While in London I took a bright Sunday afternoon to visit Chelsea, and
walk along Cheyne Row and look upon the house in which Carlyle passed
nearly fifty years of his life, and in which he died. Many times I paced
to and fro. I had been there eleven years before, but it was on a dark,
rainy night, and I had brought away no image of the street or house. The
place now had a more humble and neglected look than I expected to see;
nothing that suggested it had ever been the abode of the foremost
literary man of his time, but rather the home of plain, obscure persons
of little means. One would have thought that the long residence there of
such a man as Carlyle would have enhanced the value of real estate for
many squares around, and drawn men of wealth and genius to that part of
the city. The Carlyle house was unoccupied, and, with its closed
shutters and little pools of black sooty water standing in the brick
area in front of the basement windows, looked dead and deserted indeed.
But the house itself, though nearly two hundred years old, showed no
signs of decay. It had doubtless witnessed the extinction of many
households before that of the Carlyles.
My own visit to that house was in one autumn night in 1871. Carlyle was
then seventy-six years old, his wife had been dead five years, his work
was done, and his days were pitifully sad. He was out taking his
after-dinner walk when we arrived, Mr. Conway and I; most of his walking
and riding, it seems, was done after dark, an indication in itself of
the haggard and melancholy frame of mind habitual to him. He presently
appeared, wrapped in a long gray coat that fell nearly to the floor. His
greeting was quiet and grandfatherly, and that of a man burdened with
his own sad thoughts. I shall never forget the impression his large,
long, soft hand made in mine, nor the look of sorrow and suffering
stamped upon the upper part of the face,—sorrow mingled with yearning
compassion. The eyes were bleared and filmy with unshed and unshedable
tears. In pleasing contrast to his coarse hair and stiff, bristly,
iron-gray beard, was the fresh, delicate color that just touched his
brown cheeks, like the tinge of poetry that plays over his own rugged
page. I noted a certain shyness and delicacy, too, in his manner, which
contrasted in the same way with what is alleged of his rudeness and
severity. He leaned his head upon his hand, the fingers thrust up
through the hair, and, with his elbow resting upon the table, looked
across to my companion, who kept the conversation going. This attitude
he hardly changed during the two hours we sat there. How serious and
concerned he looked, and how surprising that hearty, soliloquizing sort
of laugh which now and then came from him as he talked, not so much a
laugh provoked by anything humorous in the conversation, as a sort of
foil to his thoughts, as one might say, after a severe judgment, "Ah,
well-a-day, what matters it!" If that laugh could have been put in his
Latter-day Pamphlets, where it would naturally come, or in his later
political tracts, these publications would have given much less offense.
But there was amusement in his laugh when I told him we had introduced
the English sparrow in America. "Introduced!" he repeated, and laughed
again. He spoke of the bird as a "comical little wretch," and feared we
should regret the "introduction." He repeated an Arab proverb which says
Solomon's Temple was built amid the chirping of ten thousand sparrows,
and applied it very humorously in the course of his talk to the human
sparrows that always stand ready to chirrup and cackle down every great
undertaking. He had seen a cat walk slowly along the top of a fence
while a row of sparrows seated upon a ridge-board near by all pointed at
her and chattered and scolded, and by unanimous vote pronounced her this
and that, but the cat went on her way all the same. The verdict of
majorities was not always very formidable, however unanimous.
A monument had recently been erected to Scott in Edinburgh, and he had
been asked to take part in some attendant ceremony. But he had refused
peremptorily. "If the angel Gabriel had summoned me I would not have
gone," he said. It was too soon to erect a monument to Scott. Let them
wait a hundred years and see how they feel about it then. He had never
met Scott: the nearest he had come to it was once when he was the bearer
of a message to him from Goethe; he had rung at his door with some
trepidation, and was relieved when told that the great man was out. Not
long afterwards he had a glimpse of him while standing in the streets of
Edinburgh. He saw a large wagon coming drawn by several horses, and
containing a great many people, and there in the midst of them, full of
talk and hilarity like a great boy, sat Scott. Carlyle had recently
returned from his annual visit to Scotland, and was full of sad and
tender memories of his native land. He was a man in whom every beautiful
thing awakened melancholy thoughts. He spoke of the blooming lasses and
the crowds of young people he had seen on the streets of some northern
city, Aberdeen, I think, as having filled him with sadness; a kind of
homesickness of the soul was upon him, and deepened with age,—a
solitary and a bereaved man from first to last.
As I walked Cheyne Row that summer Sunday my eye rested again and again
upon those three stone steps that led up to the humble door, each
hollowed out by the attrition of the human foot, the middle one, where
the force of the footfall would be greatest, most deeply worn of
all,—worn by hundreds of famous feet, and many, many more not famous.
Nearly every notable literary man of the century, both of England and
America, had trod those steps. Emerson's foot had left its mark there,
if one could have seen it, once in his prime and again in his old age,
and it was perhaps of him I thought, and of his new-made grave there
under the pines at Concord, that summer afternoon as I mused to and fro,
more than of any other visitor to that house. "Here we are shoveled
together again," said Carlyle from behind his wife, with a lamp high in
his hand, that October night thirty-seven years ago, as Jane opened the
door to Emerson. The friendship, the love of those two men for each
other, as revealed in their published correspondence, is one of the most
beautiful episodes in English literary history. The correspondence was
opened and invited by Emerson, but as years went by it is plain that it
became more and more a need and a solace to Carlyle. There is something
quite pathetic in the way he clung to Emerson and entreated him for a
fuller and more frequent evidence of his love. The New Englander, in
some ways, appears stinted and narrow beside him; Carlyle was much the
more loving and emotional man. He had less self-complacency than
Emerson, was much less stoical, and felt himself much more alone in the
world. Emerson was genial and benevolent from temperament and habit;
Carlyle was wrathful and vituperative, while his heart was really
bursting with sympathy and love. The savagest man, probably, in the
world in his time, who had anything like his enormous fund of
tenderness and magnanimity. He was full of contempt for the mass of
mankind, but he was capable of loving particular men with a depth and an
intensity that more than makes the account good. And let me say here
that the saving feature about Carlyle's contempt, which is such a
stumbling-block till one has come to understand it, is its perfect
sincerity and inevitableness, and the real humility in which it has its
root. He cannot help it; it is genuine, and has a kind of felicity. Then
there is no malice or ill-will in it, but pity rather, and pity springs
from love. We also know that he is always dominated by the inexorable
conscience, and that the standard by which he tries men is the standard
of absolute rectitude and worthiness. Contempt without love and humility
begets a sneering, mocking, deriding habit of mind, which was far enough
from Carlyle's sorrowing denunciations. "The quantity of sorrow he has,
does it not mean withal the quantity of sympathy he has, the quantity
of faculty and victory he shall yet have? 'Our sorrow is the inverted
image of our nobleness.' The depth of our despair measures what
capability, and height of claim we have, to hope." (Cromwell.) Emerson
heard many responding voices, touched and won many hearts, but Carlyle
was probably admired and feared more than he was loved, and love he
needed and valued above all else. Hence his pathetic appeals to Emerson,
the one man he felt sure of, the one voice that reached him and moved
him among his contemporaries. He felt Emerson's serenity and courage,
and seemed to cling to, while he ridiculed, that New World hope that
shone in him so brightly.
The ship that carries the most sail is most buffeted by the winds and
storms. Carlyle carried more sail than Emerson did, and the very winds
of the globe he confronted and opposed; the one great movement of the
modern world, the democratic movement, the coming forward of the people
in their own right, he assailed and ridiculed in a vocabulary the most
copious and telling that was probably ever used, and with a concern and
a seriousness most impressive.
Much as we love and revere Emerson, and immeasurable as his service has
been, especially to the younger and more penetrating minds, I think it
will not do at all to say, as one of our critics (Mr. Stedman) has
lately said, that Emerson is as "far above Carlyle as the affairs of the
soul and universe are above those of the contemporary or even the
historic world." Above him he certainly was, in a thinner, colder air,
but not in any sense that implies greater power or a farther range. His
sympathies with the concrete world and his gripe upon it were far less
than Carlyle's. He bore no such burden, he fought no such battle, as the
latter did. His mass, his velocity, his penetrating power, are far less.
A tranquil, high-sailing, fair-weather cloud is Emerson, and a massive,
heavy-laden storm-cloud is Carlyle. Carlyle was never placidly sounding
the azure depths like Emerson, but always pouring and rolling
earthward, with wind, thunder, rain, and hail. He reaches up to the
Emersonian altitudes, but seldom disports himself there; never loses
himself, as Emerson sometimes does; the absorption takes place in the
other direction; he descends to actual affairs and events with fierce
precipitation. Carlyle's own verdict, written in his journal on
Emerson's second visit to him in 1848, was much to the same effect, and,
allowing for the Carlylean exaggeration, was true. He wrote that Emerson
differed as much from himself "as a gymnosophist sitting idle on a
flowery bank may do from a wearied worker and wrestler passing that way
with many of his bones broken."
All men would choose Emerson's fate, Emerson's history; how rare, how
serene, how inspiring, how beautiful, how fortunate! But as between
these two friends, our verdict must be that Carlyle did the more unique
and difficult, the more heroic, piece of work. Whether the more valuable
and important or not, it is perhaps too early in the day to say, but
certainly the more difficult and masterful. As an artist, using the term
in the largest sense, as the master-worker in, and shaper of, the
Concrete, he is immeasurably Emerson's superior. Emerson's two words
were truth and beauty, which lie, as it were, in the same plane, and the
passage from one to the other is easy; it is smooth sailing. Carlyle's
two words were truth and duty, which lie in quite different planes, and
the passage between which is steep and rough. Hence the pain, the
struggle, the picturesque power. Try to shape the actual world of
politics and human affairs according to the ideal truth, and see if you
keep your serenity. There is a Niagara gulf between them that must be
bridged. But what a gripe this man had upon both shores, the real and
the ideal! The quality of action, of tangible performance, that lies in
his works, is unique. "He has not so much written as spoken," and he has
not so much spoken as he has actually wrought. He experienced, in each
of his books, the pain and the antagonism of the man of action. His
mental mood and attitude are the same; as is also his impatience of
abstractions, of theories, of subtleties, of mere words. Indeed, Carlyle
was essentially a man of action, as he himself seemed to think, driven
by fate into literature. He is as real and as earnest as Luther or
Cromwell, and his faults are the same in kind. Not the mere saying of
a thing satisfies him as it does Emerson; you must do it; bring order
out of chaos, make the dead alive, make the past present, in some way
make your fine sayings point to, or result in, fact. He says the
Perennial lies always in the Concrete. Subtlety of intellect, which
conducts you, "not to new clearness, but to ever-new abstruseness, wheel
within wheel, depth under depth," has no charms for him. "My erudite
friend, the astonishing intellect that occupies itself in splitting
hairs, and not in twisting some kind of cordage and effectual
draught-tackle to take the road with, is not to me the most astonishing
of intellects."
Emerson split no hairs, but he twisted very little cordage for the rough
draught-horses of this world. He tells us to hitch our wagon to a star;
and the star is without doubt a good steed, when once fairly caught and
harnessed, but it takes an astronomer to catch it. The value of such
counsel is not very tangible unless it awakes us to the fact that every
power of both heaven and earth is friendly to a noble and courageous
activity.
Carlyle was impatient of Emerson's fine-spun sentences and
transcendental sleight-of-hand. Indeed, from a literary point of view,
one of the most interesting phases of the published correspondence
between these two notable men is the value which each unwittingly set
upon his own methods and work. Each would have the other like himself.
Emerson wants Emersonian epigrams from Carlyle, and Carlyle wants
Carlylean thunder from Emerson. Each was unconsciously his own ideal.
The thing which a man's nature calls him to do,—what else so well worth
doing? Certainly nothing else to him,—but to another? How surely each
one of us would make our fellow over in our own image! Carlyle wants
Emerson more practical, more concrete, more like himself in short. "The
vile Pythons of this Mud-world do verily require to have sun-arrows shot
into them, and red-hot pokers stuck through them, according to
occasion;" do this as I am doing it, or trying to do it, and I shall
like you better. It is well to know that nature will make good compost
of the carcass of an Oliver Cromwell, and produce a cart-load of
turnips from the same; but it is better to appreciate and make the most
of the live Oliver himself. "A faculty is in you for a sort of speech
which is itself action, an artistic sort. You tell us with piercing
emphasis that man's soul is great; show us a great soul of a man, in
some work symbolic of such; this is the seal of such a message, and you
will feel by and by that you are called to do this. I long to see some
concrete Thing, some Event, Man's Hope, American Forest, or piece of
Creation, which this Emerson loves and wonders at, well Emersonized,
depicted by Emerson, filled with the life of Emerson and cast forth from
him, then to live by itself." Again: "I will have all things condense
themselves, take shape and body, if they are to have my sympathy; I have
a body myself; in the brown leaf, sport of the Autumn winds, I find
what mocks all prophesyings, even Hebrew ones." "Alas, it is so easy to
screw one's self up into high and even higher altitudes of
Transcendentalism, and see nothing under one but the everlasting snows
of Himmalayah, the Earth shrinking to a Planet, and the indigo firmament
sowing itself with daylight stars; easy for you, for me; but whither
does it lead? I dread always, to inanity and mere injuring of the
lungs!"—with more of the same sort.
On the other hand, Emerson evidently tires of Carlyle's long-winded
heroes. He would have him give us the gist of the matter in a few
sentences. Cremate your heroes, he seems to say; get all this gas and
water out of them, and give us the handful of lime and iron of which
they are composed. He hungered for the "central monosyllables." He
praises Cromwell and Frederick, yet says to his friend, "that book will
not come which I most wish to read, namely, the culled results, the
quintessence of private conviction, a liber veritatis, a few
sentences, hints of the final moral you drew from so much penetrating
inquest into past and present men."
This is highly characteristic of Emerson; his bid for the quintessence
of things. He was always impatient of creative imaginative works; would
sublunate or evaporate them in a hurry. Give him the pith of the matter,
the net result in the most pungent words. It must still be picture and
parable, but in a sort of disembodied or potential state. He fed on the
marrow of Shakespeare's sentences, and apparently cared little for his
marvelous characterizations. One is reminded of the child's riddle:
Under the hill there is a mill, in the mill there is a chest, in the
chest there is a till, in the till there is a phial, in the phial there
is a drop I would not give for all the world. This drop Emerson would
have. Keep or omit the chest and the mill and all that circumlocution,
and give him the precious essence. But the artistic or creative mind
does not want things thus abridged,—does not want the universe reduced
to an epigram. Carlyle wants an actual flesh-and-blood hero, and, what
is more, wants him immersed head and ears in the actual affairs of this
world.
Those who seek to explain Carlyle on the ground of his humble origin
shoot wide of the mark. "Merely a peasant with a glorified intellect,"
says a certain irate female, masquerading as the "Day of Judgment."
It seems to me Carlyle was as little of a peasant as any man of his
time,—a man without one peasant trait or proclivity, a regal and
dominating man, "looking," as he said of one of his own books, "king and
beggar in the face with an indifference of brotherhood and an
indifference of contempt." The two marks of the peasant are stolidity
and abjectness; he is dull and heavy, and he dare not say his soul is
his own. No man ever so hustled and jostled titled dignitaries, and made
them toe the mark, as did Carlyle. It was not merely that his intellect
was towering; it was also his character, his will, his standard of
manhood, that was towering. He bowed to the hero, to valor and personal
worth, never to titles or conventions. The virtues and qualities of his
yeoman ancestry were in him without doubt; his power of application, the
spirit of toil that possessed him, his frugal, self-denying habits, came
from his family and race, but these are not peasant traits, but heroic
traits. A certain coarseness of fibre he had also, together with great
delicacy and sensibility, but these again he shares with all strong
first-class men. You cannot get such histories as Cromwell and Frederick
out of polished littérateurs; you must have a man of the same heroic
fibre, of the same inexpugnableness of mind and purpose. Not even was
Emerson adequate to such a task; he was fine enough and high enough, but
he was not coarse enough and broad enough. The scholarly part of
Carlyle's work is nearly always thrown in the shade by the manly part,
the original raciness and personal intensity of the writer. He is not in
the least veiled or hidden by his literary vestments. He is rather
hampered by them, and his sturdy Annandale character often breaks
through them in the most surprising manner. His contemporaries soon
discovered that if here was a great writer, here was also a great man,
come not merely to paint their picture, but to judge them, to weigh them
in the balance. He is eminently an artist, and yet it is not the
artistic or literary impulse that lies at the bottom of his works, but a
moral, human, emotional impulse and attraction,—the impulse of justice,
of veracity, or of sympathy and love.
What love of work well done, what love of genuine leadership, of
devotion to duty, of mastery of affairs, in fact what love of man pure
and simple, lies at the bottom of "Frederick," lies at the bottom of
"Cromwell"! Here is not the disinterestedness of Shakespeare, here is
not the Hellenic flexibility of mind and scientific impartiality Mr.
Arnold demands: here is espousal, here is vindication, here is the moral
bias of the nineteenth century. But here also is reality, here is the
creative touch, here are men and things made alive again, palpable to
the understanding and enticing to the imagination. Of all histories
that have fallen into my hands, "Frederick" is the most vital and real.
If the current novels were half so entertaining, I fear I should read
little else. The portrait-painting is like that of Rembrandt; the eye
for battles and battle-fields is like that of Napoleon, or Frederick
himself; the sifting of events, and the separating of the false from the
true, is that of the most patient and laborious science; the descriptive
passages are equaled by those of no other man; while the work as a
whole, as Emerson says, "is a Judgment Day, for its moral verdict, on
the men and nations and manners of modern times." It is to be read for
its honest history; it is to be read for its inexhaustible wit and
humor; it is to be read for its poetic fire, for its felicities of
style, for its burden of human sympathy and effort, its heroic
attractions and stimulating moral judgments. All Carlyle's histories
have the quick, penetrating glance, that stroke of the eye, as the
French say, that lays the matter open to the heart. He did not write in
the old way of a topographical survey of the surface: his "French
Revolution" is more like a transverse section; more like a geologist's
map than like a geographer's; the depths are laid open; the abyss yawns;
the cosmic forces and fires stalk forth and become visible and real. It
was this power to detach and dislocate things and project them against
the light of a fierce and lurid imagination that makes his pages unique
and matchless, of their kind, in literature. He may be deficient in the
historical sense, the sense of development, and of compensation in
history; but in vividness of apprehension of men and events, and power
of portraiture, he is undoubtedly without a rival. "Those devouring eyes
and that portraying hand," Emerson says.
Those who contract their view of Carlyle till they see only his faults
do a very unwise thing. Nearly all his great traits have their shadows.
His power of characterization sometimes breaks away into caricature; his
command of the picturesque leads him into the grotesque; his eloquent
denunciation at times becomes vituperation; his marvelous power to name
things degenerates into outrageous nicknaming; his streaming humor,
which, as Emerson said, floats every object he looks upon, is not free
from streaks of the most crabbed, hide-bound ill-humor. Nearly every
page has a fringe of these things, and sometimes a pretty broad one, but
they are by no means the main matter, and often lend an additional
interest. The great personages, the great events, are never caricatured,
though painted with a bold, free hand, but there is in the border of the
picture all manner of impish and grotesque strokes. In "Frederick" there
is a whole series of secondary men and incidents that are touched off
with the hand of a master caricaturist. Some peculiarity of feature or
manner is seized upon, magnified, and made prominent on all occasions.
We are never suffered to forget George the Second's fish eyes and
gartered leg; nor the lean May-pole mistress of George the First; nor
the Czarina's big fat cheek; nor poor Bruhl, "vainest of human
clothes-horses," with his twelve tailors and his three hundred and
sixty-five suits of clothes; nor Augustus, "the dilapidated strong,"
with his three hundred and fifty-four bastards. Nor can any reader of
that work ever forget "Jenkins' Ear,"—the poor fraction of an ear of an
English sailor snipped off by the Spaniards, and here made to stand for
a whole series of historical events. Indeed, this severed ear looms up
till it becomes like a sign in the zodiac of those times. His portrait
of the French army, which he calls the Dauphiness, is unforgettable, and
is in the best style of his historical caricature. It makes its exit
over the Rhine before Duke Ferdinand, "much in rags, much in disorder,
in terror, and here and there almost in despair, winging their way like
clouds of draggled poultry caught by a mastiff in the corn. Across
Weser, across Ems, finally across the Rhine itself, every feather of
them,—their long-drawn cackle, of a shrieky type, filling all nature in
those months." A good sample of the grotesque in Carlyle, pushed to the
last limit, and perhaps a little beyond, is in this picture of the
Czarina of Russia, stirred up to declare war against Frederick by his
Austrian enemies: "Bombarded with cunningly-devised fabrications, every
wind freighted for her with phantasmal rumors, no ray of direct daylight
visiting the poor Sovereign Woman; who is lazy, not malignant, if she
could avoid it; mainly a mass of esurient oil, with alkali on the back
of alkali poured in, at this rate for ten years past, till, by pouring
and by stirring, they get her to the state of soap and froth."
Carlyle had a narrow escape from being the most formidable blackguard
the world had ever seen; was, indeed, in certain moods, a kind of divine
blackguard,—a purged and pious Rabelais, who could bespatter the devil
with more telling epithets than any other man who ever lived. What a
tongue, what a vocabulary! He fairly oxidizes, burns up, the object of
his opprobrium, in the stream of caustic epithets he turns upon it. He
had a low opinion of the contemporaries of Frederick and Voltaire: they
were "mere ephemera; contemporary eaters, scramblers for provender,
talkers of acceptable hearsay; and related merely to the butteries and
wiggeries of their time, and not related to the Perennialities at all,
as these two were." He did not have to go very far from home for some of
the lineaments of Voltaire's portrait: "He had, if no big gloomy devil
in him among the bright angels that were there, a multitude of ravening,
tumultuary imps, or little devils, very ill-chained, and was lodged,
he and his restless little devils, in a skin far too thin for him and
them!"
Of Frederick's cynicism he says there was "always a kind of vinegar
cleanness in it, except in theory." Equally original and felicitous is
the "albuminous simplicity" which he ascribes to the Welfs. Newspaper
men have never forgiven him for calling them the "gazetteer owls of
Minerva;" and our Catholic brethren can hardly relish his reference to
the "consolations" the nuns deal out to the sick as "poisoned
gingerbread." In "Frederick" one comes upon such phrases as
"milk-faced," "bead-roll histories," "heavy pipe-clay natures," a
"stiff-jointed, algebraic kind of piety," etc.
Those who persist in trying Carlyle as a philosopher and man of ideas
miss his purport. He had no philosophy, and laid claim to none, except
what he got from the German metaphysicians,—views which crop out here
and there in "Sartor." He was a preacher of righteousness to his
generation, and a rebuker of its shams and irreverences, and as such he
cut deep, cut to the bone, and to the marrow of the bone. That piercing,
agonized, prophetic, yet withal melodious and winsome voice, how it
rises through and above the multitudinous hum and clatter of
contemporary voices in England, and alone falls upon the ear as from out
the primal depths of moral conviction and power! He is the last man in
the world to be reduced to a system or tried by logical tests. You might
as well try to bind the sea with chains. His appeal is to the
intuitions, the imagination, the moral sense. His power of mental
abstraction was not great; he could not deal in abstract ideas. When he
attempted to state his philosophy, as in the fragment called "Spiritual
Optics," which Froude gives, he is far from satisfactory. His
mathematical proficiency seemed to avail him but little in the region of
pure ideality. His mind is precipitated at once upon the concrete, upon
actual persons and events. This makes him the artist he is, as
distinguished from the mystic and philosopher, and is perhaps the basis
of Emerson's remark, that there is "more character than intellect in
every sentence;" that is, more motive, more will-power, more stress of
conscience, more that appeals to one as a living personal identity,
wrestling with facts and events, than there is that appeals to him as a
contemplative philosopher.
Carlyle owed everything to his power of will and to his unflinching
adherence to principle. He was in no sense a lucky man, had no good
fortune, was borne by no current, was favored and helped by no
circumstance whatever. His life from the first was a steady pull against
both wind and tide. He confronted all the cherished thoughts, beliefs,
tendencies, of his time; he spurned and insulted his age and country. No
man ever before poured out such withering scorn upon his contemporaries.
Many of his political tracts are as blasting as the Satires of Juvenal.
The opinions and practices of his times, in politics, religion, and
literature, were as a stubbly, brambly field, to which he would fain
apply the match and clean the ground for a nobler crop. He would purge
and fertilize the soil by fire. His attitude was one of warning and
rebuking. He was refused every public place he ever aspired to,—every
college and editorial chair. Every man's hand was against him. He was
hated by the Whigs and feared by the Tories. He was poor, proud,
uncompromising, sarcastic; he was morose, dyspeptic, despondent,
compassed about by dragons and all manner of evil menacing forms; in
fact, the odds were fearfully against him, and yet he succeeded, and
succeeded on his own terms. He fairly conquered the world; yes, and the
flesh and the devil. But it was one incessant, heroic struggle and
wrestle from the first. All through his youth and his early manhood he
was nerving himself for the conflict. Whenever he took counsel with
himself it was to give his courage a new fillip. In his letters to his
people, in his private journal, in all his meditations, he never loses
the opportunity to take a new hitch upon his resolution, to screw his
purpose up tighter. Not a moment's relaxation, but ceaseless vigilance
and "desperate hope." In 1830 he says in his journal: "Oh, I care not
for poverty, little even for disgrace, nothing at all for want of
renown. But the horrible feeling is when I cease my own struggle, lose
the consciousness of my own strength, and become positively quite
worldly and wicked." A year later he wrote: "To it, thou Taugenichts!
Gird thyself! stir! struggle! forward! forward! Thou art bundled up here
and tied as in a sack. On, then, as in a sack race; running, not
raging!" Carlyle made no terms with himself nor with others. He would
not agree to keep the peace; he would be the voice of absolute
conscience, of absolute justice, come what come might. "Woe to them that
are at ease in Zion," he once said to John Sterling. The stern,
uncompromising front which he first turned to the world he never
relaxed for a moment. He had his way with mankind at all times; or
rather conscience had its way with him at all times in his relations
with mankind. He made no selfish demands, but ideal demands. Jeffries,
seeing his attitude and his earnestness in it, despaired of him; he
looked upon him as a man butting his head against a stone wall; he never
dreamed that the wall would give way before the head did. It was not
mere obstinacy; it was not the pride of opinion: it was the thunders of
conscience, the awful voice of Sinai, within him; he dared not do
otherwise.
A selfish or self-seeking man Carlyle in no sense was, though it has so
often been charged upon him. He was the victim of his own genius; and he
made others its victims, not of his selfishness. This genius, no doubt,
came nearer the demon of Socrates than that of any modern man. He is
under its lash and tyranny from first to last. But the watchword of his
life was "Entsagen," renunciation, self-denial, which he learned from
Goethe. His demon did not possess him lightly, but dominated and drove
him.
One would as soon accuse St. Simeon Stylites, thirty years at the top of
his penitential pillar, of selfishness. Seeking his own ends, following
his own demon, St. Simeon certainly was; but seeking his ease or
pleasure, or animated by any unworthy, ignoble purpose, he certainly was
not. No more was Carlyle, each one of whose books was a sort of pillar
of penitence or martyrdom atop of which he wrought and suffered, shut
away from the world, renouncing its pleasures and prizes, wrapped in
deepest gloom and misery, and wrestling with all manner of real and
imaginary demons and hindrances. During his last great work,—the
thirteen years spent in his study at the top of his house, writing the
history of Frederick,—this isolation, this incessant toil and
penitential gloom, were such as only religious devotees have voluntarily
imposed upon themselves.
If Carlyle was "ill to live with," as his mother said, it was not
because he was selfish. He was a man, to borrow one of Emerson's early
phrases, "inflamed to a fury of personality." He must of necessity
assert himself; he is shot with great velocity; he is keyed to an
extraordinary pitch; and it was this, this raging fever of
individuality, if any namable trait or quality, rather than anything
lower in the scale, that often made him an uncomfortable companion and
neighbor.
And it may be said here that his wife had the same complaint, and had it
bad, the feminine form of it, and without the vent and assuagement of it
that her husband found in literature. Little wonder that between two
such persons, living childless together for forty years, each
assiduously cultivating their sensibilities and idiosyncrasies, there
should have been more or less frictions. Both sarcastic, quick-witted,
plain-spoken, sleepless, addicted to morphia and blue-pills, nerves all
on the outside; the wife without any occupation adequate to her genius,
the husband toiling like Hercules at his tasks and groaning much louder;
both flouting at happiness; both magnifying the petty ills of life into
harrowing tragedies; both gifted with "preternatural intensity of
sensation;" Mrs. C. nearly killed by the sting of a wasp; Mr. C. driven
nearly distracted by the crowing of a cock or the baying of a dog; the
wife hot-tempered, the husband atrabilarious; one caustic, the other
arrogant; marrying from admiration rather than from love—could one
reasonably predict, beforehand, a very high state of domestic felicity
for such a couple? and would it be just to lay the blame all on the
husband, as has generally been done in this case? Man and wife were too
much alike; the marriage was in no sense a union of opposites; at no
point did the two sufficiently offset and complement each other; hence,
though deeply devoted, they never seemed to find the repose and the
soothing acquiescence in the society of one another that marriage should
bring. They both had the great virtues,—nobleness, generosity, courage,
deep kindliness, etc.,—but neither of them had the small virtues. Both
gave way under small annoyances, paltry cares, petty
interruptions,—bugs, cocks, donkeys, street noises, etc. To great
emergencies, to great occasions, they could oppose great qualities;
there can be no doubt of that, but the ordinary every-day hindrances and
petty burdens of life fretted their spirits into tatters. Mrs. C. used
frequently to return from her trips to the country with her "mind all
churned into froth,"—no butter of sweet thought or sweet content at
all. Yet Carlyle could say of her, "Not a bad little dame at all. She
and I did aye very weel together; and 'tweel, it was not every one that
could have done with her," which was doubtless the exact truth. Froude
also speaks from personal knowledge when he says: "His was the soft
heart and hers the stern one."
We are now close on to the cardinal fact of Carlyle's life and
teachings, namely, the urgency of his quest for heroes and heroic
qualities. This is the master key to him; the main stress of his
preaching and writing is here. He is the medium and exemplar of the
value of personal force and prowess, and he projected this thought into
current literature and politics, with the emphasis of gunpowder and
torpedoes. He had a vehement and overweening conceit in man. A sort of
anthropomorphic greed and hunger possessed him always, an insatiable
craving for strong, picturesque characters, and for contact and conflict
with them. This was his ruling passion (and it amounted to a passion)
all his days. He fed his soul on heroes and heroic qualities, and all
his literary exploits were a search for these things. Where he found
them not, where he did not come upon some trace of them in books, in
society, in politics, he saw only barrenness and futility. He was an
idealist who was inhospitable to ideas; he must have a man, the flavor
and stimulus of ample concrete personalities. "In the country," he said,
writing to his brother in 1821, "I am like an alien, a stranger and
pilgrim from a far-distant land." His faculties were "up in mutiny, and
slaying one another for lack of fair enemies." He must to the city, to
Edinburgh, and finally to London, where, thirteen years later, we find
his craving as acute as ever. "Oct. 1st. This morning think of the old
primitive Edinburgh scheme of engineership; almost meditate for a
moment resuming it yet! It were a method of gaining bread, of getting
into contact with men, my two grand wants and prayers."
Nothing but man, but heroes, touched him, moved him, satisfied him. He
stands for heroes and hero-worship, and for that alone. Bring him the
most plausible theory, the most magnanimous idea in the world, and he is
cold, indifferent, or openly insulting; but bring him a brave, strong
man, or the reminiscence of any noble personal trait,—sacrifice,
obedience, reverence,—and every faculty within him stirs and responds.
Dreamers and enthusiasts, with their schemes for the millennium, rushed
to him for aid and comfort, and usually had the door slammed in their
faces. They forgot it was a man he had advertised for, and not an idea.
Indeed, if you had the blow-fly of any popular ism or reform buzzing in
your bonnet, No. 5 Cheyne Row was the house above all others to be
avoided; little chance of inoculating such a mind as Carlyle's with your
notions,—of blowing a toiling and sweating hero at his work. But
welcome to any man with real work to do and the courage to do it;
welcome to any man who stood for any real, tangible thing in his own
right. "In God's name, what art thou? Not Nothing, sayest thou! Then,
How much and what? This is the thing I would know, and even must soon
know, such a pass am I come to!" ("Past and Present.")
Caroline Fox, in her Memoirs, tells how, in 1842, Carlyle's sympathies
were enlisted in behalf of a Cornish miner who had kept his place in the
bottom of a shaft, above a blast the fuse of which had been prematurely
lighted, and allowed his comrades to be hauled up when only one could
escape at a time. He inquired out the hero, who, as by miracle, had
survived the explosion, and set on foot an enterprise to raise funds for
the bettering of his condition. In a letter to Sterling, he said there
was help and profit in knowing that there was such a true and brave
workman living, and working with him on the earth at that time. "Tell
all the people," he said, "that a man of this kind ought to be
hatched,—that it were shameful to eat him as a breakfast egg!"
All Carlyle's sins of omission and commission grew out of this terrible
predilection for the individual hero: this bent or inclination
determined the whole water-shed, so to speak, of his mind; every rill
and torrent swept swiftly and noisily in this one direction. It is the
tragedy in Burns's life that attracts him; the morose heroism in
Johnson's, the copious manliness in Scott's, the lordly and regal
quality in Goethe. Emerson praised Plato to him; but the endless
dialectical hair-splitting of the Greek philosopher,—"how does all this
concern me at all?" he said. But when he discovered that Plato hated the
Athenian democracy most cordially, and poured out his scorn upon it, he
thought much better of him. History swiftly resolves itself into
biography to him; the tide in the affairs of men ebbed and flowed in
obedience to the few potent wills. We do not find him exploiting or
elucidating ideas and principles, but moral qualities,—always on the
scent, on the search of the heroic.
He raises aloft the standard of the individual will, the supremacy of
man over events. He sees the reign of law; none see it clearer. "Eternal
Law is silently present everywhere and everywhen. By Law the Planets
gyrate in their orbits; by some approach to Law the street-cabs ply in
their thoroughfares." But law is still personal will with him, the will
of God. He can see nothing but individuality, but conscious will and
force, in the universe. He believed in a personal God. He had an inward
ground of assurance of it in his own intense personality and vivid
apprehension of personal force and genius. He seems to have believed in
a personal devil. At least he abuses "Auld Nickie-Ben" as one would
hardly think of abusing an abstraction. However impractical we may
regard Carlyle, he was entirely occupied with practical questions; an
idealist turned loose, in the actual affairs of this world, and intent
only on bettering them. That which so drew reformers and all ardent
ideal natures to him was not the character of his conviction, but the
torrid impetuosity of his belief. He had the earnestness of fanaticism,
the earnestness of rebellion; the earnestness of the Long Parliament and
the National Convention,—the only two parliaments he praises. He did
not merely see the truth and placidly state it, standing aloof and apart
from it; but, as soon as his intellect had conceived a thing as true,
every current of his being set swiftly in that direction; it was an
outlet at once for his whole pent-up energies, and there was a flood and
sometimes an inundation of Carlylean wrath and power. Coming from
Goethe, with his marvelous insight and cool, uncommitted moral nature,
to the great Scotchman, is like coming from dress parade to a battle,
from Melancthon to Luther. It would be far from the truth to say that
Goethe was not in earnest: he was all eyes, all vision; he saw
everything, but saw it for his own ends and behoof, for contemplation
and enjoyment. In Carlyle the vision is productive of pain and
suffering, because his moral nature sympathizes so instantly and
thoroughly with his intellectual; it is a call to battle, and every
faculty is enlisted. It was this that made Carlyle akin to the reformers
and the fanatics, and led them to expect more of him than they got. The
artist element in him, and his vital hold upon the central truths of
character and personal force, saved him from any such fate as overtook
his friend Irving.
Out of Carlyle's fierce and rampant individualism come his grasp of
character and his power of human portraiture. It is, perhaps, not too
much to say, that in all literature there is not another such a master
portrait-painter, such a limner and interpreter of historical figures
and physiognomies. That power of the old artists to paint or to carve a
man, to body him forth, almost re-create him, so rare in the moderns,
Carlyle had in a preëminent degree. As an artist it is his
distinguishing gift, and puts him on a par with Rembrandt, Angelo,
Reynolds, and with the antique masters of sculpture. He could put his
finger upon the weak point and upon the strong point of a man as
unerringly as fate. He knew a man as a jockey knows a horse. His
pictures of Johnson, of Boswell, of Voltaire, of Mirabeau, what
masterpieces! His portrait of Coleridge will doubtless survive all
others, inadequate as it is in many ways; one fears, also that poor Lamb
has been stamped to last. None of Carlyle's characterizations have
excited more ill-feeling than this same one of Lamb. But it was plain
from the outset that Carlyle could not like such a verbal acrobat as
Lamb. He doubtless had him or his kind in view when he wrote this
passage in "Past and Present:" "His poor fraction of sense has to be
perked into some epigrammatic shape, that it may prick into me,—perhaps
(this is the commonest) to be topsy-turvied, left standing on its head,
that I may remember it the better! Such grinning insanity is very sad to
the soul of man. Human faces should not grin on one like masks; they
should look on one like faces! I love honest laughter as I do sunlight,
but not dishonest; most kinds of dancing, too, but the St. Vitus kind,
not at all!"
If Carlyle had taken to the brush instead of to the pen, he would
probably have left a gallery of portraits such as this century has not
seen. In his letters, journals, reminiscences, etc., for him to mention
a man is to describe his face, and with what graphic pen-and-ink
sketches they abound! Let me extract a few of them. Here is Rousseau's
face, from "Heroes and Hero Worship:" "A high but narrow-contracted
intensity in it; bony brows; deep, straight-set eyes, in which there is
something bewildered-looking,—bewildered, peering with lynx-eagerness;
a face full of misery, even ignoble misery, and also of an antagonism
against that; something mean, plebeian, there, redeemed only by
intensity; the face of what is called a fanatic,—a sadly contracted
hero!" Here a glimpse of Danton: "Through whose black brows and rude,
flattened face there looks a waste energy as of Hercules." Camille
Desmoulins: "With the face of dingy blackguardism, wondrously irradiated
with genius, as if a naphtha lamp burned in it." Through Mirabeau's
"shaggy, beetle-brows, and rough-hewn, seamed, carbuncled face there
look natural ugliness, smallpox, incontinence, bankruptcy, and burning
fire of genius; like comet fire, glaring fuliginous through murkiest
confusions."
On first meeting with John Stuart Mill he describes him to his wife as
"a slender, rather tall, and elegant youth, with small, clear,
Roman-nosed face, two small, earnestly smiling eyes; modest, remarkably
gifted with precision of utterance; enthusiastic, yet lucid, calm; not a
great, yet distinctly a gifted and amiable youth."
A London editor, whom he met about the same time, he describes as "a
tall, loose, lank-haired, wrinkly, wintry, vehement-looking flail of a
man." He goes into the House of Commons on one of his early visits to
London: "Althorp spoke, a thick, large, broad-whiskered, farmer-looking
man; Hume also, a powdered, clean, burly fellow; and Wetherell, a
beetle-browed, sagacious, quizzical old gentleman; then Davies, a
Roman-nosed dandy," etc. He must touch off the portrait of every man he
sees. De Quincey "is one of the smallest men you ever in your life
beheld; but with a most gentle and sensible face, only that the teeth
are destroyed by opium, and the little bit of an under lip projects like
a shelf." Leigh Hunt: "Dark complexion (a trace of the African, I
believe); copious, clean, strong black hair, beautifully shaped head,
fine, beaming, serious hazel eyes; seriousness and intellect the main
expression of the face (to our surprise at first)."
Here is his sketch of Tennyson: "A fine, large-featured, dim-eyed,
bronze-colored, shaggy-headed man is Alfred; dusty, smoky, free and
easy, who swings outwardly and inwardly with great composure in an
inarticulate element of tranquil chaos and tobacco smoke. Great now and
then when he does emerge,—a most restful, brotherly, solid-hearted
man."
Here we have Dickens in 1840: "Clear blue intelligent eyes; eyebrows
that he arches amazingly; large, protrusive, rather loose mouth; a face
of most extreme mobility, which he shuttles about—eyebrows, eyes,
mouth, and all—in a very singular manner while speaking. Surmount this
with a loose coil of common-colored hair, and set it on a small compact
figure, very small, and dressed à la D'Orsay rather than well,—this is
Pickwick."
Here is a glimpse of Grote, the historian of Greece: "A man with
straight upper lip, large chin, and open mouth (spout mouth); for the
rest, a tall man, with dull, thoughtful brow and lank, disheveled hair,
greatly the look of a prosperous Dissenting minister."
In telling Emerson whom he shall see in London, he says: "Southey's
complexion is still healthy mahogany brown, with a fleece of white hair,
and eyes that seem running at full gallop; old Rogers, with his pale
head, white, bare, and cold as snow, with those large blue eyes, cruel,
sorrowful, and that sardonic shelf chin."
In another letter he draws this portrait of Webster: "As a logic-fencer,
advocate, or parliamentary Hercules, one would incline to back him, at
first sight, against all the extant world. The tanned complexion; that
amorphous crag-like face; the dull black eyes under their precipice of
brows, like dull anthracite furnaces, needing only to be blown; the
mastiff-mouth accurately closed: I have not traced as much of silent
Berserker rage, that I remember of, in any other man." In writing his
histories Carlyle valued, above almost anything else, a good portrait of
his hero, and searched far and wide for such. He roamed through endless
picture-galleries in Germany searching for a genuine portrait of
Frederick the Great, and at last, chiefly by good luck, hit upon the
thing he was in quest of. "If one would buy an indisputably authentic
old shoe of William Wallace for hundreds of pounds, and run to look at
it from all ends of Scotland, what would one give for an authentic
visible shadow of his face, could such, by art natural or art magic, now
be had!" "Often I have found a Portrait superior in real instruction to
half a dozen written 'Biographies,' as Biographies are written; or,
rather, let me say, I have found that the Portrait was a small lighted
candle by which the Biographies could for the first time be read,
and some human interpretation be made of them."
Carlyle stands at all times, at all places, for the hero, for power of
will, authority of character, adequacy, and obligation of personal
force. He offsets completely, and with the emphasis of a clap of
thunder, the modern leveling impersonal tendencies, the "manifest
destinies," the blind mass movements, the merging of the one in the
many, the rule of majorities, the no-government, no-leadership,
laissez-faire principle. Unless there was evidence of a potent,
supreme, human will guiding affairs, he had no faith in the issue;
unless the hero was in the saddle, and the dumb blind forces well bitted
and curbed beneath him, he took no interest in the venture. The cause of
the North, in the War of the Rebellion, failed to enlist him or touch
him. It was a people's war; the hand of the strong man was not
conspicuous; it was a conflict of ideas, rather than of personalities;
there was no central and dominating figure around which events revolved.
He missed his Cromwell, his Frederick. So far as his interest was
aroused at all, it was with the South, because he had heard of the
Southern slave-driver; he knew Cuffee had a master, and the crack of his
whip was sweeter music to him than the crack of antislavery rifles,
behind which he recognized only a vague, misdirected philanthropy.
Carlyle did not see things in their relation, or as a philosopher; he
saw them detached, and hence more or less in conflict and opposition. We
accuse him of wrong-headedness, but it is rather inflexibleness of mind
and temper. He is not a brook that flows, but a torrent that plunges and
plows. He tried poetry, he tried novel-writing in his younger days, but
he had not the flexibility of spirit to succeed in these things; his
moral vehemence, his fury of conviction, were too great.
Great is the power of reaction in the human body; great is the power of
reaction and recoil in all organic nature. But apparently there was no
power of reaction in Carlyle's mind; he never reacts from his own
extreme views; never looks for the compensations, never seeks to place
himself at the point of equilibrium, or adjusts his view to other
related facts. He saw the value of the hero, the able man, and he
precipitated himself upon this fact with such violence, so detached it
and magnified it, that it fits with no modern system of things. He was
apparently entirely honest in his conviction that modern governments and
social organizations were rushing swiftly to chaos and ruin, because the
hero, the natural leader, was not at the head of affairs,—overlooking
entirely the many checks and compensations, and ignoring the fact that,
under a popular government especially, nations are neither made nor
unmade by the wisdom or folly of their rulers, but by the character for
wisdom and virtue of the mass of their citizens. "Where the great mass
of men is tolerably right," he himself says, "all is right; where they
are not right, all is wrong." What difference can it make to America,
for instance, to the real growth and prosperity of the nation, whether
the ablest man goes to Congress or fills the Presidency or the second or
third ablest? The most that we can expect, in ordinary times at least,
is that the machinery of universal suffrage will yield us a fair sample
of the leading public man,—a man who fairly represents the average
ability and average honesty of the better class of the citizens. In
extraordinary times, in times of national peril, when there is a real
strain upon the state, and the instinct of self-preservation comes into
play, then fate itself brings forward the ablest men. The great crisis
makes or discovers the great man,—discovers Cromwell, Frederick,
Washington, Lincoln. Carlyle leaves out of his count entirely the
competitive principle that operates everywhere in nature,—in your field
and garden as well as in political states and amid teeming
populations,—natural selection, the survival of the fittest. Under
artificial conditions the operation of this law is more or less checked;
but amid the struggles and parturition throes of a people, artificial
conditions disappear, and we touch real ground at last. What a sorting
and sifting process went on in our army during the secession war, till
the real captains, the real leaders, were found; not Fredericks, or
Wellingtons, perhaps, but the best the land afforded!
The object of popular government is no more to find and elevate the
hero, the man of special and exceptional endowment, into power, than the
object of agriculture is to take the prizes at the agricultural fairs.
It is one of the things to be hoped for and aspired to, but not one of
the indispensables. The success of free government is attained when it
has made the people independent of special leaders, and secured the free
and full expression of the popular will and conscience. Any view of
American politics, based upon the failure of the suffrage always, or
even generally, to lift into power the ablest men, is partial and
unscientific. We can stand, and have stood, any amount of mediocrity in
our appointed rulers; and perhaps in the ordinary course of events
mediocrity is the safest and best. We could no longer surrender
ourselves to great leaders, if we wanted to. Indeed, there is no longer
a call for great leaders; with the appearance of the people upon the
scene, the hero must await his orders. How often in this country have
the people checked and corrected the folly and wrong-headedness of their
rulers! It is probably true, as Carlyle says, that "the smallest item of
human Slavery is the oppression of man by his Mock-Superiors;" but shall
we accept the other side of the proposition, that the grand problem is
to find government by our Real Superiors? The grand problem is rather to
be superior to all government, and to possess a nationality that finally
rests upon principles quite beyond the fluctuations of ordinary
politics. A people possessed of the gift of Empire, like the English
stock, both in Europe and in America, are in our day beholden very
little to their chosen rulers. Otherwise the English nation would have
been extinct long ago.
"Human virtue," Carlyle wrote in 1850, "if we went down to the roots of
it, is not so rare. The materials of human virtue are everywhere
abundant as the light of the sun." This may well offset his more
pessimistic statement, that "there are fools, cowards, knaves, and
gluttonous traitors, true only to their own appetite, in immense
majority in every rank of life; and there is nothing frightfuller than
to see these voting and deciding." If we "went down to the roots of it,"
this statement is simply untrue. "Democracy," he says, "is, by the
nature of it, a self-canceling business, and gives, in the long run, a
net result of zero."
Because the law of gravitation is uncompromising, things are not,
therefore, crushed in a wild rush to the centre of attraction. The very
traits that make Carlyle so entertaining and effective as a historian
and biographer, namely, his fierce, man-devouring eyes, make him
impracticable in the sphere of practical politics.
Let me quote a long and characteristic passage from Carlyle's Latter-Day
Pamphlets, one of dozens of others, illustrating his misconception of
universal suffrage:—
"Your ship cannot double Cape Horn by its excellent plans of voting. The
ship may vote this and that, above decks and below, in the most
harmonious, exquisitely constitutional manner; the ship, to get round
Cape Horn, will find a set of conditions already voted for and fixed
with adamantine rigor by the ancient Elemental Powers, who are entirely
careless how you vote. If you can, by voting or without voting,
ascertain these conditions, and valiantly conform to them, you will get
around the Cape: if you cannot, the ruffian winds will blow you ever
back again; the inexorable Icebergs, dumb privy-councilors from Chaos,
will nudge you with most chaotic 'admonition;' you will be flung half
frozen on the Patagonian cliffs, or admonished into shivers by your
iceberg councilors and sent sheer down to Davy Jones, and will never get
around Cape Horn at all! Unanimity on board ship;—yes, indeed, the
ship's crew may be very unanimous, which, doubtless, for the time being,
will be very comfortable to the ship's crew and to their Phantasm
Captain, if they have one; but if the tack they unanimously steer upon
is guiding them into the belly of the Abyss, it will not profit them
much! Ships, accordingly, do not use the ballot-box at all; and they
reject the Phantasm species of Captain. One wishes much some other
Entities—since all entities lie under the same rigorous set of
laws—could be brought to show as much wisdom and sense at least of
self-preservation, the first command of nature. Phantasm Captains with
unanimous votings,—this is considered to be all the law and all the
prophets at present."
This has the real crushing Carlylean wit and picturesqueness of
statement, but is it the case of democracy, of universal suffrage fairly
put? The eternal verities appear again, as they appear everywhere in our
author in connection with this subject. They recur in his pages like
"minute-guns," as if deciding, by the count of heads, whether Jones or
Smith should go to Parliament or to Congress was equivalent to sitting
in judgment upon the law of gravitation. What the ship in doubling Cape
Horn would very likely do, if it found itself officerless, would be to
choose, by some method more or less approaching a count of heads, a
captain, an ablest man to take command, and put the vessel through. If
none were able, then indeed the case were desperate; with or without the
ballot-box, the abyss would be pretty sure of a victim. In any case
there would perhaps be as little voting to annul the storms, or change
the ocean currents, as there is in democracies to settle ethical or
scientific principles by an appeal to universal suffrage. But Carlyle
was fated to see the abyss lurking under, and the eternities presiding
over, every act of life. He saw everything in fearful gigantic
perspective. It is true that one cannot loosen the latchet of his shoe
without bending to forces that are cosmical, sidereal; but whether he
bends or not, or this way or that, he passes no verdict upon them. The
temporary, the expedient,—all those devices and adjustments that are of
the nature of scaffolding, and that enter so largely into the
administration of the coarser affairs of this world,—were with Carlyle
equivalent to the false, the sham, the phantasmal, and he would none of
them. As the ages seem to have settled themselves for the present and
the future, in all civilized countries,—and especially in
America,—politics is little more than scaffolding; it certainly is not
the house we live in, but an appurtenance or necessity of the house. A
government, in the long run, can never be better or worse than the
people governed. In voting for Jones for constable, am I voting for or
against the unalterable laws of the universe,—an act wherein the
consequences of a mistake are so appalling that voting had better be
dispensed with, and the selection of constables be left to the
evolutionary principle of the solar system?
Carlyle was not a reconciler. When he saw a fact, he saw it with such
intense and magnifying eyes, as I have already said, that it became at
once irreconcilable with other facts. He could not and would not
reconcile popular government, the rule of majorities, with what he knew
and what we all know to be popular follies, or the proneness of the
multitude to run after humbugs. How easy for fallacies, speciosities,
quackeries, etc., to become current! That a thing is popular makes a
wise man look upon it with suspicion. Are the greatest or best books the
most read books? Have not the great principles, the great reforms, begun
in minorities and fought their way against the masses? Does not the
multitude generally greet its saviors with "Crucify him, crucify him"?
Who have been the martyrs and the persecuted in all ages? Where does the
broad road lead to, and which is the Narrow Way? "Can it be proved that,
since the beginning of the world, there was ever given a universal vote
in favor of the worthiest man or thing? I have always understood that
true worth, in any department, was difficult to recognize; that the
worthiest, if he appealed to universal suffrage, would have but a poor
chance."
Upon these facts Carlyle planted himself, and the gulf which he saw open
between them and the beauties of universal suffrage was simply immense.
Without disputing the facts here, we may ask if they really bear upon
the question of popular government, of a free ballot? If so, then the
ground is clean shot away from under it. The world is really governed
and led by minorities, and always will be. The many, sooner or later,
follow the one. We have all become abolitionists in this country, some
of us much to our surprise and bewilderment; we hardly know yet how it
happened; but the time was when abolitionists were hunted by the
multitude. Marvelous to relate, also, civil service reform has become
popular among our politicians. Something has happened; the tide has
risen while we slept, or while we mocked and laughed, and away we all go
on the current. Yet it is equally true that, under any form of
government, nothing short of events themselves, nothing short of that
combination of circumstances which we name fate or fortune, can place
that exceptional man, the hero, at the head of affairs. If there are no
heroes, then woe to the people who have lost the secret of producing
great men.
The worthiest man usually has other work to do, and avoids politics.
Carlyle himself could not be induced to stand for Parliament. "Who would
govern," he says, "that can get along without governing? He that is
fittest for it is of all men the unwillingest unless constrained." But
constrained he cannot be, yet he is our only hope. What shall we do? A
government by the fittest can alone save mankind, yet the fittest is
not forthcoming. We do not know him; he does not know himself. The case
is desperate. Hence the despair of Carlyle in his view of modern
politics.
Who that has read his history of Frederick has not at times felt that he
would gladly be the subject of a real king like the great Prussian, a
king who was indeed the father of his people; a sovereign man at the
head of affairs with the reins of government all in his own hands; an
imperial husbandman devoted to improving, extending, and building up his
nation as the farmer his farm, and toiling as no husbandman ever toiled;
a man to reverence, to love, to fear; who called all the women his
daughters, and all the men his sons, and whom to see and to speak with
was the event of a lifetime; a shepherd to his people, a lion to his
enemies? Such a man gives head and character to a nation; he is the head
and the people are the body; currents of influence and of power stream
down from such a hero to the life of the humblest peasant; his spirit
diffuses itself through the nation. It is the ideal state; it is
captivating to the imagination; there is an artistic completeness about
it. Probably this is why it so captivated Carlyle, inevitable artist
that he was. But how impossible to us! how impossible to any
English-speaking people by their own action and choice; not because we
are unworthy such a man, but because an entirely new order of things has
arrived, and arrived in due course of time, through the political and
social evolution of man. The old world has passed away; the age of the
hero, of the strong leader, is gone. The people have arrived, and sit in
judgment upon all who would rule or lead them. Science has arrived,
everything is upon trial; private judgment is supreme. Our only hope in
this country, at least in the sphere of governments, is in the
collective wisdom of the people; and, as extremes so often meet, perhaps
this, if thoroughly realized, is as complete and artistic a plan as the
others. The "collective folly" of the people, Carlyle would say, and
perhaps during his whole life he never for a moment saw it otherwise;
never saw that the wisdom of the majority could be other than the
no-wisdom of blind masses of unguided men. He seemed to forget, or else
not to know, that universal suffrage, as exemplified in America, was
really a sorting and sifting process, a search for the wise, the truly
representative man; that the vast masses were not asked who should rule
over them, but were asked which of two candidates they preferred, in
selecting which candidates what of wisdom and leadership there was
available had had their due weight; in short, that democracy alone makes
way for and offers a clear road to natural leadership. Under the
pressure of opposing parties, all the political wisdom and integrity
there is in the country stand between the people, the masses, and the
men of their choice.
Undoubtedly popular government will, in the main, be like any other
popular thing,—it will partake of the conditions of popularity; it
will seldom elevate the greatest; it will never elevate the meanest; it
is based upon the average virtue and intelligence of the people.
There have been great men in all countries and times who possessed the
elements of popularity, and would have commanded the suffrage of the
people; on the other hand, there have been men who possessed many
elements of popularity, but few traits of true greatness; others with
greatness, but no elements of popularity. These last are the reformers,
the innovators, the starters, and their greatness is a discovery of
after-times. Popular suffrage cannot elevate these men, and if, as
between the two other types, it more frequently seizes upon the last, it
is because the former is the more rare.
But there is a good deal of delusion about the proneness of the
multitude to run after quacks and charlatans: a multitude runs, but a
larger multitude does not run; and those that do run soon see their
mistake. Real worth, real merit, alone wins the permanent suffrage of
mankind. In every neighborhood and community the best men are held in
highest regard by the most persons. The world over, the names most
fondly cherished are those most worthy of being cherished. Yet this does
not prevent that certain types of great men—men who are in advance of
their times and announce new doctrines and faiths—will be rejected and
denied by their contemporaries. This is the order of nature. Minorities
lead and save the world, and the world knows them not till long
afterward.
No man perhaps suspects how large and important the region of
unconsciousness in him, what a vast, unknown territory lies there back
of his conscious will and purpose, and which is really the controlling
power of his life. Out of it things arise, and shape and define
themselves to his consciousness and rule his career. Here the influence
of environment works; here the elements of race, of family; here the
Time-Spirit moulds him and he knows it not; here Nature, or Fate, as we
sometimes name it, rules him and makes him what he is.
In every people or nation stretches this deep, unsuspected background.
Here the great movements begin; here the deep processes go on; here the
destiny of the race or nation really lies. In this soil the new ideas
are sown; the new man, the despised leader, plants his seed here, and if
they be vital they thrive, and in due time emerge and become the
conscious possession of the community.
None knew better than Carlyle himself that, whoever be the ostensible
potentates and lawmakers, the wise do virtually rule, the natural
leaders do lead. Wisdom will out: it is the one thing in this world that
cannot be suppressed or annulled. There is not a parish, township, or
community, little or big, in this country or in England, that is not
finally governed, shaped, directed, built up by what of wisdom there is
in it. All the leading industries and enterprises gravitate naturally to
the hands best able to control them. The wise furnish employment for
the unwise, capital flows to capital hands as surely as water seeks
water.
"Winds blow and waters roll
Strength to the brave."
There never is and never can be any government but by the wisest. In all
nations and communities the law of nature finally prevails. If there is
no wisdom in the people, there will be none in their rulers; the virtue
and intelligence of the representative will not be essentially different
from that of his constituents. The dependence of the foolish, the
thriftless, the improvident, upon his natural master and director, for
food, employment, for life itself, is just as real to-day in America as
it was in the old feudal or patriarchal times. The relation between the
two is not so obvious, so intimate, so voluntary, but it is just as
vital and essential. How shall we know the wise man unless he makes
himself felt, or seen, or heard? How shall we know the master unless he
masters us? Is there any danger that the real captains will not step to
the front, and that we shall not know them when they do? Shall we not
know a Luther, a Cromwell, a Franklin, a Washington?
"Man," says Carlyle, "little as he may suppose it, is necessitated to
obey superiors; he is a social being in virtue of this necessity; nay,
he could not be gregarious otherwise; he obeys those whom he esteems
better than himself, wiser, braver, and will forever obey such; and ever
be ready and delighted to do it." Think in how many ways, through how
many avenues, in our times, the wise man can reach us and place himself
at our head, or mould us to his liking, as orator, statesman, poet,
philosopher, preacher, editor. If he has any wise mind to speak, any
scheme to unfold, there is the rostrum or pulpit and crowds ready to
hear him, or there is the steam power press ready to disseminate his
wisdom to the four corners of the earth. He can set up a congress or a
parliament and really make and unmake the laws, by his own fireside, in
any country that has a free press. "If we will consider it, the
essential truth of the matter is, every British man can now elect
himself to Parliament without consulting the hustings at all. If there
be any vote, idea, or notion in him, or any earthly or heavenly thing,
cannot he take a pen and therewith autocratically pour forth the same
into the ears and hearts of all people, so far as it will go?" ("Past
and Present.") Or, there is the pulpit everywhere waiting to be worthily
filled. What may not the real hero accomplish here? "Indeed, is not this
that we call spiritual guidance properly the soul of the whole, the life
and eyesight of the whole?" Some one has even said, "Let me make the
songs of a nation and I care not who makes the laws." Certainly the
great poet of a people is its real Founder and King. He rules for
centuries and rules in the heart.
In more primitive times, and amid more rudely organized communities, the
hero, the strong man, could step to the front and seize the leadership
like the buffalo of the plains or the wild horse of the pampas; but in
our time, at least among English-speaking races, he must be more or less
called by the suffrage of the people. It is quite certain that, had
there been a seventeenth or eighteenth century Carlyle he would not have
seen the hero in Cromwell, or in Frederick, that the nineteenth century
Carlyle saw in each. In any case, in any event, the dead rule us more
than the living; we cannot escape the past. It is not merely by virtue
of the sunlight that falls now, and the rain and dew that it brings,
that we continue here; but by virtue of the sunlight of æons of past
ages.
"This land of England has its conquerors, possessors, which change from
epoch to epoch, from day to day; but its real conquerors, creators, and
eternal proprietors are these following and their representatives, if
you can find them: all the Heroic Souls that ever were in England, each
in their degree; all the men that ever cut a thistle, drained a puddle
out of England, contrived a wise scheme in England, did or said a true
and valiant thing in England." "Work? The quantity of done and forgotten
work that lies silent under my feet in this world, and escorts and
attends me and supports and keeps me alive, wheresoever I walk or stand,
whatsoever I think or do, gives rise to reflections!" In our own
politics, has our first President ever ceased to be President? Does he
not still sit there, the stern and blameless patriot, uttering counsel?
Carlyle had no faith in the inherent tendency of things to right
themselves, to adjust themselves to their own proper standards; the
conservative force of Nature, the checks and balances by which her own
order and succession is maintained; the Darwinian principle, according
to which the organic life of the globe has been evolved, the higher and
more complex forms mounting from the lower, the true palingenesia, the
principle or power, name it Fate, name it Necessity, name it God, or
what you will, which finally lifts a people, a race, an age, and even a
community above the reach of choice, of accident, of individual will,
into the region of general law. So little is life what we make it, after
all; so little is the course of history, the destiny of nations, the
result of any man's purpose, or direction, or will, so great is Fate, so
insignificant is man! The human body is made up of a vast congeries or
association of minute cells, each with its own proper work and function,
at which it toils incessantly night and day, and thinks of nothing
beyond. The shape, the size, the color of the body, its degree of health
and strength, etc.,—no cell or series of cells decides these points; a
law above and beyond the cell determines them. The final destiny and
summing up of a nation is, perhaps, as little within the conscious will
and purpose of the individual citizens. When you come to large masses,
to long periods, the law of nature steps in. The day is hot or the day
is cold, the spring is late or the spring is early; but the inclination
of the earth's axis makes the winter and summer sure. The wind blows
this way and blows that, but the great storms gyrate and travel in one
general direction. There is a wind of the globe that never varies, and
there is the breeze of the mountain that is never two days alike. The
local hurricane moves the waters of the sea to a depth of but a few
feet, but the tidal impulse goes to the bottom. Men and communities in
this world are often in the position of arctic explorers, who are making
great speed in a given direction while the ice-floe beneath them is
making greater speed in the opposite direction. This kind of progress
has often befallen political and ecclesiastical parties in this country.
Behind mood lies temperament; back of the caprice of will lies the fate
of character; back of both is the bias of family; back of that, the
tyranny of race; still deeper, the power of climate, of soil, of
geology, the whole physical and moral environment. Still we are free men
only so far as we rise above these. We cannot abolish fate, but we can
in a measure utilize it. The projectile force of the bullet does not
annul or suspend gravity; it uses it. The floating vapor is just as true
an illustration of the law of gravity as the falling avalanche.
Carlyle, I say, had sounded these depths that lie beyond the region of
will and choice, beyond the sphere of man's moral accountability; but in
life, in action, in conduct, no man shall take shelter here. One may
summon his philosophy when he is beaten in battle, and not till then.
You shall not shirk the hobbling Times to catch a ride on the
sure-footed Eternities. "The times are bad; very well, you are there to
make them better." "The public highways ought not to be occupied by
people demonstrating that motion is impossible." ("Chartism.")
Caroline Fox, in her "Memoirs of Old Friends," reports a smart saying
about Carlyle, current in her time, which has been current in some form
or other ever since; namely, that he had a large capital of faith
uninvested,—carried it about him as ready money, I suppose, working
capital. It is certainly true that it was not locked up in any of the
various social and religious safe-deposits. He employed a vast deal of
it in his daily work. It took not a little to set Cromwell up, and
Frederick. Indeed, it is doubtful if among his contemporaries there was
a man with so active a faith,—so little invested in paper securities.
His religion, as a present living reality, went with him into every
question. He did not believe that the Maker of this universe had retired
from business, or that he was merely a sleeping partner in the concern.
"Original sin," he says, "and such like are bad enough, I doubt not; but
distilled sin, dark ignorance, stupidity, dark corn-law, bastile and
company, what are they?" For creeds, theories, philosophies, plans for
reforming the world, etc., he cared nothing, he would not invest one
moment in them; but the hero, the worker, the doer, justice, veracity,
courage, these drew him,—in these he put his faith. What to other
people were mere obstructions were urgent, pressing realities to
Carlyle. Every truth or fact with him has a personal inclination, points
to conduct, points to duty. He could not invest himself in creeds and
formulas, but in that which yielded an instant return in force, justice,
character. He has no philosophical impartiality. He has been broken up;
there have been moral convulsions; the rock stands on end. Hence the
vehement and precipitous character of his speech,—its wonderful
picturesqueness and power. The spirit of gloom and dejection that
possesses him, united to such an indomitable spirit of work and
helpfulness, is very noteworthy. Such courage, such faith, such unshaken
adamantine belief in the essential soundness and healthfulness that lay
beneath all this weltering and chaotic world of folly and evil about
him, in conjunction with such pessimism and despondency, was never
before seen in a man of letters. I am reminded that in this respect he
was more like a root of the tree of Igdrasil than like a branch; one of
the central and master roots, with all that implies, toiling and
grappling in the gloom, but full of the spirit of light. How he delves
and searches; how much he made live and bloom again; how he sifted the
soil for the last drop of heroic blood! The Fates are there, too, with
water from the sacred well. He is quick, sensitive, full of tenderness
and pity; yet he is savage and brutal when you oppose him, or seek to
wrench him from his holdings. His stormy outbursts always leave the
moral atmosphere clear and bracing; he does not communicate the gloom
and despondency he feels, because he brings us so directly and
unfailingly in contact with the perennial sources of hope and faith,
with the life-giving and the life-renewing. Though the heavens fall, the
orbs of truth and justice fall not. Carlyle was like an unhoused soul,
naked and bare to every wind that blows. He felt the awful cosmic chill.
He could not take shelter in the creed of his fathers, nor in any of the
opinions and beliefs of his time. He could not and did not try to fend
himself against the keen edge of the terrible doubts, the awful
mysteries, the abysmal questions and duties. He lived and wrought on in
the visible presence of God. This was no myth to him, but a terrible
reality. How the immensities open and yawn about him! He was like a man
who should suddenly see his relations to the universe, both physical and
moral, in gigantic perspective, and never through life lose the awe, the
wonder, the fear, the revelation inspired. The veil, the illusion of the
familiar, the commonplace, is torn away. The natural becomes the
supernatural. Every question, every character, every duty, was seen
against the immensities, like figures in the night against a background
of fire, and seen as if for the first time. The sidereal, the cosmical,
the eternal,—we grow familiar with these or lose sight of them
entirely. But Carlyle never lost sight of them; his sense of them became
morbidly acute, preternaturally developed, and it was as if he saw
every movement of the hand, every fall of a leaf, as an emanation of
solar energy. A "haggard mood of the imagination" (his own phrase) was
habitual with him. He could see only the tragical in life and in
history. Events were imminent, poised like avalanches that a word might
loosen. We see Jeffries perpetually amazed at his earnestness, the
gradations in his mind were so steep; the descent from the thought to
the deed was so swift and inevitable that the witty advocate came to
look upon him as a man to be avoided.
"Daily and hourly," he says (at the age of thirty-eight), "the world
natural grows more of a world magical to me; this is as it should be.
Daily, too, I see that there is no true poetry but in reality."
"The gist of my whole way of thought," he says again, "is to raise the
natural to the supernatural." To his brother John he wrote in 1832: "I
get more earnest, graver, not unhappier, every day. The whole creation
seems more and more divine to me, the natural more and more
supernatural." His eighty-five years did not tame him at all, did not
blunt his conception of the "fearfulness and wonderfulness of life."
Sometimes an opiate or an anæsthetic operates inversely upon a
constitution, and, instead of inducing somnolence, makes the person
wildly wakeful and sensitive. The anodyne of life acted this way upon
Carlyle, and, instead of quieting or benumbing him, filled him with
portentous imaginings and fresh cause for wonder. There is a danger that
such a mind, if it takes to literature, will make a mess of it. But
Carlyle is saved by his tremendous gripe upon reality. Do I say the
ideal and the real were one with him? He made the ideal the real, and
the only real. Whatever he touched he made tangible, actual, and vivid.
Ideas are hurled like rocks, a word blisters like a branding-iron, a
metaphor transfixes like a javelin. There is something in his sentences
that lays hold of things, as the acids bite metals. His subtle thoughts,
his marvelous wit, like the viewless gases of the chemist, combine with
a force that startles the reader.
Carlyle differs from the ordinary religious enthusiast in the way he
bares his bosom to the storm. His attitude is rather one of gladiatorial
resignation than supplication. He makes peace with nothing, takes refuge
in nothing. He flouts at happiness, at repose, at joy. "There is in man
a higher than love of happiness; he can do without happiness, and
instead thereof find blessedness." "The life of all gods figures itself
to us as a sublime sadness,—earnestness of infinite battle against
infinite labor. Our highest religion is named the 'Worship of Sorrow.'
For the Son of Man there is no noble crown, well worn or even ill worn,
but is a crown of thorns." His own worship is a kind of defiant
admiration of Eternal Justice. He asks no quarter, and will give none.
He turns upon the grim destinies a look as undismayed and as
uncompromising as their own. Despair cannot crush him; he will crush it.
The more it bears on, the harder he will work. The way to get rid of
wretchedness is to despise it; the way to conquer the devil is to defy
him; the way to gain heaven is to turn your back upon it, and be as
unflinching as the gods themselves. Satan may be roasted in his own
flames; Tophet may be exploded with its own sulphur. "Despicable biped!"
(Teufelsdrökh is addressing himself.) "What is the sum total of the
worst that lies before thee? Death? Well, death; and say the pangs of
Tophet, too, and all that the devil and man may, will, or can do against
thee! Hast thou not a heart? Canst thou not suffer what so it be, and as
a child of freedom, though outcast, trample Tophet itself under thy feet
while it consumes thee? Let it come, then; I will meet it and defy it."
This is the "Everlasting No" of Teufelsdrökh, the annihilation of self.
Having thus routed Satan with his own weapons, the "Everlasting Yea" is
to people his domain with fairer forms; to find your ideal in the world
about you. "Thy condition is but the stuff thou art to shape that same
ideal out of; what matters whether such stuff be of this sort or of
that, so the form thou give it be heroic, be poetic?" Carlyle's
watchword through life, as I have said, was the German word Entsagen,
or renunciation. The perfect flower of religion opens in the soul only
when all self-seeking is abandoned. The divine, the heroic attitude is:
"I ask not Heaven, I fear not Hell; I crave the truth alone,
withersoever it may lead." "Truth! I cried, though the heavens crush me
for following her; no falsehood, though a celestial lubberland were the
price of apostasy." The truth,—what is the truth? Carlyle answers: That
which you believe with all your soul and all your might and all your
strength, and are ready to face Tophet for,—that, for you, is the
truth. Such a seeker was he himself. It matters little whether we agree
that he found it or not. The law of this universe is such that where the
love, the desire, is perfect and supreme, the truth is already found.
That is the truth, not the letter but the spirit; the seeker and the
sought are one. Can you by searching find out God? "Moses cried, 'When,
O Lord, shall I find thee? God said, Know that when thou hast sought
thou hast already found me.'" This is Carlyle's position, so far as it
can be defined. He hated dogma as he hated poison. No direct or dogmatic
statement of religious belief or opinion could he tolerate. He abandoned
the church, for which his father designed him, because of his inexorable
artistic sense; he could not endure the dogma that the church rested
upon, the pedestal of clay upon which the golden image was reared. The
gold he held to, as do all serious souls, but the dogma of clay he
quickly dropped. "Whatever becomes of us," he said, referring to this
subject in a letter to a friend when he was in his twenty-third year,
"never let us cease to behave like honest men."
Carlyle had an enormous egoism, but to do the work he felt called on to
do, to offset and withstand the huge, roaring, on-rushing modern world
as he did, required an enormous egoism. In more senses than one do the
words applied to the old prophet apply to him: "For, behold, I have made
thee this day a defenced city, and an iron pillar, and brazen walls
against the whole land, against the kings of Judah, against the princes
thereof, against the priests thereof, and against the people of the
land." He was a defenced city, an iron pillar, and brazen wall, in the
extent to which he was riveted and clinched in his own purpose and aim,
as well as in his attitude of opposition or hostility to the times in
which he lived.
Froude, whose life of Carlyle in its just completed form, let me say
here, has no equal in interest or literary value among biographies since
his master's life of Sterling, presents his hero to us a prophet in the
literal and utilitarian sense, as a foreteller of the course of events,
and says that an adequate estimate of his work is not yet possible. We
must wait and see if he was right about democracy, about America,
universal suffrage, progress of the species, etc. "Whether his message
was a true message remains to be seen." "If he was wrong he has misused
his powers. The principles of his teaching are false. He has offered
himself as a guide upon a road of which he had no knowledge; and his
own desire for himself would be the speediest oblivion both of his
person and his works."
But the man was true; there can be no doubt about that, and when such is
the case the message may safely be left to take care of itself. We have
got the full force and benefit of it in our own day and generation,
whether our "cherished ideas of political liberty, with their kindred
corollaries," prove illusions or not. All high spiritual and prophetic
utterances are instantly their own proof and justification, or they are
naught. Does Mr. Froude really mean that the prophecies of Jeremiah and
Isaiah have become a part of the permanent "spiritual inheritance of
mankind" because they were literally fulfilled in specific instances,
and not because they were true from the first and always, as the
impassioned yearnings and uprisings and reachings-forth of high
God-burdened souls at all times are true? Regarded merely as a
disturbing and overturning force, Carlyle was of great value. There
never was a time, especially in an era like ours, when the opinion and
moral conviction of the race did not need subsoiling, loosening up from
the bottom,—the shock of rude, scornful, merciless power. There are ten
thousand agencies and instrumentalities titillating the surface,
smoothing, pulverizing, and vulgarizing the top. Chief of these is the
gigantic, ubiquitous newspaper press, without character and without
conscience; then the lyceum, the pulpit, the novel, the club,—all
cultivating the superficies, and helping make life shallow and
monotonous. How deep does the leading editorial go, or the review
article, or the Sunday sermon? But such a force as Carlyle disturbs our
complacency. Opinion is shocked, but it is deepened. The moral and
intellectual resources of all men have been added to. But the literal
fulfillment and verification of his prophecies,—shall we insist upon
that? Is not a prophet his own proof, the same as a poet? Must we summon
witnesses and go into the justice-court of fact? The only questions to
be asked are: Was he an inspired man? was his an authoritative voice?
did he touch bottom? was he sincere? was he grounded and rooted in
character? It is not the stamp on the coin that gives it its value,
though on the bank-note it is. Carlyle's words were not promises, but
performances; they are good now if ever. To test him by his political
opinions is like testing Shakespeare by his fidelity to historical fact
in his plays, or judging Lucretius by his philosophy, or Milton or Dante
by their theology. Carlyle was just as distinctively an imaginative
writer as were any of these men, and his case is to be tried on the same
grounds. It is his utterances as a seer touching conduct, touching duty,
touching nature, touching the soul, touching life, that most concern
us,—the ideal to be cherished, the standard he held to.
Carlyle was a poet touched with religious wrath and fervor, and he
confronted his times and country as squarely and in the same spirit as
did the old prophets. He predicts nothing, foretells nothing, except
death and destruction to those who depart from the ways of the Lord, or,
in modern phrase, from nature and truth. He shared the Hebraic sense of
the awful mystery and fearfulness of life and the splendor and
inexorableness of the moral law. His habitual mood was not one of
contemplation and enjoyment, but of struggle and "desperate hope." The
deep biblical word fear,—fear of the Lord,—he knew what that meant, as
few moderns did.
He was antagonistic to his country and his times, and who would have had
him otherwise? Let him be the hammer on the other side that clinches the
nail. He did not believe in democracy, in popular sovereignty, in the
progress of the species, in the political equality of Jesus and Judas;
in fact, he repudiated with mingled wrath and sorrow the whole American
idea and theory of politics: yet who shall say that his central doctrine
of the survival of the fittest, the nobility of labor, the exaltation of
justice, valor, pity, the leadership of character, truth, nobility,
wisdom, etc., is really and finally inconsistent with, or inimical to,
that which is valuable and permanent and formative in the modern
movement? I think it is the best medicine and regimen for it that could
be suggested,—the best stay and counterweight. For the making of good
democrats, there are no books like Carlyle's, and we in America need
especially to cherish him, and to lay his lesson to heart.
It is his supreme merit that he spoke with absolute sincerity; not
according to the beliefs, traditions, conventionalities of his times,
for they were mostly against him, but according to his private and
solemn conviction of what the will of his Maker with reference to
himself was. The reason why so much writing and preaching sounds hollow
and insincere compared with his is that the writers and speakers are
mostly under the influence of current beliefs or received traditions;
they deliver themselves of what they have been taught, or what is
fashionable and pleasant; they draw upon a sort of public fund of
conviction and sentiment and not at all from original private resources,
as he did. It is not their own minds or their own experience they speak
from, but a vague, featureless, general mind and general experience. We
drink from a cistern or reservoir and not from a fountain-head. Carlyle
always takes us to the source of intense personal and original
conviction. The spring may be a hot spring, or a sulphur spring, or a
spouting spring,—a geyser, as Froude says, shooting up volumes of steam
and stone,—or the most refreshing and delicious of fountains (and he
seems to have been all these things alternately); but in any case it was
an original source and came from out the depths, at times from out the
Plutonic depths.
He bewails his gloom and loneliness, and the isolation of his soul in
the paths in which he was called to walk. In many ways he was an exile,
a wanderer, forlorn or uncertain, like one who had missed the road,—at
times groping about sorrowfully, anon desperately hewing his way through
all manner of obstructions. He presents the singular anomaly of a great
man, of a towering and unique genius, such as appears at intervals of
centuries, who was not in any sense representative, who had no
precursors and who left no followers,—a man isolated, exceptional,
towering like a solitary peak or cone set over against the main ranges.
He is in line with none of the great men, or small men, of his age and
country. His message is unwelcome to them. He is an enormous reaction or
rebound from the all-leveling tendencies of democracy. No wonder he
thought himself the most solitary man in the world, and bewailed his
loneliness continually. He was the most solitary. Of all the great men
his race and country have produced, none, perhaps, were quite so
isolated and set apart as he. None shared so little the life and
aspirations of their countrymen, or were so little sustained by the
spirit of their age. The literature, the religion, the science, the
politics of his times were alike hateful to him. His spirit was as
lonely as a "peak in Darien." He felt himself on a narrow isthmus of
time, confronted by two eternities,—the eternity past and the eternity
to come. Daily and hourly he felt the abysmal solitude that surrounded
him. Endowed with the richest fund of sympathy, and yet sympathizing
with so little; burdened with solicitude for the public weal, and yet in
no vital or intimate relation with the public he would serve; deeply
absorbed in the social and political problems of his time, and yet able
to arrive at no adequate practical solution of them; passionately
religious, and yet repudiating all creeds and forms of worship;
despising the old faiths, and disgusted with the new; honoring science,
and acknowledging his debt to it, yet drawing back with horror from
conclusions to which science seemed inevitably to lead; essentially a
man of action, of deeds, of heroic fibre, yet forced to become a "writer
of books;" a democrat who denounced democracy; a radical who despised
radicalism; "a Puritan without a creed."
These things measure the depth of his sincerity; he never lost heart or
hope, though heart and hope had so little that was tangible to go upon.
He had the piety and zeal of a religious devotee, without the devotee's
comforting belief; the fiery earnestness of a reformer, without the
reformer's definite aims; the spirit of science, without the scientific
coolness and disinterestedness; the heart of a hero, without the hero's
insensibilities; he had strugglings, wrestlings, agonizings, without any
sense of victory; his foes were invisible and largely imaginary, but all
the more terrible and unconquerable on that account. Verily was he
lonely, heavy laden, and at best full of "desperate hope." His own work,
which was accomplished with such pains and labor throes, gave him no
satisfaction. When he was idle, his demon tormented him with the cry,
"Work, work;" and when he was toiling at his tasks, his obstructions,
torpidities, and dispiritments nearly crushed him.
It is probably true that he thought he had some special mission to
mankind, something as definite and tangible as Luther had. His stress
and heat of conviction were such as only the great world-reformers have
been possessed of. He was burdened with the sins and follies of mankind,
and must mend them. His mission was to mend them, but perhaps in quite
other ways than he thought. He sought to restore an age fast
passing,—the age of authority, the age of the heroic leader; but toward
the restoration of such age he had no effect whatever. The tide of
democracy sweeps on. He was like Xerxes whipping the sea. His real
mission he was far less conscious of, for it was what his search for the
hero implied and brought forward that he finally bequeathed us. If he
did not make us long for the strong man to rule over us, he made us love
all manly and heroic qualities afresh, and as if by a new revelation of
their value. He made all shallownesses and shams wear such a face as
they never before wore. He made it easier for all men to be more
truthful and earnest. Hence his final effect and value was as a fountain
of fresh moral conviction and power. The old stock truths perpetually
need restating and reapplying on fresh grounds and in large and
unexpected ways. And how he restated them and reinforced them! veracity,
sincerity, courage, justice, manliness, religiousness,—fairly burning
them into the conscience of his times. He took the great facts of
existence out of the mouths of priests, out of their conventional
theological swathing, where they were fast becoming mummified, and
presented them quick or as living and breathing realities.
It may be added that Carlyle was one of those men whom the world can
neither make nor break,—a meteoric rock from out the fiery heavens,
bound to hit hard if not self-consumed, and not looking at all for a
convenient or a soft place to alight,—a blazing star in his literary
expression, but in his character and purpose the most tangible and
unconquerable of men. "Thou, O World, how wilt thou secure thyself
against this man? Thou canst not hire him by thy guineas, nor by thy
gibbets and law penalties restrain him. He eludes thee like a Spirit.
Thou canst not forward him, thou canst not hinder him. Thy penalties,
thy poverties, neglects, contumelies: behold, all these are good for
him."