Historical Review—Korean Characteristics—Football between
Japan, China and Russia—Ill-advised Movements—Unrest and
Excitement—Korea Allied to Japan—Japanese in Korea—Po
an Whai—Kaiwha—Railroad Extension—Japanese Protectorate—Petition
to President Roosevelt—Removal of American
Legation—Education in Korea—Righteous Army—True Civilization.
Before making a brief review of events which have
taken place during the five years that have elapsed since
the previous chapters were written, let us look a little
further at the character of the Korean people so that
we may understand them perhaps somewhat better and
judge them a little more fairly as we scan their actions
in reference to the conditions that follow.5
Although through the influence of their progressive
Queen the country had been opened to foreigners in
1882, and although missionaries had been there since
1884, the impression made upon the people as a whole
was very slight, owing to the lack of newspapers and
other means of appeal to the public, and though in
the capital a few progressionists had begun to feel the
need of reform, the nation as such was still in a kind
of stupor under the baleful charm of the example of
China, and the influence of her classics and her civilization.
Shut up for long centuries in complete seclusion—even
Japan had been open twenty years to the stimulating
influences of the civilization of the West—still Korea in
her belated “Morning Calm” slept on; while Japan had
been up and catching her worms with the “Rising Sun,”
and the first rude shock which startled her from this
slumber and made her begin to look about was the
defeat of China by her little neighbor.
Coincidentally with the rapid march of political events,
the Gospel was making advances with constantly increasing
momentum and where the Spirit of the Lord
is there is liberty of thought and action, and to-day,
stung into life by the sharp lash of adversity, Korea is
awake, wide awake, to sleep no more, for her Macbeth
has effectually murdered sleep.
The Koreans have been frequently spoken and written
of as listless, dull, stupid, lazy, an inferior race; but I
submit this has been said mainly by travellers who
did not know them, or by those who were their
enemies and had an object in making the world think
them worthless, or by those who had contented themselves
with looking merely on the surface and had not
studied them with a wish to know them at their best.
There is a certain excuse for these views, if one observes
only the rough coolies in the ports or the idle worthless
“boulevardiers” who lounge about the streets of Seoul,
or live by sponging on the generosity of some relative
better off than themselves. But such a class can be found
almost anywhere, even among the most advanced
European nations.
To the writer it seems that there is a close parallel
between the Irishman and the Korean. Both are happy-go-lucky,
improvident, impulsive, warm-hearted, hospitable,
generous. Take either in the midst of his
native bogs, untutored, without incentive—he is thoughtless,
careless, dirty; drinking, smoking and gambling
away his time with apparently little ambition for anything
better. Remove this same man, be he Irishman
of Great Britain, or Irishman of the East—Korea—place
him in a stimulating environment, educate him,
instil the principles of Protestant Christianity, give him
a chance to make a good living, and a certainty that he
may keep his own earnings, and you will not find a better
citizen, a more brilliant scholar, a finer Christian. Look
at the men of North Ireland and tell me if this is not
so? Look at the Christian Korean, self-supporting, independent,
sober, faithful, industrious, eager to study.
Hear the testimony of the missionaries of all denominations.
Hear the testimony even of the foreign mining companies,
who avow the Koreans are the best workmen
of any nationality they have employed.
Hear the testimony of the American planters in
Hawaii, who say that the Koreans are the best workmen,
the most sober, well-behaved, cleanly, domestic, peaceful
and thrifty they have ever used, far superior to the
Japanese, who are quarrelsome and unstable—or even the
Chinese.
Witness the young Koreans who have graduated from
our American colleges and medical schools side by side
with Americans, often carrying away the honors.
Let us keep these facts in mind and remember that
if Korea has been caught in the toils and has allowed
her country to be usurped, she was caught napping.
The whole nation was still in the bogs, and twenty-five
years behind the rest of the world, in a time when a
thousand years is as one day and one day as a thousand
years. When China, the Titan, found herself helpless in
the hands of the new régime, what could be expected
of little Korea when she suddenly awoke to find herself
shut in a trap with a foreign army in her capital and
foreign guns at her palace gates?
The most brilliant speaker at the great international
conference in Tokio two years ago was unanimously by
Japanese newspapers conceded to be a Korean, and an
American told the writer that the grandest sermon he
had ever listened to—and he had heard John Hall and
the great Western divines—was preached in Korea by
another Korean. The writer also recalls at this moment
still two others who are capable of carrying any audience
along enraptured, and whom she would not hesitate to
rank with the best, most inspiring public speakers she
has ever listened to.
We know many Koreans who have been given opportunity,
environment, advantage, who have ability, energy,
initiative and resource equal to that of the foremost
Americans and Europeans. They are not, perhaps, par
excellence, fighters like the Japanese or merchants like
the Chinese. They have not the volatility and headlong
impulsiveness of the one nor the stolid conservatism of
the other, but they are the equals if not the superiors of
either. Which of the three evolved an alphabet and a
constitutional form of government?
This is the conscientious opinion of one who has
known them for twenty years, closely, in every-day contact,
through all sorts of circumstances, in city and
country, and it is an opinion almost the opposite of that
which was formed during the first years of acquaintance
with them. It is the result of the developments of character
seen in individuals and the nation. That they are
friendly, hospitable, long-suffering, patient, any one who
studies them without prejudice for a short time will
admit, but those of us who know them best know that
they have brilliant gifts and a high grade of intellectuality.
The old simile of the rough diamond is a good
one to apply to Koreans who seem perhaps worthless
stones to the ignorant careless observer, but, when
polished, they shine as brilliant jewels for the Redeemer’s
crown.
Considerable space has been given to this question of
Korean ability because much has been made of the other
side, as an excuse for what might be thought otherwise
inexcusable, and because it is right that the public should
know they are not unworthy of its sympathy and interest.
Nor should they be called cowardly because
taken unaware by the rapid succession of cataclysmic
political events which have whirled them along during
the last few years. The “Morning Calm” is forever
gone.
Korea has for many years been in a diplomatic way a
sort of football between Japan, China and Russia, and
in 1903 affairs were rapidly culminating toward the
Russo-Japanese war. Yi Yong Ik, the Korean prime
minister, who had then lately returned from Port
Arthur and was zealously pro-Russian, like most of the
court and officials, now began a series of attacks on
Japanese interests.
Koreans had always regarded their neighbors on the
East with the distrust which their not infrequent invasions
warranted, and they believed that Russia, while
she might invade, would not seek to Russianize; while
she might plunder, would not colonize, or interfere at
least more than incidentally or occasionally with personal
right or private concerns as the others were almost
certain to do.
Whenever trouble seemed brewing between Japan and
other powers, whatever may have been the reason, the
Korean government at least almost invariably went with
the other side, and at this time Korea and her royal
family counted a long score of injuries and wrongs
from Japan.
The murder of their Queen, the cutting of the top-knots,
and the hard and burdensome laws enacted at that
time, the indignities the Emperor had suffered in practical
confinement and the insults heaped upon the dead
Queen could not be forgotten. On the other hand
Russia had sheltered and protected the King on his escape,
had favored his complete freedom of action even
while he resided in her Legation, and when patriotic
Koreans had complained that Russian influence was becoming
too great, had withdrawn all the causes of complaint,
removed her bank, and the obnoxious officials,
favored the departure of the King to his own palace and
left everything in the hands of the Koreans.
Such conduct, whatever its motive, could not but
excite gratitude, and add to this the degree of certitude
with which nearly the whole East awaited the speedy
defeat of the Japanese by mighty, all-powerful Russia,
it is not hard to see why the Korean government were
so strongly pro-Russian.
This, then, by way of partial explanation of the attitude
of Yi Yong Ik and the Korean court and government
and in fact of a great many of the Korean people,
though just here it may be said that multitudes of the
Koreans with all the Americans and Europeans, except
perhaps the French, were pro-Japanese, believing that
they would prove the saviors of Korea from all-absorbing
Russia, that reform and progress, good government and
order would follow in their train, and warm were our
good wishes and hearty the delight with which we witnessed
Japanese successes at the opening of the war.
This attitude of the Korean government continued
without change from the beginning to the end of the
war, and now was the time when they might venture
to show their real feeling and attempt some reprisals
upon Japan.
First of all, then, the minister took the ill-advised
measure of forbidding the use of the notes of the
Japanese bank in Seoul, causing a run which came very
near wrecking it. As the Japanese were in a position
to retaliate, this resulted in apologies and withdrawals by
the native government, but left a debt uncancelled for
the Japanese to remember by and by.
The Russians were next given a concession to cut
timber along the Yalu and soon after, on their asking
the privilege of the use of the port of Yengampo in
using this concession, it was granted.
As is well known, Japan and the foreign powers now
urged the opening of this port to all foreign trade,
Russia opposing, and the Korean government steadily
refused. When, in addition, they soon after refused
also to open Wi Ju in accordance with the objections of
Russia, it became quite evident that war alone would
ever make Russia retire from Korean soil.
In October, Japanese merchants in Korea began calling
in outstanding moneys and from this time on the
Koreans were in daily, hourly suspense, awaiting the
war which could bring, in any event, nothing but disaster
and loss, the only thing which they might hope for,
being a degree less of distress, humiliation and misery,
in one case than the other. Their country was to be
the spoil of war, as well as its probable seat, and
devastation, rapine and bloodshed loomed darkly before
them. The action of the Korean pawnbrokers, refusing
to lend money at this time, added to the general distress,
for many of the poor are obliged to pawn some
of their belongings in the fall, in order to provide fuel
and clothing for the winter, and it was now feared that
an uprising against all foreigners would take place, so
great was the excitement and discontent. Guards were
called to the different Legations to protect their countrymen,
and missionaries and others were warned to
come in from the country. “There was a great deal of
disaffection among the poorly paid Korean troops in
Seoul. The Peddlers’ Guild were threatening and
capable of any excess and the unfriendly attitude of
Yi Yong Ik toward western foreigners except French
and Russians was quite sufficient reason for these precautionary
measures.”6
It was at this time that an American vessel was sent
to a northern port with a message from the Legation to
the missionaries to come to Seoul, but while a few, for
various very good reasons, did this, most of these devoted
men and women decided to remain and brave what
war might bring in order to encourage, help and comfort
the native Christians.
The same unrest and excitement which were evident
in Seoul, were felt in the country and a serious movement
began in two southern provinces where it was
reported that a formidable insurrection was brewing.
Reports came from the north as well of the banding together
of the disaffected, and many wealthy natives in
Seoul began removing their valuables and families to
the country.
And now the distraught and corrupt government took
another step at the bidding of Russia, and quite in keeping
with the traditions of the East and the self-defensive,
evasive diplomacy of the weak. They announced a
neutrality which seemed from subsequent developments
to have been a mere pretense in order to keep Japan
out. While this neutrality was being insisted upon the
Japanese announced the arrest of Koreans at different
times, said to be carrying messages from the Korean
Emperor and his government to Russia, asking for aid
in the form of troops and ammunition of war. This is
not at all unlikely, yet such are the dark ways and devious
devices of the East, that it would have been quite as
possible for those who wished to make an excuse to
prove that the neutrality was a mere pretense, to have
made it, if necessary. There is nothing more certain,
however, than that at that time the Korean government
was at heart wholly pro-Russian, of whatever overt acts
she may or may not have been guilty in breaking her
neutrality. Whatever were the facts, a most laudable
excuse for the direct invasion of her neighbors’ soil was
now presented to Japan.
The beginning of 1904 was marked by the making of
Japanese military stations every fifteen miles between
Fusan and Seoul and the sending of a well-known
Japanese general to Seoul as military attaché to the
Japanese Legation. Notices were posted in the city
assuring Koreans that their property and personal
rights would be respected, promising immediate justice
if any complaint were made, and from this time on
Chemulpo harbor was blocked. Korean students had
previously been recalled from Japan and now the
Japanese began rapidly landing troops in two southern
ports of Korea. After the battle of Chemulpo, which
soon took place, the Japanese landed all their troops
further north and work was rapidly pushed on the Seoul-Fusan
railway and also begun on the road to Wi Ju.
On February 23d a protocol was signed by Japan and
Korea, by virtue of which Korea practically allied herself
with Japan. She granted the latter the right to use
her territory as a road to Manchuria and engaged to
give them every possible facility for prosecuting the
war. On the other hand, Japan guaranteed the independence
of Korea and the safety of her imperial
family. It was, of course, on Korea’s side a case of
necessity, though many Koreans really accepted the
Japanese as their friends and believed they would preserve
their independence. However, willy-nilly, there
was nothing to do under the circumstances but to acquiesce
for the time being, though the government and
court were still assured that Russia would undoubtedly
be the ultimate victor and the Russians were continually
making use of corrupt Korean officials who served only
to complicate affairs with Japan.
It is more than doubtful whether this protocol, backed
by arms, wrung out of the unwilling Koreans, was ever
worth the paper on which it was written, even to keep up
appearances to a people so unsophisticated at that time
as the Koreans. The Japanese were ready at almost any
moment during the war to enforce it and punish its
violation, and the native government were very likely
quite as ready to avail themselves of every opportunity
which might offer to break it openly, could either Russia
or China have been depended on to assist. But let us
not forget that these were the acts of a corrupt government
and not of the people, and that their sprightly
neighbor had long odds, thanks to the almost forcible
opening of their country thirty years earlier.
Mr. Hulbert says, “The Japanese handled the situation
in Korea with great circumspection,” which they
certainly did. The expected punishment did not fall on
the pro-Russian officials. The perturbation of the court
was quieted and Marquis Ito was sent with friendly
messages to the Emperor. The northern ports of Wi Ju
and Yonganpo were opened and soon Yi Yong Ik who
was a large factor in the conspiracies against Japan
was invited to visit that country. The Japanese soldiers
were remarkably orderly and well behaved, a great contrast
in this respect to the Cossacks and Russian guard
who had been at the Legation, who conducted themselves
most outrageously, so that they won the hate and fear
of the whole native community, and the disgust and
horror of all western foreigners.
The Japanese soldiers, we are told by Mr. Hulbert,
all belong to the upper middle classes. “No low class
man can stand in the ranks,” and this being the fact,
the wide difference between their behavior and that of
the colonists can be well understood. Suffice it to say
that in the main they did great credit to their country and
their conduct reassured the Koreans and won for them
as a rule tolerance and often real good will.
However, the reforms which the pro-Japanese had so
hopefully expected did not come. The monetary affairs
about which the Japanese had complained as being so
bad were not altered when they came into power, and
in addition they now began to demand all sorts of
privileges which became no small hardship to the
Koreans. In Fusan the Japanese Board of Trade asked
their government to secure the maritime customs service,
permission for extra territorial privileges, the establishment
of Japanese agricultural stations, etc.
In the meanwhile the tide of Japanese immigration
was daily rising higher and higher as to quantity, but
the friends of Japan would certainly like to think that
the people who came could have represented only her
worst classes. This is not the place, nor are missionaries
the people to animadvert upon them or their conduct;
nor perhaps did it seem possible with the war on their
hands at first, and a hostile native people to keep in
check later, for the few Japanese officials to look into
the cases brought before them, and deal out justice to
their own offending countrymen. But I do say that had
they been able to do so, their task in Korea would be an
easier one to-day, for Koreans are a long-suffering
people. Moreover, when loud complaints concerning the
Koreans’ unwillingness to yield to “legally constituted
authority” (?) are heard, let the reader bear in mind that
this same “legally constituted authority” seldom, if
ever, so far as the writer is aware, has protected the
Korean in his rights, or made him safe and inviolate
in his home, when a home was left to him. We are
not accusing the Japanese. They have undertaken a
difficult task, in which older and more civilized, more
Christian nations have failed, and when we look at
Poland and elsewhere, we do not see that they are more
to be blamed than the illustrious examples they have followed,
but we do say, “Do not judge the Korean too
hardly if he rises in self defense to do what he can to
make reprisals on invaders and to defend his own
rights.”
In connection with the laying of the railroads, large
tracts of some of the best land in the country were practically
confiscated, and in Seoul large blocks of the most
valuable property in the city were taken at a merely
nominal price, and hundreds of people lost practically
all they had in the world. In the north, where soldiers
were quartered on Koreans, many of the women, whose
custom it is never to be seen by strangers, fled to the
mountain recesses at a most inclement season and incurred
untold suffering. Still the Koreans bore all these
trials with remarkable patience and few complaints.
Many, however, of the malcontents and those who
had suffered loss joined the robbers, and large bands
made frequent and destructive raids upon the smaller
towns and villages, adding to the general distress of the
poor people who actually had no one to look to but the
missionaries and Americans whom they regarded as their
only friends, who could do little enough, alas, to help,
but who could point them to God who pities the helpless,
and bid them hope in Him.
Although many of the best Koreans who had trusted
in the Japanese had been disappointed to see none of the
promised reforms, great was their added anger and alarm
when on the seventeenth of June the Japanese authorities
made the suggestion “that all uncultivated land in the
Peninsula as well as all other national resources should
be open to the Japanese. The Koreans now indeed raised
a storm of protest. The time was unpropitious.
Koreans recognized that the carrying out of this would
result in a Japanese protectorate, though the latter had
probably not believed the Koreans capable of following
out the logic of this.”7
They however, not being prepared at that time to carry
matters to extremes, after repeated attempts at a compromise,
at length temporarily dropped it.
The Koreans, in order to oppose the encroachments
of the Japanese, had organized a society “for the promotion
of peace and safety” (Po an Whai) and many exciting
discussions took place as to how to defeat the
purposes of the Japanese, while continually a stream of
memorials poured in to the Emperor, beseeching him not
to yield to the demands of the invaders. The latter,
therefore, forcibly broke in on one of the meetings and
carried leading members to the police station, and at
other times raided the meeting-place, arrested other members
and confiscated their papers. They further warned
the Korean government that these doings must be firmly
put down, and insisted that those who kept on sending
memorials against the Japanese must be arrested and
punished. The position of the Emperor at that time, as
ever since, was certainly not an enviable one, and then
if ever was it true that “uneasy lies the head that wears
a crown.” Indeed the poor Korean Emperor’s crown
was sitting very loosely just then and there seemed no
way in sight to keep it from rolling quite away.
Japanese troops in Seoul were increased at this time
to six thousand. The members of the Po an Whai, on
the other hand, sent circular letters throughout the
country. News spreads in a marvellous way in Korea,
faster than by mail, almost as by telegraph the human
wireless flies from mouth to mouth, from hand to hand,
and thousands of members were enrolled in every
province.
In August Japanese military authorities asked for six
thousand coolies to work on the railroad at handsome
wages, but the report got out that these men were to be
on the fighting line. Perhaps they distrusted their employers,
but, whatever the reason, only two thousand men
could be obtained and there were frequent bloody fights
in the villages when the effort was made to force men to
work.
The tide of public opinion was now running high
against them on account of the waste land measure and
the violation of the right of free speech, which had
hitherto rarely been interfered with by their own government
in spite of all its faults.
The Po an Whai still continued to carry on its
propaganda, so the Japanese started another, called the Il
Chin society, protected by Japanese police and having
only such members as were properly accredited by them;
and following this another society was organized as the
Kuk Min or National People’s Club. Although their
plans were good, having no means whereby to carry
them out they were laughed at by some, but nevertheless
they served to strengthen and unify patriotic feeling,
develop progressive ideas, and sow broadcast through
the land a general desire for advance and reform; to bid
the people awake to the dangers threatening them and to
stir up a general spirit of inquiry as to the best method
to strengthen their country and finally deliver her. Perhaps
not much wisdom was wasted here. The members
were all more or less ignorant of such things, of almost
anything, in fact, but Chinese classics, but nevertheless
a beginning must always be made, and this was at least
something.
And now in connection with the societies and the universal
cry of “Kaiwha”—progress—one began to see
everywhere a distressing admixture of foreign and native
dress. Koreans had been for some time cutting their
hair. Now hundreds were wearing foreign caps and
shoes which with their own long white coats gave the
painfully ridiculous appearance of some one going
abroad in night attire, having stopped only for foot and
head gear. Some wore no coats at all but very gaily
colored foreign vests, with their baggy white trousers
below. The transition stage in the dress of eastern peoples
is sad to a degree to the foreigner who loves them
and holds their dignity and respectability dear as his
own. The more he cares for the people the more bitterly
does he resent the harrowing and pitiful variety of incongruities
evolved by the natives in their zealous efforts
to imitate the foreigner.
Thus progress and pro-Japanese societies—names by
some considered synonymous—multiplied, but the poor
common people were as sheep without a shepherd, a
prey to the wolves and robbers on all hands.
During that summer the Japanese made their first
suggestions that Korea should recall her foreign representatives
and that all Korean diplomatic business be
transacted through the Japanese Legation. This was
not, however, pushed at this time, but was simply a
forecast of what was in store.
A little later a Mr. Stevens,8 an American citizen, was
nominated by them as adviser to the Korean foreign office.
This was a move of great discernment, for Americans
have always been particularly favored by the Korean
court and people from the Emperor to the coolie,
and the advice of an American would meet a far readier
hearing at that time than that of a Japanese. This man,
being the Japanese appointee and dischargeable only by
them, was more than likely, as it chanced, to advise
Koreans according to the wishes of the Japanese, indeed,
for what other purpose could his patrons have placed him
there?
In accordance with this advice the Korean Emperor
disbanded and dismissed most of the fifty thousand troops
he then had under arms, as he was reminded they were
a needless expense. The Japanese had assured Korea’s
independence and a small body-guard was all that was
needed.
About this time, partly in response to the fast growing
feeling of the Koreans themselves that one of their
heaviest drawbacks was a lack of knowledge of Western
sciences, a number of foreigners, including nearly all
the missionaries, formed an educational association of
Korea, their object being to prepare text-books for Korean
schools. A little later a large number of Koreans
also founded an educational society which did not attempt
to do with politics but gathered together those
who believed education must be one of the important
factors in putting Korea on her feet.
In September, 1904, the twentieth anniversary of the
founding of Protestant Missions was celebrated.
The Seoul-Fusan Railroad was completed during this
year and the Seoul-Wi Ju Railroad well under way, and
although they were put through in the interests of the
Japanese, missionaries cannot but believe that unconsciously
they were the agents of the Almighty making
straight paths for His own kingdom. The missionaries
of the Cross were, with the Japanese troops, the first
people to use these roads while they were still in construction.
As the year advanced Japanese kept at work gathering
the material resources of the country. The offices of
the high Japanese officials were said to be literally besieged
by their insistent countrymen who had no doubt
come to Korea to make a great fortune one and all under
the ægis of their own victorious troops and there is little
doubt that the task of these officials, between their own
rapacious nationals on the one hand and the Koreans who
must be kept quiet for a time at least, till the army had
done with Russia, was not too easy. Fishing rights along
the whole coast were demanded and given, and next trading
and riparian rights were seized.
The signing of the treaty of peace with Russia was
the signal for a still more active policy in Korea, and then
immediate steps were taken for the establishment of a
protectorate.
It is a well understood and by a certain class of politicians
well practised proverb that “To the victor belong
the spoils,” and had Japan simply seized Korea at this
time, it would neither have surprised nor greatly shocked
the world at large, or the readers of universal history.
But the somewhat clumsy attempt to place the Koreans
in the position of suing for this, was on the part of the
usually astute Japanese a strange proceeding. It seems
as incredible that they could have expected to hoodwink
the world as it was unnecessary. They may have wished
to produce a certain impression, to create a given effect
on the large party among their own best people who
desired the practical independence of Korea to be preserved
and faith kept with them. Whatever their
reasons, the sheep’s clothing was inadequate, and the
grim fact was only too patent to those who were concerned
to know about the matter.
Early in the autumn of 1905 the Emperor had been
approached with the suggestion of a protectorate. He
was willing to recognize Japanese predominance in
Korea, even acquiesced in Japanese advisorships, but
when it came to turning the whole country over he refused.
He knew that if he remained firm it could not be
done without arousing indignation and perhaps some interference
in his favor. He determined to lodge a protest
at Washington, turning naturally, as all Koreans do,
first to America and England, but England’s treaties with
Japan were so sweeping that he knew it would be useless
to look there. America’s treaty, however, has the following
clause, “That if either of the contracting parties is
injured by a third party, the other shall interfere with
her good offices to effect an amiable settlement.” This
could not be done through the regular channel of the
Foreign Office, as the before mentioned American agent
of the Japanese was in charge there. A personal and private
letter was therefore sent direct to the President,
asking him to investigate and help. This message was
carried by an American resident, but the Japanese, probably
surmising what was being done, hurried on the
completion of their plans. Marquis Ito was sent to
Seoul with definite instructions. Korea was to be induced
or forced to sign away her existence “voluntarily” (?).
Though many conferences with the Cabinet took
place, there was no result. The Koreans stood fast for
the treaty of 1904 in which Japan guaranteed independence.
Not a member of the Cabinet consented. It is
unnecessary to go into all the painful details, but at last
by surrounding the Cabinet and the palace with soldiers,
by having previously secured the consent of two or three
men who were venal, after repeated efforts and long discussions,
show of armed force and having forcibly removed
Han Kyu Sul, the strong Prime Minister (without
whose signature no measure can be legally passed)
they managed to gain a majority of one, and the seal
being illegally fixed by the envoy, the fact was declared
accomplished and the authorities immediately announced
in Washington that Korea had voluntarily entered into
an agreement granting Japan a protectorate. The American
government almost immediately recognized Japan’s
claim and removed the Legation from Seoul. The
petition of the Emperor arrived in Washington before
action had been taken, but though its arrival was announced
to the President, it was not received till too
late.
“For twenty-five years American representatives and
residents had been reiterating that we stood for right
against mere brute force, and Korea had a right to regard
our government as the one above all others to demur
at any encroachment on her independence. But
when the time of difficulty approached we deserted her
with such celerity, such cold-heartedness and such refinement
of contempt, that the blood of every decent American
citizen boiled with indignation. While the most
loyal, patriotic, cultured of Korean nobility were committing
suicide one after another, because they would not
survive the death of their country, the American Minister
(Mr. Morgan) was toasting the perpetrators in
bumpers of champagne, utterly indifferent to the death
throes of an empire which had treated American citizens
with a courtesy and consideration they had enjoyed in
no other Oriental country.”9
News of this action was carried that night to the editors
of one of the Korean dailies. They worked all night,
well knowing that the result of their action would be
confiscation of their presses and imprisonment at least,
but thousands of copies of the paper containing a detailed
report of all that had happened were in the hands of the
people scattered broadcast beyond possibility of recall before
the Japanese were aware. Every effort was made
to destroy this publication and to prevent the spread of
this story to other countries but it was too late. Members
of the Cabinet and Court told the story to Americans,
and though there existed a rigid censorship of
telegraph lines and mails, it was carried by foreigners to
China, so that even in the minds of those who lend the
most willing ear to the story told by the Japanese, there
must always remain at least a moiety of doubt.
When, as soon as the fact of the protectorate was announced,
the American Legation was so suddenly removed,
there went up as it were a great cry from the
heart of the people, “Et tu, Brute.” It seemed the seal
of their misfortunes, the certainty that their best friend
remorselessly and with hopeless finality had deserted
them.
Strong men were sobbing, moaning, crying like women
or little children. Many committed suicide. Shops
were closed with emblems of mourning. A nation was
in sackcloth and ashes, on its face in the dust. It was a
bitter hour for Korea and for the humiliated Americans
who for once were not proud of their government so far
as its policy in Korea was concerned. Well was it for
the cowards who had signed the agreement that when
they ventured through the streets it was with a strong
guard of Japanese, for the people would have torn them
to pieces, and as it was, numerous attempts were made on
their lives. One of them attempted or pretended to attempt
suicide, and to this step they were all advised by
their compatriots. Japanese troops and artillery were
paraded through the capital, with great show of power.
Heavy guards were stationed at various points, though
no attempt at resistance was made by the unarmed, unorganized,
uncaptained mass of the citizens, against the
victorious conquerors of Russia. Pro-Japanese societies
and clubs suddenly collapsed. The party that had believed
all along that Japan would keep her treaty and
help Korea maintain her independence, was now disillusioned,
horror-struck and indignant. The missionaries
unanimously did all in their power to quiet the unhappy
people, to prevent useless uprisings and bloodshed,
and to comfort them in their sore distress. Some of them
were inclined to resent these efforts to prevent revolt
and to think and say that these missionaries were false
friends who did not care for the welfare of the nation.
Who could blame them for casting such a reproach upon
us, when our own government had deserted them without
even a word of commiseration or regret?
To add to the distress an epidemic of malarial fevers
with typhus and typhoid, took place, on account of the
way in which the city drains had been closed. The city
had always been drained by open ditches which empty
into a large drain flowing out under the walls. These
small ditches were, in addition, periodically cleaned out
by men who gather fertilizers; and, purified by sun and
air, and washed out by the rains, they were not so great
a source of evil as they looked. But the new-comers, by
way of reform, and with the inevitable eye to appearances,
ordered all these ditches covered. A protest, private
and public, went up from every physician in Seoul.
Appeals were made, but in vain. The ditches were covered
with boards and sod and left to ferment and breed
countless colonies of germs, with the result just mentioned.
Japanese colonists were still pouring into the country
by thousands10 and the class who came, and came as conquerors,
was such (as has been noted) as to entail inevitable
hardships on the natives. There is an impression
abroad that all Japanese are now civilized. This is a
great mistake. While in the cities there are large schools
and universities of Western learning, it must be remembered
there are forty million of people, most of whom
live in the country and are very poor, who have never
been touched by the wave of civilization that has swept
over Tokio, Yokohama, Osaka, Nagasaki and the great
cities. They are little if any different from their grandfathers
as Commodore Perry found them, and their
customs of dress, their ideas as to the seclusion of women,
their morals, their habits of thought, their animus
is in every way diametrically opposite to that of the
Koreans. Easier would it be to mix oil and water than
these peoples.
Some Japanese schools were started by the protectors
but the Koreans were hardly prepared to profit by these,
as the teaching was in Japanese, a language they could
not understand, and yet it has been said that the Koreans
did not care for education and were not willing or fit to
make use of the advantages offered them.
But every little village has its schools, and among the
Christians nearly every little group has its self-supporting
parochial school, where the elements of Western
learning are taught and the people are eagerly begging
American missionaries for colleges and high schools
which, as fast as provided, are thronged with students
and could be easily thronged were the capacity doubled.
The attitude of the people toward Christianity is stated
in another chapter. Let it suffice to say that now is the
accepted time to push forward with the standard of the
Cross in Korea.
A young woman graduate of one of our largest American
women’s colleges wrote, “Of one thing I am
certain, that Christianity is the force for good and for
enlightenment in Korea, in spite of all that may be said
concerning Japanese reforms, governmental, educational,
social.”
Another writes from Korea: “The whole country is
ripe for the picking. The direful political conditions
have turned the people toward the missionaries and their
message is the only succor in sight. The leaders are
openly declaring that in Christianity alone is to be found
the political and social salvation of the nation. In their
extremity the Koreans are ready to turn to the living
God. It may not be so two years hence. Conditions
of which I dare not write are changing the character
of Korea.11 If the Christian Church has any conception
of strategy and appreciation of opportunity, any sense
of relative values, she will act at once—not next year,
but now.”
Just before the meeting of The Hague the Emperor
decided to send an appeal thither for Korea. He was
warned that if he did so it would result in his death or
abdication, but he held firm. He replied that he knew
that would be the case but that the appeal must be made.
This was done and the abdication followed as predicted.
Since then the rebellious among the people, many of
those who have sore grievances, who have lost their
homes, perhaps their all, and have been driven to desperation,
have joined hands with the bandits, and form
large companies of insurrectionists, called the Righteous
Army, who keep up a kind of guerrilla warfare, giving
the Japanese no rest.
A newspaper correspondent writes “The whole
country is ablaze with eui-pyung (righteous soldiers.)
Their professed object is to protest against Japanese
rule and free the land from it.... As I take up
to-day’s paper it reads ‘Modol (twenty miles west of
Seoul) Dec. 7. Company fifty-one of the Japanese
fought with one hundred and fifty rebels (eui-pyung)
and drove them off. Su Won (twenty miles south of
Seoul) Dec. 2. Eui-pyung entered the town, robbed,
plundered and made off toward Namyang. Idong
(twenty-five miles southeast of Seoul) Dec. 4. Eui-pyung
entered and carried off the two chief men. Puk-chung
(three hundred and seventy miles north of Seoul)
Dec. 4. After much effort on the part of government
(Japanese) troops, the eui-pyung have been dispersed.
Chechun (one hundred miles south of Seoul) Dec. 2.
Three hundred eui-pyung were followed, brought to a
fight and thirteen killed. Changyim (seventy miles
north of Seoul) Dec. 1. Fifty eui-pyung were encountered
and in the fight six were killed. Eumsung
(thirty miles southeast of Seoul) Dec. 4. An attack was
made on the eui-pyung, two were killed and five
wounded,’ etc.”
“All the while every Japanese wayfarer is marked,
followed and done to death. The eui-pyung are everywhere.
In the twinkling of an eye they gather, they
separate. To-day five hundred are here. To-morrow
no one knows where they have been spirited away to.
Seoul and the larger cities alone are safe from their
attack.... The task before the government grows
daily more formidable.”
It has been reported that along the line of some of the
railways the Japanese have been obliged to establish a
continuous line of fortified posts with resident troops to
prevent the constant destruction of the bridges and road
bed by the eui-pyung, but in these reports coming from
the government we are not told the numbers of their
troops killed and wounded in these encounters, presumably
too small to be worth mentioning. It is nevertheless
evident that there is in the minds of a large number of
Koreans objection to the present order which they are
taking this means of recording.
As for the large body of Christians, they remain the
most orderly, reliable and peaceable of the whole native
population. The missionaries, one and all, whether from
a wish to uphold Japanese rule, or a desire to save useless
bloodshed, are unanimous in using all their influence
to quiet the Christians and to induce them to prevent uprisings
and revolts, and after the abdication the Christians
in Pyeng Yang went through the streets counselling forbearance
and patience.
These Christians are, however, no less patriotic than
their more demonstrative compatriots. They are eager
for progress, for education, for uplift, because they
believe and openly declare that in Christian education
and Christianity alone is to be found the political and
social salvation of the country.
They are seeking “Kaiwha” more diligently than
ever, and they are learning that progress and civilization
do not consist in altering the cut and color of a man’s
coat or the length of his hair; that it is not a matter of
tramways, wide streets, tall houses, gunboats, well drilled
armies, factories, arts, luxuries, hideous European
clothes, etc. Most Eastern countries have all or many or
some of these things, but even where they are in greatest
profusion one feels that something is wanting. It is as
like true civilization as a graphophone is like the true
voice of a friend. There is a hollow, brassy ring about
it. It does not come from a warm, living heart but is
only a poor caricature out of an empty shell. They are
learning that true civilization is not a veneer; it is the
solid ringed growth of centuries reaching its leaves and
blossoms unto Heaven. Some of its outgrowths are the
things these people copy so marvellously in paper and
wax that we can scarcely tell the difference.
At a great fête given in an Eastern city they built
most cunningly out of boards and canvas a grand old
tree; they painted it with wonderful skill and crowned
it with paper leaves and blossoms. It was a marvel
whereat the world stood open mouthed for a day, but
the rain descended and the floods came and the wind
blew and beat upon the tree and it fell for it had no roots.
The Korean Christians are learning fast, we hope,
that better civilization of which our dictionaries give but
one or two definitions: “The humanization of man in
society; the satisfaction for him in society of the true
law of human nature,” and “The lifting up of men mentally,
morally and socially.”
This never was, never will be done by tramways and
new clothes. It can never be brought about by armies
and men of war. It will not follow in the train of art
and of luxuries, though they follow it. Men, however
well dressed and well informed, may be after all no better
than the manufactured tree, without the vital principle of
life that is in Christianity to “lift them up mentally,
morally and socially” above the material and sensual and
hold them there unshakenly rooted in the rock.
They are learning that all that is best in Western civilization,
the motor power that stirs the energies of men
and brings out the choicest results is Christian faith and
love. Christian principle, and that where this principle
is implanted, this spirit breathed, there is a civilization
made or making, for the choice things of which heathenism
has often not even a word whereby they may be expressed.
Test them by such words as God, Heaven,
Home, Love, Faith or Sin—where do they stand?
This is the reason that to-day Korean statesmen are
saying that in Christianity is the only hope for Korea’s
national salvation.
And here let me quote Dr. J. D. Davis of Kyoto who
says, “If this work of Christianity can go on unchecked
and unchilled Korea will be rapidly evangelized and filled
with millions of happy, enlightened Christian homes and
this little kingdom, despised though it has been, will give
to the world a priceless example of the way and the only
way that the Gospel can be carried to the whole world
during the present generation.”
Again Mrs. Curtis, another American missionary to
the Japanese, writes, “By God’s blessing, within the next
ten years, if the Church in America will do its part, this
whole nation (Korea) may be reached with the Gospel.
Korea is fast becoming Christian, and, if Japan does not
soon respond to God’s call to her, there is the prospect
of a Christian people, producing the first-fruits of true
life, brought under the sway of a nation yet dead, who
have appropriated the fruits of centuries of Christian
growth, but who refuse to share the life which alone
can make those fruits sweet and wholesome and bring
them to perfection. A Christian nation ruled by another
whose real God is National Glory! It will be laid to the
charge of the Christian Church if this becomes a fact.
Every man and woman who is ‘looking for the kingdom
of God’ and faithfully seeking to hasten its coming
ought to consider this.”12