“Goethe, the greatest of modern critics, the
greatest critic of all times.”—Sainte-Beuve.
“That great and supreme critic.”—Matthew
Arnold.
“Goethe, the most widely receptive of all
critics.”—James Russell Lowell.
“Goethe, the master of all modern spirits.”—Taine.
“The perusal of his Works would show
that Criticism is also a science of which he is
master; that if ever a man had studied Art
in all its branches and bearings, from its origin
in the depths of the creative spirit to its
minutest finish on the canvas of the painter,
on the lips of the poet, or under the finger
of the musician, he was that man.”—Carlyle.
“He is also a great critic; yet he always
said the best he could about an author. Good
critics are rarer than good authors.”—Tennyson.
“The view of Hamlet scattered throughout
the book [Wilhelm Meister] is not so much
criticism as high poetry. And what else except
a poem can be born when a poet intuitively
presents anew a work of poetry?”—Friedrich
Schlegel.
“I shall die ungoethed, I doubt, so far as
Poetry goes; I always believe he was Critic
and Philosopher.”—Edward Fitzgerald.
“For the Goethe of Faust, of the great
lyrics, and of some other things, I have almost
unlimited admiration; but for the critical
Goethe I feel very much less.”—George Saintsbury.
“Goethe is the supreme hero of intellectual
humanity.”—Remy de Gourmont.
“Goethe, as usual, must be pronounced to
have the last word of reason and wisdom, the
word which comprehends most of the truth of
the matter.”—Lord Morley.
GOETHE’S
LITERARY ESSAYS
A SELECTION IN ENGLISH
ARRANGED BY
J. E. SPINGARN
WITH A FOREWORD BY
VISCOUNT HALDANE
NEW YORK
HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY
1921
COPYRIGHT, 1921, BY
HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY, INC.
PRINTED IN THE U. S. A. BY
THE QUINN & BODEN COMPANY
RAHWAY, N. J.
FOREWORD
By Viscount Haldane
Of Goethe Sainte-Beuve held that he was the “king
of criticism.” Sainte-Beuve was among the most competent
of judges on such a point, and Matthew Arnold
has endorsed his conclusion. The reason for it is not
far to seek. Goethe’s gifts as a critic fell within a
large whole of knowledge which was his in a degree for
which we must look back over two thousand years to
Aristotle if we wish to find a rival. He wrote lyrics
that are supreme in their kind. His capacity for observation
of nature was, as Helmholtz has pointed out,
of the first order. Although he hated philosophy, he
had, none the less, a fine instinct for great metaphysical
conceptions. Spinoza and Kant both made appeal to
him, and the appeal was responded to from the depths
of his nature. The world has seen no poem like Faust,
with the exquisite perfection of the “Dedication” and
the lyrical outbursts with which the first part is
studded, set in a structure which signifies a profound
conception of life as a whole, into which far-reaching
reflection has entered. The second part of the drama
is as great in this latter regard as is the first part in
its occasional exhibitions of the purest lyrical gift.
Goethe’s work was uneven, as was his life. That is
what we must expect from the variety which both contained.
But through each a great purpose is obviously
in process of continuous realization, a purpose
which never flags, of presenting the world as a place
where man may work out what is directed towards
the highest and belongs to what is above Time. It is
always the effort that counts, and not any result outside,
conceived abstractly and apart from the effort.
The quality of the struggle “to conquer life and freedom
daily anew” is what constitutes the victory. We
are apt to remain with Goethe’s poetry and to content
ourselves with the enjoyment of its perfection. But
that is to miss half the lesson which this man, one of
the very greatest sons the earth ever bore, has to teach
us. It is his outlook on life as a whole which we must
master if we would learn for ourselves what freedom
from what is narrow means with him. And this outlook
we find at least as much in his criticism as in his
lyrics. We have to turn to the Autobiography, to
Meister, and to the Prose Sayings, if we would
find the other half. Beyond these books, too, there
remains much else which it would occupy years for
the student to discover for himself unaided.
That is why a book such as that to which these lines
are written by way of preface may prove a source of
help and inspiration to the general reader.
The Universality of Poetry, 249; Poetry and
Patriotism, 251; Poetry and History, 253; Originality, 255; Personality in Art, 258; Subject-Matter
of Poetry, 259; The Influence of Environment, 261; Culture and Morals, 263;
Classic and Romantic, 263; Taste, 264; Style, 265; Intellect and Imagination, 266; Definition
of Poetry, 266; Definition of Beauty, 266;
Architecture and Music, 267; Primitive Poetry, 267; Weltliteratur, 267; French Critics, 268; The
Construction of a Good Play, 268; Dramatic
Unities 270; The Theatre, 271; Acting, 271;
Dramatic Situations, 272; Management of the
Theatre, 272; Menander, 273; Calderon, 273;
Molière, 273; Shakespeare, 275; A. W. Schlegel’s Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature, 276; The French Romanticists, 277; Victor
Hugo, 279; The “Idea” of Tasso and Faust, 280; Schiller, 282; Edinburgh Review, 283;
Byron, 283; Scott, 286.
APPENDIX
I. On the Selection and Translation of the Essays in this Volume
As I wandered about at your grave, noble Erwin,[1] in
order to pour out my veneration for you at the sacred
spot itself, I looked for the stone which bore this inscription:
“Anno Domini 1318, XVI. Kal. Febr.
obiit Magister Ervinus, Gubernator Fabricae Ecclesiae
Argentinensis;” and when I could not find it and none
of your countrymen could point it out to me, I became
sad of soul, and my heart, younger, warmer, more
tender and better than it is now, vowed a memorial to
you, of marble or sandstone, as might be in my power,
when I came into the peaceful enjoyment of my fortune.
But what need have you for a memorial! You have
built the most splendid memorial for yourself; and although
the ants who crawl around there do not trouble
themselves about your name, yet you have a destiny
like that of the builder who heaped up mountains into
the clouds.
To few has it been granted to create such mighty
ideas in their minds, complete, gigantic, and consistently
beautiful down to the last detail, like trees of
God; to fewer was it given to find a thousand willing
hands to work, to excavate the rocky foundation, to
conjure up towering structures upon it, and then when
dying to say to their sons,—I remain with you in the
works of my genius; carry on to its completion in the
clouds what I have begun.
What need have you for memorials! and from me!
When the rabble utters sacred names, it is either superstition
or blasphemy. Those of feeble spirit and taste
will always have their head turned before your mighty
work, and genuine souls will come to know you without
a guide.
Therefore, honored man, before I venture again my
patched-up bark upon the ocean, destined as it is more
likely to death than to fame and fortune, see, here in
this grove where bloom the names of my loves, I cut
yours on a beech-tree which lifts its slender trunk high
in the air like your own tower, and I hang on it
too this handkerchief filled with gifts, not unlike that
sheet which was let down from the clouds to the holy
apostle, full of clean and unclean beasts; for this is
full of flowers and buds and leaves, and some dried
grass and moss and fungi, which on my walk through
these uninteresting regions I coldly gathered as a pastime
for my botanical collection,—I dedicate them to
death in your honor.
What a trivial style, says the Italian, and passes by.
Childishness, lisps the Frenchman, and snaps his finger
against his snuff-box à la Grecque. What have you
done that you dare to despise?
But you, O Italian, you have let the genius of the
ancients, arising from its grave, fetter and bind your
own. You crept to beg for artistic knowledge from the
splendid relics of the olden time, you patched together
palaces from these sacred ruins, and consider yourself
the guardian of the secrets of art, because you can
give account of the measurements by inch and line of
enormous buildings. Had you felt more than you
measured, had the spirit of the gigantic structures at
which you gazed come to you, you would not have
imitated merely because they did it thus and it is
beautiful. But you would have created your own designs,
and there would have flowed out of them living
beauty to instruct you.
Thus upon your shortcomings you have plastered a
whitewashing, a mere appearance of truth and beauty.
The splendid effect of pillars struck you, you wished to
use them in your building and have great rows of
columns too; so you encircled St. Peter’s with marble
passageways, which lead nowhere in particular, so that
mother Nature, who despises and hates the inappropriate
and the unnecessary, drove your rabble to prostitute
that splendor for public “cloaca,” with the result
that you turn away your eyes and hold your nose before
the wonder of the world.
Everything goes the same way: the whim of the
artist serves the caprice of the rich man; the writer
of travels stands agape, and our beaux esprits, called
philosophers, wrest out of formless myths facts and
principles of art to be applied to the present day; and
their evil genius murders sincere men at the threshold
of these mysteries.
More harmful to the genius than examples are rules.
Before his time individual men may have worked up individual
parts and aspects. He is the first from whose
mind come the parts grown together into one ever-living
whole. But a school or a rule fetters all the power of
his insight and his activity. What is it to us, you modern
French philosophical critic, that the first inventor,
responding to necessity, stuck four trunks in the
ground, bound on them four poles and covered it all
with branches and moss? To determine from this what
is appropriate for our present needs is like demanding
that your new Babylon be ruled by the old despotic
patriarchal father-right.
And in addition it is not true that this house of yours
is the most primitive form in the world. That with two
poles in front crossed at the end, two in back and one
lying straight between them for a ridge-pole is, as we
can notice every day in the huts in the fields and vineyards,
a far more primitive invention, from which you
could hardly abstract a principle for your pig-pen.
Thus none of your conclusions are able to rise into
the region of truth, but all hang in the lower atmosphere
of your system. You wish to teach us what we
ought to use, since what we do use, according to your
principles cannot be justified.
The column is very dear to you, and in another clime
you would be prophet. You say: The column is the
first essential ingredient of a building, and the most
beautiful. What noble elegance of form, what pure
grandeur, when they are placed in a row! Only guard
against using them inappropriately; it is their nature
to be free and detached. Alas for the unfortunates
who try to join the slender shape of them to heavy walls!
Yet it seems to me, dear abbé, that the frequent
repetition of this impropriety of building columns into
walls, so that the moderns have even stuffed the inter-columnia
of ancient temples with masonry, might have
aroused in your mind some reflections. If your ears
were not deaf to the truth, these stones would have
preached a sermon to you.
Columns are in no way an ingredient in our dwellings;
they contradict rather the style of all our buildings.
Our houses have not their origin in four columns
placed in four corners. They are built out of four
walls on four sides, which take the place of columns,
indeed exclude all columns, and where these are used
to patch up, they are an encumbrance and a superfluity.
This is true of our palaces and churches, with
the exception of a few cases, which I do not need to
mention.
Thus your buildings exhibit mere surface, which, the
broader it is extended,—the higher it is raised to the
sky,—the more unendurable must become the monotony
which oppresses the soul. But Genius came to our aid,
and said to Erwin von Steinbach: Diversify the huge
wall, which you are to raise heavenward, so that it may
soar like a lofty, far-spreading tree of God, which with
a thousand branches, millions of twigs, and leaves like
the sand of the sea, proclaims everywhere the glory of
God, its Master.
When I went for the first time to the Minster, my
head was full of the common cant of “good taste.”
From hearsay, I was an admirer of the harmony of
mass, the purity of form, and was a sworn enemy to
the confused arbitrariness of Gothic adornment. Under
the term, “Gothic,” like the article in a dictionary, I
piled all the misconceptions which had ever come into
my head, of the indefinite, the unregulated, the unnatural,
the patched-up, the strung-together, the superfluous,
in art. No wiser than a people which calls the
whole foreign world, “barbarous,” everything was
Gothic to me that did not fit into my system, from the
turned wooden dolls and pictures of gay colors, with
which the bourgeois nobility decorate their houses,
to the dignified relics of the older German architecture,
my opinion of which, because of some bizarre scrollwork,
had been that of everybody,—“Quite buried in
ornamentation!”; consequently I had an aversion to
seeing it, such as I would have before a malformed
bristling monster.
With what unexpected emotions did the sight surprise
me when I actually saw it! An impression of
grandeur and unity filled my soul, which, because it
consisted of a thousand harmonizing details, I could
taste and enjoy, but by no means understand and explain.
They say it is thus with the rapture of heaven.
How often I returned to enjoy this heavenly-earthly
rapture, to embrace the stupendous genius of our older
brothers in their works. How often I returned to view
from every side, at every distance, in every light of the
day, its dignity and splendor. Hard it is for the mind
of man when his brother’s work is so elevated that he
can only bow down and pray. How often has the evening
twilight refreshed with its friendly calm my eyes
wearied by too much gazing; it made countless details
melt together into a complete whole and mass, and
now, simple and grand, it stood before my eyes, and,
full of rapture, my power unfolded itself both to enjoy
and to understand it at once. There was revealed to
me in soft intimations the genius of the great builder.
“Why are you astonished?” He whispered to me. “All
these masses were necessary, and do you not see them
in all the older churches of my city? Only I have
given harmonious proportion to their arbitrary vastnesses.
See how, over the principal entrance which
commands two smaller ones on either side, the wide
circle of the window opens which corresponds to the
nave of the church and was formerly merely a hole to
let the light in; see how the bell-tower demands the
smaller windows! All this was necessary, and I designed
it with beauty. But what of these dark and
lofty apertures here at the side which seem to stand so
empty and meaningless? In their bold slender forms
I have hidden the mysterious strength which was to raise
both of those towers high in the air, of which alas only
one stands there sadly, without the crown of five towers
which I had planned for it, so that to it and its royal
brother the country about would do homage.” And so
he parted from me, and I fell into a sympathetic mood
of melancholy, until the birds of morning, which dwelt
in its thousand orifices, greeted the sun joyously and
waked me out of my slumber. How freshly it shone in
the morning rays, how joyfully I stretched my arms
towards it, surveying its vast harmonious masses, animated
by countless delicate details of structure! as in
the works of eternal Nature, every form, down to the
smallest fibril, alive, and everything contributing to the
purpose of the whole! How lightly the monstrous,
solidly grounded building soared into the air! how free
and delicate everything about it, and yet solid for eternity!
To your teaching, noble genius, I owe thanks that
I did not faint and sink before your heights and depths,
but that into my soul flowed a drop of that calm rapture
of the mighty soul which could look on this creation,
and like God say,—“It is good!”
And now I ought not to be angry, revered Erwin,
when the German critic and scholar, taking the cue
from envious neighbors, and misjudging the superiority
of your work, belittles it by the little understood term,
“Gothic”; since he ought rather to give thanks that
he can proclaim loudly that this is German architecture,—our
architecture,—whereas the Italians cannot
boast of any distinctively native style, much less the
French. And if you are not willing to admit to yourself
this superiority, at least show us then that the
Goths have already built in this style,—in which effort
you may encounter some difficulties. And finally, if
you cannot demonstrate that there was a Homer already
before Homer, then we will gladly allow the story
of small attempts, successful and unsuccessful, and
come reverently back to the work of the master who
first drew the scattered elements together into one living
whole. And you, my dear brother in the spirit, in
your search for truth and beauty, close your ears to
the loud talk about the plastic arts,—come, enjoy,
survey. Beware of desecrating the name of your noblest
artist, and hasten here that you may enjoy and see his
glorious work. If it makes an unfavorable impression
or none, then farewell, hitch up, and take the road
straight for Paris.
But you I would accompany, dear youth, who stand
there, your soul moved, and yet unable to harmonize
the contradictions which conflict in your mind, now
feeling the irresistible power of the great whole, now
calling me a dreamer for seeing beauty where you see
only violence and roughness. Do not let a misunderstanding
part us, do not let the feeble teaching of the
modern standards of beauty spoil you for vigorous
though rough strength, so that finally your sickly sensibility
is able to endure only meaningless insipidities.
They would have you believe that the fine arts
originated in the tendency which they impute to us to
beautify the things about us. That is not true! For
in the sense in which it could be true, it is the bourgeois
and the artisans who use the words and not the
philosopher.
Art has a long period of growth before it is beautiful,
certainly sincere and great art has, and it is
often sincerer and greater then than when it becomes
beautiful. For in man there is a creative disposition,
which comes into activity as soon as his existence is assured.
As soon as he has nothing to worry about or to
fear, this semi-divinity in him, working effectively in
his spiritual peace and assurance, grasps materials into
which to breathe its own spirit. Thus the savage depicts,
with strange lines and forms, ghastly figures,
lurid colors, his weapons and his body. And even if
these pictures consist of the most arbitrary and incongruous
forms and lines, they will, without any intended
proportion or balance, yet have a sort of harmony;
for a unity of feeling created out of them a characteristic
whole.
Now this characteristic art is the only genuine art.
If only it comes fresh from the inner soul, expressing
the original, unique sensibilities, untroubled, indeed
unconscious of any external element, it may spring
from rough savagery or from cultivated sensitiveness,
yet it will always be complete and alive. This you can
see among nations and individual men in countless degrees.
The more the soul rises to the feeling for relations,
which alone are beautiful and from eternity,
whose master-chords one can demonstrate, whose mysteries
one can only feel, in which alone the life of the
divine genius seeks expression in enraptured melodies;
the more this beauty pervades the soul of a genius so
that it seems to have originated with him, so that nothing
else satisfies him, so that he can bring nothing else
out of himself, the more fortunate is the artist, the more
splendid is he, and the more reverently do we stand
there and worship God’s anointed.
From the level to which Erwin has mounted no one
will drag him down. Here stands his work; gaze at it
and appreciate the deepest feelings for truth and beauty
and proportion, working out of a strong, sturdy, rough
German soul, out of the narrow, somber, priest-haunted
“medium aevum.”
And our own “aevum”? It has neglected its genius,
driven forth its sons to collect strange excrescences for
their corruption. The agile Frenchman, who in unscrupulous
fashion collects where he will, has at least
an ingenuity in working together his booty into a sort
of unity; he builds his wonderful church of the Magdalene
out of Greek columns and German arches and
vaults. From one of our architects, who was requested
to design a portal for an old German church, I have
seen a model of perfect, stately antique column-work.
How hateful our varnished doll-painters are to me I
cannot express. By their theatrical positions, their
false tints, and gaily-colored costumes, they have captured
the eyes of women. But, manly Albrecht Dürer,
whom these novices laugh at, your woodcut figures are
more welcome to me.
And you yourselves, excellent men, to whom it was
given to enjoy the highest beauty, and now come down
to announce your bliss, you do prejudice to genius. It
will soar and progress on no alien wings, even though
they were the wings of the morning. Its own original
powers are those which unfold in the dreams of childhood,
which grow during the life of youth, until strong
and supple like the mountain-lion he starts out after
his prey. Nature does most in training these powers,
for you pedagogues can never counterfeit the multifarious
scene which she provides for a youth to draw
from and enjoy in the measure of his present
strength.
Welcome, to you, young man, who have been born
with a keen eye for form and proportion, with the facility
to practise in all forms. If then there awakes
gradually in you the joy of life, and you come to feel
the rapture which men know after work, fear and hope,—the
spirited cries of the laborer in the vineyard when
the bounty of the harvest swells his vats, the lively
dance of the reaper when he has hung his idle sickle
high on the beam,—when all the powerful nerves of desire
and suffering live again more manfully in your
brush, and you have striven and suffered enough and
have enjoyed enough, and are filled with earthly beauty,
and worthy to rest in the arms of the goddess, worthy
to feel on her bosom what gave new birth to the deified
Hercules—then receive him, heavenly beauty, thou
mediator between gods and men, and let him, more than
Prometheus, carry down the rapture of the gods to the
earth.[2]
[1] Erwin von Steinbach, one of the architects of the Strassburg
Cathedral.
[2] “What I had thought and imagined with respect to that
style of architecture, I wrote in a connected form. The first point
on which I insisted was that it should be called German, and not
Gothic; that it should be considered not foreign, but native.
The second point was that it could not be compared with the
architecture of the Greeks and Romans, because it sprang from
quite another principle. If these, living under a more favorable
sky, allowed their roof to rest upon columns, a wall, broken
through, arose of its own accord. We, however, who must always
protect ourselves against the weather, and everywhere surround
ourselves with walls, have to revere the genius who discovered
the means of endowing massive walls with variety, of apparently
breaking them through, and of thus occupying the eye in a
worthy and pleasing manner on a broad surface.... If I had
been pleased to write down these views (the value of which I
will not deny) clearly and distinctly, in an intelligible style, the
paper On German Architecture would then, when I published it,
have produced more effect, and would sooner have drawn the
attention of the native friends of art. But, misled by the example
of Herder and Hamann, I obscured these very simple
thoughts and observations by a dusty cloud of words and phrases,
and, both for myself and others, darkened the light which had
arisen within me. However, the paper was well received, and
reprinted in Herder’s work on German Manner and Art.”—Goethe,
Autobiography (1812). The “dear abbé” to whom
Goethe is replying in this essay is the Abbé Laugier, author of
the Essai sur l’Architecture (1753).
INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPYLÆA
(1798)
There is no more striking sign of the decay of art
than when we find its separate provinces mixed up together.
The arts themselves, as well as their subordinate
forms, are closely related to each other, and have a
certain tendency to unite, and even lose themselves in
each other; but herein lies the duty, the merit, the dignity
of the true artist, that he knows how to separate
that department in which he labors from the others,
and, so far as may be, isolates it.
It has been noticed that all plastic art tends towards
painting, all poetry to the drama; and this may furnish
the text for some important observations hereafter.
The genuine, law-giving artist strives after artistic
truth; the lawless, following a blind instinct, after an
appearance of naturalness. The former leads to the
highest pinnacle of art, the latter to its lowest step.
This is no less true of the separate arts than of art
in general. The sculptor must think and feel differently
from the painter, and must go to work differently
to execute a work in relief from what he would do with
a round and complete piece of statuary. When the
work in low relief came to be brought out more and
more, and by degrees parts and figures were brought
out from the ground, at last buildings and landscapes
admitted, and thus a work produced, half picture half
puppet-show, true art was on the decline; and it is to be
deplored that excellent artists have in more recent times
taken this direction.
Whenever we enunciate hereafter such maxims as we
esteem true, we shall feel a real desire, since these maxims
are drawn from works of art, to have them practically
tested by artists. How seldom does one man agree
with another concerning a theoretic principle; the practical
and immediately useful is far more quickly adopted.
How often do we see artists at a loss in the choice of
a subject, in the general composition, according to
their rules of art, in the arrangement of details; the
painter doubtful about the choice of his colors! Then
is the time to make trial of a principle; then will it
be easier to decide the question,—Do we by its aid
come nearer to the great models, and all that we love
and prize, or does it forsake us in the empirical confusion
of an experiment not thoroughly thought out?
If such maxims should prove useful in forwarding the
culture of artists, in guiding them among difficulties,
they will also aid the understanding, true estimation,
and criticism of ancient and modern works, and, vice
versa, will again be discovered in the examination of
these works. This is all the more necessary, since, in
spite of the universally acknowledged excellence of the
antique, individuals as well as whole nations have in
modern times often misconceived those very things
wherein the highest excellence of those works lies.
An exact scrutiny of these will be the best means
of securing us against this evil. Let us now take, as
an example, the usual course of proceeding of the amateur
in plastic art, in order to make it evident how
necessary a thorough criticism of ancient as well as
modern works is, if we would profit by it.
No person of a fine natural perception, however uncultivated,
can see even an imperfect, incorrect cast of
a fine ancient work without being greatly impressed by
it; for such a representation still gives the idea, the
simplicity and greatness of the form, in a word, the
general notion at least, such as a man of imperfect
sight would see at a distance.
We may often observe how a strong inclination towards
art is awakened through such an imperfect reproduction.
But the effect is analogous to the object
that caused it, and such beginners in art are rather
impressed with a blind and indefinite feeling than with
the true worth and significance of the object itself.
It is such as these who are the authors of the theory
that a too curious critical examination destroys our
pleasure, and who decry and resist the investigation of
details.
But when by degrees their experience and knowledge
become wider, and a sharper cast in place of the
imperfect one, or an original instead of a cast comes
under their observation, their satisfaction increases with
their insight, and continually advances when at last the
originals themselves, the perfect originals, become known
to them.
We are not deterred by the labyrinth of thorough
examination, when the details are of equal perfection
with the whole work. Nay, we learn that we are able
to appreciate the perfect, just so far as we are in a condition
to discern the defective: to distinguish the restored
from the original parts, the copy from the
model, to contemplate in the smallest fragments the
scattered excellence of the whole, is a satisfaction that
belongs only to the perfect connoisseur; and there is
a wide difference between the contemplation of an imperfect
whole with groping sense, and the seeing and
seizing, with clear eye, of a perfect one.
He who devotes himself to any department of knowledge
should aim at the highest. Insight and Practice
follow widely different paths, for in the practical each
one soon becomes aware that only a certain measure of
power is meted to him. But a far greater number
of men are capable of knowledge, of insight; we may
even say that every man is so who can deny himself,
subordinate himself to objects, and does not strive with
a rigid and narrow individuality to bring in himself
and his poor one-sidedness amid the highest works of
nature and art.
To speak suitably, and with real advantage to one’s
self and others, of works of art, can properly be done
only in their presence. All depends on the sight of the
object. On this it depends whether the word by which
we hope to elucidate the work has produced the clearest
impression or none at all. Hence it so often happens
that the author who writes concerning works of art
deals only in generalities, whereby indeed the mind and
imagination are awakened; but of all his readers, he
only will derive satisfaction who, book in hand, examines
the work itself.
On this account, therefore, we may in our essays
often excite rather than gratify the desire of our
readers; for there is nothing more natural than that
they should wish to have before their eyes any excellent
work of which they read a minute criticism, to enjoy
that whole which is in question, and to subject to their
own judgments the opinions they hear concerning the
parts.
But whilst it is the expectation of the authors to
labor in behalf of those who are already acquainted
with some works and will see others hereafter, we shall
try to do what is possible for those who have neither
the prospect nor the retrospect. We shall make mention
of copies, point out where casts from the antique
or ancient works themselves, especially when these are
within easy reach, may be found, and thus forward, as
far as in us lies, a true love and knowledge of art.
The history of art can be based only on the highest
and most complete conception of art; only through
an acquaintance with the most perfect that man has
ever been enabled to produce can the chronological and
psychological progress of mankind in art, as in other
departments, be displayed. At first a limited activity
occupied itself in a dry and dismal imitation of
the insignificant as well as the significant, then a more
delicate and agreeable feeling of Nature was developed.
Afterwards, accompanied by knowledge, regularity,
strength and earnestness, aided by favorable circumstances,
art rose to the highest point, until at last
it became possible for the fortunate genius who found
himself surrounded by all these auxiliaries to produce
the enchanting, the perfect.
Unfortunately, works of art, which give themselves
forth with such facility, which make men feel themselves
so agreeably, which inspire man with clearness
and freedom, suggest to the artist who would emulate
them the notion of facility in their production. The
last achievement of Art and Genius being an appearance
of ease and lightness, the imitator is tempted
to make it easy for himself, and to labor at this appearance.
Thus, by degrees, art declines from its high estate,
in the whole as well as in details. But if we would
form to ourselves a true conception of art, we must
descend to details of details, an occupation by no means
always agreeable and alluring, but for which gradually
our eye’s ready mastery of the whole will richly indemnify
us.
If we work out certain general principles through
the examination of ancient and mediæval works of art,
we shall find them particularly needful in our judgment
of contemporary productions; for in forming an estimate
of living or lately deceased artists, personal considerations,
regard or dislike for individuals, popular
attraction or repulsion, are so easily mixed up, that
we are still more in need of principles in order to express
a judgment of our contemporaries. The examination
can be undertaken in two ways. Arbitrary influence
is diminished, and the case is brought into a
higher court. An opportunity is afforded for proving
the principles themselves as well as their application;
and even where we cannot agree, the point in dispute is
clearly and certainly ascertained.
We especially desire that living artists, about whose
works we may perhaps have something to say, should
make trial of our judgments in this way. For every
one who deserves this name is in our time called upon
to form, out of his own experience and reflection, if
not a theory, at least a certain set of receipts, by the
use of which he finds himself aided in various cases. But
it must have been frequently remarked how apt a man
is, by proceeding in this way, to advance as principles
certain maxims which are commensurate with his talents,
his inclinations, his convenience. He is subject
to the common lot of mankind. How many in other
departments follow the same course. But we do not
add to our culture when we simply set in motion without
trouble or difficulty what already existed in us.
Every artist, like every man, is only an individual being,
and will always abide by one side; and therefore
a man should take in to himself as far as possible
that which is theoretically and practically opposed to
him. The lively should look about for strength and
earnestness, the severe should keep in view the light
and agreeable, the strong should look for loveliness,
the delicate for strength, and each will thus best
cultivate his peculiar nature, while he seems to be
going most out of himself. Each art demands the
whole man, the highest step of art all humanity.
The practice of the imitative arts is mechanical,
and the cultivation of the artist begins naturally in
his earliest years with the mechanical. The rest of
his education is often slighted, whereas it should be far
more carefully attended to than that of others who have
the opportunity of learning from life itself. Society
soon civilizes the unpolished; a life of business makes
the most open circumspect. Literary labors, which by
means of the press come before the great public, find
resistance and correction on all sides. But the artist
is for the most part confined to a narrow studio, and
has few dealings save with those who pay for his works,
with a public that is often guided only by a certain
sickly feeling, with connoisseurs who worry him, with
auctioneers who receive anything new with formulas
of praise and estimation that would not be too high
for the most perfect.
UPON THE LAOCOON
(1798)
A true work of art, like a true work of nature, never
ceases to open boundlessly before the mind. We examine,—we
are impressed with it,—it produces its
effect; but it can never be all comprehended, still less
can its essence, its value, be expressed in words. In
the present remarks concerning the Laocoon, our object
is by no means to say all that can be said on the subject;
we shall make this admirable work rather the occasion
than the subject of what we have to say. May
it soon be placed once more in a situation where all
lovers of art may be able to enjoy and speak of it,
each in his own way.
We can hardly speak adequately of a high work of
art without also speaking of art in general; since
all art is comprehended in it, and each one is able,
according to his powers, to develop the universal out
of such a special case. We shall therefore begin with
some remarks of a general nature.
All high works of art are expressions of humanity.
Plastic art relates particularly to the human form;
it is of this we are now speaking. Art has many steps,
in all of which there have been admirable artists; but
a perfect work of art embraces all the qualities that
are elsewhere encountered only separately.
The highest works of art that we know exhibit to
us—
Living, highly organized natures. We look, in the
first place, for a knowledge of the human body, in its
parts and proportions, inward and outward adaptation,
its forms and motions generally.
Character. Knowledge of the varieties in form and
action of their parts; peculiarities are discriminated,
and separately set forth. Out of this results character,
through which an important relation may be established
among separate works; and, in like manner,
when a work is put together, its parts may hold an
analogous relation to each other. The subject may
be—
At rest, or in motion. A work, or its parts, may
either be self-centred, simply showing its character
in a state of rest, or it may be exhibited in movement,
activity, or fullness of passionate expression.
Ideal. To the attainment of this, the artist needs
a deep, well-grounded, steadfast mind, which must be
accompanied by a higher sense,in order to comprehend
the subject in all its bearings, to find the moment of
expression, to withdraw this from the narrowness of
fact, and give to it, in an ideal world, proportion, limit,
reality and dignity.
Agreeableness. The subject and its mode of exhibition
are moreover connected with the sensible laws
of art; viz., harmony, comprehensibility, symmetry,
contrast, etc.; whereby it becomes visibly beautiful, or
agreeable, as it is called.
Beauty. Farther, we find that it obeys the laws of
spiritual beauty, which arises from just proportion,
and to which he who is complete in the creation or
production of the beautiful knows how to subject even
the extremes.
Now that I have defined the conditions which we demand
of a high work of art, much will be comprised in
a few words when I say that the Laocoon group fulfils
them all, nay, that out of it alone all of them could be
developed.
It will be conceded by all that it exhibits acquaintance
with the human form, and with what is characteristic
in it, and at the same time expression and passion.
In how high and ideal a way the subject is
treated will presently be shown; and no one who recognizes
the harmony with which the extremes of bodily
and mental suffering are set forth can hesitate in calling
the work beautiful.
On the other hand, many will think I am uttering
a paradox when I maintain that the work is also
agreeable. A word upon this point.
Every work of art must show on the face of it that
it is such; and this can be done only through what
we call sensuous beauty, or agreeableness. The ancients,
far from entertaining the modern notion that a work
of art must have the appearance of a work of nature,
designated their works of art as such through an intentional
arrangement of parts; by means of symmetry
they rendered easy for the eye an insight into relations,
and thus a complicated work was made comprehensible.
Through symmetry and opposition slight
deviations were made productive of the sharpest contrasts.
The pains of the artist were most happily
bestowed to place the masses in opposition to each
other, and particularly in groups, to bring the extremities
of the bodies against each other in a harmonious
position; so that every work, when we disregard its
import, and look only at its general outline from a
distance, strikes the eye by its ornamental air. The
antique vases furnish a hundred instances of this sort
of agreeable composition, and perhaps it would be possible
to exhibit a series of examples of symmetrically
artistic and charming groupings, from the most quiet
vase-sculptures up to the Laocoon. I shall therefore
venture to repeat the assertion that the group of
Laocoon, in addition to its other acknowledged merits,
is at once a model of symmetry and variety, of repose
and action, of contrast and gradation, which produce
an impression partly sensible, partly spiritual, agreeably
stimulate the imagination by the high pathos of
the representation, and by their grace and beauty temper
the storm of passion and suffering.
It is a great advantage for a work of art to be self-included
and complete. An object at rest, exhibiting
simple being, is thus complete by and in itself. A
Jupiter, the thunderbolt resting in his lap; a Juno,
reposing in her majesty and feminine dignity; a Minerva,
inwardly intent—are all subjects that have no
impulse outwards, that rest upon and in themselves;
the first, the most lovely subjects of sculpture. But
within the noble round of the mythic circle of art,
where these separate self-existent natures stand and
rest, there are smaller circles, within which the figures
are conceived and wrought out with reference to other
figures; for example, the nine Muses, with their leader,
Apollo, are each conceived and executed separately,
but they become far more interesting in their complete
and diversified choir. When art attempts scenes of
exalted passion, it can treat them also in the same
manner; it may either present to us a circle of figures
holding a passionate relation to each other, like the
Niobe and her children, pursued by Apollo and Diana,
or exhibit in the same piece the action and the motive;
we have in mind such groups as the graceful
boy extracting the thorn from his foot, the wrestler,
two groups of fawns and nymphs in Dresden, and the
noble and animated group of Laocoon.
Sculpture is justly entitled to the high rank it holds,
because it can and must carry expression to its highest
point of perfection, from the fact that it leaves
man only the absolutely essential. Thus, in the present
group, Laocoon is a bare name; the artists have
stripped him of his priesthood, his Trojan nationality,
of every poetical or mythological attribute; there remains
nothing of all that fable had clothed him with;
he is a father with his two sons, in danger of destruction
from two fierce animals. In like manner, we see
no messenger of the gods, but two plain, natural serpents,
powerful enough to overcome three men, but, by
no means, either in form or action, supernatural and
avenging ministers of wrath. They glide in, as it is
their nature to do, twine around, knot together, and
one, being irritated, bites. If I had to describe this
work without knowing the farther intent of it, I should
say it were a Tragic Idyl. A father was sleeping,
with his two sons beside him; two serpents twined about
them, and now waking, they struggled to free themselves
from the living net.
The expression of the moment is, in this work, of
the highest importance. When it is intended that a
work of art shall move before the eye, a passing moment
must, of course, be chosen; but a moment ago not
a single part of the whole was to be found in the position
it now holds, and in another instant all will be
changed again; so that it presents a fresh, living image
to a million beholders.
In order to conceive rightly the intention of the
Laocoon, let a man place himself before it at a proper
distance, with his eyes shut; then let him open his
eyes, and shut them again instantly. By this means
he will see the whole marble in motion; he will fear lest
he finds the whole group changed when he opens his
eyes again. It might be said that, as it stands, it is
a flash of lightning fixed, a wave petrified in the moment
it rushes towards the shore. The same effect is
produced by the contemplation of the group by torchlight.
The situation of the three figures is represented
with a wise gradation. In the oldest son only the extremities
are entangled; the second is encumbered with
more folds, and especially by the knot around his
breast; he endeavors to get breath by the motion of
his right arm; with the left he gently holds back the
serpent’s head, to prevent him from taking another
turn round his breast. The serpent is in the act of
slipping under the hand, but does not bite. The father,
on the other hand, tries to set himself and the children
free by force; he grasps the other serpent, which, exasperated,
bites him on the hip.
The best way to understand the position of the father,
both in the whole and in detail, seems to be to
take the sudden anguish of the wound as the moving
cause of the whole action. The serpent has not bitten,
but is just now biting, and in a sensitive part,
above and just behind the hip. The position of the
restored head of the serpent does not represent the
bite correctly; fortunately, the remains of the two
jaws may yet be seen on the hinder part of the statue,
if only these important vestiges are not destroyed in
the course of the present paltry alterations. The serpent
inflicts a wound upon the unhappy man, in a
part where we are excessively sensible to any irritation,
where even a little tickling is able to produce
the action which in this case is caused by the wound.
The figure starts away towards the opposite side,
the abdomen is drawn in, the shoulder forced down,
the breast thrust out, the head sinks towards the
wounded side; the secondary portion of the situation
or treatment appears in the imprisoned feet and the
struggling arms; and thus from the contrast of struggle
and flight, of action and suffering, of energy and
failing strength, results an harmonious action that
would perhaps be impossible under other conditions.
We are lost in astonishment at the sagacity of the
artist; if we try to place the bite in some different position
the whole action is changed, and we find it impossible
to conceive one more fitting. This, therefore,
is an important maxim: the artist has represented a
sensuous effort, he shows us also its sensuous cause. I
repeat, the situation of the bite renders necessary the
present action of the limbs. The movement of the lower
part of the figure, as if to fly, the drawing in of the abdomen,
the downward action of the shoulders and the
head, the breast forced out, nay, the expression of each
feature of the face, all are determined by this instant,
sharp, unlooked-for irritation.
Far be it from me to destroy the unity of human
nature, to deny the sympathetic action of the spiritual
powers of this nobly complete man, to misconceive the
action and suffering of a great nature. I see also
anguish, fear, horror, a father’s anxiety pervading these
veins, swelling this breast, furrowing this brow. I
freely admit that the highest state of mental as well
as bodily anguish is here represented; only let us not
transfer the effect the work produces on us too vividly
to the piece itself; and above all, let us not be looking
for the effect of poison in a body which the serpent’s
fang has but just reached. Let us not fancy we see
a death-struggle in a noble, resisting, vigorous, but
slightly wounded frame. Here let me have leave to
make an observation of importance in art: The maximum
expression of pathos that can be given by art
hovers in the transition from one state or condition to
another. You see a lively child running with all the
energy and joy of life, bounding, and full of delight;
he is unexpectedly struck somewhat roughly by a playmate,
or is otherwise morally or physically hurt. This
new sensation thrills like an electric shock through all
his limbs, and this transition is full of pathos in the
highest meaning; it is a contrast of which one can form
no idea without having seen it. In this case plainly the
spiritual as well as the physical man is in action. If
during the transition there still remain evident traces
of the previous state, the result is the noblest subject
for plastic art, as is the case in the Laocoon where
action and suffering are shown in the same instant.
Thus, for instance, Eurydice, bitten in the heel by the
snake she has trodden on, as she goes joyfully through
the meadow with the flowers she has collected, would
make a statue of great pathos, if the twofold state,
the joyful advance and its painful arrest, might be
expressed not only by the flowers that she lets fall, but
by the direction of her limbs and the doubtful fluttering
of her dress.
Having now a clear conception, in this respect, of
the main figure, we shall be enabled to give a free and
secure glance over the relations, contrasts, and gradations
of the collective parts of the whole.
The choice of subject is one of the happiest that can
be imagined,—men struggling with dangerous animals,
and animals that do not act as a mass of concentrated
force, but with divided powers; that do not rush in at
one side, nor offer a combined resistance, but capable
by their prolonged organization of paralyzing without
injuring them, three men, or more or less. From the
action of this numbing force results, consistently with
the most violent action, a pervading unity and repose
throughout the whole. The different action of the serpents
is exhibited in gradation. The one is simply
twined around its victims, the other becomes irritated
and bites its antagonist. The three figures are in like
manner most wisely selected: a strong, well-developed
man, but evidently past the age of greatest energy,
and therefore less able to endure pain and suffering.
Substitute in his place a robust young man and the
charm of the group vanishes. Joined with him in his
suffering are two boys, small in proportion to his
figure; again still two natures susceptible of pain.
The struggles of the youngest are powerless; he is
frightened, but not injured. The father struggles powerfully,
but ineffectually; his efforts have rather the
effect to exasperate the opposed force. His opponent,
becoming irritated, wounds him. The eldest son is
least encumbered. He suffers neither anguish nor
pain; he is frightened by the sudden wounding of his
father, and his movement thereupon; he cries out, at the
same moment endeavoring to free his foot from the serpent’s
fold. Here then is spectator, witness, and accessory
to the fact; and thus the work is completed.
Let me here repeat what I alluded to above,—that all
three figures exhibit a twofold action, and thus are occupied
in most manifold ways. The youngest son
strives to free himself by raising his right arm, and
with his left hand keeps back the serpent’s head; he is
striving to alleviate the present, and avert the greater,
evil,—the highest degree of action he can attain in his
present imprisoned condition. The father is striving to
shake off the serpents, while his body recoils from the
immediate bite. The oldest son is terrified by his
father’s starting, and seeks at the same time to free
himself from the lightly entwining serpent.
The choice of the highest moment of expression has
already been spoken of as a great advantage possessed
by this work of art; let us now consider this problem
in greater detail.
We assumed the case of natural serpents twining
about a father sleeping by his sons, so that in considering
the separate moments, we might be led to a climax
of interest. The first moments of the serpents’ winding
about them in sleep are portentous, but not significant
for art. We might perhaps imagine an infant Hercules
asleep, with a serpent twined about him; but in this
case the form in repose would show us what we were to
expect when he waked.
Let us now proceed and figure to ourselves a father
with his children, when first—let it have happened how
it may—he discovers the serpents wound about him.
There is only one moment of the highest interest,—when
one of the figures is made defenseless by the pressure,
the second can still fight, but is wounded, the third
still retains a hope of escape. In the first condition is
the younger son; in the second, the father; in the third,
the eldest son. Seek now to find another, a fourth condition!
Try to change the order of the dramatis personae!
If we now consider the treatment from the beginning,
we must acknowledge that it has reached the highest
point; and in like manner, if we reflect upon the
succeeding moments, we shall perceive that the whole
group must necessarily be changed, and that no moment
can be found equal to this in artistic significance.
The youngest son will either be suffocated by the entwining
serpent, or should he in his helpless condition
exasperate it, he must be bitten. Neither alternative
could we endure, since they suppose an extremity
unsuitable for representation. As to the father, he
would either be bitten by the serpent in other places,
whereby the position of the body would be entirely
changed and the previous wounds would either be lost
to the beholder or, if made evident, would be loathsome,
or the serpent might turn about and assail the
eldest son, whose attention would then be turned to
himself,—the scene loses its participator, the last
glimpse of hope disappears from the group, the situation
is no longer tragical, it is fearful. The figure
of the father, which is now self-centred in its greatness
and its suffering, would in that case be turned
towards the son and become a sympathizing subordinate.
Man has, for his own and others’ sufferings, only
three sorts of sensations, apprehension, terror, and
compassion,—the anxious foreseeing of an approaching
evil, the unexpected realization of present pain, and
sympathy with existing or past suffering; all three are
excited by and exhibited in the present work, and in
the most fitting gradations.
Plastic art, laboring always for a single point of
time, in choosing a subject expressive of pathos will
seize one that awakens terror; while Poetry prefers
such as excite apprehension and compassion. In the
group of Laocoon the suffering of the father awakens
terror, and that in the highest degree. Sculpture
has done her utmost for him, but, partly to run through
the circle of human sensations, partly to soften the
effect of so much of the terrible, it excites pity for
the younger son, and apprehension for the elder,
through the hope that still exists for him. Thus, by
means of variety, the artists have introduced a certain
balance into their work, have softened and heightened
effect by other effects, and completed at once a
spiritual and sensuous whole.
In a word, we dare boldly affirm that this work
exhausts its subject and happily fulfils all the conditions
of art. It teaches us that if the master can infuse
his feeling of beauty into tranquil and simple subjects,
this feeling can also be exhibited in its highest
energy and dignity when it manifests itself in the creation
of varied characters, and knows how, by artistic
imitation, to temper and control the passionate outbreak
of human feeling. We shall give in the sequel
a full account of the statues known by the name of the
family of Niobe, as well as the group of the Farnesian
Bull; these are among the few representations of pathos
that remain to us of antique sculpture.
It has been the usual fate of the moderns to blunder
in their choice of subjects of this sort. When Milo,
with both his hands fast in the cleft of a tree, is attacked
by a lion, art in vain endeavors to create a
work that will excite a sincere sympathy. A twofold
suffering, a fruitless struggle, a helpless state, a certain
defeat can only excite horror, if they do not leave us
cold.
Finally, a word concerning this subject in its connection
with poetry.
It is doing Virgil and poetic art a great injustice to
compare even for a moment this most succinct achievement
of Sculpture with the episodical treatment of
the subject in the Æneid. Since the unhappy exile,
Æneas, is to recount how he and his fellow-citizens were
guilty of the unpardonable folly of bringing the famous
horse into their city, the Poet must hit upon some way
to provide a motive for this action. Everything is
subordinated to this end, and the story of Laocoon
stands here as a rhetorical argument to justify an
exaggeration if only it serves its purpose. Two monstrous
serpents come out of the sea with crested heads;
they rush upon the children of the priest who had injured
the horse, encircle them, bite them, besmear them,
twist and twine about the breast and head of the father
as he hastens to their assistance, and hold up their heads
in triumph while the victim, inclosed in their folds,
screams in vain for help. The people are horror-struck
and fly at once; no one dares to be a patriot any longer;
and the hearer, satiated with the horror of the strange
and loathsome story, is willing to let the horse be
brought into the city.
Thus, in Virgil, the story of Laocoon serves only as
a step to a higher aim, and it is a great question whether
the occurrence be in itself a poetic subject.
THE COLLECTOR AND HIS FRIENDS — FOOTNOTES:
(1799)
Yesterday a stranger made his appearance, whose
name I was already familiar with, and who has the
reputation of a skilful connoisseur.[3] I was pleased to
see him, made him acquainted generally with my possessions,
let him choose what he would from what I exhibited
to him. I soon noticed his cultivated eye for
works of art, and especially for their history. He knew
the masters as well as the scholars; in cases of doubtful
works he was familiar with the grounds of uncertainty,
and his conversation was highly interesting
to me.
Perhaps I should have been hurried on to open myself
in a more lively manner towards him, had not my
resolve to sound my guest made me from the first take
a more quiet tone. His judgment in many cases agreed
with mine; in many I was forced to admire his sharp
and practised eye. The first thing that struck me was
his unmitigated hatred of all Mannerists. I was in
pain for some of my favorite pictures, and was curious
to discover from what source such a dislike could
spring....
Before we were all assembled I seized an opportunity
to lend a helping hand to my poor mannerists against
the stranger. I spoke of their beautiful nature, their
happy handling, their grace, and added, to keep
myself safe: Thus much I say only to claim for them
a certain degree of forbearance, though I admit that
that high beauty, which is the highest end and aim of
Art, is in fact quite a different thing.
He replied—with a smile that did not altogether
please me, inasmuch as it seemed to express a special
self-satisfaction and a sort of compassion for me:—Are
you then stanch in the old-fashioned principle that
Beauty is the last aim of art?
I answered that I was not aware of any higher.
Can you tell me what Beauty is? he exclaimed.
Perhaps not, I replied; but I can show it to you.
Let us go and see, even by candlelight, a fine cast of
Apollo or a beautiful marble bust of Bacchus that I
possess, and try if we cannot agree that they are beautiful.
Before we go upon this quest, said he, it would be
necessary for us to examine more closely this word
Beauty and its derivation. Beauty (Schönheit) comes
from show (Schein); it is an appearance, and not
worthy to be the object of art. The perfectly characteristic
only deserves to be called beauty; without
Character there is no Beauty.
Surprised by this mode of expression, I replied:
Granted, though it be not proved, that beauty must be
characteristic; yet from this it only follows that character
lies at the root of beauty, but by no means that
Beauty and Character are the same. Character holds
to the beautiful the same relation that the skeleton does
to the living man. No one will deny that the osseous
system is the foundation of all highly organized forms.
It consolidates and defines the form, but is not the
form itself; still less does it bring about that last
appearance which, as the veil and integument of an
organized whole, we call Beauty.
I cannot embark in similitudes, said my guest, and
from your own words, moreover, it is evident that
beauty is something incomprehensible, or the effect
of something incomprehensible. What cannot be comprehended
is naught; what we cannot make clear by
words is nonsense.
I.—Can you then clearly express in words the effect
that a colored body produces on your eyes?
He.—That is again a metaphor that I will not be
drawn into. It is enough that character can be indicated.
You find no beauty without it, else it would
be empty and insignificant. All the beauty of the
Ancients is only Character, and only out of this quality
is beauty developed.
Our Philosopher[4] had arrived meanwhile and was
conversing with my nieces, when, hearing us speak earnestly,
he stepped forward; and the stranger, stimulated
by the accession of a new hearer, proceeded:
That is just the misfortune when good heads, when
people of merit, get hold of such false principles, which
have only an appearance of truth, and spread them
wider and wider. None appropriate them so willingly
as those who know and understand nothing of the subject.
Thus has Lessing fastened upon us the principle
that the ancients cultivated only the beautiful;
thus has Winckelmann put us to sleep with his “noble
simplicity and serene greatness”; whereas the art of the
ancients appears in all imaginable forms. But these
gentlemen tarry by Jupiter and Juno, Genii and Graces,
and hide the ignoble forms and skulls of Barbarians,
the rough hair, foul beard, gaunt bones, and wrinkled
skin of deformed age, the protruding veins and hanging
breasts.
In the name of God, I exclaimed, are there then independent,
self-existing works of the best age of Ancient
Art that exhibit such frightful objects? Or are
they not rather subordinate works, occasional pieces,
creations of an art that must demean itself according
to outward circumstances, an art on the decline?
He.—I give you the specification, you can yourself
search and judge. But you will not deny that the
Laocoon, that Niobe, that Dirce with her stepsons, are
self-subsistent works of art. Stand before the Laocoon
and contemplate nature in full revolt and desperation.
The last choking pang, the desperate struggle, the
maddening convulsion, the working of the corroding
poison, the vehement fermenting, the stagnating circulation,
suffocating pressure, and paralytic death.
The Philosopher seemed to look at me with astonishment,
and I answered: We shudder, we are horrified
at the bare description. In sooth, if it be so with the
group of Laocoon, what are we to say of the pleasure
we find in this as in every other true work of art? But
I will not meddle in the question. You must settle it
with the authors of the Propylæa, who are of just
the opposite mind.
It must be admitted, said my guest, that all Antiquity
speaks for me; for where do horror and death
rage more hideously than in the representation of the
Niobe?
I was confounded by this assertion, for only a short
time before I had been looking at the copperplates
in Fabroni, which I immediately brought forward and
opened. I find no trace in the statues of raging horror
and death, but rather the greatest subordination
of tragical situation under the highest ideas of dignity,
nobleness, beauty, and simplicity. I trace everywhere
the artistic purpose to dispose the limbs agreeably
and gracefully. The character is expressed only
in the most general lines, which run through the work
like a sort of ideal skeleton.
He.—Let us turn to the bas-reliefs, which we shall
find at the end of the book.
We turned to them.
I.—Of anything horrible, to speak truly, I see no
trace here either. Where is this rage of horror and
death? I see figures so artfully interwoven, so happily
placed against or extended upon each other, that
while they remind me of a mournful destiny, they give
room at the same time for the most charming imaginations.
All that is characteristic is tempered, the
violent is elevated, and I might say that Character
lies at the foundation; upon it rest simplicity and
dignity; the highest aim of art is beauty and its last
effect the feeling of pleasure. The agreeable, which
may not be immediately united with the characteristic,
comes remarkably before our eyes in these sarcophagi.
Are not the dead sons and daughters of Niobe here
made use of as ornaments? This is the highest luxury
of art; she adorns no longer with flowers and fruits,
but with the corpses of men, with the greatest misfortune
that can befall a father or mother, to see a
blooming family all at once snatched away. Yes, the
beauteous genius who stands beside the grave, his torch
reversed, has stood beside the artist as he invented
and perfected, and over his earthly greatness has
breathed a heavenly grace.
My guest looked at me with a smile, and shrugged
his shoulders. Alas,—said he, as I concluded,—alas, I
see plainly that we can never agree. What a pity that
a man of your acquirements, of your sense, will not
perceive that these are all empty words; that to a man
of understanding Beauty and Ideal must always be a
dream which he cannot translate into reality, but finds
to be in direct opposition to it....
I.—Will you allow me also to put in a word?
The guest (somewhat scornfully.)—With all my
heart, and I hope nothing about mere phantoms.
I.—I have some acquaintance with the poetry of the
ancients, but have little knowledge of the plastic
arts.
Guest.—That I regret; for in that case we can hardly
come to an understanding.
I.—And yet the fine arts are nearly related, and
the friends of the separate arts should not misunderstand
each other.
Uncle.—Let us hear what you have to say.
I.—The old tragic writers dealt with the stuff in
which they worked in the same way as the plastic
artists, unless these engravings, representing the family
of Niobe, give an altogether false impression of the
original.
Guest.—They are passably good. They convey an
imperfect but not a false impression.
I.—Well, then, to that extent we can take them for a
ground to go upon.
Uncle.—What is it you assert of the treatment of
the ancient tragic writers?
I.—The subjects they chose, especially in the early
times, were often of an unbearable frightfulness.
Guest.—Were the ancient fables insupportably
frightful?
I.—Undoubtedly; in the same manner as your account
of the Laocoon.
Guest.—Did you find that also unbearable?
I.—I ask pardon. I meant the thing you describe,
not your description.
Guest.—And the work itself also?
I.—By no means the work itself, but that which you
have seen in it,—the fable, the history, the skeleton,—that
which you name the characteristic. For if the
Laocoon really stood before our eyes such as you
have described it, we ought not to hesitate a moment
to dash it to pieces.
Guest.—You use strong expressions.
I.—One may do that as well as another.
Uncle.—Now then for the ancient tragedies.
Guest.—Yes, these insupportable subjects.
I.—Very good; but also this manner of treatment
that makes everything endurable, beautiful, graceful.
Guest.—And that is effected by means of “simplicity
and serene greatness?”
I.—So it appears.
Guest.—By the softening principle of Beauty?
I.—It can be nothing else.
Guest.—And the old tragedies were after all not
frightful?
I.—Hardly, so far as my knowledge extends, if you
listen to the poets themselves. In fact, if we regard
in poetry only the material which lies at the foundation,
if we are to speak of works of art as if in their
place we had seen the actual circumstances, then even
the tragedies of Sophocles can be described as loathsome
and horrible.
Guest.—I will not pass judgment on poetry.
I.—Nor I on plastic art.
Guest.—Yes, it is best for each to stick to his own
department.
I.—And yet there is a common point of union for
all the arts wherefrom the laws of all proceed.
Guest.—And that is—
I.—The soul of man.
Guest.—Ay, ay; that is just the way with you gentlemen
of the new school of philosophy. You bring
everything upon your own ground and province; and,
in fact, it is more convenient to shape the world according
to your ideas than to adapt your notions to
the truth of things.
I.—Here is no question of any metaphysical dispute.
Guest.—If there were I should certainly decline it.
I.—I shall admit for the sake of argument that Nature
can be imagined as absolutely apart from man,
but with him art necessarily concerns itself, for art
exists only through man and for man.
Guest.—Where does all this tend?
I.—You yourself, when you make Character the end
of art, appoint the understanding, which takes cognizance
of the characteristic, as the judge.
Guest.—To be sure I do. What I cannot seize with
my understanding does not exist for me.
I.—Yet man is not only a being of thought, but
also of feeling. He is a whole; a union of various,
closely connected powers; and to this whole of man
the work of art is to address itself. It must speak to
this rich unity, this simple variety in him.
Guest.—Don’t carry me with you into these labyrinths,
for who could ever help us out again?
I.—It will then be best for us to give up the dispute
and each retain his position.
Guest.—I shall at least hold fast to mine.
I.—Perhaps a means may still be found whereby, if
one does not take the other’s position, he can at least
observe him in it.
Guest.—Propose it then.
I.—We will for a moment contemplate art in its
origin.
Guest.—Good.
I.—Let us accompany the work of art on its road
to perfection.
Guest.—But only by the way of experience, if you
expect me to follow. I will have nothing to do with
the steep paths of speculation.
I.—You allow me to begin at the beginning?
Guest.—With all my heart.
I.—A man feels an inclination for some object; let us
suppose a single living being.
Guest.—As, for instance, this pretty lap-dog.
Julia.—Come, Bello! It is no small honor to serve
as example in such a discussion.
I.—Truly, the dog is pretty enough, and if the man
we are speaking of had the gift of imitation, he would
try in some way to make a likeness of it. But let him
prosper never so well in his imitation, we are still not
advanced, for we have at best only two Bellos instead
of one.
Guest.—I will not interrupt, but wait and see what
is to become of this.
I.—Suppose that this man, to whom for the sake of
his talent we will give the name of Artist, has by no
means satisfied himself as yet; that his desire seems
to him too narrow, too limited; that he busies himself
about more individuals, varieties, kinds, species, in such
wise that at last not the creature itself, but the Idea
of the creature stands before him, and he is able to
express this by means of his art.
Guest.—Bravo! That is just my man, and his work
must be characteristic.
I.—No doubt.
Guest.—And there I would stop and go no farther.
I.—But we go beyond this.
Guest.—I stop here.
Uncle.—I will go along for the sake of experiment.
I.—By this operation we may arrive at a canon useful
indeed, and scientifically valuable, but not satisfactory
to the soul of man.
Guest.—-How then are you going to satisfy the fantastic
demands of this dear soul?
I.—Not fantastic; it is only not satisfied in its just
claims. An old tradition informs us that the Elohim
once took counsel together, saying, let us make man
after our own image; and man says therefore, with
good cause, let us make gods and they shall be in our
image.
Guest.—We are getting into a dark region.
I.—There is only one light that can aid us here.
Guest.—And that is?
I.—Reason.
Guest.—How far it be a guide or a will-o’-wisp is
hard to say.
I.—We need not give it a name; but let us ask ourselves
what are the demands the soul makes of a work
of art. It is not enough that it fulfils a limited desire,
that it satisfies our curiosity, or gives order and
stability to our knowledge; that which is Higher in us
must be awakened; we must be inspired with reverence,
and feel ourselves worthy of reverence.
Guest.—I begin to be at a loss to comprehend you.
Uncle.—But I think I am able to follow in some measure;—how
far, I shall try to make clear by an example.
We will suppose our artist had made an eagle in bronze
which perfectly expressed the idea of the species, but
now he would place him on the sceptre of Jupiter. Do
you think it would be perfectly suitable there?
Guest.—It would depend.
Uncle.—I say, No! The artist must first impart to
him something beyond all this.
Guest.—What then?
Uncle.—It is hard to express.
Guest.—So I should think.
I.—And yet something may be done by approximation.
Guest.—To it then.
I.—He must give to the eagle what he gave to Jupiter,
in order to make him into a God.
Guest.—And this is—
I.—The Godlike,—which in truth we should never
become acquainted with, did not man feel and himself
reproduce it.
Guest.—I continue to hold my ground, and let you
ascend into the clouds. I see that you mean to indicate
the high style of the Greeks, which I prize only
so far as it is characteristic.
I.—It is something more to us, however; it answers
to a high demand, but still not the highest.
Guest.—You seem to be very hard to satisfy.
I.—It beseems him to demand much for whom much
is in store. Let me be brief. The human soul is in an
exalted position when it reverences, when it adores;
when it elevates an object and is elevated by it again.
But it cannot remain long in this state. The general
concept of genus leaves it cold; the Ideal raises it
above itself; but now it must return again into itself;
and it would gladly enjoy once more that affection
which it then felt for the Individual, without coming
back to the same limited view, and will not forego
the significant, the spirit-moving. What would become
of it now, if Beauty did not step in and happily solve
the riddle? She first gives life and warmth to the
Scientific, and breathing her softening influence and
heavenly charm over even the Significant and the High,
brings it back to us again. A beautiful work of art
has gone through the entire circle; it becomes again
an Individual that we can embrace with affection, that
we can make our own.
Guest.—Have you done?
I.—For the present. The little circle is completed;
we have come back to our starting point; the soul has
made its demands, and those demands have been satisfied.
I have nothing further to add. (Here our good
uncle was peremptorily called away to a patient.)
Guest.—It is the custom of you philosophic gentlemen
to engage in battle behind high-sounding words, as
if it were an ægis.
I.—I can assure you that I have not now been speaking
as a philosopher. These are mere matters of experience.
Guest.—Do you call that experience, whereof another
can comprehend nothing?
I.—To every experience belongs an organ.
Guest.—Do you mean a separate one?
I.—Not a separate one; but it must have one peculiarity.
Guest.—And what is that?
I.—It must be able to produce.
Guest.—Produce what?
I.—The experience! There is no experience which
is not brought forth, produced, created.
Guest.—This is too much!
I.—This is particularly the case with artists.
Guest.—Indeed! How enviable would the portrait
painter be, what custom would he not have, if he could
reproduce all his customers without troubling people
with so many sittings!
I.—I am not deterred by your instance, but rather
am convinced no portrait can be worth anything that
the painter does not in the strictest sense create.
Guest (springing up).—This is maddening! I would
you were making game of me, and all this were only in
jest. How happy I should be to have the riddle explained
in that manner! How gladly would I give my
hand to a worthy man like you!
I.—Unfortunately, I am quite in earnest, and cannot
come to any other conclusion.
Guest.—Now I did hope that in parting we should
take each other’s hand, especially since our good host
has departed, who would have held the place of mediator
in your dispute. Farewell, Mademoiselle! Farewell,
Sir! I shall inquire to-morrow whether I may
wait on you again.
So he stormed out of the door, and Julia had scarce
time to send the maid, who was ready with the lantern,
after him. I remained alone with the sweet child, for
Caroline had disappeared some time before,—I think
about the time that my opponent had declared that
mere beauty, without character, must be insipid.
You went too far, my friend, said Julia, after a short
pause. If he did not seem to me altogether in the
right, neither can I give unqualified assent to you;
for your last assertion was only made to tease him.
The portrait painter must make the likeness a pure
creation?
Fair Julia, I replied, how much I could wish to make
myself clear to you upon this point. Perhaps in time
I shall succeed. But you, whose lively spirit is at home
in all regions, who not only prize the artist but in some
sense anticipate him, and who know how to give form to
what your eyes have never seen, as if it stood bodily
before you, you should be the last to start when the
question is of creation, of production.
Julia.—I see it is your intention to bribe me. That
will not be hard, for I like to listen to you.
I.—Let us think well of man, and not trouble ourselves
if what we say of him may sound a little bizarre.
Everybody admits that the poet must be born. Does
not every one ascribe to genius a creative power, and
no one thinks he is repeating a paradox? We do not
deny it to works of fancy; but the inactive, the worthless
man will not become aware of the good, the noble,
the beautiful, either in himself or others. Whence came
it, if it did not spring from ourselves? Ask your own
heart. Is not the method of intercourse born with intercourse?
Is it not the capacity for good deeds that
rejoices over the good deed? Who ever feels keenly
without the wish to express that feeling? and what do
we express but what we create? and in truth, not once
only, that it may exist and there end, but that it may
operate, ever increase, and again come to life, and again
create. This is the god-like power of love, of the
singing and speaking of which there is no end, that it
reproduces at every moment the noble qualities of the
beloved object, perfects it in the least particulars, embraces
it in the whole, rests not by day, sleeps not by
night, is enchanted with its own work, is astonished
at its own restless activity, ever finds the familiar new,
because at every moment it is re-created in the sweetest
of all occupations. Yes, the picture of the beloved cannot
grow old, for every moment is the moment of its
birth.
The maid returned from lighting the stranger. She
was highly satisfied with his liberality, for he had given
her a handsome pourboire; but she praised his politeness
still more highly, for he had dismissed her with
a friendly word, and, moreover, called her “Pretty
Maid.”
I was not in a humor to spare him, and exclaimed:
“Oh, yes! I can easily credit that one who denies the
ideal should take the common for the beautiful.”
[3] Alois Hirt, protagonist of the theory of the “characteristic.”
In a certain German theatre there was represented a
sort of oval amphitheatrical structure, with boxes filled
with painted spectators, seemingly occupied with what
was being transacted below. Many of the real spectators
in the pit and boxes were dissatisfied with this, and
took it amiss that anything so untrue and improbable
was put upon them. Whereupon the conversation took
place of which we here give the general purport.
The Agent of the Artist.—Let us see if we cannot
by some means agree more nearly.
The Spectator.—I do not see how such a representation
can be defended.
Agent.—Tell me, when you go into a theatre, do you
not expect all you see to be true and real?
Spectator.—By no means! I only ask that what I
see shall appear true and real.
Agent.—Pardon me if I contradict even your inmost
conviction and maintain this is by no means the thing
you demand.
Spectator.—That is singular! If I did not require
this, why should the scene painter take so
much pains to draw each line in the most perfect
manner, according to the rules of perspective, and represent
every object according to its own peculiar perfection?
Why waste so much study on the costume?
Why spend so much to insure its truth, so that I may
be carried back into those times? Why is that player
most highly praised who most truly expresses the sentiment,
who in speech, gesture, delivery, comes nearest the
truth, who persuades me that I behold not an imitation,
but the thing itself?
Agent.—You express your feelings admirably well,
but it is harder than you may think to have a right
comprehension of our feelings. What would you say
if I reply that theatrical representations by no means
seem really true to you, but rather to have only an appearance
of truth?
Spectator.—I should say that you have advanced a
subtlety that is little more than a play upon words.
Agent.—And I maintain that when we are speaking
of the operations of the soul, no words can be delicate
and subtle enough; and that this sort of play upon
words indicates a need of the soul, which, not being
able adequately to express what passes within us, seeks
to work by way of antithesis, to give an answer to each
side of the question, and thus, as it were, to find the mean
between them.
Spectator.—Very good. Only explain yourself more
fully, and, if you will oblige me, by examples.
Agent.—I shall be glad to avail myself of them.
For instance, when you are at an opera, do you not
experience a lively and complete satisfaction?
Spectator.—Yes, when everything is in harmony, one
of the most complete I know.
Agent.—But when the good people there meet and
compliment each other with a song, sing from billets
that they hold in their hands, sing you their love, their
hatred, and all their passions, fight singing, and die
singing, can you say that the whole representation, or
even any part of it, is true? or, I may say, has even
an appearance of truth?
Spectator.—In fact, when I consider, I could not
say it had. None of these things seems true.
Agent.—And yet you are completely pleased and
satisfied with the exhibition?
Spectator.—Beyond question. I still remember how
the opera used to be ridiculed on account of this gross
improbability, and how I always received the greatest
satisfaction from it, in spite of this, and find more and
more pleasure the richer and more complete it becomes.
Agent.—And you do not then at the opera experience
a complete deception?
Spectator.—Deception, that is not the proper word,—and
yet, yes!—But no—
Agent.—Here you are in a complete contradiction,
which is far worse than a quibble.
Spectator.—Let us proceed quietly; we shall soon
see light.
Agent.—As soon as we come into the light, we shall
agree. Having reached this point, will you allow me
to ask you some questions?
Spectator.—It is your duty, having questioned me
into this dilemma, to question me out again.
Agent.—The feeling you have at the exhibition of
an opera cannot be rightly called deception?
Spectator.—I agree. Still it is a sort of deception;
something nearly allied to it.
Agent.—Tell me, do you not almost forget yourself?
Spectator.—Not almost, but quite, when the whole
or some part is excellent.
Agent.—You are enchanted?
Spectator.—It has happened more than once.
Agent.—Can you explain under what circumstances?
Spectator.—Under so many, it would be hard to
tell.
Agent.—Yet you have already told when it is most
apt to happen, namely, when all is in harmony.
Spectator.—Undoubtedly.
Agent.—Did this complete representation harmonize
with itself or some other natural product?
Spectator.—With itself, certainly.
Agent.—And this harmony was a work of art?
Spectator.—It must have been.
Agent.—We have denied to the opera the possession
of a certain sort of truth. We have maintained that
it is by no means faithful to what it professes to represent.
But can we deny to it a certain interior
truth, which arises from its completeness as a work of
art?
Spectator.—When the opera is good, it creates a
little world of its own, in which all proceeds according
to fixed laws, which must be judged by its own laws,
felt according to its own spirit.
Agent.—Does it not follow from this, that truth of
nature and truth of art are two distinct things, and
that the artist neither should nor may endeavor to give
his work the air of a work of nature?
Spectator.—But yet it has so often the air of a work
of nature.
Agent.—That I cannot deny. But may I on the
other hand be equally frank?
Spectator.—Why not? our business is not now with
compliments.
Agent.—I will then venture to affirm, that a work
of art can seem to be a work of nature only to a wholly
uncultivated spectator; such a one the artist appreciates
and values indeed, though he stands on the lowest
step. But, unfortunately, he can only be satisfied
when the artist descends to his level; he will never rise
with him, when, prompted by his genius, the true artist
must take wing in order to complete the whole circle
of his work.
Spectator.—Your remark is curious; but proceed.
Agent.—You would not let it pass unless you had
yourself attained a higher step.
Spectator.—Let me now make trial, and take the
place of questioner, in order to arrange and advance
our subject.
Agent.—I shall like that better still.
Spectator.—You say that a work of art could appear
as a work of nature only to an uncultivated person?
Agent.—Certainly. You remember the birds that
tried to eat the painted cherries of the great master?
Spectator.—Now does not that show that the
cherries were admirably painted?
Agent.—By no means. It rather convinces me that
these connoisseurs were true sparrows.
Spectator.—I cannot, however, for this reason concede
that this work could have been other than excellent.
Agent.—Shall I tell you a more modern story?
Spectator.—I would rather listen to stories than
arguments.
Agent.—A certain great naturalist, among other
domesticated animals, possessed an ape, which he missed
one day, and found after a long search in the library.
There sat the beast on the ground, with the plates of
an unbound work of Natural History scattered about
him. Astonished at this zealous fit of study on the part
of his familiar, the gentleman approached, and found,
to his wonder and vexation, that the dainty ape had
been making his dinner of the beetles that were pictured
in various places.
Spectator.—It is a droll story.
Agent.—And seasonable, I hope. You would not
compare these colored copperplates with the work of
so great an artist?
Spectator.—No, indeed.
Agent.—But you would reckon the ape among the
uncultivated amateurs?
Spectator.—Yes, and among the greedy ones! You
awaken in me a singular idea. Does not the uncultivated
amateur, just in the same way, desire a work
to be natural, that he may be able to enjoy it in a
natural, which is often a vulgar and common way?
Agent.—I am entirely of that opinion.
Spectator.—And you maintain, therefore, that an
artist lowers himself when he tries to produce this
effect?
Agent.—Such is my firm conviction.
Spectator.—But here again I feel a contradiction.
You did me just now the honor to number me, at least,
among the half-cultivated spectators.
Agent.—Among those who are on the way to become
true connoisseurs.
Spectator.—Then explain to me, Why does a perfect
work of art appear like a work of nature to me
also?
Agent.—Because it harmonizes with your better
nature. Because it is above natural, yet not unnatural.
A perfect work of art is a work of the human
soul, and in this sense, also, a work of nature.
But because it collects together the scattered objects,
of which it displays even the most minute in all their
significance and value, it is above nature. It is comprehensible
only by a mind that is harmoniously formed
and developed, and such an one discovers that what is
perfect and complete in itself is also in harmony with
himself. The common spectator, on the contrary, has
no idea of it; he treats a work of art as he would any
object he meets with in the market. But the true connoisseur
sees not only the truth of the imitation, but
also the excellence of the selection, the refinement of
the composition, the superiority of the little world of
art; he feels that he must rise to the level of the artist,
in order to enjoy his work; he feels that he must collect
himself out of his scattered life, must live with
the work of art, see it again and again, and through it
receive a higher existence.
Spectator.—Well said, my friend. I have often
made similar reflections upon pictures, the drama, and
other species of poetry, and had an instinct of those
things you require. I will in future give more heed
both to myself and to works of art. But if I am not
mistaken, we have left the subject of our dispute quite
behind. You wished to persuade me that the painted
spectators at our opera are admissible, and I do not
yet see, though we have come to an agreement, by what
arguments you mean to support this license, and under
what rubric I am to admit these painted lookers-on.
Agent.—Fortunately, the opera is repeated to-night;
I trust you will not miss it.
Spectator.—On no account.
Agent.—And the painted men?
Spectator.—Shall not drive me away, for I think
myself something more than a sparrow.
Agent.—I hope that a mutual interest may soon
bring us together again.
SIMPLE IMITATION OF NATURE, MANNER, STYLE
(1789)
It does not seem to be superfluous to define clearly the
meaning we attach to these words, which we shall often
have occasion to make use of. For, however long we
may have been in the habit of using them, and however
they may seem to have been defined in theoretical works,
still every one continues to use them in a way of his
own, and means more or less by them, according to the
degree of clearness or uncertainty with which he has
seized the ideas they express.
Simple Imitation of Nature
If an artist, in whom we must of course suppose a
natural talent, is in the first stage of progress, and after
having in some measure practised eye and hand, turns to
natural objects, uses all care and fidelity in the most
perfect imitation of their forms and colors, never
knowingly departs from nature, begins and ends in her
presence every picture that he undertakes,—such an
artist must possess high merit, for he cannot fail of
attaining the greatest accuracy, and his work must be
full of certainty, variety and strength.
If these conditions are clearly considered, it will be
easily seen that a capable but limited talent can in
this way treat agreeable but limited subjects.
Such subjects must always be easy to find. Leisurely
observation and quiet imitation must be allowed
for; the disposition that occupies itself in such works
must be a quiet one, self-contained, and satisfied with
moderate gratification.
This sort of imitation will thus be practised by men
of quiet, true, limited nature, in the representation of
dead or still-life subjects. It does not by its nature
exclude a high degree of perfection.
Manner
But man finds, usually, such a mode of proceeding
too timid and inadequate. He perceives a harmony
among many objects, which can only be brought into
a picture by sacrificing the individual. He gets tired
of using Nature’s letters each time to spell after her.
He invents a way, devises a language for himself, so
as to express in his own fashion the idea his soul has
attained, and give to the object he has so many times
repeated a distinctive form, without having recourse to
nature itself each time he repeats it, or even without recalling
exactly the individual form.
Thus a language is created, in which the mind of the
speaker expresses and utters itself immediately; and as
in each individual who thinks, the conceptions of spiritual
objects are formed and arranged differently, so
will every artist of this class see, understand, and imitate
the outward world in a different manner, will seize
its phenomena with a more or less observant eye, and
reproduce them more accurately or loosely.
We see that this species of imitation is applied with
the best effect in cases where a great whole comprehends
many subordinate objects. These last must be
sacrificed in order to attain the general expression of
the whole, as is the case in landscapes, for instance,
where the aim would be missed if we attended too
closely to the details, instead of keeping in view the
idea of the whole.
Style
When at last art, by means of imitation of Nature,
of efforts to create a common language, and of clear
and profound study of objects themselves, has acquired
a clearer and clearer knowledge of the peculiarities of
objects and their mode of being, oversees the classes of
forms, and knows how to connect and imitate those
that are distinct and characteristic,—then will Style
reach the highest point it is capable of, the point where
it may be placed on a par with the highest efforts of
the human mind.
Simple Imitation springs from quiet existence and
an agreeable subject; Manner seizes with facile capacity
upon an appearance; Style rests upon the deepest
foundations of knowledge, upon the essence of
things, so far as we are able to recognize it in visible
and comprehensible forms.
The elaboration of what we have advanced above
would fill whole volumes; and much is said upon the
subject in books, but a true conception of it can only
be arrived at by the study of nature and works of art.
We subjoin some additional considerations, and shall
have occasion to refer to these remarks whenever plastic
art is in question.
It is easy to see that these three several ways of
producing works of art are closely related, and that
one may imperceptibly run into the others.
The simple imitation of subjects of easy comprehension
(we shall take fruits and flowers as an example)
may be carried to a high point of perfection. It is
natural that he who paints roses should soon learn to
distinguish and select the most beautiful, and seek for
such only among the thousand that summer affords.
Thus we have arrived at selection, although the artist
may have formed no general idea of the beauty of
roses. He has to do with comprehensible forms;
everything depends upon the manifold purpose and the
color of the surface. The downy peach, the finely dusted
plum, the smooth apple, the burnished cherry, the
dazzling rose, the manifold pink, the variegated tulip,
all these he can have at will in his quiet studio in the
perfection of their bloom and ripeness. He can put them
in a favorable light; his eye will become accustomed
to the harmonious play of glittering colors; each year
would give him a fresh opportunity of renewing the
same models, and he would be enabled, without laborious
abstraction, by means of quiet imitative observation,
to know and seize the peculiarities of the simple
existence of these subjects. In this way were produced
the masterpieces of a Huysum and Rachel Ruysch,
artists who seem almost to have accomplished the impossible.
It is evident that an artist of this sort must
become greater and more characteristic, if in addition
to his talent, he is also acquainted with botany; if he
knows, from the root up, the influences of the several
parts upon the expansion and growth of the plant,
their office, and reciprocal action; if he understands
and reflects upon the successive development of leaves,
fruit, flowers, and the new germ. By this means he
will not only exhibit his taste in the selection of superficial
appearance, but will at once win admiration and
give instruction through a correct representation of
properties. In this wise it might be said that he had
formed a style; while, on the other hand, it is easy to
see how such a master, if he proceeded with less thoroughness,
if he endeavored to give only the striking
and dazzling, would soon pass into mannerism.
Simple Imitation therefore labors in the ante-chamber
that leads to Style. In proportion to the truth, care,
and purity with which it goes to work, the composure
with which it examines and feels, the calmness with
which it proceeds to imitate, the degree of reflection
it uses, that is to say, with which it learns to compare
the like and separate the unlike, and to arrange separate
objects under one general idea,—will be its
title to step upon the threshold of the sanctuary
itself.
If now we consider Manner more carefully, we shall
see that it may be, in the highest sense and purest
signification of the word, the middle ground between
simple imitation of nature and style.
The nearer it approaches, with its more facile treatment,
to faithful imitation and on the other side, the
more earnestly it endeavors to seize and comprehensibly
express the character of objects, the more it strives, by
means of a pure, lively, and active individuality, to
combine the two, the higher, greater, and more worthy
of respect it will become. But if such an artist ceases
to hold fast by and reflect upon nature, he will soon
lose sight of the true principles of art, and his manner
will become more and more empty and insignificant in
proportion as he leaves behind simple imitation and
style.
We need not here repeat that we use the word Manner
in a high and honorable sense, so that artists who,
according to our definition, would be termed Mannerists
have nothing to complain of. It is only incumbent upon
us to preserve the word Style in the highest honor, in
order to have an expression for the highest point art
has attained or ever can attain. To be aware of this
point is in itself a great good fortune, and to enter
upon its consideration in company with sensible people,
a noble pleasure, for which we hope to have many opportunities
in the sequel.
ANCIENT AND MODERN
(1818)
I have been obliged, in what precedes, to say so much
in favor of antiquity, and particularly of the plastic
artists of those times, that I may possibly be misunderstood,
which so often happens where the reader, instead
of preserving a just balance, throws himself at once
into the opposite scale. I therefore seize the present
opportunity to explain my meaning, using plastic art
as a symbol of the never-ceasing life of human actions
and affairs.
A young friend, Karl Ernst Schubarth, in his
pamphlet, A Critique on Goethe, which in every respect
calls for my esteem and thanks, says: “I do not agree
with those worshipers of the ancients, among whom is
Goethe himself, who maintain that in high and complete
development of humanity nothing has ever been
arrived at to compare with the Greeks.” Fortunately,
Schubarth’s own words give us an opportunity to adjust
this difference, where he says, “As to our Goethe,
let me say that I prefer Shakespeare to him, for this
reason,—that in Shakespeare I seem to find a strong,
unconscious man, who is able, with perfect certainty,
and without reasoning, reflecting, subtilizing and classifying,
to seize with never-failing hand the true and
false in man, and express it quite naturally; whilst
in Goethe, though I recognize the same ultimate aim, I
am always fighting with obstacles, and must be always
taking heed lest I accept for plain truth what is only
an exhibition of plain error.”
Here our friend hits the nail on the head; for in
that very point where he places me below Shakespeare
do we stand below the ancients. And what is it we advance
concerning the ancients? Any talent, the development
of which is not favored by time and circumstances,
and must on that account work its way
through a thousand obstacles, and get rid of a thousand
errors, must always be at a disadvantage, when
compared with a contemporary one that has the opportunity
to cultivate itself with facility and act to the
extent of its capacity without opposition.
It often happens that people who are no longer young
are able, out of the fullness of their experience, to furnish
an illustration that will explain or strengthen an
assertion; and this is my excuse for relating the following
anecdote. A practised diplomatist who had desired
my acquaintance, after the first interview, when he had
had but little opportunity of seeing or conversing with
me, remarked to his friends: “Voilà un homme qui a
eu de grands chagrins!” These words set me to thinking.
The skilful physiognomist’s eye did not deceive
him, only he laid to the effect of suffering the phenomenon
that should also have been ascribed to opposition.
An observant, straightforward German might
have said, “Here is a man who has had a very hard time
of it.” Since, then, the signs of past endurance and
of persevering activity do not disappear from the
face, it is no wonder if all that remains of us and our
strivings should bear the same impress, and indicate,
to the attentive observer, a mode of being whose aim
has been to preserve its balance alike under circumstances
of happiest development or narrowest limitation,
and to maintain the stubbornness, if it could not
always the highest dignity, of human existence.
But letting pass old and new, past and present, we
may in general assert that every artistic production
places us in the same state of mind the author was
in. If that was clear and bright, we shall feel free;
if that was narrow, timid, or anxious, we shall feel
limited in the same proportion.
Upon reflection, we should add that this refers only
to treatment. Material and import do not enter into
consideration. If we bear in mind this principle, and
look around in the world of art, we maintain that
every work will afford us pleasure which the artist
himself produced with ease and facility. What amateur
does not rejoice in the possession of a successful drawing
or etching of our Chodowiecki? We see in them
such an immediate apprehension of nature, as we know
it, that they leave nothing to wish for. But he would
not be able to go beyond his mark and line, without
losing all the advantage he derives from his peculiar
qualifications.
We shall even go farther, and confess that we have
derived great pleasure from Mannerists, when the manner
has not been carried too far, and that we are
pleased with the possession of their works. The artists
who have received this name have been gifted with uncommon
talent, but became early aware that, in the
state of the times as well as of the schools into which
they were cast by fate, there was no room for minute
labor, but that they must choose their part, and perfect
themselves speedily. They therefore made themselves
a language, into which they could, without farther
trouble, translate with ease and dexterity all
visible subjects, and exhibit to us representations of
all sorts of scenes with greater or less success. Thus
whole nations have been entertained and hoodwinked
for long periods of time, until at last one or another
artist has found the way back to nature and a higher
feeling of art.
We may perceive, by the Herculanean antiquities,
how the ancients also fell into this kind of manner; only
their models were too great, too present, fresh, and well
preserved, for their second and third rate artists to be
able to lose themselves entirely in insignificance.
Let us now assume a higher and more agreeable point
of view, and consider the talent with which Raphael
was so singularly gifted. Born with the happiest natural
gifts, at a time when art combined the most conscientious
labor, attention, industry, and truth, the
young man was already led by excellent masters to the
threshold, and had only to raise his foot to enter the
temple. Disciplined by Perugino in the most careful
elaboration, his genius was developed by Leonardo da
Vinci and Michelangelo. Neither of these artists, in
spite of their long life and the cultivation of their
powers, seems ever to have reached the true enjoyment
of artistic production. The former, if we look closely,
wearied himself with thought, and dissipated his powers
in mechanical inquiries; and we have to blame the
latter for spending his fairest years among stone quarries,
getting out marble blocks and slabs, so that, instead
of carrying out his intention of carving all the
heroes of the Old and New Testament, he has left only
his Moses as an example of what he could and should
have done. Raphael, however, during his whole life,
ever increased in the even facility of his work. We
see in him the development of the intellectual and
active powers, which preserve such remarkable balance
that it may be affirmed that no modern artist
has possessed such purity and completeness of thought
and such clearness of expression. In him we have
another instance of a talent that pours out to us the
freshest water from the purest source. He never affects
a Greek manner, but feels, thinks, works like a Greek.
We see the fairest talent developed in the most favorable
hours. The same thing occurred, under like conditions
and circumstances, in the time of Pericles.
It may therefore always be maintained that native
talent is indeed indispensable to production, but equally
indispensable is a commensurate development in the
provinces of nature and art. Art cannot dispense with
its prerogatives, and cannot achieve perfection without
favorable outward circumstances.
Consider the school of the Caracci. Here was a
ground-work of talent, earnestness, industry, and consistent
development; here was an element for the
natural and artistic development of admirable powers.
We see a whole dozen of excellent artists produced by
it, each practising and cultivating his peculiar talent
according to the same general idea, so that it hardly
seems possible that after times should produce anything
similar.
Let us consider the immense stride made by the
highly gifted Rubens into the world of art! He too
was no son of earth; look at the rich inheritance he was
heir to, from the old masters of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, through all the admirable artists of
the sixteenth, at the close of which he was born.
Again, think of the crowd of Dutch painters of the
seventeenth century, whose great abilities found development
now at home, now south, now north, until
we can no longer deny the incredible sagacity with
which their eye pierced into nature, and the facility
with which they have succeeded in expressing her legitimate
charm, so as to enchant us everywhere. Nay, in
proportion as we possess their productions, we are
willing to limit ourselves for long stretches of time to
their study and admiration, and are far from blaming
those amateurs who are contented with the possession
and enjoyment of this class of pictures exclusively.
In the same way, we could bring a hundred examples
in support of our assertion. To see distinctly,
to apprehend clearly, to impart with facility,—these
are the qualities that enchant us; and when we maintain
that all these are to be found in the genuine
Greek works, united with the noblest subjects, the most
unerring and perfect execution, it will be seen why it
is we always begin and end with them. Let each one
be a Greek in his own way, but let him be a Greek!
The same is true of literary merit. What is comprehensible
is always the first to attract us and give us
complete satisfaction. If we even take the works of
one and the same poet, we shall find some that seem to
indicate a degree of laborious effort, and others again
affect us like natural products, because the talent was
commensurate with the form and import. And once
more, it is our firm belief that although any age may
give birth to the fairest talent, it is not given to all to
be able to develop it in its perfect proportions.
NOTES ON DILETTANTISM
(1799)
Dilettantism presupposes Art, as botch-work does
handicraft.—Idea of Artist, in opposition to Dilettante.—Practice
of Art scientifically.—Adoption of an Objective
Art.—Legitimate progress and advancement.—Calling
and profession.—Connection with a world of
Art and Artists.—Schools.
The Dilettante does not hold the same relation to all
the arts.
All the arts have an objective and a subjective side,
and according as one or the other of these is predominant,
the Dilettante has value or not.
Where the subjective of itself is of great importance,
the Dilettante must and can approximate to the artist.
For instance, oratory, lyrical poetry, music, dance.
Where the reverse is the case, there is a more marked
distinction between Artist and Dilettante, as in architecture,
the arts of design, epic and dramatic poetry.
Art itself gives laws, and commands the time.
Dilettantism follows the lead of the time.
When masters in art follow a false taste, the Dilettante
expects so much the sooner to reach the level
of art.
The Dilettante, receiving his first impulse to self-production
from the effect of works of art on him, confounds
these effects with the objective causes and motives,
and would now make the state of feeling he has
been put into productive and practical; as if out of
the fragrance of flowers one should try to reproduce
flowers themselves.
The speaking to the feelings, the last effect of all
poetical organization, but which presupposes the concurrences
of the whole of art, seems to the Dilettante to
be the thing itself, and out of it he endeavors to produce.
In general, the Dilettante, in his ignorance of himself,
puts the passive in the place of the active, and
because he receives a lively impression from effects,
thinks from these impressed effects to produce other
effects.
The peculiar want of the Dilettante is Architectonic,
in the highest sense,—that practical power which creates,
forms, constitutes. Of this he has only a sort of
misgiving, and submits himself to his material, instead
of commanding it.
It will be found that the Dilettante runs particularly
to neatness, which is the completion of the thing in
hand, wherefrom a sort of illusion arises, as if the thing
itself were worthy of existing. The same holds true of
accuracy (accuratesse), and all the last conditions of
Form, which can just as well accompany the formless.
General principles on which Dilettantism is allowable:—
When the Dilettante subjects himself to the severest
rules at the outset, and undertakes to complete all the
successive steps with the greatest strictness,—which
he can the better afford to do, inasmuch as (1) the
goal is not demanded of him; and, (2) if he wishes to
retreat, he has prepared the surest path to connoisseurship.
In opposition to the general maxim, the Dilettante
will thus be subject to more severe criticism than the
Artist, who, resting upon a secure basis of art, incurs
less danger in departing from rules, and may even by
that means enlarge the province of art itself. The true
artist rests firmly and securely upon himself. His endeavor,
his mark, is the highest aim of art. In his own
estimation he will always be far from that aim, and
necessarily, therefore, will be always modest in regard
to art or the idea of art, and will maintain that he has
as yet accomplished little, no matter how excellent his
work may be, or how high his consciousness of superiority,
in reference to the world, may reach. Dilettanti,
or real botchers, seem, on the other hand, not
to strive towards an aim, not to see what is beyond,
but only what is beside them. On this account they are
always comparing, are for the most part extravagant
in their praise, unskilful where they blame, have an
infinite deference for their like, thus giving themselves
an air of friendliness and fairness, which is in fact only
to exalt themselves.
Dilettantism in Lyrical Poetry
The fact that the German language was in the beginning
applied to poetry, not by any one great poetic
genius, but through merely middling heads, must inspire
Dilettantism with confidence to essay itself in it.
The cultivation of French literature and language
has made even Dilettanti more artistic.
The French were always more rigorous, tended to
severer correctness, and demanded even of Dilettanti
taste and spirit within, and externally a faultless diction.—In
England, Dilettantism held more by Latin
and Greek.—Sonnets of the Italians.
Impudence of the latest Dilettantism, originated and
maintained through reminiscences of a richly cultivated
poetic dialect, and the facility of a good mechanical
exterior.
Polite literature of universities, induced by a modern
method of study.—Lady poems.—Schöngeisterei
(bel esprit).—Annual Keepsakes.—Musenalmanache.—Journals.—Beginning
and spread of translations.
Immediate transition from the classes and the university
to authorship.—Epoch of ballads, and songs of
the people.—Gessner, poetic prose.—Imitation of the
bards.—Bürger’s influence on sing-song.—Rhymeless
verses.—Klopstockean odes.—Claudius.—Wieland’s
laxity.—In earlier times: Latin verses; pedantism; more
handicraft; skill, without poetic spirit.
Dilettantism in Pragmatic Poetry
Reasons why the Dilettante hates the powerful, the
passionate, the characteristic, and only represents the
middling, the moral.
The Dilettante never paints the object, but only the
feeling it gives rise to in him.
He avoids the character of the object.
All Dilettante creations in this style of poetry will
have a pathological character, and express only the
attractions and repulsions felt by their author.
The Dilettante thinks to reach poetry by means of
his wits.
Dramatic botchers go mad when they desire to give
effect to their work.
Dilettantism in Dramatic Art
French comedy is, even among amateurs, obligato,
and a social institution.
Italian amateur-comedy is founded on a puppet, or
puppet-like, representation.
Germany, in former times, Jesuit-schools.
In later times: French amateur comedies, for aiding
the cultivation of the language, in noble houses.
Mixing up of ranks in German amateur-comedy.
Conditions, under which, perhaps, a moderate practice
in theatrical matters may be harmless and allowable,
or even in some measure advantageous:
Permanence of the same company.
To avoid passionate pieces, and choose such as are
reflective and social.
To admit no children or very young persons.
Greatest possible strictness in outward forms.
Advantages of Dilettantism in General
It prevents an entire want of cultivation.
Dilettantism is a necessary consequence of a general
extension of art, and may even be a cause of it.
It can, under certain circumstances, help to excite
and develop a true artistic talent.
Elevates handicraft to a certain resemblance to art.
Has a civilizing tendency.
In case of crude ignorance, it stimulates a certain
taste for art, and extends it to where the artist would
not be able to reach.
Gives occupation to productive power, and cultivates
something serious in man.
Appearances are changed into ideas.
Teaches to analyze impressions.
Aids the appropriation and reproduction of forms.
In Lyrical Poetry
Cultivation of language in general.
More manifold interest “in humanioribus,” in contrast
to the crudeness of the ignorant, or the pedantic
narrowness of the mere man of business or pedant.
Cultivation of the feelings and of the verbal expression
of the same.
The cultivated man ought to be able to express his
feelings with poetic beauty.
Idealization of concepts regarding objects of common
life. Cultivation of the imagination, especially as
an integral part of the culture of the intellect.
Awaking and direction of the productive imagination
to the highest functions of the mind in the sciences and
practical life.
Cultivation of the sense of the rhythmical.
There being no objective laws, either for the internal
or external construction of a poem, the amateur ought
to hold fast to acknowledged models much more strongly
than the master does, and rather imitate the good that
exists than strive after originality; and in the external
and metrical parts, follow strictly the well-known general
rules.
And as the Dilettante can only form himself after
models, he ought, in order to avoid one-sidedness, to
acquire the most universal knowledge of all models, and
survey the field of poetic literature even more perfectly
than is required of the artist himself.
In the Dramatic Art
Opportunity of farther cultivation in declamation.
Attention to one’s own representations.
Participates in the advantages predicated of Dancing.
Exercise of the Memory.
Sensuous attention and accuracy.
Disadvantage of Dilettantism in General
The Dilettante jumps over the steps, stops at certain
steps which he regards as the end, and from which
he thinks himself justified in judging of the whole; this
prevents his perfectibility.
He subjects himself to the necessity of working by
false rules, because he cannot work even as a Dilettante
without some rules, and he does not understand the
true objective rules.
He departs more and more from the truth of objects,
and loses himself in subjective errors.
Dilettantism deprives art of its element, and spoils
art’s public by depriving it of its earnestness and
strictness.
All tendency to easy contentment destroys art, and
Dilettantism brings in indulgence and favor. At the
expense of the true artists, it brings into notice those
that stand nearest to Dilettantism.
With Dilettantism the loss is always greater than the
gain.
From handicraft the way is open to rise to art, but
not from botch-work.
Dilettantism favors the indifferent, partial, and
characterless.
Injury Dilettanti do to art by bringing artists down
to their level.
Can bear no good artist near them.
In all cases where the art itself has no proper regulative
power, as in Poetry, the art of Gardening, acting,
the injury Dilettantism does is greater, and its
pretensions more arrogant. The worst case is that of
histrionic art.
In Lyrical Poetry
Belletristic shallowness and emptiness, withdrawal
from solid studies, or superficial treatment.
A greater danger exists in this than in the other
arts of mistaking a merely Dilettante dexterity for a
true genius for art, and in this case, the subject is
worse off than in any other Dilettantism, because its
existence becomes an entire nullity; for the poet is
nothing at all except through earnestness and conformity
to art.
Dilettantism in general, but especially in poetry,
weakens the feeling and perception for the good that
lies beyond it, and whilst it is indulgent to a restless
desire to produce, which leads it to nothing perfect,
robs itself of all the culture it might derive through
the perception of foreign excellences.
Poetical Dilettantism may be of two sorts. Either
it neglects the (indispensable) mechanical, and thinks
enough done if it shows mind and feeling; or it seeks
poetry only in the mechanical, acquiring a technical dexterity
therein, but without spirit or significance. Both
are injurious, but the former rather injures the art,
and the latter the subject.
All Dilettanti are Plagiarists. They enervate and
pull to pieces all that is original in manner or matter,
and at the same time imitate, copy, and piece out their
own emptiness with it. Thus the language gets filled
with phrases and formulae stolen from all sides, which
have no longer any meaning, and you may read whole
books written in a fine style and containing nothing.
In a word, all that is really beautiful and good in true
poetry is profaned, rendered common, and degraded.
In Pragmatical Poetry
All the disadvantages of Dilettantism in Lyrical
Poetry apply here in a far higher degree. Not the art
alone, but the subject also, suffers more.
Mixing up of different kinds.
In Histrionic Art
Caricature of one’s own faulty individuality.
Incapacitates the mind for all occupation, through
the illusion of a fantastic mode of viewing objects.
Expense of interest and passion, without fruit.
Eternal circle of monotonous, ever repeated, ineffectual
activity.
(There is nothing so attractive to Dilettanti as
rehearsals. Professional actors hate them.)
Special forbearance and pampering of theatrical
Dilettanti with applause.
Eternal stimulation towards a passionate condition
and behavior, without balance.
Feeding all hateful passions, with the worst results
for civic and domestic existence.
Blunting the feeling for poetry.
Use of exalted language for commonplace sentiments.
A rag-fair of thoughts, commonplaces, and descriptions
in the memory.
Pervading affectation and mannerism, reaching also
into life.
Most injurious indulgence towards the indifferent
and faulty, in a public and quite personal case.
The general tolerance for the home-made becomes in
this case more pronounced.
Most pernicious use of amateur comedies for the education
of children, where it turns into caricature. In
the same manner, the most dangerous of all amusements
for universities, &c.
Destruction of the ideality of art, because the Dilettante,
not being able to raise himself through the appropriation
of artistic ideas and traditions, must do
all through a pathological reality.
THE THEORY OF LITERATURE
THE PRODUCTION OF A NATIONAL CLASSIC [5] — FOOTNOTES:
(Literarischer Sansculottismus)
(1795)
Those who consider it an absolute duty to connect
definite concepts with the words which they employ in
speaking and writing will very rarely use the expressions,
“classical author” and “classical work.”
What are the conditions that produce a classical national
author? He must, in the first place, be born in
a great commonwealth, which after a series of great
and historic events has become a happy and unified
nation. He must find in his countrymen loftiness of
disposition, depth of feeling, and vigor and consistency
of action. He must be thoroughly pervaded with the
national spirit, and through his innate genius feel
capable of sympathizing with the past as well as the
present. He must find his nation in a high state of civilization,
so that he will have no difficulty in obtaining
for himself a high degree of culture. He must find
much material already collected and ready for his use,
and a large number of more or less perfect attempts
made by his predecessors. And finally, there must be
such a happy conjuncture of outer and inner circumstances
that he will not have to pay dearly for his mistakes,
but that in the prime of his life he may be able
to see the possibilities of a great theme and to develop
it according to some uniform plan into a well-arranged
and well-constructed literary work.
If any one, who is endowed with clearness of vision
and fairness of mind, contrasts these conditions under
which alone a classic writer, especially a classic prose-writer,
is possible, with the conditions under which the
best Germans of this century have worked, he will respect
and admire what they have succeeded in doing,
and notice with tactful regret in what they have failed.
An important piece of writing, like an important
speech, can only be the outgrowth of actual life. The
author no more than the man of action can fashion the
conditions under which he is born and under which he
acts. Each one, even the greatest genius, suffers in
some respects from the social and political conditions
of his age, just as in other respects he benefits by them.
And only from a real nation can a national writer of
the highest order be expected. It is unfair, however,
to reproach the German nation because, though closely
held together by its geographical position, it is divided
politically. We do not wish for Germany those political
revolutions which might prepare the way for
classical works.
And so any criticism which approaches the question
from such a false point of view is most unfair. The
critic must look at our conditions, as they were and as
they now are; he must consider the individual circumstances
under which German writers obtained their
training, and he will easily find the correct point of
view. There is nowhere in Germany a common centre
of social culture, where men of letters might gather
together and perfect themselves, each one in his particular
field, in conformity with the same standard.
Born in the most widely scattered portions of the land,
educated in the most diverse ways, left almost entirely
to themselves or to impressions derived from the most
varied environments, carried away by a special liking
for this or that example of German or foreign literature,
the German men of letters are forced, without any
guidance, to indulge in all sorts of experiments, even
in botch-work, in order to try their powers. Only
gradually and after considerable reflection do they
realize what they ought to do. Practice alone teaches
them what they can do. Again and again the bad taste
of a large public, which devours the bad and the good
with equal pleasure, leads them into doubt. Then
again an acquaintance with the educated though widely
scattered population of the great empire encourages
them, and the common labors and endeavors of their
contemporaries fortify them. Such are the conditions
under which German writers finally reach man’s estate.
Then concern for their own support, concern for a
family, force them to look about in the world at large,
and often with the most depressing feeling, to do work
for which they have no respect themselves, in order to
earn a livelihood, so that they can devote themselves
to that kind of work with which alone their cultured
minds would occupy themselves. What German author
of note will not recognize himself in this picture, and
will not confess with modest regret that he often enough
sighed for an opportunity to subordinate sooner the
peculiarities of his original genius to a general national
culture, which unfortunately did not exist?
For foreign customs and literatures, irrespective of
the many advantages they have contributed to the advancement
of the higher classes, have prevented the
Germans from developing sooner as Germans.
And now let us look at the work of German poets and
prose-writers of recognized ability. With what care
and what devotion did they not follow in their labors
an enlightened conviction! It is, for example, not saying
too much, when we maintain that a capable and
industrious literary critic, through a comparison of
all the editions of our Wieland,—a man of whom we
may proudly boast in spite of the snarling of all our
literary parasites,—could develop the whole theory of
good taste simply from the successive corrections of
this author, who has so indefatigably worked toward
his own improvement. We hope that every librarian
will take pains to have such a collection made, while it
is still possible, and then the next century will know
how to make grateful use of it.
In the future we may perhaps be bold enough to lay
before the public a history of the development of our
foremost writers, as it is shown in their works. We
do not expect any confessions, but if they would only
themselves impart to us, as far as they see fit, those
facts which contributed most to their development, and
those which stood most in the way of it, the influence
of the good they have done would become still more
far-reaching.
For if we consider what superficial critics take least
notice of,—the good fortune which young men of talent
enjoy nowadays in being able to develop earlier, and to
attain sooner a pure style appropriate to the subject
at hand,—to whom do they owe it but to their predecessors
in the last half of this century, each of whom in
his own way has trained himself with unceasing endeavor
amidst all sorts of hindrances? Through this
circumstance a sort of invisible school has sprung up,
and the young man who now enters it gets into a much
larger and brighter circle than the earlier author, who
had to roam through it first himself in the faint light
of dawn, in order to help widen it gradually and as it
were only by chance. The pseudo-critic, who would
light the way for us with his little lamp, comes much
too late; the day has dawned, and we shall not close
our shutters again.
Men do not give vent to their ill humor in good society;
and he must be in a very bad humor, who at this
present moment, when almost everybody writes well,
denies that Germany has writers of the first order.
One does not need to go far to find an agreeable novel,
a clever sketch, a clearly written essay on this or that
subject. What proof do not our critical papers,
journals, and compends furnish of a uniformly good
style? The Germans show a more and more thorough
mastery of facts, and the arrangement of the material
steadily gains in clearness. A dignified philosophy, in
spite of all the opposition of wavering opinions, makes
them more and more acquainted with their intellectual
powers, and facilitates the use of them. The numerous
examples of style, the preliminary labors and endeavors
of so many men, enable a young man now sooner to
present with clearness and grace and in an appropriate
manner what he has received from without and developed
within himself. Thus a healthy and fair-minded
German sees the writers of his nation at a fair stage
of development, and is convinced that the public, too,
will not let itself be misled by an ill-humored criticaster.
Such a one ought to be barred from society, from
which every one should be excluded whose destructive
work might only make productive writers disheartened,
the sympathetic public listless, and the onlookers
distrustful and indifferent.
[5] Reply to a critic who complained of “the poverty of the
Germans in great classical prose works,” and indiscriminately
attacked all the writers of the time.
GOETHE’S THEORY OF A WORLD LITERATURE
I (1827)
Everywhere we hear and read of the progress of the
human race, of the broader view of international and
human relations. Since it is not my office here to
define or qualify these broad generalities, I shall
merely acquaint my friends with my conviction that
there is being formed a universal world-literature, in
which an honorable rôle is reserved for us Germans.
All the nations review our work; they praise, censure,
accept, and reject, imitate and misrepresent us, open
or close their hearts to us. All this we must accept
with equanimity, since this attitude, taken as a whole,
is of great value to us.
We experience the same thing from our own countrymen,
and why should the nations agree among themselves
if fellow-citizens do not understand how to unite
and coöperate with each other? In a literary sense we
have a good start of the other nations; they will always
be learning to prize us more, even if they only
show it by borrowing from us without thanks, and
making use of us without giving recognition of the fact.
As the military and physical strength of a nation
develops from its internal unity and cohesion, so must
its æsthetic and ethical strength grow gradually from
a similar unanimity of feeling and ideas. This, however,
can only be accomplished with time. I look back
as a coöperator in this work over many years and
reflect how a German literature has been brought together
out of heterogeneous, if not conflicting, elements,—a
literature which for that reason is only peculiarly
one in the sense that it is composed in one language,—which,
however, out of a variety of wholly different
talents and abilities, minds and actions, criticisms and
undertakings, gradually draws out to the light of day
the true inner soul of a people.
II (1827)
My sanguine suggestion that our present active epoch
with its increasing communication between the nations
might soon hope for a world-literature has been
taken up by chance by our neighbors of the west,
who indeed can accomplish great things in this same
direction. They express themselves on the subject in
the following manner:
Le Globe, Tome V., No. 91.
“Every nation indeed, when its turn comes, feels
that tension which, like the attractive power of physical
bodies, draws one towards the other, and eventually
will unite in one universal sympathy all the races of
which humanity consists. The endeavor of scholars to
understand one another and compare one another’s
work is by no means new; the Latin language in former
times has provided an admirable vehicle for this purpose.
But however they labored and strove, the barriers
by which peoples were separated began to divide
them also, and hurt their intellectual intercourse. The
instrument of which they made use could only satisfy a
certain range and course of ideas, so that they touched
each other only through the intellect, instead of directly
through the feelings and through poetry.
Travel, the study of languages, periodical literature,
have taken the place of that universal language, and
establish many intimate and harmonious relations
which it could never cultivate. Even the nations that
devote themselves chiefly to trade and industry are
most concerned with this exchange of ideas. England,
whose home activity is so tremendous, whose life
is so busy, that it seems as if it would be able to study
nothing but itself, at the present time is showing a
symptom of this need and desire to broaden its connection
with the outside world and widen its horizon.
Its Reviews, with which we are already familiar, are
not enough for them; two new periodicals, devoted
especially to foreign literature, and coöperating together
towards that end, are to appear regularly.”
Of the first of these English journals, The Foreign
Quarterly Review, there are already two volumes in
our hands; the third we expect directly, and we shall
in the course of these pages often refer to the views of
important men who are giving proof, with so much
insight and industry, of their interest in foreign literature.
But first of all we must confess that it made us smile
to see, at the end of the old year, more than thirty
literary almanacs (Taschenbücher), already noticed
in an English journal,—not indeed reviewed, but at
least referred to with some characteristic comments.
It is pleasant that our productions of this sort meet
with approval and find a market over there, since we
are also obliged to buy their similar works for good
money. Little by little we shall discover, I suppose,
whether the balance of this trade turns out to our advantage.
But these trivial considerations must give place to
more serious ones. Left to itself every literature will
exhaust its vitality, if it is not refreshed by the interest
and contributions of a foreign one. What naturalist
does not take pleasure in the wonderful things that he
sees produced by reflection in a mirror? Now what a
mirror in the field of ideas and morals means, every
one has experienced in himself, and once his attention
is aroused, he will understand how much of his education
he owes to it.
III (1828)
The Edinburgh Review, as well as the current Foreign
and Foreign Quarterly Reviews, we can only mention
briefly here.
These journals, as they win an ever wider public, will
contribute in the most effective way towards that universal
world-literature for which we are hoping. Only,
we repeat, the idea is not that the nations shall think
alike, but that they shall learn how to understand
each other, and, if they do not care to love one
another, at least that they will learn to tolerate
one another. Several societies now exist for the purpose
of making the British Isles acquainted with the
continent, and are working effectively and with a practical
unanimity of opinion. We continentals can
learn from them the intellectual background of the
time across the channel, what they are thinking and
what their judgments about things are. On the whole,
we acknowledge gladly that they go about the work
with intense seriousness, with industry and tolerance
and general good-will. The result for us will be that we
shall be compelled to think again of our own recent literature,
which we have in some measure already put to
one side, and to consider and examine it anew. Especially
worthy of notice is their profitable method of
starting with any considerable author, and going over
the whole field in which he worked.
The methods and manner of these critics deserve our
consideration in many ways. Although varying on
many points, yet there is an agreement in criticism
upon the main issues, which seems to indicate, if not a
coterie, yet a number of contemporary critics who
have come to a similar attitude and point of view.
Worthy of our admiration are the honest and sincere
application, the careful labors, which they devote to
surveying our complex artistic and literary world, and
to looking over it with a just and fair attitude and
vision. We shall hope often to be able to return to
them and their work.
IV (1829)
MORE ABOUT A WORLD LITERATURE
The Difficulties
If a world-literature, such as is inevitable with the
ever-increasing facility of communication, is to be
formed in the near future, we must expect from it nothing
more and nothing different from what it can and
does accomplish.
The wide world, extensive as it is, is only an expanded
fatherland, and will, if looked at aright, be able
to give us no more than what our home soil can endow
us with also. What pleases the crowd spreads itself
over a limitless field, and, as we already see, meets approval
in all countries and regions. The serious and
intellectual meets with less success, but those who are
devoted to higher and more profitable things will learn
to know each other more quickly and more intimately.
For there are everywhere in the world such men, to whom
the truth and the progress of humanity are of interest
and concern. But the road which they pursue, the
pace which they keep, is not to everybody’s liking;
the particularly aggressive wish to advance faster, and
so turn aside, and prevent the furthering of that which
they could promote. The serious-minded must therefore
form a quiet, almost secret, company, since it
would be futile to set themselves against the current of
the day; rather must they manfully strive to maintain
their position till the flood has past. Their principal
consolation, and indeed encouragement, such men must
find in the fact that truth is serviceable. If they can
discover this relation, and exhibit its meaning and influence
in a vital way, they will not fail to produce a
powerful effect, indeed one that will extend over a
range of years.
The Encouragements
Since it is often profitable to present to the reader
not one’s bald thought, but rather to awaken and stimulate
his own thinking, it may be useful to recall the
above observation which I had occasion to write down
some time ago.
The question whether this or that occupation to
which a man devotes himself is useful recurs often
enough in the course of time, and must come before us
especially at this time when it is no longer permitted
to any one to live quietly according to his tastes, satisfied,
moderate, and without demands upon him. The
external world is so importunate and exciting that each
one of us is threatened with being carried away in the
whirlpool. In order to satisfy his own needs, each one
sees himself compelled to attend almost instantaneously
to the requirements of others; and the question naturally
arises whether he has any skill or readiness to
satisfy these pressing duties. There seems to be nothing
left to us to say than that only the purest and strictest
egoism can save us; but this must be a self-conscious
resolution, thoroughly felt and calmly expressed.
Let each one ask himself for what he is best fitted,
and let him cultivate this most ardently and wisely in
himself and for himself; let him consider himself successively
as apprentice, as journeyman, as older journeyman,
and finally, but with the greatest of circumspection,
as master.
If he can, with discriminating modesty, increase his
demands on the external world only with the growth
of his own capabilities, thus insinuating himself into
the world’s good graces by being useful, then he will
attain his purpose step by step, and if he succeeds in
reaching the highest level, will be able to influence men
and things with ease.
Life, if he studies it closely, will teach him the opportunities
and the hindrances which present or intrude
themselves upon him; but this much the man of practical
wisdom will always have before his eyes:—To tire
oneself out for the sake of the favor of to-day brings no
profit for to-morrow or after.
Other Considerations
Every nation has peculiarities by which it is distinguished
from the others, and it is by these distinguishing
traits that nations are also attracted to and
repelled from one another. The external expressions
of these inner idiosyncrasies appear to the others in
most cases strikingly disagreeable, or, if endurable,
merely amusing. This is why, too, we always respect
a nation less than it deserves. The inner traits, on the
other hand, are not known or recognized, by foreigners
or even by the nation itself; for the inner nature of a
whole nation, as well as the individual man, works all
unconsciously. At the end we wonder, we are astounded,
at what appears.
These secrets I do not pretend to know, much less
to have the cleverness to express them if I did. Only
this much will I say,—that, so far as my insight goes,
the characteristic intellectual and spiritual activity
of the French is now at its height again, and for that
reason will exercise soon again a great influence on the
civilized world. I would gladly say more, but it leads
too far; one has to be so detailed in order to be understood,
and to make acceptable what one has to say.
It was not merely permissible but highly admirable
that a society of Germans was formed for the special
purpose of studying German poetry; since these
persons, as cultured men acquainted with the other
fields of German literature and politics both generally
and in detail, were well qualified to select and judge
works of belles-lettres and use them as a basis for intellectual,
as well as pleasurable and stimulating, conversation.
Some one may say that the best literature of a
nation cannot be discovered or recognized, unless one
brings home to one’s mind the whole complex of its
circumstances and social conditions. Something of all
this can be obtained from the papers, which give us
enough detailed information of public affairs. But this
is not enough; we must add to it what foreigners in
their critical journals and reviews are accustomed to
say about themselves and about other nations, particularly
the Germans,—their ideas and opinions, their interest
in and reception of our productions. If one wishes,
for instance, to acquaint oneself with modern French
literature, one should study the lectures which have
been given for the last two years and are now appearing
in print,—lectures such as Guizot’s Cours d’histoire
moderne, Villemain’s Cours de littérature française,
and Cousin’s Cours de l’histoire de la philosophie.
The significance they have both at home and for us
comes out thus in the clearest fashion. Still more effective
and interesting are perhaps the frequent numbers
and volumes of Le Globe, La Revue française,
and the daily, Le Temps. None of these can be spared,
if we are to keep vividly before our eyes both sides
of these great movements in France and all the subsidiary
currents that spring from them.
French poetry, like French literature, is not distinct
in spirit from the life and passions of the nation as
a whole. In recent times it appears naturally always
as the “Opposition,” and summons every genius to
make the most of his talent in resisting the “powers
that be,” which since they are endowed with force do
not need to be intellectual or spiritual.
If we follow this verse, which reveals so much, we
see deep down into the soul of the nation, and from
the way in which they judge us, more or less favorably,
we can at the same time learn to judge ourselves. And
it can do no harm to have some one make us think about
ourselves.
Whoever follows the course proposed above will very
quickly become completely informed of all public affairs
and semi-public affairs. In our present admirably
managed book-trade it is possible to obtain books speedily,
instead of waiting, as has often been my experience,
until the author takes occasion to send his work
as a gift, so that I have often read the book long before
I received it from him.
From all this it is evident that it is no light task to
keep in touch with all the literature of the present day.
Of the English, as well as the Italian, I shall have to
speak again more particularly, for there is much more
to be said.
V
(1830)
There has been talk for some time of a general world-literature,
and indeed not without justice. For the
nations, after they had been shaken into confusion
and mutual conflict by the terrible wars, could not
return to their settled and independent life again without
noticing that they had learned many foreign ideas
and ways, which they had unconsciously adopted, and
had come to feel here and there previously unrecognized
spiritual and intellectual needs. Out of this arose
the feeling of neighborly relations, and, instead of
shutting themselves up as before, they gradually came
to desire the adoption of some sort of more or less
free spiritual intercourse.
This movement, it is true, has lasted only a short
time, but still long enough to start considerable speculation,
and to acquire from it, as one must always from
any kind of foreign trade, both profit and enjoyment.
ON EPIC AND DRAMATIC POETRY [6] — FOOTNOTES:
(1797)
The epic and the dramatic writer are both subject
to the universal poetic laws, especially the law of unity
and the law of progressive development. Furthermore
they both deal with similar subjects and both can
use a great variety of motives. The essential difference
consists in this, that an epic poet narrates an
event as completely past, while the dramatist presents
it as completely present. If one wished to develop in
detail from the nature of man these laws which both
have to follow, one would continually have to keep before
his mind a rhapsodist and an actor, each in the
character of a poet, the former surrounded by a circle
of listeners quietly following with rapt attention, the
latter by an impatient throng who have come simply to
see and to hear. It would then not be difficult to
deduce what is most advantageous to either of these
two forms of poetry, what subjects either will choose
preëminently, nor what motives either will make use of
most frequently; as I remarked in the beginning, neither
can lay claim to any one thing exclusively.
The subject of the epic as well as of tragedy should
be based on the purely human, it should be vital,
and it should make an appeal to one’s feelings. The
best effect is produced when the characters stand upon
a certain plane of cultural advancement, so that their
actions are purely the expression of their personality
and are not influenced by moral, political or mechanical
considerations. The myths of the heroic times were
especially useful to the poets on these grounds.
The epic poem represents more especially action restricted
to individuals; tragedy, suffering restricted to
individuals. The epic poem represents man as an
external agent, engaged in battles, journeys, in fact
in every possible kind of undertaking, and so demands
a certain elaborateness of treatment. Tragedy, on the
other hand, represents man as an internal agent, and
the action, therefore, requires but little space in a genuine
tragedy.
There are five kinds of motives:
(1) Progressive, which advance the action. These
the drama uses preëminently.
(2) Retrogressive, which draw the action away from
its goal. These the epic poem uses almost exclusively.
(3) Retarding, which delay the progress of the action
or lengthen its course. Both epic and tragic
poetry use these to very great advantage.
(4) Retrospective, which introduce into the poem
events which happened before the time of the poem.
(5) Prospective, which anticipate what will happen
after the time of the poem. The epic as well as the
dramatic poet uses the last two kinds of motives to
make his poem complete.
The worlds which are to be represented are common
to both, namely:—
(1) The physical world, which consists first of all
of the immediate world to which the persons represented
belong and which surrounds them. In it the dramatist
limits himself mostly to one locality, while the epic
poet moves about with greater freedom and in a larger
sphere. Secondly, the physical world, containing the
more remote world in which all of nature is included.
This world the epic poet, who appeals exclusively to the
imagination, makes more intelligible through the use
of similes and metaphors, which figures of speech are
employed more sparingly by the dramatist.
(2) The moral world, which is absolutely common
to both, and, whether normal or pathological, is best
represented in its simplicity.
(3) The world of fancies, forebodings, apparitions,
chance and fate. This is available to both, only it
must of course be approximated to the world of the
senses. In this world there arises a special difficulty
for us moderns, because we cannot easily find substitutes
for the fabulous creatures, gods, soothsayers and
oracles of the ancients, however much we may desire to.
If we consider the manner of treatment as a whole,
we shall find the rhapsodist, who recites what is completely
past, appearing as a wise man, with calm deliberation
surveying the events. It will be the purpose
of his recital to get his hearers into an even frame
of mind, so that they will listen to him long and willingly.
He will divide the interest evenly, because it
is impossible for him to counteract quickly a too vivid
impression. He will, according to his pleasure, go back
in point of time or anticipate what is to come. We may
follow him everywhere, for he makes his appeal only
to the imagination, which originates its own images and
which is to a certain extent indifferent as to which
images are called up. The rhapsodist as a higher being
ought not to appear himself in his poem; he would
read best of all behind a curtain, so that we may
separate everything personal from his work, and may
believe we are hearing only the voice of the Muses.
The actor represents the very reverse of this. He
presents himself as a definite individuality. It is his
desire to have us take interest exclusively in him and
in his immediate surroundings, so that we may feel with
him the sufferings of his soul and of his body, may share
his embarrassments and forget ourselves in him. To
be sure he, too, will proceed by degrees, but he can risk
far more vivid effects, because by his actual presence
before the eyes of the audience he can neutralize a
stronger impression even by a weaker one. The senses of
spectators and listeners must be constantly stimulated.
They must not rise to a contemplative frame of mind,
but must follow eagerly; their imagination must be completely
suppressed; no demands must be made upon it;
and even what is narrated must be vividly brought before
their vision, as it were, in terms of action.
SUPPLEMENT TO ARISTOTLE’S POETICS [7] — FOOTNOTES:
(1827)
Every one who has concerned himself at all about the
theory of poetic art—and of tragedy in particular—will
remember a passage in Aristotle which has caused
the commentators much difficulty, without their ever
having been able to convince themselves wholly of its
meaning. In his definition of tragedy this great writer
seems to demand of it that, through the representation
of stirring deeds and events, which should arouse pity
and fear, the soul of the spectator should be purified
of these passions.
My thoughts and convictions in regard to this passage
I can best impart by a translation of it:—
“Tragedy is the imitation of a significant and complete
action, which has a certain extension in time and
is portrayed in beautiful language by separate individuals,
each of whom plays a rôle, instead of having
all represented by one person as in the narration of a
story or epic. After a course of events arousing pity
and fear, the action closes with the equilibration of
these passions.”
In the foregoing translation, I believe I have made
this hitherto dubious passage clear; it will only be
necessary to add the following remarks: Could Aristotle,
notwithstanding his always objective manner,—as,
for instance, here, where he seems to be speaking
exclusively of the technique of tragedy,—be really
thinking of the effect, indeed the distant effect, upon
the spectator? By no means! He speaks clearly and
definitely: When the course of action is one arousing
pity and fear, the tragedy must close on the stage with
an equilibration, a reconciliation, of these emotions.
By “catharsis,” he understands this reconciling culmination,
which is demanded of all drama, indeed of all
poetical works.
This occurs in the tragedy through a kind of human
sacrifice, whether it be rigidly worked out with the
death of the victim, or, under the influence of a favoring
divinity, be satisfied by a substitute, as in the case
of Abraham and Agamemnon. But this reconciliation,
this release, is necessary at the end if the tragedy is
to be a perfect work of art. This release, on the other
hand, when effected through a favorable or desirable
outcome, rather makes the work resemble an intermediate
species of art, as in the return of Alcestis. In
comedy, on the contrary, for the clearing up of all
complications, which in themselves are of little significance
from the point of view of arousing fear and hope,
a marriage is usually introduced; and this, even if it
does not end life completely, does make in it an important
and serious break. Nobody wants to die, everybody
to marry; and in this lies the half-jocose, half-serious
difference between tragedy and comedy in practical
æsthetics.
We shall perceive further that the Greeks did make
use of their “trilogy” for such a purpose; for there
is no loftier “catharsis” than the Œdipus of Kolonus,
where a half-guilty delinquent,—a man who, through a
demonic strain in his nature, through the sombre vehemence
as well as greatness of his character, and
through a headstrong course of action, puts himself at
the mercy of the ever-inscrutable, unalterable powers,—plunges
himself and his family into the deepest, irreparable
misery, and yet finally, after having made
atonement and reparation, is raised to the company of
the gods, as the auspicious protecting spirit of a region,
revered with special sacrifices and services.
Here we find the principle of the great master, that
the hero of a tragedy must be regarded and represented
neither as wholly guilty nor as wholly innocent.
In the first case the catharsis would merely result from
the nature of the story, and the murdered wretch would
appear only to have escaped the common justice which
would have fallen upon him anyway by law. In the
second case, it is not feasible either; for then there
would seem to fall on human power or fate the weight
of an all too heavy burden of injustice.
But on this subject I do not wish to wax polemical,
any more than on any other; I have only to point out
here how up to the present time people have been inclined
to put up with a dubious interpretation of this
passage. Aristotle had said in the Politics that music
could be made use of in education for ethical purposes,
since by means of the sacred melodies the minds
of those raised to frenzy by the orgies were quieted and
soothed again; thus he thought other emotions and passions
could be calmed and equilibrated. That the argument
here is from analogous cases we cannot deny; yet
we think they are not identical. The effect of music depends
on its particular character, as Handel has
worked out in his “Alexander’s Feast,” and as we can
see evidenced at every ball, where perhaps after a chaste
and dignified polonaise, a waltz is played and whirls
the whole company of young people away in a bacchic
frenzy.
For music, like all the arts, has little power directly
to influence morality, and it is always wrong to
demand such results from them. Philosophy and Religion
alone can accomplish this. If piety and duty must
be stimulated, the arts can only casually effect this
stimulation. What they can accomplish, however, is
a softening of crude manners and morals; yet even this
may, on the other hand, soon degenerate into effeminacy.
Whoever is on the path of a truly moral and spiritual
self-cultivation, will feel and acknowledge that
tragedy and tragic romance do not quiet and satisfy
the mind, but rather tend to unsettle the emotions and
what we call the heart, and induce a vague, unquiet
mood. Youth is apt to love this mood and is for that
reason passionately devoted to such productions.
We now return to our original point, and repeat:
Aristotle speaks of the technique of tragedy, in the sense
that the poet, making it the object of his attention,
contrives to create something pleasing to eye and ear in
a course of a completed action.
If the poet has fulfilled this purpose and his duty
on his side, tying together his knots of meaning and
unraveling them again, the same process will pass before
the mind of the spectator; the complications will
perplex him, the solution enlighten him, but he will not
go home any the better for it all. He will be inclined
perhaps, if he is given to reflection, to be amazed at
the state of mind in which he finds himself at home
again—just as frivolous, as obstinate, as zealous, as
weak, as tender or as cynical as he was when he went
out. On this point we believe we have said all we can
until a further working out of the whole subject makes
it possible to understand it more clearly.
[7] “I have just re-read the Poetics of Aristotle with the greatest
pleasure; intelligence in its highest manifestation is a fine
thing. It is really remarkable how Aristotle limits himself
entirely to experience, and so appears, if perhaps somewhat material,
for the most part all the more solid. It was also stimulating
to me to see with what liberality he always shields the poet
against the fault-finders and the hypercritical, how he always insists
on essentials, and in everything else is so lax that in more
than one place I was simply amazed. It is this that makes his
whole view of poetry, and especially of his favorite forms, so
vivifying that I shall soon take up the book again, especially
in regard to some important passages which are not quite clear
and the meaning of which I wish to investigate further.”—Goethe
to Schiller, April 28, 1797.
ON THE GERMAN THEATRE
(1815)
Now that the German stage, as one of our best national
institutions, is emerging from an unfortunate
narrowness and seclusion into freedom and vitality, wise
directors are exerting themselves to produce an effect
on a wide public, and not to confine themselves, however
earnestly, to any single institution. Poets, actors,
managers, and public will come to a better and better’
mutual understanding, but in the gratification of the
moment they must not forget what their predecessors
accomplished. Only upon a repertory which includes
older plays can a national theatre be founded. I hope
that the following words will have a favorable reception,
so that the author’s courage will be stimulated and he
will come forward from time to time with similar suggestions.
A Plan of Schiller’s, and What Came of It
When the lamented Schiller, through the influence of
the court, the solicitations of society, and the inclinations
of his friends, was moved to change his place
of residence from Jena to Weimar, and to renounce that
seclusion in which until then he had wrapt himself, he
had the theatre at Weimar particularly in his mind, and
he decided to devote his attention carefully and closely
to the productions there.
And such a narrowing of his field the poet needed,
for his extraordinary genius from his youth up had
sought the heights and the depths. The power of his
imagination, his poetical activity, had led him over a
great range; but in spite of the ardor with which his
mind traversed this broad range, with further experience
it could not escape his clear insight that these qualities
must necessarily lead him astray in the field of the
theatre.
At Jena his friends had been witness to the perseverance
and resolute determination with which he occupied
himself with “Wallenstein.” This subject, which
kept expanding at the hands of his genius, was worked
out, knit together, revised, in numerous ways, until
he saw at last that it would be necessary to divide
the piece into three parts, as was thereupon done. And
afterwards he did not cease to make alterations, in order
that the principal scenes might acquire all the effect
that was possible. The result was, however, that the
Death of Wallenstein was given oftener on all stages
than the Camp and the Piccolomini.
Don Carlos had been condensed still earlier for the
stage; and whoever will compare this play, as it is
produced, with the earlier printed edition, will recognize
the same laborious changes. For though Schiller
in sketching out the plan of his work felt bound by no
limitations, in a later revision for theatrical purposes he
had the courage, as a result of his convictions, to adapt
it stringently, yes even mercilessly, to the practical exigencies
of the situation. These meant a definite limitation
of time; all the principal scenes had to pass before
the eyes of the audience in a certain period of
time. All the other scenes he omitted, and yet he could
never really confine himself to the space of three hours.
The Robbers, Intrigue and Love, Fiesco, productions
of an aggressive youthful impatience and indignation
at a severe and confining training, had to undergo
many alterations for the stage-production which was
eagerly demanded by the public and especially the young
men. About them all he would speculate whether it
was not possible to assimilate them to a more refined
taste, a taste such as he had trained himself since to
feel. On this point he was accustomed to take long
and detailed counsel with himself, in long sleepless
nights, and sometimes on pleasant evenings in talks
with his friends.
Could these discussions and suggestions have been
preserved by a shorthand writer, we should have possessed
a noteworthy contribution to productive criticism.
But even more valuable will discerning readers
find Schiller’s own remarks about the projected and
indeed commenced “Demetrius,” which fine example of
penetrating and critical creative ability is preserved for
us in the supplement to his works. The three plays
mentioned above, however, we decided not to touch, for
what is offensive in them is too closely bound up with
their contents and form; and we had to trust to fortune
in transmitting them to posterity just as they
had sprung from a powerful and bizarre genius.
Schiller, finely matured, had not attended many
performances, when his active mind, considering the
situation and taking a comprehensive view of things,
got the idea that what had been done to his own works
could be done in the case of other men’s. So he drew
up a plan whereby the work of earlier playwrights might
be preserved for the German theatre, without prejudice
to contemporary writers,—the accepted material, the
contents of the works chosen, to be adapted to a form
which should be partly determined by the requirements
of the stage and partly by the ideas and spirit of the
present time. For these reasons he decided to devote
the hours which were left him from his own work to
constructing plans, in company with congenial friends,
whereby plays which had a significance for our age
might be revised, and a true German Theatre founded,—not
only for the benefit of the reader, who would come
to know famous plays from a new standpoint, but also
for the benefit of the numerous theatres of Germany,
which would be given the opportunity of strengthening
their repertories by laying a solid foundation of older
works under the ephemeral productions of the day.
In order then to found the German Theatre on true
German soil, it was Schiller’s intention to revise Klopstock’s
Hermanns Schlacht. The play was taken up,
but the first consideration of it produced much doubt
in his mind. Schiller’s judgment was in general very
liberal, but at the same time independent and critical.
The ideal demands which Schiller according to his nature
was obliged to make were not satisfied, and the
piece was soon laid aside. Present-day criticism requires
no hints in order to discover the grounds for
the decision.
Towards Lessing’s work Schiller had a singular attitude.
He did not care particularly for it,—indeed,
Emilia Galotti was repugnant to him. Yet this tragedy
as well as Minna von Barnhelm was accepted in the
repertory. He then devoted himself to Nathan der
Weise, and in this revision, in which he was glad to
have the coöperation of discerning friends, the piece
is played to this day, and it will be retained on the
boards, because able actors will always be found who
feel themselves equal to the rôle of Nathan. And
may the German public remember always that it
is called not only to witness this well-known piece, so
excellently staged, but also to hear it and to understand
it! May there never come a time when the
divine spirit of toleration and forbearance contained
in it will cease to be sacred to the nation.
The presence of the distinguished Iffland in 1796
gave occasion for the shortening of Egmont to the form
in which it is now given here and in several places at
present. That Schiller rather mutilated it in his revision
is indicated by a comparison of the following scenes with
the printed play itself. The public was annoyed at
the omission of the Princess, for instance; yet there is
in Schiller’s work such a consistency that no one
has dared to attempt to alter the piece for fear that
other errors and misadjustments might creep into its
present form.
Egmont
(First Act)
In an open square, cross-bow shooters. One of Egmont’s
men is being elevated to the post of captain,
through his skill in shooting, and his health and that of
the lord are being drunk; public affairs are discussed,
and the characters of distinguished persons. The disposition
of the people begins to show itself. Other
citizens come in; unrest is revealed. A lawyer joins
them, and begins to discuss the liberties of the people.
Dissent and quarrels follow. Egmont enters, quiets
his men, and threatens the trouble-maker. He exhibits
himself as an honored and popular prince.
(Second Act)
Egmont and his private secretary, through whose
discourse one catches a glimpse of the liberal, independent,
audacious spirit of the hero. Orange attempts
to inculcate caution into his friend, and since word
has come of the arrival of the Duke of Alva, tries to
persuade him to flee; but all in vain.
(Third Act)
The citizens in fear of the impending danger; the
lawyer foretells Egmont’s fate; the Spanish watch enters,
and the people scatter.
In a room in one of the houses we find Klaerchen
thinking of her love for Egmont. She seeks to spurn
the affection of her lover Brackenburg, then proceeds
with mingled pleasure and dread to think of
her relations with Egmont; he enters, and all is
joy and happiness.
(Fourth Act)
The Palace. Alva’s character becomes evident
through his measures; Ferdinand, his natural son, who
is attracted by the personality of Egmont, is ordered
to take him prisoner, in order that he himself may
become accustomed to tyranny. Egmont and Alva
in conversation; the former frank and open, the latter
reserved and at the same time tries to irritate Egmont.
The latter is arrested.
Brackenburg on the street; twilight. Klaerchen
wishes to incite the citizens to liberate Egmont, but
they withdraw in alarm; Brackenburg, alone with
Klaerchen, attempts to calm her, but in vain.
(Fifth Act)
Klaerchen alone in a room. Brackenburg brings the
news of preparations for Egmont’s execution. Klaerchen
takes poison, Brackenburg rushes away, the lamp
goes out, signifying that Klaerchen has passed away.
The prison, Egmont alone. The sentence of death
is announced to him. Scene with Ferdinand, his young
friend. Egmont, alone, falls asleep. Vision of Klaerchen
in the background. He is waked by drums, and
follows the watch, almost with the air of the commander
himself.
Concerning the last appearance of Klaerchen, opinions
are divided; Schiller was opposed to it, the author
in favor of it; the public will not allow it to be
omitted.
Since the present discussion does not attempt to deal
with plays chronologically but with reference to other
considerations, and particularly from the standpoint
of author and adapter, I shall turn next to Stella,
which also owes its appearance in the theatre to Schiller.
Since the action of the piece is unimpassioned and
smooth, he left it substantially unchanged, only shortening
the dialogue here and there, especially when it
seemed to be passing from the dramatic to the idyllic
and elegiac. For just as there may be too many incidents
in a piece, so there may be too great an expression
of feeling. So Schiller resisted the enticements
of many charming passages and struck them relentlessly
out. Well-staged, the piece was presented on January
15, 1806, for the first time, and repeated. It soon became
evident that, according to our customs, which are
founded strictly on monogamy, the relation of a man to
two wives, especially as it appeared in this play, was not
to be reconciled, and for that reason was only fit material
for tragedy. For that reason the attempt of the
intelligent Cecilie to harmonize the incongruities proved
futile. The piece took a tragic turn, and ended in a
way that satisfied the emotions and elevated the feelings.
At present the piece is quite competently acted, and
consequently receives the most unqualified applause.
But a sweeping assurance of this kind can hardly be of
practical utility to the playhouses which intend to put
on the piece; and I therefore add in detail some further
and necessary considerations.
The rôle of Fernando every actor, not too young,
will be glad to undertake, actors, that is, who are fitted
to heroic or lovers’ rôles, and they will try to express
with all the emotion and effect possible, the impassioned
dilemma in which they are placed.
The allotment of the feminine rôles is more difficult.
There are five of them,—carefully differentiated and
contrasted characters. The actress who undertakes the
rôle of Stella must depict to us not only her indestructible
affection, her passionate love, her glowing enthusiasm,
but must also make us share her feeling, and
carry us along with her.
Cecilie, who at first appears weak and repressed, must
soon leave this all behind her, and appear before us as
a high-spirited heroine of courage and intelligence.
Lucia represents a person who in the midst of an
easy and comfortable life has cultivated her talents
independently, does not feel the outer pressures which
force themselves upon her, but rather casts them off.
Not a trace of priggishness or conceit should appear.
The postmistress is no quarrelsome old woman, but
a young, cheerful, active widow, who would like to
marry again only in order to be better obeyed.
Ann, if possible, should be acted by a little child. In
the mouth of a child, if she speaks clearly, the decisiveness
of what she has to say sounds extremely well. If
the proper contrasts and shading are given to all these
characters, this tragedy will not miss its effect.
The first act, which portrays external life, should be
mastered with extraordinary care and thoroughness,
and even the unimportant incidents ought to betray a
certain artistic fitness. The sounding of the posthorn
twice, for instance, produces an agreeable and even
artistic effect. The steward also should not be impersonated
by a mediocre but by an excellent actor,
who will play the rôle of the kindly old man called to
a lover’s aid.
If one considers the incredible advantage which the
composer has in being able to indicate in his score all
his wishes and intentions by a thousand words and signs,
one will pardon the dramatic poet also if he seeks to
enjoin upon the directors and managers what he holds
indispensable for the success of his work.
Die Laune des Verliebten was produced at the theatre
in March, 1805, just when this little piece was forty
years old. In it everything depends on the rôle of
Egle. If a versatile actress can be found who expresses
the character perfectly, then the piece is safe,
and is witnessed with pleasure. One of our most
agreeable and charming actresses, who was going to
Breslau, took it to the theatre there. An ingenious
writer made use of the idea of the character and composed
several pieces with this motive for the actress.
Stella is also at present well received in Berlin.
Here I venture to make an observation which seems
to me worth careful consideration on the part of stage-managers.
If one tries to discover just why certain
pieces, to which some worth is not to be denied, either
are never produced or else, even when they make a good
impression for a time, yet little by little disappear from
the boards, one will find that the cause lies neither
with the piece nor with the public, but that the necessary
actors are lacking. For this reason it is advisable
that pieces should not be laid entirely aside or
dropped from the repertory. Rather let them be kept
constantly in mind, even if there is no opportunity to
give them for years. Then when the time comes
that the rôles can be adequately filled again, one
does not lose the chance of making an excellent impression.
Thus, for instance, the German theatre would experience
a great change if a figure like the famous
Seylerin should appear, with a genuine dramatic talent
trained according to our modern requirements. Speedily
would Medea, Semiramis, Agrippina and other heroines,
which we think of as so colossal, be resurrected
from the grave; other rôles besides would be transformed.
Think only of such a figure as Orsina, and
Emilia Galotti is quite another play; the Prince is exonerated
as soon as one realizes that so powerful and
imperious a person is the encumbrance upon his shoulders.
We turn now to the Mitschuldigen. That it has a
certain dramatic value may be inferred from the fact
that, at a time when all German actors seemed afraid
of rhythm and rhyme, it was turned into prose and produced
at the theatre, where it could not maintain itself
because a principal feature, the poetic rhythm and the
rhyme, was lacking. But now, when the actors are
more skilled in both, this attempt could be made. Some
of its crudities were removed, some archaic touches modernized,
and thus it continues to hold the boards still
if the cast is good. It was put on at the same time
as Die Laune des Verliebten, in March, 1805. Schiller
made many suggestions for the production, but he did
not live to see the Raetsel produced in September of
the same year. This had a great success, but the author
desired to remain anonymous for a long time. Afterwards,
however, he published a sequel, and the two
pieces help to support each other.
Let us not hesitate in the German theatre, where
there appears so much variety besides, to place side by
side pieces of similar motive and atmosphere, in order
that we may at least give a certain breadth to the
different departments of dramatic production.
Iphigenia, not without some abbreviation, was put
on the Weimar stage as early as 1802; Tasso first in
1807 after a long and quiet preparation. Both plays
continue to hold the boards, with the support of actors
and actresses who are exceptionally excellent and well
adapted to the rôles.
Finally we shall mention Goetz von Berlichingen,
which was produced for the first time in September,
1804. Although Schiller himself would not undertake
this new revision, he coöperated in every possible way,
and was able by his bold resolution to facilitate for
the author many a point of revision; from the beginning
to the final production he was most influential
and effective both in word and deed. Since it is produced
at few theatres, it may be worth while to relate
here briefly the action of the piece, and to point out in
general the principles according to which this revision
was made.
Goetz von Berlichingen
(First Act)
By the insults which are accorded his servants by
some peasants in the inn at Bamberg, we learn of the
hostility between Goetz and the Bishop. Some horsemen
in the service of this knight enter and relate that
Weislingen, the Bishop’s right-hand man, is in the neighborhood.
They hurry away to notify their master.
Goetz appears in front of a hut in the woods, alert
and listening. A stable-boy, George, declares himself
a future hero. Brother Martin expresses envy of the
soldiers, husband, and father. The servants come in
with the news, Goetz hastens away, and the boy is
quieted by the present of a saint’s picture.
At Jaxthausen, Goetz’s castle, we find his wife, sister
and son. The former exhibits herself as a capable
noblewoman, the latter as a tender-hearted woman,
the son as rather effeminate. Faud brings word that
Weislingen is captured and Goetz is bringing him in.
The women go out; the two knights enter; by Goetz’s
frank demeanor and the narration of old stories,
Weislingen’s heart is touched. Maria and Karl come
in; the child invites them to sit down at table, Maria
asks them to be friends. The knights give each other
their hands, Maria stands between them.
(Second Act)
Maria and Weislingen enter. They have become
lovers. Goetz and Elizabeth appear; they are all
busy with hopes and plans. Weislingen is happy in
his new situation. Franz, Weislingen’s lad, comes from
Bamberg and awakes old memories; he also draws a
picture of the dangerous Adelaide of Walldorf. His
passion for this lady is not to be mistaken, and we
begin to fear that he will carry away his master
with him.
Hans von Selbitz comes in, representing himself to
the Lady Elizabeth as a merry knight-errant. Goetz
gives him welcome. The news that merchants from
Nuremberg are passing by to the fair is brought in;
they go out. In the forest we find the merchants from
Nuremberg; they are fallen upon and robbed. Through
George, Goetz learns that Weislingen has left him.
Goetz is inclined to work off his chagrin on the captured
merchants, but he is moved to give back a jewel-box
which a lover is taking to his mistress; for Goetz
thinks with sadness how he must break the news to his
sister of the loss of her betrothed.
(Third Act)
Two merchants appear in the pleasure-gardens at
Augsburg. Maximilian, vexed, refuses to see them.
Weislingen encourages them, and makes use of the opportunity
to influence the Emperor against Goetz and
other unruly knights.
Here the relations between Weislingen and his wife
Adelaide develop; she compels him unconditionally to
promote her ambitions. The growing passion of Franz
for her, the wanton arts used to seduce him, become
apparent.
We now return to Jaxthausen. Sickingen woos
Maria. Selbitz brings the news that Goetz is declared
an outlaw. They seize weapons. Lerse is announced;
Goetz receives him joyfully.
We are now on a mountain; wide view, ruined tower,
castle and rocks. A gipsy family is here seeking protection
from the dangers of the military campaign and
the unrest of the country. They serve to give coherence
to the following scenes. The captain of the Imperial
troops enters, gives his orders, makes himself
comfortable. The gipsies cajole him. George comes suddenly
upon the summit; Selbitz is brought in wounded,
having been attacked by servants of the Emperor, and
rescued by Lerse. He is visited by Goetz.
(Fourth Act)
Jaxthausen. Maria and Sickingen, with them the
victorious Goetz. He is afraid that he will be surrounded.
Maria and Sickingen are married; Goetz
persuades them to leave the castle. Summons, a siege,
brave resistance, the family table once more; Lerse
brings news of a capitulation; treachery.
Weislingen’s and Adelaide’s dwelling in Augsburg.
Night. Adelaide’s masked ball. It is noticeable that
the Archduke is her centre of interest at this occasion;
but she is able to silence the jealous Franz and use him
for her purposes.
Tavern at Heilbronn. The Town Hall there.
Goetz’s daring and boldness. Sickingen releases him.
The familiar scenes are left in.
(Fifth Act)
A wood. Goetz and George lying in wait for a wild
animal. It is painfully evident out here that Goetz
cannot cross his boundaries. We realize the mischief
of the peasant war. The monster advances; Max
Stumpf, whom they have dragged along with them
as a guide and leader, decides to leave them and the
position. Goetz, half persuaded, half compelled, yields,
announces himself as their captain for four weeks and
breaks his ban. The peasants are divided in spirit, and
the devil is loose.
Weislingen appears at the head of knights and soldiers
against the rebels, in order especially to capture
Goetz, and thus free himself from the hateful feeling
of inferiority. Relations with his wife are very
strained; Franz’s overwhelming passion becomes more
and more evident. Goetz and George in the painful
situation of being associated and implicated with rebels.
A secret judgment is issued against him. Goetz
flees to the gipsies and is captured by the Imperial
troops.
Adelaide’s palace. The adventuress parts with the
happy youth, after she has prevailed upon him to bring
poison to her husband. An apparition appears; a
powerful scene follows.
From these dismal surroundings, we pass to a bright
spring garden. Maria is sleeping in a bower of flowers.
Lerse comes to her, and rouses her to beg Weislingen
for her brother’s life.
Weislingen’s palace. The dying man, with Maria
and Franz. Goetz’s sentence to death is revoked, and
we leave the dying hero in the prison garden.
The principles of the earlier revisions were again applied
in this case. The number of scene-changes was
lessened, securing more opportunity for the development
of the characters, the action was condensed, and,
though with many sacrifices, the play finally approximated
genuine dramatic form. Why it has not in this
form spread more widely on the German stage will
be eventually understood, I presume, since critics are
not disinclined to give accounts of the reception on
the stage of the plays of the various German authors,
the treatment they receive and the length of time their
pieces last.
If these remarks are favorably received, we shall
probably discuss next the introduction of foreign plays,
such as has already taken place at the Weimar Theatre.
This includes Greek and French, English, Italian and
Spanish plays, besides the comedies of Terence and
Plautus, in which masks are made use of.
Most necessary would it be perhaps to discuss Shakespeare
and combat the prejudice that the works of
this extraordinary writer should be given in the German
Theatre in their complete length and breadth.
This false idea has meant the suppression of the older
revisions of Schroeder, and prevented others from
prospering.
It must be emphatically insisted, and with solid reason,
that in this case as in so many others the reader
must be distinguished from and part company with the
spectator; each has his rights, and neither should be
permitted to injure the other’s.
LUDWIG TIECK’S DRAMATURGIC FRAGMENTS
(1826)
My mind has been stimulated in many ways by this
noteworthy book.
As a dramatic poet, as a writer who by extensive
travels and by personal observation and study of foreign
theatres has qualified himself as a critic of insight
and knowledge in connection with our native
theatre, and as one who by scholarly study has fitted
himself to be a historian of past and present times, the
author has an assured position with the German public,
which is here especially evident and notable. In
him, criticism rests upon pleasure, pleasure upon knowledge,
and these criteria, which are usually thought of
as distinct, are here fused into a satisfying whole.
His reverence for Kleist is highly praiseworthy. As
far as I am personally concerned, in spite of the sincerest
desire to appreciate him justly, Kleist always
arouses in me horror and aversion, as of a body intended
by nature to be beautiful, but seized by an incurable
illness. Tieck is the very reverse; he dwells
rather upon the good that has been left by nature;
the deformity he puts aside, excusing much more than
he blames. For, after all, this man of genius deserves
only our pity; on this point we do reach agreement.
I also agree with him willingly when, as champion
for the unity, indivisibility and inviolability of Shakespeare’s
plays, he wants to have them put on the stage
without revision or modification from beginning to end.
When ten years ago I was of the contrary opinion,
and made more than one attempt to select only the
particularly effective parts of Shakespeare’s plays,
rejecting the disturbing and the diffuse, I was quite
right, as director of the theatre, in doing so. For I
had had experience in tormenting myself and the actors
for the space of a month, and of finally putting on a
production which indeed entertained and aroused admiration,
but which on account of conditions hardly possible
to fulfil more than once, could not maintain its
place in the repertory. Still I am perfectly willing
that such attempts should here and there be made, for,
on the whole, failure does no harm.
Since men are not to get rid of longing and aspiration,
it is salutary for them to direct their unsatisfied
idealism towards some definite object, to work,
for instance, towards depicting a mighty though vanished
past seriously and worthily in the present. Now
actors as well as poets and readers have the opportunity
to study and see Shakespeare, and, through their
endeavors to attain the unattainable, disclose the true
inner capabilities and potentialities of their own nature.
Though in these respects I completely approve of
the valuable efforts of my old co-worker, I must confess
that I differ from him in some of his utterances; as,
for instance, that “Lady Macbeth is a tender, loving
soul, and as such should be played.” I do not consider
such remarks to be really the author’s opinion, but
rather paradoxes, which in view of the weighty authority
of our author can only work great harm.
It is in the nature of the case, and Tieck himself
has presented significant illustrations of the fact, that
an actor who does not feel himself to be quite in agreement
with the conventional portrayal, may in clever
fashion modify and adjust it to himself and his own
nature, and fit the new interpretation so well as to
provide, as it were, a new and brilliant creation, and
indemnify us for the clever fiction with unexpected and
delightful new grounds of comparison and contrast.
This we must admit as valid; but we cannot approve
the case where the theorist makes certain intimations
to the actor, whereby the latter is led astray to portray
the rôle in a new manner and style against the
obvious intention of the poet.
From many viewpoints such an undertaking is questionable.
The public is looking for authority always;
and it is right. For do we not act similarly in taking
counsel in joy and sorrow with those who are well versed
in the wisdom of art and of life? Whoever then has
acquired any legitimate authority in any field should
strive, by continual assiduity in holding close to the
line of the true and the right, to preserve that authority
in inviolable sanctity.
An important paper is Tieck’s explanation of the
Piccolomini and the Wallenstein. I saw these plays
develop from beginning to end, and I am filled with
admiration at the degree of penetration which he shows
in treating a work which, although one of the most
excellent not only on the German stage but on all
stages, yet in itself is unequal, and for that reason
often fails to satisfy the critic, although the crowd,
which does not take the separate parts with such strictness,
is necessarily charmed with it as a whole.
Most of the places where Tieck finds something to
criticize, I find reason to consider as pathological. If
Schiller had not been suffering from a long wasting
disease, which finally killed him, the whole thing would
have been different. Our correspondence, which relates
in the clearest way the circumstances under which
Wallenstein was written, will stimulate thoughtful
people to much profitable reflection, and persuade them
to think ever more seriously how closely our æsthetics
is connected with physiology, pathology, and physics:
in this way they may realize the light which these sciences
throw upon the conditions to which individuals
as well as whole nations, the most extensive world-epochs
as well as daily affairs, are subjected.
ON DIDACTIC POETRY
(1827)
Didactic poetry is not a distinct poetic style or
genre in the same sense as the lyric, epic, and dramatic.
Every one will understand this who recognizes that the
latter differ in form, and therefore didactic poetry,
which derives its name from its content, cannot be put
in the same category.
All poetry should be instructive, but unobviously so.
It should draw the attention of a reader to the idea
which is of value to be imparted; but he himself must
draw the lesson out of it, as he does out of life.
Didactic or schoolmasterly poetry is a hybrid between
poetry and rhetoric. For that reason, as it approximates
now one and now the other, it is able to
possess more or less of poetic value. But, like descriptive
and satirical poetry, it is always a secondary and
subordinate species, which in a true æsthetic is always
placed between the art of poetry and the art of speech.
The intrinsic worth of didactic poetry, that is to
say, of an edifying art-work, written with charm and
vigor, and graced with rhythm and melody and the
ornament of imaginative power, is for that reason in
no way lessened. From the rhymed chronicles, from
the verse-maxims of the old pedagogues, down to the
best of this class, all have their value, considered in
their place and taken at their proper worth.
If one examines the matter closely and without prejudice,
it strikes one that didactic poetry is valuable
for the sake of its popular appeal. Even the most
talented poet should feel himself honored to have treated
in this style a chapter of useful knowledge. The English
have some highly praiseworthy examples of this
style. With jest and seriousness they curry favor with
the crowd, and then discuss in explanatory notes whatever
the reader must know in order to understand the
poem. The teacher in the field of æsthetics, ethics, or
history has a fine chance to systematize and clarify this
chapter and acquaint his students with the merit of the
best works of this kind, not according to the utility of
their contents, but with reference to the greater or less
degree of their poetical value.
This subject should properly be quite omitted from
a course on æsthetics, but for the sake of those who
have studied poetry and rhetoric, it might be presented
in special lectures, perhaps public. Here a true comprehension,
as everywhere, will prove of great advantage
to practice; for many people will grasp the difficulty
of weaving together a piece out of knowledge and
imagination, of binding two opposed elements together
into a living bodily whole. The lecturer should reveal
the means by which this reconciliation can be made, and
his auditors, thereby guarded against mistakes, might
each attempt in his own way to produce a similar effect.
Among the many ways and means of effecting such
a fusion, good humor is the most certain, and could
also be considered the most suitable, were pure humor
not so rare.
No more singular undertaking could easily be thought
of than to turn the geology of a district into a didactic,
and indeed highly imaginative, poem; yet this is what
a member of the Geological Society of London has done,
in an attempt to popularize in this way a subject, and
promote a study usually insufferable to the thought
of travelers.
SUPERSTITION AND POETRY
(1823)
Superstition is the poetry of life; both build an imaginary
world, and between the things of the actual, palpable
world they anticipate the most marvelous connections.
Sympathy and antipathy govern everywhere.
Poetry is ever freeing itself from such fetters as it
arbitrarily imposes upon itself; superstition, on the
contrary, can be compared to the magic cords which
draw together ever the tighter, the more one struggles
against them. The time of greatest enlightenment is
not secure from it; let it strike an uncultured century
or epoch, and the clouded mind of poor humanity begins
to strive after the impossible, to endeavor to have
intercourse with and influence the supernatural, the
far-distant, the future. A numerous world of marvels
it constructs for itself, surrounded with a circle of darkness
and gloom. Such clouds hang over whole centuries,
and grow thicker and thicker. The imagination
broods over a waste of sensuality; reason seems to have
turned back like Astræa to its divine origin; wisdom is
in despair, since she has no means of successfully asserting
her rights. Superstition does not harm the poet,
for he knows how to make its half-truths, to which he
gives only a literary validity, count in manifold ways
for good.
R. rapsodie, ratatiné, rebattu, réchauffé, redondance,
rétréci, révoltant, ridicule, roquet.
S. sans succès, sifflets, singerie, somnifère, soporifique,
sottise, subalterne.
T. terrassé, tombée, traînée, travers, triste.
V. vague, vexé, vide, vieillerie, volumineux.
A scanty store for praise:—
A. animé, applaudie.
B. brillant.
C. charmant, correct.
E. esprit.
F. facile, finesse.
G. goût, grâce, gracieux, grave.
I. invention, justesse.
L. léger, légèreté, libre.
N. nombreux.
P. piquant, prodigieux, pur.
R. raisonnable.
S. spirituel.
V. verve.
“Words are the image of the soul; yet not an image,
but rather a shadow! Expressing roughly, and signifying
gently, all that we have, all that we have had
in our experience! What was,—where has it gone?
and what is that which is with us now? Ah! we speak!
Swiftly we catch and seize the gifts of life as they fleet
by us.”
The insight and character of a man express themselves
most clearly in his judgments. In what he rejects,
and what he accepts, he confesses to what is
alien to him and what he has need of; and so each year
designates unconsciously its present spiritual state, the
compass of its past life.
Thus is it also with nations; their praise and censure
must always be strictly consonant to their situation.
We possessed Greek and Roman terminology of this
sort; the foregoing would give an occasion for examining
recent criticism. Like the individual man, the nation
rests on traditional ideas, foreign more often than
native, both inherited and original. But only in so far
as a people has a native literature can it judge and
understand the past as it does the present. The Englishman
clings earnestly and stubbornly to classic antiquity,
and will not be convinced that the Orient has
produced poets, unless he can be shown parallel passages
from Horace. What advantages, on the other
hand, Shakespeare’s independent genius has brought to
the nation can hardly be expressed.
The French by the introduction of badly understood
classical principles and an over-nice sense of form so
constrained their poetry that it must finally quite disappear,
since it could not become more similar to prose.
The German was on the right road and will find it again,
as soon as he gives up the unhappy attempt to rank the
Nibelungen with the Iliad.
The favorable opinion which an excellent foreign
writer has concerning us Germans may be appropriately
related here. The Privy Councilor of the Russian
Empire, Count Uvaroff, speaks thus in our honor, in a
preface addressed to an old friend and partner, and
contained in his valuable work on Nonnus of Panopolis,
the Poet (St. Petersburg, 1817): “The renaissance of
archæology belongs to the Germans. Other peoples
may have contributed preparatory work, but if the
more advanced philological studies are ever developed
to a complete whole, such a palingenesis or regeneration
could only take place in Germany. For this
reason, certain new views can hardly be expressed in
any other language, and on that account I have written
in German. I hope we have now given up the perverse
notion of the political preëminence of this or that
language. It is time that every one, unconcerned about
the instrument itself, should select the language which
fits most closely the circle of ideas in which his thought
is moving.”
Here speaks an able, talented, intellectual man, whose
mind is above the petty limitations of a cold literary
patriotism, and who, like a master of musical art, draws
the stops of his well-equipped organ which express the
thought and feeling of each moment. Would that all
cultivated Germans would take thankfully to heart
these excellent and instructive words of his, and that
intellectual youths would be inspired to make themselves
proficient in several languages, as optional instruments
of life!
II (1820)
In my article on “Urteilsworte französischer Kritiker,”
a large number of unfavorable epithets used by
French critics were set off against a scanty number of
favorable words. In connection with this, the Vrai
Liberal of February 4, 1819, lodges a complaint against
me and accuses me of an injustice towards the French
nation. It does this with so much civility and charm as
to make me ashamed of myself, were it not for the fact
that behind my presentation of those words there lay a
secret, which I hasten to reveal to it and to my readers
at this time.
I admit without hesitation that the Brussels correspondent
of the Vrai Liberal is quite right when he
points out how among the words of censure which
I gave there appear many peculiar ones which one
would not exactly expect; and in addition, that in
the list of favorable words, several are lacking
which ought to occur to every one. In order
to explain this, and make the story clearer, I shall relate
how I was induced to make this particular list.
When Herr von Grimm forty years ago achieved an
honorable entrance into Parisian society, at that time
extraordinarily talented and intellectual, and was recognized
practically as a member of this distinguished
company, he decided to send a written bulletin of literary
and other interesting matters to princely personages
and wealthy people in Germany, in order to entertain
them, for a considerable remuneration, with the characteristic
life of Paris circles, in regard to which they
were curious in the outside world, because they could
well consider Paris as the centre of the cultured world.
These letters were to contain not merely news; but the
best works of Diderot, The Nun, Jacques the Fatalist,
etc., were by degrees inserted in such small portions
that curiosity, attention, and eagerness were kept alive
from number to number.
Through the favor of distinguished patrons I was
permitted to peruse these bulletins regularly, and I did
not neglect to study them with great deliberation and
ardor. Now, if I may be permitted to say it to my
credit, I always cheerfully recognized the superiority
of the writers and their works, treasured and admired
them, and also thankfully profited by them. For
this reason I was soon struck in this correspondence
of Grimm’s with the fact that in the stories, anecdotes,
delineation of character, description, criticism,
one noticed more of censure than of praise, more derogatory
than laudatory terminology. One day in good
humor, for my own consideration and edification, I began
to take down the complete expressions, and later,
half in jest and half in earnest, to split them up and
arrange them alphabetically; and thus they remained
on my desk for many years.
When finally the correspondence of Grimm was published,
I read it as the document of a past age, but
with care, and soon came upon many an expression
which I had noticed before; and I was convinced
anew that the censure by far exceeded the praise. Then
I hunted up the earlier work of mine and had it
printed, for the sake of intellectual edification, which
did not fail me. At the moment I was not able to give
further attention to the matter; and it is therefore not
unlikely that in so voluminous a work many a word of
praise and blame that has escaped me may be found.
But in order that this reproach, which appeared
to concern a whole nation, may not be left clinging to
a single author, I shall reserve the privilege of discussing
this important literary topic on more general
lines in the near future.
ON CRITICISM
(1821-24)
I
Criticism is either destructive or constructive. The
former is very easy; for one need only set up some
imaginary standard, some model or other, however foolish
this may be, and then boldly assert that the work
of art under consideration does not measure up to that
standard, and therefore is of no value. That settles
the matter, and one can without any more ado declare
that the poet has not come up to one’s requirements.
In this way the critic frees himself of all obligations
of gratitude toward the artist.
Constructive criticism is much harder. It asks:
What did the author set out to do? Was his plan
reasonable and sensible, and how far did he succeed
in carrying it out? If these questions are answered
with discernment and sympathy, we may be of real assistance
to the author in his later works, for even in
his first attempts he has undoubtedly taken certain preliminary
steps which approach the level of our criticism.
Perhaps we should call attention to another point
which is altogether too frequently overlooked, namely,
that the critic must judge a work of art more for the
sake of the author than of the public. Every day we
see how, without the least regard for the opinions of
reviewers, some drama or novel is received by men
and women in the most divers individual ways, is
praised, found fault with, given or refused a place in
the heart, merely as it happens to appeal to the personal
idiosyncrasy of each reader.
II
Criticism is a practice of the Moderns. What does
this mean? Just this: If you read a book and let it
work upon you, and yield yourself up entirely to its
influence, then, and only then, will you arrive at a
correct judgment of it.
III
Some of my admiring readers have told me for a long
time that instead of expressing a judgment on books,
I describe the influence which they have had on me.
And at bottom this is the way all readers criticize,
even if they do not communicate an opinion or formulate
ideas about it to the public. The scholar finds
nothing new in a book, and therefore cannot praise
it, while the young student, eager for knowledge, finds
that knowledge increased, and a stimulus given to his
culture. The one is stirred, while the other remains
cold. This explains why the reception of books is so
varied.
IV
I am more and more convinced that whenever one
has to express an opinion on the actions or on the
writings of others, unless this be done from a certain
one-sided enthusiasm, or from a loving interest in the
person and the work, the result is hardly worth considering.
Sympathy and enjoyment in what we see are
in fact the only reality; and from such reality, reality
as a natural product follows. All else is vanity.
ON SHAKESPEARE
WILHELM MEISTER’S CRITIQUE OF HAMLET
(1795)
Wilhelm had scarcely read one or two of Shakespeare’s
plays, till their effect on him became so strong
that he could go no farther. His whole soul was in
commotion. He sought an opportunity to speak with
Jarno; to whom, on meeting with him, he expressed
his boundless gratitude for such delicious entertainment.
“I clearly enough foresaw,” said Jarno, “that you
would not remain insensible to the charms of the most
extraordinary and most admirable of all writers.”
“Yes,” exclaimed our friend, “I cannot recollect
that any book, any man, any incident of my life, has
produced such important effects on me, as the precious
works to which by your kindness I have been directed.
They seem as if they were performances of some celestial
genius, descending among men, to make them, by
the mildest instructions, acquainted with themselves.
They are no fictions! You would think, while reading
them, you stood before the unclosed awful Books of Fate,
while the whirlwind of most impassioned life was howling
through the leaves, and tossing them fiercely to and
fro. The strength and tenderness, the power and
peacefulness, of this man, have so astonished and
transported me, that I long vehemently for the time
when I shall have it in my power to read farther.”
“Bravo!” said Jarno, holding out his hand, and
squeezing our friend’s. “This is as it should be! And
the consequences, which I hope for, will likewise surely
follow.”
“I wish,” said Wilhelm, “I could but disclose to
you all that is going on within me even now. All the
anticipations I ever had regarding man and his destiny,
which have accompanied me from youth upwards,
often unobserved by myself, I find developed and fulfilled
in Shakespeare’s writings. It seems as if he
cleared up every one of our enigmas to us, though we
cannot say, Here or there is the word of solution. His
men appear like natural men, and yet they are not.
These, the most mysterious and complex productions
of creation, here act before us as if they were watches,
whose dial plates and cases were of crystal, which
pointed out, according to their use, the course of the
hours and minutes; while, at the same time, you could
discern the combination of wheels and springs that
turned them. The few glances I have cast over Shakespeare’s
world incite me, more than anything beside,
to quicken my footsteps forward into the actual world,
to mingle in the flood of destinies that is suspended over
it, and at length, if I shall prosper, to draw a few cups
from the great ocean of true nature, and to distribute
them from off the stage among the thirsting people of
my native land.”...
Seeing the company so favorably disposed, Wilhelm
now hoped he might further have it in his power to
converse with them on the poetic merit of the plays
which might come before them. “It is not enough,”
said he next day, when they were all again assembled,
“for the actor merely to glance over a dramatic work,
to judge of it by his first impression, and thus, without
investigation, to declare his satisfaction or dissatisfaction
with it. Such things may be allowed in
a spectator, whose purpose it is rather to be entertained
and moved than formally to criticize. But the
actor, on the other hand, should be prepared to give
a reason for his praise or censure; and how shall he
do this, if he have not taught himself to penetrate
the sense, the views, the feelings of his author? A common
error is to form a judgment of a drama from a
single part in it, and to look upon this part itself
in an isolated point of view, not in its connection with
the whole. I have noticed this within a few days so
clearly in my own conduct that I will give you the
account as an example, if you please to hear me
patiently.
“You all know Shakespeare’s incomparable Hamlet;
our public reading of it at the castle yielded every one
of us the greatest satisfaction. On that occasion we
proposed to act the play; and I, not knowing what I
undertook, engaged to play the prince’s part. This I
conceived that I was studying, while I began to get
by heart the strongest passages, the soliloquies, and
those scenes in which force of soul, vehemence and elevation
of feeling have the freest scope, where the agitated
heart is allowed to display itself with touching
expressiveness.
“I further conceived that I was penetrating quite
into the spirit of the character, while I endeavored, as
it were, to take upon myself the load of deep melancholy
under which my prototype was laboring, and in
this humor to pursue him through the strange labyrinths
of his caprices and his singularities. Thus learning,
thus practising, I doubted not but I should by and
bye become one person with my hero.
“But the farther I advanced, the more difficult
did it become for me to form any image of the whole,
in its general bearings; till at last it seemed as if impossible.
I next went through the entire piece, without
interruption; but here, too, I found much that I
could not away with. At one time the characters,
at another time the manner of displaying them, seemed
inconsistent; and I almost despaired of finding any
general tint, in which I might present my whole part
with all its shadings and variations. In such devious
paths I toiled, and wandered long in vain; till at length
a hope arose that I might reach my aim in quite a
new way.
“I set about investigating every trace of Hamlet’s
character, as it had shown itself before his father’s
death; I endeavored to distinguish what in it was independent
of this mournful event, independent of the
terrible events that followed; and what most probably
the young man would have been had no such thing occurred.
“Soft, and from a noble stem, this royal flower had
sprung up under the immediate influences of majesty:
the idea of moral rectitude with that of princely elevation,
the feeling of the good and dignified with the
consciousness of high birth, had in him been unfolded
simultaneously. He was a prince, by birth a prince;
and he wished to reign, only that good men might be
good without obstruction. Pleasing in form, polished
by nature, courteous from the heart, he was meant to
be the pattern of youth and the joy of the world.
“Without any prominent passion, his love for
Ophelia was a still presentiment of sweet wants. His
zeal in knightly accomplishments was not entirely his
own: it needed to be quickened and inflamed by praise
bestowed on others for excelling in them. Pure in sentiment,
he knew the honorable-minded, and could prize
the rest which an upright spirit tastes on the bosom
of a friend. To a certain degree he had learned to
discern and value the good and the beautiful in arts
and sciences; the mean, the vulgar, was offensive to
him; and, if hatred could take root in his tender soul,
it was only so far as to make him properly despise
the false and changeful insects of a court, and play
with them in easy scorn. He was calm in his temper,
artless in his conduct, neither pleased with idleness,
nor too violently eager for employment. The routine
of a university he seemed to continue when at court.
He possessed more mirth of humor than of heart: he
was a good companion, pliant, courteous, discreet, and
able to forget and forgive an injury, yet never able
to unite himself with those who overstepped the limits
of the right, the good, and the becoming.
“When we read the piece again, you shall judge
whether I am yet on the proper track. I hope at least
to bring forward passages that shall support my opinion
in its main points.”
This delineation was received with warm approval;
the company imagined they foresaw that Hamlet’s manner
of proceeding might now be very satisfactorily explained;
they applauded this method of penetrating
into the spirit of a writer. Each of them proposed to
himself to take up some piece, and study it on these
principles, and so unfold the author’s meaning....
Loving Shakespeare as our friend did, he failed not
to lead round the conversation to the merits of that
dramatist. Expressing, as he entertained, the liveliest
hopes of the new epoch which these exquisite productions
must form in Germany, he erelong introduced
his Hamlet, which play had busied him so much of late.
Serlo declared that he would long ago have represented
the play had it at all been possible, and that he
himself would willingly engage to act Polonius. He
added, with a smile, “An Ophelia, too, will certainly
turn up, if we had but a Prince.”
Wilhelm did not notice that Aurelia seemed a little
hurt at her brother’s sarcasm. Our friend was in his
proper vein, becoming copious and didactic, expounding
how he would have Hamlet played. He circumstantially
delivered to his hearers the opinions we
before saw him busied with; taking all the trouble
possible to make his notion of the matter acceptable,
skeptical as Serlo showed himself regarding it. “Well,
then,” said the latter finally, “suppose we grant you
all this, what will you explain by it?”
“Much, everything,” said Wilhelm. “Conceive a
prince such as I have painted him, and that his father
suddenly dies. Ambition and the love of rule are not
the passions that inspire him. As a king’s son, he
would have been contented; but now he is first constrained
to consider the difference which separates a
sovereign from a subject. The crown was not hereditary;
yet his father’s longer possession of it would
have strengthened the pretensions of an only son,
and secured his hopes of succession. In place of this,
he now beholds himself excluded by his uncle, in spite
of specious promises, most probably forever. He is
now poor in goods and favor, and a stranger in the
scene which from youth he had looked upon as his
inheritance. His temper here assumes its first mournful
tinge. He feels that now he is not more, that he is
less than a private nobleman; he offers himself as the
servant of every one; he is not courteous and condescending,
he is needy and degraded.
“His past condition he remembers as a vanished
dream. It is in vain that his uncle strives to cheer him,
to present his situation in another point of view. The
feeling of his nothingness will not leave him.
“The second stroke that came upon him wounded
deeper, bowed still more. It was the marriage of his
mother. The faithful, tender son had yet a mother,
when his father passed away. He hoped in the company
of his surviving noble-minded parent, to reverence
the heroic form of the departed: but his mother,
too, he loses; and it is something worse than death
that robs him of her. The trustful image, which a
good child loves to form of its parents, is gone. With
the dead there is no help, on the living no hold. Moreover,
she is a woman; and her name is Frailty, like
that of all her sex.
“Now only does he feel completely bowed down, now
only orphaned; and no happiness of life can repay
what he has lost. Not reflective or sorrowful by
nature, reflection and sorrow have become for him a
heavy obligation. It is thus that we see him first enter
on the scene. I do not think that I have mixed aught
foreign with the play, or overcharged a single feature
of it.”
Serlo looked at his sister, and said: “Did I give thee
a false picture of our friend? He begins well: he has
still many things to tell us, many to persuade us of.”
Wilhelm asseverated loudly that he meant not to persuade,
but to convince; he begged for another moment’s
patience.
“Figure to yourselves this youth,” cried he, “this
son of princes; conceive him vividly, bring his state
before your eyes and then observe him when he learns
that his father’s spirit walks; stand by him in the
terrors of the night, when even the venerable ghost
appears before him. He is seized with boundless horror;
he speaks to the mysterious form; he sees it beckon
him; he follows and hears. The fearful accusation of
his uncle rings in his ears, the summons to revenge,
and the piercing, oft-repeated prayer, Remember me!
“And, when the ghost has vanished, who is it that
stands before us? A young hero panting for vengeance?
A prince by birth, rejoicing to be called to
punish the usurper of his crown? No! trouble and
astonishment take hold of the solitary young man: he
grows bitter against smiling villains, swears that he
will not forget the spirit, and concludes with the significant
ejaculation,—
“‘The time is out of joint: O cursed spite,
That ever I was born to set it right!’
“In these words, I imagine, will be found the key to
Hamlet’s whole procedure. To me it is clear that
Shakespeare meant, in the present case, to represent
the effects of a great action laid upon a soul unfit for
the performance of it. In this view the whole play
seems to me to be composed. There is an oak-tree
planted in a costly jar, which should have borne only
pleasant flowers in its bosom: the roots expand, the
jar is shivered.
“A lovely, pure, noble, and most moral nature, without
the strength of nerve which forms a hero, sinks beneath
a burden it cannot bear and must not cast away.
All duties are holy for him: the present is too hard.
Impossibilities have been required of him,—not in themselves
impossibilities, but such for him. He winds and
turns, and torments himself; he advances and recoils;
is ever put in mind, ever puts himself in mind, at last
does all but lose his purpose from his thoughts, yet
still without recovering his peace of mind.”
Several people entering interrupted the discussion.
They were musical dilettanti, who commonly assembled
at Serlo’s once a week, and formed a little concert.
Serlo himself loved music much: he used to maintain
that a player without taste for it never could attain
a distinct conception and feeling of the scenic art. “As
a man performs,” he would observe, “with far more
ease and dignity when his gestures are accompanied and
guided by a tune; so the player ought, in idea as it
were, to set to music even his prose parts, that he may
not monotonously slight them over in his individual
style, but treat them in suitable alternation by time
and measure.”
Aurelia seemed to give but little heed to what was
passing: at last she conducted Wilhelm to another
room; and going to the window, and looking out at
the starry sky, she said to him, “You have more to
tell us about Hamlet: I will not hurry you,—my brother
must hear it as well as I; but let me beg to know your
thoughts about Ophelia.”
“Of her there cannot much be said,” he answered;
“for a few master-strokes complete her character. The
whole being of Ophelia floats in sweet and ripe sensation.
Kindness for the prince, to whose hand she may
aspire, flows so spontaneously, her tender heart obeys
its impulses so unresistingly, that both father and
brother are afraid: both give her warning harshly and
directly. Decorum, like the thin lawn upon her bosom,
cannot hide the soft, still movements of her heart: it,
on the contrary, betrays them. Her fancy is smit;
her silent modesty breathes amiable desire; and if the
friendly goddess Opportunity should shake the tree,
its fruit would fall.”
“And then,” said Aurelia, “when she beholds herself
forsaken, cast away, despised; when all is inverted in
the soul of her crazed lover, and the highest changes
to the lowest, and, instead of the sweet cup of love,
he offers her the bitter’ cup of woe—”
“Her heart breaks,” cried Wilhelm; “the whole
structure of her being is loosened from its joinings: her
father’s death strikes fiercely against it, and the fair
edifice altogether crumbles into fragments.”
Serlo, this moment entering, inquired about his sister,
and, looking in the book which our friend had
hold of, cried, “So you are again at Hamlet? Very
good! Many doubts have arisen in me, which seem not
a little to impair the canonical aspect of the play as
you would have it viewed. The English themselves
have admitted that its chief interest concludes with
the third act; the last two lagging sorrily on, and
scarcely uniting with the rest: and certainly about the
end it seems to stand stock-still.”
“It is very possible,” said Wilhelm, “that some individuals
of a nation, which has so many masterpieces
to feel proud of, may be led by prejudice and narrowness
of mind to form false judgments; but this
cannot hinder us from looking with our own eyes, and
doing justice where we see it due. I am very far from
censuring the plan of Hamlet: on the other hand, I
believe there never was a grander one invented; nay,
it is not invented, it is real.”
“How do you demonstrate that?” inquired Serlo.
“I will not demonstrate anything,” said Wilhelm;
“I will merely show you what my own conceptions of
it are.”
Aurelia raised herself from her cushion, leaned upon
her hand, and looked at Wilhelm, who, with the firmest
assurance that he was in the right, went on as follows:
“It pleases us, it flatters us, to see a hero acting on
his own strength, loving and hating at the bidding
of his heart, undertaking and completing casting every
obstacle aside, and attaining some great end. Poets
and historians would willingly persuade us that so
proud a lot may fall to man. In Hamlet we are taught
another lesson; the hero is without a plan, but the
play is full of plan. Here we have no villain punished
on some self-conceived and rigidly accomplished scheme
of vengeance. A horrid deed is done; it rolls along with
all its consequences, dragging with it even the guiltless:
the guilty perpetrator would, as it seems, evade the
abyss made ready for him; yet he plunges in, at the
very point by which he thinks he shall escape and happily
complete his course.
“For it is the property of crime to extend its mischief
over innocence, as it is of virtue to extend its
blessings over many that deserve them not; while frequently
the author of the one or the other is not
punished or rewarded at all. Here in this play of ours,
how strange! The Pit of darkness sends its spirit and
demands revenge: in vain! All circumstances tend one
way, and hurry to revenge: in vain! Neither earthly
nor infernal thing may bring about what is reserved
for Fate alone. The hour of judgment comes; the
wicked falls with the good; one race is mowed away,
that another may spring up.”
After a pause, in which they looked at one another,
Serlo said, “You pay no great compliment to
Providence, in thus exalting Shakespeare; and besides,
it appears to me, that for the honor of your poet,
as others for the honor of Providence, you ascribe to
him an object and a plan such as he himself has never
thought of.”
“Let me also put a question,” said Aurelia. “I
have looked at Ophelia’s part again: I am contented
with it, and confident that, under certain circumstances,
I could play it. But tell me, should not the poet have
furnished the insane maiden with another sort of songs?
Could not some fragments out of melancholy ballads be
selected for this purpose? Why put double meanings
and lascivious insipidities in the mouth of this noble-minded
girl?”
“Dear friend,” said Wilhelm, “even here I cannot
yield you one iota. In these singularities, in this apparent
impropriety, a deep sense is hid. Do we not
understand from the very first what the mind of the
good, soft-hearted girl was busied with? Silently she
lived within herself, yet she scarce concealed her wishes,
her longing: and how often may she have attempted,
like an unskilful nurse, to lull her senses to repose
with songs which only kept them more awake? But
at last, when her self-command is altogether gone, when
the secrets of her heart are hovering on her tongue,
that tongue betrays her; and in the innocence of insanity
she solaces herself, unmindful of king or queen,
with the echo of her loose and well-beloved songs,—‘Tomorrow
is Saint Valentine’s Day,’ and ‘By Gis and by
Saint Charity.’ ...”
“I must admit your picture of Ophelia to be just,”
continued she; “I cannot now misunderstand the object
of the poet: I must pity; though, as you paint her,
I shall rather pity her than sympathize with her. But
allow me here to offer a remark, which in these few
days you have frequently suggested to me. I observe
with admiration the correct, keen, penetrating glance
with which you judge of poetry, especially dramatic
poetry: the deepest abysses of invention are not hidden
from you, the finest touches of representation cannot
escape you. Without ever having viewed the objects
in nature, you recognize the truth of their images: there
seems, as it were, a presentiment of all the universe to
lie in you, which by the harmonious touch of poetry is
awakened and unfolded. For in truth,” continued she,
“from without, you receive not much: I have scarcely
seen a person that so little knew, so totally misknew,
the people he lived with, as you do. Allow me to say
it: in hearing you expound the mysteries of Shakespeare,
one would think you had just descended from
a synod of the gods, and had listened there while they
were taking counsel how to form men; in seeing you
transact with your fellows, I could imagine you to be
the first large-born child of the Creation, standing
agape, and gazing with strange wonderment and edifying
good nature at lions and apes and sheep and elephants,
and true-heartedly addressing them as your
equals, simply because they were there, and in motion
like yourself.”
“The feeling of my ignorance in this respect,” said
Wilhelm, “often gives me pain; and I should thank
you, worthy friend, if you would help me to get a
little better insight into life. From youth, I have
been accustomed to direct the eyes of my spirit inwards
rather than outwards; and hence it is very natural that,
to a certain extent, I should be acquainted with man,
while of men I have not the smallest knowledge....”
One of the conditions under which our friend had
gone upon the stage was not acceded to by Serlo without
some limitations. Wilhelm had required that Hamlet
should be played entire and unmutilated: the other
had agreed to this strange stipulation, in so far as it
was possible. On this point they had many a contest;
for as to what was possible or not possible, and what
parts of the piece could be omitted without mutilating
it, the two were of very different opinions.
Wilhelm was still in that happy season when one
cannot understand how, in the woman one loves, in the
writer one honors, there should be anything defective.
The feeling they excite in us is so entire, so accordant
with itself, that we cannot help attributing the same
perfect harmony to the objects themselves. Serlo
again was willing to discriminate, perhaps too willing:
his acute understanding could usually discern in any
work of art nothing but a more or less imperfect whole.
He thought that, as pieces usually stood, there was
little reason to be chary about meddling with them;
that of course Shakespeare, and particularly Hamlet,
would need to suffer much curtailment.
But, when Serlo talked of separating the wheat from
the chaff, Wilhelm would not hear of it. “It is not
chaff and wheat together,” said he: “it is a trunk with
boughs, twigs, leaves, buds, blossoms, and fruit. Is not
the one there with the others, and by means of them?”
To which Serlo would reply that people did not bring
a whole tree upon the table; that the artist was required
to present his guests with silver apples in platters
of silver. They exhausted their invention in similitudes,
and their opinions seemed still farther to diverge.
Our friend was on the borders of despair when on
one occasion, after much debating, Serlo counseled him
to take the simple plan,—to make a brief resolution, to
grasp his pen, to peruse the tragedy; dashing out whatever
would not answer, compressing several personages
into one: and if he was not skilled in such proceedings,
or had not heart enough for going through with them,
he might leave the task to him, the manager, who would
engage to make short work with it.
“That is not our bargain,” answered Wilhelm.
“How can you, with all your taste, show so much
levity?”
“My friend,” cried Serlo, “you yourself will erelong
feel it and show it. I know too well how shocking
such a mode of treating works is: perhaps it never
was allowed on any theatre till now. But where, indeed,
was ever one so slighted as ours? Authors force us on
this wretched clipping system, and the public tolerates
it. How many pieces have we, pray, which do not
overstep the measure of our numbers, of our decorations
and theatrical machinery, of the proper time, of
the fit alternation of dialogue, and the physical strength
of the actor? And yet we are to play, and play, and
constantly give novelties. Ought we not to profit by
our privilege, then, since we accomplish just as much
by mutilated works as by entire ones? It is the public
itself that grants the privilege. Few Germans, perhaps
few men of any modern nation, have a proper sense of
an æsthetic whole:—they praise and blame by passages;
they are charmed by passages; and who has greater
reason to rejoice at this than actors, since the stage
is ever but a patched and piece-work matter?”
“Is!” cried Wilhelm; “but must it ever be so?
Must everything that is continue? Convince me not
that you are right, for no power on earth should force
me to abide by any contract which I had concluded
with the grossest misconceptions.”
Serlo gave a merry turn to the business, and persuaded
him to review once more the many conversations
they had had together about Hamlet, and himself to
invent some means of properly reforming the piece.
After a few days, which he had spent alone, our
friend returned with a cheerful look. “I am much
mistaken,” cried he, “if I have not now discovered
how the whole is to be managed: nay, I am convinced
that Shakespeare himself would have arranged it so,
had not his mind been too exclusively directed to the
ruling interest, and perhaps misled by the novels which
furnished him with his materials.”
“Let us hear,” said Serlo, placing himself with an
air of solemnity upon the sofa: “I will listen calmly,
but judge with rigor.”
“I am not afraid of you,” said Wilhelm; “only hear
me. In the composition of this play, after the most
accurate investigation and the most mature reflection,
I distinguish two classes of objects. The first are
the grand internal relations of the persons and events,
the powerful effects which arise from the characters
and proceedings of the main figures: these, I hold, are
individually excellent; and the order in which they are
presented cannot be improved. No kind of interference
must be suffered to destroy them, or even essentially
to change their form. These are the things which
stamp themselves deep into the soul, which all men long
to see, which no one dares to meddle with. Accordingly,
I understand, they have almost wholly been retained
in all our German theatres. But our countrymen have
erred, in my opinion, with regard to the second class
of objects, which may be observed in this tragedy: I
allude to the external relations of the persons, whereby
they are brought from place to place, or combined in
various ways, by certain accidental incidents. These
they have looked upon as very unimportant; have
spoken of them only in passing, or left them out altogether.
Now, indeed, it must be owned, these threads
are slack and slender; yet they run through the entire
piece, and bind together much that would otherwise fall
asunder, and does actually fall asunder, when you cut
them off, and imagine you have done enough and more,
if you have left the ends hanging.
“Among these external relations I include the disturbances
in Norway, the war with young Fortinbras,
the embassy to his uncle, the settling of that feud, the
march of young Fortinbras to Poland, and his coming
back at the end; of the same sort are Horatio’s return
from Wittenberg, Hamlet’s wish to go thither, the
journey of Laertes to France, his return, the despatch
of Hamlet into England, his capture by pirates, the
death of the two courtiers by the letter which they
carried. All these circumstances and events would be
very fit for expanding and lengthening a novel; but
here they injure exceedingly the unity of the piece,
particularly as the hero has no plan, and are, in consequence,
entirely out of place.”
“For once in the right!” cried Serlo.
“Do not interrupt me,” answered Wilhelm; “perhaps
you will not always think me right. These errors
are like temporary props of an edifice: they must not
be removed till we have built a firm wall in their stead.
My project, therefore, is not at all to change those first-mentioned
grand situations, or at least as much as possible
to spare them, both collectively and individually;
but with respect to these external, single, dissipated,
and dissipating motives, to cast them all at once away,
and substitute a solitary one instead of them.”
“And this?” inquired Serlo, springing up from his
recumbent posture.
“It lies in the piece itself,” answered Wilhelm, “only
I employ it rightly. There are disturbances in Norway.
You shall hear my plan, and try it.
“After the death of Hamlet’s father, the Norwegians,
lately conquered, grow unruly. The viceroy
of that country sends his son, Horatio, an old school-friend
of Hamlet’s, and distinguished above every other
for his bravery and prudence, to Denmark, to press forward
the equipment of the fleet, which, under the new
luxurious king, proceeds but slowly. Horatio has
known the former king, having fought in his battles,
having even stood in favor with him,—a circumstance
by which the first ghost-scene will be nothing injured.
The new sovereign gives Horatio audience and sends
Laertes into Norway with intelligence that the fleet
will soon arrive; whilst Horatio is commissioned to
accelerate the preparation of it: and the Queen, on
the other hand, will not consent that Hamlet, as he
wishes, should go to sea along with him.”
“Heaven be praised!” cried Serlo; “we shall now
get rid of Wittenberg and the university, which was
always a sorry piece of business. I think your idea
extremely good; for, except these two distant objects,
Norway and the fleet, the spectator will not be required
to fancy anything: the rest he will see; the rest
takes place before him; whereas his imagination, on
the other plan, was hunted over all the world.”
“You easily perceive,” said Wilhelm, “how I shall
contrive to keep the other parts together. When Hamlet
tells Horatio of his uncle’s crime, Horatio counsels
him to go to Norway in his company, to secure the
affections of the army, and return in warlike force.
Hamlet also is becoming dangerous to the King and
Queen; they find no readier method of deliverance than
to send him in the fleet, with Rosencrantz and Guildenstern
to be spies upon him; and, as Laertes in the meantime
comes from France, they determine that this youth,
exasperated even to murder, shall go after him. Unfavorable
winds detain the fleet: Hamlet returns; for
his wandering through the churchyard, perhaps some
lucky motive may be thought of; his meeting with
Laertes in Ophelia’s grave is a grand moment, which
we must not part with. After this, the King resolves
that it is better to get quit of Hamlet on the spot:
the festival of his departure, the pretended reconcilement
with Laertes, are now solemnized; on which occasion
knightly sports are held, and Laertes fights with
Hamlet. Without the four corpses, I cannot end the
play: no one must survive. The right of popular election
now again comes in force; and Hamlet, while dying,
gives his vote to Horatio.”
“Quick! quick!” said Serlo, “sit down and work
the play: your plan has my entire approbation; only
let not your zeal evaporate.”
Wilhelm had already been for some time busied with
translating Hamlet; making use, as he labored, of Wieland’s
spirited performance, through which he had first
become acquainted with Shakespeare. What had been
omitted in Wieland’s work he replaced, and had secured
a complete version, at the very time when Serlo
and he were pretty well agreed about the way of treating
it. He now began, according to his plan, to cut
out and insert, to separate and unite, to alter, and
often to restore; for, satisfied as he was with his own
conception, it still appeared to him as if, in executing
it, he were but spoiling the original.
When all was finished, he read his work to Serlo
and the rest. They declared themselves exceedingly
contented with it: Serlo, in particular, made many flattering
observations.
“You have felt very justly,” said he, among other
things, “that some external circumstances must accompany
this play, but that they must be simpler than
those which the great poet has employed. What takes
place without the theatre, what the spectator does not
see but must imagine, is like a background, in front
of which the acting figures move. Your large and simple
prospect of the fleet and Norway will do much to
improve the play: if this were altogether taken from
it, we should have but a family scene remaining; and
the great idea that here a kingly house, by internal
crimes and incongruities, goes down to ruin, would
not be presented with its proper dignity. But if the
former background were left standing, so manifold, so
fluctuating and confused, it would hurt the impression
of the figures.”
Wilhelm again took Shakespeare’s part; alleging
that he wrote for islanders, for Englishmen, who generally
in the distance were accustomed to see little else
than ships and voyages, the coast of France and privateers;
and thus what perplexed and distracted others
was to them quite natural.
Serlo assented; and both were of opinion that, as the
play was now to be produced upon the German stage,
this more serious and simple background was the best
adapted for the German mind.
The parts had been distributed before: Serlo undertook
Polonius; Aurelia, Ophelia; Laertes was already
designated by his name; a young, thick-set, jolly newcomer
was to be Horatio; the King and Ghost alone
occasioned some perplexity, for both of these no one
but Old Boisterous remaining. Serlo proposed to make
the Pedant, King; but against this our friend protested
in the strongest terms. They could resolve on
nothing.
Wilhelm had also allowed both Rosencrantz and
Guildenstern to continue in his play. “Why not compress
them into one?” said Serlo. “This abbreviation
will not cost you much.”
“Heaven keep me from all such curtailments!” answered
Wilhelm; “they destroy at once the sense and
the effect. What these two persons are and do it is
impossible to represent by one. In such small matters
we discover Shakespeare’s greatness. These soft
approaches, this smirking and bowing, this assenting,
wheedling, flattering, this whisking agility, this wagging
of the tail, this allness and emptiness, this legal knavery,
this ineptitude and insipidity,—how can they be
expressed by a single man? There ought to be at least
a dozen of these people, if they could be had; for it is
only in society that they are anything; they are society
itself; and Shakespeare showed no little wisdom
and discernment in bringing in a pair of them. Besides,
I need them as a couple that may be contrasted
with the single, noble, excellent Horatio....”
Though in this remolding of Hamlet many characters
had been cut off, a sufficient number of them still
remained,—a number which the company was scarcely
adequate to meet.
“If this is the way of it,” said Serlo, “our prompter
himself must issue from his den, and mount the stage,
and become a personage like one of us....”
“The very man!” exclaimed our friend, “the very
man! What a fortunate discovery! We have now the
proper hand for delivering the passage of ‘The rugged
Pyrrhus.’”
“One requires your eagerness,” said Serlo, “before
he can employ every object in the use it was meant
for.”
“In truth,” said Wilhelm, “I was very much afraid
we should be obliged to leave this passage out: the
omission would have lamed the whole play.”
“Well! That is what I cannot understand,” observed
Aurelia.
“I hope you will erelong be of my opinion,” answered
Wilhelm. “Shakespeare has introduced these
traveling players with a double purpose. The person
who recites the death of Priam with such feeling, in
the first place, makes a deep impression on the prince
himself; he sharpens the conscience of the wavering
youth: and, accordingly, this scene becomes a prelude
to that other, where, in the second place, the little play
produces such effect upon the King. Hamlet sees himself
reproved and put to shame by the player, who feels
so deep a sympathy in foreign and fictitious woes; and
the thought of making an experiment upon the conscience
of his stepfather is in consequence suggested to
him. What a royal monologue is that which ends the
second act! How charming it will be to speak it!”
“‘Oh, what a rogue and peasant slave am I!
Is it not monstrous that this player here,
But in a fiction, in a dream of passion,
Could force his soul so to his own conceit,
That, from her working, all his visage wann’d;
Tears in his eyes, distraction in’s aspect,
A broken voice, and his whole function suiting
With forms to his conceit? and all for nothing!
For Hecuba!
What’s Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba,
That he should weep for her?’” ...
In particular, one evening, the manager was very
merry in speaking of the part of Polonius, and how he
meant to take it up. “I engage,” said he, “on this
occasion, to present a very meritorious person in his
best aspect. The repose and security of this old gentleman,
his emptiness and his significance, his exterior
gracefulness and interior meanness, his frankness and
sycophancy, his sincere roguery and deceitful truth, I
will introduce with all due elegance in their fit proportions.
This respectable, gray-haired, enduring, time-serving
half-knave, I will represent in the most courtly
style: the occasional roughness and coarseness of our
author’s strokes will further me here. I will speak like
a book when I am prepared beforehand, and like an
ass when I utter the overflowings of my heart. I will
be insipid and absurd enough to chime in with every
one, and acute enough never to observe when people
make a mock of me. I have seldom taken up a part
with so much zeal and roguishness.”
“Could I but hope as much from mine!” exclaimed
Aurelia. “I have neither youth nor softness enough to
be at home in this character. One thing alone I am
too sure of,—the feeling that turns Ophelia’s brain,
I shall not want.”
“We must not take the matter up so strictly,” said
our friend. “For my share, I am certain that the
wish to act the character of Hamlet has led me exceedingly
astray throughout my study of the play.
And now, the more I look into the part, the more clearly
do I see that, in my whole form and physiognomy, there
is not one feature such as Shakespeare meant for Hamlet.
When I consider with what nicety the various circumstances
are adapted to each other, I can scarcely
hope to produce even a tolerable effect.”
“You are entering on your new career with becoming
conscientiousness,” said Serlo. “The actor
fits himself to his part as he can, and the part to him
as it must. But how has Shakespeare drawn his Hamlet?
Is he so utterly unlike you?”
“In the first place,” answered Wilhelm, “he is fair-haired.”
“That I call far-fetched,” observed Aurelia. “How
do you infer that?”
“As a Dane, as a Northman, he is fair-haired and
blue-eyed by descent.”
“And you think Shakespeare had this in view?”
“I do not find it specially expressed; but, by comparison
of passages, I think it incontestable. The fencing
tires him; the sweat is running from his brow; and
the Queen remarks, ‘He’s fat, and scant of breath.’
Can you conceive him to be otherwise than plump and
fair-haired? Brown-complexioned people, in their
youth, are seldom plump. And does not his wavering
melancholy, his soft lamenting, his irresolute activity,
accord with such a figure? From a dark-haired young
man, you would look for more decision and impetuosity.”
“You are spoiling my imagination,” cried Aurelia;
“away with your fat Hamlets! Do not set your well-fed
prince before us! Give us rather any succedancum
that will move us, will delight us. The intention of the
author is of less importance to us than our own enjoyment,
and we need a charm that is adapted for
us.”
One evening a dispute arose among our friends about
the novel and the drama, and which of them deserved
the preference. Serlo said it was a fruitless and misunderstood
debate: both might be superior in their
kinds, only each must keep within the limits proper
to it.
“About their limits and their kinds,” said Wilhelm,
“I confess myself not altogether clear.”
“Who is so?” said the other; “and yet perhaps it
were worth while to come a little closer to the business.”
They conversed together long upon the matter; and,
in fine, the following was nearly the result of their
discussion:—
“In the novel as well as in the drama, it is human
nature and human action that we see. The difference
between these sorts of fiction lies not merely in their
outward form,—not merely in the circumstance that
the personages of the one are made to speak, while those
of the other have commonly their history narrated.
Unfortunately many dramas are but novels which proceed
by dialogue; and it would not be impossible to
write a drama in the shape of letters.
“But, in the novel, it is chiefly sentiments and events
that are exhibited; in the drama, it is characters and
deeds. The novel must go slowly forward; and the
sentiments of the hero, by some means or another, must
restrain the tendency of the whole to unfold itself and
to conclude. The drama, on the other hand, must
hasten; and the character of the hero must press forward
to the end: it does not restrain, but is restrained.
The novel-hero must be suffering,—at least he must not
in a high degree be active; in the dramatic one, we look
for activity and deeds. Grandison, Clarissa, Pamela,
the Vicar of Wakefield, Tom Jones himself, are, if not
suffering, at least retarding, personages; and the incidents
are all in some sort modeled by their sentiments.
In the drama the hero models nothing by himself; all
things withstand him; and he clears and casts away the
hindrances from off his path, or else sinks under
them.”
Our friends were also of opinion that, in the novel,
some degree of scope may be allowed to Chance, but
that it must always be led and guided by the sentiments
of the personages; on the other hand, that Fate,
which, by means of outward, unconnected circumstances,
proceeds to an unforeseen catastrophe, can
have place only in the drama; that Chance may produce
pathetic situations, but never tragic ones; Fate, on the
other hand, ought always to be terrible,—and is, in the
highest sense, tragic, when it brings into a ruinous concatenation
the guilty man and the guiltless that was unconcerned
with him.
These considerations led them back to the play of
Hamlet, and the peculiarities of its composition. The
hero in this case, it was observed, is endowed more properly
with sentiments than with a character: it is events
alone that push him on, and accordingly the play has
in some measure the expansion of a novel. But as it is
Fate that draws the plan, as the story issues from a
deed of terror, the work is tragic in the highest sense,
and admits of no other than a tragic end....
The necessary preparations for scenery and dresses,
and whatever else was requisite, were now proceeding.
In regard to certain scenes and passages, our friend
had whims of his own, which Serlo humored, partly in
consideration of their bargain, partly from conviction,
and because he hoped by these civilities to gain Wilhelm,
and to lead him according to his own purposes
the more implicitly in time to come.
Thus, for example, the King and Queen were, at the
first audience, to appear sitting on the throne, with
the courtiers at the sides, and Hamlet standing undistinguished
in the crowd. “Hamlet,” said he, “must
keep himself quiet; his sable dress will sufficiently point
him out. He should rather shun remark than seek it.
Not till the audience is ended, and the King speaks
with him as with a son, should he advance, and allow
the scene to take its course.”
A formidable obstacle remained, in regard to the two
pictures which Hamlet so passionately refers to in the
scene with his mother. “We ought,” said Wilhelm,
“to have both of them visible, at full length, in the bottom
of the chamber, near the main door; and the former
king must be clad in armor, like the Ghost, and hang
at the side where it enters. I could wish that the figure
held its right hand in a commanding attitude, were
somewhat turned away, and, as it were, looked over its
shoulder, that so it might perfectly resemble the Ghost
at the moment when he issues from the door. It will
produce a great effect when at this instant Hamlet
looks upon the Ghost, and the Queen upon the picture.
The stepfather may be painted in royal ornaments, but
not so striking.”
There were several other points of this sort, about
which we shall, perhaps, elsewhere have opportunity
to speak.
“Are you, then, inexorably bent on Hamlet’s dying
at the end?” inquired Serlo.
“How can I keep him alive,” said Wilhelm, “when
the whole play is pressing him to death? We have already
talked at large on that matter.”
“But the public wishes him to live.”
“I will show the public any other complaisance; but,
as to this, I cannot. We often wish that some gallant,
useful man, who is dying of a chronic disease, might
yet live longer. The family weep, and conjure the physician;
but he cannot stay him: and no more than this
physician can withstand the necessity of nature, can
we give law to an acknowledged necessity of art. It
is a false compliance with the multitude, to raise in them
emotions which they wish, when these are not emotions
which they ought, to feel.”
“Whoever pays the cash,” said Serlo, “may require
the ware according to his liking.”
“Doubtless, in some degree,” replied our friend;
“but a great public should be reverenced, not used as
children are when peddlers wish to hook the money
from them. By presenting excellence to the people,
you should gradually excite in them a taste and feeling
for the excellent; and they will pay their money
with double satisfaction when reason itself has nothing
to object against this outlay. The public you may
flatter, as you do a well-beloved child, to better, to
enlighten it; not as you do a pampered child of quality,
to perpetuate the error you profit from.”
In this manner various other topics were discussed
relating to the question, What might still be changed
in the play, and what must of necessity remain untouched?
We shall not enter farther on those points
at present; but, perhaps, at some future time we may
submit this altered Hamlet itself to such of our readers
as feel any interest in the subject.
SHAKESPEARE AD INFINITUM — FOOTNOTES:
(1813-16)
There has already been so much said about Shakespeare
that it would seem as if there was nothing left
to say; and yet it is the characteristic of genius ever
to be stimulating other men’s genius. In the present
case I wish to consider Shakespeare from more than
one point of view,—first as a poet in general, then in
comparison with the classic and modern writers, and
finally as a writer of poetic drama. I shall attempt
to work out what the imitation of his art has meant
to us, and what it can mean in the future. I shall
express my agreement with what has been written by
reiterating it, and express my dissent briefly and positively,
without involving myself in conflict and contradiction.
I proceed to the first topic.
I. Shakespeare as Poet in General
The highest achievement possible to a man is the
full consciousness of his own feelings and thoughts, for
this gives him the means of knowing intimately the
hearts of others. Now there are men who are born
with a natural talent for this and who cultivate it by
experience towards practical ends. From this talent
springs the ability to profit in a higher sense by the
world and its opportunities. Now the poet is born with
the same talent, only he cultivates it not for his immediate
worldly purposes but for a loftier spiritual and universal
purpose. If we call Shakespeare one of the greatest
poets, we mean that few have perceived the world
as accurately as he, that few who have expressed their
inner contemplation of it have given the reader deeper
insight into its meaning and consciousness. It becomes
for us completely transparent: we find ourselves
at once in the most intimate touch with virtue and vice,
greatness and meanness, nobility and infamy, and all
this through the simplest of means. If we ask what
these means are, it seems as if they were directed towards
our visual apprehension. But we are mistaken;
Shakespeare’s works are not for the physical vision.
I shall attempt to explain what I mean.
The eye, the most facile of our organs of receptivity,
may well be called the clearest of the senses; but the
inner sense is still clearer, and to it by means of words
belongs the most sensitive and clear receptivity. This
is particularly obvious when what we apprehend with
the eye seems alien and unimpressive considered in and
for itself. But Shakespeare speaks always to our inner
sense. Through this, the picture-world of imagination
becomes animated, and a complete effect results, of
which we can give no reckoning. Precisely here lies
the ground for the illusion that everything is taking
place before our eyes. But if we study the works of
Shakespeare enough, we find that they contain much
more of spiritual truth than of spectacular action. He
makes happen what can easily be conceived by the imagination,
indeed what can be better imagined than seen.
Hamlet’s ghost, Macbeth’s witches, many fearful incidents,
get their value only through the power of the
imagination, and many of the minor scenes get their
force from the same source. In reading, all these things
pass easily through our minds, and seem quite appropriate,
whereas in representation on the stage they
would strike us unfavorably and appear not only unpleasant
but even disgusting.
Shakespeare gets his effect by means of the living
word, and it is for this reason that one should hear
him read, for then the attention is not distracted either
by a too adequate or a too inadequate stage-setting.
There is no higher or purer pleasure than to sit with
closed eyes and hear a naturally expressive voice recite,
not declaim, a play of Shakespeare’s. According
to the delineation of the characters we can picture
to ourselves certain forms, but more particularly are
we able by the succession of words and phrases to learn
what is passing in their souls; the characters seem to
have agreed to leave us in the dark, in doubt, about
nothing. To that end conspire heroes and lackeys,
gentlemen and slaves, kings and heralds; indeed even the
subordinate characters are often more expressive in
this way than the leading figures. Everything which
in an affair of great importance breathes only secretly
through the air, or lies hidden in the hearts of men,
is here openly expressed. What the soul anxiously conceals
and represses is here brought freely and abundantly
to the light. We experience the truth of life,—how,
we do not know!
Shakespeare associates himself with the World-Spirit;
like it, he explores the world; from neither is
anything hidden. But whereas it is the business of
the World-Spirit to keep its secrets both before and
after the event, it is the work of the poet to tell them,
and take us into his confidence before the event or in
the very action itself. The depraved man of power, the
well-intentioned dullard, the passionate lover, the quiet
scholar, all carry their heart in their hand, often contrary
to verisimilitude. Every one is candid and loquacious.
It is enough that the secret must out, and
even the stones would publish it. The inanimate insists
upon speaking; the elements, the phenomena of sky,
earth and sea, thunder and lightning, wild animals, lift
their voice, often apparently symbolically, but all joining
in the revelation.
The whole civilized world too brings its treasures
to Shakespeare; Art and Science, Commerce and Industry,
all bear him their gifts. Shakespeare’s poems
are a great animated fair; and it is to his own country
that he owes his riches.
For back of him is England, the sea-encircled and
mist-covered country, whose enterprise reaches all the
parts of the earth. The poet lives at a noble and important
epoch, and presents all its glory and its deficiencies
with great vivacity; indeed, he would hardly
produce such an effect upon us were it not just his own
life-epoch that he was representing. No one despised
the outer costume of men more than he; but he understood
well the inner man, and here all are similar.
It is said that he has delineated the Romans with wonderful
skill. I cannot see it. They are Englishmen to
the bone; but they are human, thoroughly human, and
thus the Roman toga presumably fits them. When one
takes this into consideration, one finds his anachronisms
entirely admirable; indeed, it is just his neglect of the
outer form that makes his works so vital.
Enough of these slight words, which cannot begin
to sound the praises of Shakespeare. His friends and
worshipers will have to add many a word to them.
But one more remark:—it would be hard to find a poet
each of whose works was more thoroughly pervaded
by a definite and effective idea than his.
Thus Coriolanus is permeated by the idea of
anger at the refusal of the lower classes to recognize
the superiority of their betters. In Julius Cæsar
everything hinges on the idea that the upper classes are
not willing to see the highest place in the State occupied,
since they wrongly imagine that they are able to
act together. Antony and Cleopatra expresses with
a thousand tongues the idea that pleasure and action
are ever incompatible. And so one will ever find, in
searching his works, new cause for astonishment and
admiration.
II. Shakespeare Compared with the Ancients and the
Moderns
The interests which vitalize Shakespeare’s great
genius are interests which centre in this world. For if
prophecy and madness, dreams, omens, portents, fairies
and gnomes, ghosts, imps, and conjurers introduce a
magical element which so beautifully pervades his
poems, yet these figures are in no way the basic elements
of his works, but rest on a broad basis of the truth
and fidelity of life, so that everything that comes from
his pen seems to us genuine and sound. It has already
been suggested that he belongs not so much to the poets
of the modern era, which has been called “romantic,”
but much more to the “naturalistic” school, since his
work is permeated with the reality of the present, and
scarcely touches the emotions of unsatisfied desire, except
at his highest points.
Disregarding this, however, he is, from a closer point
of view, a decidedly modern poet, separated from the
ancients by an enormous gulf, not perhaps with regard
to his outer form, which is here beside our point, but
with regard to his inner and most profound spirit.
Here let me say that it is not my idea to use the
following terminology as exhaustive or exclusive; it is
an attempt not so much to add another new antithesis
to those already recognized, as to indicate that it is
already contained in these. These are the antitheses:—
The greatest ills to which men are exposed, as well
as the most numerous, arise from a certain inner conflict
between duty and will, as well as between duty and
its accomplishment, and desire and its accomplishment;
and it is these conflicts which bring us so often
into trouble in the course of our lives. Little difficulties,
springing from a slight error which, though taking
us by surprise, can be solved easily, give the clue to
situations of comedy. The great difficulties, on the
other hand, unresolved and unresolvable, give us
tragedy.
Predominating in the old poems is the conflict between
duty and performance, in the new between desire
and accomplishment. Let us put this decided divergency
among the other antitheses and see if it does
not prove suggestive. In both epochs, I have said,
there predominates now this side, now that; but since
duty and desire are not radically separated in men’s
characters, both will be found together, even if one
prevails and the other is subordinate. Duty is imposed
upon men; “must” is a bitter pill. The Will
man imposes upon himself; man’s will is his kingdom of
heaven. A long-continued obligation is burdensome,
the inability to perform it even terrible; but a constant
will is pleasurable, and with a firm will men can console
themselves for their inability to accomplish their
desire.
Let us consider a game of cards as a kind of poem;
it consists of both those elements. The form of the
game, bound up with chance, plays here the rôle of
necessity, just as the ancients knew it under the form
of Fate; the will, bound up with the skill of the player,
works in the other direction. In this sense I might
call whist “classic.” The form of play limits the operation
of chance, and even of the will itself. I have to
play, in company with definite partners and opponents,
with the cards which come into my hand, make the best
of a long series of chance plays, without being able
to control or parry them. In Ombre and similar
games, the contrary is the case. Here are many openings
left for skill and daring. I can disavow the cards
that fall to my hand, make them count in different ways,
half or completely discard them, get help by luck, and
in the play get the best advantage out of the worst
cards. Thus this kind of game resembles perfectly the
modern mode of thought and literature.
Ancient tragedy was based on unescapable necessity,
which was only sharpened and accelerated by an opposing
will. Here is the seat of all that is fearful in
the oracles, the region in which Œdipus lords it over
all. Less tragic appears necessity in the guise of
duty in the “Antigone”; and in how many forms does
it not appear! But all necessity is despotic, whether it
belong to the realm of Reason, like custom and civil
law, or to Nature, like the laws of Becoming, and
Growing and Passing-away, of Life and of Death. Before
all these we tremble, without realizing that it is the
good of the whole that is aimed at. The will, on the
contrary, is free, appears free, and is advantageous to
the individual. Thus the will is a flatterer, and takes
possession of men as soon as they learn to recognize
it. It is the god of the modern world. Dedicated to
it, we are afraid of opposing doctrines, and here lies
the crux of that eternal division which separates our
art and thought from the ancients. Through the motive
of Necessity, tragedy became mighty and strong;
through the motive of Will, weak and feeble. Out of
the latter arose the so-called Drama, in which dread
Necessity is overcome and dissolved through the Will.
But just because this comes to the aid of our weakness
we feel moved when, after painful tension, we are
at last a little encouraged and consoled.
As I turn now, after these preliminaries, to Shakespeare,
I must express the hope that the reader himself
will make the proper comparisons and applications. It
is Shakespeare’s unique distinction that he has combined
in such remarkable fashion the old and the new.
In his plays Will and Necessity struggle to maintain
an equilibrium; both contend powerfully, yet always
so that Will remains at a disadvantage.
No one has shown perhaps better than he the connection
between Necessity and Will in the individual
character. The person, considered as a character, is
under a certain necessity; he is constrained, appointed
to a certain particular line of action; but as a human
being he has a will, which is unconfined and universal
in its demands. Thus arises an inner conflict, and
Shakespeare is superior to all other writers in the significance
with which he endows this. But now an outer
conflict may arise, and the individual through it may
become so aroused that an insufficient will is raised
through circumstance to the level of irremissible necessity.
These motives I have referred to earlier in the
case of Hamlet; but the motive is repeated constantly
in Shakespeare,—Hamlet through the agency of the
ghost; Macbeth through the witches, Hecate, and his
wife; Brutus through his friends gets into a dilemma
and situation to which they were not equal; even in
Coriolanus the same motive is found. This Will, which
reaches beyond the power of the individual, is decidedly
modern. But since in Shakespeare it does not spring
from within, but is developed through external circumstance,
it becomes a sort of Necessity, and approaches
the classical motive. For all the heroes of ancient poetry
willed only what was possible to men, and from this
arose that beautiful balance between Necessity, Will,
and Accomplishment. Still their Necessity is a little
too severe for it really to be able to please us, even
though we may wonder at and admire it. A Necessity
which more or less, or even completely, excludes human
freedom does not chime with our views any longer. It is
true that Shakespeare in his own way has approximated
this, but in making this Necessity a moral
necessity he has, to our pleasure and astonishment,
united the spirit of the ancient and the modern worlds.
If we are to learn anything from him, here is the point
where we must study in his school. Instead of singing
the praises of our Romanticism so exclusively, and sticking
to it so uncritically,—our Romanticism, which
need not be chidden or rejected,—and thus mistaking
and obscuring its strong, solid practical aspect, we
should rather attempt to make this great fusion between
the old and the new, even though it does seem
inconsistent and paradoxical; and all the more should
we make the attempt, because a great and unique master,
whom we value most highly, and, often without
knowing why, give homage to above all others, has
already most effectively accomplished this miracle.
To be sure, he had the advantage of living in a true
time of harvest, and of working in a vigorous Protestant
country, where the madness of bigotry was silent for
a time, so that freedom was given to a true child of
nature, such as Shakespeare was, to develop religiously
his own pure inner nature, without reference to any
established religion.
The preceding words were written in the summer of
1813; I ask that the reader will not now find fault
with me, but simply recall what was said above,—that
this is merely an individual attempt to show how
different poetic geniuses have tried to reconcile and
resolve that tremendous antithesis which has appeared
in their works in so many forms. To say more would
be superfluous, since interest has been centred in
this question for the past few years, and excellent explanations
have been given us. Above all I wish to
mention Blümner’s highly valuable treatise, On the Idea
of Fate in the Tragedies of Æschylus, and the excellent
criticism of it in the supplement of the Jenaische Literaturzeitung.
Therefore, I come without further comment
to my third point, which relates immediately to
the German theatre and to Schiller’s efforts to establish
it for the future.
III. Shakespeare as Playwright
When lovers of art wish to enjoy any work, they
contemplate and delight in it as a whole, that is, they
try to feel and apprehend the unity which the artist
can bring to them. Whoever, on the other hand, wishes
to judge such works theoretically, to assert some judgment
about them, or instruct some one about them,
must use his discriminating and analytic faculty. This
we attempted to carry out when we discussed Shakespeare,
first, as poet in general, and then compared
him with the ancient and modern poets. Now we intend
to close the matter by considering him as a playwright,
or poet of the theatre.
Shakespeare’s fame and excellence belong to the history
of poetry; but it is an injustice towards all playwrights
of earlier and more recent times to give him
his entire merit in the annals of the theatre.
A universally recognized talent may make of its capacities
some use which is problematical. Not everything
which the great do is done in the best fashion.
So Shakespeare belongs by necessity in the annals of
poetry; in the annals of the theatre he appears only
by accident. Since we can honor him so unreservedly
in the first case, it behooves us in the second to explain
the conditions to which he had to accommodate himself,
but not therefore to extol these conditions as either
admirable or worthy of imitation.
We must distinguish closely-related poetic genres,
however often they may be confused and merged together
in actual treatment,—epic, dialogue, drama,
play. Epic requires the verbal delivery to the crowd
through the mouth of an individual; dialogue, conversation
in a narrow circle, where the crowd may eventually
listen; drama, conversation bound up with action,
even if enacted only before the imagination; play, all
three together, in so far as they appeal to the sense of
vision, and can be embodied under certain conditions of
personal presence and stage-setting.
Shakespeare’s works are in this sense highly dramatic;
by his treatment, his revelation of the inner life, he
wins the reader; the theatrical demands appear to him
unimportant, and so he takes it easy, and we, spiritually
speaking, take it easy with him. We pass with him
from place to place; our power of imagination provides
all the episodes which he omits. We even feel
grateful to him for arousing our imagination in so
profitable a way. Since he exhibits everything in
dramatic form, he renders easy the working of our
imaginations; for with the “stage that signifies the
world,” we are more familiar than with the world itself,
and we can read and hear the most phantastic things,
and still imagine that they might pass before our eyes
on the stage. This accounts for the frequently bungling
dramatizations of favorite novels.
Strictly speaking, nothing is theatrical except what
is immediately symbolical to the eye: an important action,
that is, which signifies a still more important one.
That Shakespeare knew how to attain this summit, that
moment witnesses where the son and heir in Henry IV
takes the crown from the side of the slumbering king,
who lies sick unto death,—takes the crown and marches
proudly away with it. But these are only moments,
scattered jewels, separated by much that is untheatrical.
Shakespeare’s whole method finds in the stage itself
something unwieldy and hostile. His great talent
is that of a universal interpreter, or “epitomizer”
(Epitomator), and since the poet in essence appears
as universal interpreter of Nature, so we must recognize
Shakespeare’s great genius as lying in this realm; it
would be only falsehood—and in no sense is this to his
dishonor—were we to say that the stage was a worthy
field for his genius. These limitations of the stage,
however, have forced upon him certain limitations of
his own. But he does not, like other poets, pick out
disconnected materials for his separate works, but puts
an idea at the centre, and to it relates the world and
the universe. As he works over and boils down ancient
and modern history, he can often make use of the material
of old chronicles; indeed, he often adapts them
word for word. With romances he does not deal so conscientiously,
as Hamlet shows us. Romeo and Juliet
is truer to the original; still he almost destroys the
tragic content of it by his two comic characters, Mercutio
and the old nurse, played apparently by two
favorite actors, the nurse perhaps originally by a male
performer. If one examines the construction of the
piece carefully, however, one notices that these two figures,
and what surrounds them, come in only as farcical
interludes, and must be as unbearable to the minds of
the lovers on the stage as they are to us.
But Shakespeare appears most remarkable when he
revises and pieces together already existing plays. In
King John and Lear we can make this comparison, for
the older plays are extant. But in these cases, too, he
turns out to be more of a poet than playwright.
In closing, let us proceed to the solution of the riddle.
The primitiveness of the English stage has been
brought to our attention by scholars. There is no
trace in it of that striving after realism, which we have
developed with the improvement of machinery and the
art of perspective and costuming, and from which we
should find it hard to turn back to that childlike beginning
of the stage,—a scaffolding, where one saw little,
where everything was signified, where the audience was
content to assume a royal chamber behind a green curtain;
and the trumpeter, who always blew his trumpet
at a certain place, and all the rest of it. Who would
be content to-day to put up with such a stage? But
amid such surroundings, Shakespeare’s plays were
highly interesting stories, only told by several persons,
who, in order to make somewhat more of an impression,
had put on masks, and, when it was necessary,
moved back and forth, entered and left the stage; but
left to the spectator nevertheless the task of imagining
at his pleasure Paradise and palaces on the empty stage.
How else then did Schroeder acquire the great distinction
of bringing Shakespeare’s plays to the German
stage, except by the fact that he was the “epitomizer”
of the “epitomizer”!
Schroeder confined himself exclusively to effect;
everything else he discarded, even many necessary
things, if they seemed to injure the effect which he
wanted to produce on his country and his time. Thus
by the omission, for instance, of the first scenes of King
Lear, he annulled the character of the play. And he
was right, for in this scene Lear seems so absurd that
we are not able, in what follows, to ascribe to his daughters
the entire guilt. We are sorry for the old man,
but we do not feel real pity for him; and it is pity that
Schroeder wishes to arouse, as well as abhorrence for
the daughters, who are indeed unnatural, but not wholly
blameworthy.
In the old play, which Shakespeare revised, this scene
produces in the course of the action the loveliest effect.
Lear flees to France; the daughters and the stepson,
from romantic caprice, make a pilgrimage over the
sea, and meet the old man, who does not recognize
them. Here everything is sweet, where Shakespeare’s
loftier tragic genius has embittered us. A comparison
of these plays will give the thoughtful reader ever fresh
pleasure.
Many years ago the superstition crept into Germany
that Shakespeare must be given literally word for word,
even if actors and audience were murdered in the process.
The attempts, occasioned by an excellent and exact
translation, were nowhere successful, of which fact the
painstaking and repeated endeavors of the stage at
Weimar are the best witness. If we wish to see a
Shakespearean play, we must take up again Schroeder’s
version; but the notion that in the staging of Shakespeare
not an iota may be omitted, senseless as it is,
one hears constantly repeated. If the defenders of this
opinion maintain the upper hand, in a few years Shakespeare
will be quite driven from the stage, which for
that matter would be no great misfortune; for then the
reader, whether he be solitary or sociable, will be able
to get so much the purer pleasure out of him.
They have, however, with the idea of making an attempt
along the lines of which we have spoken in detail
above, revised Romeo and Juliet for the theatre at
Weimar. The principles according to which this was
done we shall develop before long, and it will perhaps
become apparent why this version, whose staging
is by no means difficult, although it must be handled
artistically and carefully, did not take on the German
stage. Attempts of a similar kind are going on, and
perhaps something is preparing for the future, for frequent
endeavors do not always show immediate effects.
[8] “Goethe, in a thoughtful essay, Shakespeare und kein Ende,
written many years later than his famous criticism of Hamlet
in Wilhelm Meister, says that the distinction between the two
[ancient and modern drama] is the difference between sollen and
wollen, that is, between must and would. He means that in the
Greek drama the catastrophe is foreordained by an inexorable
Destiny, while the element of free will, and consequently choice, is
the very axis of the modern. The definition is conveniently portable,
but it has its limitations. Goethe’s attention was too exclusively
fixed on the fate tragedies of the Greeks, and upon
Shakespeare among the moderns. In the Spanish drama, for example,
custom, loyalty, honor, and religion are as imperative and
as inevitable as doom. In the Antigone, on the other hand, the
crisis lies in the character of the protagonist.”—James Russell
Lowell, Shakespeare Once More.
FIRST EDITION OF HAMLET
(1827)
The First Edition of the Tragedy of Hamlet, by William
Shakespeare, London, 1603. Reprinted by
Fleischer, Leipzig, 1825.
In this book Shakespeare’s devoted admirers receive a
valuable present. The first unbiased reading has given
me a wonderful impression. It was the old familiar
masterpiece again, its action and movement in no way
altered, but the most powerful and effective principal
passages left untouched, just as they came from the
original hand of the genius. The play was exceedingly
easy and delightful to read. One thought one’s self in a
wholly familiar world, and yet felt something peculiar
which could not be expressed, and this induced one
to give the play a closer consideration, and indeed a
stricter comparison with the old. Hence these few
random remarks.
First of all, it was noticeable that there was no locality
given, nor was there information about the stage-setting,
and just as little about the division of the acts
and scenes. All this was represented by “Enter” and
“Exit.” The imagination was allowed free play. One
saw again in his mind’s eye the old primitive English
stage. The action took its impetuous course of life
and passion, and one did not take the time to think
of such things as places.
In the more recent familiar revision we find the division
into acts and scenes, and locality and stage-setting
are given. Whether these are by him or by later stage-managers,
we leave undecided here.
The Polonius of the second revision is called Corambis
in the first, and the rôle appears through this little circumstance
to take on another character.
The unimportant supernumerary rôles were first designated
merely by numbers, but here we find them endowed
with honor and significance through being given
names. We are thus reminded of Schiller, who in Wilhelm
Tell gave names to his peasant women and some
words to speak, so that they became more acceptable
rôles. The poet does the same here with guards and
courtiers.
If in the first edition we find a loosely written syllabication,
in the later one we find it better controlled,
though always without pedantry. Rhythmic passages
are divided into five-foot iambics, though half and
quarter verses are not avoided.
So much for the external expression. A comparison
of the inner connections and relations will be of profit
to any admirer who gives the work an individual study.
Here are only a few suggestions.
Passages, which in the first version are only lightly
sketched by the hand of genius, we find more deliberately
executed, and in a way that we have to approve and
admire as necessary. We come, too, upon pleasing amplifications,
which may not be absolutely necessary, but
which are highly welcome. Here and there we find
hardly perceptible yet vivid aspersions, connective passages,
even important transpositions to make a highly
effective speech,—everything done with a master-hand,
with intelligence and feeling, everything thrilling our
emotions and clarifying our insight.
Everywhere in the first version we admire that sureness
of touch which, without lengthy reflection, seems
rather as if it had been poured out spontaneously, a
vivifying and illuminating discovery. And whatever
excellences the poet may have given to his later work,
whatever deviations he employed, at least we find nowhere
any important omission or alteration. Only here
and there some rather coarse and naïve expressions are
expunged.
In closing we shall mention, however, a noticeable
difference which concerns the costume of the Ghost.
His first appearance, as we know, is in armor; he is
armed from head to foot; his face is pale and sad, his
glance wan and yet austere. In this guise he appears
on the terrace, where the castle guard is marching up
and down, and where he himself may often have drawn
up his warriors.
In the closet of the Queen, on the other hand, we find
mother and son in the familiar dialogue, and finally
these words:—
“Queen. Hamlet, you break my heart.
Hamlet. O throw the worser part away and keep the better.”
But then follows: “Enter the Ghost in his night-gowne.”
Who, on first hearing this, does not find it for a moment
incongruous? And yet if we grasp it, if we think
it over, we shall find it right and proper. He should—indeed
he must—appear first in armor, when he is
entering the place where he has rallied his warriors,
where he has encouraged them to noble deeds. And
now we begin to be less confident of our conviction
that it was suitable to see him enter the private
closet of the queen in armor, too. How much more
private, homelike, terrible, is his entrance here in the
form in which he used to appear—in his house apparel,
his night robe, harmless and unarmed—a guise
which in itself stigmatizes in the most piteous way the
treachery which befell him. Let the intelligent reader,
as he may, picture this to himself. Let the stage-manager,
convinced of this effect, produce it in this
way, if Shakespeare is to be staged in his integrity.
It is worth noting that the commentator Steevens
has already criticized this scene. When Hamlet
says:—
“My father in his habit as he lived!”
this discerning critic adds this note:—“If the poet
means by this expression that the father is appearing
in his own house costume, he has either forgotten that
at the beginning he introduced him in armor, or else
it must be his intention in this latter appearance to
alter his attire. Hamlet’s father, just as a warrior
prince might do, does not always remain in armor, or
sleep, as they tell of King Haakon, of Norway, with his
battle-ax in his hand.”
If we had been clever enough, we should have already
thought of Hamlet’s first utterance in this scene, when
he sees the Ghost:—“What would your gracious figure?”
For we have not words enough to express all
that the English mean by the word “gracious,”—everything
that is kind and gentle, friendly and benign, tender,
and attractive, is fused in that word. Certainly it is
no term for a hero in armor.
These doubts are happily now dispelled by the reprinting
of the first edition. We are convinced anew
that Shakespeare, like the Universe, is always offering
us new aspects, and still remains, at the end of it all,
lofty and inaccessible. For all our powers are not competent
to do justice to his words, much less his genius.
TROILUS AND CRESSIDA
(1824)
A comparison of the Iliad with Troilus and Cressida
leads to similar conclusions: here, too, there is neither
parody nor travesty, but, as in the case of the eagle
and the owl two subjects taken from nature were put
in striking contrast with each other, so here are contrasted
the intellectual fibre of two epochs. The Greek
poem is in the grand style, self-restrained and self-sufficient,
using only the essential, and, in description
and simile, disdaining all ornament,—basing itself on
noble myths and tradition. The English classic, on
the other hand, one might consider a happy transposition
and translation of the other great work into the
romantic-dramatic style.
In this connection we should not forget, however,
that this piece, like many another, is based on second-hand
narratives, already rendered into prose, and only
half-poetical.
Yet it is also quite original, as much so as if the
ancient piece had never been at all; for it requires just
as profound a sincerity, just as decided a talent, to depict
for us similar personalities and characters with
so light a touch and so lucid a meaning, and represent
them for a later age with all the human traits of that
age, which thus sees itself reflected in the guise of the
ancient story.
ON OTHER WRITERS
GOETHE AS A YOUNG REVIEWER — FOOTNOTES:
(1772)
I
Lyrical Poems, by J. C. Blum. Berlin, 1772
We no longer feel certain whether it is wise for young
poets to read the ancients early. Our unimaginative
mode of life stifles genius, unless the singers of freer
times kindle it and open to it an atmosphere at least
ideally more free; but these very singers also breathe
into the soul so exotic a spirit that the very best poet,
with the most fortunate genius, can soon merely support
himself in his flight through his imagination, and
can no longer give expression to that glowing inspiration
which alone makes true poetry. Why are the poems of
the old skalds, of the Celts and the old Greeks, even of
the Orientals, so strong, so fiery, so great? Nature
drives them to singing as it does the bird in the air.
As for us (for we cannot deceive ourselves) we are
driven to the lyre by an artificial and stimulated feeling,
which we owe to our admiration for the ancients,
and to our delight in them; and for this reason our best
songs, with few exceptions, are merely imitative copies.
These remarks have been suggested by the lyrical
poems of Herr Blum. This poet is certainly not without
talent, and yet how seldom does he seem to be able
to stand on his own feet when his Horace is not before
his eyes. The latter illumines the way for him,
like Hero’s torch; the moment he must go alone, he
sinks. Space does not permit us to prove our point
here, but we ask every reader who knows his Horace
whether the poet does not grow tired and cold whenever
Horace and King David do not lend him thoughts, feelings,
expressions, situations, and in the case of the former
even his mythology, all of which, we must feel, are
seldom used except when the imagination creates with a
cold heart. The well-known Horatian dialogue, Donec
gratus eram, Kleist has translated much better; but
the “Lamentation of David and Jonathan” we have
never seen better versified than here. We wish the
writer an unspoilt maiden, days of complete leisure, and
the pure spirit of poetry without the spirit of mere
authorship. The very best of poets degenerates when
in composing he thinks of the public, and is filled with a
yearning for fame, especially newspaper fame, rather
than completely absorbed by his subject.
II
Cymbelline, a Tragedy, Based on a Shakespearian
Theme [by J. G. Sulzer]. Danzig, 1772.
The author, obliged by a severe illness to avoid all
fatiguing work,—so we are informed in the Preface,—amused
himself with the study of Shakespeare’s works.
We could have told him in advance that this was no
reading for a convalescent; whoever wishes to share
in the life that glows through Shakespeare’s plays must
himself be sound in body and mind. At all events, our
author, moved by a cool, weak, critical modesty, regretted
that so many “incongruités” should mar the
“many just sentiments” and “some beauties” (as the
eminent Dr. Johnson likewise remarks) that are to be
found in this play. So he resolved to separate the
dross from the gold (that is vox populi critici in regard
to Shakespeare since time immemorial), and to attempt
nothing less than this: what Sophocles would approximately
have done if he had tried to make a play out
of the same material. So he travestied—no, not travestied,
for then something of the appearance of the original
would remain—parodied—no, not that either, for
then something could be guessed by the very contrast—what
then? what word will express the poverty that is
here, compared with the infinite riches of Shakespeare!
Shakespeare, who felt the spirit of several centuries
in his breast, through whose soul the life of whole centuries
was stirring!—and here—comedians in silk and
buckram, and daubed scene-painting! The scene a
wood; in front a thick copse, through which one enters
a grotto; in the background a large pasteboard
rock, on which ladies and gentlemen sit, lie, are stabbed,
etc.
That is the way Sophocles would have handled this
theme! It is bad enough to take Shakespeare’s play,
whose very essence is the life of history, and reduce it
to the Sophoclean unity which aims merely at presenting
action; but to model it on the “Treatise on Tragedy”
in the first part of the old Leipziger Bibliothek![9]
We are certain that every one, not merely readers of
Shakespeare, will cast it aside with contempt.
To me Byron’s tragedy of Manfred was a wonderful
phenomenon, touching me closely. This singular but
highly gifted poet has absorbed my own Faust into
himself, and, like a hypochondriac, drawn from it the
strangest sort of nourishment. Those motives and
ideas which suited his purposes he has made use of, but
in his own original way, so that everything seems different;
and for this reason I cannot wonder enough at
his genius. This transformation affects the whole so
intimately that highly interesting lectures could be
given on the similarity and dissimilarity which his work
bears to his pattern; but I do not deny that in the long
run the dull glow of a boundless and profound despair
becomes irksome to us. Yet in the dissatisfaction
which one feels there are always interwoven both admiration
and respect.
Thus we find in this tragedy quite uniquely the very
quintessence of the feelings and passions of a remarkable
genius, but a genius doomed from birth to suffering
and anguish. The details of his life and the characteristics
of his poetry hardly permit of a just and
fair criticism. He has often enough confessed his anguish;
he has repeatedly presented it in his verse, and
it is difficult for any one not to feel real pity for the
unbearable pain which he is forever working and gnawing
over in his heart.
There are two women whose shadows follow him unceasingly,
and who play a large rôle in his best-known
works; one appears under the name Astarte, the other,
without form or presence, simply as A Voice.
The following story is told of the tragic adventure
which was his experience with the first. As a young,
daring and highly attractive youth he won the love of
a Florentine lady; her husband discovered it and murdered
her. But the murderer was found dead that same
night in the street, and there was nothing to throw suspicion
upon a single soul. Lord Byron left Florence,
but these apparitions haunted him throughout his whole
life.
This romantic event appears in his poems in countless
allusions, as for example where he, probably brooding
over his own tragedy, applies the sad story of the
king of Sparta to his own case. The story is as
follows: Pausanias, the Lacedæmonian general, having
won fame in the important victory at Platæa, later
through arrogance, stubbornness, and cruel treatment,
loses the affection of the Greeks, and, on account of
a secret understanding with the enemy, loses also the
confidence of his countrymen. He thus brings blood-guiltiness
upon his head, which pursues him to a miserable
end. For while in command of the fleet of the Greek
allies in the Black Sea, he falls violently in love with a
girl of Byzantium. After a long struggle he wins her
from her parents; she is to be brought to him in the
night. Filled with shame, she requests the servants to
put out the light; this is done, but groping about in
the room, she knocks over the lamp-stand. Pausanias
awakes suddenly from sleep, suspects murder, seizes his
sword and kills his beloved. The horrible vision of this
scene never leaves him afterwards, its shadow pursues
him unceasingly, so that he appeals in vain to the gods
and to necromancers for aid and absolution.
What a sick heart the poet must have who would
seek out such a story from the ancient world, appropriate
it to himself, and burden himself with its tragic
image! This will explain the following monologue, so
laden with gloom and the despair of life; we recommend
it to all lovers of declamation for serious practice.
Hamlet’s monologue is here intensified. It will take
considerable art especially to pick out the interpolations
and yet keep the connection and the flow and
smoothness of the whole. Besides it will be discovered
that a certain vehement, even eccentric, expression
is needed in order to do justice to the intention of
the poet.[10]
[10] The quotation which follows here, translated by Goethe into
German, is Manfred’s speech at the end of act 2, scene 2, beginning:
“We are the fools of Time and Terror! Days
Steal on us, and steal from us; yet we live,
Loathing our life, and dreading still to die.”
BYRON’S DON JUAN [11] — FOOTNOTES:
(1821)
In hesitating some time ago to insert a passage from
[Manzoni’s] Count Carmagnola, a piece which is perhaps
translatable, and in the present instance making
the daring attempt to take up and discuss the untranslatable
Don Juan, it may seem as if we are guilty of
an inconsistency. We shall therefore point out the difference
between the two cases. Manzoni is as yet but
little known among us, and it is better that people
should learn to know his merits first in their complete
fullness, as they are presented only in the original; after
that, a translation by one of our young poets would be
decidedly in order. With Lord Byron’s talent, on the
other hand, we are sufficiently acquainted, and can
neither help nor injure him by translation, for the
originals are in the hands of all cultivated people.
Yet such an attempt, even if it were attempting the
impossible, will always have a certain value. For if a
false reflection does not exactly give back the original
picture to us, yet it makes us attentive at least to
the mirror itself and to its more or less perceptible
defects.
Don Juan is a work of infinite genius, misanthropical
with the bitterest inhumanity, yet sympathetic
with the deepest intensity of tender feeling. And
since we now know the author and esteem him, and do
not wish him to be otherwise than he is, we enjoy thankfully
what he dares with overgreat independence, indeed
insolence, to bring before us. The technical treatment
of the verse is quite in accord with the singular, reckless,
unsparing content. The poet spares his language as
little as he does his men, and as we examine it more
closely we discover indeed that English poetry has a
cultivated comic language which we Germans wholly
lack.
The comic in German lies preëminently in the idea,
less in the treatment or style. We admire Lichtenberg’s
abounding wealth; he has at his command a whole
world of knowledge and relations to mix like a pack
of cards and deal them out roguishly at pleasure. With
Blumauer too, whose compositions in verse certainly
possess the comic spirit, it is especially the sharp
contrast between old and new, aristocrats and common
people, the noble and the mean, that delights us.
If we examine further we find that the German, in
order to be amusing, steps back several centuries and
has the luck to be peculiarly ingenuous and engaging
only in doggerel rhyme.
In translating Don Juan there are many useful things
to be learned from the Englishman. There is only one
joke which we cannot imitate from him,—one that
gets its effect by a singular and dubious accent in words
which look quite differently on paper. The English
linguist may judge how far the poet in this case has
wantonly exceeded the proper limits.
It is only by chance that the verses inserted here
happened to be translated, and they are now published
not as a pattern but for their suggestiveness. All
our talented translators ought to try their skill at least
partly upon them; they will have to permit assonances
and imperfect rhymes and who knows what besides. A
certain laconic treatment will also be necessary, in order
to give the full quality and significance of this audacious
mischievousness. Only when something has been
accomplished along these lines, can we discuss the subject
further.
Possibly we may be reproached for spreading in
translation such writings as these through Germany,
thus making an honest, peaceful, decorous nation acquainted
with the most immoral works that the art of
poetry ever produced. But according to our way of
thinking, these attempts at translation should not be
intended for the press, but may serve as excellent practice
for talented brains. Our poets may then discreetly
apply and cultivate what they acquire in this way, for
the pleasure and delight of their countrymen. No particular
injury to morality is to be feared from the publication
of such poems, since poets and authors would
have to cast aside all restraint to be more corrupting
than the papers of the present day.
[11] This paper is preceded by a translation into German verse
of the first five stanzas of Don Juan.
CALDERON’S DAUGHTER OF THE AIR
(1822)
“De nugis hominum seria veritas
Uno volvitur assere.”
Certainly if any course of human follies, presented in
lofty style, is to be put upon the stage, then this drama
should carry off the prize.
We often allow ourselves to be charmed by the
merits of a work of art, to the extent that the last
good thing which has come before us we consider and
discuss as the greatest we have ever seen. Still this
does no harm, for we study such a work then con amore
and all the more closely, and seek to discover its merits,
in order that our judgment may be justified. For this
reason I do not hesitate to acknowledge that in the
Daughter of the Air I admire more than ever Calderon’s
great talent, his lofty genius and clear insight. We
should not fail to recognize that the subject is
superior to his other plays, in that the story is
based on motives purely human, and there is no
more of the supernatural element than is necessary for
the extraordinary and the exceptional in human affairs
to develop and proceed in natural fashion. Only the
beginning and the end are marvelous; everything else
proceeds in a natural course.
What there is to say of this play is true of all the
plays by this poet. He gives us in no way a real view
of nature; he is rather theatrical throughout, even
stagey. Of what we call illusion, especially such as
touches the feelings, we find not a trace. The design is
clear to one’s mind, the scenes follow of necessity, in
a kind of ballet-order, pleasing and artistic in its way,
and suggest the technique of our latest comic opera.
The inner leading motives are always the same,—conflict
of duty, passion, conditions derived from the antithesis
of the characters and the existing relations.
The main action proceeds in a poetic and dignified
manner; the minor scenes, which have an elegant movement,
in the style of the minuet, are rhetorical, dialectical,
sophisticated. All the types of humanity are exhausted;
there is not missing even the fool, whose simple
mind makes havoc of deception whenever a pretense
is made of sympathy and kindness.
Now we must admit on reflection that human situations
and emotions cannot be put on the stage in their
primitive realism, but must be worked up, touched up,
idealized. And thus we find them in this case, too; the
poet however stands on the threshold of over-refinement,
he gives us a quintessence of humanity.
Shakespeare on the contrary gives us the rich ripe
grape from the vine. According to our taste we can
enjoy the single berries, press them out and taste or sip
the juice or the fermented wine—however we treat them
we are refreshed. With Calderon, on the other hand,
nothing is left to the choice or taste of the spectator;
we receive from him the spirits already drawn off and
distilled, seasoned with many spices, or flavored with
sweets; we must accept the beverage as it is, as a delicious
and palatable stimulant, or else refuse it.
But the reason for our giving the Daughter of the
Air so high a place has already been suggested; it is favored
by its excellent subject-matter. For we object to
seeing a noble and free man, as in several of Calderon’s
plays, indulging in dark error and lending his reason
to indiscretions and folly; here we have a quarrel with
the poet himself, since his material offends us, whereas
his manner charms. This is the case in The Devotion of
the Cross and in Daybreak in Copacabana.
In this connection we may say in print what
we have often expressed privately, that we must
regard it as one of the greatest advantages of life
that Shakespeare enjoyed, that he was born and
brought up as a Protestant. He appears always as a
human being, with a complete faith and confidence in human
values and affairs: error and superstition he feels
to be beneath him, and only toys with them, compelling
the supernatural to serve his purposes. Tragic ghosts,
droll goblins he summons to his ends, in which everything
is clarified and cleansed of superstition, so that
the poet never feels the dilemma of being compelled to
deify the absurd, the saddest downfall which mankind,
conscious of possessing reason, can experience.
Returning to the Daughter of the Air, this question
suggests itself: If we are now enabled to transport
ourselves to so remote an atmosphere, without knowing
the locality or understanding the language, to enter
familiarly into a foreign literature without previous
historical research, and to bring home to ourselves in
one example the quality and flavor of a certain age,
the mind and genius of a people—to whom do we owe
thanks for all this? Evidently to the translator, who
all his life and with laborious industry has thus utilized
his talent to our benefit. Our warmest thanks, therefore,
we present to Dr. Gries; he has given us a gift
whose value is overwhelming, a gift in considering which
we gladly refrain from all comparisons, because it delights
us by its clearness, wins us by its charm, and by
the complete harmony of all its parts convinces us that
nothing in it could or should have been different.
Such excellence older readers are likely to prize more
highly, for they like to enjoy in comfort a perfectly
adequate presentation; younger men, on the contrary,
actively engaged in work, coöperating and struggling,
do not always acknowledge merit which they themselves
hope to emulate.
All honor then to the translator, who concentrated
his energies on a single point, and went ahead in a
single direction, so that we could enjoy in a thousand
different ways!
MOLIÈRE’S MISANTHROPE
(1828)
Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de Molière, par J.
Taschereau. Paris, 1828.
This work deserves to be read carefully by all true
lovers of literature, because it gives us new insight into
the qualities and individuality of a great man. It will
also be welcome to his devoted admirers, although they
hardly need this in order to treasure him highly; to
the attentive reader he has revealed himself sufficiently
in his works.
Examine the Misanthrope carefully and ask yourself
whether a poet has ever represented his inner spirit
more completely or more admirably. We can well call
the content and treatment of this play “tragic.” Such
an impression at least it has always left with us, because
that mood is brought before our mind’s eye which
often in itself brings us to despair, and seems as if it
would make the world unbearable.
Here is represented the type of man who despite
great cultivation has yet remained natural, and who
with himself, as well as others, would like only too well
to express himself with complete truth and sincerity.
But we see him in conflict with the social world, where
one cannot move without dissimulation and shallowness.
In contrast to such a type Timon is merely a comic
character. I wish that a talented poet would depict
such a visionary who was always deceiving himself as to
the world, and then was greatly put out with it, as if
it had deceived him.
OLD GERMAN FOLKSONGS
(1806)
Des Knaben Wunderhorn. Old German Songs, edited
by Achim von Arnim and Klemens Brentano. Heidelberg,
1806.
We are decidedly of the opinion that for the present
criticism should not concern itself with this collection.
The editors have collected and arranged this volume
with such love and diligence, such good taste and delicacy
of feeling, that their countrymen should first of
all show their gratitude for this loving care by their
good-will, their interest, and their sympathetic appreciation.
This little book ought to be found in every
home in which lively and healthy people dwell,—at the
window, under the mirror, or wherever else songbooks
and cookbooks are usually found, so that it may be
opened in any happy or unhappy mood, and one may
always find something which strikes a similar or a new
chord, even though one must perhaps turn over a few
pages.
But the most fitting place for this volume would be
upon the piano of a lover or a master of music, so that
full justice might be done the songs by setting them to
old familiar tunes, or suitable tunes might be adapted
to them, or, God willing, new and striking melodies
might be composed through their inspiration.
If these songs were then borne from ear to ear, from
mouth to mouth, clothed in their own melodious harmony,
if they gradually returned regenerated and enhanced
in beauty to the people from whom they, so to
speak, have in part sprung, then we might truly say that
the little book had fulfilled its mission, and could now be
lost again in its written or printed form, because it
had become part and parcel of the life and culture of
the nation.
But since in our modern times, especially in Germany,
nothing seems to exist or to have any effect unless
it is written about again and again, adjudged and
made a bone of contention, a few remarks may not improperly
be introduced here about this collection,—a
few observations which may not enhance our enjoyment
of the book, but at least will not impair or destroy it.
What may at the outset be said unreservedly in
praise of the collection is that it is thoroughly varied
and characteristic. It contains more than two hundred
poems of the last three centuries, all of them differing
so much from one another in sense, conception,
sound, and manner that the same criticism cannot apply
to any two of them. We shall therefore assume
the agreeable task of characterizing [some of] them in
order as the inspiration of the moment may prompt us:
The Wunderhorn. Fairy-like, childlike, pleasing.
The Sultan’s Little Daughter. Tender Christian feeling, charming.
The Drummer Boy. Lively presentation of a distressing incident.
A poem which the discriminating will find it difficult to
match.
Should and Must. Perfect in plan, although here in a dismembered
and curiously restored condition.
A Friendly Service. German romanticism, pious and pleasing.
Cradle Song. Rhyming nonsense, perfectly suited to put one
to sleep.
Miller’s Farewell. To one who can grasp the situation, a priceless
thing; but the first stanza requires an emendation.
Abbot Neidhard and His Monks. A prank of Till Eulenspiegel
of the very best sort, and very well told.
The Horrible Marriage. An extraordinary case; in the ballad-monger’s
manner, but admirably handled.
The Excellent Comrade. Nonsense; but happy the man who
can sing it agreeably!
Unrequited Love. Very good, but tending toward a rather
Philistine prose.
The Little Tree. Full of longing and playfulness, yet full of
fervor.
Mésalliance. Excellent enigmatic fable, but a clearer treatment
might have been more pleasing to the reader.
With these impromptu characterizations—for how
could they be other than impromptu?—we do not intend
to anticipate the judgment of any readers of the
book, and least of all those readers who by their own
lyric enjoyment and the appreciation of a sympathetic
heart can get more from the poems themselves than any
brief characterizations like ours can ever give them.
We should like, however, in conclusion to say something
about the value of the collection as a whole.
We have been accustomed for years to give the name
of “folksongs” to this species of poetry, not because
it is really composed by the people or for the people,
but because it embraces in itself something so vigorous
and wholesome that the healthy stock of the nation understands
it, remembers it, appropriates it, and at
times propagates it. Poetry of this kind is as true
poetry as can possibly exist. It has an incredible
charm even for us who stand on a higher plane of culture,
just as the sight of young people and the memory
of one’s own youth have for old age. Art in them is in
conflict with nature; and it is because of their gradual
development, their mutual influence, and their striving
for form that these songs seem to seek a further perfection
when they have already reached their goal.
True poetic genius, wherever it appears, is perfect in
itself: no matter what imperfections of language, of
external technique, or anything else, stand in its way,
it possesses the higher inner form which ultimately has
everything at its command, and often in an obscure
and imperfect medium produces a more striking effect
than it can later produce in a more perfect medium.
The vivid poetic perception of a limited state or condition
gives to what is purely individual a universal
significance, finite to be sure, but after all limitless and
unrestricted, so that within a small compass we fancy
we see the whole world. The promptings of a profound
intuition urge the poet to a significant brevity;
and what would seem in prose unpardonably topsy-turvy
is to the true poetic sense a necessity and a virtue;
even a solecism, if it appeals seriously to our
whole imagination, stimulates it to a surprisingly high
degree of enjoyment.
In characterizing the individual poems we avoided
the kind of formal classification which may more readily
be made in the future when several authentic and
typical examples of every kind have been collected. But
we cannot conceal our own preference for those songs
in which lyric, dramatic, and epic treatment is interwoven
in such a way that a problem, at first shrouded
in mystery, is finally solved skilfully, or even, if you
will, epigrammatically. The well-known ballad, “Why
dois your brand sae drop wi’ bluid, Edward, Edward?”
is, especially in the original, the most perfect example
of this species of poetry.
We hope that the editors will be encouraged to publish
in the near future another volume of poems from
the rich store collected by them as well as from those
already printed. We trust that when they do this they
will guard themselves carefully against the sing-song
of the Minnesingers, the blatant coarseness and the
platitudes of the Mastersingers, as well as against
everything monkish and pedantic. If they should collect
a second volume of these German songs, they might also
be asked to select songs of the same kind from foreign
nations and to give them in the original and in translations
that are either already extant or may be made
by them for this special purpose. The most of these,
to be sure, will be from the English, fewer from the
French, some of a different type from the Spanish, and
almost none from the Italian.
If from the outset we have doubted the competence
of criticism, even in its highest sense, to judge this
work, we have all the more reason to ignore that kind
of research which attempts to separate the songs that
are genuine from those that have been more or less
restored. The editors, so far as it is possible in these
later times, have caught the spirit of their task, and we
ought to be grateful to them even for those poems which
have been oddly restored or made up of heterogeneous
parts or are absolutely spurious. Who does not know
what a song has to undergo when it has been for some
time in the mouth of the people, and not merely uneducated
people either? Why should he who finally
writes it down and inserts it in a collection with other
poems not have a certain personal right to it? We
do not possess any poetic or sacred book of earlier
times which has not depended for its final form on the
skill or whim of him who first wrote it down or some
later copyist.
If we accept the printed collection lying before us
from this point of view, and with a grateful and kindly
spirit, we may charge the editors all the more earnestly
to keep their poetic archives pure, lofty, and in
good order. It serves no purpose to print everything;
but they will place the whole nation in their debt if
they contribute toward that thorough, faithful, and
intelligent history of our poetry and our poetic culture
which from now on must be the ultimate goal of
scholars.
FOLKSONGS AGAIN COMMENDED
(1823)
My old love for original folksongs has not lessened, but
has rather been increased by receiving valuable communications
from many quarters.
In particular, I have received from the East, some
separately, and some in collections, such songs of
many different peoples; they extend from Olympus to
the Baltic Sea, and from that line towards the northeast.
My hesitation in publishing any of them is due partly
to the fact that many varied interests have drawn me
here and there and so prevented me, but also more particularly
to the following circumstance.
All true national poems have a small circle of ideas,
to which they are always limited, and in which they revolve.
For that reason they become monotonous in
mass, because they express one and the same limited
situation.
Examine the six modern Greek songs inserted above;
every one will admire the powerful contrast between
the virile freedom of spirit in the wilderness and a government,
orderly indeed, but still barbaric and of insufficient
power. A dozen or more would be sufficient
to exhibit this refractory character in them, and show
us repetitions such as we find in our own folksongs,
where we often come upon more or less happy variations
of the same theme, as well as mixed and heterogeneous
fragments.
It is remarkable, nevertheless, how much the individual
peoples mentioned above differ among themselves
in their songs; this characteristic we shall not discuss
abstractly, but will rather develop by means of examples
from time to time in the ensuing numbers.
Since contributions for this purpose will be highly
welcome from all quarters, we request the friend who
showed us at Wiesbaden in the summer of 1815 some
Greek songs in the original and in a very happy translation,
promising to send us soon a copy which never however
appeared, to get in touch with us again and cooperate
with us in this praiseworthy undertaking.
LAURENCE STERNE
(1827)
In the swift progress of literary, as of human, culture
it happens commonly that we forget the person to whom
we owe the first stimulus, the original influence. What
is, and what flourishes here and now, we believe had to
be so and had to happen so. But in this we are wrong,
for we lose sight of those who guided us to the right
path. From this point of view I call attention to a
man who first gave the stimulus to the great epoch in
the second half of the last century, an epoch of clearer
human knowledge, nobler toleration, gentler humanity.
Of this man, to whom I owe so much, I am often reminded,
especially when the talk is of truth and error,
which fluctuate here and there among mankind. A third
word may be added of gentler meaning, that is, “singularity”
(Eigenheit), for there are certain human
phenomena which can be best expressed by this term.
Viewed externally they are erroneous, but from within
full of truth, and rightly considered, of the highest
psychological importance. They are those qualities
which constitute the individual; the universal is thereby
specified, and in the most peculiar of them there always
shines some intelligence, reason, and good-will
which charms us and fetters us. From this standpoint,
“Yorick” Sterne, revealing in the tenderest way
the human in men, has called these “singularities,” in
so far as they express themselves in action, “ruling
passions.” For certainly they are what drive men in
a certain direction, push them along on a consistent
track, and without requiring reflection, conviction, purpose
or strength of will, keep them continually in life
and motion. It is immediately apparent how closely
related habit is to them; for it promotes that convenience
in which our idiosyncrasies love to saunter undisturbed.
THE ENGLISH REVIEWERS
(1821)
English critics, as we have come to know them from
their various Reviews, deserve a great deal of respect.
Their acquaintance not only with their own literature,
but also with that of other countries, is most gratifying;
the seriousness and the thoroughness with which
they go to work arouse our admiration, and we are glad
to confess that much may be learned from them. Moreover,
we find ourselves very favorably impressed by the
attitude these men take toward their calling as critics
and the respect which they have for the intelligence of
the public,—a public, to be sure, which is very attentive
to all things written and spoken, but is probably
hard to satisfy, and ever disposed to contradict and
argue.
No matter how thorough and comprehensive the
presentation of a case by an attorney before a body of
judges or by a speaker before a provincial diet may
be, some opponent will very soon come to the fore with
forcible arguments; the attentive and critical hearers
will themselves be divided, and many an important matter
is often decided by a very small majority.
Such a spirit of opposition, even though passive, we
occasionally assume toward critics, both at home and
abroad, whose knowledge of facts we by no means deny
and whose premises we often grant, but whose conclusions
nevertheless we do not share.
Still we must be especially forbearing to the English
when they appear harsh and unjust toward foreign productions;
for those who count Shakespeare among their
forebears may well allow themselves to be carried away
by their pride of ancestry.
GERMAN LITERATURE IN GOETHE’S YOUTH — FOOTNOTES:
(1811-14)
So much has been written about the condition of German
literature at that time,[12] and to such good purpose,
that every one who takes any interest in it can obtain
full information; the opinions with regard to it, too,
are fairly unanimous; so that anything I say about it
here, in my fragmentary and desultory fashion, is not
so much an analysis of its characteristics as of its relation
to me. I will therefore first speak of those
branches which especially react upon the public, those
two hereditary foes of all easy-going life, and of all
cheerful, self-sufficient, living poetry:—I mean, satire
and criticism.
In quiet times every one desires to live after his own
fashion; the citizen wishes to carry on his trade or his
business, and then enjoy himself; so, too, the author
likes to produce something, see his work published, and,
in the consciousness of having done something good and
useful, looks, if not for remuneration, at any rate for
praise. From this state of tranquillity the citizen is
roused by the satirist, the author by the critic, and so
it comes that peaceful society is rudely disturbed.
The literary epoch in which I was born developed out
of the preceding one by opposition. Germany, so long
inundated by foreign people, pervaded by other nations,
employing foreign languages in learned and diplomatic
transactions, could not possibly cultivate her own.
Together with so many new ideas, innumerable strange
words were obtruded necessarily and unnecessarily upon
her, and even for objects already known people were
induced to make use of foreign expressions and turns of
language. The Germans, brutalized by nearly two centuries
of misery and confusion, took lessons from the
French in manners and from the Latins in the art of
expression. This art ought to have been cultivated
in German, since the use of French and Latin idioms,
and their partial translation into German, made both
their social and business style ridiculous. Besides this,
they recklessly adopted figures of speech belonging to
the southern languages, and employed them most extravagantly.
In the same way the stately ceremoniousness
of prince-like Roman citizens had been transferred
to the educated circles in German provincial towns.
As a result, they nowhere felt themselves at home, least
of all in their own houses.
But in this epoch works of genius had already appeared,
and the German independence of mind and enjoyment
of life began to assert themselves. This cheerful
spirit, combined with an honest sincerity, led to the
demand for purity and naturalness in writing, without
the intermixture of foreign words, and in accordance
with the dictates of plain common sense. By these
praiseworthy endeavors, however, the flood-gates were
thrown open to a prolix national insipidity, nay, the
dam was broken down, and an inundation was bound to
follow. However, a stiff pedantry continued for some
time to hold sway in the four learned professions, and
eventually, at a much later date, fled for refuge first
to one and then to another.
Men of parts, children of nature looking freely about
them, had therefore two objects on which they could
exercise their faculties, against which they could direct
their energies, and, as the matter was of no great importance,
vent their mischievousness; these were, on the
one hand, a language disfigured by foreign words, forms,
and turns of speech; and on the other, the worthlessness
of such writings as had been careful to avoid those
faults; but it never occurred to any one that each evil
was being combated by fostering the other.
Liscow, a daring young man, first ventured to attack
by name a shallow, silly writer, whose foolish behavior
soon gave him an opportunity for yet more drastic
treatment. He then sought other subjects, invariably
directing his satire against particular objects and persons,
whom he despised and sought to render despicable;
indeed, he pursued them with passionate hatred. But
his career was short; for he died early, and was remembered
only as a restless, irregular youth. The talent
and character shown in what he did, in spite of the
smallness of his production, may well have seemed valuable
to his countrymen: for the Germans have always
shown a peculiar piety towards the promise of genius
prematurely cut off. Suffice it to say that in our early
youth Liscow was praised and commended to us as an
excellent satirist, who might justly claim preference
even before the universally beloved Rabener. But we
did not gain much from him; for the only thing we discovered
from his works was that he considered the absurd
absurd, and this seemed to us a matter of course.
Rabener, well educated, grown up under good school
discipline, of a cheerful and by no means passionate
or malicious disposition, turned to general satire. His
censure of so-called vices and follies is the outcome of
clear-sighted and unimpassioned common sense, and of
a definite moral conception as to what the world ought
to be. His denunciation of faults and failings is harmless
and cheerful; and in order to excuse even the slight
daring of his writings, he assumes that the attempt to
improve fools by ridicule is not in vain.
Rabener’s personal character was such as we do not
often meet. A thorough and strict man of business,
he did his duty, and so gained the good opinion of his
fellow-townsmen and the confidence of his superiors;
at the same time, by way of relaxation, he indulged in
a genial contempt for all that immediately surrounded
him. Learned pedants, vain youngsters, every sort of
narrowness and conceit, he made fun of rather than
satirized, and even his satire expressed no scorn. Just
in the same way he jested about his own condition, his
unhappiness, his life, and his death.
There is little of the æsthetic in the manner in which
this writer treats his subjects. In external form he
is indeed varied enough, but throughout he makes too
much use of direct irony, that is, in praising the blameworthy
and blaming the praiseworthy, whereas this
rhetorical device should be adopted extremely sparingly;
for, in the long run, it becomes annoying to
the clear-sighted, perplexes the foolish, but appeals, it
is true, to the great majority, who without special intellectual
effort imagine themselves cleverer than other
people. But all that he presents to us, whatever its
form, bears witness to his rectitude, cheerfulness, and
equanimity, so that we are always favorably impressed.
The unbounded admiration of his own times was a consequence
of these moral excellencies.
It was natural that people should try to discover
originals for his general descriptions and should succeed;
and consequently he was attacked on this score
by certain individuals: his over-long apologies denying
that his satire was personal, prove the annoyance to
which he was subjected. Some of his letters do honor
to him both as a man and an author. The confidential
epistle in which he describes the siege of Dresden and
the loss of his house, his effects, his writings, and his
wigs, without having his equanimity in the least shaken
or his cheerfulness clouded, is most estimable, although
his contemporaries and fellow-citizens could not forgive
him his happy temperament. The letter in which
he speaks of the decay of his strength and of his approaching
death is in the highest degree worthy of respect,
and Rabener deserves to be honored as a saint
by all happy sensible people, who cheerfully accept their
earthly lot.
I tear myself away from him reluctantly, and merely
add this remark: his satire refers throughout to the
middle classes; he lets us see here and there that he is
also acquainted with the upper classes, but does not
hold it advisable to discuss them. It may be said that
he had no successor; it would be impossible to point
to any one at all equal, or even similar to him.
Let us turn to criticism; and first of all to the theoretic
attempts. It is not going too far to say that
idealism had at that time fled from the world to religion;
it was hardly discoverable even in ethics; of a
supreme principle in art no one had a notion. They
put Gottsched’s Critical Art of Poetry into our hands;
it was useful and instructive enough, for it gave us
historical information about the various kinds of
poetry, as well as about rhythm and its different movements;
poetic genius was taken for granted! But besides
this the poet was to have education, and even
learning, he should possess taste, and other things of
the same nature. Finally, we were referred to Horace’s
Art of Poetry; we gazed at single golden maxims
of this invaluable work with veneration, but did not
know in the least what to do with it as a whole, or how
to use it.
The Swiss came to the front as Gottsched’s antagonists;
hence they must intend to do something different,
to accomplish something better: accordingly we
heard that they were, in fact, superior. Breitinger’s
Critical Art of Poetry was now studied. Here we entered
a wider field, or, properly speaking, only a greater
labyrinth, which was the more wearisome, as an able
man in whom we had confidence drove us about in it.
Let a brief review justify these words.
As yet no one had been able to discover the essential
principle of poetry; it was too spiritual and too evanescent.
Painting, an art which one could keep within
sight, and follow step by step with the external senses,
seemed more adapted to such an end; the English and
French had already theorized about the arts of painting
and sculpture, and it was thought possible to explain
the nature of poetry by drawing a comparison
from these arts. Painting presented images to the
eyes, poetry to the imagination; poetical images, therefore,
were the first thing to be taken into consideration.
Similes came first, then descriptions and whatever it
was possible to represent to the external senses came
under discussion.
Images, then! But whence should these images be
taken except from nature? The painter obviously imitated
nature; why not the poet also? But nature, just
as she is, cannot be imitated: she contains so much
that is insignificant and unsuitable, that a selection
must be made; but what determines the choice? what is
important must be selected; but what is important?
The answer to this question the Swiss probably took
a long time to consider: for they arrived at an idea
which is indeed strange, but pretty, even amusing; for
they said what is new is always most important: and
after they had considered this for a while, they discovered
that the marvelous is always newer than anything
else.
Apparently they now had the essentials of poetry
before them, but it had further to be taken into consideration
that the marvelous may be barren and without
human interest. This human interest which is indispensable
must be moral, and would then obviously
tend to the improvement of man; hence that poem would
fulfil its ultimate aim which in addition to its merits
possessed utility. It was the fulfilment of all these demands
which constituted the test they wished to apply
to the various kinds of poetry, and that species which
imitated nature, and furthermore was marvelous, and
at the same time moral in purpose and effect, they placed
first and highest. And after much deliberation this
great preëminence was finally ascribed, with the utmost
conviction, to Æsop’s fables!
Strange as such a deduction may now appear, it had
the most decided influence on the best minds. That
Gellert and subsequently Lichtwer devoted themselves
to this department of literature, that even Lessing attempted
to do work in it, that so many others applied
their talents to it, speaks for the faith they put in this
species of poetry. Theory and practice always act
upon each other; one can see from men’s works what
opinions they hold; and, from their opinions, it is possible
to predict what they will do.
Yet we must not dismiss our Swiss theory without
doing it justice. Bodmer, with all the pains he took,
remained in theory and practice a child all his life.
Breitinger was an able, learned, sagacious man, who,
after making a careful survey, recognized all the requirements
to be fulfilled by a poem; in fact, it can be
shown that he was dimly conscious of the deficiencies
of his method. Noteworthy, for instance, is his query,
whether a certain descriptive poem by König, on the
Review Camp of Augustus the Second, is properly
speaking a poem; and the answer to it displays good
sense. But it may serve for his complete justification
that, after starting on a wrong track and nearly
completing his circle, he yet discovers the main issue,
and at the end of his book, as a kind of supplement,
feels it incumbent on him to urge the representation of
manners, character, passions, in short the inner man—which
surely constitutes the chief theme of poetry.
It may well be imagined into what perplexity young
minds were thrown by such maxims torn from their
contexts, half-understood laws, and random dogmas.
We clung to examples, and there, too, were no better
off: the foreign as well as the classical ones were too
remote from us; behind the best native ones always
lurked a distinct individuality, the good points of which
we could not arrogate to ourselves, and into the faults
of which we could not but be afraid of falling. For
any one conscious of productive power it was a desperate
condition.
When one considers carefully what was wanting in
German poetry, it was a significant theme, especially
of national import; there was never any lack of gifted
writers. It is only necessary to mention Günther, who
may be called a poet in the full sense of the word. A
decided genius, endowed with sensuousness, imagination,
memory, the gifts of conception and representation,
productive in the highest degree, possessing rhythmic
fluency, ingenious, witty, and at the same time well-informed;—he
possessed, in short, all the requisites for
creating by his poetry a second life out of the actual
commonplace life around him. We admire the great
facility with which, in his occasional poems, he ennobles
all situations by appealing to the emotions, and
embellishes them with suitable sentiments, images, and
historical and fabulous traditions. The roughness and
wildness in them belong to his time, his mode of life,
and especially to his character, or, if you will, his want
of character. He did not know how to curb himself,
and so his life, like his poetry, proved ineffectual.
By his vacillating conduct, Günther had trifled away
the good fortune of being appointed at the Court of
Augustus the Second, where, with their love of magnificence,
they desired to find a laureate who would impart
warmth and grace to their festivities, and immortalize
a transitory pomp. Von König was more self-controlled
and more fortunate; he filled this post with
dignity and success.
In all sovereign states the material for poetry begins
with the highest social ranks, and the Review Camp at
Mühlberg was, perhaps, the first worthy subject of provincial,
if not of national importance which presented
itself to a poet. Two kings saluting one another in the
presence of a great host, their whole court and military
state around them, well-appointed troops, a sham-fight,
fêtes of all kinds,—here was plenty to captivate the
senses, and matter enough and to spare for descriptive
poetry.
This subject, indeed, suffered from an inner defect,
in that it was only pomp and show, from which no real
action could result. None except the very highest
were involved, and even if this had not been the case,
the poet could not render any one conspicuous lest
he should offend the others. He had to consult the
Court and State Calendar, and the delineation of the
persons was therefore not particularly exciting; nay,
even his contemporaries reproached him with having described
the horses better than the men. But should
not the fact that he showed his art as soon as a fitting
subject presented itself redound to his credit? The
main difficulty, too, seems soon to have become apparent
to him—for the poem never advanced beyond the first
canto.
As a result of discussions, examples, and my own
reflection, I came to see that the first step towards
escape from the wishy-washy, long-winded, empty epoch
could be taken only by definiteness, precision, and brevity.
In the style which had hitherto prevailed, it was
impossible to distinguish the commonplace from what
was better, since a uniform insipidity prevailed on all
hands. Authors had already tried to escape from this
widespread disease, with more or less success. Haller
and Ramler were inclined to compression by nature;
Lessing and Wieland were led to it by reflection. The
former became by degrees quite epigrammatic in his
poems, terse in Minna, laconic in Emilia Galotti,—it
was not till later that he returned to that serene naïveté
which becomes him so well in Nathan. Wieland, who
had been occasionally prolix in Agathon, Don Sylvio,
and the Comic Tales, became wonderfully condensed and
precise, as well as exceedingly graceful, in Musarion
and Idris. Klopstock, in the first cantos of the Messiah,
is not without diffuseness; in his Odes and other minor
poems he appears concise, as also in his tragedies. By
his emulation of the ancients, especially Tacitus, he was
constantly forced into narrower limits, so that at last
he became obscure and unpleasing. Gerstenberg, a rare
but eccentric genius, also concentrated his powers; one
feels his merit, but on the whole he gives little pleasure.
Gleim, by nature diffuse and easy-going, was scarcely
once concise in his war-songs. Ramler was properly
more of a critic than a poet. He began to collect
what the Germans had accomplished in lyric poetry.
He discovered that scarcely one poem entirely satisfied
him; he was obliged to omit, rearrange, and alter, so
that the things might assume some sort of form. By this
means he made himself almost as many enemies as there
are poets and amateurs, since every one, properly
speaking, recognizes himself only in his defects; and the
public takes greater interest in a faulty individuality
than in what is produced or amended in accordance
with a universal law of taste. Rhythm was still in its
cradle, and no one knew of a method to shorten its
childhood. Poetical prose was gaining ground. Gessner
and Klopstock found many imitators; others, again,
still put in a plea for metre, and translated this prose
into intelligible rhythms. But even these emended versions
gave nobody satisfaction; for they were obliged
to omit and add, and the prose original always passed
for the better of the two. But in all these attempts,
the greater the conciseness aimed at, the more possible
is it to criticize them, since whatever is significant
when presented in a condensed form, in the end admits
of definite comparison. Another result was the simultaneous
appearance of a number of truly poetical forms;
for while attempting to reproduce solely whatever was
essential in any one subject, it was necessary to do
justice to every subject chosen for treatment, and
hence, though none did it consciously, the modes of
representation were multiplied; though some were grotesque
enough, and many an experiment proved unsuccessful.
Without question, Wieland possessed the finest natural
gifts of all. He had developed early in those ideal
regions in which youth loves to linger; but when so-called
experience, contact with the world and women,
spoilt his delight in those realms, he turned to the
actual, and derived pleasure for himself and others
from the conflict between the two worlds, where, in
light encounters, half in earnest, half in jest, his talent
found fullest scope. How many of his brilliant productions
appeared during my student days! Musarion
had the greatest effect upon me, and I can yet remember
the place and the very spot where I looked at the first
proof-sheet, which Oeser showed me. It was here that
I seemed to see antiquity living anew before me. Everything
that is plastic in Wieland’s genius showed itself
here in the highest perfection; and since the Timon-like
hero Phanias, after being condemned to unhappy
abstinence, is finally reconciled to his mistress and to
the world, we may be content to live through the misanthropic
epoch with him. For the rest, we were not
sorry to recognize in these works a cheerful aversion
to exalted sentiments, which are apt to be wrongly
applied to life, and then frequently fall under the suspicion
of fanaticism. We pardoned the author for pursuing
with ridicule what we held to be true and venerable,
the more readily, as he thereby showed that he
was unable to disregard it.
What a miserable reception was accorded such efforts
by the criticism of the time may be seen from the first
volumes of the Universal German Library. Honorable
mention is made there of the Comic Tales, but there is
no trace of any insight into the character of the literary
species. The reviewer, like every one at that
time, had formed his taste on examples. He never
takes into consideration that in criticizing such parodistical
works, it is necessary first of all to have the
noble, beautiful original before one’s eyes, in order to
see whether the parodist has really discovered in it a
weak and comical side, whether he has borrowed anything
from it, or whether, under the pretense of imitation,
he has given us an excellent invention of his
own. Of all this there is not a word, but isolated passages
in the poems are praised or blamed. The reviewer,
as he himself confesses, has marked so much
that pleased him, that he cannot quote it all in print.
When they go so far as to greet the exceedingly meritorious
translation of Shakespeare with the exclamation:
“By rights, a man like Shakespeare should not
have been translated at all!” it will be understood, without
further remark, how immeasurably the Universal
German Library was behindhand in matters of taste,
and that young people, animated by true feelings, had
to look about them for other guiding stars.
The subject-matter which in this manner more or less
determined the form was sought by the Germans in
the most varied quarters. They had handled few national
subjects, or none at all. Schlegel’s Hermann
only pointed the way. The idyllic tendency had immense
vogue. The want of distinctive character in
Gessner, with all his gracefulness and childlike sincerity,
made every one think himself capable of the like.
In the same manner, those poems which were intended
to portray a foreign nationality were founded merely
on a common humanity, as, for instance, the Jewish
Pastoral Poems, all those on patriarchal subjects, and
any others based on the Old Testament. Bodmer’s
Noachide was a perfect type of the watery deluge that
swelled high around the German Parnassus, and abated
but slowly. Anacreontic dallyings likewise made it
possible for numberless mediocre writers to meander
aimlessly in a vague prolixity. The precision of Horace
compelled the Germans, though but slowly, to conform
to him. Neither did the burlesques, modeled, for
the most part, on Pope’s Rape of the Lock, succeed in
inaugurating better times.
Yet I must here mention a delusion, which was taken
as seriously as it appears ridiculous on closer inspection.
The Germans had now an adequate historical
knowledge of all the kinds of poetry in which the various
nations had excelled. This assignment of poetry to its
respective pigeon-holes—a process in reality fatal to
its true spirit—had been accomplished with approximate
completeness by Gottsched in his Critical Art of
Poetry, and at the same time he had shown that in all
the divisions were to be found excellent works by German
poets. And so it went on. Every year the collection
became more considerable, but every year one
work ousted some other from the place in which it had
hitherto shone. We now possessed, if not Homers, yet
Virgils and Miltons; if not a Pindar, yet a Horace; of
Theocrituses there was no lack; and thus they soothed
themselves by comparisons from abroad, whilst the mass
of poetical works constantly increased, so that at last
it was possible to make comparisons at home.
With the cultivation of the German language and
style in every department, the power of criticism also
increased; but while the reviews then published of works
upon religious and ethical as well as medical subjects
were admirable, the critiques of poems, and of whatever
else relates to belles lettres, will be found, if not pitiful,
at least very feeble. This holds good of the Literary
Epistles and the Universal German Library, as well as
of the Library of Belles Lettres, and might easily be
verified by notable instances.
However great the confusion of these varied efforts,
the only thing to be done by any one who contemplated
producing anything original, and was not content to
take the words and phrases out of the mouths of his
predecessors, was to search unremittingly for some
subject-matter for treatment. Here, too, we were
greatly misled. People were constantly repeating a saying
of Kleist’s, who had replied playfully, with humor
and truth, to those who took him to task on account of
his frequently lonely walks: “that he was not idle at
such times—he was hunting for images.” This simile
was very suitable for a nobleman and soldier, for in it he
contrasted himself with men of his own rank, who never
missed an opportunity of going out, with their guns on
their shoulders, to shoot hares and partridges. Accordingly
we find in Kleist’s poems many such individual
images, happily seized, although not always happily
elaborated, which remind us pleasantly of nature. But
now we, too, were admonished quite seriously to go out
hunting for images, and in the end to some slight purpose,
although Apel’s Garden, the Cake Gardens, the
Rosental, Gohlis, Raschwitz and Konnewitz, were the
oddest ground in which to beat up poetical game.
And yet I was often induced from this motive to contrive
that my walk should be solitary. But few either
beautiful or sublime objects met the eye of the beholder,
and in the truly splendid Rosental the gnats
in summer made all gentle thoughts impossible, so
by dint of unwearied, persevering endeavor, I became
extremely attentive to the small life of nature (I should
like to use this word after the analogy of “still life”).
Since the charming little incidents to be observed
within this circle are but unimportant in themselves, I
accustomed myself to see in them a significance, tending
now towards the symbolical and now towards the allegorical,
according as intuition, feeling, or reflection predominated.
Whilst I was playing the part of shepherd on the
Pleisse, and was childishly absorbed in such tender subjects,
always choosing such only as I could easily recapture
and lock in my heart, greater and more important
themes had long before been provided for German
poets.
It was Frederick the Great and the events of the
Seven Years’ War which first gave to German literature
a real and noble vitality. All national poetry cannot
fail to be insipid, or inevitably becomes so, if it is not
based on the man who stands first among men, upon the
experiences which come to the nations and their leaders,
when both stand together as one man. Kings should
be represented in the midst of warfare and danger, for
there they are made to appear the highest, just because
the fate of the lowest depends upon them and is
shared by them. In this way they become far more interesting
than the gods themselves, who, when they have
decided the destinies of men, do not share them. In
this sense every nation that wishes to count for anything
ought to possess an epic, though not necessarily
in the form of an epic poem.
The war-songs first sung by Gleim deserve their high
place in German poetry, because they were the outcome
of and contemporary with the events they celebrate;
and furthermore, because the felicitous form,
suggestive of a combatant’s utterance in the thick of
the fray, impresses us with its absolute effectiveness.
Ramler sings in different but dignified strains the
exploits of his king. All his poems are thoughtful,
and fill our minds with great and elevating subjects,
and on that account alone possess an indestructible
value.
For the significance of the subject treated of is the
Alpha and Omega of art. Of course, no one will deny
that genius, or cultivated artistic talent, can by its
method of treatment make anything out of anything,
and render the most refractory subject amenable. But
on close inspection the result is rather an artistic feat
than a work of art, which latter should be based on a
fitting subject, so that in the end the skill, the care,
the diligence of the artist’s treatment only brings out
the dignity of the subject in greater attractiveness and
splendor.
Prussians, and with them Protestant Germany,
therefore gained a treasure-trove for their literature,
which was lacking to the other party, who have not
been able to repair the deficiency by subsequent efforts.
In the high idea which they cherished of their
King, the Prussian writers first found inspiration,
and fostered it all the more zealously because he in
whose name they did everything would have nothing
whatever to say to them. French civilization had
been widely introduced into Prussia at an earlier date
by the French colony, and again later by the King’s
preference for French culture and French financial
methods. The effect of this French influence was to
rouse the Germans to antagonism and resistance—a
result decidedly beneficial in its operation. Equally
fortunate for the development of literature was
Frederick’s antipathy to German. They did everything
to attract the King’s attention, not indeed to be
honored, but only to be noticed by him; yet they did
it in German fashion, from inner conviction; they did
what they held to be right, and desired and wished
that the King should recognize and prize this as
right. That did not and could not happen; for how
can it be expected that a king, who wishes to live
and enjoy himself intellectually, should waste his years
waiting to see what he thinks barbarous developed and
rendered enjoyable too late? In matters of trade and
manufacture, it is true, he pressed upon himself, but
especially upon his people, very mediocre substitutes
instead of excellent foreign wares; but in this department
of life everything is perfected more rapidly, and
it does not take a man’s life-time to bring such things
to maturity.
But I must here, first of all, make honorable mention
of one work, the most genuine product of the Seven
Years’ War, altogether North German in its national
sentiment; it is the first dramatic work founded upon
important events of specific contemporary value, and
therefore produced an incalculable effect—Minna von
Barnhelm. Lessing, who, unlike Klopstock and Gleim,
was fond of laying aside his personal dignity, because he
was confident that he could resume it at any moment,
delighted in a dissipated, worldly life and the society
of taverns, as he always needed some strong external
excitement to counterbalance his exuberant intellectual
activity; and for this reason also he had joined the
suite of General Tauentzien. It is easy to see how
this drama was generated betwixt war and peace, hatred
and affection. It was this production which successfully
opened to the literary and middle-class world, in
which poetic art had hitherto moved, a view into a
higher, more significant world.
The hostile relations in which Prussians and Saxons
had stood towards each other during this war, could
not be removed by its termination. The Saxon now
felt for the first time the whole bitterness of the wounds
which the upstart Prussian had inflicted upon him. Political
peace could not immediately reëstablish a peace
between their hearts. But the establishment of this
peace was represented symbolically in Lessing’s drama.
The grace and amiability of the Saxon ladies conquer
the worth, the dignity, and the stubbornness of the
Prussians, and, in the principal as well as in the subordinate
characters, a happy union of bizarre and contradictory
elements is artistically represented.
If I have caused my readers some bewilderment by
these cursory and desultory remarks on German literature,
I have succeeded in giving them a conception of
the chaotic condition of my poor brain at a time when,
in the conflict of two epochs so important for the national
literature, so much that was new crowded in upon
me before I could come to terms with the old, so much
that was old still maintained its hold upon me, though
I already believed I might with good reason renounce
it altogether.
EXTRACTS FROM GOETHE’S CONVERSATIONS WITH ECKERMANN
EXTRACTS FROM THE CONVERSATIONS WITH ECKERMANN — FOOTNOTES:
(1822-32)
The Universality of Poetry
Within the last few days I have read many and various
things; especially a Chinese novel, which occupies
me still, and seems to me very remarkable. The Chinese
think, act, and feel almost exactly like ourselves; and
we soon find that we are perfectly like them, excepting
that all they do is more clear, more pure and decorous
than with us.
With them all is orderly, simple, without great
passion or poetic flight; and there is a strong resemblance
to my Hermann and Dorothea, as well as to the
English novels of Richardson. They differ from us,
however, inasmuch as with them external nature is
always associated with human figures. You always
hear the goldfish splashing in the pond, the birds are
always singing on the bough, the day is always serene
and sunny, the night is always clear. There is much
talk about the moon, but it does not alter the landscape,
its light is conceived to be as bright as day itself;
and the interior of the houses is as neat and elegant
as their pictures. For instance, “I heard the lovely
girls laughing, and when I got a sight of them, they
were sitting on cane chairs.” There you have, at once,
the prettiest situation; for cane chairs are necessarily
associated with the greatest lightness and elegance.
Then there is an infinite number of legends which are
constantly introduced into the narrative, and are applied
almost like proverbs; as, for instance, one of a
girl, who was so light and graceful on her feet that
she could balance herself on a flower without breaking
it; and then another, of a young man so virtuous and
brave that in his thirtieth year he had the honor to
talk with the Emperor; then there is another of two
lovers who showed such great purity during a long
acquaintance that when they were on one occasion
obliged to pass the night in the same chamber, they
occupied the time with conversation, and did not approach
one another.
And in the same way, there are innumerable other
legends, all turning upon what is moral and proper.
It is by this severe moderation in everything that the
Chinese Empire has sustained itself for thousands of
years, and will endure hereafter.
I am more and more convinced that poetry is the
universal possession of mankind, revealing itself everywhere,
and at all times, in hundreds and hundreds of
men. One makes it a little better than another, and
swims on the surface a little longer than another—that
is all. Herr von Matthisson must not think he is
the man, nor must I think that I am the man; but each
must say to himself that the gift of poetry is by no
means so very rare, and that nobody need think very
much of himself because he has written a good poem.
But, really, we Germans are very likely to fall too
easily into this pedantic conceit, when we do not
look beyond the narrow circle which surrounds us. I
therefore like to look about me in foreign nations, and
advise every one to do the same. National literature
is now rather an unmeaning term; the epoch of World
Literature is at hand, and every one must strive to
hasten its approach. But, while we thus value what
is foreign, we must not bind ourselves to anything in
particular, and regard it as a model. We must not
give this value to the Chinese, or the Servian, or Calderon,
or the Nibelungen; but if we really want a pattern,
we must always return to the ancient Greeks, in
whose works the beauty of mankind is constantly represented.
All the rest we must look at only historically,
appropriating to ourselves what is good, so far
as it goes.
To write military songs, and sit in a room! That
would have suited me! To have written them in the
bivouac, when the horses at the enemy’s outposts are
heard neighing at night, would have been well enough;
however, that was not my life and not my business,
but that of Theodor Körner. His war-songs suit him
perfectly. But to me, who am not of a warlike nature,
and who have no warlike sense, war-songs would have
been a mask which would have fitted my face very
badly.
I have never affected anything in my poetry. I
have never uttered anything which I have not experienced,
and which has not urged me to production. I
have only composed love-songs when I have loved. How
could I write songs of hatred without hating! And,
between ourselves, I did not hate the French, although
I thanked God that we were free from them. How
could I, to whom culture and barbarism are alone of
importance, hate a nation which is among the most
cultivated of the earth, and to which I owe so great
a part of my own culture?
Altogether, national hatred is something peculiar.
You will always find it strongest and most violent where
there is the lowest degree of culture. But there is a
degree where it vanishes altogether, and where one
stands to a certain extent above nations, and feels the
weal or woe of a neighboring people, as if it had happened
to one’s own. This degree of culture was conformable
to my nature, and I had become strengthened
in it long before I had reached my sixtieth year.
It is better for us moderns to say with Napoleon,
“Politics are Destiny.” But let us beware of saying,
with our latest literati, that politics are poetry,
or a suitable subject for the poet. The English poet
Thomson wrote a very good poem on the Seasons, but
a very bad one on Liberty, and that not from want
of poetry in the poet, but from want of poetry in the
subject.
If a poet would work politically, he must give himself
up to a party; and so soon as he does that he is
lost as a poet; he must bid farewell to his free spirit,
his unbiased view, and draw over his ears the cap of
bigotry and blind hatred.
The poet, as a man and citizen, will love his native
land; but the native land of his poetic powers and poetic
action is the good, noble, and beautiful, which is confined
to no particular province or country, and which
he seizes upon and forms wherever he finds it. Therein
is he like the eagle, who hovers with free gaze over
whole countries, and to whom it is of no consequence
whether the hare on which he pounces is running in
Prussia or in Saxony.
And, then, what is meant by love of one’s country?
what is meant by patriotic deeds? If the poet has
employed a life in battling with pernicious prejudices,
in setting aside narrow views, in enlightening the minds,
purifying the tastes, ennobling the feelings and thoughts
of his countrymen, what better could he have done?
how could he have acted more patriotically?
Poetry and History
Manzoni wants nothing except to know what a good
poet he is, and what rights belong to him as such. He
has too much respect for history, and on this account
always adds explanations to his pieces, in which he
shows how faithful he has been to detail. Now, though
his facts may be historical, his characters are not so,
any more than my Thoas and Iphigenia. No poet
has ever known the historical characters which he has
painted; if he had, he could scarcely have made use
of them. The poet must know what effects he wishes
to produce, and regulate the nature of his characters
accordingly. If I had tried to make Egmont as history
represents him, the father of a dozen children,
his light-minded proceedings would have appeared very
absurd. I needed an Egmont more in harmony with
his own actions and my poetic views; and this is, as
Clara says, my Egmont.
What would be the use of poets, if they only repeated
the record of the historian? The poet must go
further, and give us, if possible, something higher and
better. All the characters of Sophocles bear something
of that great poet’s lofty soul; and it is the
same with the characters of Shakespeare. This is as
it ought to be. Nay, Shakespeare goes farther, and
makes his Romans Englishmen; and there, too, he is
right; for otherwise his nation would not have understood
him.
Here again the Greeks were so great that they regarded
fidelity to historic facts less than the treatment
of them by the poet. We have a fine example
in Philoctetes, which subject has been treated
by all three of the great tragic poets, and lastly
and best by Sophocles. This poet’s excellent play has,
fortunately, come down to us entire, while of the
Philoctetes of Æschylus and Euripides only fragments
have been found, although sufficient to show how they
have managed the subject. If time permitted, I would
restore these pieces, as I did the Phäeton of Euripides;
it would be to me no unpleasant or useless task.
In this subject the problem was very simple, namely,
to bring Philoctetes, with his bow, from the island of
Lemnos. But the manner of doing this was the business
of the poet, and here each could show the power
of his invention, and one could excel another. Ulysses
must fetch him; but shall he be recognized by Philoctetes
or not? and if not, how shall he be disguised? Shall
Ulysses go alone, or shall he have companions, and who
shall they be? In Æschylus the companion is unknown;
in Euripides, it is Diomed; in Sophocles, the son of
Achilles. Then, in what situation is Philoctetes to be
found? Shall the island be inhabited or not? and, if inhabited,
shall any sympathetic soul have taken compassion
on him or not? And so with a hundred other things,
which are all at the discretion of the poet, and in the
selection and omission of which one may show his superiority
in wisdom to another. This is the important
point, and the poets of to-day should do like the ancients.
They should not be always asking whether a
subject has been used before, and look to south and
north for unheard-of adventures, which are often barbarous
enough, and merely make an impression as incidents.
But to make something of a simple subject by
a masterly treatment requires intellect and great talent,
and these we do not find.
Originality
The Germans cannot cease to be Philistines. They are
now squabbling about some distichs, which are printed
both in Schiller’s works and mine, and fancy it is important
to ascertain which really belong to Schiller
and which to me; as if anything could be gained by
such investigation—as if the existence of such things
were not enough. Friends like Schiller and myself, intimate
for years, with the same interests, in habits of daily
intercourse, and under reciprocal obligations, live so
completely in one another that it is hardly possible
to decide to which of the two the particular thoughts
belong.
We have made many distichs together; sometimes I
gave the thought, and Schiller made the verse; sometimes
the contrary was the case; sometimes he made
one line, and I the other. What matters the mine
and thine? One must be a thorough Philistine, indeed,
to attach the slightest importance to the solution of
such questions.
We are indeed born with faculties; but we owe our
development to a thousand influences of the great world,
from which we appropriate to ourselves what we can,
and what is suitable to us. I owe much to the Greeks
and French; I am infinitely indebted to Shakespeare,
Sterne, and Goldsmith; but in saying this I do not exhaust
the sources of my culture; that would be an endless
as well as an unnecessary task. We might as well
question a strong man about the oxen, sheep, and swine
which he has eaten, and which have given him strength.
What is important is to have a soul which loves truth,
and receives it wherever it finds it.
Besides, the world is now so old, so many eminent
men have lived and thought for thousands of years,
that there is little new to be discovered or expressed.
Even my theory of colors is not entirely new. Plato,
Leonardo da Vinci, and many other excellent men, have
before me found and expressed the same thing in a
detached form: my merit is that I have found it also,
that I have said it again, and that I have striven to
bring the truth once more into a confused world.
The truth must be repeated over and over again,
because error is repeatedly preached among us, not only
by individuals, but by the masses. In periodicals and
cyclopedias, in schools and universities, everywhere, in
fact, error prevails, and is quite easy in the feeling
that it has a decided majority on its side.
People are always talking about originality; but
what do they mean? As soon as we are born, the world
begins to work upon us, and this goes on to the end.
And, after all, what can we call our own except energy,
strength, and will? If I could give an account of all
that I owe to great predecessors and contemporaries,
there would be but a small balance in my favor.
However, the time of life in which we are subjected
to a new and important personal influence is, by
no means, a matter of indifference. That Lessing,
Winckelmann, and Kant were older than I, and that
the first two acted upon my youth, the latter on my
advanced age,—this circumstance was for me very important.
Again, that Schiller was so much younger
than I, and engaged in his freshest strivings just as I
began to be weary of the world—just, too, as the brothers
von Humboldt and Schlegel were beginning their career
under my eye—was of the greatest importance. I
derived from it unspeakable advantages.
What seduces young people is this. We live in a
time in which so much culture is diffused that it has communicated
itself, as it were, to the atmosphere which
a young man breathes. Poetical and philosophic
thoughts live and move within him, he has sucked them
in with his very breath, but he thinks they are his
own property, and utters them as such. But after
he has restored to the time what he has received from
it, he remains poor. He is like a fountain which plays
for a while with the water with which it is supplied,
but which ceases to flow as soon as the liquid treasure
is exhausted.
The critic of Le Temps has not been so wise. He
presumes to point out to the poet the way he should
go. This is a great fault; for one cannot thus make
him better. After all, there is nothing more foolish
than to say to a poet: “You should have done this in
this way—and that in that.” I speak from long experience.
One can never make anything of a poet
but what nature has intended him to be. If you force
him to be another, you will destroy him. Now, the
gentlemen of the Globe, as I said before, act very wisely.
They print a long list of all the commonplaces which
M. Arnault has picked up from every hole and corner;
and by doing this they very cleverly point out the rock
which the author has to avoid in future. It is almost
impossible, in the present day, to find a situation which
is thoroughly new. It is merely the manner of looking
at it, and the art of treating and representing it, which
can be new, and one must be the more cautious of every
imitation.
Personality in Art
You have before you the works of very fair talents,
who have learned something, and have acquired no little
taste and art. Still, something is wanting in all these
pictures—the Manly. Take notice of this word, and
underscore it. The pictures lack a certain urgent
power, which in former ages was generally expressed,
but in which the present age is deficient, and that with
respect not only to painting, but to all the other arts.
We have a more weakly race, of which we cannot say
whether it is so by its origin, or by a more weakly
training and diet.
Personality is everything in art and poetry; nevertheless,
there are many weak personages among the modern
critics who do not admit this, but look upon a
great personality in a work of poetry or art merely as
a kind of trifling appendage.
However, to feel and respect a great personality one
must be something oneself. All those who denied the
sublime to Euripides were either poor wretches incapable
of comprehending such sublimity, or shameless charlatans,
who, by their presumption, wished to make more
of themselves, and really did make more of themselves
than they were.
The Subject-Matter of Poetry
The world is so great and rich, and life so full of
variety, that you can never want occasions for poems.
But they must all be occasional poems; that is to say,
reality must give both impulse and material for their
production. A particular case becomes universal and
poetic by the very circumstance that it is treated by
a poet. All my poems are occasional poems, suggested
by real life, and having therein a firm foundation. I
attach no value to poems snatched out of the air.
Let no one say that reality wants poetical interest;
for in this the poet proves his vocation, that he has the
art to win from a common subject an interesting side.
Reality must give the motive, the points to be expressed,
the kernel, as I may say; but to work out of it a beautiful,
animated whole, belongs to the poet. You know
Fürnstein, called the Poet of Nature; he has written
the prettiest poem possible on the cultivation of hops.
I have now proposed to him to make songs for the
different crafts of working-men, particularly a weaver’s
song, and I am sure he will do it well, for he has
lived among such people from his youth; he understands
the subjects thoroughly, and is therefore master of his
material. That is exactly the advantage of small
works; you need only choose those subjects of which
you are master. With a great poem, this cannot be:
no part can be evaded; all which belongs to the animation
of the whole, and is interwoven into the plan,
must be represented with precision. In youth, however,
the knowledge of things is only one-sided. A
great work requires many-sidedness, and on that rock
the young author splits.
I especially warn you against great inventions of
your own; for then you would try to give a view of
things, and for that purpose youth is seldom ripe.
Further, character and views detach themselves as sides
from the poet’s mind, and deprive him of the fullness
requisite for future productions. And, finally, how
much time is lost in invention, internal arrangement,
and combination, for which nobody thanks us, even
supposing our work is happily accomplished.
With a given material, on the other hand, all goes
easier and better. Facts and characters being provided,
the poet has only the task of animating the
whole. He preserves his own fullness, for he needs to
part with but little of himself, and there is much less
loss of time and energy, since he has only the trouble
of execution. Indeed, I would advise the choice of subjects
which have been worked before. How many
Iphigenias have been written! yet they are all different,
for each writer considers and arranges the subject
differently; namely, after his own fashion.
The majority of our young poets have no fault but
this, that their subjectivity is not important, and that
they cannot find matter in the objective. At best, they
only find a material which is similar to themselves, which
corresponds to their own subjectivity; but as for taking
the material on its own account; merely because it
is poetical, even when it is repugnant to their subjectivity,
such a thing is never thought of.
Our German æstheticians are always talking about
poetical and unpoetical objects; and, in one respect,
they are not quite wrong; yet, at bottom, no real object
is unpoetical, if the poet knows how to use it properly.
The Influence of Environment
If a talent is to be speedily and happily developed,
the great point is that a great deal of intellect and
sound culture should be current in a nation.
We admire the tragedies of the ancient Greeks; but,
to take a correct view of the case, we ought rather to
admire the period and the nation in which their production
was possible than the individual authors; for
though these pieces differ a little from each other, and
one of these poets appears somewhat greater and more
finished than the other, still, taking all things together,
only one decided character runs through the whole.
This is the character of grandeur, fitness, soundness,
human perfection, elevated wisdom, sublime thought,
clear, concrete vision, and whatever other qualities one
might enumerate. But when we find all these qualities,
not only in the dramatic works that have come down
to us, but also in lyrical and epic works, in the philosophers,
the orators, and the historians, and in an equally
high degree in the works of plastic art that have come
down to us, we must feel convinced that such qualities
did not merely belong to individuals, but were the current
property of the nation and the whole period.
Now, take up Burns. How is he great, except
through the circumstance that the old songs of his
predecessors lived in the mouth of the people,—that
they were, so to speak, sung at his cradle; that, as a
boy, he grew up amongst them, and the high excellence
of these models so pervaded him that he had therein a
living basis on which he could proceed further? Again,
why is he great, but from this, that his own songs at
once found susceptible ears amongst his compatriots;
that, sung by reapers and sheaf-binders, they at once
greeted him in the field; and that his boon-companions
sang them to welcome him at the alehouse? Something
was certainly to be done in this way.
On the other hand, what a pitiful figure is made by
us Germans! Of our old songs—no less important than
those of Scotland—how many lived among the people
in the days of my youth? Herder and his successors
first began to collect them and rescue them from oblivion;
then they were at least printed in the libraries.
Then, more lately, what songs have not Bürger and
Voss composed! Who can say that they are more insignificant
or less popular than those of the excellent
Burns? but which of them so lives among us that it
greets us from the mouth of the people?—they are
written and printed, and they remain in the libraries,
quite in accordance with the general fate of German
poets. Of my own songs, how many live? Perhaps
one or another of them may be sung by a pretty girl
at the piano; but among the people, properly so called,
they have no sound. With what sensations must I remember
the time when passages from Tasso were sung
to me by Italian fishermen!
We Germans are of yesterday. We have indeed been
properly cultivated for a century; but a few centuries
more must still elapse before so much mind and elevated
culture will become universal amongst our people that
they will appreciate beauty like the Greeks, that they
will be inspired by a beautiful song, and that it will
be said of them “it is long since they were barbarians.”
Culture and Morals
The audacity and grandeur of Byron must certainly
tend towards Culture. We should take care not to
be always looking for it in only what is decidedly pure
and moral. Everything that is great promotes cultivation
as soon as we are aware of it.
Classic and Romantic
A new expression occurs to me which does not ill
define the state of the case. I call the classic healthy,
the romantic sickly. In this sense, the Nibelungenlied
is as classic as the Iliad, for both are vigorous and
healthy. Most modern productions are romantic, not
because they are new, but because they are weak, morbid,
and sickly; and the antique is classic, not because
it is old, but because it is strong, fresh, joyous, and
healthy. If we distinguish “classic” and “romantic”
by these qualities, it will be easy to see our way clearly.
This is a pathological work; a superfluity of sap is
bestowed on some parts which do not require it, and
drawn out of those which stand in need of it. The subject
was good, but the scenes which I expected were not
there; while others, which I did not expect, were elaborated
with assiduity and love. This is what I call
pathological, or “romantic,” if you would rather speak
according to our new theory.
The French now begin to think justly of these matters.
Both classic and romantic, say they, are equally
good. The only point is to use these forms with judgment,
and to be capable of excellence. You can be absurd
in both, and then one is as worthless as the other.
This, I think, is rational enough, and may content us
for a while.
The idea of the distinction between classical and
romantic poetry, which is now spread over the whole
world, and occasions so many quarrels and divisions,
came originally from Schiller and myself. I laid down
the maxim of objective treatment in poetry, and would
allow no other; but Schiller, who worked quite in the
subjective way, deemed his own fashion the right one,
and to defend himself against me, wrote the treatise
upon Naïve and Sentimental Poetry. He proved to me
that I myself, against my will, was romantic, and that
my Iphigenia, through the predominance of sentiment,
was by no means so classical and so much in the antique
spirit as some people supposed.
The Schlegels took up this idea, and carried it further,
so that it has now been diffused over the whole
world; and every one talks about classicism and romanticism—of
which nobody thought fifty years ago.
Taste
This is the way to cultivate what we call taste.
Taste is only to be educated by contemplation, not of
the tolerably good, but of the truly excellent. I therefore
show you only the best works; and when you are
grounded in these, you will have a standard for the rest,
which you will know how to value, without overrating
them. And I show you the best in each class, that you
may perceive that no class is to be despised, but that
each gives delight when a man of genius attains its highest
point. For instance, this piece, by a French artist,
is galant, to a degree which you see nowhere else, and
is therefore a model in its way.
Style
On the whole, philosophical speculation is injurious
to the Germans, as it tends to make their style abstract,
difficult, and obscure. The stronger their attachment
to certain philosophical schools, the worse they write.
Those Germans who, as men of business and actual life,
confine themselves to the practical, write the best.
Schiller’s style is most noble and impressive whenever he
leaves off philosophizing, as I observe every day in his
highly interesting letters, with which I am now busy.
There are also among the German women talented
beings who write a really excellent style, and, indeed,
in that respect surpass many of our celebrated male
writers.
The English almost always write well, being born
orators and practical men, with a tendency to the real.
The French, in their style, remain true to their general
character. They are of a social nature, and therefore
never forget the public whom they address; they
strive to be clear; that they may convince their reader—agreeable,
that they may please him.
Altogether, the style of a writer is a faithful representative
of his mind; therefore, if any man wishes to
write a clear style, let him first be clear in his thoughts:
and if any would write in a noble style, let him first
possess a noble soul.
Intellect and Imagination
I wonder what the German critics will say [of this
poetic inconsistency]. Will they have freedom and boldness
enough to get over this? Intellect will stand in the
way of the French; they will not consider that the
imagination has its own laws, to which the intellect
cannot, and should not, penetrate.
If imagination did not originate things which must
ever be problems to the intellect, there would be
but little for the imagination to do. It is this which
separates poetry from prose; and it is in the latter that
the intellect always is, and always should be, at home.
Definition of Poetry
What need of much definition? Lively feeling of situations,
and power to express them, make the poet.
Definition of Beauty
I cannot help laughing at the æstheticians, who torment
themselves in endeavoring, by some abstract words,
to reduce to a conception that inexpressible thing to
which we give the name of beauty. Beauty is a primeval
phenomenon, which itself never makes its appearance,
but the reflection of which is visible in a thousand
different utterances of the creative mind, and is as various
as nature herself.
Architecture and Music
I have found a paper of mine among some others,
in which I call architecture “petrified music.”[14] Really
there is something in this; the tone of mind produced
by architecture approaches the effect of music.
Primitive Poetry
From these old German gloomy times we can obtain
as little as from the Servian songs, and similar barbaric
popular poetry. We can read it and be interested
about it for a while, but merely to cast it aside, and
let it lie behind us. Generally speaking, a man is quite
sufficiently saddened by his own passions and destiny,
and need not make himself more so by the darkness
of a barbaric past. He needs enlightening and cheering
influences, and should therefore turn to those eras
in art and literature, during which remarkable men obtained
perfect culture, so that they were satisfied with
themselves, and able to impart to others the blessings
of their culture.
Weltliteratur
We [Germans] are weakest in the æsthetic department,
and may wait long before we meet such a man as
Carlyle. It is pleasant to see that intercourse is now
so close between the French, English, and Germans,
that we shall be able to correct one another. This is
the greatest use of a World Literature, which will show
itself more and more.
Carlyle has written a life of Schiller, and judged him
as it would be difficult for a German to judge him. On
the other hand, we are clear about Shakespeare and
Byron, and can, perhaps, appreciate their merits better
than the English themselves.
French Critics
I am now really curious to know what the gentlemen
of the Globe will say of this novel. They are clever
enough to perceive its excellencies; and the whole tendency
of the work is so much grist to the mill of these
liberals, although Manzoni has shown himself very moderate.
Nevertheless, the French seldom receive a work
with such pure kindliness as we; they cannot readily
adapt themselves to the author’s point of view, but, even
in the best, always find something which is not to their
mind, and which the author should have done otherwise.
What men these writers in the Globe are! One has
scarcely a notion how much greater and more remarkable
they become every day, and how much, as it were,
they are imbued with one spirit. Such a paper would
be utterly impossible in Germany. We are mere individuals;
harmony and concert are not to be thought
of; each has the opinions of his province, his city, and
his own idiosyncrasy; and it will be a long while before
we have attained an universal culture.
The Construction of a Good Play
When a piece makes a deep impression on us in reading,
we think that it will do the same on the stage, and
that such a result can be obtained with little trouble.
But this is by no means the case. A piece that is not
originally, by the intent and skill of the poet, written
for the boards, will not succeed; but whatever is done to
it will always remain something unmanageable. What
trouble have I taken with my Goetz von Berlichingen!
Yet it will not quite do as an acting play; it is too
long; and I have been forced to divide it into two
parts, of which the last is indeed theatrically effective,
while the first is to be looked upon as a mere introduction.
If the first part were given only once as an introduction,
and then the second repeatedly, it might
succeed. It is the same with Wallenstein; the Piccolomini
does not bear repetition, but Wallenstein’s Death
is always seen with delight.
The construction of a play must be symbolical; that
is to say, each incident must be significant in itself,
and lead to another still more important. The Tartuffe
of Molière is, in this respect, a great example. Only
think what an introduction is the first scene! From
the very beginning everything is highly significant, and
leads us to expect something still more important which
is to come. The beginning of Lessing’s Minna von
Barnhelm is also admirable; but that of Tartuffe
is absolutely unique: it is the greatest and best thing
that exists of the kind.
In Calderon you find the same perfect adaptation
to the theatre. His pieces are throughout fit for the
boards; there is not a touch in them which is not directed
towards the required effect. Calderon is a genius
who had also the finest understanding.
Shakespeare wrote his plays direct from his own
nature. Then, too, his age and the existing arrangements
of the stage made no demands upon him; people
were forced to put up with whatever he gave them. But
if Shakespeare had written for the court of Madrid,
or for the theatre of Louis XIV, he would probably
have adapted himself to a severer theatrical form. This,
however, is by no means to be regretted, for what
Shakespeare has lost as a theatrical poet he has gained
as a poet in general. Shakespeare is a great psychologist,
and we learn from his pieces what really moves the
hearts of men.
Dramatic Unities
He [Byron] understood the purpose of this law no
better than the rest of the world. Comprehensibility
[das Fassliche] is the purpose, and the three unities
are only so far good as they conduce to this end. If
the observance of them hinders the comprehension of
a work, it is foolish to treat them as laws, and to try
to observe them. Even the Greeks, from whom the rule
was taken, did not always follow it. In the Phaethon
of Euripides, and in other pieces, there is a change of
place, and it is obvious that good representation of
their subject was with them more important than blind
obedience to law, which, in itself, is of no great consequence.
The pieces of Shakespeare deviate, as far as
possible, from the unities of time and place; but they
are comprehensible—nothing more so—and on this account
the Greeks would have found no fault in them.
The French poets have endeavored to follow most rigidly
the laws of the three unities, but they sin against
comprehensibility, inasmuch as they solve a dramatic
law, not dramatically, but by narration.
The Theatre
Any one who is sufficiently young, and who is not quite
spoiled, could not easily find any place that would suit
him so well as a theatre. No one asks you any questions:
you need not open your mouth unless you choose;
on the contrary, you sit quite at your ease like a king,
and let everything pass before you, and recreate your
mind and senses to your heart’s content. There is
poetry, there is painting, there are singing and music,
there is acting, and what not besides. When all these
arts, and the charm of youth and beauty heightened
to an important degree, work in concert on the same
evening, it is a bouquet to which no other can compare.
But even when part is bad and part is good, it is still
better than looking out of the window, or playing a
game of whist in a close party amid the smoke of
cigars.
Acting
It is a great error to think that an indifferent piece
may be played by indifferent actors. A second or third
rate play can be incredibly improved by the employment
of first-rate talents, and be made something really
good. But if a second or third rate play be performed
by second or third rate actors, no one can wonder if
it is utterly ineffective.
Second-rate actors are excellent in great plays.
They have the same effect that the figures in half shade
have in a picture; they serve admirably to show off
more powerfully those which have the full light.
Dramatic Situations
Gozzi maintained that there are only thirty-six tragical
situations. Schiller took the greatest pains to find
more, but he did not find even so many as Gozzi.
Management of the Theatre
The Grand Duke disclosed to me his opinion that a
theatre need not be of architectural magnificence, which
could not be contradicted. He further said that it was
after all but a house for the purpose of getting money.
This view appears at first sight rather material; but
rightly considered, it is not without a higher purport.
For if a theatre is not only to pay its expenses, but is,
besides, to make and save money, everything about it
must be excellent. It must have the best management
at its head; the actors must be of the best; and good
pieces must continually be performed, that the attractive
power required to draw a full house every evening
may never cease. But that is saying a great deal in a
few words—almost what is impossible.
Even Shakespeare and Molière had no other view.
Both of them wished, above all things, to make money
out of their theatres. In order to attain this, their principal
aim, they necessarily strove that everything should
be as good as possible, and that, besides good old plays,
there should be some worthy novelty to please and
attract.
Nothing is more dangerous to the well-being of a
theatre than when the director is so placed that a
greater or less receipt at the treasury does not affect
him personally, and he can live on in careless security,
knowing that, however the receipts at the treasury may
fail in the course of the year, at the end of that time
he will be able to indemnify himself from another source.
It is a property of human nature soon to relax when
not impelled by personal advantage or disadvantage.
Menander
I know no one, after Sophocles, whom I love so well.
He is thoroughly pure, noble, great, and cheerful, and
his grace is inimitable. It is certainly to be lamented
that we possess so little of him, but that little is invaluable,
and highly instructive to gifted men.
Calderon
The great point is that he from whom we would learn
should be congenial to our nature. Now, Calderon, for
instance, great as he is, and much as I admire him, has
exerted no influence over me for good or for ill. But
he would have been dangerous to Schiller—he would
have led him astray; and hence it is fortunate that
Calderon was not generally known in Germany till after
Schiller’s death. Calderon is infinitely great in the
technical and theatrical; Schiller, on the contrary, far
more sound, earnest, and great in his intention, and
it would have been a pity if he had lost any of these
virtues, without, after all, attaining the greatness of
Calderon in other respects.
Molière
Molière is so great that one is astonished anew every
time one reads him. He is a man by himself—his pieces
border on tragedy; they are apprehensive; and no one
has the courage to imitate them. His Miser, where the
vice destroys all the natural piety between father and
son, is especially great, and in a high sense tragic.
But when, in a German paraphrase, the son is changed
into a relation, the whole is weakened, and loses its significance.
They feared to show the vice in its true nature,
as he did; but what is tragic there, or indeed
anywhere, except what is intolerable?
I read some pieces of Molière’s every year, just as,
from time to time, I contemplate the engravings after
the great Italian masters. For we little men are not
able to retain the greatness of such things within ourselves;
we must therefore return to them from time to
time, and renew our impressions.
If we, for our modern purposes, wish to learn how
to conduct ourselves upon the theatre, Molière is the
man to whom we should apply.
Do you know his Malade Imaginaire? There is a
scene in it which, as often as I read the piece, appears
to me the symbol of a perfect knowledge of the boards.
I mean the scene where the “malade imaginaire” asks
his little daughter Louison if there has not been a young
man in the chamber of her eldest sister.
Now, any other who did not understand his craft so
well would have let the little Louison plainly tell the
fact at once, and there would have been the end of the
matter.
But what various motives for delay are introduced by
Molière into this examination, for the sake of life and
effect. He first makes the little Louison act as if she
did not understand her father; then she denies that she
knows anything; then, threatened with the rod, she falls
down as if dead; then, when her father bursts out in
despair, she springs up from her feigned swoon with
roguish hilarity, and at last, little by little, she confesses
all.
My explanation can only give you a very meagre notion
of the animation of the scene; but read this scene
yourself till you become thoroughly impressed with its
theatrical worth, and you will confess that there is more
practical instruction contained in it than in all the
theories in the world.
I have known and loved Molière from my youth, and
have learned from him during my whole life. I never
fail to read some of his plays every year, that I may
keep up a constant intercourse with what is excellent.
It is not merely the perfectly artistic treatment which
delights me; but particularly the amiable nature, the
highly-formed mind, of the poet. There is in him a
grace and a feeling for the decorous, and a tone of
good society, which his innate beautiful nature could
only attain by daily intercourse with the most eminent
men of his age. Of Menander, I only know the few
fragments; but these give me so high an idea of him
that I look upon this great Greek as the only man who
could be compared to Molière.
Shakespeare
We cannot talk about Shakespeare; everything is
inadequate. I have touched upon the subject in my
Wilhelm Meister, but that is not saying much. He is
not a theatrical poet; he never thought of the stage;
it was far too narrow for his great mind: nay, the whole
visible world was too narrow.
He is even too rich and too powerful. A productive
nature ought not to read more than one of his dramas
in a year if it would not be wrecked entirely. I did well
to get rid of him by writing Goetz and Egmont, and
Byron did well by not having too much respect and
admiration for him, but going his own way. How many
excellent Germans have been ruined by him and Calderon!
Shakespeare gives us golden apples in silver dishes.
We get, indeed, the silver dishes by studying his works;
but, unfortunately, we have only potatoes to put into
them.
Macbeth is Shakespeare’s best acting play, the one
in which he shows most understanding with respect to
the stage. But would you see his mind unfettered, read
Troilus and Cressida, where he treats the materials of
the Iliad in his own fashion.
A. W. Schlegel’s Lectures on Dramatic Art and
Literature
It is not to be denied that Schlegel knows a great
deal, and one is almost terrified at his extraordinary
attainments and his extensive reading. But this is not
enough. Learning in itself does not constitute judgment.
His criticism is completely one-sided, because
in all theatrical pieces he merely regards the skeleton
of the plot and arrangement, and only points out small
points of resemblance to great predecessors, without
troubling himself in the least as to what the author
brings forward of graceful life and the culture of a
high soul. But of what use are all the arts of genius,
if we do not find in a theatrical piece an amiable or
great personality of the author? This alone influences
the cultivation of the people.
I look upon the manner in which Schlegel has treated
the French drama as a sort of recipe for the formation
of a bad critic, who is wanting in every organ for the
veneration of excellence, and who passes over an able
personality and a great character as if they were chaff
and stubble.
The French Romanticists
Extremes are never to be avoided in any revolution.
In a political one nothing is generally desired in the
beginning but the abolition of abuses; but before people
are aware, they are deep in bloodshed and horror. Thus
the French, in their present literary revolution, desired
nothing at first but a freer form; however, they will
not stop there, but will reject the traditional contents
together with the form. They begin to declare the
representation of noble sentiments and deeds as tedious,
and attempt to treat of all sorts of abominations. Instead
of the beautiful subjects from Grecian mythology,
there are devils, witches, and vampires, and the lofty
heroes of antiquity must give place to jugglers and
galley slaves. This is piquant! This is effective! But
after the public has once tasted this highly seasoned
food, and has become accustomed to it, it will always
long for more, and that stronger. A young man of
talent, who would produce an effect and be acknowledged,
and who is great enough to go his own way,
must accommodate himself to the taste of the day—nay,
must seek to outdo his predecessors in the horrible
and frightful. But in this chase after outward means
of effect, all profound study, and all gradual and thorough
development of the talent and the man from
within, is entirely neglected. And this is the greatest
injury which can befall a talent, although literature
in general will gain by this tendency of the moment.
The extremes and excrescences which I have described
will gradually disappear; but this great advantage will
finally remain—besides a freer form, richer and more
diversified subjects will have been attained, and no
object of the broadest world and the most manifold
life will be any longer excluded as unpoetical. I compare
the present literary epoch to a state of violent
fever, which is not in itself good and desirable, but
of which improved health is the happy consequence.
That abomination which now often constitutes the whole
subject of a poetical work will in future only appear
as a useful expedient; aye, the pure and the noble,
which is now abandoned for the moment, will soon be
resought with additional ardor.
Mérimée has treated these things very differently
from his fellow-authors. These poems, it is true, are
not deficient in various horrible motifs, such as churchyards,
nocturnal crossroads, ghosts and vampires; but
the repulsive themes do not touch the intrinsic merit of
the poet. On the contrary, he treats them from a certain
objective distance, and, as it were, with irony. He
goes to work with them like an artist, to whom it is
an amusement to try anything of the sort. He has,
as I have said before, quite renounced himself, nay, he
has even renounced the Frenchman, and that to such
a degree that at first these poems of Guzla were deemed
real Illyrian popular poems, and thus little was wanting
for the success of the imposition he had intended.
Mérimée, to be sure, is a splendid fellow! Indeed,
more power and genius are generally required for the
objective treatment of a subject than is supposed.
So Lord Byron, also, notwithstanding his predominant
personality, has sometimes had the power of renouncing
himself altogether, as may be seen in some
of his dramatic pieces, particularly in his Marino
Faliero. In this piece one quite forgets that Lord
Byron, or even an Englishman, wrote it. We live entirely
in Venice, and entirely in the time in which the
action takes place. The personages speak quite from
themselves, and from their own condition, without having
any of the subjective feelings, thoughts, and opinions
of the poet. That is as it should be. Of our
young French romantic writers of the exaggerating
sort, one cannot say as much. What I have read of
them—poems, novels, dramatic works—have all borne
the personal coloring of the author, and none of them
ever make me forget that a Parisian—that a Frenchman—wrote
them. Even in the treatment of foreign
subjects one still remains in France and Paris, quite
absorbed in all the wishes, necessities, conflicts, and
fermentations of the present day.
Victor Hugo
He has a fine talent, but quite entangled in the unhappy
romantic tendency of his time, by which he is
seduced to represent, together with what is beautiful,
also that which is most insupportable and hideous. I
have lately been reading his Notre Dame de Paris, and
required no little patience to support the horror with
which this reading has inspired me. It is the most
abominable book that ever was written! Besides, one
is not even indemnified for the torture one has to endure
by the pleasure one might receive from a truthful
representation of human nature or human character.
His book is, on the contrary, utterly destitute of nature
and truth! The so-called characters whom he
brings forward are not human beings with living
flesh and blood, but miserable wooden puppets, which
he deals with as he pleases, and which he causes to
make all sorts of contortions and grimaces just as he
needs them for his desired effects. But what an age it
must be which not only renders such a book possible
and calls it into existence, but even finds it endurable
and delightful.
The “Idea” of Goethe’s Tasso and Faust
Idea! as if I knew anything about it. I had the life
of Tasso, I had my own life; and whilst I brought together
two odd figures with their peculiarities, the
image of Tasso arose in my mind, to which I opposed,
as a prosaic contrast, that of Antonio, for whom also
I did not lack models. The further particulars of court
life and love affairs were at Weimar as they were in
Ferrara; and I can truly say of my production, it is
bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh.
The Germans are, certainly, strange people. By
their deep thoughts and ideas, which they seek in everything
and fix upon everything, they make life much
more burdensome than is necessary. Only have the
courage to give yourself up to your impressions, allow
yourself to be delighted, moved, elevated, nay, instructed
and inspired for something great; but do not imagine
all is vanity, if it is not abstract thought and idea.
Then they come and ask what idea I meant to embody
in my Faust. As if I knew myself and could
inform them. From heaven, through the world, to hell,
would indeed be something; but this is no idea, only
a course of action. And further, that the devil loses
the wager, and that a man, continually struggling from
difficult errors towards something better, should be redeemed,
is an effective, and to many, a good enlightening
thought; but it is no idea which lies at the foundation
of the whole and of every individual scene. It
would have been a fine thing, indeed, if I had strung
so rich, varied, and highly diversified a life as I have
brought to view in Faust upon the slender string of one
pervading idea.
It was, on the whole, not in my line, as a poet, to
strive to embody anything abstract. I received in my
mind impressions, and those of a sensuous, animated,
charming, varied, hundredfold kind, just as a lively
imagination presented them; and I had, as a poet, nothing
more to do than artistically to round off and elaborate
such views and impressions, and by means of a
lively representation so to bring them forward that
others might receive the same impression in hearing or
reading my representation of them.
If I however wished, as a poet, to represent any
idea, I did it in short poems, where a decided unity could
prevail, as, for instance, in the Metamorphosis of Animals,
that of Plants, the poem Legacy, and many
others. The only production of greater extent, in
which I am conscious of having labored to set forth a
pervading idea, is probably my Elective Affinities. This
novel has thus become comprehensible to the intellect;
but I will not say that it is therefore better. I am
rather of the opinion that the more incommensurable,
and the more incomprehensible to the intellect, a poetic
production is, so much the better it is.
Schiller
Yes, everything else about him was proud and majestic,
only the eyes were soft. And his talent was like
his outward form. He seized boldly on a great subject,
and turned it this way and that, and handled it
this way and that. But he saw his object, as it were,
only from the outside; a quiet development from within
was not his province. His talent was desultory. Thus
he was never decided—could never have done. He often
changed a part just before a rehearsal.
And, as he went so boldly to work, he did not take
sufficient pains about motives. I recollect what trouble
I had with him when he wanted to make Gessler, in
Tell, abruptly break an apple from the tree, and have
it shot from the boy’s head. This was quite against
my nature, and I urged him to give at least some motive
to this barbarity, by making the boy boast to
Gessler of his father’s dexterity, and say that he could
shoot an apple from a tree at a hundred paces. Schiller,
at first, would have nothing of the sort: but at last
he yielded to my arguments and intentions, and did as
I advised him. I, on the other hand, by too great
attention to motives, kept my pieces from the theatre.
My Eugenie is nothing but a chain of motives, and this
cannot succeed on the stage.
Schiller’s genius was really made for the theatre.
With every piece he progressed, and became more finished;
but, strange to say, a certain love for the horrible
adhered to him from the time of the Robbers,
which never quite left him even in his prime. I still
recollect perfectly well that in the prison scene in my
Egmont, where the sentence is read to him, Schiller
would have made Alva appear in the background,
masked and muffled in a cloak, enjoying the effect which
the sentence would produce on Egmont. Thus Alva
was to show himself insatiable in revenge and malice.
I, however, protested, and prevented the apparition.
He was a singular, great man.
Every week he became different and more finished;
each time that I saw him he seemed to me to have
advanced in learning and judgment. His letters are
the fairest memorials of him which I possess, and they
are also among the most excellent of his writings.
Edinburgh Review
It is a pleasure to me to see the elevation and excellence
to which the English critics now rise. There
is not a trace of their former pedantry, but its place
is occupied by great qualities. In the last article—the
one on German literature—you will find the following
remark:—“There are some poets who have a tendency
always to occupy themselves with things which another
likes to drive from his mind.” What say you to this?
There we know at once where we are, and how we have
to classify a great number of our most modern literati.
Byron
Lord Byron is to be regarded as a man, as an Englishman,
and as a great genius. His good qualities
belong chiefly to the man, his bad to the Englishman
and the peer, his talent is incommensurable.
All Englishmen, as such, are without reflection, properly
so called; distractions and party spirit will not
permit them to perfect themselves in quiet. But they
are great as practical men.
Thus Lord Byron could never attain reflection concerning
himself, and on this account his maxims in general
are not successful, as is shown by his creed, “much
money and no authority,” for much money always
paralyzes authority.
But where he creates he always succeeds; and we
may truly say that with him inspiration supplies the
place of reflection. Something within him ever drove
him to poetry, and then everything that came from
the man, especially from his heart, was excellent. He
produced his best things, as women do pretty children,
without thinking about it or knowing how it was done.
He is a great talent, a born talent, and I never
saw the true poetical power greater in any man than
in him. In the apprehension of external objects, and
a clear penetration into past situations, he is quite as
great as Shakespeare. But as a pure individuality,
Shakespeare is his superior. This was felt by Byron,
and on this account he does not say much of Shakespeare,
although he knows whole passages by heart.
He would willingly have denied him altogether; for
Shakespeare’s serenity is in his way, and he feels that
he is no match for it. Pope he does not deny, for
he had no cause to fear him. On the contrary, he
mentions him, and shows him respect when he can, for
he knows well enough that Pope is a mere foil to himself.
His high rank as an English peer was very injurious
to Byron; for every talent is oppressed by the outer
world,—how much more, then, when there is such high
birth and so great a fortune. A certain middle rank
is much more favorable to talent, on which account
we find all great artists and poets in the middle classes.
Byron’s predilection for the unbounded could not have
been nearly so dangerous with more humble birth and
smaller means. But as it was, he was able to put
every fancy into practice, and this involved him in innumerable
scrapes. Besides, how could one of such high
rank be inspired with awe and respect by any rank
whatever? He expressed whatever he felt, and this
brought him into ceaseless conflict with the world.
Moreover, his perpetual negation and fault-finding
is injurious even to his excellent works. For not only
does the discontent of the poet infect the reader, but
the end of all opposition is negation; and negation is
nothing. If I call bad bad, what do I gain? But if
I call good bad, I do a great deal of mischief. He who
will work aright must never rail, must not trouble himself
at all about what is ill done, but only strive to do
well himself. For the great point is not to pull down,
but to build up, and in this humanity finds pure
joy.
I could not make use of any man as the representative
of the modern poetical era except him, who undoubtedly
is to be regarded as the greatest genius of our century.
Byron is neither antique nor romantic, but like
the present day itself. This was the sort of man I
required. Then he suited me on account of his unsatisfied
nature and his warlike tendency, which led to his
death at Missolonghi.
Lord Byron is only great as a poet; as soon as he
reflects, he is a child.
Scott
Walter Scott’s Fair Maid of Perth is excellent, is it
not? There is finish! there is a hand! What a firm
foundation for the whole, and in particular not a
touch which does not lead to the goal! Then, what
details of dialogue and description, both of which
are excellent. His scenes and situations are like pictures
by Teniers; in the arrangement they show the
summit of art, the individual figures have a speaking
truth, and the execution is extended with artistic love to
the minutest details, so that not a stroke is lost.
You find everywhere in Walter Scott a remarkable
security and thoroughness in his delineation, which proceeds
from his comprehensive knowledge of the real
world, obtained by life-long studies and observations,
and a daily discussion of the most important relations.
Then come his great talent and his comprehensive nature.
You remember the English critic who compares
the poets to the voices of singers, of which some
can command only a few fine tones, while others have
the whole compass, from the highest to the lowest, completely
in their power. Walter Scott is one of this last
sort. In the Fair Maid of Perth you will not find a
single weak passage to make you feel as if his knowledge
and talent were insufficient. He is equal to his
subject in every direction in which it takes him; the
king, the royal brother, the prince, the head of the
clergy, the nobles, the magistracy, the citizens and mechanics,
the Highlanders, are all drawn with the same
sure hand, and hit off with equal truth.
The passage where the prince, sitting on horseback,
makes the pretty minstrel girl step upon his foot, that
he may raise her up for a kiss, is in the boldest English
style. But you ladies are wrong always to take sides.
Usually, you read a book to find nutrition for the heart,
to find a hero whom you could love. This is not the
way to read; the great point is not whether this or
that character pleases, but whether the whole book
pleases.
But, when you have finished the Fair Maid of Perth,
you must at once read Waverley, which is written from
quite a different point of view, but which may, without
hesitation, be set beside the best works that have
ever been written in this world. We see that it is the
same man who wrote the Fair Maid of Perth, but that
he has yet to gain the favor of the public, and therefore
collects his forces so that he may not give a touch
that is short of excellence. The Fair Maid of Perth,
on the other hand, is from a freer pen; the author is
now sure of his public, and he proceeds more at liberty.
After reading Waverley, you will understand
why Walter Scott still designates himself the author
of that work; for there he showed what he could do,
and he has never since written anything to surpass, or
even equal, that first published novel.
Walter Scott is a great genius; he has not his equal;
and we need not wonder at the extraordinary effect he
produces on the whole reading world. He gives me
much to think of; and I discover in him a wholly new
art, with laws of its own.
We read far too many poor things, thus losing time,
and gaining nothing. We should only read what we
admire, as I did in my youth, and as I now experience
with Sir Walter Scott. I have just begun Rob Roy,
and will read his best novels in succession. All is great—material,
import, characters, execution; and then
what infinite diligence in the preparatory studies! what
truth of detail in the execution! We see, too, what
English history is; and what a thing it is when such
an inheritance falls to the lot of a clever poet. Our
German history, in five volumes, is, on the other hand,
sheer poverty.
It is a peculiarity of Walter Scott’s that his great
talent in representing details often leads him into faults.
Thus, in Ivanhoe, there is a scene where they are seated
at a table in a castle-hall at night, and a stranger
enters. Now, he is quite right in describing the stranger’s
appearance and dress, but it is a fault that he
goes to the length of describing his feet, shoes, and
stockings. When we sit down in the evening, and some
one comes in, we see only the upper part of his body.
If I describe the feet, daylight enters at once, and the
scene loses its nocturnal character.
[13] Goethe had been reproached “for not taking up arms in the
German War of Liberation, or at least coöperating as a poet.”
[14] “Architecture is music in space, as it were a frozen music.”—Schelling’s
Philosophie der Kunst.
APPENDIX
I. On the Selection and Translation of the Essays
in this Volume.
II. On the Chronology of Goethe’s Critical Studies.
APPENDIX
I. On the Selection and Translation of the Essays in this
Volume
This book was first suggested to me in 1909, and was
virtually completed seven or eight years ago; but the manuscript
was mislaid among some old papers, and when it
was recovered the European War was at its height.
Never again, it then seemed, could I regard my work
with the same disinterested temper in which it was
begun, for what was recovered was no longer a manuscript
but a ghost, no longer a book but a strange
spirit returned from an all too irrecoverable past. When
I re-read these words from the lips of one who had spent
his life “with spirits god-like mild,” and related them to
our new and altered world, I understood once more how
man forever fashions history to his own meaning, and how
it has no life except such as is given to it by his creative
mind. Every word I now read assumed a new and heightened
significance, a more intimate relation with life; and
every word was a call to sympathy and understanding,—the
word of a man who had withheld all hate from enemy
France, had praised England and its literature, had analyzed
the defects of his own countrymen, and had made
constant denial of the compatibility of poetry and partisanship.
How could I approach work of this kind in the
spirit of the fiery national partisan, not to mention that of
the mere dryasdust scholar, when every word Goethe uttered
shed light and meaning on the warm life about me, and
every accent of his voice taught a high forebearance? So
when on sick-leave from my regiment at the very end of
1917, to while away the tediousness of convalescence, I
played once more with the work begun in the old days when
I was still able to live in “the wise man’s only country,
Life”; and before I sailed for France, leaving behind me
the manuscript as it here stands, I determined that
if it were ever published, I should add nothing in the form
of preface, introduction, or critical apparatus, but allow
Goethe to speak for himself to such hearts as could hear
and understand him. Some readers may find a key to that
understanding if they begin with the famous passage on
“Poetry and Patriotism” on page 251.
No adequate estimate of Goethe’s critical work has yet
been achieved; and the sensible but unilluminating chapter
on this subject in the late Calvin Thomas’s Goethe is
not much more disappointing than the more extended
studies in German of Oskar Walzel and Wilhelm Bode.
For a complete estimate of Goethe as a critic we should
have to ransack all his essays and reviews, his novels and
poems, his autobiography and his journals, his letters and
conversations, for in all of them he has scattered judgments
on books and thoughts on the theory of art. It would almost
seem as if his reputation as a critic rests more securely
on these casual utterances than on his formal essays and
studies. There more than elsewhere Sainte-Beuve and
Matthew Arnold recognized “the supreme critic”; there
above all we find that mellow wisdom which we have come
to associate with Goethe’s name.
In this little volume, however, we have most of Goethe’s
successive moods represented by some characteristic utterance,—the
young reviewer, the lover of Shakespeare and
Gothic art, rebelling against schools and rules but most of
all against dullness and formality; the contributor to Wieland’s
German Mercury, the collaborator of Schiller in the
Horen and in an exchange of letters of incomparable interest,
after the life of Weimar and the journey to Italy had
mellowed his talents; the student of art and æsthetics in
the Propyläen, championing the antique spirit and voicing
a protest against the excesses of romanticism; the more
thoughtful but still sympathetic student of Shakespeare,
enthusiastic in Wilhelm Meister, more temperate in Shakespeare
ad Infinitum; the mature reviewer, welcoming the
publication of old German and foreign folksongs, and hailing
in turn Byron, Manzoni, Carlyle, Niebuhr, and all the
young French and German writers of his day; and finally,
the literary dictator in his old age, as shown in the careless
and incessant wisdom of his recorded conversation. We
have here, it is true, a very small part of his extraordinary
output, but quite enough to form a just judgment of his
place among the great critics. In a career so extended and
a mind so active and all-embracing we must expect to find
inconsistencies and errors of judgment. Some of the ideas
in this volume have only an historical interest; a perverse
mind might indeed garner from it an anthology of critical
errors. It was not these which won for him from so many
the title of “supreme critic,” but rather the sanity, insight,
and impartiality of his mind and his extraordinary gift for
foreseeing the direction of critical thought.
All of the selections in Part I, except the essay on “German
Architecture,” have been taken from Goethe’s Essays
on Art, translated by S. G. Ward (Boston, 1845). Wilhelm
Meister’s critique of Hamlet has been excerpted from Carlyle’s
rendering of Wilhelm Meister’s Lehrjahre. The version
of John Oxenford has been used for the selections
from the Conversations with Eckermann, and Oxenford’s
version, as revised by Miss M. S. Smith, for the selection
from Goethe’s Autobiography. The remaining essays were
translated by the late Randolph S. Bourne, by Professor
F. W. J. Heuser, and by myself. I am indebted to Mr.
Bourne for translating the following essays: “On German
Architecture,” “Shakespeare ad Infinitum,” “The
First Edition of Hamlet,” “Troilus and Cressida,” “The
Methods of French Criticism,” “Supplement to Aristotle’s
Poetics,” “Tieck’s Dramaturgic Fragments,” “On the German
Theatre,” “Didactic Poetry,” “Superstition and
Poetry,” “The Theory of a World Literature,” “Byron’s
Manfred,” “Byron’s Don Juan,” “Calderon’s Daughter of
the Air,” “Molière’s Misanthrope,” “Folksongs again
Commended,” and “Laurence Sterne.” Professor Heuser
has translated the following: “The Production of a National
Classic,” “Epic and Dramatic Poetry,” and “English
Reviewers.” I have made material changes and corrections
in almost all the translations, but on the whole
each translator should be held responsible for the accuracy
and style of his own work. For the selection and arrangement
of the material, and for the titles given to some of
the excerpts, I am alone responsible.
Some of Goethe’s judgments on books, and his maxims
on life and art, have already appeared in volumes of selections
in English translation; but no other work in any
language, so far as I am aware, attempts to include in a
single volume the whole range of Goethe’s critical and
æsthetic studies. Some of the selections have never before
appeared in English.
J. E. S.
Troutbeck, May, 1919.
Since the above was written, I have become greatly
indebted to Lord Haldane for contributing the Foreword,
and especially to Professor Friedrich Bruns for reading
the proofsheets and revising some of the translations. Miss
L. Bonino has prepared the Index.
J. E. S.
New York, September, 1921.
II. On the Chronology of Goethe’s Critical Studies
The following chronology of Goethe’s critical activity is
intended chiefly to indicate the original sources of the
selections in the present volume.
1772-73. Reviews in the Frankfurter gelehrten Anzeigen:
Goethe as a Young Reviewer (reviews of Blum’s
Lyrische Gedichte, and Sulzer’s Cymbelline, ein
Trauerspiel, nach einem von Shakespeare erfundnen
Stoffe, both translated in full).
1773. Von deutscher Baukunst:
On German Architecture (complete translation).
1788 sq. Articles in Wieland’s Teutscher Merkur:
Simple Imitation of Nature, Manner, Style (Über
Italien: Einfache Nachahmung der Natur, Manier,
Stil, complete translation).
1794-1805. Correspondence of Goethe and Schiller:
Epic and Dramatic Poetry (complete translation);
also footnote on page 104.
1795-96. Wilhelm Meister’s Lehrjahre:
Wilhelm Meister’s Critique of Hamlet.
1795-97. Articles in Die Horen:
The Production of a National Classic (Literarischer
Sansculottismus, complete translation except for four
introductory paragraphs).
1798-1800. Articles in Die Propyläen:
Introduction to the Propylæa.
On Laocoon (complete translation).
On Truth and Probability in Works of Art (complete
translation).
The Collector and his Friends.
Notes on Dillettantism. (By Goethe and Schiller).
1804 sq. Reviews in the Jenaische Allgemeine Literaturzeitung:
Old German Folksongs (review of Des Knaben Wunderhorn,
translated in full except that only a few
of Goethe’s characterizations of individual poems are
included).
1811-14. Dichtung und Wahrheit (Autobiography):
German Literature in Goethe’s Youth (selected passages
from part ii, book 7); also footnote on page 14
(from part ii, book 10).
1815 sq. Articles in the Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände:
Shakespeare ad Infinitum, parts i-ii, written 1813
(Shakespeare und kein Ende, complete translation).
On the German Theatre (complete translation).
1816-32. Articles in Über Kunst und Alterthum:
Ancient and Modern.
The Theory of a World Literature, part i (review of
Duval’s Le Tasse), part ii (Bezüge nach Aussen,
complete translation), part iii (Edinburgh Reviews),
part v (review of Carlyle’s Leben Schillers).
Supplement to Aristotle’s Poetics (complete translation).
On Didactic Poetry (complete translation).
Superstition and Poetry (Justus Möser).
The Methods of French Critics (Urteilsworte französischer
Kritiker, complete translation).
On Criticism, § 1 (review of Manzoni’s Carmagnola),
§ 3 (review of Rochlitz’s Für Freunde der Tonkunst).
The First Edition of Hamlet (complete translation).
Byron’s Manfred (complete translation).
Byron’s Don Juan (complete translation).
Calderon’s Daughter of the Air (complete translation).
Molière’s Misanthrope (review of Taschereau’s Histoire
de la Vie et des Ouvrages de Molière, complete
translation).
Shakespeare ad Infinitum, part iii, written 1816, published
1826 (complete translation).
Folksongs again Commended (complete translation).
Laurence Sterne (complete translation).
The English Reviewers (review of Manzoni’s Carmagnola).
1822-32. Gespräche mit Goethe in den letzten Jahren seines
Lebens, by J. P. Eckermann (published 1836-48):
Extracts from Goethe’s Conversations with Eckermann.