then struck the top rail of the fence, near by him, and went
bounding and plowing up the ground. All this he remembers distinctly.
The artillery and troops marched along opposite the fleet on
their way to Kingston, and were there paraded in a concealed spot
555behind the jail. It was a general expectation that the enemy would
attempt to land, and he fully anticipated going into action. He
could see the balls flying over the buildings.
It was a natural expectation that the enemy would endeavour
to possess themselves of Kingston with its garrison and naval depot,
and dock yard. Every necessary step was taken to frustrate any
designs that might be entertained by the Americans against the
place. In the Gazette of Oct. 9, 1813, is the following:
“By all accounts we understand that the Americans are on the
eve of attacking this place. It is our province to observe that their
intentions have become completely anticipated, and every necessary
preparation has been made to give them a warm reception. We
are happy to announce the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Drummond,
with the first detachment of the 104th Regiment, from Burlington
Heights. This regiment the 49th, and the corps of the Voltigeurs,
may be expected here in the course of to-day or to-morrow. These
three gallant regiments, together with our brave militia, who are
pouring in from all quarters, and have already assembled in considerable
numbers, will be a sufficient reinforcement, and with our
present respectable garrison will be able to repel any force which
the enemy may bring against us. We are glad to observe that
every piece of artillery is most advantageously placed, and we must
really congratulate our fellow citizens on the formidable appearance
of every defensible portion in the vicinity of this town. It
has been the general rumor for a few days past that six or seven of
our small vessels have been taken on their way from the head of
the lake to this place and sent into Sackets; which rumor we fear
is too true.”
The woods around Kingston, and upon Point Henry, were all
cut down to prevent a surprise. The enemy, however, did not
attack Kingston, but landed lower down the St. Lawrence. With
what result the following notice will show, Kingston Gazette,
Saturday, November, 13, 1813.
“POSTSCRIPT—HIGHLY IMPORTANT.”
“The following important intelligence was received in town
this morning by express.”
Chryslers, 11th November.
The enemy attacked us this morning, suppose from 3 to 4,000
men in number, and has been completely repulsed and defeated,
556with a very considerable loss, a number of prisoners, and one
General taken by us; the loss of the enemy cannot be less than 4 or
5,000. Ours has been severe. The Americans were commanded by
Generals Lears and Boyd.
(Signed) William Morrison,
Lieutenant Colonel 89th Regiment.
Kingston Gazette, Saturday, Nov. 20, 1813.
We are assured on good authority, that the loss of the enemy
in the late action at Williamsburgh, exceeded 1,000 in killed,
wounded, prisoners and deserters; their flight was precipitate
during the remainder of the day and night after the action; on the
morning of the 12th they regained their own shore in the greatest
confusion, and in momentary expectation of being attacked.
Several officers of distinction were killed and wounded. Major
General Covender was dangerously wounded, and is since dead;
Lieutenant-Colonel Preston, noted for his ridiculous and insulting
proclamation at Fort Erie, inviting the inhabitants of Upper
Canada to place themselves under his protection, was dangerously
wounded. One six-pounder field piece was taken on the charge,
and about 120 prisoners, 350 or 400 stand of arms were collected on
and near the field of action.
“The Militia of Cornwall and the neighbouring townships have
come forward in the most spirited and loyal manner, and are daily
joining the troops, shewing a spirit worthy of their ancestors, and
a noble example to their countrymen. We sincerely hope it will
be followed, and if the inhabitants of Upper Canada are true to
themselves, they can have no reason to fear all the efforts of the
enemy.” Thus ended the attack which had been made with the
usual boastful spirit. According to an American writer in the New
York Herald, at that time, the American Commander-in-Chief was
“a contemptible wretch,” guilty of “low ribaldry,” a drunkard,
having to take “two drinks of hot rum to enable him to go through
the operation of shaving,” and finally as given to singing
“I am now a going to Canada,
And there I will get money—
And there I’ll kiss the pretty squaws
They are as sweet as honey.”
Not alone did the Midland district supply its quota of men for
the incorporated militia; but the rich soil along the borders of the
557bay gave abundantly to the commissariat department. During the
first year of the war, there was a time when the troops at Kingston
had no more than a week’s provision. Under these circumstances
the Commandant enquired of Colonel Cartwright if he knew of any
one who could be depended upon to raise the required supplies
which were known to exist in the district. Cartwright informed
him that the required person could at once be obtained in
the person of Captain Robert Wilkins. Captain Wilkins, who had
raised a company in the beginning of the war, was accordingly sent
for, and instructed to prepare to undertake, as chief commissary,
the duty. He asked for written instructions and authority that he
might not be hindered in his work—that Militia Colonels, and sub-officers
should yield to his demands for men to act as batteaux men,
or do any other required duty to impress conveyances, &c. He
was asked if he would be ready to set out in a day or two. The
reply was, I will start in half an hour. “The devil you will,” said
the Commandant, “so much the better,” and Captain Wilkins
quickly wrote his resignation as Captain to the company, settled
his hotel bill, and was on his way up the bay toward Picton. Arrived
there, he called upon Mr. Cummings, and desired him to act as
agent, which request was acceded to. He then pushed on to the
head of the bay, at the Carrying Place, and established an agency
there, afterwards his head-quarters. Proceeding to Myers’ Creek,
he procured as agent the services of Simon McNabb.
In the vicinity of Picton, were a considerable number of
Quakers, who, although not wanting in loyalty, would, not only,
not take up arms, but conscientiously would not sell the produce of
their farms and take in payment government bills, or “shin plasters,”
then in circulation. Of course, they could, without scruples, sell
their grain to any one without asking questions, for gold or silver
but to take ephemeral paper born of war, and its circulation recognizing
a state of war, was another thing. They absolutely refused
to take it. Colonel Wilkins believing in their sincerity, at once
wrote to the Commandant at Kingston, for a certain sum of gold,
which was promptly forwarded. Thus the granaries of the rich
section of the county in Prince Edward were opened. But Wilkins
had not waited for the gold; on his own responsibility he had
bought the grain promising to pay them as they required, and
Mr. Cummings had been diligently carrying out his orders.
Commissary Wilkins had other difficulties to contend with.
In some sections there was a disposition to hold the produce
558until prices were better, although pork, for instance, was fetching
$14 a barrel. They wished to get $20. The result of this was a
“half martial law,” by which provisions, wherever found, could be
taken at a fair valuation. But Colonel Wilkins says that this had
rarely to be done. By kind persuasion, showing the people that
their duty should lead them to be satisfied with a fair price, he
succeeded in getting all the supplies of provision he wanted.
The duties devolving upon him were numerous and onerous.
He had to supervise the batteaux carrying provisions up and down
the bay from a distance, and often would have to give orders for
3 or 400 men to be collected to propel the batteaux, or assist to
transport articles across the Carrying Place.
The rate of pay given to an officer, acting as pilot, or conductor
to batteaux, was 10s. per day. Privates impressed to carry or assist
received 2s. 6d., with rations; but supplied themselves with blankets.
They were paid immediately their work was done, by Wilkins.
We have before us a requisition sent by Wilkins to Colonel Bell in
April, 1814, for 40 privates, and officer to manage the King’s
batteaux, as there was a quantity of provisions to be conveyed to
Queenston Heights.
Although the foe found no footing, and made no attempt to land
along the bay, the inhabitants had the opportunity of seeing not a
few of their would be conquerors, as they passed as prisoners of war
on their way to Quebec. Many of the 1000 taken at Detroit had to
march along the road the whole length of the Province. Some were
taken in batteaux, and others were conveyed in vessels down the lake
as far as Kingston. Many of those who walked went by the way of
the Prince Edward Peninsula, by Wellington and Picton, crossing the
bay at the Stone Mills, others went by way of Napanee, and thence to
Kingston. One way was as convenient as the other, as there was no
bridge across the River Trent. Persons are now living along the
routes who recollect the crest-fallen appearance of these prisoners;
the more so, because the people whom they had come to invade, and
dispossess, shewed them acts of kindness, and gave them food to eat.
One old lady, so old that she remembers the Revolutionary War in
1783, says she told them she had given the British troops all she had
to eat, as they passed up to conquer them, and she now as gladly
gave food to them. Those brought in batteaux were transported
across the Carrying Place into the bay. No doubt they appreciated
the beauty of the scenery along the route, and had their appetite
affected for the land they coveted.
559On the morning of August 29, 1812, there arrived at Kingston,
His Majesty’s ships Royal George, Earl of Moira, and Prince Regent,
with 400 prisoners, and General Hull.
The most of the prisoners taken at the Niagara frontier were
carried in batteaux, and by the bay, Colonel Scott among the rest.
At a later date, arrived the American prisoners, General Chandler
and Waider, captured at Stoney Creek. And again, “Arrived at this
place yesterday, March 1st, 1813, on their way to Quebec, whither
they will proceed to-day, Brigadier-General James Winchester,
Colonel William Lewis, and Major George Madison, attached to the
American army, captured by General Proctor on the River Rafine.”
We copy the following:
“Quebec, November 2nd. On Friday and Saturday were escorted
by a detachment of Major Bell’s Cavalry, from their quarters, at
Bauport, to the new gaol, twenty-three American officers, and on the
latter day were also taken from the prison ships, and escorted by a
detachment of the 103rd regiment to the same prison, a like number
of non-commissioned officers, making in all forty-six conformable to
the General Orders of the 27th October.”
But other sights than prisoners of war were presented during the
conflict. Owing to the exposed state of the Province in the west,
after the taking of York, a large number of the wounded were removed
from the Niagara region to Kingston, sometimes by ships,
sometimes by batteau. Many of those wounded at Lundy’s Lane
were taken by schooner to York, and thence by batteau down the
lake shore, across the Carrying Place, and along the bay. Among
them was Sheriff Ruttan, who was left at his father’s house, to the
kind care of his family. In this connection it may be observed that
Surgeon Dougall, of Prince Edward Militia, served nine months at
Kingston, and Dr. Meacham, of Belleville, also served during the
most of the war.
We will here give an extract from an obituary notice taken from
the Hastings Chronicle.
“A Veteran of 1812.—Of the Provincial troops, the Glengary
regiment of Infantry took perhaps the most active part.” At the age
of fifteen, Jonathan Phillips enlisted in this corps, then being raised
throughout Canada. The urgent necessity for recruits inducing the
authorities to accept youths even of that tender age. The story will best
be told, as nearly as may be, in the veteran’s own words:—“I was born
in Duchess County, State of New York, in the year 1796; my father
came from Devonshire, England, and my mother from Edinburgh,
Scotland. In 1809, my parents removed to Canada and settled in Fredericksburgh,
560County of Lennox and Addington. In January, 1812, I
was working for Mr. Chapman, in Fredericksburgh, getting out
square pine, oak, and staves; whilst thus employed, Captain Judkins,
formerly of the 104th Regiment of the Line, asked me to enlist, and
I joined the Glengary’s, and in a few days after was sent to Kingston
with about twenty other recruits from Fredericksburgh, Richmond,
and Ernesttown. We remained in Kingston till navigation opened,
when the recruits assembled at that place, about 200 in all, descended
the St. Lawrence in batteaux to Three Rivers, where we received
uniforms, arms, and accoutrements, and commenced to learn our drill.
The corps now numbered about 800.
Towards autumn we were ordered to Quebec, in charge of about
1000 prisoners from General Hull’s army, captured in the west. We
remained at Quebec a month or six weeks. In October, 1812, we
were ordered to the west, (the season is recalled from the recollection
that as they marched from Quebec the farmers were busy cutting
wheat on the hillsides, and the snow was falling at the time). The
march was by the North Shore road to Montreal. Here we remained
all winter, expecting the Americans to attack that city. In the month
of March, before the sleighing was gone, the regiment was ordered
to Kingston, taking with them several pieces of cannon, which were
drawn by oxen. The men marched. The cattle that drew the cannon
and baggage, were slaughtered at Kingston for provisions. We
remained a month at Kingston, and then passed up the Bay of Quinté
to the Carrying Place in batteaux. The baggage and batteaux were
transported across the Isthmus into Lake Ontario, and we re-embarked
for York. On our arrival at York we were forwarded with all
despatch to Burlington Bay. We first met the Yankees at Stoney
Creek, and then pushed on towards Fort George. We halted at the
village of St Davids, and encamped at the cross-roads. The Yankees
held Fort George; when they discovered we were so near them they
retreated upon Black Creek. We followed them up, and had a battle
with them at Lundy’s Lane, on 25th July, 1813. In this affair I
was in the advance guard, or reconnoitering party. The enemy
retreated upon Fort Erie, and we pursued them and had several
skirmishes with them. They blew up the fort, and evacuated Canada.
In the fall of the year we marched back to York; there we embarked
in batteaux and came to the Carrying Place—thence we
crossed into the Bay of Quinté, and thence to Kingston. From
Kingston we marched to Adolphustowm Court House, and were
billeted upon the farmers in that vicinity during the ensuing winter.
There were from eight to ten men in each house. Whilst here we
assembled every day at the Court House, at ten a.m., for drill—we
were at least 800 strong.
On the 23rd March, 1814, all the three years’ men were paraded
at the Court House, paid off and discharged. Each man so discharged
drew 100 acres of land in Upper Canada, farming utensils, and a
year’s provisions. The provisions were distributed every three
months, at Robert Charles Wilkins’ store, at the Carrying Place.”
561From the time of his discharge till his decease, Phillips resided
in the County of Hastings, pursuing the usual occupation of the first
settlers of this county. For many years he followed “lumbering”
in winter, and farming in the summer seasons, but being trustworthy,
intelligent, and of a kindly disposition, his services were frequently
sought after for various purposes. Several years ago, the farm which
he drew for his military service, and which, for many years, afforded
him a home and a support, he sold for the sum of $1,900, thus enjoying
in his old age the well earned reward of the loyalty and courage
of his youth. He died at his home, in the second concession, Rawdon,
on the 15th February, 1868.
General Brock, on his way to Detroit, assembled the Legislature,
and amongst other Acts, one was passed for the organization of a
battalion of “Incorporated Militia,” a body distinct from the Sedentary
Militia. It was an inducement held out for action; and to properly
fitted persons, to raise companies and regiments for service during
the war. According to Ruttan, any one enlisting five persons was
entitled to an Ensigncy; ten, a Lieutenancy; twenty, a Captaincy;
fifty, a Major; and forty a Lieutenant-Colonel. Subsequently,
in 1814 and 15, the Legislature “voted the supplies necessary
to fill up the incorporated regiments to 800 men. A service of
plate, and a pension of £20 per annum for the wounded, or for the
widows of the killed, as well as an address to His Majesty for an
allowance of 100 acres of land for each man, whether belonging to the
regiment of flank companies or the Sedentary Militia.”
No truly patriotic and brave man will seek, or demand a promise
of reward for defending, or fighting for the interests of his
country. He requires no more than what comes from a consciousness
of his duty done, and his country’s honor maintained; the
land of his birth, or choice, preserved from the desecration of an
invader’s foot. But when the deadly conflict has incapacitated the
brave one for the ordinary avocations of life, and he is left, perhaps,
with a family, unable to secure life’s comforts; or when the torch
of war—of the unchristian men, such as President Madison, and
his cold-blooded servant, Colonel McClure, at Niagara,—leaves the
homes of helpless women in ashes; or with wilful wantonness destroys
for the mere pleasure of gratifying a worse than heathenish disposition,
then the tried veteran has a right to be rewarded in a substantial
manner. The Government of Canada, as well as that of
Great Britain, has never been found remiss in affording suitable
rewards to those who were truly and knowingly worthy.
562The smoke of war in 1815 had barely cleared away, after the
Americans had sought and obtained a peace, to them ignoble, ere
the Canadian Government took steps to secure a just reward to all
worthy men. And to this end the following general order appeared
in the Kingston Gazette, 17th July, 1815, having reference to
settlers.
“Military Secretary’s Office, Kingston.
“Each soldier to receive 100 acres of land; officers entitled in
the first instance to 200. To receive provisions for themselves and
families for one year, that is those who had last or, who might
require it on new land. Implements of husbandry, and tools to be
supplied in sufficient quantities, and other comforts according to
necessity to cultivate land. The land thus taken cannot be sold
until after three year’s cultivation. Supt. Alex. McDonnell, and
Angus McDonnell, of Glengary Fencibles, to take charge of the
settlers.” The same date was issued as follows:
“Acting Military Secretary, William Gibson, issued a
notice at Kingston, 29th July, 1815, proclaiming that Boards to
examine claims for losses met with during the American war,
should meet during August and September, at Amherstburgh, Fort
George, York, Kingston, and Fort Wellington.
“All discharged soldiers, applying for lands are to give in
their names to Edward Jones, late of the 9th Regiment, now residing
in the old Barrack Square.” (Signed)—F. P. Robinson, Secretary,
July 31.
Again is found—“Lieutenant Governor’s Office, York, Dec. 10, 1816.
“His Excellency, the Lieutenant-Governor has been pleased to
appoint Surgeon Anthony Marshall, of Kingston, to examine and
grant certificates of disability to Militiamen disabled from wounds
received on service in defence of the Province during the late
war.” (Signed)—Edward McMahon, Assistant Secretary.
Among the Militia General Orders issued from the Adjutant
General’s office, appeared the following:
“His Excellency, Sir Frederick P. Robinson, Major-General
Commanding, and Provincial Lieutenant-Governor of the Province
of Upper Canada, has great satisfaction in publishing to the Militia
of that Province, the following extract of a letter from Earl
Bathurst, one of His Majesty’s Secretaries of State; addressed to
His Excellency Sir Gordon Drummond, dated Downing-street,
13th June, 1815.
563“I should have felt that I was acting unjustly towards you and
the officers and men under your command, if I had forborne bringing
under the notice of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent,
the great meritorious exertions, so long and so successfully made
by them for the preservation of the Upper Province. I am commanded
to assure you, that His Royal Highness has contemplated
your efforts with the highest satisfaction, not more on account of
the skill and valor uniformly displayed by His Majesty’s Troops,
in presence of the enemy, than of the patience with which the
privations incident to the peculiar nature of the service were
supported and finally overcome.”
“You will not fail to convey to the Troops under your Command,
the strongest expression of His Royal Highness’s approbation,
and to accept for yourself and the army under your orders,
that testimony which His Royal Highness is so anxious to bear,
to the great service which you have rendered to your country.”
“Nor is His Royal Highness insensible to the merits of the
inhabitants of Upper Canada, or to the great assistance which the
Militia of the Province afforded during the whole of the war. His
Royal Highness trusts that you will express to them in adequate
terms, the high sense which he entertains of their services, as
having mainly contributed to the immediate preservation of the
Province, and its future security.” N. Coffin, Adjutant General of
Militia.
In 1815 the Legislature granted £6,000, stg. £5,883 6s. 8d. to
be applied as follows:—To the officers, non-commissioned officers,
and privates of the incorporated militia, six months’ pay, £4,594
15s. 2d. To the officers and non-commissioned officers of the line
attached to the incorporated militia, the well pay of their respective
ranks in the said corps, £1,000. To the officers and non-commissioned
officers, and privates of the incorporated militia artillery,
six months’ pay, £288 11s. 6d. To the speaker of the House of
Assembly, to purchase a sword to be presented to Colonel Robinson,
late of the incorporated militia, 100 guineas.
564
Contents—The Six Nations in 1812—American Animus—“Manifest Destiny”—Mohawk
Indians—A right to defend their homes—Inconsistency—American
Savages—Extract from Playter—Brock’s proclamation—Indian character,
conduct, eloquence—Deserters in 1812—Few of them—Court-martials—The
attempts at conquest by the Americans—The numbers—Result of war—Canadians
saved the country—And can do so—Fraternal kindness.
Maintaining their wonted hostile attitude to the Mohawks, and
continuing to charge, upon the British and Canadian Governments,
an uncivilized procedure, the Americans have attempted to create
a belief that we waged not a warfare according to civilized ideas.
Civilization consists, in the minds of Americans, in just those views,
theories, beliefs, and proceedings, which belong to the Great United
States, and nothing can emanate from their government that is not
in strict accordance with civilization,—their civilization. It so
happens that one of their beliefs is that destiny manifestly intends
that they shall possess all of North America. In 1812, a pretext
was formed under the question of the right to search American
vessels for deserters from British service, to declare war against
England. This was regarded by Madison and the Government at
Washington, a fitting opportunity to make the already cherished
attempt to obtain the British Provinces. It was not in accordance
with their ideas of liberty and civilization, to give the slightest
heed to the wishes of the loyalists whom they had, years before,
forced away, and who had already done much to convert the
wilderness into a noble Province; the British subjects who had
emigrated to America, and preferred the yet infant colony of
Canada, to the more advanced, but distasteful, United States. And
still more, the Mohawk Indians, whom they had so cruelly treated,
who had found homes under a benign and fatherly government,
were not only disregarded, but their very right to defend their
homes was denied by the very civilized government which longed
to get Canada. And hence we find attempts made to cast obloquy,
upon the Canadians, in connection with the war of 1812. The
people who strove, but vainly, to enlist the Mohawks in their
service in 1776, with wonderful inconsistency, in 1812, issue proclamations
that no quarter will be given to Indians, nor the Canadians
565who were found fighting side by side. Yet, in the same war
they had all the Indians they could get to assist in their invasion
of a peaceful Province, who actually assisted in the hellish work of
plunder in the Niagara region. The Senecas took sides with them.
The Indians who had found a home in Canada, had a right to
defend their country, and willingly did they march to the field.
They rendered important service at Detroit when the immortal
Brock hurled back the braggart foe, took General Hull and his
army prisoners, and conquered the territory of Michigan. They
likewise did good service at Queenston Heights.
A few instances occurred where individual Indians did lapse
into the warfare nature had implanted into their breasts. But let it
be distinctly and emphatically stated that they were exceptions.
“But the savage conduct of the white United States troops, was
worse than the employment of savages. In civilized wars, or the
wars of Christian people with each other, (alas! that Christians
and war should be associated!) the usual rule is to harm only those
who aim to harm, and to pass by the peaceable and unarmed. Considering,
too, that the Canadian people were not enemies, but had
always friendly dispositions towards the United States, that the
war was merely for remote and abstract questions, that the British
Canadians never set the example, that marauding was not the rule
of the British officers and armies (as evinced before the world
in the wars with Bonaparte),—the United States Government
selecting the province as a battle field, should have treated
the inhabitants without arms as mere spectators of the conflict.
Shame on President Madison, and his cabinet of Christian “(?)”
gentlemen, for ordering their General, McClure (under the name
and seal of John Armstrong, Secretary of War), to burn up the
Town of Niagara, and turn 400 women and children into the snow
and icy streets, on a December day of a rigid Canadian winter!
Had the cruelty been accomplished by a tribe of Indians, no
astonishment would have been felt; but for Christians thus to treat
Christians, and for people of the same ancestry, to show such
barbarity, shows that the bad passions of the human heart are the
same in the civilized as in the savage. The war might have been
carried on, so that friendship might soon be resumed; but the
dreadful aggravation, left in the bosoms of the Canadian settlers,
such hatred as remains to the present day. The writer has even
heard women say, on the banks of the St. Lawrence, that if the
Americans ever invaded Canada again, they would shoulder muskets
566with their husbands. The democracy of the United States, like the
democracy of the French Revolution, proffered liberty with the
left hand, and scattered the fire-brands of savage war with the
right.”—(Playtor.)
The invading general having issued a proclamation, declaring
that Canadians found fighting beside the Indians should have no
quarter. Major-General Brock, in an address, issued to the Canadians
at Fort George, July 22nd, 1812, referring to this matter,
says:—
“Be not dismayed at the unjustifiable threat of the Commander
of the enemy’s forces to refuse quarter, should an Indian appear in
the ranks.
“The brave bands of the Aborigines which inhabit this colony
were like His Majesty’s other subjects punished for their zeal and
fidelity, by the loss of their possessions in the late colonies, and rewarded
by His Majesty with lands of superior value in the Province.
The faith of the British Government has never yet been
violated by the Indians, who feel that the soil they inherit is to
them and their prosperity, protected from the base arts so frequently
devised to over-reach their simplicity.
“By what new principle are they to be prohibited from defending
their property? If their warfare from being different to that
of the white people, be more terrific than that of the enemy, let him
retrace his steps, they seek him not, and cannot expect to find
women and children in an invading army.
“But they are men, and have equal rights with all other men
to defend themselves and their property when invaded, more especially
when they find in the enemy’s camp a ferocious and mortal
foe, using the same warfare which the American commander affects
to reprobate.”
“This inconsistent and unjustifiable threat of refusing quarter,
for such a cause as being found in arms with a brother sufferer, in
defense of invaded rights, must be exercised with the certain
assurance of retaliation, not only in the limited operations of war
in this part of the King’s dominion, but in every quarter of the
globe; for the national character of Britain is not less distinguished
for humanity than strict retributive justice, which will consider the
execution of this inhuman threat as deliberate murder, for which
every subject of the offending power must make expiation.”—(Signed,
Isaac Brock.)
567In concluding this subject, we will quote the language of one
who rose to sublime eloquence in connection with another event.
Seeing the on-coming moment of the extinction among the
Americans—vainly resisting the inevitable fate, but still lofty and
noble. Thus spoke a Seneca chief:—“Who is it causes this river
to rise in the high mountains, and to empty itself in the ocean?
Who is it that causes to blow the loud winds of winter, and that
calms them again in summer? Who is it that rears up the shade
of those lofty forests, and blasts them with the quick lightning at
his pleasure? The same spirit, who gave you a country on the
other side of the waters, gave this land to us, and we will defend
it.”
We would fail in our whole task did we not refer to one more
topic; that concerning Deserters. There were, during the time of
war, a few instances of desertion. There is every reason to believe,
that the wily Americans sent emissaries into the country with
the object of tampering with the Canadians. The following, while
having a local reference, will explain the steps taken by Government
to meet the requirements of the day in this respect:
His Honor the President has been pleased to appoint by commission,
bearing this date, the under-mentioned gentlemen to be
commissioners, for carrying into effect the provisions of an Act
passed in the last session of the Legislature of this Province,
entitled “An Act to empower His Majesty, for a limited time, to
secure and detain such persons as His Majesty shall suspect of
treasonable adherence to the enemy, in the several districts of
this Province respectively:—For Midland District—The Hon. K.
Cartwright, Alexander McDonell, Alexander Fisher, Thomas Dorland,
Timothy Thompson, Thomas Markland, Peter Smith, John
Cumming, James McNabb, Ebenezer Washburn, Robert C. Wilkins,
James Young, William Crawford.”
In every war there will be some desertions, and during the
war of 1812, there were found a few, and a few indeed, who were
base enough to desert from the ranks of the Canadian Militia.
The several attempts at conquest of Canada were:—
1st
Invasion
Gen. Hull
at Sandwich
with
3,000
men.
2nd
Invasion
Gen. VanRansler
at Wodworth
with
2,000
men.
3rd
Invasion
Gen. Smyth
at Fort Erie
with
3,000
men.
4th
Invasion
Gen. Pike
at York
with
2,500
men.
5th
Invasion
Gen. Dearborne
at Fort George
with
3,000
men.
6th
Invasion
Gen. Winchester, for Montreal,
at Chryslers Farm
with
3,000
men.
7th
Invasion
Gen. Hampden
at Chateauguay R.
with
8,000
men.
8th
Invasion
Gen. Brown
at Fort Erie
with
5,000
men.
9th
Invasion
Gen. Brown
at Lundy’s Lane
with
5,000
men.
10th
Invasion
Gen. Izzard
at Fort Erie
with
8,000
men.
11th
Invasion
Gen. Wilkinson
at Lacate Mills
with
2,500
men.
———————
Total number of men
45,000.
568“The foregoing is an aggregate of the attempt to invade
Canada by the United States forces when they sued for peace;
and, when such was proclaimed, they did not find themselves in
possession of one inch of Canadian Territory.”—(Clark.)
This glorious result was due, in a great measure, to the loyalty
and bravery of the Canadian Militia. The first year, the Militia
alone saved the Province.
The close of the war left no unpleasant remembrance. Called
to arms for the most noble purpose, that of defending their
homes, they discharged their duty bravely, but without unnecessary
violence. There were no acts of cruelty to be laid to their
charge. It was only the unprincipled foe that could be guilty
of deeds of barbaric darkness. It remained for the American
General Harrison to burn, contrary to the rules of civilized warfare,
a peaceful village, and for General McClure to apply the torch to
the building which protected the wounded men, women, and children,
from the piercing cold of a December night, an outrage only
equalled by their firing on a British flag of truce, under General
Ross, before the capital Washington. These acts of villany met a
just retribution. The former by destroying the frontier settlements
from Lewiston to Buffalo, the latter by the destruction of the
Capital. Canadians—Britons can deal out just retribution, as well
as they can defend their homes. And the Americans ought to
know, and remember, that no acts of cowardly villany toward us
will for ever go unpunished. They incited rebellion among us in
1837–8. They have encouraged Fenianism, and assisted them as a
people to invade our territory, and kill our young men. For this
will come a day of judgment. It may not be this century, but it
will come. Let but one more attempt be made to secure a footing
on our soil, and the Americans will learn that Canadians can, and
will, retaliate. The hardy honest Canadian goaded to seek justice,
will play the raider also. Ours is a frontier, over which they may
come and do much mischief; but their’s is equally lengthy, and
exposed. A sheet of flame will burst along their frontier as well as
ours, the destruction will not be all one side.
During the Crimean war, the Canadians took great pleasure in
giving contributions for the relief of the soldiers, wives and children.
But this was only returning a like kindness displayed by England
at the time of the invasion and rapine in 1812. The wanton
destruction of Canadian homes brought much distress. By the
Kingston Gazette of 5th December, 1813, we see “that the total sum
subscribed in the City of London for the relief of the sufferers in
Canada (which has come to our knowledge), amounts to £10,419
10s. 0d.” And the same year “The General Assembly of Nova
Scotia gave to the distressed of Upper Canada £2,500.” An act of
fraternal kindness that Canadians have been ready to return during
the last year.
DIVISION XI. ADVANCE OF CIVILIZATION. — CHAPTER LXV. — SLAVERY. — CHAPTER LXVI. — THE OBSTACLES TO ADVANCEMENT. — CHAPTER LXVII. — AGRICULTURAL MATTERS—PRODUCTS. — AGRICULTURE—FACTORIES—MERCHANTS. — CHAPTER LXVIII. — THE FIRST STEAM VESSELS—CANALS, RAILWAYS. — REPORT OF THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON THE MURRAY CANAL. — THE INCREASE OF POPULATION.
569
Contents—Canada’s first step in civilization—Slavery in America—By whom
introduced—False charge—Slavery in Canada—History—Imperial Acts—Legislation
in Canada—The several clauses—In Lower Canada—Justice
Osgood—Slavery at the Rebellion—Among the U. E. Loyalists—Those who
held slaves—Descendants of the slaves—“A British slave”—“For sale”—“Indian
slave”—Upper Canada’s Record—Compared with the States—Liberty—Why
the United States abolished slavery—Honor to whom honor
is due.
We devote a chapter to the subject of slavery, which may be
appropriately noticed under advance of civilization. There can be
no greater indication of a truly civilized people than a successful
attempt to emancipate those in bondage. In this respect Upper
Canada was very far in advance of the United States, and even of
England herself.
The Americans have not unfrequently essayed to fasten the
ignominy of this domestic institution upon the British nation, by
asserting that it was the English that first brought slaves to the
American continent. Supposing this to be true, it was the most
pitiable attempt at excuse for continuing the accursed thing, after
Britain had spent millions to abolish slavery in all her broad realm,
that can possibly be imagined. But it is all untrue that slaves
were first brought by the English. It was the Dutch, who found
sale for them in Virginia. This was in 1620. “Shortly after the
New England States adopted the ‘institution,’ the colonists and
merchants introducing and controlling the whole trade, Massachusetts
leading the way.” And with all the cry, for ever echoing
in the North against the South, because of slavery; it was the
Yankee owners of ships, sent out from Northern ports to engage in
570the world-condemned crime of the slave trade, that kept alive the
worst feature of American slavery, until the celebrated military
necessity of Lincoln, emancipated the Southern slaves.
The present generation of Canadians are almost ignorant of
the fact that the “institution” of slavery once existed in Canada,
both Lower and Upper. The proud and pleasing appellation, which
Canada enjoyed for so many years, of a safe asylum for slaves, who
had effected their escape from the United States, is in most cases
alone known to have belonged to us. But the record of our young
country is so honorable upon the question of slavery, that the fact
that slaves did once breathe among us, casts no stigma upon the
maple leaf, no single stain upon her virgin garments. The fact
is, slavery could not live in Canada; much less grow. The leading
principles which guided the settlers of the country were of too
noble a nature to accept the monstrous system of human bondage
as an appendage of the Colony. They felt the truthfulness of the
words, not long before uttered by John Wesley, that slavery was
the “sum of all villainies,” and knew they would be villains of the
deepest dye to encourage it.
The history of slavery from the time Joseph was sold by his
brothers into Egypt, by which it may be inferred that persons were
already held in bondage, up to the present, is of no little interest;
but it forms no part of our task to give even a sketch of it, except
in relation to its existence in Canada.
In the year 1732, an Act was passed in the Imperial Parliament
“for the more easy recovery of debts in His Majesty’s plantations
and colonies in America,” by which “lands, houses, negroes,
and other hereditaments and real estate, shall be liable to be taken
by due process of law for any indebtedness.”
Another Imperial Act having reference to slavery in Canada,
was passed so late as 1790. The Act is intituled “An Act for
encouraging new settlers in His Majesty’s colonies and plantations
in America.” Among other things it is provided that if any persons
shall come to the West India Islands or the Province of Quebec,
from United States, with the view of settling, it shall be lawful for
such, having obtained a license from the Governor, to import among
other things “any negroes” he may possess. Such was the law
in all Canada when Upper Canada was erected into a distinct Province.
The first Session of Parliament in Upper Canada was naturally
and necessarily occupied in arranging the machinery requisite for
571the government of the body public. The second Session witnessed
legislation to secure defence of the country by organizing a militia
body; and also upon two most important subjects having reference
to moral principles, viz.: concerning marriages, and
“An Act to prevent the further introduction of slaves, and to limit
the term of contract for servitude within this Province.”
“Whereas it is unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law,
should encourage the introduction of slaves, and whereas it is
highly expedient to abolish slavery in this Province, so far as the
same may gradually be done without violating private property;
be it enacted by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with
the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of
the Province of Upper Canada,” &c. It is enacted “that from and
after the passing of this Act, so much of a certain Act of the Parliament
of Great Britain, entitled “An Act for encouraging new
settlers,” &c., as may enable the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor
of this Province, heretofore parcel of His Majesty’s Province of
Quebec, to grant a license for importing into the same, any negro
or negroes, shall be, and the same is hereby repealed; and that
from and after the passing of this Act, it shall not be lawful for
the Governor to grant a license for the importation of any negro
or other person to be subjected to the condition of a slave, or to a
bounden involuntary service for life, in any part of this Province,
nor shall any negro, or other person who shall come, or be brought
into the Province after the passing of this Act, be subject to the
condition of a slave, or to such service as aforesaid, within this
Province, nor shall any voluntary contract of service or indentures
that may be entered into by any parties within this Province,
after the passing of this Act, be binding upon them or either of
them for a longer term than a term of nine years.”
The second clause provided that the owners of slaves, at the
time within the Province, should be secured in their property and
contracts already made should not be affected. But in the third
clause it is declared that
“In order to prevent the continuation of slavery within this
Province, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that immediately
from and after the passing of this Act, every child that shall
be born of a negro mother, or other woman subjected to such service
as aforesaid, shall abide and remain with the master or mistress
in whose service the mother shall be living at the time of such
child’s birth, (unless such mother and child shall leave such
572service, by and with the consent of such master or mistress) and
such master or mistress shall, and is hereby required to give proper
nourishment and clothing to such child or children, and shall and
may put such child or children to work, when he, she, or they
shall be able so to do, and shall and may retain him or her in their
service until every such child shall have obtained the age of 25
years, at which time shall be entitled to demand his or her
discharge from, and shall be discharged by such master or mistress,
from any further service. And to the end that the age of such
child or children may be more easily ascertained, the master or
mistress of the mother thereof, shall, and is hereby required, to
cause the day of the birth of every such child as shall be born of a
negro or other mother, subjected to the condition of a slave, in
their service, as aforesaid, to be registered within three months
after its birth, by the clerk of the parish, township or place wherein
such master or mistress reside, which clerk shall be authorized to
demand and receive the sum of one shilling for registering the
same. And in case any master or mistress shall refuse or neglect
to cause such register to be made within the time aforesaid, and
shall be convicted thereof, either on his or her confession, or by
the oath of one or more credible witnesses before any justice of the
peace, he or she shall for such offence forfeit and pay the sum of
£5 to the public stock of the district.
“And be it further enacted, that in case any master or mistress
shall detain any such child born in their service, after the passing of
this Act, under any pretence whatever, after such servant shall have
attained the age of 25 years, except by virtue of a contract of service
or indentures duly and voluntarily executed, after such discharge as
aforesaid, it shall be for such servant to apply for a discharge to any
justice of the peace,” and the party accused may be summoned to
show cause why the servant is not discharged. The master failing
to prove the servant under age, the justice is to discharge the same,
and it was “provided always that in case any issue shall be born of
such children during their infant servitude or after, such issue shall
be entitled to all the rights and privileges of free-born subjects.”
“And be it further enacted, that whenever any master or
mistress shall liberate or release any person subject to the condition
of a slave from their service, they shall at the same time give
good and sufficient security to the church or town wardens of the
parish or township where they live, that the person so released by
them shall not become chargeable to the same, or any other parish
573or township.” This act which reflects so much glory upon the
Upper Canadian Legislators, was passed July 9, 1793. We thought
our readers would prefer to see the act complete than any synopsis
we might prepare.
To Robert Gray, then Solicitor-General, is Upper Canada
primarily indebted for the above act. He was an earnest friend of
the African race. He was lost in the schooner Speedy, on Lake
Ontario.
Slavery in Lower Canada.—According to Garneau, in the
year 1689, it was proposed to introduce negroes to the colony of
France. But it was thought the climate would prove unsuitable.
That slavery was, not long after introduced, seems certain, and
that it “was legally recognized in Canada, is plain, from an
ordinance of intendant Hocquart, dated 1736, regulating the manner
of emancipating slaves in Canada.”—(Bell.)
There are extant several royal declarations respecting slaves
in the colony, bearing dates, 1721, 1742, and 1745. At the Conquest
there were slaves in the province; and slavery “then increased for
an instant, only to disappear forever.” Slavery having continued
to exist in Canada until the first decade of the present century.
By a stipulation in the treaty of Montreal, the colonists were
“to be allowed to retain their slaves.” Says Bell in Garneau’s
history, “Sir L. H. Lafontaine in 1859, investigated this matter,”
(respecting the existence of slaves in French Canada), and from
the published reports of his enquiries, it appears that in 1799–1800,
the citizens of Montreal presented requisitions to Parliament, tending
to cause the Legislature to vindicate the rights of masters over
their slaves. The applicants invoked in favor of their demand, an
ordinance rendered by Jacques Roudat, 9th intendant, dated April
13, 1709, which edict was, they urged, in force when the definitive
treaty of peace was signed, and by consequence formed part and
parcel of the laws, usages, and customs, of Canada, recognized by
the Act of Quebec. The bills, on the subject, were introduced, in
1800, 1801, and 1803; but none of them passed. Since that time
no Local Legislation sanctioned this matter; and if the act of the
Imperial Parliament of 1797, had the effect of abolishing slavery
in the British plantations, these would, of course, include Canada.
“But,” says Bell, “the act in question could have no such effect. It
only enacted, that negroes could not be taken in execution as
chattels, for the debts of their masters, as had previously been the
case in His Majesty’s American Colonies.” It appears tolerably
574certain from the foregoing, that slaves were introduced by the
French into Canada, about the beginning of the 18th century, and
that at least in 1709 it was a recognized institution, by virtue
of an edict issued by the intendant. And, when the country was
conquered by Great Britain, the colonists were “allowed to retain
their slaves.” In 1784, when Upper Canada was first settled, the
number of slaves in Lower Canada according to census was 304.
When Upper Canada, in 1793, took the lead in the whole of
Britain’s vast domain in legislating against slavery, Lower Canada
continued to regard it without disfavour; and, even in Montreal,
endeavoured to fix the chains of bondage more firmly upon the
negro. But what the Provincial Legislature did not, although presented
with the example set by Upper Canada, was done in a different
way by Chief Justice Osgood, who in 1803, at Montreal, declared
slavery inconsistent with the laws of the country, and gave freedom
to the persons in that condition. And when the British Act of
Emancipation was passed, in 1833, setting free the slaves in all parts
of the Empire, there was no slaves in Canada, Upper or Lower.
Thirty years previous had the evil been crushed in Lower Canada,
and forty years before Upper Canada had declared that it was
“highly expedient to abolish slavery,” and had enacted laws to
secure its abolition.
At the time of the rebellion of 1776–83, slavery was
not limited to the Southern States.
There were a good many held by the old Knickerbocker
families, both amongst the loyalists and rebels. When the families
both of English and Dutch nationality, came as refugees to Canada,
there accompanied them a number of slaves. In many cases these
slaves came of their own accord, would not be separated from their
masters, with whom they always lived; upon whose land they had
been born. Indeed, the attachment between these faithful blacks
and their owners was frequently of the most enduring nature, and,
as we shall see, in some cases, although made free, they would not
leave their old places as domestics.
The Rev. Mr. Stuart in his memoir, says, in speaking of his
removal to Canada; “My negroes, being personal property, I take
with me, one of which being a young man, and capable of bearing
arms, I have to give £100 security to send back a white prisoner in
his stead.” Capt. Joseph Allan brought with him from New Jersey,
after the war had ended, to Upper Canada, three slaves—Tom, Sam
and Sal. The two men, some years after, ran away to Lower
575Canada. Their owner pursued them to Montreal, and searched for
them for ten days; but failed to get them. He sold the female,
Sal, with her child, to Silas Hill. This boy was afterwards sold to
Abram Barker, who kept him until he became twenty-one, when
he became free. Freedom did not suit him, as he became a worthless
fellow. Major VanAlstine had slaves, whom he treated with
patriarchal kindness, and who lived in great comfort in the old-fashioned
Dutch cellar kitchen, in his home, in Fourth Town. The
Bogarts and John Huyck also had slaves. Capt. Myers had slaves;
one, Black Bet, would never leave him, but continued until his
death, under the care of her old master.
Cartwright, Herkimer, and Everitt, each was the owner of
slaves. And Powles Claus, of the Mohawk settlement, had two
slaves.
Col. Clark speaks, in his memoirs of his mother’s death, in 1789,
and of the funeral, when the negro Joe drove the favorite horses, Jolly
and Bonny, before the sleigh, painted black. Again, Col. C. says:
“After the Declaration of Independence, drovers used to come in
with droves of horses, cattle, sheep and negroes, for the use of the
troops, forts, and settlers in Canada, and my father purchased his
four negroes, three males and one female, named Sue.” In 1812, she
gladly returned to our family, having become old and decrepit.
She died in our house at Fifteen-mile Creek, in 1814.
Sheriff Ruttan says, “My uncle brought two negro servants
with him, who were very faithful, hard working fellows.” During
the year of famine, they were sent from Adolphustown to Albany,
“for four bushels of Indian corn; a dreadful hazardous journey
through the forest, with no road, and the snow very deep. They
executed this mission, and returned in safety.”
These slaves were generally faithful, good natured, and occasionally
mischievous. It was the custom, in the first years of
Canada, to place the ovens in the yard upon stakes, and they could
be lifted off them. It is related that sometimes they would carry off
slyly, the oven when filled with good things.
Sheriff Sherwood says: “In answer to your letter of yesterday,
as regards slaves, I only recollect two or three which settled in the
District of Johnstown; one in particular, named Cæsar Congo,
owned by Captain Justus Sherwood, who came with his family in
the same brigade of boats that my father and family did, and located
about two miles above Prescott. They were the very first actual
settlers. Well I remember Cæsar Congo, then a stout, strong young
576man, and who often took the late Justice Sherwood, of Toronto, and
myself on his back to assist us along, while the boats were drawn
up the rapids. Cæsar was sold to a half-pay officer named Bottom,
who settled about six miles above Prescott, who, after a year’s
service, gave Cæsar his freedom. Cæsar, soon after married suitably,
and by his industry obtained a snug little place in the town of
Brockville, where he lived many years, and died.”
Daniel Jones, father of Sir Daniel Jones, of Brockville, had a
female slave, and there were a few others residing in the district of
which I have no personal knowledge.
Squire Bleeker, of the Trent, had a slave called Ham.
Abraham Cronk, of Sophiasburgh, bought a female slave from
Mrs. Simpson, of Myers’ Creek, for $300. After a time, she
returned to Mrs. Simpson, with whom she lived till her death.
This female had a daughter, who grew up to be an unusually
“smart girl.”
Nicholas Lazier had slaves. One, named Sal, was noted
for her attachment to Methodism, and would go long distances to
attend meetings. As a female slave, Black Betty was one of the
first congregation, to which the first Methodist preacher in America
preached at New York, so this woman was one of the first Methodists
at the Bay, and in Upper Canada. John Cronk and she were
the only Methodists in the Township for a long time.
Pryne, who lived a short distance above Bath, had two slaves.
Col. Thompson also had some, and Lieut. McGinness, of Amherst
Isle, likewise possessed them. Capt. Trumpour, of Adolphustown,
had two negroes. Leavens, of Belleville, bought a female slave of
Wallbridge, for $100. A son of hers was purchased by Captain
McIntosh.
The Hon. Peter Russell, when Receiver-General, had a man
and his wife as slaves, with their son and two daughters.
Samuel Sherwood, writing to a person at Kingston, from
Thurlow, in Oct. 1793, says, “My negro boy, and Canadian boy
have absented themselves last night without leave. I send Jim
and two Indians in pursuit of them. I beg, if you can give any
assistance, you will do me that service. McLean’s black woman is
my boy’s mother, he may call to see her.”
We have before us the copy of an assignment made in 1824,
by Eli Keeler, of Haldimand, Newcastle, to William Bell, of Thurlow,
of a Mulatto boy, Tom, in which it is set forth, that the said
boy has time unexpired to serve as the child of a female slave,
577namely, ten years, from the 29th Feb. 1824, according to the laws
of the Province; for the sum of $75. Probably, this was the last
slave in Canada whose service closed, 1835.
There are, at the present time, a good many of the descendants
of the early Canadian slaves. Some of them have done badly, others
again have made themselves respectable and happy. The Mink
family are descended from an old slave that belonged to William
Herkimer.
When made free, they, in many instances, preferred to remain
in connection with their old masters, and even to this day, their
children manifest a predilection for the name of their father’s
master. In and about Belleville, may yet be found such as spoken
of. Most, or all of these are descendants of “Black Bess” who, at
different times, was in possession of the Wallbridge’s, Leaven’s,
and McLellan.
In the Ottawa Citizen of 1867, appeared the following:
A British Slave.—An old negro appeared at the Court of
Assize yesterday, in a case of Morris vs. Hennerson. He is 101
years of age, and was formerly a slave in Upper Canada, before the
abolition of slavery in the British possessions. He fought through
the American war in 1812, on the side of the British; was at the
battles of Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane, and was wounded at Sacket’s
Harbour. He is in full possession of all his faculties. He was born
in New York State in 1766, and was the slave of a U. E. Loyalist,
who brought him to Canada. He was brought to this city to prove
the death of a person in 1803, and another in 1804.
It would seem odd enough at the present day to see the
following advertisements in a Canadian journal. This appeared in
the Gazette, Newark:
“For Sale.—A negro slave, 18 years of age, stout and healthy,
has had the small pox, and is capable of service, either in house or
out door. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser; and cash
or new lands received in payment. Enquire of the Printer.
“Niagara, November 28th, 1802.”
“Indian Slave.—All persons are forbidden harboring,
employing, or concealing my Indian slave, called Sal, as I am
determined to prosecute any offender, to the utmost extremity of
the law; and persons who may suffer her to remain on their
premises for the space of half an hour, without my written consent,
will be taken as offending, and dealt with according to law.
(Signed) Charles Fields.
Niagara, August 28th, 1802.”
578“For Sale.—The negro man and woman, the property of Mrs.
(widow) Clement. They have been bred to the business of a farm;
will be sold on highly advantageous terms, for cash or lands. Apply
to Mrs. Clement. Niagara, January 9th, 1802.”
We have seen that the record of Upper Canada with respect to
the subject of human bondage is particularly bright and honorable.
This Province, in its very infancy, took the lead in severing the
fetters which a dark and penurious age had rivetted upon the bodies
of the African. This blackest curse of the world, which the power
of England assisted to create, and which her offspring, the United
States, continued to perpetuate for so many years, was put aside by
the young Province at the first; while, but a few years later, a
Canadian Judge, of Lower Canada, declared slavery to be inconsistent
with the laws of Canada. These are facts of which every
Canadian may well be proud. It was no “military necessity” which
caused the abolition of slavery in Canada. It was a question of
right, which the Canadian Parliament experienced no difficulty in
solving. How grand the spectacle! How noble the conduct,
setting an example to the world! In striking contrast, behold the
United States. Flaunting their flag of liberty before the gaze of
the world, they cried “All men are born free and equal, with the
right to pursue that course which will lead to happiness;” yet notwithstanding
these principles, enunciated with so much boldness,
and, year after year, proclaimed by wordy fourth of July orators;
they continued, not only to hold slaves, but made the bonds tighter
until oceans of blood had been shed, and the Union was almost
destroyed—when it could not be saved with slavery, as Lincoln had
declared he would wish to save it; when it became necessary to
strike a blow, which the northern legions had been unable to deal
the Southern Confederacy, then, and not until then, were the slaves
declared to be free. Lincoln said he would save the Union with
slavery, if he could, failing this, then he would enlist the African
slave to assist in saving the Union, by giving them liberty. The
Southern blacks owe their liberty to-day, to the almost superhuman
courage of the people with whom they lived, who held them in
bondage, not, it is true, because their masters wished to liberate
them; but because they were unable to successfully combat the
perfect flood of men that was poured against their northern borders,
and which infested their sea-board with an unbroken circle of armed
vessels, shutting them out from all means of carrying on the unequal
combat. It was this heroic attitude that made it necessary for
579Lincoln to issue the famous proclamation. Let the freedman thank
the exigency which made necessary the step which broke the back
of the Confederacy, and thereby gave efficiency to the proclamation.
It cannot be doubted that the great body of abolitionists were
from the commencement of the war, anxious to secure the abolition
of slavery; but they were impotent, their councils to the President
were unheeded, their desires disregarded. The great mass of the
Northerners had no sympathy with the poor slave, they only cared
for the Union; and many of them were even dissatisfied that
Lincoln should resort to the plan of freeing them in order to
save the Union. It is abundantly easy, now to declare that, from
the first the Washington Government was determined to abolish
slavery—that, from the first, it was a war for, and against the life
of that institution; but reading the events of the war, carefully
scanning each page of its history, examining each line, studying
every word; looking with an unbiassed eye upon the whole
gigantic drama, it is submitted there is no reason for believing
that the nation desired to free the slave at all; but, always
excepting the Abolitionist, submitted to the necessity of setting the
negro free, rather than sacrifice the Union, or, rather than be conquered
by the South.
All honor then, to the U. E. Loyalists, in Parliament
assembled, at the young capital of Newark—the representatives of
the devoted band of refugees, who had been made such by rebels,
who pretended to fight for “liberty,” who placed on record their
interpretation of the word Freedom; that it meant not liberty to a
certain class; but to all, irrespective of color. All honor to the
noble Judge, who had the probity and moral courage to enunciate
a doctrine that at once made every supposed slave in Lower Canada
conscious of being a free man. This noble beginning in the
Canadas was followed by events no less interesting. They became
the asylum of the slave, who were not only sought after by their
Southern masters, but who were chased to the very borders by
Northerners themselves.
580
Contents—Returns to the Pioneer—Bay Region—Garden of Canada—Clogs—False
views of settlers—Result—New blood—Good example—Anecdote—The
“Family Compact”—Partiality—Origin of the Compact—Their conduct—The
evil they did—A proposed Canadian Aristocracy—What it would have
led to—What may come—“Peter Funks.”
In the section devoted to the first years of Upper Canada there
has much been said having reference to the growth and prosperity
of the Province, and advance of civilization, but something remains
to be told which requires particular notice, and without which our
sketch would not be complete.
The privations endured, and hardships overcome by the pioneers,
tended to make them careful and prudent, and no doubt led to the
more permanent prosperity of their children. As years wore away,
comforts began to reward their toil and patience. Acre after acre
was brought under cultivation; the log house received an addition,
not large, but so as to supply a second room, which a growing family
of boys and girls seriously demanded. Stock began to accumulate,
and the future brightened up before them. In considering the rate
and degree of advancement, it must be remembered that many of
the first settlers were disbanded soldiers, and understood as little
about agriculture as about clearing the land. “Though in most instances,
a man of intelligence, the U. E. Loyalist introduced but a
primitive system of agriculture; and the facilities of acquiring lands
in the western part of the Province, has in a measure prevented that
admixture among them of the more scientific and educated agriculturist
from the old countries, which has helped to improve other
parts of Canada. It has been only of late years, and since the general
establishment of agricultural societies, that the real capacities of the
Midland District has begun to be developed, and improvements introduced,
which have resulted in making, even in the neighbourhood of
Kingston, where the soil was looked upon as comparatively unproductive,
some of the best and handsomest farms that can be seen in
the Province.”—(Cooper).
The region about the Bay because of its central position, received
the name of Midland District. This district embraced, and at the
beginning of the present century was regarded as the most important
581and influential part of Canada. But times have changed. Upper
Canada has grown to be the largest and wealthiest province in British
America, and although improvements around the Bay have continued
to increase, yet westward the bulk of the immigrants have found a
home, so that this section no longer holds so important a position.
Nevertheless, as in former years, so now, the Bay country may be
regarded as the garden of Western Canada. Long since the wilderness
has become a fruitful field, and the fertile land has returned to
the toiler a full reward. To the tourist passing along the Bay the
appearance of the lands is exceedingly beautiful, especially in the
days of summer; in June when all things are clothed in the richest
green, and some weeks later when the golden hues of harvest have
gathered over the fields of grain. The substantial residences of the
farmers tell of prosperity and advancement. The old log house
around which clustered so many associations, made dear by the circumstances
of pioneer life, has been superseded by the more pretending
frame building, and this again has been removed to be
followed by elegant, and often stately edifices. The work of improvement
and of beautifying has gone on from year to year, and now the
inhabitants of the Bay are in most cases living in affluence. But
while we mark the advancement, it must not be forgotten that it
ought to have been greater. While we give all credit to the soldier
farmer, for achieving so much, it must be related that there were
certain landholders who were as clogs to the wheel of progress, who
displayed, not that enterprize, at an early day, which they ought to
have done. Had the greedy few who hoarded up land, and grasped
for more, and still more; who stood ready to buy up the land of
every unfortunate one compelled to sell—had such made themselves
acquainted with the improvements in the agriculture of the day; had
they, instead of leaving the hard workers to make roads across their
lands, opened them up and provided a passible way; had they endeavored
to make their land productive, and by example to show the
struggling farmers a better way, and how to increase and advance;
then, instead of merely the prosperity which now exists, there would
have been great wealth. The broad acres are old enough, the landscape
charming enough, the ground productive enough, and had the
proper spirit been abroad among the class mentioned, those who
aspired to be landed aristocrats then, the Bay Quinté might have
presented, not alone a beauty rivaling that of the Hudson, but also
the palatial mansions which adorn its shores. No more suitable spot
in the wide world can be found for ornamental residences, and it is
582to be hoped that many with capital and taste, will very shortly proceed
to set examples, for the wealthy farmers in some degree, to
imitate. It may be said it were better the farmers and their children
should have humble ideas, and the fact may be adduced that not a
few of the descendants of the first settlers have, by their excesses in
dress, and by trying to imitate the habits of the dwellers of towns
and cities, laid the foundation of their ruin, by getting into the books
of the merchant, and ultimately becoming helpless in his hands, so
that the fathers heritage passed away to the stranger. But it is forgotten
that such was principally the case with those who, suddenly
becoming well to do, thought, if they desired to associate with the
aristocracy, they must dress in finer clothing, and have clean hands;
that their daughters must cease spinning, and the wife no longer do
housework, that it was a disgrace to be seen working. It was
such feelings and views which creeping in, paved the way for the
downfall of many a one, who had begun to get on in the world;
whereas, had gentlemen by birth and education, and there were such
among the first settlers, given their time to actual improvement, had
shewn that they considered it honorable to work with their hands.
Had they carried their refinement into the more rural parts and
shewn that agriculture and gentility may go together, and that
education is as important for the agriculturist as for any other,
both in enabling him to till the soil with success, and in providing
him with those superior means of enjoyment which a wise Providence
desires us to possess, a most valuable service would have
been rendered. It was because the farmer thought he must dress
as they did in the city, in order to associate with them, and that
labor was not honorable, that ruin came to many a household,
and the names of the first owner of farms are not now there; who
laid low the forest in the infancy of the country. There is no forgetfulness
that those blamed had once been wealthy and occupied
high positions in the old colonies, and owned broad acres. It was
perhaps natural that such persons, exiled in the wilderness, and
struggling with the stern realities of their existence, should aim
to regain a position of similar power and affluence, and were determined
that, although they might not see the return of those independent
days, their children should; so they continued to bend
every energy to secure it. But alas! how rarely was the dream
realized! How few of the limited number who first ruled the
country—how few of the Family Compact are now in the higher
circle of independence.
583Respecting the more common settler, it was to be expected
that now and then one would fail to advance—would fall behind in
the onward march of the country. The wonder is great that so
few of the old soldiers made shipwreck of the liberal grants bestowed
by a motherly government. “The sons of some of those
men who have hewn out a home in the primitive forest, have, in
some cases, through bad management or bad conduct, suffered
their possessions to pass to the stranger: the speculating merchant
has grasped their all under a mortgage, and indolence or dissipation
has completed the ruin.”—(Cooper). “These evils, however,
are rapidly curing themselves or producing an equivalent or
greater amount of good—the idle and shiftless sells out to the
practical and industrious farmer, who introduces among his neighbours
the latest improvements in agricultural skill, and implements
of husbandry; new systems of drainage, new stock, or improved
breeds occupy the attention and employ the capital of the father
of a family, whilst his wife and daughters, though well able to
compete with the gayest and grandest, readily forego, when necessary,
the imported and costly silks sported by the family of a less
enterprising neighbour, and set an example of neatness, taste and
appropriateness, in attire.”
Cooper, in his essay, relates the following: He says, “The
ideas of enterprize and modern progress entertained by some, may
be illustrated by the following anecdote: When a new road was
proposed leading through some of the best portions of the counties
(of Frontenac, Lennox and Addington), opening up others, and
affording many and great advantages, the benefits of which in short
were apparent to all, and the only question involved was how to
raise the money, a very wealthy landholder, who had amassed his
thousands in the City of Kingston, and part of whose possessions
lay on the route, replied to an application to take stock, that the
effect of the road would be to enable people to steal his timber,
and he declined to subscribe! It is presumed that railroads and
electric telegraphs were not in fashion when this gentleman made
his money.” It was a feeling indulged by many similar to what
this person had, that from the first, assisted to retard the judicious
development of the young country.
Reference has been made to the “Family Compact.” In speaking
of Bishop Strachan, the statement is made that he was honest
in his convictions that Church and State would best serve the
interest of Canada, that in the uneducated state of the people,
584Government should reside altogether or principally in the hands of
the Governor and Executive Council. But while the honesty of the
late Bishop is thus freely admitted, it must at the same time be
acknowledged that those in authority were not disinterested dispensers
of the good things which always exist in connection with a
Government; and which particularly were provided for the loyalist
settlers of Upper Canada by the British Government. For instance,
it is averred by McMullen, and sharply reiterated by Gourlay, that
“the provisions, clothing, and farming utensils, granted by the
British Government for the benefit of the poor loyalists, were in
many cases handed over to favorites, in others allowed to become
useless from negligence in the public stores.”
It was not alone provisions, clothing, and farming utensils that
were enjoyed by the favorites. Lands—choice lands, were to be had
by them, by the choosing. Settlements in Upper Canada commenced
at several points, in each settlement were a few leading
men, half-pay officers, or those who had held important positions
during the Revolutionary war, with a good sprinkling of personal
friends and relatives. At the capital, those were in excess. These
leading men throughout the Province were in the most cases closely
united by consanguinity and marriage; and soon became even more
closely identified in interest—forming a strong political body, which
derived its life-blood from the Executive. Its members surrounded
the gubernatorial throne, and had the ear of the Governor, they
formed his Councillors, and managed to become his friends; and as
such secured abundantly of the bounties. It was not enough that large
blocks of land should be held in reserve for the Crown, the Clergy,
and for the Indians, which last was right; but choice bits of land
were granted to members of this strong family, compacted together,
to help one another, and the land was left uncultivated, unimproved,
until the energies of the pioneers around had made it more
valuable.
With the departure of Simcoe commenced the manipulations
of this family. That Governor had invited by proclamation, persons
from the United States, who might wish to become Canadians,
and promised them grants of land. But he was re-called, and his
promises were not attended to, although many came to the Province
on their strength. Government ignored them, and it is stated,
with abundant show of plausibility, that the reason was; that the
growing family might have the more land to choose from, and to
leave for their children; and with some, that they might live in
585England upon the rents derived from Canada, and so “men of
capital and enterprise, who had come into the Province furnished
with cattle and implements to commence the settlement of townships,”
were disappointed. Some of these persons, who desired to
live under the British flag, returned to the States to become truly
republicans, others remained to form an element in the party which
was in time to rise in opposition to the Family Compact. Such, in
brief was the origin of the Family Compact. They aspired not
alone, to possess the best tracts of land; but to fill every post of
honor and emolument, to hold the reins of Government exclusively,
and to constitute a select circle of nobility, to act the part of Lords
over vassals; and to this end desired to possess extensive lands
upon which, and around which should grow the belongings to
estated gentlemen. When eight schools were granted certain sums
of money, and the teachers were nominated by the Governor, they were generally
half-pay officers. For a long time they had everything pretty
much their own way. If any dissented from them, he was accused
of disloyalty. Did an honest farmer question their honesty, he was
pointed out as one to be suspected—as seditious, and as one of the
King’s enemies, against whom it was thought necessary to legislate.
Nor did the House of Assembly, in any respect, for a long time,
interfere with the growth and prosperity of the Family Compact,
for, generally speaking, a member of the family managed to get
elected. The charge is not made that all of the members of the
early Parliaments were of the Compact; but they were more or less
under their influence.
A history of the Family Compact, would be a history of the
political life of Canada for many years, including the rebellion of
1837–8. The attempt has not been made to cast unnecessary
reproach upon the old tory party of Upper Canada. As one brought
up a conservative, the writer is free to admit all mistakes committed
by the party in early times—to acknowledge that too much
exclusiveness existed among those, forming the leaders of the party,
and occasionally a disregard of justice. And it is freely admitted,
that great mistakes were made by them, mistakes from the effects
of which the country has not yet recovered. But then, they were
but mistakes, and who does not make them.
It may, then, be said, that in some respects the Family
Compact retarded the advance of civilization. An aristocracy,
or nobility cannot thrive in a new country and will certainly
fail, and in its efforts to live be a drawback on improvements.
586In the debate in the Imperial Parliament upon the constitution
of Canada, Mr. Pitt expresses his desire to have established
in Canada, an hereditary nobility. While never endorsing the
extreme views of Gourlay, it is thought he spake the truth when
he said that “nothing could have so exposed the absurdity,
as actual trial and consequent ridicule. By this day we should
have witnessed many a pleasant farce. We should have seen, perhaps,
the Duke of Ontario leading in a cart of hay, my Lord Erie
pitching, and Sir Peter Superior, making the rick; or perhaps, his
Grace might now have been figuring as a petty-fogging lawyer, his
Lordship as a pedlar, and, Sir Knight, as a poor parson, starving on
5,000 acres of Clergy Reserves.”
If we allowed ourselves to speak of the future of our country,
with respect to this question, we should hesitate to say that the
idea of Pitt cannot be carried out. The repulsiveness of Republicanism
is to Canadians so great that we almost entertain the belief
that our Dominion may ultimately develope into a nation with a
constitutional monarchy, with all its surroundings. It would
certainly be infinitely preferable to the “Model Republic.”
In strong contrast to the Family Compact, yet likewise
obstructionists in the work of advancement, we now mention
another class.
We have said that not a few came to Canada from the States
to trade with the Canadians, to do work, and that some took up
lands, and that of all these a good many became true subjects of the
realm, showing their attachment by taking up arms in 1812. But
while this fact is recognized, it cannot be forgotten, that Canada
was often, is even to-day, plagued with a certain class, styled oftentimes
speculators; but who are in reality of the Peter Funk order.
The class to whom reference is made, is recognized by the honest
Americans themselves. The New York Tribune, after the close of
the Southern war, in speaking of the South, says thus: “We hear
that many of the blacks, thoroughly distrusting their old masters,
place all confidence in the Yankees, who have recently come among
them, and will work for these on almost any terms. We regret
this; for while many of these Yankees will justify their confidence,
others will grossly abuse it. New England produces many of the
best specimens of the human race, and along with these, some of
the very meanest beings that ever stood on two legs—cunning,
rapacious, hypocritical, ever ready to skin a flint with a borrowed
knife, and make (for others) soup out of the peelings. This class
587soon became too well known at home—“run out,” as the phrase is—when
they wandered all over the earth, snuffling and swindling,
to the injury of the land that bore them and cast them out. Now
let it generally be presumed by the ignorant blacks of the South,
that a Yankee, because a Yankee, is necessarily their friend, and
this unclean brood will overspread the South like locusts, starting
schools and prayer-meetings at every cross-road, getting hold of
abandoned or confiscated plantations, and hiring laborers right and
left, cutting timber here, frying out tar and turpentine there, and
growing corn, cotton, rice, and sugar, which they will have sold
at the earliest day and run away with the proceeds, leaving the
negroes in rags and foodless, with winter just coming on.”
It is unnecessary to say, that civilization was never much
advanced by this class, many specimens of which, time after time,
have visited Canada.
Contents—Agriculture—Natural Products—Rice—Ginseng—Orchards—Plows—Reaping—Flax—Legislation—Agricultural
Society organized by Simcoe—A
Snuff Box—Fogies—Silver—Want of help—Midland District taking the
lead—Societies—Legislative help—Prince Edward—Pearl Ashes—Factories—Tanneries—Breweries,
Carding Machines—Paper—Lumber—First vehicles—Sleighs—Waggons—Home-made—Roads—First
Public Conveyances—Stages—Fare—Building Greater—Sawing Mills introduced by the Dutch—First
Brick Building—Myers’ House—Its past history—Furniture from
Albany—Currency—Paper Money—Banks—First Merchants—Barter—Pedlars—On the Bay.
While the dense forest everywhere yet covered the earth, the
shores of the Bay yielded some natural productions. The wild
plum was plentiful in some places, a fruit which, although in its
natural state somewhat sour, has, under cultivation, much improved
in size as well as quality; and constitutes to this day a valuable
luxury; at the same time, it is exceedingly healthy. In some
places also, at the proper seasons, was the delicious cranberries.
These were often brought by the Indians, and exchanged for some
article of the settlers. In some parts of the Bay, there grew wild
rice, which was much prized by the Indians, and which was often
588used by the settlers. It is spoken of as an excellent article of diet,
and when boiled with meat, very tasty as well. The grain is much
smaller than the imported article; not unfrequently, the Indians
would collect the grain and sell it to the settlers.
In the year 1716, a Jesuit discovered in the forests of Canada,
the Ginseng plant, which grew also in China, where it was in much
demand because of certain supposed virtues to which, however, it
rightly has no claim. It is of the genus Panax. It “became a
means of enriching the colony for a time, by its exportation to
China. A pound weight of it worth two francs at Quebec, sold
at Canton for twenty-five francs. Its price ultimately rose to
eighty francs per pound. One year, there was sent thither, ginseng
yielding a return of 500,000 francs. The high price it obtained set
everybody at work to find it. The plant was not in proper condition
till August or September; but with purblind avidity, the
seekers gathered it in May. The fresh plants ought to have been
slowly dried in the shade; the gatherers, anxious to get returns,
dried them in ovens. They then became worthless in Chinese estimation;
and the trade in it ceased almost as suddenly as it began.”—(Garneau.)
But, according to other authority, the trouble consisted
in the actual destruction of the plant, from gathering it too
early in the season, whereby the plant was killed, which seems a
more likely thing. Some of the settlers of the Bay had knowledge
of the value of the plant in Chinese estimation, as the following
letter will show. It is addressed to Mr. Wm. Bell, of Thurlow, who
was subsequently known as Col. Bell. “Fredericksburgh, 16th July,
1799. Sir—I have taken the liberty of enclosing to you an advertisement,
as you will see—Respecting Ginseng roots, having in
view to get all I can—and, thinking the Indians would be likely to
collect considerable of a quantity, will thank you to acquaint them
of it, or any of the white people you may see; and set up the advertisement
in the most public place about you.—And oblige, Your
very humble servant, Eben’r Washburn.”
Another letter, dated Aug. 27, 1799, says “I have to acknowledge
the attention you have paid to mine of prior date, in respect
of Ginseng. I will thank you to keep the refusal of the 500 lbs.
you mention, if possible, and collect more if you can.” Mr. Washburn
says that he is about to set out for Montreal; and it was, most
likely, to see what market he could make of the article in question.
One of the first considerations, after the settler had attained
comparative comfort, at least secured what was requisite for life,
589was the planting of fruit trees. No doubt, the thoughts often
reverted back to the old orchards which had been left behind, and
although the pioneer, in the afternoon of life, could not expect to
derive any personal return for planting orchards, he was anxious to
leave them to his children. This same spirit—this regard for
offspring, constituted a marked feature in the U. E. Loyalists. The
earliest reference to apple trees we find, is in a letter, dated “Sydney,
22rd July, 1791,” from John Ferguson, to William Bell, Kingston,
requesting the latter to bring some to Sidney.
The implements of husbandry, like the utensils for household
use, were, for a considerable time, of the rudest description. Among
the articles granted by government, were but few to use in the tilling
of land and the reaping of crops. Here and there was one who
had come at a later date, who had fetched with them articles more
essential for farm use; but the great majority had not such things
as hoes, plows, pitch-forks, scythes, &c. Many of these were made
by the settlers, and were of the rudest order, although generally
strong enough, and therefore cumbersome enough. It was many
years before these home-made implements were substituted by
others made abroad. Gourlay informs us, writing, 1817, that most
of the farmers made their own plows and harrows. The iron of the
plow costing from nine to twelve dollars.
As the thickly covered ground, with stumps, materially interfered
with the sowing of grain; so with gathering the products.
For several years, they had only in use the sickle; but, in time, the
Yankee pedlar brought in the scythe, which ultimately took the
place of the sickle.
It has been observed, in connection with the “clothing” of the
early settlers, that they turned their attention to the growing of
flax, and that it was made to afford comfortable and durable habiliments
for both sexes. There was, as well, early attention given to
the cultivation of hemp, “in pursuance of two several addresses of
the House of Commons.” In 1804, £1,000 was granted, and Commissioners
appointed, to carry into effect the object thereof, cultivation
and exportation. The following year, £45 was granted for the
purchase of hemp seed. Another Act was passed in 1808, to
encourage its cultivation and exportation. Again, there was legislation
in 1810, and in 1812, when £1,000 was granted for the
purchase, sale and exportation of hemp, purchase of seed, and for
bounties. In 1822, it was enacted that £300 be appropriated to purchase
machinery for dressing hemp, that the machinery should be
590imported free, the place for erection to be selected by the Governor,
£50 was to be applied annually to keep it in repair. But, notwithstanding
all this legislation, and substantial encouragement, the
cultivation of hemp did not succeed. The object seems to have
been to supply hemp for the British market, which derived it from
Russia. But labor being cheaper in that country than in Canada,
there was no chance for success. Gourlay says “This absurdity we
must not wholly rest on the shoulders of the simple Canadians.
They were simple indeed, to be voting away the public money; but
it was a patriotic measure, and blindness may be allowable in
matters so elevated and pure. No doubt they were spurred on by
our home ministers, who should have known better. The failure
produced more beneficial effects than would have waited on success.”
Gov. Simcoe, who had the interest of the Province so much at
heart, gave his patronage to, if indeed he did not inspire the organization
of the first Agricultural Society, at Newark. Col. Clark, of
Dalhousie says “I have a perfect remembrance of the first Agricultural
Society patronized by Governor Simcoe, who subscribed his
ten guineas a year cheerfully. My father was a member, and the
monthly dinners were given by the members during the season,
with the great silver snuff-box ornamented with the horn of plenty
on its lid.” The Col. remarks that this snuff-box was the property
of the society, and was taken care of by the one who was next to
furnish the dinner; and goes on to lament that it is lost, hoping it
may be found, “that it may remain as an heir-loom to tell posterity
at what an early period the progress of Agriculture was followed
up and which has led to its present high state of perfection.”
Thus we see that in Niagara District, at the very commencement
of the Government of Upper Canada, attention was given, even by
the Governor, to agricultural matters. Although the settlers upon
the Niagara frontier, established agricultural societies at an earlier
date than any found in the Midland Districts, it may be presumed
that it was in a great measure due to the impetus given to the settlement
by the presence of the seat of Government, and the influence
exerted by the Governor. And, although steps may not have been
taken to secure their establishment along the Bay Quinté, yet, even
so early as the beginning of the last decade of the last century, individuals
were to be found who sought to introduce improvements in
agriculture, and everything that would advance the art. At the
same time it must be admitted that a vast number were content to
follow in the footsteps of their fathers so long as food and enough
591were yielded by the soil. The land was plentiful, and productive.
The course of events was even as a steady stream. The old men
satisfied with the abundance of to-day, and drawing a contrast
between the present and the past, when starvation was at the door,
and in the cupboard, were quite content with the primitive system
of agriculture, which his soldier father had adopted. He saw no
other mode of tilling the soil, and with no reason sought not a
change, so no innovations by scientific agriculturalists disturbed the
quiet repose of many of the steady going plodders. Their sons
rarely went abroad to learn the ways of others; and often what did
come to their ears was regarded with great suspicion. They
wanted no new-fangled notions. Hence, the farms were not fully
cultivated for many a day, parts remaining in a waste state for
want of drain. But the establishment of agricultural associations
and the occasional coming of a new man upon an old farm gradually,
and frequently very gradually, dispelled the old man’s ideas.
The townships most contiguous to the town of Kingston, naturally
were the first to experience prosperity, and gradually the
adjacent townships also became productive, and means were created
to transport the produce to the market.
We are told by Mrs. P——, daughter of John Ham, of Ernesttown,
now upwards of seventy, that she remembers one occasion,
about the beginning of the present century, that her father coming
from Kingston, after selling produce, had a bag of silver dollars, as
much as she could lift—$900. By this we learn that his farm was
productive, his labor well directed, and that hard cash was paid for
his produce by the Kingston merchants. It shows, moreover, that
this was over and above the cost of what was required of merchandize
by him for his family using.
One serious drawback with the farmers often was the want of
assistants. If a farmer had not a son old enough to help, he was
in great trouble oftentimes to secure the necessary help. Frenchmen
were frequently employed, yet they could not be fully depended
upon to remain during the whole season. At harvest time, when
large wages would be offered, the hired man would often, without
hesitation, leave his employer to go to another who would give for
a while, larger wages. In the absence of men, the wife and
daughters took hold of the fork, cradle, and rake.
If we may credit the statements of writers who had passed
through Canada in the beginning of the present century, the Midland
District took the lead in agricultural and social progress. Mr.
592Talbot, whose opinion of the Canadians, as to their intelligence,
education, morals, and religion, was anything but flattering, made
a pedestrian tour from the west to Montreal, in 1823. He
says of the inhabitants of Sidney, Thurlow, and Richmond, that
they possessed more wealth than any other people in the Province.
But Mr. Talbot passed only along the Kingston Road by Napanee,
and saw not the townships of the lower part of the bay, or he would
have seen even a more advanced state of prosperity and agricultural
wealth.
The first formation of agricultural societies was initiated by an
Act of Parliament, passed March 6, 1830. The object of this Act
was to give encouragement to organize associations in the several
districts, “For the purpose of importing live stock, grain, grass,
seeds, useful implements, or whatever else might conduce to the
improvement of agriculture.” It was enacted that each society,
having had subscribed to it £50, should, upon petitioning the
Governor, receive the sum of £100. This Act was to remain in
force four years.
This Act was promptly responded to by the inhabitant of the
Midland District. So early as the 27th April following, a meeting
of the inhabitants of the district was held at the Court House,
Kingston, H. C. Thompson, Esq., Chairman, and H. Smyth, Esq.,
Secretary, and “A form of a constitution for an Agricultural Society
was read and submitted to the meeting for approval.” The following
day, the adjourned meeting adopted a constitution for the Midland
District Agricultural Society. The officers were to be a President,
five Vice-Presidents, thirty Directors, a Treasurer, and a Secretary—One
Vice-President, and six Directors to be elected from each of
the five counties in the district. John McCaulay, Esq., was elected
President; David J. Smith, Esq., Treasurer, and H. C. Thompson,
Esq., Secretary of the Society. It was “Resolved” by the Society,
“that Isaac Fraser, Esq., of Addington; Allan McPherson, Esq., of
Lennox; Asa Worden, Esq., of Prince Edward; and William Bell,
Esq., of Hastings, be requested to call meetings in their respective
counties,” and make returns as to whom had been elected for Vice-Presidents
and Directors. The Vice-President for the County of
Frontenac was John Marks, Esq.
In the Hallowell Free Press of May 31, 1831, we find that the
“Annual Meeting of the Prince Edward Agricultural Association,
was held at Striker’s Inn, in Hallowell, on the 26th instant. The
following officers were chosen for the following year:—Stephen Miles,
593President; James Colter, William Cunningham, and Paul Clapp, Vice-Presidents;
S. P. McPherson, Secretary; B. Dougall, Assistant Secretary;
David Smith, Treasurer.” The Government having offered a
bounty of £100 to every society which could raise £50; the Prince
Edward Society raised the necessary amount. But judging from a
communication, which subsequently appeared in the Press, the townships
of Hallowell and Hillier, raised the most of the amount, £46;
Marysburgh, Sophiasburgh, and Ameliasburgh, paying only £4.
In a General Report of Midland District, 1817, it is stated that
“the assess roll gives about 3,600 horses above two years; 100
oxen above four years; 6,185 milch cows; 1,654 head of young cattle
above two years.”
The first great obstacle to agriculture in Upper Canada was the
thickly standing trees, many of which were large and hard in substance.
For the first years, with every one, destruction of the trees
was the only consideration, not even the ashes were thought of. But
after a time, their value for the manufacture of pot and pearl ashes
was recognized. In July, 1801, an Act was passed to appoint Inspectors
of flour, and pot and pearl ashes, in order to establish the
credit of those articles in foreign markets, the fee for examining to be
threepence per barrel of flour, and one shilling for every cask of pot
ash.
The following appears in the Kingston Gazette, April 19, 1817,
after stating that “a Pearl and Pot Barley Factory is to be established
in Ernesttown. It is said this is the first establishment of the kind we
recollect to have heard of in Upper Canada, we have seen some of the
barley, and think it equal to that imported. Such domestic manufactories
ought to be encouraged by the community.”
The first Brewery and Distillery established in Upper Canada,
was built by John Finkle, of Ernesttown, on his own place. He
also kept, for many years the only tavern between Kingston and
York. Mr. Finkle also built the first Masonic Lodge of Upper
Canada, at his own expense, upon the town plot of Fredericksburgh.
It is stated in Gourlay, that in 1817, there was in Kingston
township “a machine for carding wool, at the rate of nine-pence
per pound.” In Ernesttown “there were two carding, and one
fulling machines. One barley hulling mill, together with a blast
furnace. Carding is nine-pence half-penny per pound, and fulling
six-pence per yard.” In Sophiasburgh there was one carding
594machine. In Hallowell, there was one carding, and one fulling
machine. Thurlow had two carding machines, and two fulling mills.
In the whole Midland District, there were twenty-four grist-mills
and forty saw-mills.
John Morden, who came to the bay about 1790, “was a man
well known in his day, being a manufacturer of general household
goods, as chairs, spinning-wheels, flax-dressers, weaver’s apparatus,
and other things. In the house of mostly every descendant of a
Quinté settler, may be found some of his work, especially those who
occupy the homesteads.”
As an indication of the desire of Government to encourage
home manufactures, we find that Parliament, in 1826, granted £125
as a premium to the first “who should set up a manufactory of
paper,” and bring it into successful operation.
The valuable timber that thickly covered the ground, was, at
the first, indiscriminately destroyed, scarcely thinking of saving
the ashes; but, in a few years, the majestic pine, oak, elm, and
other trees of the forest were sought after by the lumber merchant.
For many years, lumbering was carried on in the Bay Quinté, and
rafted to Montreal, and was a source of no little profit.
The wilderness was trackless, and of course some time elapsed
before vehicles of any kind could be used, except in winter, after
the bays and rivers had frozen. Rude sleighs, made by inferior
tools, were the first made. At first hand-sleighs; and then heavier
ones, to be used with oxen and horses. But as the beasts of burden
were scarce, there was but one here and there, who had occasion to
make a vehicle of any kind, except what could be hauled by hand.
The sleighs were often used in summer to haul in grain and hay
from the field. Some constructed a sort of waggon by sawing a
hard-wood tree, of suitable size across, making four pieces about a
foot in length. Holes having been bored through the centre of the
blocks, they constituted the wheels of the waggon. The axle-tree
of hard-wood was then fashioned to suit the wheels, and in this way
a rough, but serviceable vehicle was made, which proved of great
use, especially in hauling grain and hay to the place of stacking.
The account of one is given which would carry as much as 150
sheaves.
As years elapsed, and roads were cut and made passable,
waggons were introduced. One of the first waggons brought into
the Province was, it is said, by Jacob Cronk, of Sophiasburgh. It
came from Duchess County, New York. The second one was
595brought by James Way. Possibly this is not true, but at least they
were the first introduced into that township.
The first public conveyance by land between Kingston and
Montreal, was made by Dickenson. He called on Judge Cartwright
to consult him about opening a line of stage travel. Consequently,
in 1808, a line was established. It ran all the year round, though
not so regularly in summer as in winter. “Lumber gentlemen
from Quebec traveled through by the stage.”—(Finkle.)
It was not until the war of 1812, that a line of stages was commenced
between Kingston and York. By an advertisement in the
Kingston Gazette, it is learned that in June, 1817, “A stage was
commenced running from Kingston to York, leaving Kingston
every Monday morning at six o’clock, and York every Thursday
morning, same hour.” “Persons wishing for a passage will call at
Mr. David Brown’s Inn, Kingston, where the stage-books will be
kept. From twenty to twenty-eight pounds baggage will be allowed
to each passenger, over this they must be charged for. All baggage
sent by the stage will be forwarded with care, and delivered
with punctuality, and all favors acknowledged by the public’s
humble servant. (Signed), Samuel Purdy, Kingston, January 23,
1817. N.B. Stage fare, eighteen dollars.”
The same year, Lieutenant Hull, traveling in Canada, writes
that there is a stage waggon from Montreal to Prescott, which
carries the mail. From thence to Kingston the mail is carried on
horseback. The stage waggon, he remarks, is the roughest conveyance
on either side of the Atlantic.
The first buildings were of logs, generally put up in their
natural rough state; now and then, as the Government mill at
Kingston, the logs were squared. There was only one way of
procuring sawed lumber, and that was by the whip saw. But few
of the settlers thought of spending the time and labor necessary to
obtain what was not strictly necessary. Houses, barns, saw-mills,
flouring-mills, even breweries and still-houses were all alike constructed
of logs. Indeed, many a one had no barn for years; stacking
his grain, and thrashing upon the ground, made smooth and hard.
When, however, sawing-mills began to spring up here and there,
sawed lumber became a more common article, and after several
years, individuals, better off than others, began to put up framed
buildings, both houses and barns, and so forth. Sawing-mills were
introduced originally into America by the Dutch, and it was their
descendants who introduced them into Canada. But it was slowly
596done. It required no little capital to procure even the small amount
of machinery which was then used, and to have it brought so long
a distance. Then, millwrights were not plentiful, and often inferior
in skill. Indeed there was nothing at hand by which
to erect sawing-mills, until after many years. In the meantime,
the whip saw enabled them to construct something like a
door for the house and log barn; and rough sort of furniture was
made for the house. But toward the close of the last century, sawing-mills
became somewhat numerous. The demand for lumber
was foreseen, and those who had a water privilege set about to get
up a mill. Following the saw-mill came the grist-mill, which,
though more needed than the former, because of its greater expense,
was not built until a later period. It was about the first of
1800, that frame buildings began to appear in the first, second, and
third townships particularly, to take the place of the log hut. Mr.
George Finkle, of Ernesttown, says, his father Henry Finkle, who,
during the war, had learned the use of carpenter’s tools, in the Engineer
Department, built, with his whip saw and cross-cut saw, the first
frame house in the country. He also built the first school-house, and
a dwelling house for the teacher on his own premises. Likewise, the
first wharf along the bay.
We have made somewhat extensive enquiries, and believe we are
correct in stating that the oldest brick building in Upper Canada is
situated upon the brow of the hill at Belleville. We also entertain
the belief that it was the first, certainly one of the very first brick
buildings put up in the Province. It is known as Myers’ House,
having been built by Captain Myers about the year 1794. This quaint
edifice, upon which the tooth of time is eating so peacefully, standing
upon the brink of the hill was, when new, of most imposing appearance;
and, no doubt, stood up grandly, overlooking the winding river, and
the thickly set cedars at its base. The bricks were made in Sidney
at the Myers Place, five miles east of Trenton. Captain Myers
was a man of great hospitality, which was shared in by his estimable
spouse, whose short stature and genial face is remembered by some
yet living. They served visitors at the brick house always with an
excellent board. Here, many a distinguished traveler between Kingston
and York, Dr. Strachan among the number, found a welcome.
Not less so was it with the farmers round about, who came long
distances to get grists ground; all such were invited to the table and
supplied with a bed until the grist was ground. The furniture for
the house was procured at Albany.
597In June, 1796, an Act was passed “for the better Regulation of
certain Coins current in the Province;” and it was enacted that the
British guinea, the Johannes of Portugal, the moidore of Portugal,
the American eagle, the British crown, the British shilling, the Spanish
milled dollar, the Spanish pistareen, the French crown, and several
other French pieces; the American dollar, should pass as legal tender
at certain specified value.
The punishment for tendering “a counterfeit, knowingly,” of any
of the gold or silver coins of Great Britain, Portugal, the United
States, Spain, or France, was to suffer one year’s imprisonment, and
be set in and upon the pillory for the space of one hour, in some conspicuous
place, and upon a second conviction, he should be adjudged
guilty of felony without benefit of clergy.
The first paper money issued in America, was by the Anglo-Americans
in 1689, to pay the troops under Sir William Phipps, when
he returned from the unsuccessful seige of Quebec. The value ranged
from ten pounds to two shillings.
During the war of 1812, in 1813, an Act was passed “to facilitate
the circulation within the Province, of Army Bills, issued by the
authority of the Lower Province.” It was to continue one year
unless peace was declared.
The first Legislation in Upper Canada, with respect to banks,
was in 1819, when the Bank of Kingston, or, as it was subsequently
called Pretended Bank of Upper Canada, was incorporated; but,
this was “forfeited by non-user,” although the institution was in
operation, under the title of “the President, Directors, and Company
of the Bank of Upper Canada.” Legislation was made in 1823, to
settle the affairs of the “pretended bank.” The commissioners were
George Herkimer, Markland, John Kirby, and John Macaulay. Repeated
Acts were necessary before the affairs of this company were
fully settled.
In 1819, was also passed an Act to “form the Company of the
Bank of Upper Canada.” It was reserved for the assent of His
Majesty, which was given and made known by proclamation in 1821.
Among the names of those who petitioned for the Act of Incorporation,
are those of Allan, Baldwin, Legge, Jackson, Ridout, Boulton,
Robinson, Macaulay, Cameron, and Anderson. This bank, the failure
of which so recently occurred, was, in its time, of great benefit to the
Province, and it deserved a better fate.
A necessary attendant of civilization is a sufficient supply of
such merchandize as is requisite to give comfort, and even luxuries.
598The long distance of the first settlers of Upper Canada from the
marts of commerce, with a barrier of forest, and the swift rapids of
the St. Lawrence, kept out for many a day, many comforts, and all
luxuries. But in time, persons engaged in the mercantile business,
and articles of various kinds began to find their way into the wilderness-bound
colony. The first merchants of the Province were engaged in
the fur trade; but, as time passed away, they found customers among
the settlers, who bought their produce, and, in return, brought to them
goods.
Among the first, and the principal merchants of Upper Canada
were Duncan, of Matilda; Cartwright, of Kingston; Hamilton, of
Queenstown; and Robertson, of Sandwich. These gentlemen, we
have seen, occupied conspicuous positions, and amassed no little
wealth; unless we except Duncan, who removed. The Hon.
Robert Hamilton, it is said, died, leaving an estate worth £200,000.
Colonel Clarke, of Dalhousie, speaks of his brothers Peter and
James, who “turned merchants, having been supplied with an assortment
of goods from Montreal. In 1790, they went into the Indian
trade at Kingston, which had a great communication with the back
lakes.”
We also learn that Mr. Macaulay carried on business first at
Carleton Island, and afterward at Kingston, with no little profit. One
of the oldest settlers in Kingston was Joseph Forsyth. He became
one of the first merchants in Kingston, and for many years conducted
a lucrative business with the Indians and settlers. He “ever maintained
the character of an upright and reputable merchant.” He died
20th September, 1813, aged fifty-three.
A bartering trade commenced between the settlers in the township
of Kingston, and the nearer townships, and some persons at
Carleton Island; gradually the field of operation was transferred to
Kingston. Many of the loyalists, who were constantly arriving, procured
food and a few other things at these places.
In 1817, there were in the Township of Kingston sixty-seven
stores and shops, this includes the different denominations of shops
kept by mechanics. In the whole of Midland District there were
about eighty-eight merchants’ shops: twenty-four storehouses. Mr.
Gourlay says, at this time, that Kingston is the third place in the
Canadas, Quebec and Montreal being first.
When want no longer rested upon the inhabitants, they began to
look even for comforts and luxuries. They were supplied now and
then with articles, both those essential to living, and those which may
599be called comforts and luxuries, by itinerant merchants. These
pedlars were generally from the States, and often managed to drive
bargains in which the settler received not a fair return for the grain or
other article he parted with. But some of the pedlars were honest, and
ultimately became settlers and good loyal subjects. One of the first, probably
the first, to visit the western extremity of the bay, was one Asa
Walbridge, an old bachelor, somewhat eccentric, and withal shrewd,
he not only turned an honest penny, but contributed very much to the
welfare and comfort of the settlers. His head-quarters, when ashore,
were at the mouth of Myers’ Creek, where he was the first to erect a
log house. It was he brought in many of the first fruit trees, which
have rendered many of the old farms more valuable. He brought in
the seeds from the States, and planted numbers here and there,
often from motives of kindness alone. We have been told that all
the old orchards in Prince Edward came from his planting. Some
of the merchants in Kingston entrusted goods to local storekeepers
by whom the settlers were also supplied with articles of different
kinds.
Dr. Armstrong says, I ought not to omit the name of James
Cummings, Esq., merchant, of the Port of Hallowell, now Picton.
He was a man of sterling integrity, upright and just in all his dealings.
He was greatly respected and esteemed, and died in the midst
of his manhood, greatly lamented, about the year 1818. He was a
younger brother of the late John Cummings, of Kingston.
Contents—Steam vessels—Crossing the Atlantic in 1791—First Steam Vessel—Hudson—The
second on the St. Lawrence—First across the Atlantic—In
Upper Canada—Frontenac—Built in Ernesttown—The Builders—Finkle’s
Point—Cost of Vessel—Dimensions—Launched—First Trip—Captain
McKenzie—Walk-in-the-Water—Queen Charlotte—How Built—Upon Bay
Quinté—Capt. Dennis—First year—Death of Dennis—Henry Gilderslieve—What
he did—Other Steamboats—Canals—First in Upper Canada—Welland
Canal—Desjardin—Rideau—Its object—Col. By—A proposed Canal—Railroads—The
first in the world—Proposed Railway from Kingston to Toronto,
1846—In Prince Edward District—Increase of Population—Extract from
Dr. Lillie—Comparison with the United States—Favorable to Canada—False
Cries—The French—Midland District, 1818.
We have already, under “Traveling in early Times,” spoken
of the first vessels that floated upon the waters of the western
600world, and we design now to speak of those which advancing civilization
brought, to a certain extent, to supersede the original boats
used by the Indians and first European colonisers. At the present
day Europe is brought into close relationship with us by the swiftly
running steamer, while the two continents hold daily intercourse by
means of the telegraph; yet, not a century ago, it required many
months for the slow-sailing ship to traverse the breadth of the
Atlantic. In 1789, mails with England was only twice a year. At
the time Simcoe came to Canada, in 1791, there were only those
merchant ships that made altogether eleven voyages in the year.
“A Traveler,” writes, that “regular packets across the Atlantic,
first sailed in 1764. The Liverpool Packet Line began running
in 1818.”
The river Hudson, named after the navigator of that name,
who ascended this splendid stream, called, by the native Indians,
“The great River of Mountains,” in 1609, has the honor of being
the place whereon floated the first steamboat that existed in the
world. The boat was launched in the year 1807, being named
‘Clermont.’ It was of 150 tons burden. The engine was procured
from Birmingham. Robert Fulton, of New York, though not the
originator of steam power, was the first in America who directed it
to the propelling of boats. Fulton, the pioneer in boats by steam,
lived not long enough to see accomplished the grand end of propelling
boats thus across the Atlantic. He died in 1815. The second
steamboat built in America, was launched at Montreal, 3rd Nov.,
1809, built by John Molson. It was called Accommodation, and plied
between Montreal and Quebec. At the first trip it carried ten
passengers from Montreal to Quebec, taking thirty-six hours. The
whole city of Quebec came out to see her enter the harbor. The
fare was eight dollars down, and nine up.
It is found stated that the first steamboat from America to
England, was in 1819; and the first steamboat built in Great Britain
was in 1812, by Henry Bell, of Glasgow. But the following is found
in the Portland Advertiser:—“The first steamship which made the
voyage, under steam throughout, across the Atlantic, was the Royal
William, in 1833. This vessel was of 180 horse-power, and 1,000
tons burden, and built at a place called Three Rivers, on the St.
Lawrence, in Canada. The voyage was made from Picton, Nova
Scotia to Cowes, Isle of Wight.”
The first steamboat on Lake Ontario, the Frontenac, was built
upon the shores of the Bay, at Finkle’s Point, Ernesttown, eighteen
601miles from Kingston, and within the corporation of Bath. She was
commenced in October, 1815, and launched the following season.
The three years of war had caused many changes in Upper Canada.
On the whole, it may be said that the war materially benefitted the
Province. After peace, things did not relapse into their former
state. A spirit of enterprise was abroad, especially in the mercantile
community. The leading men of Kingston conceived the
idea of forming a company to build a steamboat, to ply on Lake
Ontario, and the navigable waters of the St. Lawrence. A company
was consequently formed, composed of individuals belonging to
Kingston, Niagara, Queenston, York, and Prescott. The shareholders
of Kingston were Joseph Forsyth, Yeomans, Marsh, Lawrence
Herkimer, John Kirby, Capt. Murney, William Mitchell, and, in
fact, all of the principal men except the Cartwright family. Advertisements
were issued for tenders to construct the boat. The
advertisement was responded to by two parties; a Scotchman,
by the name of Bruce, from Montreal, and Henry Teabout, from
Sacket’s Harbor. Bruce was several days at Kingston before the
other person arrived, and he supposed he would get the contract.
Mr. Finkle says Teabout came with a letter from Hooker and Crane
to Johns and Finkle, informing them who Teabout was, and asking
them to favor him with their influence in procuring the contract.
The letter was shown to Mr. Kirby, of Kingston, who was one of
the committee of the company. Mr. Kirby assured Finkle and
Johns, that notwithstanding the prejudice which existed on account
of the war, the tender of Teabout should receive every justice. No
other tender being made, the committee met and decided, by a small
majority, to accept Teabout’s. All those who voted for Bruce “were
either Scotch or of Scottish descent.” Teabout having received
the contract, at once, with Finkle, set about to find a place to build.
After two day’s examination of the coast, he selected Finkle’s
Point, in consequence of the gravelly nature of the shore, as thereby
would be obviated the delay which frequently followed rains, where
soils would not quickly dry. “The next consideration was to
advance £5,000 to go to New York and procure a ship carpenter
and other necessaries to commence operations. Accordingly, we
(Johns and Finkle) became security, with the understanding that
so soon as the boat should be so far advanced as to be considered
worth the security, our bond would be returned. So satisfactorily
did the work progress, that the bond was shortly handed to us by
the Treasurer, who was William Mitchell. Here I will digress a
602short time. During the war of 1812, David Eckford, the Master
ship-builder, of New York, was sent to Sacket’s Harbour, to take
charge of the ship building at that place, and brought with him his
carpenters. Among them were three young men, Henry Teabout,
James Chapman and William Smith. The last was born on Staten
Island, the other two in New York. Teabout and Smith served
their time with Eckford. Chapman was a block turner. At the
close of the war, these three formed a co-partnership, and Teabout,
in contracting for building the Frontenac, was acting for the company.
Before building the steamboat, they had built for themselves
at Sacket’s Harbour, the Kingston, the only craft plying between
Sacket’s and Kingston, and a fine schooner for the Lake, called the
Woolsley. Chapman was in charge of the Kingston, and was doing a
more than ordinary profitable business. Bruce’s friends wished to
do something for him, and had him appointed, at a guinea a day, to
inspect the timber (of the Frontenac). His study was to delay the
building of the boat; there was a constant contest between him
and Teabout.”—(Finkle). The contract price of the wood work was
£7,000. When the boat was almost ready for the machinery, the
contractor’s funds were expended. The engine cost £7,000. Before
the vessel was completed, the cost reached nearly the sum of
£20,000.
The Kingston Gazette informs us that “On Saturday, the 7th
of September, 1816, the steamboat Frontenac was launched at the
village of Ernesttown. A numerous concourse of people assembled
on the occasion. But, in consequence of an approaching shower, a
part of the spectators withdrew before the launch actually took
place. The boat moved slowly from her place, and descended with
majestic sweep into her proper element. The length of her keel is
150 feet; her deck, 170 feet; (the tonnage was about 700). Her
proportions strike the eye very agreeably; and good judges have
pronounced this to be the best piece of naval architecture of the
kind yet produced in America. It reflects honor upon Messrs.
Trebout and Chapman, the contractors, and their workmen; and
also upon the proprietors, the greater part of whom are among the
most respectable merchants and other inhabitants of the County of
Frontenac, from which the name is derived. The machinery for
this valuable boat was imported from England, and is said to be of
an excellent structure. It is expected that she will be finished and
ready for use in a few weeks. Steam navigation having succeeded
to admiration in various rivers, the application of it to the waters of
603the Lakes is an interesting experiment. Every friend to public
improvements must wish it all the success which is due to a spirit of
useful enterprise.” The Gazette adds: “A steamboat was lately
launched at Sacket’s Harbor. The opposite side of the Lake, which
not long ago vied with each other in the building of ships of war,
seem now to be equally emulous of commercial superiority.”
Gourlay says the boat at Sacket’s Harbor was on a smaller scale,
and less expensive. “She, the Frontenac, was estimated to cost
£14,000; before she commenced her watery walk, her cost exceeded
£20,000.”—(Finkle). “The deck was 170 feet long and thirty-two
feet wide, draws only eight feet when loaded. Two paddle-wheels,
with about forty feet circumference; answers slowly to the helm.”—(Howison).
The Kingston Gazette, of May 24, 1817, says, “Yesterday afternoon
the steamboat left Mr. Kirby’s wharf for the dock at Point
Frederick. We are sorry to hear, that through some accident, the
machinery of one of the wheels has been considerably damaged,
notwithstanding which, however, she moved with majestic grandeur
against a strong wind. We understand she has gone to the dock,
it being a more convenient place for putting in a suction pipe.”
The same paper, of May 31, 1817, further says, “The steamboat
Frontenac, after having completed the necessary work at the Naval
Yard, left this port yesterday morning, for the purpose of taking
in wood at the Bay Quinté. A fresh breeze was blowing into the
harbor, against which she proceeded swiftly and steadily, to the
admiration of a great number of spectators. We congratulate the
managers and proprietors of this elegant boat, upon the prospects
she affords of facilitating the navigation of Lake Ontario, by furnishing
an expeditious and certain mode of conveyance to its various
ports.” “June 7th, 1817. The Frontenac left this port on Thursday
(5th,) on her first trip for the head of the Lake.” She was commanded
by Capt. James McKenzie, of the Royal Navy, the first
trip she made, who continued in command until she was no longer
seaworthy. The Purser was A. G. Petrie, of Belleville, now far
advanced in years. The Frontenac made the trip up and down the
Lake and River, to Prescott, once a week. Whether she went
further west than York, at first, is uncertain. Capt. Jas. McKenzie
“came to Canada with the first division of the Royal Navy, sent
from England to serve on the Lakes during the war of 1812. At
the conclusion of the war, he returned to England, and was placed
on half pay; but his active habits led him to consider and study the
604powers of the steam engine, and he soon became acquainted with
its complicated machinery. In 1816, he returned to Kingston, and
assisted in fitting up the Frontenac, which he commanded till she
was worn out. Since, he has commanded the Alciope on this Lake,
and at the time of his death, (27th August, 1832, aged 50), was
engaged in the construction of two other steamboats; one at the
head of the Lake, and one at Lake Simcoe; and was, on most
occasions, consulted respecting the management of steamboats, so
that he may justly be called the father of steam navigation in Upper
Canada—his death may be considered a great loss to society and to
the country.”
The first steamboat built to ply on Lake Erie was “Walk-in-the-Water,”
built at Buffalo at the same time the “Frontenac” was
built, and commenced her watery walk about the same time.
Respecting the Kingston, built at Sacket’s Harbor, we find
it stated she was intended to ply between Lewiston and Ogdensburgh,
but after a trial of a few months the undertaking was found to be
either unprofitable or too much for the powers of the vessel to
accomplish, and she afterwards employed ten days in making the
round trip of 600 miles. She was 100 feet long and 24 feet wide,
measuring 246 tons. The wheels were about 11 feet in diameter,
and the capacity of the engine 21 horse power.
Almost immediately after the Frontenac was launched a
second steamboat was commenced. The material which had been
collected while building the Frontenac had not all been used, and
went far in the construction of the “Queen Charlotte,” which was
destined to be the pioneer steamer upon the Bay Quinté and River
St. Lawrence, in its upper waters. She was built by shares of £50
each. Johns and Finkle had nine shares. She was built, (Gilderslieve
being the principal shipwright,) launched, and commenced running
in the early part of 1818. The engine was furnished by Brothers
Wards of Montreal, being made at their foundry. She was not long
launched before she was ready to run. She made trips twice a week
from Wilkins’ wharf, at the Carrying Place, to Prescott. She was
commanded a few of the first trips by an old veteran captain named
Richardson, who lived then near Picton, and afterward to the close
of the season, by a young man named Mosier. Of the number of passengers
on the first trip we have no knowledge, but suppose them to
be few, for Belleville, then the largest place above Kingston, was a
mere hamlet—Trent, Hallowell, Adolphustown and Bath were
the only stopping places from the head of the Bay to Kingston.
605They were regulated in their course, the first summer by frequently
heaving the lead, an old man-of-war’s-man being on board for the
purpose. (Collins reported in 1788 that vessels drawing only from
eight to ten feet of water can go into the Bay Quinté). For two
seasons she was commanded by Capt. Dennis; Mr. Gilderslieve was
purser the second and third seasons; and the fourth commenced his
captaincy, which lasted as long as the boat was seaworthy, a period
of nearly twenty years; he was, at the building, a master shipwright,
and became a stockholder.
Says Mrs. Carroll, “of the fare from place to place I have no
knowledge, but from the head of the bay to Kingston, the first season
it was five dollars, meals included.”
The good old Charlotte was a very acceptable improvement in
the navigation of the Bay. A few of the owners of sailing crafts,
perhaps, suffered for a time; but the settlers regarded her as an unmixed
blessing. During the first years she was so accommodating
as to stop any where to pick up a passenger from a small boat, or
let one off.
The old inhabitants of to-day speak of her with words of kindness.
But the Queen Charlotte has passed away. The last remembered
of her was her hull rotting away in the Cataraqui Bay above
the bridge.
The steamer did not prove remunerative to the stockholders
until Gilderslieve became the commander. Of the second Captain,
we produce the subjoined from a Toronto daily of 1867:
Death of Mr. Dennis.—“We observe with much regret the
death of Joseph Dennis, Esq., of Weston, and with it the severance of
another link connecting us with the early history of this country.
Mr. Dennis was born in New Brunswick in 1789, his father, the
late John Dennis, having settled there after being driven out of the
United States as a U. E. Loyalist. The family removed to Canada
some three years later, Mr. John Dennis receiving a grant of land
for his services and losses as a Loyalist. This land was selected on
the Humber river, and on it he then settled and lived, till having
been appointed Superintendent of the dock-yard, he removed to
Kingston.
“Our recently deceased friend, Mr. Joseph Dennis, was brought
up in the dock-yard to a thorough knowledge of ship-building, which
occupation, however, he soon exchanged for a more congenial
one—that of sailing. Owning a vessel on the lake at the outbreak
606of the American war of 1812, he placed himself and his vessel at the
disposal of the Government, and was attached to the Provincial
Marine. In one of the actions on Lake Ontario he lost his vessel,
was captured, and retained a prisoner in the hands of the enemy for
some fifteen months. He subsequently commanded, we believe, the
first steamer on the waters of Lake Ontario, the Princess Charlotte,
which plied, as regularly as could be expected from a steamer of fifty
years back, between the Bay of Quinté, Kingston, and Prescott.
For the last six and thirty years Mr. Dennis had retired from active
pursuits, retaining, till within the last year, remarkable vigour, which,
however, he taxed but little excepting to indulge his taste in fishing,
of which he was an enthusiastic disciple. A man of genial and
happy temperament, of unbending integrity, of simple tastes and
methodical habits, he was a type of man fast passing out of this
country.”
The successor of the “Charlotte” was built by John G. Parker,
called the “Kingston” commanded for a time by John Grass. She
did not prove so serviceable as the “Charlotte.” Then followed the
“Sir James Kemp,” which was built also at Finkle’s Point.
A history of the first steamboats of the bay would be incomplete
without particular reference to one individual, whose name is
even yet associated with one of the steamboats which ply up and
down the Bay.
Henry Gilderslieve came into Canada about a month before
the Frontenac was launched, in August, 1816. He was the son of a
ship-builder, who owned yards on the Connecticut river, and built
vessels for the New York market. Being a skilful shipwright he
assisted to finish off the Frontenac, and then as master ship-builder,
assisted at the Charlotte. During this time Mr. Gilderslieve himself
built a packet named the Minerva. In building this vessel he brought
to his assistance the knowledge he had acquired in his father’s yard.
The result was, that when she was taken to Kingston to receive
her fittings out, Capt. Murney examined her inside and out, and
particularly her mould, which exceeded anything he had seen, and
declared her to be the best craft that ever floated in the harbour of
Kingston, which afterward she proved herself to be, when plying
two years as a packet between Toronto and Niagara.—(Finkle).
At a later date Mr. Gilderslieve superintended the building of
the “Sir James Kemp,” at Finkle’s Point. This was the last built
there, after which Mr. Gilderslieve commenced building at Kingston.
Here were constructed the Barry, a lake boat, with two engines,
607which in its third year of running collided with the schooner Kingston,
at night, and immediately sank, the passengers only being
saved; the Prince of Wales, the New Era, and the Bay of Quinté.
Thus it will be seen that Mr. Gilderslieve’s name is associated with
most of the steamers which have plowed the waters of the Bay, first
as a skilful shipwright, then commander and shareholder, and finally
as a successful proprietor of a ship-yard, and owner of vessels. Says
one who knew him long: “Of Mr. Gilderslieve’s business habits there
are numerous evidences, for years it seemed that everything he
touched turned to gold, hence the wealth he left behind him, and I
can say, that during the many years I knew him, I never heard a
want of honest integrity laid to his charge, he died in the fall of, I
think, 1851, of cholera, much lamented and greatly missed.”
The following we clip from a paper of 1842:
“In 1821 the new steamboat Prince Edward, built at Garden
Island, and intended for the Bay of Quinté route, made her trial
trip to Bath and back last week in three hours. She is beautifully
finished, but being rather crank in the water, it will probably be
necessary to give her false sides.
“The new steamboat Prince of Wales, built at the marine railway
by Mr. Shea, and intended for the Bay, was also tried last week,
and performed well. She has the engine of the Sir James Kempt.”
Canals.—The mighty water way from the Atlantic to the head
water of the western lakes is interrupted in its course by numerous
rapids down rock-strewed channels, and by the Falls of Niagara. These
natural obstacles to navigation had to be overcome by artificial
means, before the water road could become a highway. This has
already been done for vessels of a certain tonnage, by constructing
the St. Lawrence Canals—the Lachine Canal, Beauharnois, and
Cornwall, which were completed in 1847; and the Welland Canal,
across the Niagara District, to Lake Erie. The distance from this
Lake to Montreal, is 367 miles. The total fall in this way, is
564 feet.
After the war of 1812, seeing the importance of inland navigation,
beyond the easy reach of an enemy, the country was
explored with the view of securing navigation between Montreal
and Kingston. It was proposed to open a “new route up the Ottawa
to the mouth of the Rideau, and up that river near to its head
waters, thence by a short portage to Kingston Mill river, and down
that stream to Kingston;” but the want of means for a time delayed
the work, although, at the time mentioned, advertisements were
made for estimates.
608The Welland Canal Company was incorporated in 1824, by
Act of Parliament. The projector and the most earnest worker
securing this important work, was the late William Hamilton
Merritt.
The first canal cut in Canada, was that between Burlington
Bay and Lake Ontario. An Act to provide for this was passed in
March, 1813.
In 1826, the Desjardin Canal Company was incorporated by
Act of Parliament, in accordance with the petition of Peter
Desjardin, and others, to make a canal between Burlington Bay and
the village of “Coats’ Paradise.”
“At Kingston is the outlet of that stupendous work, the
Rideau Canal, an immense military highway, connecting the Ottawa
and St. Lawrence Rivers. The locks on this canal are amongst the
grandest structures of the same nature in the world. The undertaking
was commenced and carried out by the Imperial Government
at an immense expenditure, chiefly for military purposes, as
affording a safe channel for the conveyance of stores, arms, &c.,
when the frontiers might be exposed, and partly with a commercial
view of avoiding the rapids of the St. Lawrence, at that time considered
insurmountable, in the transit from the sea-board. This
canal cost upwards of £1,000,000 sterling. Its construction was
expected to have great influence on the welfare of Kingston, and
for some time such influence was doubtlessly beneficially felt, as
it was necessary to trans-ship at that port as well the products
of the west in their carriage to the seaboard, as the merchandize
for Western Canada in its transportation westward, and to forward
them by other crafts through the canal, or up the lake, thus creating
a large source of labor, outlay and gain, and employment to
numerous forwarders, agents, and workmen in the transhipment.
The improved navigation of the St. Lawrence, by the construction
of the St. Lawrence Canals, and the discovery of other and better
channels than were known, to a great extent abolished that source
of life and activity on the wharfs and in the harbours of the city.”
“The canal was intended for the passage of barges, both down
and up between Kingston and Bytown. Steamers, however, were
soon made available in guiding barges down the rapids, which came
with return cargoes up the canal. Now steam-tugs tow, through
the course afforded by the St. Lawrence Canals, both schooners and
barges up as well as down the stream, and where schooners are
used, no transhipment necessarily takes place at Kingston. Of
609late, it has been found profitable to employ barges in the navigation
of the St. Lawrence, or it has been found profitable for
schooners to confine their trip to the open lake, which, with the
facilities for the transhipment of grain afforded by an extensive
steam elevator, has caused a renewed life in that branch of
business.”
“This important work unites, as we have stated, the waters of
the St. Lawrence, with those of the Ottawa. It commences at
Kingston, and pursues a north-eastern direction through a chain of
lakes, with most of which it becomes identified in its course, until
it intersects Rideau River, continuing its route along the banks,
and sometimes in the bed of the river; it enters the Ottawa at
Bytown, (now the City of Ottawa) in north latitude 45° 23”—Length
from Kingston to Bytown, including the navigable courses,
126 miles, with 46 locks, each 33 feet wide, and 134 long. Ascent
from Kingston to the Summit Pond by 15 locks, 162 feet. Descent
from the Summit Pond to the Ottawa by 32 locks, 283 feet; total
lockage, 455 feet, depression of the Ottawa below Lake Ontario, at
Kingston 141 feet; general course, north, north-east. It was commenced
in 1826, when the Duke of Wellington was in office, and it
is understood that that great General had a voice in the designing
of this mighty structure, which is not unworthy of his genius.
Sir James Carmichael Smith, of the Engineer’s Department, is said
to have originated the idea of its construction. It was carried out
under the superintendence of Colonel By, and the town at its junction
with the Ottawa, was named after him. That name has since
been changed, when Bytown was made a city. It was the only
testimonial to his energy and skill, which deserved from the Province
some better acknowledgment. This great work, together
with the extensive lands along its line of route, held by the Imperial
Government, have lately been transferred to the Province, and
there is no doubt that its resources and revenue will be made the
most of for the general benefit of the country. Already the local
trade along its course is fast increasing, with the improvements and
growth of the settlements in the neighborhood of the Ottawa. The
transport of iron ore from the same section of the country to Kingston,
also adds largely to it. “Along the courses of the stream are
valuable water privileges.”—(Hooper.)
A vague story obtains, among some persons, that when the
treaty of peace between the United States and England took place
in 1815, the former agreed to pay £1,000,000, which the Duke of
Wellington applied to this purpose.
610Below is given a document, the importance of which is unquestioned,
whether we consider the interests of those living along the
bay, or the welfare of the whole Province.
“The Select Committee appointed to enquire into the expediency
of constructing a Canal to connect the head waters of the Bay
of Quinté with Lake Ontario, usually called the “Murray Canal,”
and also to enquire and report whether any money or lands are
applicable to that purpose, and if so, what may be the amount or
value thereof, beg leave to report:
“That it appears a grant of land was made for the above purpose
as early as the year 1796, and that said grant, which was then
ascertained to contain some six thousand acres, was afterwards
repeatedly acknowledged and confirmed;
“That a reservation of sixty-four acres has been made between
Presqu’isle Harbour and Bay of Quinté, on which said Canal was
intended to be constructed;
“That the value of the original reservation of six thousand acres
was estimated by the Crown Lands Department, in 1839, at three
pounds per acre, or eighteen thousand pounds currency;
“That the construction of said Canal, in addition to the important
commercial advantages which would be bestowed on the inhabitants
of the counties adjacent to the Bay of Quinté, and the trade
and navigation of the country generally, would afford most important
facilities for the safe transport of men and munitions in time of
war;
“That your Committee obtained the evidence of Colonel McDougal,
Adjutant General of Militia, which is appended to this
Report;
“That besides providing an admirable harbour of some seventy
or eighty miles in length, capable of being made almost impregnable
against attack, the great natural facilities for ship-building and for
obtaining supplies of timber, would enable the Bay of Quinté to be
used to great advantage for the repair or construction of ships of
war;
“That on reference to the Journals of the Legislative Assembly
of 1845, Your Committee found the record of a letter dated 7th
January, 1840, signed by R. B. Sullivan, then Commissioner of
Crown Lands, which was furnished as a report on the whole question
of the Murray Canal, for the information of the House, in
reply to an Address to His Excellency, under date 17th January,
1845.
“Your Committee have deemed it expedient to quote fully from
this Report for the information of Your Honorable House.
“1st. Extract.—The suggestion of constructing the Canal by a
grant of money instead of the appropriation of Crown Lands to that
object, was adopted by the Legislative in an Address of the 16th
611February, 1838, to His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor, on the
subject, with the trust that in the estimation of amount to be granted
in lieu of the reservation, due regard may be had to the increased
value to which these lands may have attained. His Excellency, by
answer of 26th February, was pleased to concur with the Address.
“Extract No. 2.—I would respectfully recommend to His Excellency
to fix upon some specific sum which may be charged upon the
Crown Reserve, and made payable out of its first disposable proceeds
toward the completion of the Canal, and which, upon the cession of
the Crown Revenue to the Legislature, will be considered a payment
for which the faith of the Government is pledged and provided
for in any Bill which may be passed for the granting a civil
list in return for the cession of the Revenue.
“That Your Committee examined a work, composed in the year
1826, by Major General Sir James Carmichael-Smyth, Baronet,
entitled, Precis of the Wars in Canada from 1755 to the Treaty of Ghent
in 1814, the said work having been published for the first time in
1862, by Sir James Carmichael, Baronet, son of the author. That
this work contains the following statements, which may fairly be
quoted in favor of the construction of this Canal.
“In the dedication of this work to His Grace the Duke of Wellington,
the author makes the following remarks:—
“The events of these wars afford, in my opinion, a demonstration
as clear as that of any proposition in Euclid, of the impossibility
(under Divine Providence) of these Provinces ever being wrested
from under Her Majesty’s authority by the Government of the
United States, provided we avail ourselves of the military precautions
in our power to adopt, by establishing those communications
and occupying those points which posterity will one day learn
with, if possible, increased respect for Your Grace’s great name, were
principally suggested by Your Grace.”
“Our Harbour and Naval Establishment at Kingston are very
good indeed, and infinitely beyond what the Americans possess at
Sacket’s Harbour. There cannot be a finer basin in the world than
the Bay of Quinté. When Rideau Canal is completed there will be
great facilities for forwarding stores to Kingston.”
“In the event of the Americans having the temporary command
of the Lake (Ontario), York (now Toronto) would be useful
for the protection of small craft and coasting vessels sailing from
the Bay of Quinté with supplies for the Niagara Frontier.”
In a Report published by the Board of Trade of the City of
Montreal, for the year 1865, under the heading of “Improvement
of Inland Navigation,” Your Committee have found the following:
“An important cut-off.—It was long ago proposed to connect
Lake Ontario with the Western extremity of the Bay Quinté,
by a short Canal. The land required for such a purpose is reserved
612by the Government. The distance to be cut through is less than
two miles; some additional dredging being, of course, required in
the Bay and Lake to perfect the communication. As no lockage is
requisite, the expense of the work would be small, while the advantage
would be great.
“When it is remembered that the stretch between Presqu’isle
Harbor and Kingston is the most hazardous on Lake Ontario, the
advantages to be derived from such a cut-off will be evident, especially
in the fall, when stormy weather is most prevalent. Had that
little Canal existed last year, a number of marine disasters might
have been avoided. Any one who examines the map may see at
once how important the Bay of Quinté would thus become in the
event of hostilities on the Lake.”
“That under these circumstances Your Committee would recommend
that a Survey be made of the neck of land lying between
Lake Ontario and the Bay of Quinté, and also of the Harbours of
Presqu’isle and Weller’s Bay, for the purpose of ascertaining the
cost and feasibility of said Canal, and that the Survey should be
commenced with the least possible delay.
Respectfully submitted, James L. Biggar, Chairman.”
Colonel Macdougall attended, and was examined as follows:
By the Hon. Mr. Holton:
Be pleased to state to the Committee your views of the importance,
in a military point of view, of connecting the waters of Lake
Ontario and the Bay of Quinté by a Canal, navigable for vessels of
the largest class in use on Lake Ontario?—I am aware that the
Defense Commission sent to Canada in 1862, to report on the general
defenses of the Province, strongly recommend the formation of a
Naval Station in the Bay of Quinté. The natural features of that
bay render it, in my opinion, admirably adapted for such purpose.
In the event of the Naval Station being formed in the Bay of Quinté,
it would be of great importance to have a short and secure entrance
direct from Lake Ontario to the head waters of the bay. This is
especially the case in view of the fact that the stretch between
Presqu’isle Harbour and Kingston is the most dangerous and difficult
on the Lake. Judging by the map, and in ignorance of local
peculiarities, it appears to me that the best means of obtaining such
a short and secure communication as is above referred to, would be
by cutting a Canal between the head waters of the Bay Quinté and
Weller Bay. The mouth of the Canal would be covered and protected
by the perfectly land-locked harbour of Weller Bay, the
entrance to which, from Lake Ontario, is susceptible of being very
easily defended against a hostile flotilla. If the case is considered
of Canadian vessels running before a superior naval force of the
enemy from the general direction of Toronto, it is obvious that if
the first were obliged to weather the peninsula of Prince Edward,
in certain winds they would run serious risks of being driven ashore
613or captured before they could make the entrance to the Bay of
Quinté, whereas the same vessels, with the same wind as would
expose them to destruction in the first supposed case, could enter
the harbour of Weller Bay under full sail, and reach the head of
Bay of Quinté without molestation. Even though it may not be
in contemplation to establish a regular Naval Station in the Bay of
Quinté, that bay would, in the case of war, afford an admirable harbour
of refuge, which would be made perfectly secure in a military,
or rather naval sense. Again, in case of war, the proposed Canal
would supply the means of far safer communication by water, without
the sacrifice of time between Kingston and Toronto, than could
be afforded by the open Lake.
In the Hallowell Free Press, of February 1, 1831, is a communication
from “A country lad,” who says, “there are several new
roads required, but the one of most essential benefit to the inhabitants
would be that which would lead from Wellington Village,
Hillier, across the peninsula to Belleville. But, while improvements
of this description are in contemplation, it must not be forgotten that
the period is not far distant when the East Lake in Hallowell must
be cleared out, and a canal suitable for the passage of the Lake
Ontario steamboats, cut from thence to Hallowell Village. Such an
improvement as this, would, in our opinion, not only lessen the
distance from Kingston to York, and make the navigation less
dangerous, but would afford a safe and commodious harbour.”
Railways.—At the present day Canada, in addition to the unsurpassed
water ways through her vast extent, has the greatest number
of miles of railway according to inhabitants in any part of the
world. In 1832, the Liverpool and Manchester Railroad was
completed, which was “the great precursor of all railroads.”
Fourteen years later, 1846, a movement was initiated at Kingston
to build a road from Wolfe Island, through Kingston to Toronto,
and a survey was ordered to be made. A part of the “Report of
the Preliminary Survey of Wolfe Island, Kingston and Toronto
Railroad,” is now before us, signed by James Cull and Thomas
Gore, Civil Engineers. In addition the engineering results of the
Preliminary Survey, they give in an appendix, the grounds upon
which they form their opinion as to the probable cost and revenue.
It would be interesting to give their statements in full did space
allow.
“Another scheme.—The Picton Sun is advocating the building
of a railroad, running through the County of Prince Edward, and
terminating at Long Point, whence freight and passengers could
be shipped to the United States.”
614
It is a common belief among the Americans, a belief which is
shared in by the few Annexationists living in Canada, that increase of
population, productiveness of the soil, and general advance of civilization,
are very much greater in the several States of the Union than
in Canada. Nothing can be farther from the truth. Upper Canada
especially, has quite outstripped, even the most prosperous of all
the original States of the Union. A comparison of the statistics of
the two countries shows this to be undoubtedly the case. The
following paragraph, taken from a valuable little work by Dr. Lillie,
affords some idea of the relative progress of the two countries.
He says, “The rate at which Canada West is growing, and has
been for the last twenty or thirty years, equals, if it does not more
than equal the growth of the very best of the Western States. It
will be seen from the United States census, that the three States of
Ohio, Michigan, and Illinois, contained in 1830, 1,126,851. In 1850,
they contained 355,000, a little over 320 per cent. in twenty years.
Canada West contained in 1830, 210,473, in 1749, it contained 791,000,
which is over 375 per cent. of the same period of twenty years.
So that increase in the three choice States was 55 per cent. less
than that of Canada West during the same time.”
And with respect to the products of the two countries, there is
found the same proportion in favor of Canada. So also with regard
to vessels, “in proportion to population the tonnage of Canada
more than equals that of the United States.” And if we look at
the various internal improvements as to canals, railroads, we find
that Canada stands pre-eminent in these things.
Yet, in the face of these facts we can find persons to say, and
so believe that Canada is behind the States in enterprise.
If we regard Lower Canada, it is found that the growth of
population is vastly greater than the States of Vermont and Maine,
lying along her border. Taking Canada as a whole, it is seen
“that as compared with the States, which in 1850 had a population
as great as her own, the decimal rate of increase was greater than
in any of those States, with one solitary exception.
“That in nine years to their ten, she lessened by two the number
of States which in 1850 had a population exceeding hers.
“That she maintained a decimal rate of increase greater than
that of the whole United States, not including the Western States
and Territories, but including California and the other States and
Territories on the Pacific.
615“That Upper Canada maintained a decimal rate of increase
greater by one-half than that of the whole United States and Territories—more
than double that of all the United States, excluding
the Western States—and only falling short of the increase in the
Western States and Territories by 7 per cent.
“That in nine years to their ten, she passed four States of the
Union, which in 1850, had a population exceeding hers, leaving at
the date of the last census only five States which exceeded her in
population.
The population of French Canada at the time of the revolution,
did not much exceed 70,000. Since that time the increase of population
in Lower Canada has been steady; not from immigration, so
much as from early marriages. In the year 1783, there were by
enumeration 113,000. In 1831, the French had increased 400,000.
As we have said this was due to their social habits.
The loyalists and soldiers that settled in Western Canada in
1783–4–5, were estimated at 10,000. It has been stated that when
Canada was divided into two Provinces in 1791, the inhabitants had
increased to 50,000; but this is doubted by some. It is said that
the number did not exceed 12,000. McMullen puts it at 20,000.
The increase of population up to the time of the war of 1812, was
by no means rapid, at that time they numbered about 70,000;
1822, 130,000; in 1837, 396,000. The number of inhabitants in
1852 was somewhere about 500,000.
Coming to the Midland Districts, the townships around the
bay, it is found that here advancement was greater than elsewhere
for many years.
Robert Gourlay sought information from the several townships
of the Province in 1817, in response it is stated, among other things,
that “the number of inhabited houses now is about 550; population
about 2,850. This enumeration includes the town of Kingston,
which contains 450 houses, and 2,250 souls. Thomas Markland
says, 26th November, 1818, “The reports from this district (Midland)
being few in proportion and several of these irregular, I cannot
give an exact estimate of the population, but the following will
not be far wrong:—Kingston, Ernesttown, Adolphustown, and
Thurlow, contain 7,083. Fredericksburgh, Marysburgh, Hallowell,
Ameliasburgh, and Sidney, 5,340. Pittsburgh, with Wolfe Island,
Loborough, Portland, Camden, Richmond, and Rawdon, will not
average above 300 each, a total of 1,800. In Huntington, I heard
only of five settlers—say 24. Total white population 14,855;
Indians 200. Total number of houses in Midland district was 900
Thomas Markland. A report before me made in October 1826, by
John Portt, says the total number of white inhabitants of Tyendinagua
is 27.
DIVISION XII. THE UNITED EMPIRE LOYALISTS—THE FATHERS OF UPPER CANADA. — CHAPTER LXIX. — ANCESTRY OF THE U. E. LOYALISTS. — CHAPTER LXX. — CHARACTER, CUSTOMS, AMUSEMENTS, PATRIOTISM, AGE AND DESCENDANTS OF THE U. E. LOYALISTS. — CHAPTER LXXI. — INDIVIDUAL NOTICES—CONCLUSION. — THE CAPTIVE CHRISTIAN MOORE.
616
Contents—Definition—A division—Their principles—Our position—Ancestry—Dutch—Puritans—Huguenots—New
Rochelle—English writers—Talbot—Falsehoods—Canadian
and English ancestry—Howison—Maligner—Gourlay’s
reply—Palatines—Old names.
Under this designation allusion is made to all who left, or were
compelled to leave, the revolting colonies, and Independent States,
and who sought a home in the wilderness of Canada. There is, however,
a class which will be specially referred to, who, in subsequent
years, were placed upon the “U. E. list,” and who, by virtue thereof,
secured important privileges to themselves and family.
The United Empire Loyalist, was one who advocated, or wished
to have maintained, the unity of the British empire, who felt as much
a Briton in the colony of America, as if he were in old England; who
desired to perpetuate British rule in America; not blindly believing
that no imperfections could exist in such rule, but desiring to seek
reform in a conservative spirit. This class, we have seen, became, as
the tide of rebellion gained strength and violence, exceedingly
obnoxious to those in rebellion against their King and country. It
will be convenient to divide them into three classes, viz., (1.) Those
who were forced to leave during the contest, many of whom took
part in the war; (2.) Those who were driven away after the war,
because they were known or suspected to have sympathy with
the loyalist party, and (3.) Those who would not remain in the Republic,
who voluntarily forsook the land of their birth or adoption,
and removed to a country which acknowledged the sovereignty of
the King of England. Many of this noble class relinquished comfortable
617homes, rather than live under an alien flag; they preferred, above
all measure, to enter a wilderness and hew out a new home. They
would live anywhere, endure any toil, undergo any privation, so long
as they were in the King’s dominion, and the good old flag waved
over their head, and their families. It was oft declared that their
bones should lie on the King’s soil. These sentiments are taken, not
from the imagination, but from the accumulated testimony of those
who have supplied statements of family history. Elsewhere it has
been shewn how cruel were the persecutions made against the “tories,”
how relentless the spirit of vengefulness. All this, it may be said by
some, should be forgotten,—buried in the past, with the whigs and
tories, both of whom committed errors and outrages. Under certain
circumstances this would be the proper course—the course indicated by
the great Ruler; but, regarding the United States in the light derived
from the statesmen, orators, and the press, it cannot for a moment
be allowed. Until the descendants of those who successfully rebelled
in 1776, cease to vilify our fathers; until they can find other subject
matter for their fourth of July orations, than foul abuse of our
country; until they can produce school-books which are not stained
by unjust and dishonest representations; and books of a religious
nature which are not marred by unchristian, not to say untruthful,
statements respecting Britain and her colonies. Until the “Great
Republic” can rise above the petty course of perpetuating old feuds,
we cannot—we whose fathers suffered, cannot be required to shut
our mouths, and thereby seemingly acquiesce in their uncharitable and
malignant charges against the U. E. Loyalists. Washington was a
rebel as much as Jefferson Davis, and history will accord to the
latter a character as honorable and distinguished as the former.
Washington succeeded against a power that put not forth the
gigantic efforts which the United States did to subjugate the States
over which Jefferson Davis presided. By the events of the civil
war in the United States, we, the descendants of those who occupied
the same relative position in the American Revolution, feel it right
to be guided.
The most of the loyalists were Americans by birth. Their
feelings of attachment to the realm, preponderated over the attachments
which bound them to the homes of their childhood and
maturer years. The great majority of those who settled Upper
Canada were from the Provinces of New York, Pennsylvania, and
the New England States. New York, originally a Dutch colony,
had many loyal sons. Indeed this state was dragged into the
618rebellion. It follows that a goodly number of the settlers around
the bay were of Dutch extraction, and possessed all the honesty
and industry peculiar to that people. The U. E. list, and the larger
list of refugees, include a large number of names unmistakably
Dutch. But there came from this state as well, many a true son
of England, Ireland, and Scotland, with a sprinkling of the Huguenots,
and the Germans, the last of whom began to emigrate to
America in 1710. Many of the settlers of Upper Canada may
point with pride to their Dutch forefathers. Many Canadians have
an equal right also to boast of their Puritan fathers. They more
especially may point to the justice-loving ones who came to
America with honest William Penn, whose son was also a refugee
from the State his father founded, not by taking forceable possession,
but by buying the land from the Indians.
Among the devoted band of firm adherents to the British Crown
were not a few of the descendants of the Huguenots, whose fathers
had been expatriated by the King of France, because they were
Protestants, and who had found safe homes in England. So early
as 1686, a number of Huguenots found their way to America. And
from time to time, accessions were made to the number by emigration.
They mostly settled in Westchester County, New York, in
1689, where a tract of land was purchased for them by Jacob Leisler,
of the Admiralty, and there founded a town called New Rochelle,
after Rochelle in France, noted for the stand its inhabitants took
against Roman Catholicism. In 1700, New Rochelle had become
quite a place, and here was found, when the rebellion had commenced,
“a vast number of Militia officers loyal to the backbone.”—(Ruttan).
The ancestry of the U. E. Loyalists has been called in question,
not by the rebels alone, but by British subjects. The few instances
constitute, fortunately, but exceptions to a general rule. Travelers
from Great Britain have repeatedly, perhaps we may say persistently,
displayed an astonishing amount of ignorance of the
people of Canada and its society. Allowance can be made for a
certain amount of egotism, but downright bias is unworthy a high-minded
writer. Incapable of examining any subject, except from
a stand point exclusively English, they have found no difficulty in
attributing the most unworthy and even scandalous causes to a state
of society to them unusual, and seemingly abnormal. Perhaps no
writer has so disgraced himself, in writing about Canada, as Talbot.
Certainly no one more ignobly essayed to injure Canadian reputation
619in Great Britain than he. “Mr. Talbot has stated in his book
that most of the Canadians are descended from private soldiers or
settlers, or the illegitimate offspring of some gentlemen, or his
servant.” The writer had no scruples in publishing a falsehood.
Full well he knew how noble had been the conduct of the U. E.
Loyalists as a class; who relinquished property, homes,—everything
for a cause dear to their heart. Private soldiers indeed!
They thought it no disgrace to enter the ranks to help to suppress
an unrighteous rebellion. And the descendants of the private
soldiers feel it an honor to claim them for sires. Mr. Talbot, we
are informed, came to Canada to speculate in lands; and his record
does not justify him in casting a stigma upon the fathers of Canada.
Could we accept a slanderous statement as true, yet the question
might be raised:—Is not their origin as good as many of the great
houses of Great Britain would be found, were we enabled to trace
back their pedigree. Probably, at the present time, and perhaps
at no time, did more than a few read the pages of Mr. Talbot’s
production. But lest there might come a time when the false
statements should be reiterated, we felt it our duty to thus advert
to the subject.
Another writer, to whom it may be well to refer, is one Dr.
John Howison, who wrote Sketches of Upper Canada. His knowledge
of Canada was pretty much confined to the Niagara district.
Hear what the great (?) man said of the inhabitants. “They are
still the untutored incorrigible beings that they probably were,
when the ruffian remnant of a disbanded regiment, or the outlawed
refuse of some European nation, they sought refuge in the wilds of
Upper Canada, aware that they would neither find means of subsistence,
nor be countenanced in any civilized country. Their
original depravity has been confirmed and increased by the circumstances
in which they are now placed.” This is a pleasant picture
that the accomplished doctor draws of our forefathers. The very
flagrancy of the falsehood has rendered the above statement as
harmless as the doctor’s reputation is unknown. It is but too
common a story for a stupid Englishman, with no other ideas than
those derived from supreme egotism, to pass through our country,
and after merely glancing at the outside of everything, proceed to
give an account of the people of Canada. But this Howison was
either guilty of drawing his views from Yankee sources, or of giving
vent to some spiteful feeling. Robert Gourlay, who was no tory,
referring to the above statement, speaks in this way:—“It is not true,
620it is not fair, it is not discreet. The first settlers of Upper Canada, in
my opinion, were wrong headed men as to politics; but they were far
from being bad-hearted men, and anything but “the ruffian remnant
of a disbanded regiment.” They were soldiers who had done their
duty: who had regarded with reverence their oath of allegiance;
who had risked their lives a hundred times over in support of their
principles; who had sacrificed all which the world in general holds
dear, to maintain their loyalty and honor. They were anything
but the “outlawed refuse of some European nation.” They adhered
to the laws of Britain; and for the laws of Britain they bled. They
did not “seek refuge in the wilds of Upper Canada, aware they
would neither find means of subsistence, nor be countenanced in
any civilized country.” It is a libel on the British Government to
say they sought refuge, and a libel on common sense to say that
men, who resolved to earn their bread by labour, under the worst
circumstances in the world, could not find means of subsistence
anywhere else. The whole passage is untrue, is shameful, and Dr.
Howison should apologize for it in the public prints of this country.
These very farmers whom he scandalizes so cruelly, stood up for
British Government most noble during the late war, (1812), many
of them lost their all at that time (in Niagara District), and to
many of them the British Government is now deeply indebted.
The mass of first settlers in Upper Canada were true men, and to
this day there is a peculiar cast of goodness in their natures, which
distinguishes them from their neighbours in the United States.
There were among them ruffians of the very worst description.
His Majesty’s ministers needed spies, and horse stealers, and liars,
and perjured villains; and America furnished such characters, just
as England can furnish an Oliver and an Edward. Why should
a whole people be slandered because of a few? Dr. Howison wrote
in Canada only to trifle, and now we see the consummation, we see a
book very well written; very readable as a romance—the tale of a
weak man; but as it affects men, worse than trifling—scandalous.
To say all the ill he could of Canada, and no good of it is unfair—is
deceitful—after all, in his parting exclamations, he “spoke about
the happy shores of Canada.” The refined Dr. Howison, it would
seem, remembered “many civilities” from the Canadians; but
because he could not appreciate the nobility of nature when crowned
by the rough circumstances of pioneer life, he must needs write a
libel. No doubt his mind was influenced by Yankee tales of
Butlers’ Rangers, and perhaps his exquisite sensibility was wounded,
621forsooth, because a Canadian would not touch his hat to him.”
Robert Gourlay was a friend to Canada, a friend to humanity; he
was not always right; but he was far more correct while in Canada
than those who persecuted him. He was a patient and close
observer, and made himself thoroughly acquainted with Canada,
and his statement in reply to Howison’s utterances are fully satisfying.
What was true of the settlers at Niagara, must remain true
of the whole class of U. E. Loyalists. Notwithstanding the many
adverse circumstances—the earnest contest for life, the daily
struggle for food, their isolation from the influences of civilized life,
the absence of regular ministers of the gospel, notwithstanding all,
the old soldiers constituted a band of pioneers infinitely better than
those who form the outer belt of settlers, at the present day, in the
Western States.
As intimated, not a few of the U. E. Loyalists were descendants
of those who had likewise been driven, by persecution, from
their homes. There were not only the children of the noble old
Huguenots, but a good many German Irishmen, called Palatines.
They originally came from the Palatinate of the Rhine, once the
possession of the House of Palatine. The Palatines were Protestants,
and during the seventeenth century, were exposed to the most cruel
barbarities. They fled in thousands to the friendly camp of the
Duke of Marlborough, when commander of the allied armies. In
1709, Queen Anne sent a fleet to Rotterdam for the distressed Palatines,
and carried about 7,000 to England. Of these, 3,000 were
sent to New York, but finally found homes in Pennsylvania, among
the Quakers. The names of some of these are before us, and it
may be seen they are familiar ones, although some of them are
somewhat altered.
Frantz Lucas, Deitrich Klein, Conrad Frederick, Ludwig,
Henrich Newkirk, Keiser, John Mortan, Casper Hartwig, Christoper
Warner, Hermanus Hoffman, Rudolph Neff, Schmidt, Schumacher,
Lenhard, John Peter Zenger, Philip Muller, Schaffer, Peter
Wagner, Straule, Henrich Man, Eberhard, Kremer, Franke Ross,
Peter Becker, Christian Meyer, Godfry Fidler, Weller, George
Mathias, Christo, Hagedom, Fink, John William Dill, Bernard,
Conradt, Bellinger.
“Of those who remained, five hundred families removed to
Ireland, and settled, principally, in the County of Limerick.”
Among their names we find, Baker, Barham, Barrabier, Bennoser,
Bethel, Bowen, Bowman, Bovinezer, Brethower, Cole, Coach, Corneil,
622Cronsberry, Dobe, Dulmage, Embury, Fizzle, Grunse, Grier,
Heck, Hoffman, Hifle, Heavener, Ozier, (probably Lazier of our
day), Lawrence, Lowes, Rhineheart, Rose, Rodenbucher, Ruckle,
Switzer, Sparling, Stack, St. John, St. Ledger, Strongle, Sleeper,
Shoemaker, Shier, Smeltzer, Shoultace, Shavewise, Tesby, (probably
Detlor of our day), Tettler, Urshelbaugh, Williams, and Young.
A certain number of the Palatines settled at the German Flats,
many of whom, being Loyalists, were obliged to leave; and become
pioneers in Canada. Likewise, were there many from other parts
of the State, and from Pennsylvania.
In the early history of New York State, may be found many
names, generally Dutch-like, closely resembling those of the first
settlers of Western Canada.
In a letter, dated “Albany, 30 July, 1689,” we find the
names of Capt. Bleeker and D. Myers.
At a convention at Albany, Oct. 24, 1669, was present, among
others, Gert Ryerse, Jan Jense Bleeker.
“Proposals made to ye people, Albany, ye 5 day of November,
1689, by 40 inhabitants,” among which is Jacob Vanden Bogaert.
“At a meeting, at Albany, 28th March, 1690,” were present,
Gert Ryersen, John Pietersen, Hendrick Hedgeman, (Hagerman).
At a meeting in Albany, after the massacre of Schenectady,
February 9, 1690, to arrange for defending against the French
and Indians, and to bury the dead; there were, among 60 others
present, D. Wessels, Rector, J. Bleecker, Ald. Ryckman, Ens.
Bennet.
In the list of those killed at Schenectady, are several of the
Vroomans, Symon, Skemerhoorn. “Taken prisoners at Skinnechtady,
and carried to Canada ye 9th day of February, 1689 90.” “John
Wemp, sonne of Myndt & 2 negroes, and 26 others.”
In a list of officers in the Province of New York, 1693, members
of Council—are found Phillips, Brock, Lawrence, Young, Marshall,
Shaw, Evetts, (probably Everit), Handcock, Dirck Wessels, Recorder
at Albany; Beekman, Howell, Barker, Platt, Whitehead, Harrison,
Hageman, Strycker, Willet. Among the militia officers, N. Yorrk,
1700, we find Booth, Moore, Wheler, Hubbs, Kechum, Frederick,
Daniel Wright; Robert Coles; Lake, Hegemen, Evert, Bogardus,
Hosbrooke, Rose.
List of inhabitants in County of Orange, 1702, we find—Geritssen,
(Garrison), Reynerssen, (Ryerson), Ceniff, Mieyer,
(Meyer,) Weller, Coeper, Merritt.
623Freeholders of the city and county of Albany, 1720, Williams,
Van Alen, Holland, Collins, Van Dyke, several Bleeker’s; Cornelius
Boarghaert, Vandusen, Meebe, Weemp, (Wemp), Trueax, Van
Valkenburgh, Huyck, Gardimer, Dingmans, VanAlstine, Coonradt,
Ham, Luyke, Deeker, Esselstine, Fritts, Quackenboes, (Quackenbush),
Van Rensalaer.
In the war of the Indians, at the battle of Point Pleasant, 1774,
there was killed, among others, Ensign Candiff.
The following we take from the Schenectady Evening Star:
Valley of the Mohawk in Olden Times.—Schoharie—The
Vroomans.—When the Schoharie settlements were invaded by the
British, under Colonel Butler, in the year 1789, the following
persons, among others, were murdered by the Indians: Tunis
Vrooman, his wife and son, and on this occasion Ephraim Vrooman
and his two sons, Bartholomew, Josias and John Vrooman, Bartholomew
Vrooman, Jr., and his wife and son Jacob, were taken
prisoners. The wife and daughter of Ephraim Vrooman was killed
by an Indian named Seth Hendrick. Mr. E. Vrooman, while on his
way to Canada, whither he was carried in captivity, was under the
immediate charge of Seth Hendrick, who treated him with much
kindness. There were two or three Indians who accompanied Seth.
These before they arrived at their destination, grew tired of their
prisoner, and proposed to despatch him. Mr. Vrooman overheard
the conversation, which was conducted in a whisper, and repeated
it to Hendrick. Hendrick assured him in the most positive manner,
that “not a hair of his head should be touched,” and gave his
companions a severe reprimand for their ungenerous conspiracy.
After the termination of the Revolutionary contest, Hendrick paid
Mr. Vrooman a visit, and apologised for his conduct during the war,
in the strong, metaphorical language of his nation: “The tomahawk,”
said he, “is used only in war; in time of peace it is buried;
it cuts down the sturdy oak as well as the tender vine; but I (laying
his hand on Mr. Vrooman’s shoulder) saved the oak.”
“Eva’s Kill.—The creek which runs through the village of
Cranesville has, for the last ninety years, been known as Eva’s Kill,
or creek. It owes this name to the circumstance of a woman named
Eva being murdered near its banks. In the year 1755 Mrs. Van
Alstine, from Canojoharie, traveled through this place on her way
to this city to visit her parents. She was on horseback, and had
her daughter with her, a child about four years of age. A party of
French and Indians had just arrived from Canada, and were prowling
about with murderous designs on the defenceless inhabitants of the
Mohawk Valley. Espying Mrs. Van Alstine, they marked her for
their prey. They pounced upon, wounded and scalped her, left her
as they supposed, dead on the margin of the creek which bears her
name. Her daughter they took to Canada. After they had departed,
Mrs. Van Alstine partially recovered, and mustered strength enough
624to crawl to the river, on the opposite shore of which she saw some
men standing, to whom she beckoned. She feared to speak lest she
should be overheard by her enemies who were still in the neighborhood.
These men came over cautiously, and conveyed her safely
to her agonized parents. She lingered nine or ten days in a state
of extreme suffering, when she gave up the ghost. Her daughter’s
life was spared, and she, in time, was restored to her friends.”
In 1750–60, are found the names of Jordan, Dunham, Grant, Harkamer,
Spenser, Peterson, Wilson, Church, Devenport, Kemp, Gibson.
Census of New York, about 1703. Amongst others, Vanhorn,
Larrance, Loukes, Vandewater, White, Hams, Wessels, Wm. Taylor,
Johnston, Vesey, Bogert, Oastrom, Waldron, Davis, Marshall, Clapp.
Census of Long Island, 1673.—Jacobs, Carman, Symonds, Beedel,
Allen, Williams, Valentyn, Ellesson, (probably Allison), Osborne,
Hobbs, Soddard, Ellison, Foster, Mott, Applebe, Persell, Truax,
Hoyt.
The Roll of those who have taken the oath of allegiance, September,
1687: Peter Stryker, native of the Province; Cornelis
Pertise, (Peterson), native; Beakman, native; Gerrit Dorlant,
native; Joseph Hagemen, (Hagerman), 37 years; Adrien Ryerse,
41 years. Living in Breucklyn (Brooklyn): Covert, native;
Bogaert, 35 years; Jan Fredericks, 35 years; Pieter Corson native;
Caspere, (Casper); Jacobus Vande Water, (Vandewater), native;
Dirck Janse Waertman, (Wartman), 40 years; Van Clief, De Witt,
Loyse, Waldron, Willensen, Badgely, Culver, Jessop, Rogers,
Diamond, Erle, Butler, Johnes (Jones), Whiting; Arnold, Washbourn,
Way, Harton, Booth, Bradly, Goldsmith, Giles, Baily,
Osmond, Carey, Case, Miller, Garitson.
Contents—Character—Hospitality—At home—Fireside—Visitors—Bees—Raisings—Easter
Eggs—Dancing—Hovington House—Caste—Drinks—Horse-racing—Boxing—Amusements—La
Crosse—Duels—Patriotism—Annexation—Freedom—Egotism—The
Loyalists—Instances—Longevity—Climate of Canada—A
quotation—Long lived—The children—The present race—A nationality
Comparison—“U. E. Loyalist”—Their Privileges—Order of Council—Dissatisfaction.
When we compare the motives which actuated all classes of
those who adhered to the Crown with the rebels in their various
625grades, we feel to exult and express sincere thankfulness that the
fathers of Upper Canada were honest, devoted, loyal, truthful, law-abiding,
and actuated by the higher motives which spring from
religion. The habits of the loyalists were simple, and comparatively
free from immorality. Their love of order and adherence to law is
noteworthy. No people in the world have been characterised by so
firm and devoted adherence to the established laws than the U. E.
Loyalists. Never deprived of that freedom which ennobles the man,
they always abominated that monstrous offshoot of republican liberty
which teaches a man to take the law in his own hands. In later
years in Canada some strife has been witnessed between parties who
have introduced their national feuds from the old country. But
those who fought in the revolutionary war, and who mainly assisted
to drive back the invading foe in 1812, have always been peace-loving
citizens. Lynch Law, (a term derived from a man of that
name living in South Carolina, who constituted himself the arbiter
between any contestants, and to their satisfaction) has always been
held in utter detestation.
The settlers were always hospitable. The circumstances of
their life, in which they so often were cast upon the care and attention
of others, made each experience the deep feeling of gladness
to have a visitor, which belongs to a sense of kindness received.
In this they differed widely from the people of the more Northern
States. Strangers were never turned away, and a clergyman, no
matter of what denomination, was received “right gladly.” The
Rev. Mr. Smart says that he was often up the Bay in his early
days of ministerial labor, and he was ever treated by the inhabitants
of all classes, with great hospitality. And after a few years had
worn away, carrying with them the burden of many heart sorrows,
there came an occasional opportunity to exchange friendly hospitality.
Visiting indeed became a regular “institution,” to borrow
a Yankee phrase. Near neighbours would of an evening call in,
uninvited, to spend the evening, and talk over the times, present,
past and coming. Sometimes visits were made to friends a long
distance off, going by canoe or batteau, or perchance on horseback,
by a bridle-path, with saddle-bags containing oats for the horse.
But the winter visits were characterised more especially by genial
hospitality. On such occasions the hostess brought forth things
new and old. Choice viands, carefully stored away, were brought
to the light. The first fruits of the soil were lavishly spread upon
the unassuming board. The famine of 1787–8, and the subsequent
626lack of the necessaries of life, and the total absence of luxuries for
many a year, had the effect of intensifying the value that might
naturally be placed upon plenty and luxury. To be truly entertaining
to guests, was to set before them a feast of good things.
Hence it came in the later years of the country that
the table of the well-to-do farmer always groaned with substantials
and delicacies. On those occasions the old soldier recounted
his deeds of warfare, and hairbreadth escapes, and his
struggles in the wilderness. The blazing hearth became the centre
of attractive conversation, and lit up the hardy faces of the pioneers,
and the milder countenances of their wives and daughters, while
in the back ground might be seen the bright eyes of the children,
listening to the tales that were told. The younger ones had been
ordered off to bed, but they lie wakeful in their bunks, which were
in the same room, to catch the ever flowing talk. The conversation
at these times did not always relate to those matters above
stated, it often took a mysterious turn, and ghosts became the subject
of their evening’s talk. The above is not from imagination,
but in substance from the lips of more than one, who remembers
to have occupied the little bunk and listened upon many an evening
to the conversations.
Family visiting was a common mode of exchanging civilities.
It was necessary because of the widely separated houses. The
evenings were times of the most pleasing reunions. Every log
house possessed a large Dutch fireplace, into which was placed
a back log of immense size, while upon the hand irons, or, as at
first, large square stones was heaped light dry wood which sent
forth a cheerful blaze. By the light thus made there would be in
the fall and winter carried on various household duties, each family
was to a great extent dependent upon themselves for almost everything
required upon a farm, or about a farm-house. The wife
would be busy carding, or making clothes of home-made linen, or
of cloth. The daughters would be employed in mending or darning.
The farmer would be engaged in making or repairing harness,
or boots, or “fixing” an implement of husbandry, while the
son would be fashioning an axe-helve, or an ox-yoke, or whittling a
whip handle. The simple meal, though of a homely fare, was
satisfying, for their taste was not pampered by unnecessary luxuries
when alone. But when company came everything was
changed. The work was put aside, and they set themselves out
to make their visitors enjoy themselves. They would encircle the
627wide and glowing fire, and indulge in the most amiable talk.
There was no spirit of envy in their midst, but a quiet content and
thankfulness that the wilderness was beginning to blossom. The
triumphs of the past would be duly recounted, and the future
looked forward to with highest hopes. Plans would be canvassed
and laid for the children, while apples, cider and nuts would receive
due attention by all. At these meetings were often the
young folks—marriageable daughters and sons who had been preparing
to go on the other farm, or back hundred acres where a log
house was partially erected; before long the company would be
divided into two distinct groups, the old and the young. Sometimes
matters would be managed that the older ones would meet
at one house and the young at another, by which means a more
pleasing state of things was created. But courting, or sparking as
it was termed, was generally done upon Sunday evening. The
day of rest was the only one when the love-sick swain could get
away. And even the most exemplary Christians regarded “going
to see the girls” on a Sunday night as quite allowable. Then, this
practice favored the desire, so prevalent, to keep secret the intention
of any two to get married.
Visits were made without invitations. To wait for an invitation
was quite contrary to the primitive views of the settlers. The
visit must be a voluntary action. Even to give a hint to one to
make a visit by parties not related was considered as beneath
proper respect. It was a species of independence. “I don’t want
one to come to my house if he don’t want to,” the phase went in
that way. But there were occasions when invitations were sent
out, and that was when some help was required; and to persons
not familiar with the habits, it will seem strange that it was considered
a compliment to get an invitation, and a slight to be neglected.
These invitations were to be present at bees, and help to
do work. At the first these bees were common, to put up the log
houses, and get a little clearing done, by a certain time. But afterwards,
though less frequent, they were of a more pretentious
nature. Raising Bees were in time, indications of prosperity. A
frame barn or house showed that the farmer was progressing, and
in accordance with the general expectation, treated “the hands”
with the best he had. Then there were, beside the raising bees,
the clearing bees, logging bees, and stone bees, and husking bees,
and in later times apple bees; and there was the women’s bee for
quilting. All these meetings were of a more or less hilarious order.
628The work was done, and done with a will; it was a sort of duty—a
matter of principle that either the work should be done, or a
proper effort made to that end. For many years spirituous liquors
were dealt out, or set freely before the men, but in time, some,
seeing the evil of drinking, and sometimes fearful of accidents,
determined to discontinue the custom. Whether drinking was
indulged in or not, all were treated to a glorious supper, generally
of pot-pie and cakes, and pies of pumpkin and apple. The women
folks of course, required assistance, and the neighbours would come
to help, so that at night there would be collected a goodly number
of both sexes. Husking bees and apple bees took place at night,
but they did not last so long that no time was allowed for amusement.
And then commenced the play and the dance. At first
these unions and plays were exceedingly harmless and indulged in
with the utmost artlessness. The young of both sexes were well
known to each other, and it was more like a family gathering than
aught else. But now fortunately these bees and kissing-plays are no
longer in vogue. They were natural enough in the days of primitive
pioneer life; but with increasing inhabitants and the addition
of people of other countries, they became unnatural.
The breaking up of winter brought to a termination for a time,
all the social festivities. In connection with sugar making was
here and there a jovial meeting to “sugar off.”
Aside from the Sabbath there were but few holidays; and,
with many, Christmas was imperfectly observed. Easter was remembered
principally because of the feast of eggs on Sunday. At
first, when hens were scarce, it was not every family that had eggs
on that day, or had enough. So it came to pass that eggs would be
preserved beforehand, not by the natural provider however. The
boys regarded it as their prerogative to hide the eggs for some time
before, and even when it was unnecessary, large numbers would be
safely secreted by the young ones. This was generally done by
the youngest, old enough; and he was to so hide them that no one
could find them. The honor was lost if the eggs were found. The
Easter morning consequently was one of anticipation, to see however
many eggs had been preserved.
An old settler of Ameliasburgh discourses of Bees in this wise:
“Bees were great institutions in those days, every settler was
licensed to make two or three each year, provided he furnished a
good “pot pie,” and plenty of grog, and never made any objections
to his guests fighting. Fighting might take place at any stage, but
629more generally occurred after work was done, before and after
supper.”
Dancing seems to have been particularly attractive to almost
all. Almost every neighbourhood or concession had its fiddler, the
only kind of instrumental music of the times. The fiddler was
generally an old soldier, who had acquired some knowledge of the
art of playing during his time of service.
A kind correspondent, (Morden), has supplied us pleasing
information, obtained from an old resident of Sophiasburgh. This
person came from Adolphustown, when a girl of fifteen, in the first
year of the present century. We quote:—“She tells many funny
stories of balls and private “sprees” that they used to have over in
the Indian woods, at Capt. Isaac’s (Hill), an Indian chief, who had
a large house, which is still occupied, and which appears to have
been the scene of numberless “hops,” &c. They could have a
civil dance at Captain Isaac’s, and it would not cost much. The
Sixth Town youngsters seem to have delighted in patronizing
his house.” This young woman married and became, with her
husband, a pioneer of Ameliasburgh, in 1805. It seems that
these new settlers of the Seventh Town considered themselves
somewhat superior to the inhabitants generally, and would not join
in their “frolickings,” but would occasionally visit Sophiasburgh
for the purpose of having a “spree.” This feeling of caste was a
marked feature in the several townships at an early date.
The Hovington House, situated about sixty rods above the
bridge at Picton, was a place of no little fame. It was built by one
Hovington who came with VanAlstine. It was a long narrow
edifice forty or fifty feet deep, and about twenty feet broad, and not
very high. It was divided into two portions by a log partition, the
ends of which projected without. This public house was especially
for the benefit of the settlers at East Lake, in their journeyings back
and forth across the Carrying Place. To use the language of our
informant, “it was a great place to dance and frolic.” At stated
times the bay settlers would come even from forty miles distance,
Fredericksburgh on the east, and the Carrying Place and Sidney on
the west. But now the foundation of the old building which so
often resounded to the sounds of mirth, the fiddle, and the tripping
feet, can scarcely be traced.
As a general thing, the hard pinching circumstances of the new
country brought all to a common level, excepting a few Government
officials. But in certain localities there existed a feeling of
630superciliousness, not very deep, but yet it was there. The places,
and the inhabitants thereof, in time, became noted as being “big
feeling” or stylish. For instance, the denizens of Kingston regarded
the settlers up the bay as somewhat behind them; while the people
of the Fourth Town spoke disparagingly of the Fifth Towners. By
the settlers of the Sixth and Seventh Towns, the citizens of Sidney
and Thurlow were looked upon as stylish. But the wheel of fortune
turned with many a one.
Amusement, and diversions of different kinds, when properly
used, are not only allowable, but even salutary to man’s physical
and mental state; but if uncontrolled by reason; if irrational from
want of education, they may easily run into excess and immorality.
To the educated man, who is cast away from all that can supply
food for his mind, there is a terrible danger of seeking unholy
and even vicious sources to allay the constant longing after mental
food. There is likewise a danger of such seeking artificial excitement.
To such the evil of intemperance too often comes with overwhelming
waves steadily and certainly flowing. The first settlers
of Upper Canada, when their circumstances are taken into consideration,
and the usages of the times, it must be said, were not
particularly addicted to the evil of intemperance. In after years,
this evil did certainly increase; but at the first, although almost
everyone had liquor of some kind in the house, yet the great
majority were guiltless of excess. In those early days, teetotalism
and temperance societies were unknown; but it must be here mentioned
that the first temperance society organized in Canada, was
in Adolphustown. The drinking usages of the day among all classes
led to the erection of distilleries and breweries at an early period.
There was also an extensive traffic in rum, and it is known that
many a one made himself rich by selling to buyers along the bay,
and across the Carrying Place up the lake, even as far as York.
Perhaps the most common out-of-door amusement was horse-racing,
after horses became more general among the settlers. It
was looked upon as dancing was by all, as amusement of the most
unobjectionable character, and it is said of a certain reverend individual,
that he was accustomed to run horses on his way home after
preaching. Probably this was true, as the same person became a
reprobate. On the occasion of the annual training of the Militia,
which took place for many a year, the 4th June, (and this
comes within the writer’s recollection) there was, at the different
training places, more or less of horse racing. These races were
631made, not by horses trained specially for the purpose, but by such
animals as were in daily use by the farmers, some of which, although
ungainly in looks, and in indifferent condition, could get over the
ground in a remarkably short time.
Kingston and Newark being military stations, were, from
the presence of officers, who were always gentlemen by birth, more
dignified in the ways of amusement. Not but gentlemen existed
through the country, but not in sufficient numbers to regulate the
modes of pleasure, and give tone to society. The officers were very
fond of horse-racing, and would frequently spend field days, especially
the King’s Birthday in testing the mettle of their steeds. At
these there would generally be a great entertainment by the ladies
who, says Colonel Clarke, would be gorgeously clad in “brilliant
dresses, with threads of silver forming the motto, God save the
King.”
A kind of amusement common at the close of the last century,
and the beginning of the present, in America, and to a certain
extent in Canada, was that of boxing—boxing that too often
amounted to brutal fighting. There were a certain number in every
township who availed themselves of training days to show their
athletic qualifications. Gourlay says, 1817, that “pugilism, which
once prevailed, is now declining.” And at the present day, happily,
it is confined to those of a brutish disposition. It is only the lowest
who find amusement in engaging in, or witnessing pugilistic
encounters.
As Upper Canada was, in a limited sense, an offshoot of Lower
Canada, so but a few of the peculiarities of Lower Canada were
introduced to the Upper. One was that of Charivariing, which means
a great noise with petty music. It was introduced from France.
The custom is now almost obsolete among us, but time was when it
was quite common. It generally was indulged in at second marriages,
or when an unequal match and marriage took place; when
a young girl married an old man for instance, or if either party were
unpopular. The night of the wedding, instead of being passed in
joyous in-door pleasures by the wedded ones, was made hideous by
a crowd of masked persons, who with guns, tin-pans, pails, horns,
horse-fiddles, and everything else that could be made to produce a
discordant noise, disturbed the night until silenced by a treat, or
money. Sometimes those meetings resulted in serious consequences
to one or more of the party, by the bridegroom resorting to loaded
fire-arms.
632Sometimes the native Indians contributed to the general amusement,
upon days when there was a public gathering. Now and
then they engaged alone in certain sports which would be witnessed
by the whites. Playing ball—bandy-ball, lacrosse, foot-races, and
the war-dance, were occasionally engaged in. The present fashionable
game of lacrosse is of Indian origin, and may well be remembered
by every Canadian, and even American. After the conquest
of Canada, when the Great Ottawa chief Pontiac had effected an
alliance of all the western and northern tribes, to destroy the frontier
forts of the British. There were several forts, originally French,
along the upper lakes; two notably, one at Detroit, the other at
Michilmacinac. Smaller forts had been attacked and taken, in most
cases by treachery and Indian cunning. These two forts remained
untaken. Pontiac devised the plan of pretending to wish for peace.
With the ostensible intention of holding a council to make peace,
the chiefs were to enter the forts; while the Indians, engaged in ball-playing
along the ramparts, were to amuse those within the ramparts.
The squaws were to be present, seemingly as spectators, but in
reality to hold under their blankets, rifles, the ends of which had
been cut off for concealment. At a given signal, the ball was to
be knocked over the outer defence, and the Indians were to rush in
as if to get it; but seizing their rifles from the women who had
placed themselves conveniently, they were to rush in to slaughter
the unsuspecting inmates. At Michilmacinac this proved successful,
and the whole garrison was massacred, and Detroit barely escaped
the same fate.
Dueling.—At the time when fierce encounters took place between
organized forces in America, which resulted in the independence of
the United States, and the settlement of Upper Canada, the practise
of duelling obtained among the higher classes. Happily, this heinous
crime, an outrage against humanity, is no longer tolerated where
British laws and British principles of justice and freedom have force.
But such was not the case seventy years ago. The early history of
Canada witnessed a few personal engagements of honor. The first
duel was between Peter Clark, Chief Clerk of the Legislative
Council, and Captain Sutherland of the 25th regiment. The meeting
took place at Kingston, and Mr. Clark fell fatally wounded.
This occurred in the winter of 1795.
On the 22nd July, 1817, a duel was fought between S. P. Jarvis,
Esq., and Mr. John Ridout. The latter received a wound in the
chest and died in about an hour.
633“Duel.—On Friday the 11th inst., Alexander McMillan, Esquire,
and Alexander Thom, Esquire, met in a field on the Brockville Road,
to decide an affair of honor—the former attended by Mr. Radenhurst,
and the latter by Mr. Cumming. After exchanging shots, the seconds
interfered, and on mutual explanations being made, the matter terminated
amicably. Doctor Thom received a contusion on the leg.”
One of the latest instances in which a duel was fought in Upper
Canada, occurred some forty years ago. The event resulted in the
death of one of the combatants, the other, who was tried for his life,
has now for some years adorned the bench of the Province.
Patriotism.—In no country upon the face of the Globe, and at no
period in the history of any country, has appeared a higher or purer
order of patriotism, than is written upon the pages of the history of
British America. British connection is to mostly every son of the land
dearer even than life itself. At least it has been so in respect to those
of whom we write, the U. E. Loyalists. Co-equal with the love they
have to the British Crown, is the hearty aversion they bear to Republicanism.
Neither the overtures of annexation, nor the direct and
indirect attempts to coerce, has produced a momentary wavering on
the part of the descendants of the ancient stock. Americans in our
midst have vainly tried to inoculate the minds of the people with the
principles of Republican Government; but the Canadian mind was
too free, the body politic too healthy, the system too strong to imbibe
any lasting feeling of desire to change the tried for the untried. The
few annexationists who have, from time to time, existed, were but
the fungoid offshoot of a healthy plant. From the time Franklin and
his coadjutors vainly essayed to draw the French Canadian into their
rebellious cause, until the present there has been a frequently manifested
desire, on the part of the United States, to force us into the
union. The contemptible duplicity of Webster, who concealed from
Ashburton the existence of a second map, whereby he tricked
Canada, Yankee like, out of a valuable portion of territory along the
Atlantic coast, with a view of cutting us off from the ocean. The
declaration of war in 1812, and the repeated but unsuccessful invasions
of our Province. The proclamations issued to Canadians, by the
would be conquerors, Hull, Wilkinson, and others. Their sympathy
and aid to turbulent spirits in 1836–7. The attempts at bullying
England when she was at war with Russia. The organization of the
Fenian association, with the publicly avowed purpose of seizing some
portion of our Province. The abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty,
the object of which was proclaimed by Consul Potter—all along the
634eighty years’ history of the United States, is to be seen a disreputable
attempt, by all possible means, to bully a weaker neighbor. All this
does not become a great and honorable nation, a nation so extensive,
whose people are so loud-tongued upon the principles of liberty—Liberty!
The name with the United States is only synonymous with
their government. They cannot discover that a people should be free
to choose their own form of government, always excepting those who
rebelled in 1776. Oh yes! we have liberty to choose; but then we
must choose in accordance with Yankee ideas of liberty. Egotistic
to the heart’s core, they cannot understand how we entertain views
dissimilar to their own. How applicable the words of the immortal
Burns:—
“O wad some power the giftie gie us,
To see oursels as others see us:
It wad frae monie a blunder free us
An’ foolish notion.”
Without detracting from the well-known loyalty of the
other sections of the Province, it may be safely said that
the inhabitants of the Bay Quinté and St. Lawrence, and
Niagara, have proved themselves devotedly attached to British
institutions. The U. E. Loyalists have been as a barrier of rock,
against which the waves of Republicanism have dashed in vain. It
has been the refugee-settlers and their descendants, who prevented
the Province from being engulfed in its dark waters. In 1812, in
‘37, and at all times, their loyalty has never wavered. It has been
elsewhere stated, that settlers from the States came in at a later
date. Those were found likewise truly loyal. Says McMullen,
speaking of the war of 1812, “But comparatively few Canadians
joined the American standard in the war, and throughout which
none were more gallant in rolling back the tide of unprincipled
avarice than the emigrant from New England and New York, who
aside from the U. E. Loyalist, had settled in the country.” There
were a few renegades who forsook the country, not so much to join
the enemy as because they had no soul to fight. In this connection
it will be desirable to refer to one notable case; that of “Bill
Johnson.”
The following will sufficiently shew how intense were the feelings
of loyalty many years ago. The writer’s father was present at
a meeting, which was conducted by a minister lately from the
United States, and who was unaccustomed to pray for the King.
635The good man thought only of his allegiance to the King of Kings,
and omitted, in the extemporaneous prayer, to pray for the King
of England. Whereupon Mr. T. arose and requested the preacher
either to pray for his Majesty, or leave his territories. The minister
did not again forget so manifest a duty. In this connection, we
cannot forbear inserting another instance of Canadian loyalty,
which exhibited itself not long ago in the loyal city of Toronto.
“Canadian Loyalty.—A very extraordinary manifestation of
feeling took place on Thursday night last in Toronto, at the closing
meeting of the Sabbath School Convention. A gentleman from
New York delivered a parting address, on behalf of the American
visitors who had attended the Convention; at the conclusion of
which he referred to our Queen as a “model woman,” and said that
from the fulness of his heart he could say, ‘Long live Her Majesty
Queen Victoria!’ When he gave expression to this sentiment there
was such an outburst of enthusiastic loyalty that every one seemed
carried completely away. The immense audience immediately
commenced such a cheering, and clapping of hands, as is seldom
seen, and kept it up till there was an accidental “change of exercise.”
Under the powerful excitement of the moment, a gentleman
near the platform commenced singing “God Save the Queen,” when
the entire audience rose to their feet and joined in singing it through.
That was singing with a will! Several persons were quite overpowered,
and even wept freely. It was simply an unpremeditated
expression of the warm devotion of the Canadian heart to the best
Queen that ever sat on the British throne.”
Longevity.—The climate of Canada, even of Ontario, is by some
considered very severe. The months of unpleasant weather which
intervene between summer and winter, and again between winter and
summer; and the snowy months of winter itself are not, it must be
admitted, so agreeable as in other climates. And, occasionally,
even the summer itself is comparatively cold. For instance, in
1817, snow fell at Kingston in the month of June. But, notwithstanding
the occasional severity, and the general unpleasantness,
(although all do not so consider it) the climate of Canada seems conducive
to longevity. Both in Upper and Lower Canada, among the
French and English may be found a great many instances of wonderfully
extended age. There is a school of naturalists, who entertain
the belief that the races of men are strictly indigenous; that if
removed from the land of their birth, they will degenerate, and
unless intermixed with constantly flowing recruits, will ultimately
die out. They assert that the European races transplanted to
America are doomed to degeneration and death so soon as emigration
shall cease to maintain the vitality brought by the original
636settlers. To this view we have ventured to give very positive
dissent, and have supported this position in another place with the
following language: “In Canada are to be seen quite remote
descendants of the most prominent people of Europe, the British
and French, and, I am prepared to assert, with no marked signs of
physical degeneration, the French of Lower Canada, even under
many adverse circumstances, have fully maintained their ancient
bodily vigor, and can compare favorably with the present inhabitants
of old France, while their number has increased.” Yet their
ancestors, many of them, emigrated two hundred years ago; and,
since the colony became a part of Britain, no replenishment has
been received from the old stock.
“Turning to Upper Canada, we find a fact no less important,
and quite as antagonistic to the theory. In consequence of the
American Revolutionary war, some twenty-five or thirty thousand
United Empire Loyalists were forced, or induced, to seek a home
in the Canadian wilderness. Many of these were descendants of
those who had first peopled New Holland. A large number settled
along the St. Lawrence and the Bay of Quinté. In the main, indeed,
almost altogether, until very recently, these old settlers have intermarried.
The great-grandchildren of those American pioneers now
live on the old homestead, and are found scattered over the whole
Province. And although I have no positive data upon which to
base my assertion; yet, from careful observation, I have no hesitation
in declaring that in physical development, in slight mortality
among the children, in length of life, in powers of endurance, not
to say in bravery and patriotism, they cannot be excelled by any
class of emigrants.”—(Principles of Surgery).
Since the above was written, we have become more intimately
acquainted with regard to the longevity, both among the French
and Anglo-Canadians; and the opinion then expressed has been
greatly strengthened. Respecting the latter class, personal observation
has aided us. In our frequent visits to different parts,
made during the last few years, we have enjoyed the opportunity of
conversing with many persons who had much over-ran the period
allotted to man; and others who had exceeded their three score
years and ten. Some of them have been spectators of the very
scenes of the settlement of the country, and retain a vivid recollection
of the events attending that trying period. Venerable, with
hairs blossoming for the grave, and chastened by the long endured
fire of affliction, they are happy in their old age. They connect the
637present with the past, and remind us how great the heritage they
have secured to us from a vast, untrodden wilderness. Notwithstanding
the toils, the privations in early life, ere the tender child
had merged into the adult, when the food was limited, and often
inferior in quality, they yet have had iron constitutions that in the
earnest contingency of life served them well. Of course, the plain
and regular habits of the settlers, with plenty of out-door exercise,
assisted to promote long life, and give them a hardy nature. We
have knowledge of a vast number who attained to a great age. Of
those who lived to an old age, “A Traveler,” writing in 1835 says
of Upper Canada, “I often met the venerable in years.”
The children and grand-children of the early settlers live, in
many cases, to as great an age as their fathers.
Descendants.—While there were some among the first settlers of
European birth, the majority were of American birth, and possessed
the characteristics of the colonists of that day. But, separated from
the people and the scenes intimate to them in their youth, and living
in the profound shades of the interminable wilderness, they gradually
lost many of their characteristic features and habits, and
acquired others instead.
The Canadian immigrant, be he English, Irish, or Scotch, or even
German or French, will, as time gives lines to his face, and gray hair
to his head, insensibly lose many of the peculiarities of his race,
and in the end sensibly approximate to the character and appearance
of the people among whom he has settled. The children of the
emigrant, no matter what pains the parents may take to preserve in
their children what belongs to their own native country, will grow
up quite unlike the parents. So much is this the case that any one
on entering a mixed school, high or low, or by noticing the children
at play, as he passes along the street, whose parents are both natives and
foreigners, would find it quite impossible to point out one from the
other, whether the child was of Canadian parentage, or whether its
parents were of another country. The fact at which it is desired to
get is that emigrants to Canada, no matter how heterogeneous, are
gradually moulded into a whole more or less homogenous. That
this is observable somewhat in the emigrant himself, but decidedly
so in the children. The fact being admitted that a transformation
is slowly but certainly effected, it may be inquired by what influence
it is accomplished. It cannot be due solely, to the climate,
nor to dress, nor diet, nor the original habits of the people,
638although each has its influence. Must we not search for a more powerful
cause of peculiarity as a people, in some other channel. A natural
one seemingly presents itself. The growth of a nation, as the growth
of a tree will be modified by its own intrinsic vitality, and at the
same time by external circumstances. Upper Canada was planted by
British heroes of the American Revolution. It arose out of that
revolution. The first settlers were U. E. Loyalists. The majority
of the original settlers were natives of America, and brought up in
one or other of the provinces that rebelled. They were Americans
in all respects, as much as those who took sides with the rebels, yet
to-day the descendants of the U. E. Loyalists are as unlike the descendants
of the rebels, as each is unlike a full blooded Englishman.
The pure Yankee and the Canadian of the first water may trace their
ancestors to a common parentage, and have the same name. As
Canadians we are not afraid to institute a comparison between ourselves
and the natives of New England or New York, or Pennsylvania.
Let the comparison refer to any question whatever, either of
the body or mind, of society or of government. The external influences
which have operated have been elsewhere indicated. The circumstances
of the U. E. Loyalists as settlers in a wilderness, were
widely different from those of the States after the Independence was
secured. Incessant toil and privations, without opportunities for
acquiring education, on the one hand; on the other there was
all the advantages of civilization. And so it continued for nearly
half a century. It is to be desired that we had statistics to show the
difference as to longevity, and general health. Suffice it to say that
scientific men are debating the cause of gradual decline among the
New Englanders, while Upper Canada overflows with native population.
Another influence of an external nature, which must not be
omitted as operating upon the loyalists, is that derived from the
emigrants from Great Britain and the officers from the army and
navy, and other gentlemen who became part of the first settlers. That
they had a wholesome effect cannot be doubted, and gave a healthy
tone to the provincial mind. From these internal and external influences
the Upper Canadian has been developed into an individual
singular in some respects, but yet constituting a middle link between
the Englishman, and the “Englishman intensified,” as the American
has been called.
The difference in the character between the British American
and those who have lived under Republican Government is a striking
commentary upon the effects of social and political institutions.
639Canadians may not have excelled in making wooden nutmegs, and
basswood hams; but they have succeeded in converting a wilderness
into a splendid Province. And although eighty years behind
in commencing the race with those who robbed them of their homes,
they have even now caught up in many respects, and to-day a
young State with great breadth and resources presents itself at the
threshold of nations. It has for a population a stable people. Canada
has no long list of cruel charges against her for aggression. Her
escutcheon is clean as the northern snow against which she rests,
from the stains of blood—blood of the Indian, the African, the
Mexican, or of a neighbor.
After all, notwithstanding this bright record of loyalty on the
part of settlers and their descendants, yet the Bay of Quinté inhabitants
were not permitted to receive the heir to the Crown of
England, to support which, their sires suffered so much. They
spilled their blood, they suffered starvation; and yet by the advice
of one who held in higher consideration the Roman Catholic
Church, than the grand-children of the U. E. Loyalists. The
Prince of Wales passed up and down the bay without landing.
They waited with burning enthusiasm to receive the Prince, but
he passed and repassed without gratifying their desire. Notwithstanding
this there were some who followed him to Toronto, determined
to pay their respect to the Prince, notwithstanding the
Duke of Newcastle.
“The U. E. List.”—It will be remembered that a certain number
of Americans who had remained in the States, were induced to
remove to Canada by a proclamation issued by Simcoe; many of
these were always loyalists in heart, some had become tired of
republicanism, and others were attracted by the offer of lands, free
grants of which were offered upon paying fees of office, some $30.
By this means a new element was added to the Province. At the
same time the first settlers were to be placed in a position to which
the newcomers, however loyal, could never attain.
Distinct from the general class is here meant those whose names
were entered upon a list ordered to be prepared by Government.
“To put a mark of honor,” as it was expressed in the orders of
Council, “upon the families who had adhered to the unity of the
empire and joined the royal standard in America, before the treaty
of separation in the year 1783, to the end that their posterity might
be discriminated from the then future settlers. From the initials
of two emphatic words, the unity of the empire, it was styled the
640“U. E. List,” and they, whose names were entered on it, were distinguished
as the U. E. Loyalists, a distinction of some consequence,
for, in addition to the promise of such loyalty by themselves, it was
declared that their children, as well as those born hereafter, as
those already born, should, upon arriving at the age of twenty-one
years, and females upon their marriage within that age, be entitled
to grants of 200 acres each, free from all expense.” Upon arriving
at age, the descendant petitioned the Governor, stating the facts
upon oath, and accompanied with the affidavit of one person. The
order was issued, and land in one of the newer townships was duly
allotted and the patent issued free of cost.
The following is the order of Council referring to the grants
of land to the U. E. Loyalists:
“Quebec, Monday, 9th Nov. 1789.”
Present, Lord Dorchester and thirteen Councillors.
“His Lordship intimated to the Council, that it remained a
question upon the regulations for the disposition of the waste lands
of the Crown, whether the board constituted for that purpose, were
authorized to make locations to the sons of loyalists, on their arriving
to full age, and that it was his wish to put a mark of honor
upon the families who had adhered to the unity of the empire, and
joined the Royal standard in America, before the treaty of separation
in the year 1783.”
“The Council concurring with his Lordship, it is accordingly
ordered, that the several land boards take course for preserving a
registry of the names of all persons falling under the description
aforementioned, to the end that their posterity may be discriminated
from future settlers, in the parish registers, and rolls of the
militia of their respective districts, and other public remembrances
of the Province, as proper objects, by their persevering in the
fidelity and conduct so honorable to their ancestors, for distinguished
benefits and privileges.”
“And it is also ordered that the said land boards may, in every
such case, provide not only for the sons of the loyalists, as they
arrive at full age, but for their daughters also, of that age, or on
their marriage, assigning to each a lot of 200 acres, more or less,
provided, nevertheless, that they respectfully comply with the
general regulations, and that it shall satisfactorily appear that there
has been no default in the due cultivation and improvement of the
lands already assigned to the head of the family of which they are
members.”
641In the first days of the Upper Canadian Militia, instructions
were given to the Captains in each battalion that in the roll of
members, all of the U. E. Loyalists enrolled should have the
capitals U. E. affixed to their names.
After the war of 1812, it became necessary for the applicant to
present a certificate from a Clerk of the Peace that he retained his
loyalty. The following is the order of the Executive Council:
York, 27th June, 1816.
“Public notice is hereby given by order of His Excellency
Governor in Council, that no petition from sons and daughters of
U. E. Loyalists will be hereafter received without a certificate from
the Magistrate in Quarter Sessions, signed by the chairman and
Clerk of the Peace, that the parent retained his loyalty during the
late war, and was under no suspicion of aiding or assisting the
enemy. And if a son then of age, that he also was loyal during the
late war, and did his duty in defense of the Province. And if a
daughter of an U. E. L. married, that her husband was loyal, and
did his duty in defense of the Province.” (Signed) John Small,
Clerk of the Executive Council.
The steps taken by Government to prevent persons not actually
upon the U. E. List from enjoying the peculiar privileges operated
sometimes against the U. E. Loyalists unpleasantly, which led to
some agitation, as the following will show:
In the year 1832, a meeting was held at Bath. Referring to this
meeting the Kingston Herald, of April 4, says:
The alleged injustice of the Government with regard to the
sons and daughters of U. E. Loyalists has been a fruitful source of
complaint by the grievance-mongers. At the late Bath meeting
Mr. Perry offered the following amendment to a resolution, which
was negatived by a large majority,
“Resolved, That a free grant of 200 acres of the waste lands of
the Crown, by His Majesty the King, to the U. E. Loyalists and their
sons and daughters, was intended as a mark of His Majesty’s Royal
munificence towards those who had shown a devotedness to His
Majesty’s person and government during the sanguinary struggle
at the late American Revolution, and that the settlement duty
required of late to be performed by the above description of persons
and others equally entitled to gratuitous grants, and also their
not being allowed the privilege of locating in any, or all townships
surveyed and open for location, appears to this meeting to be unjust,
and ought therefore to be abolished.”
642
Contents—Notice of a Few—Booth—Brock—Burritt—Cotter—Cartwright—Conger—Cole—Dempsey—Detlor—Fraser—Finkle—Fisher—Fairfield—Grass—Gamble
Hagerman—Johnson’s—“Bill” Johnson—Macaulay—The
Captive, Christian Moore—Parliament—Morden—Roblins—Simon—Van
Alstine—Wallbridge—Chrysler—White—Wilkins—Stewart—Wilson—Metcalf—Jayne—McIntosh—Bird—Gerow—Vankleek—Perry—Sir
William Johnson’s children.
The noble band of Loyalists have now almost all passed away.
Their bodies have long since been laid in the grave; their children
also have almost all departed, and the grand-children are getting
old. Their last resting places—resting from war, famine, and toil—are
to be found upon beautiful eminences, overlooking the blue
waters of the Bay and River and Lake. All along their shores may
be seen the quiet burying-places of those who cleared the land and
met the terrible realities of a pioneer life.
The present work cannot embrace a history of the many noble
ones, deserving attention, who laid the foundation of the brightest
colony of Great Britain. Yet it would be incomplete without giving
the names of a few representative persons. They are such as we
have been able to procure, and while there are others, not referred
to, well worthy of a place in history, these are no less worthy. We
have, under “The Combatants,” referred to others of the first
settlers, and would gladly have introduced the names of all, could
they have been obtained.
Booth—“Died—At Ernesttown, on Saturday, Oct. 31, 1813,
very suddenly, Joshua Booth, Esq., aged 54 years. He was one of
the oldest settlers in that place, and ever retained the character of a
respectable citizen. Left a widow and ten children.”
The Brock Family.—William Brock was a native of Scotland;
born in 1715. Was taken by a press-gang when eighteen, and forced
upon a man-of-war. Served in the navy several years, when he was
taken prisoner by the French. Afterward was exchanged at Boston.
Being set at liberty from the service, he settled at Fishkill, New
York, where he married, and became the father of a large family,
two sons, Philip and John, by the first wife; and eight children by
a second, named William, Ruth, Naomi, Isabel, Deborah, Catherine,
Samuel, Garret, and Lucretia. In consequence, of the rebellion, he
643became a refugee, and, at the close, settled in Adolphustown; lived
for a short time near the Court House, upon his town lot, two of
his neighbors gave him theirs, and he continued to live upon the
three acres for some time. He drew land near the Lake on the
Mountain, and in the west, to which his sons went when they grew
old enough. One of them was Captain of Militia during the war
of 1812. He received at that time a letter from Gen. Brock, who
claimed relationship; the letter was written a few days before
Gen. Brock fell. This letter still exists. The youngest of the
children married Watterberry, and still lives, (1867) aged 82, with
her daughter, Mrs. Morden, Ameliasburgh.
Cartwright.—One of the most noted of the refugees who
settled at Kingston, was Richard Cartwright. He was a native of
Albany, and was forced to leave his home because of his loyalty.
He found an asylum with others at Carleton Island, or Fort
Niagara. Some time after the conclusion of the war he was in
partnership with Robert, afterward Honorable Hamilton, at
Niagara. But sometime about 1790, he settled in Kingston,
where, as a merchant he acquired extensive property. The
Government mills at Napanee came into his possession. Those
who remember his business capacity, say it was very great. He
was a man of “liberal education and highly esteemed. Suffered at
last calmly and patiently, and died at Montreal, 27th July, 1815,
aged fifty years.”
The estimation in which this gentleman was held is sufficiently
attested by the following, which we take from the Kingston Gazette:
York, March 13, 1816.
A new township in the rear of Darlington, in the district of
Newcastle, has been surveyed, and is now open for the location of
the U. E. Loyalists and military claimants. We understand that
His Excellency, the Lieutenant-Governor to testify in the most
public manner the high sense which he entertained of the merit
and services of the late Honorable Richard Cartwright, has been
pleased to honor this township with the name of Cartwright, a
name ever to be remembered in Canada with gratitude and respect.
Dignified with a seat in the Legislative Council, and also with a
high appointment in the militia of the Province, Mr. Cartwright
discharged the duties incident to those situations, with skill,
fidelity, and attention. Animated with the purest principle of
loyalty, and with an ardent zeal for the preservation of that noble
644constitution which we enjoy, he dedicated, when even struggling
under great bodily infirmity, the remains of a well spent life to the
service of his country. Nor was he less perspicuous for his exemplary
behaviour in private life; obliging to his equals—kind to his
friends—affectionate to his family, he passed through life, eminently
distinguished for virtuous and dignified propriety of conduct, uniformly
maintaining the exalted character of a true patriot, and of a
great man.
He was a good type of the old school, a tall, robust man, with
a stern countenance, and a high mind. He had sustained the loss
of one eye, but the remaining one was sharp and piercing. As the
first Judge of Mecklenburgh, he discharged his duties with great
firmness, amounting, it is said, often to severity. As an officer of
the militia, a position he held in 1812, he was a strict disciplinarian,
and often forgot that the militiamen were respectable farmers.
Mr. Cartwright left two sons, the late John S. Cartwright, and the
Rev. Robert Cartwright. It is unnecessary to say that the descendants
of Judge Cartwright are among the most respectable, influential
and wealthy, living in the Midland District.
Mr. James Cotter, was by profession, a farmer, residing in
Sophiasburgh in good circumstances. He was universally respected;
decided, and well informed in political matters; and as a proof of
the public confidence was elected M.P.P. In Parliament he served
his constituents faithfully, and maintained a reputation for consistency
and uprightness. In 1819, when party spirit animated the
two political parties, he became a candidate for re-election, but
after a close contest was defeated by James Wilson, Esq.
Conger.—“At West Lake, Hallowell, on the 27th May, 1825, died
Dengine Conger, in the 60th year of his age. He held a commission
in the First Battalion of the Prince Edward Militia, during twenty-three
years. He resided in Hallowell forty years, and lived a very
exemplary life, and died regretted by all who knew him.”
Cole.—In the history of Adolphustown, reference is made to
Daniel Cole, the very first settler in that township. The writer in the
summer of 1866, took dinner with John Cole, of Ameliasburgh, son
of Daniel. John was then in his 92nd year. He has since, 1867,
passed away. Born in Albany before the rebellion, he, with his
family during the war, found their way as loyalists to the city of
New York, where they remained until the leaving of VanAlstine’s
company. The old man could remember many of the events of that
645exciting period, being, when they came to Canada, about ten years
old. The brigade of batteaux from Sorel, was under the supervision
of Collins, he says: “Old Mother Cook kept tavern in Kingston, in
a low flat hut, with two rooms.” There were four or five houses
altogether in the place. Landed in fourth township in June. Saw
no clearings or buildings all the way up from Kingston, nor tents;
a complete wilderness. Remembers an early settler in second
township, named Cornelius Sharp, from the fact that he injured his
knee, and that Dr. Dougall desired to amputate; but his father
cured it. His mother’s name was Sophia de Long, from Albany.
She lost property. A hogshead of spirits was brought up from New
York. The settlers were called together every morning and supplied
with a little on account of the new climate. His father had
been a spy and carried despatches in a thin steel box, which was
placed between the soles of the boot. Before resorting to this
mode he had been caught, and sentenced to be hanged immediately.
The rope was around his neck, and the end thrown over the
limb of a tree, when he suddenly gave a spring from their grasp,
and ran, while shot after shot was leveled at his flying figure; but
he escaped, “God Almighty would not let the balls hit him.”
Remembers the Indians when first came, were frequently about,
would come in and look at the dinner table; but refused to eat
bread at first; afterward would, and then brought game to
them in abundance at times. Remembers landing at Adolphustown,
he hauled the boat to a block oak tree, which overhung the water,
his father built a wharf here afterwards. It was in the afternoon.
They all went ashore. There were three tents of linen put up.
His father brought a scythe with him, with which they cut marsh
hay, or flags. This was used to cover the houses, and they kept out
the rain well.
His father’s family consisted of twelve persons, two died at
Sorel. The settlers used to meet every Sunday to hear the Bible
read, generally by Ferguson; sometimes had prayer. Remembers,
Quarter Sessions met at his father’s, Cartwright was Judge. The
Grand Jury would go to the stable to converse. Says he once saved
Chrys. Hagerman’s life, who was bleeding at nose, after Drs.
Dougall and Dunham had failed. His father lived to be 105, his
sister died last year, aged 101. Remembers the man that was convicted
of stealing a watch, and hanged. Has seen the gallows on
Gallows Point, Captain Grass’ farm. The gallows remained there
a dozen years. The man it turned out, was innocent.
646Died.—“On Friday the 5th of August, at his residence in Adolphustown,
Mr. Daniel Cole, at the very advanced age of 105 years, 1
month and 12 days. He was a native of Long Island, N. Y., and the
oldest settler in this township; he was respected and beloved by all
who knew him—having long performed his duty as a loyal subject, a
faithful friend, a kind husband, an indulgent parent, and an obliging
neighbor. Born in the fifth year of the reign of George II, he lived
under four Sovereigns, and saw many changes both in the land of
his birth, and this of his adoption. He has beheld the horrors of
war, and has tasted of the blessings of peace; he has seen that which
was once a wilderness, “blossom and flourish like the rose,” where
formerly was nothing to be seen but the dark shadow of the lofty
pine, oak, and maple, here and there broken by the thin blue vapor
curling above the Indian wigwam, he has seen comfortable dwellings
arise; out of the superabundance of nature man has supplied his
necessity. Beneath the untiring efforts of human industry, the dark
woods have disappeared and waiving fields of grain have taken their
place. Where once was seen nought but the light birch bark canoe
of the “son of the forest,” he has beheld the stately steamboats
sweep majestically along—where formerly resounded the savage howl
of the panther, the wolf and bear, he has seen towns and villages
spring up, as it were by magic; in fact the very face of the country
seems changed since he first sat down upwards of 52 years ago, as a
settler on the place where he died.
“But after all he saw, he too is gone, his venerable age could not
save him, for we are told “the old must die.” The friends of his
early days were all gone before him; he was becoming “a stranger
among men,” generations had arisen and passed away, still he remained
like a patriarch of old, unbroken by the weight of years.
After witnessing the fifth generation, he died universally lamented
by all his acquaintances, leaving behind him 8 children; 75 grandchildren,
172 great-grandchildren and 13 great-grandchildren’s children;
in all 268 descendants.”
Adolphustown, August 9, 1836. T. D.
Dempsey.—“Mark Dempsey was sent out by the British Government
as Secretary to General Schuyler. Married about 1746 to Miss
Carroll. Thomas, their youngest son, was born in New Jersey, 9th
January, 1762. His father died while he was young, and he was
left in a part of the country which was held by the rebels, when he
had attained to an age to be drafted, Thomas Dempsey did not
like to fight in the rebel ranks, and consequently escaped and joined
647the loyalists. Was in the service when New York was evacuated.
Married 1782 to Mary Lawson, whose father, Peter was imprisoned by
the rebels, and his property all plundered and confiscated. Came to
Canada by Oswego, 1788, accompanied by his wife and her parents.
Tarried at Napanee till 1789, when they came to Ameliasburgh, and
settled on lot 91, which had been purchased from John Finkle.
Dempsey’s worldly effects then consisted of a cow, which they
brought with them, seven bushels of potatoes, and a French crown,
and a half acre of wheat which Finkle had sowed. They drew land
in Cramahe. During the first years they were in great distress. A
tablespoonful of flour, with milk boiled, or grain shelled by hand,
formed their daily meals. Their clothing consisted of blankets
obtained of the Indians for the women, and buckskin pants and shirts
for the men. Dempsey was the second settler in the township, Weese
having settled two years before. Margaret Dempsey, born October
24, 1790, was the third child born in the township.”
Detlors.—The Detlors are of the Palatine stock. Says G. H.
Detlor, Esq., of the Customs Department, Kingston:
My grandfather, John V. Detlor, emigrated with my grandmother
from Ireland, to New York; directly after his marriage in the City of
New York, they removed to the town of Camden, where they resided
with their family—and at the close of the Rebellion (having joined the
Royal standard)—he with two or three of his sons and sons-in-law
came to Canada, and finally located on lands in the Township of Fredericksburgh,
Lot No. 21, 6th concession, where he and his sons lived
and died. My father removed to the town of York (now City of
Toronto), in 1802, and at the invasion of that place by the Americans,
in April, 1813, my father lost his life in defense of the place. There
is now but one of my grandfather’s children living, an aunt of mine,
Mrs. Anne Dulmage, resides in the village of Sydenham, Township
of Loughboro’, County of Frontenac.
They sacrificed their lands, and suffered great privations. The
Detlors have ever been universally esteemed, not alone in the Midland
District, but in all parts of Canada, and have been found worthy
occupants of many responsible positions.
Isaac Fraser.—“Among the prominent men who resided in
Ernesttown, near the Bay of Quinté, was Isaac Fraser, Esq., for
many years M.P.P. for the Counties of Lennox and Addington.
Mr. Fraser was a man of great decision of character, and during the
active part of his life, probably wielded a great influence, and his
opinions always commanded great respect. In his political opinions,
648he was identified with the Conservative or Tory party; and when
he arrived at a conclusion on any particular point, he adhered to it
with all the tenacity which a clear conviction of its justice could
inspire. With him there was no wavering, no vacillation. He was
always reliable, and his friends always knew where to find him.
There is no doubt, he acted from conscientious motives, and from a
clear conviction of duty; and, so far as I know, no man ever charged
him with acting corruptly. In his religious views, Mr. Fraser sympathized
with the Presbyterians, and, if I mistake not, was a
member of the church organized, and watched over by the late Rev.
Robert McDowall, of Fredericksburgh.”
Finkle.—The late Geo. Finkle, of Ernesttown, says, “My
grandfather, Dr. Geo. Finkle, left Germany when a young man; and
bought two estates, one at Great, and one at Little Nine Partners.
In adhering to the British, he had all his estates, which were valuable
at Nine Partners, Duchess Co., confiscated to the Rebel Government.
My father, Henry, made his way to Quebec shortly after the
war began, being sixteen years old. Entered the Engineer’s Department,
where he learned the use of carpenter’s tools. In settling,
this knowledge was of great use to him, and he became the builder
of the first framed building in Upper Canada. His wife was a
sister of Capt. John Bleeker. He settled on the front of Ernesttown,
lot six.” Finkle’s Point is well known.
The First court held in Upper Canada, it is said, was at Finkle’s
house, which being larger than any at Kingston, or elsewhere on
the Bay, afforded the most convenience. Mr. Finkle records the
trial of a negro for stealing a loaf of bread, who, being found guilty,
received thirty-nine lashes. The basswood tree, to which he was
tied, is still standing; Mr. Finkle had slaves and was the first to
give them freedom. One of the brothers, of which there were
three, John, George, and Henry, served seven years in Johnson’s
regiment.
Mr. Finkle wrote us, Dec. 11, 1865; he says, “Being in my
74th year, and in impaired health, I am unable to write more.” The
kind man soon thereafter was called away, at a good old age, like
his father and grandfather.
Geo. Finkle, son of Henry, had three sons, Gordon William,
Roland Robinson, and Henry. The Finkle’s, as we have seen elsewhere,
were actively engaged in the construction of the first steamboats
the ‘Frontenac’ and ‘Charlotte,’ having had an interest in
the ‘Charlotte,’ and his eldest son, Gordon, is now one of the oldest
649captains upon the Bay, being attached to the steamer ‘Bay Quinté.’
The old place granted to the grandfather, still belongs to the family,
Roland R. still residing there, and the youngest, Henry, is Postmaster
at Bath.
Fisher.—Judge Alexander Fisher, a name well known in the
Midland District, was a native of Perthshire, Scotland, from whence
his parents, with a numerous family, emigrated to New York, then
a British province. At the time of the rebellion they had accumulated
a considerable amount of both real and personal property;
but at the defeat of Burgoyne, near the place of whose defeat they
lived, the Fisher family, who would not abandon their loyalty, left
their all, and endured great hardships in finding their way to Montreal.
Alexander was subsequently employed in the Commissariat,
under McLean, at Carleton Island; while his twin-brother obtained
the charge of the High School at Montreal, which situation he held
until his death, in the year 1819. At the close of the war the family
obtained their grants of land as U. E. Loyalists.
Alex. Fisher was appointed the first District Judge and Chairman
of Quarter Sessions for the Midland District, to the last of
which he was elected by his brother magistrates. He was also for
many years a Captain of Militia, which post he held during the
war of 1812. The family took up their abode in Adolphustown,
upon the shores of Hay Bay. A sister of Judge Fisher was married
to Mr. Hagerman, and another to Mr. Stocker, who, for a time,
lived on the front of Sidney. He was related, by marriage, to
McDonnell, of Marysburgh. His parents lived with him at the
farm in Adolphustown. They were buried here in the family vault,
with a brother, and the Judge’s only son.
Judge Fisher was short in stature, and somewhat stout, with a
prominent nose. He was, as a judge, and as a private individual,
universally esteemed. “He was a man of great discernment, and
moral honesty governed his decisions.”—(Allison.) He died in the
year 1830, and was buried in the family vault. As an evidence of
the high esteem in which he was held, there was scarcely a lawyer
or magistrate in the whole District, from the Carrying Place to
Gananoque, who did not attend his funeral, together with a great
concourse of the settlers throughout the counties.
Fairfield.—The Kingston Gazette tells the following:
“Died.—At his house, in Ernesttown, on the 7th Feb. 1816, in
the 47th year of his age, W. Fairfield. His funeral was attended by
a numerous circle of relatives, friends and neighbors. He left a
650widow and seven children. The first link that was broken in a
family chain of twelve brothers and three sisters, all married at
years of maturity. His death was a loss to the district, as well as
to his family. He was one of the commissioners for expending the
public money on the roads. Formerly a member of the Provincial
Parliament; many years in the commission of the Peace. As a
magistrate and a man, he was characterized by intelligence, impartiality,
independence of mind and liberality of sentiments.”
Grass.—Captain Michael Grass, the first settler of Kingston
township, was a native of Germany. The period of his emigration
to America is unknown. He was a saddler and harness-maker by
trade, and for years plied his trade in Philadelphia. It would seem
that he removed from Philadelphia to New York, for his son Peter
was born in this city in 1770. According to the statement of his
grandson who often heard the facts from his father, Peter Grass, soon
after the commencement of the rebellion, Michael Grass was taken
prisoner by the Indians, who were staying at Cataraqui. In this he
is probably mistaken. We learn from another source that it was
during the previous French war, which is more likely to be correct.
It would seem that Grass and two other prisoners were not confined
in the fort, but held in durance by a tribe of Indians, who
permitted them to hunt, fish, &c. They made an effort to escape, but
were caught and brought back. Again they attempted, carrying with
them provisions, which they had managed to collect, sufficient to last
them a week. But it was nine weeks before they reached an English
settlement, one having died by the way from hunger and exposure.
It was the knowledge which Grass had acquired of the territory at
Cataraqui, while a prisoner, which led to his appointment to the
leadership of a band of refugees at the close of the war.—(See settlement
of Kingston.)
It does not appear that Captain Grass occupied any office in the
army during the war. His captaincy commenced upon his leaving
New York with the seven vessels for Canada. By virtue of his
captaincy, he was entitled to draw 3000 acres. Beside lot twenty-five
in Kingston, he drew in fourth concession of Sidney nearly 2000 acres
in one block.
Captain Grass had three sons, Peter, John, and Daniel, and three
daughters. Daniel, some years after, went sailing and was never
heard from. Peter and John settled in the Second Town and became
the fathers respectively of families. The land drawn by the captain,
and the 600 acres by each of his children, has proved a lasting source
of wealth and comfort to his descendants.
651Captain Grass naturally took a leading part at least during the
first years of the settlement at Kingston. He was possessed of some
education, and was a man of excellent character, with a strict sense
of honor. Although opportunities presented themselves to accumulate
property at the expense of others, he refused to avail himself of all
such. He was appointed a magistrate at an early period, and as such
performed many of the first marriages in Kingston. In religion, he
was an adherent to the Church of England. Probably he had been
brought up a Lutheran. His old “Dutch” Bible still is read by an
old German in Ernesttown; but it seems a pity that although none
of the Grass family can read its time worn pages, it should be allowed
to remain in other hands than the descendants of the old captain.
In connection, it may be mentioned that some time before the war,
a poor German, a baker by trade, came to New York. Michael
Grass assisted him into business, and even gave him a suit of clothes.
When the refugees came to Canada, this baker accompanied them.
He settled in Quebec, where he amassed eventually great wealth, and
the P—— family are not unknown to the public.
Gamble.—The subjoined somewhat lengthy notice is taken from
the Toronto Colonist:—“Dr. Gamble and family were for many years
residing at Kingston, and he was intimately associated with the first
days of Upper Canada, as a Province, while his offspring as will be
seen, form no indifferent element of the society of the Province,” we
therefore insert the notice in extenso. “Isabella Elizabeth Gamble, the
third daughter of Dr. Joseph Clark and Elizabeth Alleyne, was born
at Stratford, in Connecticut—then a colony of Great Britain—on the
24th October, 1767. In the year 1776, her father, faithful to his
allegiance, repaired to the British army in New York, to which place
his family followed him. At the peace of 1783, Dr. Clark removed
with his family to New Brunswick (then known as the Province of
Acadia) and took up his residence at Mangerville. There his daughter,
the subject of this memoir, then in her seventeenth year, was married
on the 18th of May, 1884, to Dr. John Gamble, the eldest son of
William Gamble and Leah Tyrer, of Duross, near Enniskillen, Ireland.
Mr. Gamble was born in 1755, studied physic and surgery at Edinburgh;
emigrated to the British colony in 1779, and landed in New
York in September of that year. Immediately on his arrival, he
entered the King’s service as Assistant-Surgeon to the General Hospital;
subsequently he was attached to the “Old Queen’s Rangers,”
and for some time did duty with that regiment as surgeon. At the
peace of 1783, he, with other American Loyalists, went to New
652Brunswick. After his marriage Dr. Gamble practised his profession
at St. John’s, and resided in New Brunswick until 1793, when having
been appointed Assistant-Surgeon to the late regiment of Queen’s
Rangers, by General Simcoe, then Lieutenant-Governor of Upper
Canada, he joined his regiment at Niagara, where it was then quartered,
having left his wife and five daughters at Mangerville. Mrs. Gamble
continued to reside with her father until 1798, when her husband,
having in the meantime, been promoted to the surgeoncy of his regiment;
she, with her five daughters, the eldest then but thirteen years
of age, accompanied by her father and a sister (afterwards married
to the Hon. Samuel Smith), ascended the river St. John in a bark
canoe, crossed the portage by Temi conata to the Rivierie du Loup,
came up the St. Lawrence, and joined Dr. Gamble then with his
regiment in garrison at York.
“In 1802, the Queen’s Rangers were disbanded, and Mrs. Gamble
accompanied her husband and family to Kingston, where he practised
his profession until his death, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, on the
1st December, 1811. She remained in Kingston till the year 1820,
when with the portion of her family then at home, she removed to
Toronto, and there remained surrounded by her offspring until her
death on the 9th March, 1859.
“Mrs. Gamble had thirteen children, nine daughters and four sons;
Isabella, the eldest, married to Robert Charles Home, Esq., Assistant-Surgeon,
Glengary Light Infantry; Mary Ann, married to Colonel
Sinclair, Royal Artillery; Sarah Hannah Boyes, to James Geddes, Esq.,
Assistant-Surgeon, Medical Staff; Leah Tyrer, to the Hon. William
Allen; Catharine, who died unmarried; Jane, married to Benjamin
Whitney, Esq.; Rachel Crookshank, to Sir James Buchannan
Macaulay; Magdaline, to Thomas William Birchall, Esq.; and Mary
Ann unmarried; John William, of Vaughan, William, of Milton,
Etobicoke; Clarks, of Toronto, and Joseph who died in infancy; of
these thirteen, six only survive, but Mrs. Gamble’s descendants have
already reached the large number of 204, and some of her children’s
children are now upwards of thirty years of age.
“The remarkable longevity of a large number of the American
Loyalist emigrants who came to the British Provinces after the
American Revolution, has been noticed by the Lord Bishop of New
Brunswick, as a striking instance of the fulfilment of the promise contained
in the fifth commandment, embracing, as that commandment
unquestionably does, the duty of obedience to civil rulers. Mrs.
Gamble may well be counted among that number, having, in October
last, entered upon her ninety-second year.”—Colonist.
653Among the company of refugees which followed VanAlstine’s
lead to Canada, was Nicholas Hagerman.
He settled in the village of Adolphustown, almost in front of
the U. E. burying ground. The point of land here between the
Bay and the Creek is still known as Hagerman’s Point. The whole
of the land except the burying ground was cleared by Hagerman.
His house was situated a short distance west of the road leading
from the wharf up to the village. It was built near the water’s edge.
The short period which has elapsed since that building was erected
has not only consigned the builder to a grave almost unknown, and
the building to the destructive tooth of time, but the very land on
which the house stood, where he and his family daily passed in and
out, is now washed away by the ceaseless waves of the bay.
Mr. Hagerman was a man of some education, and it is said had
studied law before leaving New York. At all events he became one
of the first appointed lawyers in Upper Canada, probably at the time
McLean, of Kingston, was appointed. He continued to live and
practice law in Adolphustown until his death. “He was the first
lawyer to plead at these Courts. He was a self-made man.”—Allison.
The writer’s parents lived at, and near the village of Adolphustown
when young; they knew the Hagerman’s well, and for many a
day and year attended school with Nicholas Hagerman’s children.
There were at least two brothers, David and Christopher, and two
daughters, Betsy and Maria. Daniel was a sedate person, but
“Chris.” was a saucy boy. They were both elected to Parliament
at the same time, but Daniel died before the meeting of Parliament.
Christopher studied law with his father at first, was a pupil of Dr.
Strachan’s, and completed his legal studies in McLean’s office in
Kingston. The father and son were sometimes employed by opposing
clients; at one time in Kingston, the son won the suit, much to the
annoyance of the father. The father exclaimed, “have I raised a son
to put out my eyes.” “No”, replied the son, “to open them father.”
At the commencement of the war in 1812, Christopher went as
Lieutenant with a Company from Adolphustown to Kingston.
Shortly after he was chosen Aide-de-Camp to the Governor General.
Thenceforth his way to preferment was steady. At the close of the
war he was appointed Collector of Customs at Kingston. The
Gazette of 5th September, 1815, says that Christopher Alexander
Hagerman, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, was appointed to His Majesty’s
Council in and for the Province of Upper Canada.
654On the 26th March, 1817, he was married to Elizabeth, eldest
daughter of James Macaulay, Esq., Kingston.
Johnsons.—Henry Johnson was born at New Jersey, 1757, where
he lived till the rebellion, when he removed to Poughkeepsie. In June,
1788, being a loyalist, he came with his brother Andrew to Canada,
enduring many privations and hardships. He settled in Hallowell,
where he lived until his death, which took place 28th May, 1829, being
in his 73rd year. “He was noted for his hospitality—charitable to the
poor without ostentation, a pious Christian. For the last five years
he suffered much.”
Andrew Johnson.—Among the combatants, we have given the
name of James Johnson; here we design to give a place to some
account of his two sons, Andrew and William, or “Bill,” as he was
commonly called, a name yet remembered by many.
Perhaps there is not now living a more interesting historic
character than Andrew Johnson, residing in the vicinity of Belleville.
A native of New York State, Gainesborough, he came in
with his father at the first settlement of Upper Canada. He was
an eye witness of the first days of Ernesttown, and Kingston. At
the beginning of the present century he was known as an unusually
rapid walker. Andrew was engaged in carrying the mail from
Kingston to York. Mr. Stuart was his employer. His route was
by the Bay shore to Adolphustown, across the Bay, at the Stone
Mills, by Picton and Wellington, to the Carrying Place; and thence
along the Lake shore, fording streams as best he could, often upon
a fallen tree, or by swimming. He would spend five hours in York
and then start back. These trips were generally made once a fortnight.
He subsequently lived at Bath for forty years, where he
kept a tavern, and strangely enough, as he avers, he never drank
liquor in his life.
His father’s log house was used by Rev. Mr. Stuart to preach in
for three years, before the frame building was erected on the hill,
which would hold thirty or forty persons. It was a story and a-half
high. Andrew Johnson is now upwards of a hundred. Although
his memory is somewhat defective, he retains a great deal of bodily
vigor; and eats and sleeps well. He rarely converses unless spoken
to. He is a man of somewhat low stature, small frame, with spare
limbs. Mr. Lockwood, who has known him a long time, says,
“He was remarkably quick in his movements.” During the war,
the two started to walk from Prescott to Kingston, but Lockwood
says that Johnson could walk three miles to his one. His brother,
655“Bill,” had a fast horse, which could outrun anything. Andrew
offered to bet a hundred dollars that he could travel to York quicker
than the horse. Of course there was but an imperfect path, with
no bridges. His offer was not accepted. Andrew was a loyal
soldier in 1812, and belonged to the same companies as his brother.
The old man is yet very quick in his movements, retaining that
peculiar swinging gait by which he formerly so rapidly traveled
long distances. His days are passing away in a quiet dream, tenderly
cared for by his son, with his wife.
Bill Johnson.—William Johnson, brother of the foregoing,
was one of six sons of James Johnson, born in Ernesttown. His
youthful days were spent in the vicinity of what is now the village
of Bath. About the time of the commencement of the war of 1812,
he was engaged in Kingston, in trading, and had a store of general
merchandize. When the first draft for men was made, Johnson was
one of the conscripts. For a very short time, he did service, and then
procured his brother (not Andrew) as a substitute. There was not at
this time any doubt of his loyalty. It was natural he should desire to
attend to his business in Kingston, which at this time was lucrative.
And there does not appear that he employed his brother in other
than good faith. But some time after his brother entered the service,
he deserted to the United States’ shore. Even now it does not appear
that the authorities of Kingston suspected his loyalty, for they desired
that he should take his place in the ranks which his brother had forsaken.
This, however, “Bill” would not do. The result was that a
file of soldiers commanded by Sergeant Lockwood, (our principal informant)
was sent to arrest Johnson, by order of the captain, Matthew
Clark of Ernesttown.
Upon the approach of the soldiers, Johnson shouted to Sergeant
Lockwood, who had been his life long playmate, “I know what
you are after; but you won’t get me yet,” and immediately shut
the door and turned the key. Lockwood, without hesitation,
raised his musket, and with the butt knocked the door open, in
time to see Bill escaping by the back door. A close chase ensued
into a back enclosure, and Lockwood succeeded in catching him
by the leg as he was passing through a window. Johnson then
submitted, and was conveyed a prisoner to the guard house within
the jail. After being confined for sometime he escaped by breaking
the jail; probably aided by sympathizers, for a good many
thought he was badly treated.
Whatever may have been Johnson’s feelings towards the British
656Government before, he now became a most determined enemy of
his native country. He vowed he should “be a thorn in Great
Britain’s side;” and his goods and some property at Bath, a few
town lots, being confiscated, he declared he would get back all he
lost. The foregoing occurence took place sometime during the fall
of 1812. It would appear that Bill Johnson set to work in a systematic
manner to carry out his threats.
Being well acquainted with the country and people, and, withal,
a bold, determined and fearless man, he did not hesitate to visit the
Canadian shore, and was even seen at Bath in day light. He
built several small boats, light and trim, and he would at times
unhesitatingly voyage upon the broad lake in bold undertakings.
His operations consisted in privateering, in inducing American
sympathizers to accompany him to the States, and in acting as a
spy. During the war there were frequently boat loads of goods,
consisting of liquors and other valuable articles passing up the bay,
and across the Carrying Place, thence to York. On one occasion
Thomas Parker, who was engaged in the business, left Kingston
with a batteau laden with valuables for York. Johnson, who
watched such events, saw Parker depart. While the latter made
his way up the bay, Johnson proceeded in his craft around by the
lake, and awaited Parker off Presqu’isle. In due time the batteau
was seized by Johnson and his comrades, and taken to the other
side. Parker being landed on Point Traverse, off Marysburgh.
Another exploit was the seizure of Government despatches near
Brighton. A company of Dragoons, Captain Stinson, were on duty
to carry despatches between the River Trent and Smith’s Creek,
Port Hope. On a certain occasion when a dragoon, by the name
of Gardner, was pursuing his way with despatches, he was suddenly
seized by Johnson, who deliberately took him with his horse to the
lake shore, where he shot the horse, placed the despatch bag in his
boat, and then permitted the man to find his way on foot through
the woods to report himself to his captain.
“Bill Johnson still lives at French Creek upon the American
shore of the St. Lawrence. He was an active participant in the
events of 1837, and it is supposed had much to do in recruiting for
the army of sympathizers.” There is so much of fiction to be found
respecting him in connection with that time, that it is difficult to
say what part he did take. It has been generally supposed that he
was one of the few who escaped from the Windmill, but while, no
doubt, he was engaged at the time, there is nothing to rest a decided
657statement upon. We suspect that “Bill,” in his later days, was
given to boasting a little, and took pleasure in catering to the taste
of his Yankee friends, in relating what he and his daughter Kate
did, (in imagination.)
Macaulay, “the father of the Honorable John, and the Rev.
William Macaulay, settled during the Revolutionary war on Carleton
Island, then a British station and fortification, where he supplied
the commissariat and garrison, and carried on business. In
1794, Mr. Macaulay removed to Kingston, where he amassed considerable
property. When he removed to Kingston, he had rafted
over from Carleton Island his log dwelling house, and placed it
where it now stands at the corner of Princess and Ontario Streets. It
has since been clap-boarded over and added to, and having been kept
painted and in good repair is still a very habitable building.”—(Cooper.)
Mr. Macaulay had come to New York shortly before the commencement
of the Colonial troubles, and as a loyalist had his house
pillaged and burnt, by the rebels, and became a refugee at the
military post at Carleton Island. About 1785, he settled at Kingston,
where he married, and remained until his death, in September,
1800, being fifty-six years old. He was at no time connected with
the service, but engaged his time in commercial business, and was on
most intimate terms with those in authority, being a particular
friend of the Duke of Albano. His sons continued his business and
in time were called to occupy honorable and responsible situations
under Government, as Legislative Councilor, Surveyor General,
Provincial Secretary, Inspector General, Chaplain to Legislative
Assembly, and Commissioners on various important matters.
Upon the 19th March, 1867, the writer was privileged, through
the kindness of the Rev. Mr. Anderson, to visit an individual who,
of all others, possesses historic interest. About half a mile north
of the Indian Church upon the old York road, Tyendinaga, lives
Christian Moore. Beside the stove, in a low Indian chair, sat a
woman whose shrunken and bent appearance made her appear no
larger than a girl of sixteen. But the face, with its parchment-like
skin—the deeply wrinkled features, bespoke the burden of many
winters. Yet, the eye still flashed looks of intelligence, as the face
was upturned from her hands on which she almost incessantly
rested her head, as if the shoulders had wearied in their long life
658duty. Christian is about a hundred years old, during eighty of
which she has remained a captive with the Mohawks. Although a
white woman, she knows not a word of English. Long, long years
ago, in becoming the wife of an Indian, and the mother of Indians,
she became to all purposes one of themselves. She is a living relic
of the American Revolution, as well as of the customs of the
Mohawk Indians a hundred years ago.
In the first days of the rebellion, in an encounter between the
Indians and a party of rebels in the Mohawk valley, one of the
Indians, by the name of Green, was killed. The custom among
the several tribes, or families, when one of their number had
been lost in war, was to take the first captive they could,
and adopt him or her, into the tribe, to keep up the number.
A party of Indians, under John Green, a chief and brother of
the one killed, called in after days Captain Green, in the course
of their foray, caught a little girl about ten years of age. That
little girl is the old person of whom we are speaking. The
old woman yet recollects the fact that her father’s family, on the
approach of the Indians, made haste to escape; she by accident was
left alone or behind. She remembers to have been running along
the road, when she was taken. She says there were a good many
Indians. After this there is a blank in her memory, until the
period of the Indians leaving their homes to escape. This was the
time when they buried their Communion Plate. Christian says she
was carried upon an Indian’s back, as they fled to Lachine. She
recollects that they were staying three years at Lachine, when
the tribe set out to take possession of the land which Government
was to give them. It was about a year from the time they
started from Lachine, until they, under Brant, reached their destination,
the Grand River. Captain Green was with this party, and
stayed with them at Grand River for six years, when, becoming
dissatisfied, he, with his family, came to the Bay Quinté. Christian
remembers all this. She was living with Captain Green’s
sister. They came in a batteau, down the north shore of the lake,
and crossed at the Carrying Place at the head of the bay.
Christian in time became the wife of an Indian, by the name of
Anthony Smart, who, she says, has been dead now thirty-eight
years. They had but one child, a daughter, who was married to
Abram Maricle. They had three children, one being a son, Christian’s
daughter has been dead many years, but the old lady now is
surrounded by grand-children to the third generation.
659Some time after the close of the Revolution, a person by the
name of Moore, came with his family to Canada, and settled at
Napanee. By some means he learned that there was a white
woman among the Mohawks, and he visited them to see if it might
be his long lost daughter. Such proved to be the case. He was
Christian’s father. She remembers the occasion, (it was about
forty-five years ago,) her father was then a very old man. Of
course, there was no resemblance between the woman in Indian
garb before him, and his little girl of ten years. But there was a
mark upon her arm, the result of a burn by which he was enabled
to recognize his own flesh and blood. The scar, upon the left forearm,
can yet be distinctly seen. Painful, indeed, must have been
the feelings of the parent, to know she was his daughter, and yet
knew not a syllable of her mother tongue. The natural channel by
which parental and filial affection might have flowed was sealed.
She says, she has a sister now living back of Napanee. She asked
her father if she had been christened, and he informed her she had
been. Upon our asking her the question, if she ever went to school,
she says, “No;” that she was “always working hard.” Asking
her the question, if she did not think she had lived a long while, she
replied, “I don’t think I’ll live very long.” The Rev. Mr. Anderson
informs us that she has ever maintained the character of a true
Christian, and is always happy to partake of the Holy Communion,
Christian’s great-grandson, himself a father, acted as interpreter.
It is possible that this woman, who belonged to another century,
may live yet several years. There is much of vigor in her movements
and conversation. Although shrivelled and bent almost
double with age, her body seems to be well nourished, and her arms
possess considerable thickness. She always enjoyed good health,
and now eats and sleeps in the most comfortable manner.
We are informed by a recent letter from Rev. Mr. Anderson,
1869, that the old woman continues quite well, and works in the
garden in summer.
Parliament.—Mrs. Morden, of Sophiasburgh, was born upon
the banks of the Hudson, forty miles from its mouth. Her birthday
stretches back ninety-eight years. She came into Canada with her
father, George Parliament, who was of German parentage, born
upon the sea; and like the ocean, he was through out his brief life
tossed up and down with scarcely a day of calm and sunshine.
The family reached the Fourth Town, and only six weeks after her
father’s eyes were closed in death. Mrs. Morden has a distinct
660recollection of the rebellion. Her father was staunchly loyal, and
she has heard him repeatedly declare that he would lay his
bones in the King’s domains. During the war he was imprisoned
twice, at Goshen and Poughkeepsie. She was thirteen years
old when they came to Canada, and remembers the many
weary days of travel by Oneida Lake. Her father walked and
drove the cattle all day, her mother would sit up till late
at night over the camp-kettle preparing food for the party to
use the following day, so that there would be no delay on the
way. Having crossed from the States, the Skenectady boats landed
at Little Catariqui. The father was down below on the St. Lawrence
swimming the cattle across the stream. They found their
flour was nearly done. She, with a little sister, went along the
shore to the village of Kingston to buy flour, she had only enough
money to buy a quarter of a hundred of second flour, which she
carried from McAulay’s store to the hungry company at the Little
Catariqui, where they were wind-bound. She remembers the
appearance of the shores as they journeyed along; the rude log
cabins in the small clearings. The family of eleven children settled
upon the north shore of Hay Bay. The eldest boy was nineteen
years old. They now thought that they, in common with other
settlers, would be permitted to work out a peaceful and happy
future, but the arrow of death was already in the bended bow. The
mournful occasion can hardly be appreciated, the father of eleven
children in the wilderness suddenly cut down. Each of the neighbours
had quite enough to do to care for his own family. All these
terrible facts are fresh in the mind of the venerable lady. The
events of later years are faded from her memory, but those are too
deeply engraven upon her mind, by the pen of sorrow, to be erased
while life lasts and mind sits enthroned. The subsequent events
connected with the family for a time are no less distressing. They
had one cow, the milk of which supplied them with their principal
food. Fish was occasionally caught. But they often had to seek
herbs and greens. For weeks they were in the greatest distress
for the very necessaries of life. All of the family who were old
enough went out to work. The following spring, and the subsequent
ones, her mother made sugar, not to use in the family, “oh!
no, that was too great a luxury.” It was all carried and sold for
flour. Mrs. Morden remembers it, for she carried much of the sap.
She subsequently worked out, until after several years she found a
kind supporter. Mrs. Morden, whom the writer saw nearly four
661years ago, (1865), was then, although so old, yet vigorous and
sprightly, with a kindly face, and even a sharp eye. Of all the
persons it has been our privilege to converse with, there are only a
few who gave such clear and appropriate testimony, and afforded
so much satisfaction. She confined her remarks strictly to the
questions, and we learned much in a short hour. She spoke feelingly;
and with Christian nobleness said she, “I have lived a long
time and had many blessings, thanks be to God.” Thus spoke the
lips of one whose youth had been spent in another century.
Roblins.—The Roblin family is extensively and favorably
known in Upper Canada, especially in the bay region. They,
although numerous, have sprung from a common ancestry. Originally
of English or Welsh nativity; at the commencement of the
rebellion they were found dwelling in New York, and New Jersey.
As a result of the Revolution, four branches of the Roblin family
came into Canada, two of whom, John and Stephen, were brothers.
John Roblin lived in New Jersey, he took no part in the contest,
but his sympathies were doubtless with the loyalists. One day, he
was sitting in the door-way, when a scouting party fired upon the
house as they approached. Some fourteen shots were fired. This
was done without any warning, the house being inhabited by a
private family. John Roblin was wounded in the knee. The party
entered the house and completely ransacked it, searching for valuables;
not satisfied with what they found, they demanded where
the money was; John’s brother, Stephen, was suspended by his
thumbs to a tree with the view of forcing him to tell where the
moneys was concealed. John, although wounded, was stripped
almost naked. The ruffians, who did all this under the name of
“Liberty,” destroyed what they could not carry; and flour, furniture,
everything in fact, was strewn about and broken. One of the
party put his bayoneted musket to the breast of Mrs. Roblin, and
dared her to call George her king. She fearlessly replied, he once
was, why not now. The demon was pulling the trigger, when a
more human comrade knocked the weapon aside. The rebels were
near by under Washington, and this was a regular detailed foraging
party. John Roblin was afterward placed in the rebel hospital,
but the doctor was unnecessarily cruel, and so maltreated him, that
he became a life-long cripple. The family came into the rebel
camp, and Mrs. Roblin complained to General Washington of the
conduct of his men. He had her look among the men, and promised
to punish any she said had been among the party. But of
course they kept out of the way.
662The Roblins settled originally in Adolphustown, John Roblin
died, and his widow, with the family, removed to Sophiasburgh,
where she bought 100 acres of land for $25, and paid for it by
weaving. She likewise cut down trees and made her hut.
Roblin, who settled in the third concession of Fourth Town, became
a member of Parliament.
Simon.—John Simon was born in Massachusetts, joined the
Royal Standard when the rebellion commenced. At the close of
the war, he settled at first near Montreal. He soon removed to
Cataraqui, and finally to the Township of Flamborough West,
County Westmeath, where he lived till his death. He had three
sons, Titus, John, Walter. A daughter married Detlor, another
James McNabb, one Dr. Meacham, one Thompson, the last three
lived at Belleville. One of the sons, Titus, we believe, distinguished
himself in 1812, at the battle of Lundy’s Lane. He had been Commissary
at Kingston, and moved to Toronto.
Major VanAlstine.—The life of this man we have been unable
to trace in full; but sufficient remains known to supply the requisites
for a short sketch. He must have come from the vicinity of Albany,
for he was decidedly Dutch, and spoke the English language very
imperfectly. He was a stout, robust man, with a dark complexion,
not one of military bearing; and most likely, until the rebellion,
had nothing to do with military matters. Among the first to
settle in Adolphustown, he well knew the hardships of pioneer
life. During the course of the rebellion he had suffered many
privations. Naturally a kind-hearted man, he for many years
afforded to the new comers much comfort and material aid. His
house was ever open to the passing stranger—to the old soldier, to
poor refugees. He was known to everybody in the whole settlement
of the Bay. No matter who came, he would order up from
his cellar kitchen—the old Dutch style—his negro servants—slaves
he had brought in with him, and set before the traveler the
necessary refreshments. The son of one who knew him well, says
he was hospitable to a fault. His religion was Lutheran, and the
Government granted him a pension for distinguished service.
The Wallbridge Family.—Are of English descent, and were
among the first settlers of America. There were several families
of the name existing in America at the breaking out of the rebellion,
one of which had been residents of Bennington, and were
known as the Bennington Wallbridge’s. The rebellion led, as in
many other instances, to a division among the sons; some sided
663with the rebels, others remained loyal. Elijah Wallbridge took
part with the loyalists. His children never heard him speaking
of the part he took; but it is learned through another source that
he was one of a party who on one occasion made a gallant attack
upon a military prison, and relieved the prisoners. His old musket
may yet be seen. It is in possession of the Hon. Lewis Wallbridge.
At the close of the war, he desired, like many other loyalists, to
remain in the States, and indeed did for a time, but the spirit of
intolerance was manifested toward him, so that he determined to
settle in Canada. He consequently, at the beginning of the present
century, came to the Bay and purchased the tract of land held in
Ameliasburgh by the family.
Elijah Wallbridge married the daughter of a U. E. Loyalist,
Capt. Robert Everett, of Kingston. Mr. Wallbridge, in making
his visits to the front of Ernesttown, found it convenient to cross
the Bay from Mississauga Point to Ox Point, and as a canoe was
not available he often disrobed himself, tied his clothes in a bundle
and managed to swim across, holding the bundle of clothes above
the water.
White.—The Cobourg Star recorded the death of Mrs. White
of White’s Mills, aged 82 years, as follows:
“Another old and respectable inhabitant has paid the debt of
nature, whose memory will long be cherished by survivors.” In
1792 Mrs. White was living with her family, the Chryslers, at the
homestead, Sidney, near Belleville, but removed after her marriage
with Mr. White, to Cobourg, in the neighborhood of which she has
remained ever since, beloved by her family and greatly respected
by all the settlers around. Although she often remarked, they had
to undergo many privations, yet they were the happiest days of
her existence. She feared the present generation was launching
out too much into the fashion of the world, to conduce to solid
happiness.
The Chryslers were U. E. Loyalists, and among the first who
made Upper Canada their home after the Revolution. Sorel at
that period was a government station, and here in 1802, Mrs.
White, then Catherine Chrysler, was born. In 1784, their house
was unfortunately burned down, when the General made them a
liberal grant of lands in Sidney, near Belleville. This was the
first settlement in that locality, which was soon followed by many
others, so that a neighborhood was soon formed as helpmates to
one another. A few years afterward, Mr. White, being a lumber
664merchant, located in the neighborhood; an intimacy soon sprang
up between the parties, which ended in a family union. Clergymen
were scarce in those days, but Rev. Robert McDowell, of the
reformed Dutch Church, who kept a horse and traveled through
the wilderness, tendered his services. By that worthy pioneer,
Mr. and Mrs. White were happily united in country simplicity.
These primeval days were often referred to as affording more solid
happiness than modern finery and ostentation. May the present
generation never lose sight of those good old times. She fulfilled
the declaration of that discerner of the human heart, Solomon, who
says: “She looketh well to the ways of her household, and eateth
not the bread of idleness. Her children rise up and call her blessed;
her husband also, and he praiseth her.”
Wilkins.—Col. Charles Wilkins, although not one of the old
U. E. Loyalists, yet having come to Canada at an early date, and
taken an active part in matters pertaining to the welfare of the
country, respecting military matters, and especially in the history
of the Bay, this work would not be complete without a special notice
of this very worthy gentleman. The writer had the privilege of
visiting him at his home, the Carrying Place, in the summer of
1866, and procured many valuable facts, which were imparted with
a kindly courtesy. The winters of 83 years had left their impress
upon the tall and once erect figure. But notwithstanding the wear
and tear of life, with many cares, and the intractable disease which
steadily advanced, his face beamed with a pleasant smile, while he
recounted many events with which he had had to do. While relating
matters of a general nature, he was most unwilling to speak of
his own services, and the diffidence and humbleness of manner,
with which he referred to himself was remarkable. We have
made reference to Col. Wilkins elsewhere, and will here allude to
some events in his life.
He came to Canada with his father in 1792, aged 10 years.
At an early period he took up his abode at the Carrying Place
and engaged in business; was married in 1804 to Miss Mary,
daughter of Charles Smith, of Port Hope, who died in 1847. Elsewhere
has been mentioned the part he took in the war of 1812,
for which he received an official recognition. Mr. Wilkins had for
several days, the late General Scott of the American army, when a
prisoner in Canada. Mr. Wilkins’ kindness to him was remembered
in later years. In the trouble of 1836–8, the Government
called upon Mr. W. to take command of the militia. He was
665appointed to many posts of honor and duty, and in 1840 was called
to the Legislative Council. Mr. Wilkins was always exceedingly
popular, not because he sought popularity, but because of his naturally
kind and gentlemanly deportment to all classes, and his many
sterling qualities. The very high estimation in which he was held
was fully evidenced on the occasion of his death in 1867, when old
friends came long distances in unpleasant weather, to see his
remains deposited in their last earthly resting place.
Stewart.—A traveler writing in 1835, says of Canada, “I
often met the venerable in years,” and “on March 8, 1833, died
Mrs. J. Stewart, near St. David’s, Niagara District, aged 109 years;
her husband died a few years since at the age of 96, leaving
children, now living, aged 80, and grand-children at 60.” “Last
year a woman by the name of Metcalf, residing near the capital of
Upper Canada, bore a child when past her sixtieth year.”
Among obituary notices we find the following: “At Hope
Village, East Guilliamsbury, in 1829, much and generally regretted,
John Wilson, Esq., a native of the Province of New Jersey, aged
90 years, 14 days.”
Death of a Pioneer of London Township.—We have to
record the decease of Mr. Joseph Jayne, which took place at his
residence in London Township, 7th concession, lot 32, on Wednesday
last, the 10th inst., at the advanced age of nearly 101 years.
He was born on Long Island, N. Y., on June 13, 1764, some years
before the State of New York had ceased to be a British Province.
Deceased was revered and held in esteem by a large circle of friends,
for whose entertainment he was ever fond of recounting his
adventures in the revolutionary period, and who deeply regret his
loss.—London Free Press.
McIntosh.—“On the 25th February last at his residence in Marysburgh,
in the 93rd year of his age, respected by all his acquaintances, Mr. Donald
McIntosh, who came to America in the 42nd Royal Highlanders, and arrived
the day before the battle of Bunker’s Hill, and was in that engagement. He
was subsequently in the 84th, and was at Quebec, when Montgomery made
his unsuccessful attempt on that stronghold, and during last war, was a Lieutenant
in the 1st Regt. of Prince Edward Militia.”
Bird.—“At his residence in Marysburgh, Mr. Henry Bird, in the 90th
year of his age. He appeared to be in good health till a few moments
before the vital spark took its flight; he was well respected; he came to
Canada in the 54th Regt.”
Gerow.—“At Ameliasburgh, in the County of Prince Edward, on Wednesday,
the 19th inst., Mary Gerow, aged 80 years. Deceased was one of the
first settlers on the borders of the Bay of Quinté, where the greater part of
her long life has been spent.”
666Vankleeck.—“In Madoc, on Monday, the 9th of October, Simeon Vankleeck,
Esq., in his 98th year, after a short illness, almost entirely free from
pain. Old age seemed to claim its rights, and the system quietly gave way.
Mr. Vankleeck was one of the earliest pioneers of this part of the country,
having resided in Madoc forty-one years. He was well and favourably
known throughout the county, and his immediate acquaintance bear testimony
to his energy and firmness, which mingled at the same time with a
kindness and suavity that won their hearts. His old age was remarkable for
genial good temper and activity of mind and body. In his 94th year, he
presided at a political meeting held by the Hon. Sidney Smith, at Hazzard’s
Corners, to which place he walked from his son’s residence, a distance of
seven miles. In politics he was noted for his strong conservative feeling—the
side he chose when a young man—and adhered to it through his whole
life, believing it to be, as he stated in his later years, the “Loyal Side.””
The deceased was a descendant of a branch of the Vankleeck family,
whose loyalty to the British Crown caused them to leave their ancient home
in Duchess County, New York, during the American Revolution, and to
settle in the wilds of Canada. He was several years connected with the
British army during the Revolution. He leaves several sons, two of whom
reside in this township.—Mercury.
Perry.—Died at Ernesttown, the 12th of January instant, Jemima Perry,
wife of Robert Perry, Senr., and sister of the late Ebenezer Washburn, Esq.,
of Hallowell, in the 76th year of her age. Her remains were interred on
the 14th, with every mark of real but unostentatious grief and respect.
“In the beginning of last November, she was seized with a distressing
asthmatic affectation, which finally terminated her life, and which she
endured with Christian patience and resignation to the will of heaven.
“Mrs. Perry was born in the Province of Massachusetts, and came with
her husband and family into this Province among its first settlers.
“She has left an aged partner, with whom she lived in conjugal union
and affection fifty-eight years: seven children; a numerous train of grandchildren
and great-grandchildren; and a large circle of friends and acquaintances.
Her loss is extensively felt. In the various relations of life, as a
wife, a mother, a sister, a neighbour, and a member of civil and Christian
society, her exemplary conduct entitled her to the esteem of all who knew
her.”
“Old Man.—Old John Baker, residing at Cornwall, Ontario,
was born in 1766, at Quebec. His mother was a slave, and he was
brought by his master, Colonel Grey, at one time Solicitor-General
for Upper Canada. Baker enlisted in the 104th regiment, and
served at Waterloo, Lundy’s Lane, Fort Erie, and Sackett’s Harbor.
He is a little rheumatic, and is lame from a wound in the leg,
received in action; but his intellect is as fresh and clear as when a
boy. He draws a pension of one shilling sterling a day, and seems
good for some years yet,” 1869.
In conclusion we may mention the descendants of Sir William
Johnson, by Miss Molly, a sister of Joseph Brant. She came to
Kingston at an early date, having probably been in Lower Canada
during the war, where she lived until her death in 1804 or 5. One
of her daughters married Captain Farley, of the 16th Regiment,
another Lieutenant Lemoine, of the 24th Regiment; a third John
Ferguson, of the Indian Department; a fourth Captain Earle, of the
Provincial Navy, and another to Doctor Kerr, an eminent
surgeon, who settled in Niagara.
APPENDIX. — ROLL OF THE 2nd BATTALION KING’S ROYAL REGIMENT, NEW YORK, 28th FEB., 1784. — THE GOVERNORS OF UPPER CANADA. — THE ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. THE MISSISSAUGA.
667
Jacob Weegar
Alexander Clark
Alexander Platto
Jacob Cobman
Jonas Simmons
James Rankins
Jonas Larranary
Richard Albery
Gabriel Brefsea
Christopher Brefsea
Bankes, John, Jr
Bankes, John, Sen
Brant, Franc
Baxter, Lawrence
Benedict, Benjamin
Coons, Jacob
Coons, David
Campbell, Matthews
Connrad, William
Coolcraft, Christian
Cook, Seth
Catchcatch, Christian
Drihell, Cornelius
Dewitt, Garton
Dyckman, Martines
Foster, Moses
Hopkinson, John
Haines, Barrast
Haines, Frederick
Haines, John
Haines, David
Hoyle, John
Hoyle, Peter
House, John
Huffman, Jacob
Henerham, Andrew
Hill, Timothy
Mordon, John
Morrison, James
Wher, John
Phillips, Michael
Phillips, Peter
Pember, Phillip
Priest, Jacob
Redding, Francis
Friar, Samuel
File, John
Franklin, John
Fend, Andrew
Gates, Thomas
Hart, Zachariah
Howell, Warren
Johnson, Henry
Rahall, John
Loukes, Jacob
Millross, Andrew
McCarty, William
Matthews, Pompey
Middelton, Ruben
Northrup, Eson
Reynold, William
Scot, Daniel
Shaw, William
Sholtes, John
Snartfager, Frederick
Sipperly, Phillip
Smith, Stephen
Smith, Jacob
Cornell, Patner
Shilliner, Christian
Wallan, Samuel
Wirst, John
Young, Daniel
Defororest, Abraham
Willoughby, William
William, Albert
Young, Peter
Young, Stephen
Deal, Peter
Bernus, Gother
Fletcher, John
Lount, John
Michael Roughnett
Alexander Grant
George Christie
John Bondish
David Lishsamblin
Peter Zenith
Nicholas Schyler
Atherson, Charles
Magle, Gottip
Badernach, John
Ross, Alexander
John Casscallion
Cornelius Pitcher
Peter Deal
John Litcher
Alexander McDougall
Luke Carscallion
John Berrn
George Sullivan
James V. Alstine
Berron, John
Huben, Peter
Barnhart, David
Cole, John
Calden, John
Coons, Simon
Coons, Peter
Cronkhite, John
Conelius, John
Curtis, John
Dych, Nicholas
Dych, Henry
Deal, Adam
Detlor, Valentine
Detlor, Jacob
Emerish, Henry
French, Andrew
Finkle, George
Cameron, Alexander
Cameron, Angus
Cameron, Donald
Davis, Peter
Earner, Peter
Eearhart, Simon
Eaverson, John
Foy, John
Fory, Daniel
Farlinger, John
Fike, Peter
Fairchild, Benjamin
Faish, Christian
Goose, Frederick
Hugh, John
668Randal, Joseph
Snider, Jacob
Snider, Lidwich
Sills, John
Sills, Lawrence
Sills, George
Smith, Michael
Smith, Phillip
Swathager, John
Vszie, Joseph
Baltingal, Jacob
Baltingal, Samuel
Rauley, Jacob
Plant, Peter
Rollin, Thomas
Clark, Hugh
Chrisholm, Donald
Sutter, Isaac
Thomson, Thomas
Thom, William
Christie, George
Beedehee, John
Samuel Ashley
James McPherson
George Barnhart
George Dagetger
George Prest
George Fitzpatrick
James Titchert
Peter Young
Cain Young
Clute, John
Cooper, Thomas
Cook, Silas
Coomb, John
Coomb, Barnard
Donser, John
Dire, John
Davis, Henery
Dogstader, Adam
Dengandre, Garrett
Dogstader, Pompey
Edgar, John
Foy, Francis
Gilbert Luke
Thomas Graham
Grant, Peter
Gold, Edward
Gallingher, George
Heming, Henry
Hawley, Jacob
Helmer, Adam
Helse, Frederick
Hugh, Henry
Hendrick, Peter
Harbinger, John
Tarhoson, David
Kough, Peter
Kreem, John
Bailer, William
Bell, Johnson
Beitte Barnard
Barnhart, Nicholas
Barnhart, Jacob
Barnhart, John
Brown, Nicholas
Burch, Jacob
Brown, James
Christian, John
Christian, Simion
Cameron, William
Medagh, John
Myers, John
Cugh, George
Culman, Frederick
Parsons, John
Rood, Mitchell
Ramsay, Adam
Sulivan, Cornelius
Shirley, John
Shellop, Henry
Winter, Jacob
Winter, Henry
Wilson, James
Kough, James
Connor, Christian
Wilinger, Michael
Smith, Jacob
Eamer, Phillip
Hawdord, Edward
Mure, John
John Miller
Fossern, Daniel
Latoch, Halburt
Elijah Sarrabe
George Murraoff
Luke Bourteal
Toil Hurd
Samuel Suckey
John Saver
John Teague
Barnhart, Charles
Beramy, William
Boner, Gasper
Boner, Adam
Bender, Samuel
Cox, Alexander
Crander, Anthony
John Crander
Crander, William
Cadman, William
Cadman, George
Coundouse, George
Dow, Thomas
Delong, John
Evans, Tony
Landras, Samuel
Logest, Andrew
Hamilton, Thomas
Henning, Andrew
House, Coonroot
Hedlar, Adam
Johnson, John
Hellen, John
Himmerly, Andrew
Ylline,
Law, Samuel
Heller, Henry
Noon, William
Battingal, Jacob
French, Albert
Flamsbury, William
Howard, William
Harding, Richard
Jones, Thomas
Johnson, William
Jones, John
Roughnet, John
Rentner, George
Knight, Benjamin
Koughnet, John
Lonhey, George
Lonhey, Henry
Lonhes, Abraham
Savanay, Alexander
Sambert, David
Sawyer, William
Loft, David
McGowen, Stephen
Murdoff, James
Murdoff, George
Moss, Simon
Critchert, Bartholomew
Rogers, John
Rambaugh, Jacob
Rambaugh, John
Rambaugh, Andrew
Rambaugh, William
Shellop, Christian
Smith, Daniel
Shuk, Christian
Tute, John
Kemdy, Robert
Church, Oliver
Hillinger, Abraham
Laryo, Matthew
Erwiny, Robert
Schnars, Frederick
John Howell
Francis Hoyb
Richard Cotter
Matthew Farrent
Jothan Hart
Joseph Clement
Henry Davis
John Windaker
Brant, John
669Borven, William, Senr
Baker, Henry
Borven, William, Junr.
Bush, Henry
Cameron, Archibald
Dodger, Thomas
McDonnell, John, Senr.
McDonnell, John, Junr.
McDonnell, Roderick
McDonald, Ronald
McPherson, Laughlin
Matthew, Jacob
Naramore, Esau
Penn, Matthew
Prentice, Daniel
Prichell, John
Phillips, Jacob
Porker, Isaac
Ross, Thomas, Senr.
Ross, Thomas, Junr.
Ross, John
Roaf, John
Ryan, Dennis
Rowland, Jervis
Tingorac, John
Starring, Jacob
Severn, Peter
Servus, Phillip
Smith, John
Hart, Nathaniel
Sherman, William
Tuniver, William
Valentine, Alexander
Warmly, Jacob
Cook, Robert
Rierman, Henry
Schilles, Henry
Henry Deal
John Servin
Andrew Embury
Thomas Clark
William Nicholson
John Dogstider
Allen Chrisholm
John Dervitt
Arginsinger, John
Bartley, Muherd
Bartley, Isaac
Chrisholm, Duncan
Cain, John
Coon, Jacob
Campbell, John
Cain, Barney
Cook, Joseph
Farling, John
Hough, George
Hight, Mathew
Johnson, Prince
Peacock, John
Kenton, John
Delorm, John
Donevan, Herener
Evans, Bolton
Eglon, Leonard
Estwood, John
Flanagan, James
Gardiner, John
Horon, Peter
Horon, Jacob
Hubbert, Jubilee
Hegle, John
Koughnet, William
Koliph, Henry
Toyer, David
Toyer, Richard
Martin, Robert
Murphy, Patrick
McGran, Owen
McGran, Dennis
McDonnell, Daniel
Nellinger, Abraham
Phillips, Elijah
Rapole, George
Shaver, Adam
Sample, Hugh
Street, Daniel
Staly, Tobias
Stering, George
Truax, Isaac
Turnburny, John
Woodcock, Abraham
Woodcock, Peter
Welsh, Morris
Argussiger, Phillip
Wilson, James
Thomas Cavan
John McIntyre
John Ham
Abiah Christie
Donald McPherson
John Tower
Peter Winter
John Lambert
Albert Edward
Ball, Samuel
Crawford, William
Crumwell, Nicholas
Santnere, Jacob
Witts, Henry
Witts, John
McCardy, Jacob
Mirile, Jacob
Minse, John
Crawford, Bryan
Clark, Jacob
Clark, Adam
Clark, John
Chrisholm, Hugh
Faber, David
Fitzgerald, William
Furny, Rodolph
Furny, Adam
Gilbert, Nathaniel
Graham, William
Grant, Peter
Helmer, John
Horon, Joseph
Howard, Christian
Towar, Canrobert
Tarranay, Isaac
Tarranay, Abraham
Matthew, Nicholas
McKay, Stephen
McTaggart, James
McDonald, Duncan
Mitchell, John
McIntyre, Duncan
McLennon, John
Oxbury, John
Phillip, John
Rote, George
Reyers, William
Robertson, Daniel
Shaver, James
Smith, William
Smith, Peter
Sweeney, Daniel
Stewart, John
Teagin, Jacob
Vandregoo, Phillip
Abstric, Lambert
Wright, John
Walroda, Jacob
Wood, James
Wood, William
Weegar, Thomas
West, John
Toursset, Benjamin
Tealy, Adam
Deprender, George
670
Subjoined is a list of the Governors, Presidents, and Administrators
of Upper Canada, until the Union of the Provinces in 1841:—
NAMES.
TITLES.
TIME OF ACCESSION.
Col. John Graves Simcoe
Lieutenant-Governor
July 8, 1792.
Hon. Peter Russell
President
July 21, 1796.
Lieut.-Gen. Peter Hunter
Lieutenant-Governor
August 17, 1799.
Hon. Alexander Grant
President
Septr. 11, 1805.
His Excellency Francis Gore
Lieutenant-Governor
August 25, 1806.
Maj.-Gen. Sir Isaac Brock
President
Septr. 30, 1811.
Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Halesheaff, Bart
President
October, 20, 1812.
Maj.-Gen. F. Baron de Rottenburgh
President
June 19, 1813.
Lieut.-Gen. Sir Gordon Drummond, G.C.B.
Provincial Lieut.-Governor
Decr. 13, 1813.
Lieut.-Gen. Sir George Murray, Bt.
Provincial Lieut.-Governor
April 25, 1815.
Maj.-Gen. Sir Frederick Phipps Robinson, K.C.B.
Provincial Lieut.-Governor
July 1, 1815.
His Excellency Francis Gore
Lieutenant-Governor
Septr. 25, 1815.
Hon. Samuel Smith
Administrator
June 11, 1817.
Maj.-Gen. Sir Peregrine Maitland, K.C.B.
Lieutenant-Governor
August 13, 1818.
Hon. Samuel Smith
Administrator
March 8, 1820.
Maj.-Gen. Sir P. Maitland, K.C.B.
Lieutenant-Governor
June 30, 1820.
Maj.-Gen. Sir John Colborne, K.C.B.
Lieutenant-Governor
Novr. 5, 1828.
Maj. Sir Francis Bond Head, K.C.B.
Lieutenant-Governor
Jany. 25, 1836.
Maj.-Gen. Sir John Colborne, K.C.B.
Administrator
Feby. 27, 1838.
Maj.-Gen. Sir George Arthur, K.C.B. H.G.O.
Lieutenant-Governor
March 23, 1838.
Baron Sydenham and Toronto, Lower Canada
Governor General
October, 1839.
Baron Sydenham and Toronto, United Canada
Governor General
Feby. 10, 1841.
671
The following Report, sent by Col. Bell, of Thurlow, to John
Ferguson, Superintendent for Indian Affairs, Kingston, dated 3rd
May, 1815, supplies a tolerably correct idea of the articles furnished
by Government to the Indians:—
“Account of Indian goods, on the 7th March, 1815, remaining in store in the
barn of Lieut.-Col. William Bell, at Thurlow, and forwarded on the 10th, 11th and
20th of the said month of March to the store of Captain W. McIntosh, at the mouth
of the river Moira, viz:—
12
Bales Cloths,
9
Bales Cloths,
7
Bales Cloths,
1
Bales Calicoes,
1
Bales Scotch Sheetings,
1
Bales Spotted Black Swanskin,
2
Bales Serges,
2
Bales Common Grey Coats,
11
Bales Caddises,
5
Packs Deer Skins,
11
Bales Moltons,
6
Cases Saddles and Bridles,
1
Cases Pistols,
25
Cases Chiefs’ and Common Guns,
5
Casks Tobacco,
20
Cases Shot and Ball,
7
Cases Tomahawks,
4
Cases Spears, &c.,
3
Bags Beef Saws,
22
Bales 3-feet Blankets,
27
Bales 2½-feet do.,
7
Bales 2-feet do.”
“N.B.—The above Packages have been delivered into the Store of Captain
John McIntosh, at the mouth of the river Moira, and his receipt taken for them
and delivered to you at Kingston, and also the book in which all the marks and
numbers were entered.”
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
Changed all ‘Quinte’ to ‘Quinté’ as the latter was the dominant spelling.