In the close immurement suffered by the advocate,
he had leisure to reflect on his situation, and it was
far from cheering. The count’s passion had carried
him beyond bounds, more than Giraud had calculated
on. He had believed Fontrailles to be a man of the
world, so sensitively alive to his own interest, that
the gratification of revenge would have held only a
secondary place in his thoughts.
But from the specimen of anger, the effects of
which were painfully visible, he began to dread the
return of the incensed noble—disappointed of his
prey, he might, regardless of consequences, abandon
himself to a cruel revenge. There was no help in
a house, and among creatures subservient to such a
master. And where could aid spring from, even if
it were posthumous only, but from the quarter where
Marguerite had deposited the documents.
To this unknown refuge his thoughts fled for solace
and support. If Marguerite’s friend failed her not—then,
though his own life should be sacrificed—his
character and heroism would be preserved—De
Pontis and his daughter triumph, and infamy, ruin
and disgrace be the portion of Fontrailles.
Some hours passed in this sad tribulation. He requested
food—it was denied—water, if nothing else—Eugene
shook his head. He was sorry for Monsieur,
but he had received no orders on that point, and it
might be, for aught he knew, the count’s desire that
Monsieur should be kept without nourishment. If
Monsieur felt very hungry, he had better compose
himself to sleep—he had liberty to make a couch of
the chairs—in his campaigns, Eugene had often found
such a plan the only remedy for a barking stomach.
“But you had a contented mind, Eugene,” remarked
the distressed advocate.
At length came a change. A knocking was heard
below; Giraud trembled, for the footsteps of the
count were on the stairs, and he presently entered
the chamber.
Casting a glance round the library, he ordered the
two sentinels to retire, but hold themselves in readiness.
They obeyed the command, and Giraud and
the noble were once more alone. The advocate
scanned the countenance of Fontrailles attentively;
there was a marked change, more of disappointment
than anger. For awhile he made no remark, busying
himself, or appearing to do so, with his papers—Giraud
was equally silent.
The count, at length, broke silence. “I think,
Monsieur Giraud,” said he, “that we are now on an
equality to treat. You have suffered some violence
at my hands, and I, since I left you, have found your
pretensions to my interference better founded than I
expected. My conditions are these. I will quash
Pedro’s suit—I will cause his eminence to cancel the
procureur’s proceedings, with guarantee from both
that they shall not be renewed. De Pontis shall be
liberated, and remain in undisturbed enjoyment of
the droit d’aubaine. From you I expect a perfect
silence, now and ever, in relation to these affairs—also
a restitution of all papers which affect me.
Further, the immediate payment of sixty thousand
livres, and quittance of what I owe the estate—you
will see, by the inventory, the abstraction of such a
sum will leave De Pontis a very handsome maintenance
for one of his rank. There are several minor
conditions—but I wait your reply.”
“Has the Count de Fontrailles been to my house?”
asked Giraud.
“I have—I searched it with Richelieu’s warrant,”
replied Fontrailles.
“Is Monseigneur aware that that action would
tend, in the estimation of the cardinal, to confirm the
statement of Pedro Olivera?” demanded the advocate.
“Let me reply by asking a question,” rejoined the
count. “Is Monsieur Giraud aware that, as affairs
now stand, whatever the cardinal might affect toward
me—even the withdrawal of his favor—it
would not liberate De Pontis—would not leave him
with the droit d’aubaine?”
“I know your agency is wanting—and I agree to
the terms,” said the advocate.
“My other conditions are,” continued Fontrailles,
“that you make no complaint of my search this
morning—that you tell his eminence, should you
chance to meet him, that by advising Monsieur De
Pontis to surrender a portion to me, who, you are
aware, had, even before the Spaniard’s death, asked
the future droit of the cardinal, that you secured
thereby the remainder to your friend.”
“Well! I do not object to building a bridge for
Monseigneur’s retreat,” observed the advocate.
“It would be ridiculous toward one of your
profession, and, above all, age, to offer the satisfaction
accorded to a gentleman who has received
violence at the hands of another,” said the count;
“I, therefore, beg pardon of Monsieur Giraud for
the same.”
The advocate bowed. It were, perhaps, better, he
said, to allow it to pass thus, though the count must
be aware that he had shown no want of courage.
Fontrailles assented, remarking that he believed
their business was now concluded—at least the preliminaries—and
that he would call on the advocate
on the morrow, when he hoped everything would be
prepared.
Giraud was not sorry to see the exterior of the
Hôtel De Fontrailles. The count had, however,
made better terms for himself than he thought to
have granted—still, it was true, as Fontrailles remarked,
that, whatever became of him, through the
cardinal listening to the tale of Pedro Olivera, De
Pontis would be none the richer. The pride of
Richelieu was touched by the veteran obtaining the
sign-manual without his knowledge or intervention,
and it was very probable that, if Fontrailles were
disgraced, the droit d’aubaine would be destined to
another favorite.
Giraud had foreseen this difficulty from the commencement,
yet it was hard to part with so many
thousand livres, especially to one who had almost
choked him. On second consideration, the advocate
thought it wiser to withhold this portion of the adventure
from De Pontis and his daughter—the blood
of the militaire would rise at the insult and imposition
of hands offered to a kinsman, and fresh difficulties,
perhaps, be thrown in the way of what was,
after all, a very peaceful and happy termination of
the affairs of the old soldier. The count had confessed
the injury, and sued for pardon, and what
more could he do? With this consolation, the advocate
quieted himself.
The glad news was imparted to Marguerite that
evening, and when the houblieur rang his bell, and
was admitted, the maiden was more gracious than
on the former occasion—the youth more thoughtful.
As might be expected, from the previous intimacy
shown relative to the secret affairs of the Palais
Cardinal, its inmates and visiters, much of what had
occurred was already known to the youth—the remainder
he heard from the lips of Marguerite. She
was charged by Giraud to reclaim the packet; it
would be wanted on the morrow. That same night
it was placed in her hands, the seal unbroken, and,
before she retired to rest, it was again in the keeping
of the zealous, faithful advocate.
Giraud was seated in his office. A night’s repose
had calmed his spirits, refreshed the wearied frame.
Fontrailles had kept the appointment, bringing an
authenticated relinquishment of the suit of Pedro
Olivera—also a notification from the procureur
général that he had abandoned the prosecution of the
decree of sequestration—and, lastly, a duplicate of
Richelieu’s order to the warden of the Conciergerie
to release the Sieur De Pontis. The count claimed
and received satisfaction on the conditions insisted
on—reference to the prisoner was not necessary, as
Giraud had, on the committal of De Pontis, received
a legal power to act as representative, and affix by
procuration his signature to any act deemed necessary.
As the cardinal’s seal was removed from the
ware-rooms, and attachment withdrawn from the
banker where the moneys of the deceased were
lodged, there was no impediment to the prompt payment
of the count’s subsidy—a matter, seemingly,
of the utmost importance to Monseigneur.
Giraud, as we have said, was seated in his office,
and alone. But presently there arrived visiters—the
Sieur De Pontis, and the fair heroine, Marguerite.
Congratulations and thanks exhausted, business recited
and discussed, there ensued a pause—their
hearts were full.
“There are but three here,” said Giraud, looking
archly at Marguerite, “I should wish to see a fourth.
There is a friend, Monsieur De Pontis, who has
wonderfully aided our endeavors for your release,
and to whom we owe many thanks. Shall we never
see the unknown’s face?”
“Marguerite has my sanction to introduce him to
Monsieur Giraud whenever she pleases,” said the
veteran.
“Hah! then I have been forestalled in her confidence,”
cried the advocate, “but I did not deserve
the neglect!”
The day subsequent to the liberation of De Pontis,
Louis was promenading alone his customary path in
the garden of the Tuileries. The old soldier presented
himself—he bent his knee to majesty.
“Rise, my good friend,” said the monarch, “I
hear you have been better served than Louis could
have wrought for you, though he had not forgotten
his word, or his old servant.”
After a few remarks, the king complimented him
on the perseverance and heroism of Marguerite
adding that she was deserving of all honor.
“With your majesty’s permission, I believe I am
about to marry her,” remarked De Pontis.
“To whom? I hope to a subject of mine!” exclaimed
the monarch.
“François De Romainville, if it please your majesty,”
replied the veteran.
“I know the youth,” said Louis, “our cardinal’s
page, of good lineage, though accounted wild and
reckless—the cardinal complains of his habits, but
loves the page’s intelligence and capacity. We must
see what can be done for this youth, also for Monsieur
Giraud when the opportunity offers.”
He might have added, “when the cardinal permits,”
thought the veteran, with a sigh.
“For yourself, De Pontis,” continued the royal
personage, “I hope all will go well in future.”
“I intend to put it out of fortune’s power to do
me further harm,” answered the militaire—“your
majesty’s late bounty I shall settle on my daughter
and her husband; for, though I hope a true man
in the tented field, yet I do believe that, whether
from my own fault, or an unlucky destiny, I should
lose, or mismanage the fairest estate in your realm.”
At that moment, the cardinal and his suite were
seen in the distance—the countenance of Louis fell,
and De Pontis taking hasty leave—much to the royal
satisfaction—glided through a side-walk.
———
BY MRS. BALMANNO.
———
Oh mother! sacred! dear! in dreams of thee,
I sat, again a child, beside thy knee,
Nestling amidst thy robe delightedly!
And all was silent in the sunny room,
Save bees that humm’d o’er honeysuckle bloom.
I gazed upon thy face, so mild, so fair,
I heard thy holy voice arise in prayer;
Oh mother! mother! thou thyself wert there!
Thou, by the placid brow, the thoughtful eye,
The clasping hand, the voice of melody.
I clung around thy neck—thy tears fell fast,
Like rain in summer, yet the sorrow past;
And smiles, more beautiful than e’en the last,
Play’d on thy lip, dear mother! such it wore
To bless our early home in days of yore.
Then wild and grand arose my native hills—
I heard the leaping torrents, and the thrills
Of birds that hymn the sun; the charm that fills
Old Haddon’s vales, and haunts its river side—
What time the Fays pluck king-cups by its tide.
Methought ’twas hawthorn time—the jolly May—
For o’er far plains bright figures seemed to stray,
Gath’ring the buds, and calling me away!
I waked, but ah! to weep—no eye of thine,
Sweet mother! beam’d its gentle light on mine.
———
BY J. FENIMORE COOPER, AUTHOR OF “THE SPY,” “THE PIONEERS,” ETC.
———
Dr. Harris, in his “Life and Services” of this
distinguished officer, says that “The ancestor of
Commodore Bainbridge, who, in the year 1600,
settled in the province of New Jersey, was the son
of Sir Arthur Bainbridge, of Durham county, England.”
As no portion of the old United States was
settled as early as 1600, and the province of New
Jersey, in particular, was organized only about the
middle of the seventeenth century, the date, in this
instance, is an oversight, or a misprint; though the
account of the ancestor is probably accurate. The
family of the late Commodore Bainbridge was of respectable
standing, beyond a question, both in the
colony and state of New Jersey, and its connections
were principally among persons of the higher classes
of society. His father was a physician of local eminence,
in the early part of his life, who removed to
New York about the commencement of the Revolution,
where he left a fair professional and personal
reputation.
The fourth son of Dr. Bainbridge was William,
the subject of our memoir. He was born at Princeton,
New Jersey, then the residence of his father,
May 7th, 1774. His birth must have occurred but a
short time before the removal of the family to New
York. The maiden name of Mrs. Bainbridge, the
mother of William, was Taylor; a lady of Monmouth
county, in the same colony; and her father, a man of
considerable estate, undertook to superintend the
education of the child.
Young Bainbridge was of an athletic manly frame,
and early showed a bold spirit, and a love of enterprise.
This temperament was likely to interfere
with studies directed toward a liberal education,
and, at the early age of fifteen, his importunities
prevailed on his friends to allow him to go to sea.
This must have been about the time when the present
form of government went first into operation, and
the trade and navigation of the country began
to revive. In that day the republic had no marine;
the old Alliance frigate, the favorite ship of
the Revolution, then sailing out of the port at
which young Bainbridge first embarked, as an Indiaman.
Philadelphia, for many years after the peace of
1783, produced the best seamen of America. Other
ports, doubtless, had as hardy and as adventurous
mariners, but the nicety of the art was better taught
and practiced on the Delaware than in any other
portion of the country. This advantage was thought
to be owing to the length of the river and bay, which
required more elaborate evolutions to take a ship
successfully through, than ports that lay contiguous
to the sea. The same superiority has long been
claimed for London, and for the same reason, each
place having a long and intricate navigation, among
shoals, and in a tide’s way, before its wharves can
be reached. The comparative decline of the navigation
of these two towns is to be attributed to the
very difficulties which made expert seamen, though
the vast amount of supplies required by the English
capital, for its own consumption, causes great bodies
of shipping still to frequent the Thames. It is also
probable that the superiority formerly claimed for
the seamen of these two towns, was in part owing
to the circumstances that, being the capitals of their
respective countries, they were then in advance of
other ports, both as to the arts, generally, and as to
the wealth necessary to exhibit them.
Young Bainbridge, consequently, enjoyed the advantage
of being trained, as a seaman, in what was
then the highest American school. Singularly handsome
and prepossessing in his appearance, of a
vigorous, and commanding frame, with the foundation
of a good education, all aided by respectable
connections, he was made an officer in the third year
of his service. When eighteen, he sailed as chief
mate of a ship in the Dutch trade, and on his first
voyage, in this capacity, he recovered the vessel from
the hands of mutineers, by his personal intrepidity,
and physical activity. In the following year, when
barely nineteen, the owners gave him command of
the same ship. From this time down to the period
of his joining the navy, Bainbridge continued in
command of different merchant vessels, all of which
were employed in the European trade, which was
then carried on, by this country, in the height and excitement
of the war that succeeded the French revolution.
Occasions were not wanting, by which Bainbridge
could prove his dauntless resolution, even in command
of a peaceful and slightly armed merchantman.
In 1796, whilst in command of the Hope, of
Philadelphia, he was lying in the Garonne, and was
hailed by another American to come and aid in
quelling a mutiny. This he did in person; though
his life had nearly been the sacrifice, owing to an
explosion of gunpowder. The same season, while
shaping his course for one of the West India islands,
the Hope was attacked by a small British privateer,
of eight guns and thirty men, being herself armed
with four nines, and having a crew of only eleven
souls before the mast—an equipment then permitted,
by the laws, for the purposes of defence only. The
privateer commenced the engagement without showing
any colors; but, receiving a broadside from the
Hope, she hoisted English, in the expectation of intimidating
her antagonist. In this, however, the assailant
was mistaken; Bainbridge, who had his
colors flying from the first, continued his fire until
he actually compelled the privateer to lower her flag.
The latter was much cut up, and lost several men.
The Hope escaped with but little injury. Although
he had compelled his assailant to submit, it would
not have been legal for Bainbridge to take possession
of the prize. He even declined boarding her, most
probably keeping in view the feebleness of his own
complement; but, hailing the privateer, he told her
commander to go to his employers and let them
know they must send some one else to capture the
Hope if they had occasion for that ship. It was
probably owing to this little affair, as well as to his
general standing as a ship-master, that Bainbridge
subsequently entered the navy with the rank he
obtained.
Not long after the action with the privateer, while
homeward bound again, a man was impressed from
Bainbridge’s ship, by an English cruiser. The
boarding officer commenced by taking the first mate,
on account of his name, Allen M’Kinsey, insisting
that the man must be a Scotchman! This singular
species of logic was often applied on such occasions,
even historians of a later day claiming such men as
M’Donough and Conner, on the supposition that they
must be Irish, from their family appellations. Mr.
M’Kinsey, who was a native Philadelphian, on a
hint from Bainbridge, armed himself, and refused to
quit his own ship; whereupon the English lieutenant
seized a foremast hand and bore him off, in spite
of his protestations of being an American, and the
evidence of his commander. Bainbridge was indignant
at this outrage—then, however, of almost
daily occurrence on the high seas—and, finding his
own remonstrances disregarded, he solemnly assured
the boarding officer that, if he fell in with an English
vessel, of a force that would allow of such a retaliation,
he would take a man out of her to supply the place of
the seaman who was then carried away. This threat
was treated with contempt, but it was put in execution
within a week; Bainbridge actually seizing a
man on board an English merchant-man, and that,
too, of a force quite equal to his own, and carrying
him into an American port. The ship which impressed
the man belonging to the Hope, was the
Indefatigable, Sir Edward Pellew.
All these little affairs contributed to give Bainbridge
a merited reputation for spirit; for, however
illegal may have been his course in impressing the
Englishman, the sailor himself was quite content to
receive higher wages, and there was a natural justice
in the measure that looked down the policy of nations
and the provisions of law. Shortly after this incident
the aggressions of France induced the establishment
of the present navy, and the government,
after employing all the old officers of the Revolution
who remained, and who were fit for service, was
compelled to go into the mercantile marine to find
men to fill the subordinate grades. The merchant
service of America has ever been relatively much
superior to that of most other countries. This has
been owing, in part, to the greater diffusion of education;
in part, to the character of the institutions,
which throws no discredit around any reputable pursuit;
and in part, to the circumstance that the military
marine has not been large enough to give employment
to all of the maritime enterprise and spirit of
the nation. Owing to these united causes, the
government of 1798 had much less difficulty in finding
proper persons to put into its infant navy, than
might have been anticipated; although it must be
allowed that some of the selections, as usual, betrayed
the influence of undue recommendations, as
well as of too partial friendships.
The navy offering a field exactly suited to the ambition
and character of Bainbridge, he eagerly sought
service in it, on his return from a voyage to Europe;
his arrival occurring a short time after the first appointments
had been made. The third vessel which
got to sea, under the new armament, was the Delaware
20, Capt. Stephen Decatur, the father of the
illustrious officer of the same name; and this vessel,
a few days out, had captured Le Croyable 14, a
French privateer that she found cruising in the
American waters. Le Croyable was condemned,
and purchased by the navy department; being immediately
equipped for a cruiser, under the name of
the Retaliation. To this vessel Bainbridge was appointed,
with the commission of lieutenant commandant;
a rank that was subsequently and unwisely
dropped; as the greater the number of
gradations in a military service, while they are kept
within the limits of practical necessity, the greater
is the incentive for exertion, the more frequent the
promotions, and the higher the discipline. First
lieutenants, lieutenants commandant, exist, and must
exist in fact, in every marine; and it is throwing
away the honorable inducement of promotion, as
well as some of the influence of a commission, not
to have the rank while we have the duties. It
would be better for the navy did the station of first
lieutenant, or lieutenant commandant, now exist, those
who held the commissions furnishing officers to command
the smallest class of vessels, and the executive
officers of ships of the line and frigates.
The Retaliation sailed for the West India station,
in September, 1798. While cruising off Guadaloupe,
the following November, the Montezuma, sloop of
war, Capt. Murray, and the brig Norfolk, Capt. Williams,
in company, three sail were made in the
eastern board, that were supposed to be English;
and two more strangers appearing to the westward,
Capt. Murray, who was the senior officer, made sail
for the latter, taking the Norfolk with him; while
the Retaliation was directed to examine the vessels
to the eastward. This separated the consorts, which
parted on nearly opposite tacks. Unfortunately two
of the vessels to the eastward proved to be French
frigates, le Volontier 36, Capt. St. Laurent, and
l’Insurgente 32, Capt. Barreault. The first of these
ships carried 44 guns, French eighteens, and the
latter 40, French twelves. L’Insurgente was one of
the fastest ships that floated, and, getting the Retaliation
under her guns, Bainbridge was compelled to
strike, as resistance would have been madness.
The prisoner was taken on board le Volontier, the
two frigates immediately making sail in chase of the
Montezuma and Norfolk. L’Insurgente again out-stripped
her consort, and was soon a long distance
ahead of her. Capt. St. Laurent was the senior
officer, and, the Montezuma being a ship of some
size, he felt an uneasiness at permitting the Insurgente
to engage two adversaries, of whose force he
was ignorant, unsupported. In this uncertainty, he
determined to inquire the force of the American
vessels of his prisoner. Bainbridge answered coolly
that the ship was a vessel of 28 long twelves, and
the brig a vessel of 20 long nines. This was nearly,
if not quite, doubling the force of the two American
cruisers, and it induced the French commodore to
show a signal of recall to his consort. Capt. Barreault,
an exceedingly spirited officer, joined his commander
in a very ill humor, informing his superior
that he was on the point of capturing both the chases,
when he was so inopportunely recalled. This induced
an explanation, when the ruse practiced by Bainbridge
was exposed. In the moment of disappointment,
the French officers felt much irritated, but,
appreciating the conduct of their prisoner more justly,
they soon recovered their good humor, and manifested
no further displeasure.
The Retaliation and her crew were carried into
Basseterre. On board the Volontier was Gen. Desfourneaux,
who was sent out to supersede Victor
Hughes in his government. This functionary was
very diplomatic, and he entered into a negotiation
with Bainbridge of a somewhat equivocal character,
leaving it a matter of doubt whether an exchange
of prisoners, an arrangement of the main difficulties
between the two countries, or a secret trade with
his own island, and for his own particular benefit,
was his real object. Ill treatment to the crew of the
Retaliation followed; whether by accident or design
is not known; though the latter has been suspected.
It will be remembered that no war had been declared
by either country, and that the captures by the
Americans were purely retaliatory, and made in
self-defence. Gen. Desfourneaux profited by this
circumstance to effect his purposes, affecting not to
consider the officers and people of the Retaliation as
prisoners at all. To this Bainbridge answered that
he regarded himself, and his late crew, not only as
prisoners of war, but as ill-treated prisoners, and
that his powers now extended no farther than to
treat of an exchange. After a protracted negotiation,
Bainbridge and his crew were placed in possession
of the Retaliation again, all the other American
prisoners in Guadaloupe were put on board a cartel,
and the two vessels were ordered for America.
Accompanying the Americans, went a French gentleman,
ostensibly charged with the exchange; but
who was believed to have been a secret diplomatic
agent of the French government.
The conduct of Bainbridge, throughout this rude
initiation into the public service, was approved by
the government, and he was immediately promoted
to the rank of master commandant, and given the
Norfolk 18, the brig he had saved from capture by
his address. In this vessel he joined the squadron under
Com. Truxtun, who was cruising in the vicinity
of St. Kitts. While on that station, the Norfolk fell
in with and chased a heavy three-masted schooner,
of which she was on the point of getting alongside,
when both topmasts were lost by carrying sail, and
the enemy escaped. The brig went into St. Kitts
to repair damages, and here she collected a convoy
of more than a hundred sail, bound home. Bainbridge
performed a neat and delicate evolution,
while in charge of this large trust. The convoy fell
in with an enemy’s frigate, when a signal was thrown
out for the vessels to disperse. The Norfolk occupied
the frigate, and induced her to chase, taking
care to lead her off from the merchantmen. That
night the brig gave her enemy the slip, and made
sail on her course, overtaking and collecting the
whole fleet the following day. It is said not a single
vessel, out of one hundred and nineteen sail, failed
of the rendezvous!
It was August, 1799, before the Norfolk returned to
New York. Here Bainbridge found that no less
than five lieutenants had been made captains, passing
the grades of commanders and lieutenants commandant
altogether. This irregularity could only
have occurred in an infant service, though it was of
material importance to a young officer in after life.
Among the gentlemen thus promoted, were Capts.
Rodgers, and Barron, two names that, for a long
time, alone stood between Bainbridge and the head
of the service. Still, it is by no means certain that
injustice was done, such circumstances frequently
occurring in so young a service, to repair an original
wrong. At all events, no slight was intended to
Bainbridge, or any other officer who was passed;
though the former ever maintained that he had not
his proper rank in the navy.
After refitting the Norfolk, Bainbridge returned to
the West Indies, where he was put under the orders
of Capt. Christopher R. Perry, the father of the celebrated
Commodore Oliver H. Perry, who sent him
to cruise off Cape François. The brig changed her
cruising ground, under different orders, no opportunity
occurring for meeting an enemy of equal
force. Indeed, it was highly creditable to the maritime
enterprise of the French that they appeared at all in
those seas, which were swarming with English and
American cruisers; this country alone seldom employing
fewer than thirty sail in the West Indies, that
year; toward the close of the season it had near,
if not quite forty, including those who were passing
between the islands and the home coast.
On the 31st October, however, the Norfolk succeeded
in decoying an armed barge within reach of
her guns. The enemy discovered the brig’s character
in time to escape to the shore, notwithstanding;
though he was pursued and the barge was captured.
Six dead and dying were found in, or near the boat.
In November, Bainbridge took a small lugger
privateer, called Le Républicain, with a prize in company.
The former was destroyed at sea, and the
latter sent in. The prize of the lugger was a sloop.
She presented a horrible spectacle when taken possession
of by the Americans. Her decks were
strewed with mangled bodies, the husbands and
parents of eleven women and children, who were
found weeping over them at the moment of recapture.
The murders had been committed by some
brigands in a barge, who slew every man in the
sloop, and were proceeding to further outrages
when the lugger closed and drove them from their
prey. An hour or two later, Bainbridge captured
both the vessels. His treatment of the unfortunate
females and children was such as ever marked his
generous and manly character.
Shortly after, Capt. Bainbridge received an order,
direct from the Navy Department, to go off the
neutral port of the Havana, to look after the trade
in that quarter. Here he was joined by the Warren
18, Capt. Newman, and the Pinckney 18, Capt. Heyward.
Bainbridge was the senior officer, and continued
to command this force to the great advantage
of American commerce, by blockading the enemy’s
privateers, and giving convoy, until March, 1800,
when, his cruise being up, he returned home, anchoring
off Philadelphia early in the month of April.
His services, especially those before Havana, were
fully appreciated, and May 2d, of the same year, he
was raised to the rank of captain. Bainbridge had
served with credit, and had now reached the highest
grade which existed in the navy, when he wanted
just five days of being twenty-six years old. He had
carried with him into the marine the ideas of a
high-class Philadelphia seaman, as to discipline, and
these were doubtless the best which then existed in
the country. In every situation he had conducted
himself well, and the promise of his early career
as a master of a merchantman was likely to be redeemed,
whenever occasion should offer, under the
pennant of the republic.
Among the vessels purchased into the service during
the war of 1798, was an Indiaman called the
George Washington. This ship was an example of
the irregularity in rating which prevailed at that day;
being set down in all the lists and registers of the
period as a 24, when her tonnage was 624; while the
Adams, John Adams, and Boston, all near one sixth
smaller, are rated as 32s. The George Washington
was, in effect, a large 28, carrying the complement
and armament of a vessel of that class. To this
ship Bainbridge was now appointed, receiving his
orders the month he was promoted; or, in May, 1800.
The destination of the vessel was to carry tribute to
the Dey of Algiers! This was a galling service to
a man of her commander’s temperament, as, indeed,
it would have proved to nearly every other officer in
the navy; but it put the ship quite as much in the
way of meeting with an enemy as if she had been
sent into the West Indies; and it was sending the
pennant into the Mediterranean for the first time
since the formation of the new navy. Thus the
United States 44, first carried the pennant to Europe,
in 1799; the Essex 32, first carried it round the Cape
of Good Hope, in 1800, and around Cape Horn, in
1813; and this ship, the George Washington 28, first
carried it into the classical seas of the old world.
Bainbridge did not get the tribute collected and
reach his port of destination, before the month of
September. Being entirely without suspicion, and
imagining that he came on an errand which should
entitle him, at least, to kind treatment, he carried
the ship into the mole, for the purpose of discharging
with convenience. This duty, however, was hardly
performed, when the Dey proposed a service for the
George Washington, that was as novel in itself as it
was astounding to her commander.
It seems that this barbarian prince had got himself
into discredit at the Sublime Porte, and he felt the
necessity of purchasing favor, and of making his
peace, by means of a tribute of his own. The Grand
Seignor was at war with France, and the Dey, his
tributary and dependant, had been guilty of the
singular indiscretion of making a separate treaty
of peace with that powerful republic, for some private
object of his own. This was an offence to be
expiated only by a timely offering of certain slaves,
various wild beasts, and a round sum in gold. The
presents to be sent were valued at more than half a
million of our money, and the passengers to be conveyed
amounted to between two and three hundred.
As the Dey happened to have no vessel fit for such a
service, and the George Washington lay very conveniently
within his mole, and had just been engaged in
this very duty, he came to the natural conclusion she
would answer his purpose.
The application was first made in the form of a
civil request, through the consul. Bainbridge procured
an audience, and respectfully, but distinctly,
stated that a compliance would be such a departure
from his orders as to put it out of the question. Hereupon
the Dey reminded the American that the ship
was in his power, and that what he now asked, he
might take without asking, if it suited his royal pleasure.
A protracted and spirited discussion, in which
the consul joined, now followed, but all without
effect. The Dey offered the alternatives of compliance,
or slavery and capture, for the frigate and her
crew, with war on the American trade. One of his
arguments is worthy of being recorded, as it fully
exposes the feeble policy of submission to any national
wrong. He told the two American functionaries,
that their country paid him tribute, already,
which was an admission of their inferiority, as well
as of their duty to obey him; and he chose to order
this particular piece of service, in addition to the
presents which he had just received.
Bainbridge finally consented to do as desired. He
appears to have been influenced in this decision, by
the reasoning of Mr. O’Brien, the consul, who had
himself been a slave in Algiers, not long before, and
probably retained a lively impression of the power
of the barbarian, on his own shores. It is not to be
concealed, however, that temporizing in all such
matters, had been the policy of America, and it
would have required men of extraordinary moral
courage to have opposed the wishes of the Dey, by
a stern assertion of those principles, which alone can
render a nation great. “To ask for nothing but
what is right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong,”
is an axiom more easily maintained on paper than in
practice, where the chameleon-like policy of trade
interferes to color principles; and O’Brien, a merchant
in effect, and Bainbridge, who had so lately
been in that pursuit himself, were not likely to overlook
the besetting weakness of the nation. Still, it
may be questioned if there was a man in the navy
who felt a stronger desire to vindicate the true maxims
of national independence than the subject of this
memoir. He appears to have yielded solely to the
arguments of the consul, and to his apprehensions for
a trade that certainly had no other protection in that
distant sea, than his own ship; and she would be the
first sacrifice of the Dey’s resentment. It ought to
be mentioned, too, that a base and selfish policy prevailed,
in that day, on the subject of the Barbary
Powers, among the principal maritime states of Europe.
England, in particular, was supposed to wink
at their irregularities, in the hope that it might have
a tendency to throw a monopoly of the foreign navigation
of the Mediterranean into the hands of those
countries which, by means of their great navies, and
their proximity to the African coast, were always
ready to correct any serious evil that might affect
themselves. English policy had been detected in the
hostilities of the Dey, a few years earlier, and it is
by no means improbable that Mr. O’Brien foresaw
consequences of this nature, that did not lie absolutely
on the surface.
Yielding to the various considerations which were
urged, Bainbridge finally consented to comply with
the Dey’s demand. The presents and passengers
were received on board, and on the 19th of October,
or about a month after her arrival at Algiers, the
George Washington was ready to sail for Constantinople.
When on the very eve of departing a new
difficulty arose, and one of a nature to show that the
Dey was not entirely governed by rapacity, but that
he had rude notions of national honor, agreeably to
opinions of the school in which he had been trained.
As the George Washington carried his messenger,
or ambassador, and was now employed in his service,
he insisted that she should carry the Algerine flag at
the main, while that of the republic to which the
ship belonged, should fly at the fore. An altercation
occurred on this point of pure etiquette, the Dey insisting
that English, French, and Spanish commanders,
whenever they had performed a similar service
for him, had not hesitated to give this precedency to
his ensign. This was probably true, as well as the
fact that vessels of war of those nations had consented
to serve him in this manner, in compliance with the
selfish policy of their respective governments; though
it may be doubted whether English, or French ships,
had been impressed into such a duty. Dr. Harris,
whose biography of Bainbridge is much the most full
of any written, and to which we are indebted for
many of our own details, has cited an instance as
recently as 1817, when an English vessel of war conveyed
presents to Constantinople for the Dey; though
it was improbable that any other inducement for the
measure existed, than a desire in the English authorities
to maintain their influence in the regency.
Bainbridge, without entering into pledges on the subject,
and solely with a view to get his ship beyond
the reach of the formidable batteries of the mole,
hoisted the Algerine ensign, as desired, striking it, as
soon as he found himself again the commander of
his own vessel.
The George Washington had a boisterous and
weary passage to the mouth of the Dardanelles, the
ship being littered with Turks, and the cages of wild
beasts. This voyage was always a source of great
uneasiness and mortification to Bainbridge, but he
occasionally amused his friends with the relation
of anecdotes that occurred during its continuance.
Among other things he mentioned that his passengers
were greatly puzzled to keep their faces toward
Mecca, in their frequent prayers; the ship often
tacking during the time thus occupied, more especially
after they got into the narrow seas. A man
was finally stationed at the compass to give the faithful
notice when it was necessary to “go-about,” in
consequence of the evolutions of the frigate.
Bainbridge had great apprehensions of being
detained at the Dardanelles, for want of a firman,
the United States having no diplomatic agent at the
Porte, and commercial jealousy being known to exist,
on the subject of introducing the American flag
into those waters. A sinister influence up at Constantinople
might detain him for weeks, or even
prevent his passage altogether, and having come so
far, on his unpleasant errand, he was resolved to
gather as many of its benefits as possible. In the
dilemma, therefore, he decided on a ruse of great
boldness, and one which proved that personal considerations
had little influence, when he thought the
interests of his country demanded their sacrifice.
The George Washington approached the castles
with a strong southerly wind, and she clewed up her
light sails, as if about to anchor, just as she began to
salute. The works returned gun for gun, and in the
smoke sail was again made, and the ship glided out
of the range of shot before the deception was discovered;
passing on toward the sea of Marmora
under a cloud of canvass. As vessels were stopped
at only one point, and the progress of the ship was
too rapid to admit of detention, she anchored unmolested
under the walls of Constantinople, on the 9th
November, 1800; showing the flag of the republic,
for the first time, before that ancient town.
Bainbridge was probably right in his anticipation
of difficulty in procuring a firman to pass the castles,
for when his vessel reported her nation, an answer
was sent off that the government of Turkey knew of
no such country. An explanation that the ship came
from the new world, that which Columbus had discovered,
luckily proved satisfactory, when a bunch
of flowers and a lamb were sent on board; the latter
as a token of amity, and the former as a welcome.
The George Washington remained several weeks
at Constantinople, where Bainbridge and his officers
were well received, though the agents of the Dey
fared worse. The Capudan Pacha, in particular,
formed a warm friendship for the commander of the
George Washington, whose fine personal appearance,
frank address and manly bearing were well
calculated to obtain favor. This functionary was
married to a sister of the Sultan, and had more influence
at court than any other subject. He took Bainbridge
especially under his own protection, and when
they parted, he gave the frigate a passport, which
showed that she and her commander enjoyed this
particular and high privilege. In fact, the intercourse
between this officer and the commander of
the George Washington was such as to approach
nearly to paving the way for a treaty, a step that
Bainbridge warmly urged on the government at
home, as both possible and desirable. It has been
conjectured even, that Capt. Bainbridge was instructed
on this subject; and that, in consenting to
go to Constantinople at all, he had the probabilities
of opening some such negotiation in view. This
was not his own account of the matter, although, in
weighing the motives for complying with the Dey’s
demands, it is not impossible he permitted such a
consideration to have some weight.
The visit of Clarke, the well known traveler, occurred
while the George Washington was at Constantinople.
The former accompanied Bainbridge
to the Black Sea, in the frigate’s long-boat, where
the American ensign was displayed also, for the first
time. It appears that an officer was one of the party
in the celebrated visit of the traveler to the seraglio,
Bainbridge confirming Dr. Clarke’s account of the
affair, with the exception that he, himself, looked
upon the danger as very trifling.
During the friendly intercourse which existed between
Capt. Bainbridge and the Capudan Pacha, the
latter incidentally mentioned that the governor of the
castles was condemned to die for suffering the George
Washington to pass without a firman, and that the
warrant of execution only waited for his signature,
in order to be enforced. Shocked at discovering the
terrible strait to which he had unintentionally reduced
a perfectly innocent man, Bainbridge frankly
admitted his own act, and said if any one had erred
it was himself; begging the life of the governor, and
offering to meet the consequences in his own person.
This generous course was not thrown away on the
Capudan Pacha, who appears to have been a liberal
and enlightened man. He heard the explanation with
interest, extolled Bainbridge’s frankness, promised
him his entire protection, and pardoned the governor;
sending to the latter a minute statement of the whole
affair. It was after this conversation that the high
functionary in question delivered to Bainbridge his
own especial letter of protection.
At length the Algerine ambassador was ready to
return. On the 30th of December, 1800, the ship
sailed for Algiers. The messenger of the Dey took
back with him a menace of punishment, unless
his master declared war against France, and sent
more tribute to the Porte; granting to the Algerine
government but sixty days to let its course be
known. On repassing the Dardanelles, Bainbridge
was compelled to anchor. Here he received presents
of fruit and provisions, with hospitalities on shore,
as an evidence of the governor’s gratitude for his
generous conduct in exposing his own life, in order
to save that of an innocent man. It is shown by a
passage in Dr. Clarke’s work, that Bainbridge was
honorably received in the best circles in Pera, during
his stay at Constantinople, while the neatness and
order of his ship were the subject of general conversation.
An entertainment that was given on board
the frigate was much talked of also; the guests and
all the viands coming from the four quarters of the
earth. Thus there was water, bread, meats, etc.,
etc., each from Europe, Asia, Africa and America,
as well as persons to consume them; certainly a
thing of rare occurrence at any one feast.
The George Washington arrived at Algiers on the
20th January, 1801, and anchored off the town, beyond
the reach of shot. The Dey expressed his apprehensions
that the position of the ship would prove
inconvenient to her officers, and desired that she
might be brought within the mole, or to the place
where she had lain during her first visit. This offer
was respectfully declined. A day or two later the
object of this hospitality became apparent. Bainbridge
was asked to return to Constantinople with
the Algerine ambassador; a request with which
he positively refused to comply. This was the commencement
of a new series of cajoleries, arguments
and menaces. But, having his ship where nothing
but the barbarian’s corsairs could assail her, Bainbridge
continued firm. He begged the consul to
send him off some old iron for ballast, in order that
he might return certain guns he had borrowed for
that purpose, previously to sailing for Constantinople,
the whole having been rendered necessary in consequence
of his ship’s having been lightened of the tribute
sent in her from America. The Dey commanded
the lightermen not to take employment, and, at the
same time, he threatened war if his guns were not
returned. After a good deal of discussion, Bainbridge
exacted a pledge that no further service would be
asked of the ship; then he agreed to run into the
mole and deliver the cannon, as the only mode that
remained of returning property which had been lent
to him.
As soon as the frigate was secured in her new
berth, Capt. Bainbridge and the consul were admitted
to an audience with the Dey. The reception
was any thing but friendly, and the despot, a man of
furious passions, soon broke out into expressions of anger,
that bade fair to lead to personal violence. The
attendants were ready, and it was known that a nod
or a word might, at a moment’s notice, cost the
Americans their lives. At this fearful instant, Bainbridge,
who was determined at every hazard to resist
the Dey’s new demand, fortunately bethought
him of the Capudan Pacha’s letter of protection,
which he carried about him. The letter was produced,
and its effect was magical. Bainbridge often
spoke of it as even ludicrous, and of being so sudden
and marked as to produce glances of surprise among
the common soldiers. From a furious tyrant, the
sovereign of Algiers was immediately converted into
an obedient vassal; his tongue all honey, his face all
smiles. He was aware that a disregard of the recommendation
of the Capudan Pacha would be
punished, as he would visit a similar disregard of
one of his own orders; and that there was no choice
between respect and deposition. No more was said
about the return of the frigate to Constantinople, and
every offer of service and every profession of amity
were heaped upon the subject of our memoir, who
owed his timely deliverance altogether to the friendship
of the Turkish dignitary; a friendship obtained
through his own frank and generous deportment.
The reader will readily understand that dread of
the Grand Seignior’s power had produced this sudden
change in the deportment of the Dey. The same
feeling induced him to order the flag-staff of the
French consulate to be cut down the next day; a declaration
of war against the country to which the
functionary belonged. Exasperated at these humiliations,
which were embittered by heavy pecuniary
exactions on the part of the Porte, the Dey turned
upon the few unfortunate French who happened to
be in his power. These, fifty-six in number, consisting
of men, women and children, he ordered to
be seized and to be deemed slaves. Capt. Bainbridge
felt himself sufficiently strong, by means of the Capudan
Pacha’s letter, to mediate; and he actually succeeded,
after a long discussion, in obtaining a decree
by which all the French who could get out of the
regency, within the next eight-and-forty hours, might
depart. For those who could not remained the doom
of slavery, or of ransom at a thousand dollars a head.
It was thought that this concession was made under
the impression that no means of quitting Algiers could
be found by the unfortunate French. No one believed
that the George Washington would be devoted to
their service, France and America being then at war;
a circumstance which probably increased Bainbridge’s
influence at Constantinople, as well as at
Algiers.
But our officer was not disposed to do things by
halves. Finding that no other means remained for
extricating the unfortunate French, he determined to
carry them off in the George Washington. The ship
had not yet discharged the guns of the Dey, but every
body working with good will, this property was delivered
to its right owner, sand ballast was obtained
from the country and hoisted in, other necessary
preparations were made, and the ship hauled out of
the mole and got to sea just in time to escape the
barbarian’s fangs, with every Frenchman in Algiers
on board. It is said that in another hour the time
of grace would have expired. The ship landed her
passengers at Alicant, a neutral country, and then
made the best of her way to America, where she
arrived in due season.
This act of Bainbridge’s was quite in conformity
with the generous tendencies of his nature. He was
a man of quick and impetuous feelings, and easily
roused to anger; but left to the voluntary guidance
of his own heart, no one was more ready to serve
his fellow creatures. It seemed to make little difference
with him, whether he assisted an Englishman
or a Frenchman; his national antipathies, though
decided and strong, never interfering with his humanity.
Napoleon had just before attained the First
Consulate, and he offered the American officer his
personal thanks for this piece of humane and disinterested
service to his countrymen. At a later day,
when misfortune came upon Bainbridge, he is said
to have remembered this act, and to have interested
himself in favor of the captive.
On reaching home, Bainbridge had the gratification
of finding his conduct, in every particular, approved
by the government. It was so much a matter of
course, in that day, for the nations of Christendom
to submit to exactions from those of Barbary, that
little was thought of the voyage to Constantinople,
and less said about it. A general feeling must have
prevailed that censure, if it fell any where, ought to
light on the short-sighted policy of trade, and the
misguided opinions of the age. It is more probable,
however, that the whole transaction was looked upon
as a legitimate consequence of the system of tribute,
which then so extensively prevailed.
Bainbridge must have enjoyed another and still
more unequivocal evidence that the misfortunes
which certainly accompanied his short naval career,
had left no injurious impressions on the government,
as touching his own conduct. The reduction law,
which erected a species of naval peace establishment,
was passed during his late absence, and, on
his arrival, he found its details nearly completed in
practice. Previously to this law’s going into effect,
there were twenty-eight captains in the navy, of
which number be stood himself as low as the twenty-seventh
in rank. There was, indeed, but one other
officer of that grade below him, and, under such circumstances,
the chances of being retained would
have been very small, for any man who had not the
complete confidence of his superiors. He was retained,
however, and that, too, in a manner in defiance
of the law, for, by its provisions, only nine
captains were to be continued in the service in a time
of peace; whereas, his was the eleventh name on
the new list, until Dale and Truxtun resigned; events
which did not occur until the succeeding year. The
cautious and reluctant manner in which these reductions
were made by Mr. Jefferson, under a law that
had passed during the administration of his predecessor,
is another proof that the former statesman did
not deserve all the reproaches of hostility to this
branch of the public service that were heaped upon
him.[1]
Not satisfied with retaining Capt. Bainbridge in the
service, after the late occurrences at Algiers, the Department
also gave him immediate employment.
For the first time this gallant officer was given a good
serviceable ship, that had been regularly constructed
for a man-of-war. He was attached to the Essex
32, a fine twelve-pounder frigate, that had just returned
from a first cruise to the East Indies, under
Preble; an officer who subsequently became so justly
celebrated. The orders to this vessel were issued
in May, 1801, and the ship was directed to form part
of a squadron then about to sail for the Mediterranean.
Capt. Bainbridge joined the Essex at New York.
He had Stephen Decatur for his first lieutenant, and
was otherwise well officered and manned. The
squadron, consisting of the President 44, Philadelphia
38, Essex 32, and Enterprise 12, sailed in company;
the President being commanded by Capt. James
Barron, the Philadelphia by Capt. Samuel Barron,
and the Enterprise by Lieut. Com. Sterrett. The
broad pennant of Com. Dale was flying on the President.
This force went abroad under very limited
instructions. Although the Bashaw of Tripoli was
seizing American vessels, and was carrying on an
effective war, Mr. Jefferson appeared to think legal
enactments at home necessary to authorize the marine
to retaliate. As respected ourselves, statutes
may have been wanting to prescribe the forms under
which condemnations could be had, and the other
national rights carried out in full practice; but, as
respected the enemy, there can be no question his
own acts authorized the cruisers of this country to
capture their assailants wherever they could be
found, even though they rotted in our harbors for the
want of a prescribed manner of bringing them under
the hammer. The mode of condemnation is solely
dependent on municipal regulations, but the right to
capture is dependent on public law alone. It was in
this singular state of things that the Enterprise, after
a bloody action, took a Tripolitan, and was then
obliged to let her go!
The American squadron reached Gibraltar the 1st
day of July, where it found and blockaded two of the
largest Tripolitan cruisers, under the orders of a
Scotch renegade, who bore the rank of an admiral.
The Philadelphia watched these vessels, while the
Essex was sent along the north shore to give convoy.
The great object, in that day, appears to have been
to carry the trade safely through the Straits, and to
prevent the enemy’s rovers from getting out into the
Atlantic; measures that the peculiar formation of the
coasts rendered highly important. It was while employed
on this duty, that Capt. Bainbridge had an
unpleasant collision with some of the Spanish authorities
at Barcelona, in consequence of repeated insults
offered to his ship’s officers and boats; his own barge
having been fired into twice, while he was in it in
person. In this affair he showed his usual decision
and spirit, and the matter was pushed so far and so
vigorously, as to induce an order from the Prince of
Peace, “to treat all officers of the United States with
courtesy and respect, and more particularly those
attached to the United States frigate Essex.” The
high and native courtesy of the Spanish character
renders it probable that some misunderstandings increased
and complicated these difficulties, though
there is little doubt that jealousy of the superior order
and beauty of the Essex, among certain subordinates
of the Spanish marine, produced the original aggression.
In the discussions and collisions that followed,
the sudden and somewhat brusque spirit of the American
usages was not likely to be cordially met by the
precise and almost oriental school of manners that
regulates the intercourse of Spanish society. Bainbridge,
however, is admitted to have conducted his
part of the dispute with dignity and propriety; though
he was not wanting in the promptitude and directness
of a man-of-war’s man.
On the arrival of the Essex below, with a convoy,
it was found that the enemy had laid up his ships,
and had sent the crews across to Africa in the night;
the admiral making the best of his way home in a
neutral. Com. Morris had relieved Com. Dale,
and the Essex, wanting material repairs, was sent
home in the summer of 1802, after an absence of
rather more than a year. During her short cruise,
the Essex had been deemed a model ship, as to efficiency
and discipline, and extorted admiration wherever
she appeared. On her arrival at New York,
the frigate was unexpectedly ordered to Washington
to be laid up, a measure that excited great discontent
in her crew. One of those quasi mutinies which,
under similar circumstances, were not uncommon in
that day, followed; the men insisting that their times
were up, and that they ought to be paid off in a sea-port,
and “not on a tobacco plantation, up in Virginia;”
but Bainbridge and Decatur were men unwilling
to be controlled in this way. The disaffection
was put down with spirit, and the ship obeyed her
orders.
Bainbridge was now employed in superintending
the construction of the Siren and Vixen; two of the
small vessels that had been recently ordered by
law. As soon as these vessels were launched, he
was again directed to prepare for service in the
Mediterranean, for which station the celebrated
squadron of Preble was now fitting. This force
consisted of the Constitution 44, Philadelphia 38,
Siren 16, Argus 16, Nautilus 14, Vixen 14, and Enterprise
12; the latter vessel being then on the station,
under Lieut. Com. Hull. Of these ships, Bainbridge
had the Philadelphia 38, a fine eighteen-pounder
frigate that was often, by mistake, called a
forty-four, though by no means as large a vessel as
some others of her proper class. It was much the
practice of that day to attach officers to the ships
which were fitting near their places of residence,
and thus it followed that a vessel frequently had a
sort of local character. Such, in a degree, was the
case with the Philadelphia, most of whose sea-officers
were Delaware sailors, in one sense; though
all the juniors had now been bred in the navy. As
these gentlemen are entitled to have their sufferings
recorded, we give their names, with the states of
which they were natives, viz:
Captain.—William Bainbridge, of New Jersey.
Lieutenants.—John T. R. Cox; Jacob Jones, Delaware;
Theodore Hunt, New Jersey; Benjamin Smith,
Rhode Island.
Lieutenant of Marines.—Wm. S. Osborne.
Surgeon.—John Ridgely, Maryland.
Purser.—Rich. Spence, New Hampshire.
Sailing-Master.—Wm. Knight, Pennsylvania.
Surgeon’s Mates.—Jonathan Cowdery, N. York;
Nicholas Harwood, Va.
Midshipmen.—Bernard Henry, Pa.; James Gibbon,
Va.; James Biddle, Pa.; Richard B. Jones, Pa.;
D. T. Patterson, N. Y.; Wm. Cutbush, Pa.; B. F.
Reed, Pa.; Thomas M’Donough, Del.; Wallace
Wormley, Va.; Robert Gamble, Va.; Simon Smith,
Pa.; James Renshaw, Pa.
The Philadelphia had a crew a little exceeding
three hundred souls on board, including her officers.
One or two changes occurred among the latter,
however, when the ship reached Gibraltar, which
will be mentioned in their proper places.
The vessels of Com. Preble did not sail in squadron,
but left home as each ship got ready. Bainbridge,
being equipped, was ordered to sail in July,
and he entered the Straits on the 24th of August,
after a passage down the Delaware and across the
Atlantic of some length. Understanding at Gibraltar
that certain cruisers of the enemy were in the neighborhood
of Cape de Gatte, he proceeded off that well-known
headland the very next day; and, in the night
of the 26th, it blowing fresh, he fell in with a ship
under nothing but a foresail, with a brig in company,
under very short canvass also. These suspicious
circumstances induced him to run alongside of the
ship, and to demand her character. After a good
deal of hailing, and some evasion on the part of the
stranger, it was ascertained that he was a cruiser
from Morocco, called the Meshboha 22, commanded
by Ibrahim Lubarez, and having a crew of one hundred
and twenty men. The Philadelphia had concealed
her own nation, and a boat coming from the
Meshboha, the fact was extracted from its crew that
the brig in company was an American, bound into
Spain, and that they had boarded but had not detained
her. Bainbridge’s suspicions were aroused by all
the circumstances; particularly by the little sail the
brig carried; so unlike an American, who is ever in
a hurry. He accordingly directed Mr. Cox, his first
lieutenant, to board the Meshboha, and to ascertain
if any Americans were in her, as prisoners. In attempting
to execute this order, Mr. Cox was resisted,
and it was necessary to send an armed boat. The
master and crew of the brig, the Celia of Boston,
were actually found in the Meshboha, which ship
had captured them, nine days before, in the vicinity
of Malaga, the port to which they were bound.
Bainbridge took possession of the Moorish ship.
The next day he recovered the brig, which was
standing in for the bay of Almeria, to the westward
of Cape de Gatte. On inquiry he discovered that
Ibraham Lubarez was cruising for Americans under
an order issued by the governor of Mogadore. Although
Morocco was ostensibly at peace with the
United States, Bainbridge did not hesitate, now, about
taking his prize to Gibraltar. Here he left the
Meshboha in charge of Mr. M’Donough, under the
superintendence of the consul, and then went off
Cape St. Vincent in pursuit of a Moorish frigate,
which was understood to be in that neighborhood.
Failing in his search, he returned within the Straits,
and went aloft, in obedience to his original orders.
At Gibraltar, the Philadelphia met the homeward
bound vessels, under Com. Rodgers, which were
waiting the arrival of Preble, in the Constitution.
As this force was sufficient to watch the Moors, it
left the Philadelphia the greater liberty to proceed on
her cruise. While together, however, Lieut. Porter,
the first of the New York 36, exchanged with Lieut.
Cox, the latter gentleman wishing to return home,
where he soon after resigned; while the former preferred
active service.
The Philadelphia found nothing but the Vixen before
Tripoli. A Neapolitan had given information
that a corsair had just sailed on a cruise, and this induced
Capt. Bainbridge to despatch Lieut. Com.
Smith in chase. In consequence of this unfortunate,
but perfectly justifiable, decision the frigate was left
alone off the town. A vigorous blockade having
been determined on, the ship maintained her station
as close in as her draught of water would allow
until near the close of October, when, it coming on
to blow fresh from the westward, she was driven
some distance to leeward, as often occurred to vessels
on that station. As soon as it moderated, sail
was made to recover the lost ground, and, by the
morning of the 31st, the wind had become fair, from
the eastward. At 8, A. M., a sail was made ahead,
standing like themselves to the westward. This
vessel proved to be a small cruiser of the Bashaw’s,
and was probably the very vessel of which the Vixen
had gone in pursuit. The Philadelphia now crowded
every thing that would draw, and was soon so near
the chase as to induce the latter to hug the land.
There is an extensive reef to the eastward of Tripoli,
called Kaliusa, that was not laid down in the charts
of the ship, and which runs nearly parallel to the
coast for some miles. There is abundance of water
inside of it, as was doubtless known to those on board
the chase, and there is a wide opening through it,
by which six and seven fathoms can be carried out
to sea; but all these facts were then profound mysteries
to the officers of the Philadelphia. Agreeably
to the chart of Capt. Smyth, of the British navy, the
latest and best in existence, the eastern division of
this reef lies about a mile and a half from the coast,
and its western about a mile. According to the same
chart, one of authority and made from accurate surveys,
the latter portion of the reef is distant from the
town of Tripoli about two and a half miles, and the
former something like a mile and a half more. There
is an interval of quite half a mile in length between
these two main divisions of the reef, through which
it is possible to carry six and seven fathoms, provided
three or four detached fragments of reef, of no great
extent, be avoided. The channels among these rocks
afforded great facilities to the Turks in getting in and
out of their port during the blockade, since a vessel
of moderate draught, that knew the land-marks,
might run through them with great confidence by
daylight. It is probable the chase, in this instance,
led in among these reefs as much to induce the frigate
to follow as to cover her own escape, either of which
motives showed a knowledge of the coast, and a
familiarity with his duties in her commander.
In coming down from the eastward, and bringing
with her a plenty of water, the Philadelphia must
have passed two or three hundred yards to the southward
of the northeastern extremity of the most easterly
of the two great divisions of the reef in question.
This position agrees with the soundings found at the
time, and with those laid down in the chart. She
had the chase some distance inshore of her; so much
so, indeed, as to have been firing into her from the
two forward divisions of the larboard guns, in the
hope of cutting something away. Coming from the
eastward, the ship brought into this pass, between
the reef and the shore, from fourteen to ten fathoms
of water, which gradually shoaled to eight, when
Capt. Bainbridge, seeing no prospect of overhauling
the chase, then beginning to open the harbor of
Tripoli, from which the frigate herself was distant
but some three or four miles, ordered the helm a-port,
and the yards braced forward, in the natural expectation
of hauling directly off the land into deep water.
The leads were going at the time, and, to the surprise
of all on board, the water shoaled, as the frigate
run off, instead of deepening. The yards were immediately
ordered to be braced sharp up, and the
ship brought close on a wind, in the hope of beating
out of this seeming cul de sac, by the way in which
she had entered. The command was hardly given,
however, before the ship struck forward, and, having
eight knots way on her, she shot up on the rocks
until she had only fourteen and a half feet of water
under her fore-chains. Under the bowsprit there
were but twelve. Aft she floated, having, it is said,
come directly out of six or seven fathoms of water
into twelve and fifteen feet; all of which strictly corresponds
with the soundings of the modern charts.[2]
There was much of the hard fortune which attended
a good deal of Bainbridge’s professional career, in
the circumstances of this accident. Had the prospects
of the chase induced him to continue it, the
frigate might have passed ahead, and the chances
were that she would have hauled off, directly before
the mouth of the harbor of Tripoli, and gone clear;
carrying through nowhere less than five fathoms of
water. Had she stood directly on, after first hauling
up, she might have passed through the opening
between the two portions of the reef, carrying with
her six, seven, nine and ten fathoms, out to sea.
But, in pursuing the very course which prudence
and a sound discretion dictated to one who was
ignorant of the existence of this reef, he ran his ship
upon the very danger he was endeavoring to avoid.
It is by making provision for war, in a time of peace,
and, in expending its money freely, to further the
objects of general science, in the way of surveys and
other similar precautions, that a great maritime state,
in particular, economizes, by means of a present expenditure,
for the moments of necessity and danger
that may await it, an age ahead.
Bainbridge’s first recourse, was the natural expedient
of attempting to force the ship over the obstacle,
in the expectation that the deep water lay to seaward.
As soon, however, as the boats were lowered,
and soundings taken, the true nature of the
disaster was comprehended, and every effort was
made to back the Philadelphia off, by the stern. A
ship of the size of a frigate, that goes seven or eight
knots, unavoidably piles a mass of water under her
bows, and this, aided by the shelving of the reef, and
possibly by a ground swell, had carried the ship up
too far, to be got off by any ordinary efforts. The
desperate nature of her situation was soon seen by
the circumstance of her falling over so much, as to
render it impossible to use any of her starboard guns.
The firing of the chase had set several gun-boats
in motion in the harbor, and a division of nine was
turning to-windward, in order to assist the xebec the
Philadelphia had been pursuing, even before the last
struck. Of course the nature of the accident was
understood, and these enemies soon began to come
within reach of shot, though at a respectful distance
on the larboard quarter. Their fire did some injury
aloft, but neither the hull nor the crew of the frigate
were hit.
Every expedient which could be resorted to, in
order to get the Philadelphia off, was put in practice.
The anchors were cut from the bows; water was
pumped out, and other heavy articles were thrown
overboard, including all the guns, but those aft.
Finally the foremast was cut away. It would seem
that the frigate had no boat strong enough to carry
out an anchor, a great oversight in the equipment of
a vessel of any sort. After exerting himself, with
great coolness and discretion, until sunset, Bainbridge
consulted his officers, and the hard necessity
of hauling down the colors was admitted. By this
time, the gun-boats had ventured to cross the frigate’s
stern, and had got upon her weather quarter, where,
as she had fallen over several feet to leeward, it was
utterly impossible to do them any harm. Other
boats, too, were coming out of the harbor to the
assistance of the division which had first appeared.
The Tripolitans got on board the Philadelphia,
just as night was setting in, on the last day of October.
They came tumbling in at the ports, in a crowd,
and then followed a scene of indiscriminate plunder
and confusion. Swords, epaulettes, watches, jewels,
money, and no small portion of the clothing of the
officers even, disappeared, the person of Bainbridge
himself being respected little more than those of the
common men. He submitted to be robbed, until
they undertook to force from him a miniature of
his young and beautiful wife, when he successfully
resisted. The manly determination he showed in
withstanding this last violence, had the effect to
check the aggression, so far as he was concerned,
and about ten at night, the prisoners reached the
shore, near the castle of the Bashaw.
Jussuf Caramelli received his prisoners, late as
was the hour, in full divan; feeling a curiosity, no
doubt, to ascertain what sort of beings the chances of
war had thrown into his power. There was a barbarous
courtesy in his deportment, nor was the
reception one of which the Americans had any right
to complain. After a short interview, he dismissed
the officers to an excellent supper which had been
prepared for them in the castle itself, and to this
hour, the gentlemen who sat down to that feast with
the appetites of midshipmen, speak of its merits with
an affection which proves that it was got up in the
spirit of true hospitality. When all had supped, they
were carried back to the divan, where the Pacha
and his ministers had patiently awaited their return;
when the former put them in charge of Sidi Mohammed
D’Ghies, one of the highest functionaries of
the regency, who conducted the officers, with the
necessary attendants, to the building that had lately
been the American consular residence.
This was the commencement of a long and irksome
captivity, which terminated only with the war. The
feelings of Bainbridge were most painful, as we know
from his letters, his private admissions, and the peculiar
nature of his case. He had been unfortunate
throughout most of his public service. The Retaliation
was the only American cruiser taken in the war
of 1798, and down to that moment, she was the only
vessel of the new marine that had been taken at all.
Here, then, was the second ship that had fallen into
the enemy’s hands, also under his orders. Then the
affair of the George Washington was one likely to
wound the feelings of a high spirited and sensitive
mind, to which explanations, however satisfactory,
are of themselves painful and humiliating. These
were circumstances that might have destroyed the
buoyancy of some men; and there is no question,
that Bainbridge felt them acutely, and with a lively
desire to be justified before his country. At this moment,
his officers stepped in to relieve him, by sending
a generous letter, signed by every man in the
ship whose testimony could at all influence the opinion
of a court of inquiry. Care was taken to say,
in this letter, that the charts and soundings justified
the ship in approaching the shore, as near as she had,
which was the material point, as connected with his
conduct as a commander; his personal deportment
after the accident being beyond censure. Bainbridge
was greatly relieved by the receipt of this letter, the
writing of which was generously and kindly conceived,
though doubts may exist as to its propriety,
in a military point of view. The commander of a
ship, to a certain extent, is properly responsible for
its loss, and his subordinates are the witnesses by
whose testimony the court, which is finally to exonerate,
or to condemn, is guided; to anticipate their
evidence, by a joint letter, is opening the door to
management and influence which may sometimes
shield a real delinquent. So tender are military tribunals,
strictly courts of honor, that one witness is
not allowed to hear the testimony of another, and the
utmost caution should ever be shown about the expression
of opinions even, until the moment arrives to
give them in the presence of the judges, and under
the solemnities of oaths. This is said without direct
reference to the case before us, however; for,
if ever an instance occurred in which a departure
from severe principles is justifiable, it was this; and
no one can regret that Bainbridge, in the long captivity
which followed, had the consolation of possessing
such a letter. It may be well, here, to mention that
all the officers whose names are given already in this
biography, shared his prison, with the exception of
Messrs. Cox and M’Donough; the former of whom
had exchanged with lieutenant Porter, now a captain,
while the latter had been left at Gibraltar, in
charge of the Meshboha, to come aloft with Decatur,
and to share in all the gallant deeds of that
distinguished officer, before Tripoli.
Much exaggeration has prevailed on the subject
of the treatment the American prisoners received
from the Turks. It was not regulated by the rules
of a more civilized warfare, certainly, and the common
men were compelled to labor under the restrictions
of African slavery; but the officers, on the
whole, were kindly treated, and the young men
were even indulged in many of the wild expressions
of their humors. There were moments of irritation,
and perhaps of policy, it is true, in which changes
of treatment occurred, but confinement was the
principal grievance. Books were obtained, and the
studies of the midshipmen were not neglected.
Sidi Mohammed D’Ghies proved their friend, though
the Danish consul, M. Nissen, was the individual to
whom the gratitude of the prisoners was principally
due. This benevolent man commenced his acts of
kindness the day after the Americans were taken,
and he continued them, with unwearying philanthrophy,
down to the hour of their liberation. By means
of this gentleman, Bainbridge was enabled to communicate
with Com. Preble, who received many
useful suggestions from the prisoner, concerning his
own operations before the town.
The Turks were so fortunate as to be favored with
good weather, for several days after the Philadelphia
fell into their hands. Surrounding the ship with
their gunboats, and carrying out the necessary anchors,
they soon hove her off the reef into deep
water; where she floated, though it was necessary
to use the pumps freely, and to stop some bad leaks.
The guns, anchors, &c., had, unavoidably, been
thrown on the rocks; and they were also recovered
with little difficulty. The prisoners, therefore, in a
day or two, had the mortification to see their late
ship anchored between the reef and the town; and,
ere long, she was brought into the harbor and partially
repaired.
It is said, on good authority, that Bainbridge
suggested to Preble the plan for the destruction of the
Philadelphia, which was subsequently adopted. His
correspondence was active, and there is no question
that it contained many useful suggestions. A few
weeks after he was captured he received a manly,
sensible letter from Preble, which, no doubt, had a
cheering influence on his feelings.
It will be remembered that the Philadelphia went
ashore on the morning of the 31st October, 1803.
On the 15th of the succeeding February, the captives
were awakened about midnight by the firing of guns.
A bright light gleamed upon the windows, and they
had the pleasure to see the frigate enveloped in
flames. Decatur had just quitted the ship, and his
ketch was then sweeping down the harbor, towards
the Siren, which awaited her in the offing!
This exploit caused a sensible change in the treatment
of the officers, who were then captives in
Tripoli. On the first of March, they were all removed
to the castle, where they continued for the
remainder of the time they were prisoners, or more
than a twelvemonth. Several attempts at escape
were made, but they all failed; principally for the
want of means. In this manner passed month after
month, until the spring had advanced into the summer.
One day the cheering intelligence spread
among the captives that a numerous force was visible
in the offing, but it disappeared in consequence of a
gale of wind. This was about the 1st of August,
1804. A day or two later, this force reappeared, a
heavy firing followed, and the gentlemen clambered
up to the windows which commanded a partial view
of the offing. There they saw a flotilla of gunboats,
brigs, and schooners, gathering in towards the rocks,
where lay a strong division of the Turks, the shot from
the batteries and shipping dashing the spray about,
and a canopy of smoke collecting over the sea. In
the back-ground was the Constitution—that glorious
frigate!—coming down into the fray, with the men
on her top-gallant-yards gathering in the canvass, as
coolly as if she were about to anchor. This was a
sight to warm a sailor’s heart, even within the walls
of a prison! Then they got a glimpse of the desperate
assault led by Decatur—the position of their
windows permitting no more—and they were left to
imagine what was going on, amid the roar of cannon,
to leeward. This was the celebrated attack of the
3d August; or that with which Preble began his own
warfare, and little intermission followed for the next
two months. On the night of the 4th of September,
a few guns were fired—a heavy explosion was
heard—and this terminated the din of war. It was
the catastrophe in which Somers perished. A day
or two later, Bainbridge was taken to see some of
the dead of that affair, but he found the bodies so
much mutilated as to render recognition impossible.
Bainbridge kept a journal of the leading events
that occurred during his captivity. Its meagreness,
however, supplies proof of the sameness of his life;
little occurring to give it interest, except an occasional
difficulty with the Turks, and these attacks.
In this journal he speaks of the explosion of the Intrepid,
as an enterprise that entirely failed; injuring
nothing. It was thought in the squadron that a part
of the wall of the castle had fallen, on this occasion,
but it was a mistake. Not a man, house, or vessel
of Tripoli, so far as can now be ascertained, suffered,
in the least, by the explosion. Bainbridge also mentions,
what other information corroborates, that the
shells seldom burst. Many fell within the town, but
none blew up. Two or three even struck the house
of the worthy Nissen, but the injury was slight,
comparatively, in consequence of this circumstance.
At length the moment of liberation arrived. An
American negotiator appeared in the person of the
consul general for Barbary, and matters drew toward
a happy termination. Some obstacles, however,
occurred, and, to get rid of them, Sidi Mohammed
D’Ghies, a judge of human nature, and a man
superior to most around him, proposed to the Bashaw
to let Bainbridge go on board the Constitution, then
commanded by Com. Rodgers. The proposal appeared
preposterous to the wily and treacherous
Jussuf, who insisted that his prisoner would never
be fool enough to come back, if once at liberty.
The minister understood the notions of military
honor that prevailed amongst Christian nations better,
and he finally succeeded in persuading his master
to consent that Bainbridge might depart; but not
until he had placed his own son in the Bashaw’s
hands, as a hostage.[3]
The 1st of June, 1805, was a happy hour for the
subject of our memoir, for then, after a captivity of
nineteen months, to a day, was he permitted again
to tread the deck of an American man-of-war. The
entire day was spent in the squadron, and Bainbridge
returned in the night, greatly discouraged as to the
success of the negotiation. Finding Sidi Mohammed
D’Ghies, they repaired to the palace together, where
the Bashaw received them with wonder. He had
given up the slight expectation he ever had of seeing
his captive again, and had been sharply rebuking his
minister for the weakness he had manifested by his
credulity. Bainbridge stated to the prince the only
terms on which the Americans would treat, and
these Jussuf immediately rejected. The friendly
offices of M. Nissen were employed next day, however,
and on the third, a council of state was convened,
at which the treaty, drawn up in form, was
laid before the members for approval or rejection.
At this council, Bainbridge was invited to be present.
When he entered he was told by the Bashaw,
himself, that no prisoner in Barbary had ever before
been admitted to a similar honor, and that the discussions
should be carried on in French, in order that
he might understand them. The question of “peace
or war” was then solemnly proposed. There were
eight members of the council, and six were for war.
Sidi Mohammed D’Ghies and the commandant of
the marine alone maintained the doctrine of peace.
There may have been preconcert and artifice in all
this; if so, it was well acted. The speeches were
grave and dignified, and seemingly sincere, and,
after a time, two of the dissentients were converted
to the side of peace; leaving the cabinet equally
divided. “How shall I act?” demanded the Bashaw.
“Which party shall I satisfy—you are four for
peace, and four for war!” Here Sidi Mohammed
D’Ghies arose and said it was for the sovereign to
decide—they were but councillors, whereas he was
their prince; though he entreated him, for his own
interests and for those of his people, to make peace.
The Bashaw drew his signet from his bosom, deliberately
affixed it to the treaty, and said, with
dignity and emphasis, “It is peace.”
The salutes followed, and the war ceased. The
principal officers of the squadron visited the captives
that evening; and the next day the latter were taken
on board ship. A generous trait of the seamen and
marines, on this occasion, merits notice. A Neapolitan
slave had been much employed about them,
and had shown them great kindness. They sent a
deputation to Bainbridge, to request he would authorize
the purser to advance them $700, of their
joint pay; it was done, and, with the money, they
bought the liberty of the Neapolitan; carrying him
off with them—finally landing him on his own
shores.
At Syracuse, a court of inquiry was held, for the
loss of the Philadelphia. This court consisted of
Capts. James Barron, Hugh G. Campbell and Stephen
Decatur, jun. Gen. Eaton was the judge advocate.
The result was an honorable aquittal. The finding
of this court was dated June 29, 1805.
The country dealt generously and fairly by Bainbridge
and his officers. The loss of the Philadelphia
was viewed as being, precisely what it was, an unavoidable
accident, that was met by men engaged in
the zealous service of their country, in a distant sea,
on an inhospitable shore, and at an inclement season
of the year; and an accident that entailed on the sufferers
a long and irksome captivity. To have been
one of the Philadelphia’s crew has ever been rightly
deemed a strong claim on the gratitude of the republic,
and, from the hour at which the ill-fated ship
lowered her ensign, down to the present moment,
a syllable of reproach has never been whispered.
Bainbridge, himself, was brought prominently into
notice by the affair, and the sympathy his misfortunes
produced in the public mind, made him a favorite
with the nation. The advantage thus obtained, was
supported and perpetuated by that frank and sincere
earnestness which marked his public service, and
which was so well adapted to embellish the manly
career of a sailor.
The officers and crew of the Philadelphia reached
home in the autumn of 1805, and were welcomed
with the warmth that their privations entitled them
to receive.
Capt. Bainbridge had married, when a young man,
and he now found himself embarrassed in his circumstances,
with an increasing family. But few
ships were employed, and there were officers senior
to himself to command them. The half-pay of his
rank was then only $600 a year, and he determined
to get leave to make a voyage or two, in the merchant
service, in order to repair his fortunes. He
had been appointed to the navy yard at New York,
however, previously to this determination, but prudence
pointed out the course on which he had decided.
A voyage to the Havana, in which he was part
owner, turned out well, and he continued in this pursuit
for two years; or from the summer of 1806, until
the spring of 1808. In March of the latter year, he
was ordered to Portland, and, in December following,
he was transferred to the command of the President
44, then considered the finest ship in the navy.
Owing to deaths, resignations, and promotions, the
list of captains had undergone some changes since
the passage of the reduction-law. It now contained
thirteen names, a number determined by an act
passed in 1806, among which that of Bainbridge
stood the sixth in rank. The difficulties with England,
which had produced the armament, seemed
on the point of adjustment, and immediate war was
no longer expected. Bainbridge hoisted his first broad
pennant in the President, having the command on the
southern division of the coast; Com. Rodgers commanding
at the north. In the summer of 1809 the
President sailed on the coast service, and continued
under Bainbridge’s orders, until May, 1810, when he
left her, again to return to a merchant vessel.
On this occasion Bainbridge went into the Baltic.
On his way to St. Petersburg, a Danish cruiser took
him, and carried him into Copenhagen. Here, his
first thought was of his old friend Nissen. Within
half an hour, the latter was with him, and it is a coincidence
worthy of being mentioned, that at the
very moment the benevolent ex-consul heard of
Bainbridge’s arrival, he was actually engaged in unpacking
a handsome silver urn, which had been sent
to him, as a memorial of his own kindness to them,
by the late officers of the Philadelphia.
Through the exertions of this constant friend,
Bainbridge soon obtained justice, and his ship was
released. He then went up the Baltic. In this
trade, Capt. Bainbridge was induced to continue,
until the rencontre occurred, between his late ship,
the President, and the British vessel of war, the
Little Belt. As soon as apprized of this event, he
left St. Petersburg, and made the best of his way to
the Atlantic coast, over-land. In February, 1812, he
reached Washington, and reported himself for service.
But no consequences ever followed the action
mentioned, and a period of brief but delusive calm
succeeded, during which few, if any, believed that
war was near. Still it had been seriously contemplated;
and, it is understood, the question of the disposition
of the navy, in the event of a struggle so
serious as one with Great Britain’s occurring, had
been gravely agitated in the cabinet. To his great
mortification, Bainbridge learned the opinion prevailed
that it would be expedient to lay up all the
vessels; or, at most, to use them only for harbor defence.
Fortunately, the present Com. Stewart, an
officer several years the junior of Bainbridge in rank,
but one of high moral courage and of great decision
of character, happened to be also at the seat of
government. After a consultation, these two captains
had interviews with the Secretary and President,
and, at the request of the latter, addressed to
him such a letter as finally induced a change of
policy. Had Bainbridge and Stewart never served
their country but in this one act, they would be entitled
to receive its lasting gratitude. Their remonstrances
against belonging to a peace-navy were particularly
pungent; but their main arguments were
solid and convincing. After aiding in performing
this act of vital service to the corps to which he belonged,
Bainbridge proceeded to Charlestown, Massachusetts,
and assumed the command of the yard.
War was declared on the 18th June, 1812; or
shortly after Bainbridge was established at his new
post. By this time death had cleared the list of captains
of most of his superiors. Murray was at the
head of the navy, but too old and infirm for active
service. Next to him stood Rodgers; James Barron
came third, but he was abroad; and Bainbridge was
the fourth. This circumstance entitled him to a command
afloat, and he got the Constellation 38, a lucky
ship, though not the one he would have chosen, or
the one he might justly have claimed in virtue of his
commission. But the three best frigates had all gone
to sea, in quest of the enemy, and he was glad to get
any thing. A few weeks later, Hull came in with
the Constitution, after performing two handsome exploits
in her, and very generously consented to give
her up, in order that some one else might have a
chance. To this ship Bainbridge was immediately
transferred, and on board her he hoisted his broad
pennant on the 15th September, 1812.
The Essex 32, Capt. Porter, and Hornet 18, Capt.
Lawrence, were placed under Bainbridge’s orders, and
his instructions were to cruise for the English East
India trade, in the South Atlantic. The Essex being
in the Delaware, she was directed to rendezvous at
the Cape de Verdes, or on the coast of South America.
The Constitution and Hornet sailed in company,
from Boston, on the 26th October, but the events
of the cruise prevented the Essex, which ship was
commanded by Porter, his old first lieutenant in the
Philadelphia, from joining the commodore.
The Constitution and Hornet arrived off St. Salvador
on the 13th of December. The latter ship
went in, and found the Bonne Citoyenne, an enemy’s
cruiser of equal force, lying in the harbor. This discovery
led to a correspondence which will be mentioned
in the life of Lawrence, and which induced
Bainbridge to quit the offing, leaving the Hornet on
the look-out for her enemy. On the 26th, accordingly,
he steered to the southward, intending to stand along
the coast as low as 12° 20′ S., when, about 9, A. M.,
on the 29th, the ship then being in 13° 6′ S. latitude,
and 31° W. longitude, or about thirty miles from the
land, she made two strange sail, inshore and to
windward. After a little manœuvring, one of the
ships closing, while the other stood on towards St.
Salvador, Bainbridge was satisfied he had an enemy’s
frigate fairly within his reach. This was a fortunate
meeting to occur in a sea where there was little
hazard of finding himself environed by hostile
cruisers, and only sixty-four days out himself from
Boston.
In receiving the Constitution from Hull, Bainbridge
found her with only a portion of her old officers in
her, though the crew remained essentially the same.
Morris, her late first lieutenant, had been promoted,
and was succeeded by George Parker, a gentleman
of Virginia, and a man of spirit and determination.
John Shubrick and Beekman Hoffman, the first of
South Carolina and the last of New York, two officers
who stood second to none of their rank in the
service, were still in the ship, however, and Alwyn,
her late master, had been promoted, and was now
the junior lieutenant.[4] In a word, their commander
could rely on his officers and people, and he prepared
for action with confidence and alacrity. A similar
spirit seemed to prevail in the other vessel, which
was exceedingly well officered, and, as it appeared
in the end, was extra manned.
At a quarter past meridian, the enemy showed
English colors. Soon after, the Constitution, which
had stood to the southward to draw the stranger off
the land, hauled up her mainsail, took in her royals,
and tacked toward the enemy. As the wind was
light and the water smooth, the Constitution kept
every thing aloft, ready for use, closing with the
stranger with royal yards across. At 2 P. M. the
latter was about half a mile to windward of the
Constitution, and showed no colors, except a jack.
Bainbridge now ordered a shot fired at him, to induce
him to set an ensign. This order, being misunderstood,
produced a whole broadside from the Constitution,
when the stranger showed English colors
again, and returned the fire.
This was the commencement of a furious cannonading,
both ships manœuvring to rake and to avoid
being raked. Very soon after the action commenced,
Bainbridge was hit by a musket ball in the hip; and,
a minute or two later, a shot came in, carried away
the wheel, and drove a small bolt with considerable
violence into his thigh. Neither injury, however,
induced him even to sit down; he kept walking the
quarter-deck, and attending to the ship, greatly adding
to the subsequent inflammation, as these foreign
substances were lodged in the muscles of his leg,
and, in the end, threatened tetanus. The last injury
was received about twenty minutes after the firing
commenced, and was even of more importance to
the ship than the wound it produced was to her captain.
The wheel was knocked into splinters, and it
became necessary to steer below.[5] This was a
serious evil in the midst of a battle, and more particularly
in an action in which there was an unusual
amount of manœuvring. The English vessel, being
very strong manned, was actively handled, and, sailing
better than the Constitution in light winds, her
efforts to rake produced a succession of evolutions,
which caused both ships to ware so often, that the
battle terminated several miles to leeward of the
point on the ocean at which it commenced.
After the action had lasted some time, Bainbridge
determined to close with his enemy at every hazard.
He set his courses accordingly, and luffed up close
to the wind. This brought matters to a crisis, and
the Englishman, finding the Constitution’s fire too
heavy, attempted to run her aboard. His jib-boom
did get foul of the American frigate’s mizzen rigging,
but the end of his bowsprit being shot away, and
his foremast soon after following, the ships passed
clear of each other, making a lucky escape for the
assailants.[6] The battle continued some time longer,
the Constitution throwing in several effective raking
broadsides, and then falling alongside of her enemy
to leeward. At length, finding her adversary’s guns
silenced and his ensign down, Bainbridge boarded
his tacks again, luffed up athwart the Englishman’s
bows, and got a position ahead and to windward, in
order to repair damages; actually coming out of the
battle as he had gone into it, with royal yards across,
and every spar, from the highest to the lowest, in its
place! The enemy presented a singular contrast.
Stick after stick had been shot out of him, as it
might be, inch by inch too, until nothing, but a few
stumps, was left. All her masts were gone, the foremast
having been shot away twice, once near the catharpings,
and again much nearer to the deck; the
main-topmast had come down some time before the
mainmast fell. The bowsprit, as has been said, was
shot away at the cap. After receiving these damages,
the enemy did not wait for a new attack, but as soon
as the Constitution came round, with an intention to
cross his fore-foot, he lowered a jack which had been
flying at the stump of his mizzenmast.
The ship Bainbridge captured was the Java 38,
Capt. Lambert. The Java was a French built ship
that had been taken some time previously, under
the name of La Renommée, in those seas where lies
the island after which she was subsequently called.
She mounted 49 carriage guns, and had a sufficient
number of supernumeraries on board to raise her
complement at quarters to something like 400 souls.
Of these the English accounts admit that 124 were
killed and wounded; though Bainbridge thought her
loss was materially greater. It is said a muster-list
was found in the ship, that was dated five days after
the Java left England, and which contained 446
names. From these, however, was to be deducted
the crew for a prize she had taken; the ship in company
when made the day of the action. Capt. Lambert
died of his wounds; but there was a master and
commander on board, among the passengers, and the
surviving first lieutenant was an officer of merit.
In addition to the officers and seamen who were in
the Java, as passengers, were Lieutenant-General
Hislop and his staff, the former of whom was going
to Bombay as governor. Bainbridge treated these
captives with great liberality and kindness, and, after
destroying his prize for want of means to refit her,
he landed all his prisoners, on parole, at St. Salvador.
In this action the Constitution had nine men killed
and twenty-five men wounded. She was a good deal
cut up in the rigging, and had a few spars injured,
but, considering the vigor of the engagement and the
smoothness of the water, she escaped with but little
injury. There is no doubt that she was a heavier
ship than her adversary, but the difference in the
batteries was less than appeared by the nominal
calibres of the guns; the American shot, in that war,
being generally of light weight, while those of the
Java, by some accounts, were French.
It has been said that Bainbridge disregarded his
own wounds until the irritation endangered his life.
His last injury must have been received about half
past two, and he remained actively engaged on deck
until 11 o’clock at night; thus adding the irritation
of eight hours of exertion to the original injuries.
The consequences were some exceedingly threatening
symptoms, but skilful treatment subdued them,
when his recovery was rapid.
An interesting interview took place between Bainbridge
and Lambert, on the quarter-deck of the
Constitution, after the arrival of the ship at St. Salvador.
The English captain was in his cot, and
Bainbridge approached, supported by two of his
own officers, to take his leave, and to restore the
dying man his sword. This interview has been described
as touching, and as leaving kind feelings
between the parting officers. Poor Lambert, an
officer of great merit, died a day or two afterwards.
The Constitution now returned home for repairs,
being very rotten. She reached Boston February 27,
1813, after a cruise of only four months and one day.
Bainbridge returned in triumph, this time, and, if his
countrymen had previously manifested a generous
sympathy in his misfortunes, they now showed as
strong a feeling in his success. The victor was not
more esteemed for his courage and skill, than for
the high and chivalrous courtesy and liberality with
which he had treated his prisoners.
Bainbridge gave up the Constitution on his return
home, and resumed the command of the yard at
Charlestown, where the Independence 74 was building,
a vessel he intended to take, when launched.
Here he remained until the peace, that ship not
being quite ready to go out when the treaty was
signed. In the spring of 1815, a squadron was
sent to the Mediterranean, under Decatur, to act
against the Dey of Algiers, and Bainbridge followed,
as commander-in-chief, in the Independence, though
he did not arrive until his active predecessor had
brought the war to a successful close. On this occasion,
Bainbridge had under his orders the largest
naval force that was ever assembled beneath the
American flag; from eighteen to twenty sail of
efficient cruisers being included in his command. In
November, after a cruise of about five months, he
returned to Newport, having one ship of the line,
two frigates, seven brigs, and three schooners in
company. Thus he carried to sea the first two-decker
that ever sailed under the American ensign;
the present Capt. Bolton being his first lieutenant.
During this cruise, Com. Bainbridge arranged
several difficulties with the Barbary powers, and in
all his service he maintained the honor and dignity
of his flag and of his command.
Bainbridge now continued at Boston several years,
with his pennant flying in the Independence, as a
guard ship. In the autumn of 1819, however, he was
detached once more, for the purpose of again commanding
in the Mediterranean. This was the fifth
time in which he had been sent into that sea; three
times in command of frigates, and twice at the head
of squadrons. The Columbus 80, an entirely new
ship, was selected for his pennant, and he did not
sail until April, 1820, in consequence of the work
that it was necessary to do on board her. The
Columbus reached Gibraltar early in June. This
was an easy and a pleasant cruise, one of the objects
being to show the squadron in the ports of the Mediterranean,
in order to impress the different nations
on its coast with the importance of respecting the
maritime rights of the republic. Bainbridge had a
strong desire to show his present force, the Columbus
in particular, before Constantinople, whither he had
been sent twenty years before, against his wishes;
but a firman could not be procured to pass the castles
with so heavy a ship. After remaining out about a
year, Bainbridge was relieved, and returned home,
the principal objects of his cruise having been
effected.
This was Bainbridge’s last duty afloat. He had
now made ten cruises in the public service; had
commanded a schooner, a brig, five frigates and
two line-of-battle ships, besides being at the head of
three different squadrons; and it was thought expedient
to let younger officers gain some experience.
Age did not induce him to retire, for he was not yet
fifty; but others had claims on the country, and his
family had claims on himself.
But, although unemployed afloat, Bainbridge continued
diligently engaged in the service, generally of
the republic and of the navy. He was at Charlestown—a
favorite station with him—for some time,
and then was placed at the head of the board of navy
commissioners, at Washington. After serving his
three years in the latter station, he had the Philadelphia
yard. Bainbridge had removed his family
twenty-six times, in the course of his different
changes, and considering himself as a Delaware seaman,
he now determined to set up his penates permanently
in the ancient capital of the country. An
unpleasant collision with the head of the department,
however, forced him from his command in 1831;
but, the next year, he was restored to the station at
Charlestown. His health compelled him to give up
this yard in a few months, and, his constitution being
broken, he returned to his family in Philadelphia,
in the month of March, 1832, only to die. His
disease was pneumonia, connected with great irritation
of the bowels and a wasting diarrhœa. As
early as in January, 1833, he was told that his case
was hopeless, when he manifested a calm and manly
resignation to his fate. He lived, however, until
the 28th of July, when he breathed his last, aged
fifty-nine years, two months and twenty-one days.
An hour or two previously to his death, his mind began
to wander, and not long before he yielded up his
breath, he raised all that was left of his once noble
frame, demanded his arms, and ordered all hands
called to board the enemy!
Bainbridge married, in the early part of his career,
a lady of the West Indies, of the name of Hyleger.
She was the grand-daughter of a former governor of
St. Eustatia, of the same name. By this lady he
had five children who grew up; a son and four
daughters. The son was educated to the bar, and was
a young man of much promise; but he died a short
time previously to his father. Of the daughters, one
married a gentleman of the name of Hayes, formerly
of the navy; another married Mr. A. G. Jaudon, of
Philadelphia, and a third is now the wife of Henry
K. Hoff, a native of Pennsylvania, and a sea-lieutenant
in the service, of eleven years standing. He
left his family in easy circumstances, principally the
result of his own prudence, forethought, gallantry
and enterprise.
At the time of his death, Commodore Bainbridge
stood third in rank, in the American navy; having
a long list of captains below him. Had justice been
done to this gallant officer, to the service to which
he belonged, or even to the country, whose interests
are alone to be efficiently protected by a powerful
marine, he would have worn a flag some years before
the termination of his career. Quite recently a
brig of war has received his name, in that service
which he so much loved, and in which he passed
the best of his days.
Com. Bainbridge was a man of fine and commanding
personal appearance. His stature was about
six feet, and his frame was muscular and of unusually
good proportions. His face was handsome,
particularly in youth, and his eye uncommonly animated
and piercing. In temperament he was ardent
and sanguine; but cool in danger, and of a courage
of proof. His feelings were vehement, and he was
quickly roused; but, generous and brave, he was
easily appeased. Like most men who are excitable,
but who are firm at bottom, he was the calmest in
moments of the greatest responsibility.[7] He was
hospitable, chivalrous, magnanimous, and a fast
friend. His discipline was severe, but he tempered
it with much consideration for the wants and health
of his crews. Few served with him who did not
love him, for the conviction that his heart was right,
was general among all who knew him. There
was a cordiality and warmth in his manner, that
gained him friends, and those who knew him best,
say he had the art of keeping them.
A shade was thrown over the last years of the life
of this noble-spirited man by disease. His sufferings
drove him to the use of antispasmodics, to an extent
which deranged the nerves. This altered his mood
so much as to induce those who did not know him
well, to imagine that his character had undergone the
change. This was not the case, however; to his
dying hour Bainbridge continued the warm-hearted
friend, the chivalrous gentleman, and the devoted
lover of his country’s honor and interests.
———
BY RICHARD H. DANA.
———
I saw her once; and still I see
That placid eye and thoughtful brow;
That voice! it spoke but once to me—
That quiet voice is with me now.
Where’er I go my soul is blest;
She meets me there, a cheering light;
And when I sink away to rest
She murmurs near—Good night! good night!
Our earthly forms are far apart;
But can her spirit be so nigh
Nor I a home within her heart?
And Love but dream her fond reply?
Oh, no! the form that I behold—
No shaping this of memory!
Her self, her self is here ensoul’d!
—I saw her once; and still I see.
———
BY MRS. SEBA SMITH.
———
Is this, then, Life? Oh! are we born for this?
To follow phantoms that elude the grasp!
Or whatsoe’er secured, within our clasp
To withering lie! as if an earthly kiss
Were doomed Death’s shuddering touch alone to greet.
Oh Life! hast thou reserved no cup of bliss?
Must still the Unattained allure our feet?
The Unattained with yearnings fill the breast,
That rob, for aye, the spirit of its rest?
Yes, this is Life, and everywhere we meet,
Not victor crowns, but wailings of defeat—
Yet falter not, thou dost apply a test
That shall incite thee onward, upward still—
The present cannot sate, thy soul it cannot fill.
———
BY THE AUTHOR OF “THE MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE.”
———