In my twentieth year my first visit was made
to London—how long since need not be said, lest I
make discoveries. I arrived at the "Swan with
two necks," in Lad Lane, to the imminent peril of
my own one, on entering the yard of that then
famous hostelry, the gate of which barely allowed
admission to the coach itself—and first set foot
on London ground, midst the bustle of some half-dozen
coaches, either preparing for exit, or discharging
their loads of passengers and parcels.
Four "insides" were turned out, and eight "outsides"
turned in—I, amongst the unfortunates of
the latter class, taking possession of the nearest point
I could to the coffee-room fire. It is to be recollected
that in those days one had but four chances in his
favour, against perhaps forty applicants for the interior
of the mail—and he who was driven in winter,
by necessity of time, to the top of a coach in Liverpool,
and from thence to Lad Lane, and found
himself in the coffee-room there unfrozen, might be
well contented. So felt I, then,—and doubly so
now, as I think of the dangers of flood, and road,
and neck, which I encountered in a twenty-six
hours' journey, exposed to the "pelting of the
pitiless storm,"—for it snowed half the way.
Dinner discussed, and its etceteras having been
partaken, in full consciousness of the comforts
which surrounded me, contrasted with the discomforts,
&c. from which I had escaped,—I sank into
an agreeable reverie; and during a vision,—I must
not call it a doze,—composed of port wine and walnuts—the
invigorating beams of Wallsend coal—an
occasional fancied jolt of the coach—the three
mouthfuls of dinner, by the name, I had gotten at
Oxford—and the escape of my one neck, when, goose
as I was, I presented it where two seemed to be an
essential by the sign of the habitation and the dangers
of the gate,—I was aroused by a crash, something
like the noise of the machine which accompanies
the falling of an avalanche or a castle, or some
such direful affair at "Astley's;" and starting up,
I thought,—had the coach upset? but, much to my
gratification, found myself a safe "inside." Still
came crash after crash, until I thought it high time
to see as well as hear. "What on earth is the matter?"
said I to the first waiter I met, as I descended
from the coffee-room, and got to the door of the
"tap," or room for accommodation of the lower
grade of persons frequenting the establishment.
"Oh! sir," said he, "it is two dreadful Irishmen
fighting: one has broken a table on the other's
head; the other smashed a chair." I stopped
short, and well do I recollect that the blood rushed
to my face as I turned away; I confess, too, that
while returning to the coffee-room, when the waiter
followed and asked, should he bring tea, I "cockneyfied"
my accent as much as possible, in the
hope that he should not know I was an Irishman:—such
was my shame for my country at the
moment.
Many minutes, however, had not elapsed until I
felt shame another way—namely, that I should for
a moment deny the land which gave me birth;—and
I at once determined to ascertain the facts and
particulars of the outrage. Down I went, therefore,
again, and entering the tap-room, found that
in truth a table had been broken, and a chair too,
not to speak at all of the heads; but, on further
investigation, it appeared that the table, being weak
in constitution, sunk under the weight of one of the
belligerents, who jumped upon it to assail the other
with advantage,—and that the chair had been
smashed by coming in contact with the table; the
gentleman on the ground having thought it fair to
use a chair in his defence when his enemy took to
the larger piece of furniture:—hence the awful
crash, crash—that awoke me from my—vision.
So far well—but further inquiry brought forth
further truths. It came out that one of the party
had called the other "a beggarly bogtrotter," for
which he received in reply a blow upon his nose.
Thus the row commenced; but better still, it
appeared that one of "the dreadful Irishmen" was
a Welshman! and that it was he who called poor
Paddy "a bogtrotter."
First then, said I to myself, the table was not
broken on the Irishman's head; it was smashed by
the Welshman's foot—and it was not "two dreadful
Irishmen," but one, who had been engaged in the
fray, and he was insulted; therefore, at the most,
ONLY ONE HALF OF THE STORY IS TRUE! And in
about that proportion have I since found almost all
the stories and charges against the lower class of my
unhappy countrymen—and so will others too, who
please to investigate facts.
Amongst my earliest introductions to "London
Society" was "St. Giles's." Notwithstanding the
warnings of my friends, as to the danger attendant
even on a walk through its streets, I ventured a
little farther; and who ever may have suffered
there, I have not, except from witnessing the almost
indescribable misery of its inhabitants. Throughout
my entire search into its wretchedness, I never
received even an uncivil answer but on one occasion,
and I am the more desirous to state this fact,
because, although "St. Giles" sounds to English
ears as a spot contaminated by the abode of Irish
only, I found many and many an Englishman
there, as wretched as my own wretched countrymen.
In the instance I allude to, I had entered the
first lobby in one of the houses of a most miserable
street, where I saw a woman "rocking" in the
manner the lower class of Irish express silent agony
of feeling. Her body moved back and forward in
that peculiar motion which told to my heart she
was in misery; and entering the room in silent
respect for her suffering, I forgot to knock or make
any noise to attract attention. In a moment a
figure darted from the side of a bed behind the
door, and having caught up something as it passed
between me and the entrance, he, for I then saw
my assailant was a man, brandished the "miserable
remains" of a kitchen poker before my face,
and demanded, "What did I want, and how da-ar
I come there to throuble thim with my curosity?"
And what right had I to pry into their miseries,
unless to relieve them? I confess my object in
visiting St. Giles's then, had not arisen from so
pure a motive, and I felt the justice of his demand—The
miseries of the heart are sacred amongst the
rich: why should they not be equally so amongst
the poor? Nature has made original feeling
alike in all; but the poor feel more deeply; for
the rich suffer in heart midst countless luxuries and
efforts from others to wean them from their sufferings,
while the poor suffer midst numberless privations,
and almost utter loneliness. Why then should
I have "throubled thim with my curosity?"
But I made my peace, with little effort too; and
then, for the first time, saw a dead body lying on
the bed from whence the man had come, "waking,"
in the Irish fashion of the lower orders. It was a
child of about seven years old. Its last resting place on
earth was dressed with flowers, and the mother's
hand had evidently done the most within its feeble
power to give honour to the dead. Rising, she
with her apron rubbed the chair she had been
sitting on, and placed it for me; thus offering,
in her simple way, the double respect of tendering
her own seat, and seeking to make it more fit for
my reception by dusting it.
I need not repeat all the tale of misery, the cause
of their suffering then, was apparent. "She was
their last Colleen—th' uther craturs wur at home
with the Granny," and "he had cum to thry his
forthin in Inglind; an' bad forthin it was. But
the Lord's will be done, fur the little darlint was
happy, any how—an' sure they had more av thim
at home—an' why should she be mopin' an'
cryin' her eyes out for her Colleen, that was gone
to God!"
Thus the poor creature reasoned as she cried and
blamed herself for crying; for miserable as she
was, she evidently felt that she should be thankful
for the other blessings that were left her. Do we
all feel thus? Yet, at the moment that she did so,
I believe there was not a morsel of food within
reach of her means, and that her last penny had
been spent to deck with flowers the death-bed of
her child.
It is needless for me to describe the general
miseries of "St. Giles,"—now no more. Its
wretched habitations have yielded their place to
palaces; its dreaded locality lives but in recollection;
and its inhabitants have gone forth—Whither?
Perhaps to greater wretchedness. Aye,
almost surely! The misery of St. Giles's has
ceased, mayhap to make misery double elsewhere;
but, thank God! there no longer exists in London
a special spot upon which the ban is placed of
Irish residence being tantamount to crime.
Years and years have since gone by, and many
a time the story of "the two dreadful Irishmen" has
risen to my mind, as I have read paragraph after
paragraph in the English papers, telling of some
direful thing which had occurred and was wrapped
in mystery, but concluding after the following
fashion:—
"Highway Robbery—(Particulars). There is no clue
whatever to discover the parties who committed this atrocious
act—but two Irish labourers who live in the neighbourhood are,
it is supposed, the delinquents!"
"Burglary at —— (Particulars). The parties who
committed this robbery acted in the most daring manner. The
country is now filled with Irish harvest labourers!"
"Footpad.—A daring attempt was made by a most
desperate-looking man to rob a farmer some days since—(further
particulars) after a great struggle he got off. He is
supposed to be an Irishman!"
"Marlborough-street.—There is a class of persons now
known, called 'Mouchers,' who go about in gangs, plundering
the licensed victuallers, eating-house and coffee-shop
keepers, to an extent that would be deemed impossible, did
not the records of police courts afford sufficient evidence of the
fact. The Mouchers are mostly of the lower order of Irish."—London
Morning Paper, 12th April, 1847.
"Horrible Murder—(Particulars). Every possible search
has been made for the murderers, but unfortunately without
effect. However, it is positively known that four Irish
harvesters passed through the village the day before, and there
cannot be a doubt the dreadful deed was committed by them!"
Such are the kind of announcements seen frequently,
particularly in provincial papers. In the
latter case, the facts impressed themselves strongly
upon my mind. A horrible murder had been committed,
as well as I recollect, in Lancashire. The
widow of a farmer, much beloved in the neighbourhood,
and known to possess considerable property,
was barbarously murdered in her bed at night, and
her presses and strong box thoroughly rifled;
nothing, however, having been taken but money,
of which it was known she had received a considerable
sum a few days previously. Much sensation
was created by the fearful occurrence; and it
was fully believed that "the four Irishmen" had
committed the murder—why? because they had
been seen in the neighbourhood! verifying most fully
the adage, that "one man may steal a horse without
being suspected, while another dare not look over the
hedge." So it eventually turned out. A month
elapsed; the four Irishmen could never be traced;
but luckily the real murderer was. A labouring
man offered a £20. note to be changed in a town
some miles distant from the scene of the murder,
and suspicion having arisen as to how he obtained
it, he was taken up: eventually turning out to be
the confidential farm servant of the unfortunate
woman, still continuing to live unsuspected where
the murder had been actually committed by himself;
and he was subsequently executed.
But did this clear "the four Irishmen" from the
imputation, or retrieve the character of their class?
Not an iota. The journalist who accused them
was not the fool to proclaim his own injustice;
and perhaps, even if he did, the refutation would
never have met the same eye that read the condemnation.
No; "the four Irishmen" continued as
thoroughly guilty in the public mind as if twelve
jurors on their oaths had declared them so. The
editorial pen had signed the death warrant of
character, if not of life, as it has done in many and
many instances with just as much foundation.
Poor, unhappy "Paddy" the labourer has had
years and years of outcry to bear up against and
suffer under, a thousand times more trying to him
than that now raised against "Paddy" the Lord.
The poor and lowly struggle single-handed and
alone; the rich and high face the enemies of their
order shoulder to shoulder, and as one. Poor fellow,
he is like the cat in the kitchen: every head broken
is as unquestionably laid to his charge, as every
jug to pussy's. And he has another direful mark
which stamps him at once; namely, that "profanation
to ears polite," his brogue! He possibly may
not look ill to the eye—perhaps the reverse; his
countenance may be honest and open, and his
bearing manly, as he approaches an employer to
seek for work; up to that point all goes well,
perhaps; but once his mouth opens, the tale is told;
instantly Prejudice does her office, unknowingly
almost, and unless actual need exist, Paddy may
apply elsewhere, again and again to meet the same
rebuff. Lancashire, Somersetshire, Yorkshire, may
revel in their patois without raising a doubtful feeling
or a smile, but the brogue of Ireland does the work
at once, and the unhappy being from whom it issues
slinks back into himself degraded, as he hears
the certain laugh which answers his fewest words,
and the almost certain refusal to admit him within
the pale of his class in England. Hence St. Giles's
as it was—the purlieu of Westminster, as it is—the
Irish labourer's refuge in England, is often the
lowest point, because he cannot be driven lower.
And all this arises, not from ill will, but from
long felt prejudice, and the repetition of stories and
anecdotes and caricature of Irish character, which
trifling circumstances have given rise to and upheld;
and which, I grieve to say, is greatly due to the
domiciled Irishmen in England, of the middle and
better class. They sometimes forget their country,
and in place of explaining away fallacies and
making known facts which would have roused
England long since to our aid, had they been fairly
understood, fear to tell truths which they deem to
be unpalatable, while perhaps their own palates
are being feasted on the good things of the party
who declaims against their country: thus permitting
the continued existence of prejudice and
consequent estrangement.
It is in no small degree amusing to observe the
attempt made, in addition, to disguise the fact that
the delinquent I speak of (I had almost written
renegade) is an Irishman. No wonder that he
should attempt the disguise, for he must deeply feel
his delinquency. In all cases such as this, the
Cockney twang and occasional curtailment is assumed
to overcome the brogue, but in vain. For
the first half dozen words of each paragraph in a
conversation it gets on well enough, but the conclusion
is sometimes exquisitely ridiculous.
I had the honour to meet at dinner recently, a
person of this class, and a conversation having
arisen on the subject, he said, "I aam pe-fectly
ce-tain no one caaen know that I aam an I-ishman;"
and the next instant, turning to a servant, he added,
"Po-ta, if you plaze." When this thoroughly low-bred
Irishism came out I could not help smiling,
and caught at the same moment the eye of a lady
opposite, who seemed greatly amused. In a few
minutes after, she said, evidently for the purpose of
having another trial of the Anglo-Irishman, "Pray,
may I help you to a potato?"—the killing reply was,
"Pon my hona' I neva' ate pittatis at all at all."
This was too much for the lady, as well as for
myself; so we laughed together. The Irish gentleman,
however, perfectly unconscious of the cause.
Having subsequently mentioned the circumstance
to an "Irishman in London," who does not fear to
acknowledge his country, he said, "O! the feeling
descends lower still—the better class of labourers
attempt to speak so that they shall not be known."
Continuing, he said, "A porter in our establishment,
who is an Irishman, came to me the other
day, and speaking very confidentially, whispered,
'Sure now, Misthur ——, you woudn't guiss be me
taulk, thit I wus an Irishmin.'" "Certainly not,"
said my friend, laughing, when the fellow replied,
quite happily, "Whi-thin that's right any how."
Who will excuse the man in a better grade who
panders to prejudices, and not only forgets the
country of his birth, but aids, by consent, to let her
remain in misery? But must we not excuse the
low and helpless, who are driven by such prejudices
to keep themselves in existence by following the
example of those above them? who, thus, have
double sin to answer for; their own, and that which
their dastardly conduct creates. Still, why should
the unhappy labourer who feels that the tone of his
voice keeps bread from his mouth, not wish it
changed?
"Move on," said a policeman to a poor Irishman,
who was gazing with astonishment at a shop window
in the Strand, his eyes and mouth open equally,
with intensity of admiration. But Paddy neither
heard nor moved. "Move on, Sir, I say," came
in a voice of command delivered into his very ear.
"Arrah, ph-why?" said the poor fellow, looking up
with wonder, and still retaining his place. "You
must move on, you Irish vagabond," now roared the
policeman, "and not stop the pathway," accompanying
the "must" with a push of no very gentle
nature. Paddy did move, for he could not help it;
but as he turned away from the sight which was
yielding him harmless enjoyment, to the forgetfulness
of misery for the moment, and perhaps to
create in him desires for better things, and give him
greater energy to work and labour for them; he
was rudely branded, with a mark of debasement,
and I could see in the poor fellow's eye and gait,
though labourer he was, pride and degradation contending
for the mastery; but the latter conquered,
and he did "move on," almost admitting by the
act that he was "AN IRISH VAGABOND."
The position of the lower class of Irish in England
is evidently not to be envied, but what is it in
Ireland?
In the paper annexed, on "The Potato Truck
System of Ireland," will be found the ground-work
of the misery of the peasantry. The whole recompense
for their labour is the potato. If it fail, they
starve. In summer's heat and winter's cold the
potato is their only food; water their only drink.
They hunger from labour and exertion—the potato
satisfies their craving appetite. Sickness comes,
and they thirst from fever—water quenches their
burning desire. Nature overcomes disease, and
they long for food to re-invigorate their frame.
What get they?—the potato! The child sinks in
weakness towards its grave. What holds it betwixt
life and death?—the potato. It is the Alpha and
Omega of their existence. A blessing granted by
Providence to man, but made by man a curse to
his fellow-beings. From what causes come the
charges made, and made with truth, against the
Irish peasant, of "indolence" and "filth in and
about their habitations?"—One and all from that
dreadful system, the "potato truck!"
Tourists tell that "the cabin of the Irish peasant
must be approached through heaps of manure at
either side, making it necessary to step over pool
after pool, to reach the entrance." This is no more
than fact, but the cause should be told too.
From the detail of the truck-system, it will
be seen that the unfortunate peasant is paid for his
labour by land to cultivate the potatoes which
sustain his existence, and these potatoes cannot
be effectively grown without manure. His cabin
is usually situate on some road-side, his potato-garden
rarely with it, and the only spot he possesses,
upon which he can collect manure to obtain
food for himself and family throughout the
year, is the little space reserved before his door.
He has nothing else, it may be said, in the world,
but that manure. It is that which is to yield sustenance
to his family, and if he have it not, they
starve. If put outside the precincts of his holding
it is lost to him, and that which he collects scrap
after scrap from the road side, or elsewhere—that
upon which his life actually depends, is too precious
to be risked beyond his care. Why should he be
blamed then for the apparent "filth" which surrounds
it? Whether is it his fault, or that of the
system which has driven him to this degrading
necessity? Not his, surely!
Then he is described as to be seen "supporting
his door-frame, and smoking his 'dhudeen,'[1] while
he should be at work." It is true; but whence
his seeming idleness? The truck system again!
He is engaged by the year to some farmer, and is
bound to do his work, for which he gets his potato
land; but the farmer is not bound, as he should be,
to give him continuous labour throughout the year.
And many a day, and half-day, and quarter-day is
cut off his year's labour, when the weather, or the
farmer's absence, or his mighty will and pleasure,
may make him think it fit to stop the work.
When this occurs, and it is sadly frequent, it is impossible that
the poor labourer can either seek or find a
half, or even a whole day's labour. He has no
garden, or patch of ground upon which he might
expend with profit his leisure, or his extra time;
he has nothing to occupy him; nor can he make
an occupation perhaps, for he has not the most trifling
means to obtain even lime to whitewash his
cabin. Then, if he do smoke his "dhudeen,
leaning against his door-way," where so proper for
him to be, as with his wife and children? And is
the so-named "weed of peacefulness" sought for by
the highest in the land as a soothing enjoyment; by
those who have but to wish for and obtain every
luxury and blessing that wealth can give—is the
scanty use of the meanest portion of it, improper
or slothful in him who knows no single blessing
but his wife and family? But it cannot be fairly
deemed so. The custom is universal, and the Irish
peasant, declared by the Legislature it may be said,
to endure more privation than the peasant of any
other country in Europe, ought not to be set down
as slothful, because, to soothe his care, he smokes
his "dhudeen."
Again, we are told by tourists of the fearful fact,
that men, women, children, a cow, a horse, a
pig, congregate together at night in one cabin; one
bed for all! How dreadful the truth—for it is true
to the letter. But we are not told the cause; on the
contrary, subsequent commentary ascribes the fact,
in no gentle terms, to the "slothful, filthy habits
of the people." Yet, when such realities exist,
it is not wonderful that they who so patiently bear,
should be set down as the producers of their own
misery—still they are not only not so, but they
have no power to release themselves from the
thraldom which sinks them day by day deeper in
degradation.
Once more I return to the truck system of the
potato. If 4,000,000 of the people of Ireland have
sustained life, and barely, on that root alone—many
and many a day without even salt—how well may
it be understood that they have not means to buy
proper clothing. In fact, their only hope for this,
is on "the woman," as they express, whose sole
dependance has been on eggs from her few hens—knitting
stockings, in some localities, in others,
spinning. But the numerous calls for family
necessities swallow up these little means; and it
may with truth be said, that except a single
blanket, or a coarse rug, there is rarely to be found
any thing in their cabins as covering for the night.
The clothes of all are clubbed together to do the
office of the blanket and the counterpane. Then,
think of the cabins they live in. In one county
alone, Mayo, there are 31,084 composed of one
apartment only, without glass windows, and without
chimneys; and the door so frail and badly made,
that every blast finds its way through it. The
floors are mud, the beds straw or ferns strewed sometimes
on stones raised above the ground. The
father and mother sleep in the centre, the children
at each side, and the pig and horse, or goat, as
may be, at one end. How dreadful it is to contemplate
that such should be a fact existing in
a Christian country—and worse, that this most
fearful reality, which arises from the people's
helpless misery, should be made a charge of "filthy
habit" in place of being urged as the ground-work
for the perfect change of a system which could allow
so crying an evil. It is a truth, that men, women
and children, pigs and cattle, lie in one bed!—but
what causes it? Their hopeless, helpless, poverty.
They have not a sufficiency of clothes to cover
them at night in winter; and if they did not bring
in the pig and cattle to create warmth in their
cabins, they must perish of cold. This is the
cause, and the only cause, and the true proof is,
no tourist will pretend to tell you it occurs in
summer.
Having now seen what the lower class of Irish
endure, it may be well to look into their natural
character, and ascertain what is the cause of that
endurance—what are their virtues, and what their
vices?
That "endurance under privation, greater than
that of any country in Europe," is the true characteristic
of the peasantry, cannot be questioned,
particularly after being declared by the high authority
of the Devon Commission. That it is
innate in their character, is evident. They believe
that "whatever is, is best"—not as fatalists;
for under the most severe suffering, you will hear
them say, "Well, shure, it's a marcy 'twasn't
worse any how." "Well, I'm shure, I might
be contint, bekase it might be double as bad."
And every sentence ends—"And God is good."
They have also a certain natural spring (lessening
daily) which upholds them, and they try to make
the best of every thing as it comes.
"Jack," said I, some years since, to a handy
"hedge carpenter," in the county of Wexford,
"why did you not come last night to do the job
I wanted? It is done now, and you have lost it."
"Whi-thin, that's my misforthin any how—an
be-dad 'twas a double misforthin too, for I wus
dooin nothin else thin devartin meeself." "Diverting
yourself," said I, "and not minding your
business?" "Bee-dad it's too thru; but I'll
tell your hanur how it happened. I wus workin
fur the last three days fur my lan'lady, which av
coorse goes agin the rint; and whin I cum home
yisterday evenin, throth, barrin I tuck the bit
from the woman and childre, sorra a taste I could
get—so sis I, Biddy jewel, I'm mighty sick intirely,
an I cant ate any thing. Well, she coxed
me—but I didn't. So afther sittin a while, I
bethought me that there wus to be a piper at the
Crass-roads, an I was thin gettin morthul hungery;
so sis I t'meeself I'll go dance the hunger
off—and so I did:—an that wus the way I
wus divartin meeself." Now, I have no doubt,
that many an Irishman has danced the thought of
hunger away as well as Jack. But the following
incident will prove that the innate feeling of the
people is to make the best of their miseries.
It was, I think, in the winter of 1840, a fortnight
of most severe weather set in at Dublin. I had
suffered in London from "Murphy's coldest day"
in 1838, and thought it was in reality the coldest
I had ever felt; but 1840 would have won the
prize if left to his Majesty of Russia to decide the
question. In addition to a black frost, there came
with it a biting, piercing, easterly wind, which
seemed to freeze and wither every thing it came
upon. Pending this infliction (for I confess I
suffered under sciatica as well as the easterly wind),
I left home rather early one morning, muffled in
two coats, a cloak, muffler, "bosom friend," worsted
wrists, and woolsey gloves; and yet as I closed the
door, I half repented that I had faced the blast.
Not twenty yards from my dwelling, I overtook
a little creature, a boy of about eight or nine years
old, dressed in—of all the cold things in the world—a
hard corduroy habiliment, intended to have
fitted closely to him; but his wretched, frozen-up
form, seemed to have retreated from the dress, and
sunk within itself. I believe he had not another
stitch upon him. His little hands were buried into
his pockets, almost up to the elbows, seeking
some warmth from his body; and he crept on
before me, one of the most miserable pictures of
wretchedness my eye ever rested on.
As I contemplated him, I could not but contrast
my own blessings with his misery. I had
doubted whether I should leave the comforts of my
home, although invigorated by wholesome, perhaps
luxurious food, and I was clothed to excess; while the
being before me, likely had not tasted food that
day, and was barely covered. Such were my
thoughts; and I had just said to myself, we know
not, or at least, appreciate not, a tithe of the
blessings we possess, when that little creature read
me a lesson I shall recollect for my life. He
shewed me that he could bear up against his ills,
and make light of them too.
At the moment I speak of, I saw one hand slowly
drawn from his pocket, and in effort to relieve
it from its torpor, he twisted and turned it
until it seemed to have life again. Next came forth
the other hand, and it underwent the same operation,
until both appeared to possess some power.
Then he shrugged up one shoulder and the other,
seeking to bring life there also; and at length
flinging his arms two or three times round, he gave
a jump off the ground, and exclaimed in an accent
half pain, half joy, "Hurrah! for the could mornins!"—and
away he went scampering up the street
before me, keeping up the life within him by that
innate natural power of endurance I have described,
evidently with a determination to make the best
of his suffering, and not sink under misfortune.
What a noble trait of character—but how little
appreciated!
With such a ground-work to act upon, what
might not these people be made? and that they
have intellect of almost a superior order, cannot be
questioned. Their ready replies alone prove it; and
their usual success any where but in their own
country, tells it truly. Some years ago I stood
talking to an English gentleman on particular business
at a ferry slip in Dublin, waiting for the boat.
A boy, also waiting for it, several times came up
to shew some books he had for sale, and really
annoyed my friend by importunity, who suddenly
turned round and exclaimed, "Get away, you
scamp, or I shall give you a kick that will send
you across the river." In an instant the reply
came—"Whi-thin thank yur hanur fur thit same—fur
'twill just save me a ha-pinny." They are quick
to a degree—and have great activity and capability
for labour and effort, if but fed, which may be seen
by every Englishman who looks and thinks. The
coal-whippers of the Thames, the hod-men, or mason's
labourers of London, the paver's labourers,
and such like, almost all are Irishmen. But they
must be fed, or they cannot labour as they do
here. Treat them kindly, confide in them, and be
it for good or evil; I mean to reward or punish,
never break a promise, and you may do as you
please with them. My own experience is extensive;
but one who is now no more, my nearest
relative, had forty years of trial, and he accomplished
by Irish hands alone, in the midst of the
outbreak of '97 and '98, as Inspector-General of the
Light-houses of Ireland, the building of a work,
which perhaps more than rivals the far-famed
Eddystone,—namely, the South Rock Light-house
three miles from the land, on the north-east coast
of Ireland,—every stone of which was laid by Irish
workmen. And to the honour of the people be it
spoken, when the rebellion broke out it was known
that a large stock of blasting powder and lead lay
at the works on the shore; yet not a single ounce
of one or the other was taken. It was known,
too, that their employer was then engaged in the
command of a yeomanry brigade, formed for the
defence of the east side of Dublin; still his lead and
powder lay safely in the north of Ireland. But more
extraordinary still, after the battle of Ballinahinch,
where the rebels were routed, his yacht was taken
by a party of them to make their escape to England;
and lest any ill should befall it, when they
arrived at Whitehaven they drew lots for three to
deliver it up to the collector of the port, and state
to whom it belonged. They were immediately
arrested, as indeed they must have expected, and
with great difficulty were their lives afterwards
saved.
I could relate several similar instances which occurred
to others; but I shall only state one more, as
occurring to a defenceless woman. My maternal
grandmother occupied at the time of that rebellion
the castle of Dungulph, in the county Wexford, the
family residence. It was an old stronghold regularly
fortified and surrounded by a moat, with a drawbridge;
and when she left it to take refuge in the fort
of Duncannon, with the other gentry of the county,
it was immediately taken possession of by a force of
rebels from the county Kilkenny, as a most valuable
place of defence, &c. They remained in possession
for about a fortnight, and during that time
killed twenty of the sheep found in the demesne.
At the expiration of the period, the rebels of the
neighbourhood, who had been in the interim engaged
at the battle of Ross, returned, forced the
others to leave the castle, and when my relative
came back to her residence, she found that twenty
sheep had been brought from another part of the
country, and placed with her own in the demesne;
which on being traced by their marks, were discovered
to belong to a county Kilkenny grazier,
the county from whence the rebel party had come;
thus the sheep were brought from the same place
the rebels had come from,—it was supposed, as an
act of retaliation. I should add, too, that while
these occurrences took place, the heir to the property
was engaged in the defence of Ross, where
many of his own tenantry were slain or wounded, as
rebels, by the military under his command.
Naturally the mind of the Irish peasant is
good, honourable, and grateful—but it has been
deteriorated by miseries and neglect; and is being
so, more and more daily at home; while, when they
go abroad they seem to inherit all their original
good qualities.
It is a fact too, known to all who know them,
that when they settle in England as labourers,
they almost invariably share their earnings with
their relations at home. The remittances from
London alone to Ireland amount to many thousands
yearly. There is no possible means of ascertaining
the sum; but I know numerous instances
myself, and it may be judged of from the facts
which appear in the following statements, recently
published in the Times and Morning Chronicle,
shewing the amount which comes yearly from
America.
"A curious fact is presented in a letter from a correspondent at
New York, showing that it is not to England alone that the
Irish proprietors are largely indebted for the support of their
poor. It has generally been understood that the Irish emigrants
to the United States have always remitted very fully of their
hard earnings to their relatives at home, but most persons will
be surprised to hear the extent of this liberality. 'A few days
since,' says our correspondent, 'I called upon the different
houses in New York who are in the daily practice of giving small
drafts on Ireland, from five dollars upwards, and requested from
them an accurate statement of the amount they had thus remitted
for Irish labourers, male and female, within the last sixty days,
and also for the entire year 1846. Here is the result—"Total
amount received in New York from Irish labourers, male and
female, during the months of November and December, 1846,
175,000 dollars, or 35,000l. sterling; ditto, for the year 1846,
808,000 dollars, or 161,600l. sterling."' These remittances are
understood to average 3l. to 4l. each draft, and they are sent to
all parts of Ireland, and by every packet. 'From year to year,'
our correspondent adds, 'they go on increasing with the increase
of emigration, and they prove most conclusively that when Irishmen
are afforded the opportunity of making and saving money,
they are industrious and thrifty. I wish these facts could be
given to the world to show the rich what the poor have done for
suffering Ireland, and especially that the Irish landlords might
be made aware of what their former tenants are doing for their
present ones. I can affirm on my own responsibility that the
amount stated is not exaggerated, and also that from Boston,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New Orleans, similar remittances
are made, though not to the same amount.' With regard to the
feeling in America upon the calamity under which the Irish
people are at present suffering, the same writer observes: 'Collections
are being made for their relief, but the distress is so
general that our benevolent men have been almost afraid to
attempt anything; they think the British Government and Irish
landowners alone competent to the task.'"—Times, 3rd of
Feb. 1847.
"American Sympathy.—We do not think we can better express
the sympathy which is now so universally felt in the United
States, for the sufferings of the people of this country, than by
stating that immediately after the news brought by the Cambria
had been promulgated, 1,500 passages were paid for by residents
in New York, into the house of George Sherlock and Company,
for the transmission of their friends in Ireland to the land of
plenty. Through the same house, by the last packet, there have
arrived remittances to the amount of 1,300l., in sums varying
from 2l. to 10l."—Dublin Evening Post.—Morning Chronicle,
5th of April, 1847.
As to the vices[2] of the Irish peasant, a few years
since they might have been set down as three—whiskey
drinking, cupidity, and combination. The
first exists no longer, and if we seek for proof of good
intention and desires in the people, this gives it
forcibly. Having food of but one kind, and that
possessing no stimulating power, nor capability of
imparting grateful warmth, such as the "brose" of
the Scotch, or the soup of the continental peasant;
and the climate being cold and humid to excess, they
naturally, it may be said, used the only stimulant
they could obtain. And if we think how anxiously
we seek such, under the influence of wet and cold,
(we, who have all comforts and all varieties and
luxuries of food)—can it be wondered that the Irish
peasant, who working for the day in a winter's
mist, his clothes saturated through, and none to
change when he returned to his wretched cabin,
should have been tempted to take this stimulating
poison? But, by the gentle guidance of one good
and great man, they have been led from the evil,
receiving no substitute for what they relinquished;
getting nothing in return, they gave up their only
luxury at his bidding. What may not be done with
such a people?
But the peasant has two vices which still continue—cupidity
and desire for combination. Strange
that amongst all the evils laid to his charge the
first has been passed over. It exists to a great
extent, and in place of being reckless as to money,
he too eagerly grasps at it when the opportunity
offers; hence the combinations which have at different
times occurred in the accomplishment of
public and also private works. He mars his object
by his ignorance. This has arisen principally from
the unfortunate frequency of public undertakings,
caused by famines or distress. In any such case he
took it, to use his own expression, as a "good luck,"
and sought by any means to make the most of it
while it lasted. Then, in private works, when
he imagined a necessity existed for their accomplishment,
he sought to make the most by demanding
higher wages, and forcing the well-inclined to
join in the demand. It is a fact that he suffers
under natural cupidity, and its evils have been
increased by the circumstances named, the effects
of which will require care to overcome, if his
regeneration be attempted; and, perhaps, under
all circumstances, it cannot be wondered at. The
opportunity to obtain money for his labour so
rarely occurred, that when it did he could not
resist the temptation of getting as much as possible
to provide against the day which he knew would
soon come again, when he would be left to the
potato alone; and on this point he will require to be
led and taught as in other things. But the Irish
peasant is, in fact, now in that position which it
is fearful to contemplate. From the nature of
his food alone he has been long retrograding in physical
capability, and, of course, energy of mind. It
is impossible that beings living entirely upon one
description of food, no matter what it be, can exist
in strength and healthfulness. But if the food be
of that nature which, used as the potato is, tends to
produce evil from the quantity necessary to be consumed,
in order to give to the body bare nourishment
to uphold existence, it must be evident that
the very quantity alone will produce listlessness and
want of energy, while the system itself receives
scarcely enough to uphold its vital powers.
My own memory (and I am not so old as to count
half centuries) shows an evident change in the
general physical appearance and capacity of the
peasant labourer. He is not the same, even within
twenty years; and to those who recollect fifty, the
alteration must be painfully great.
A little thought will shew it could not be otherwise.
The potato, eaten in the way it is, simply
boiled, and as I have again and again pointed out,
without aught else with it but salt! and not even that
sometimes, contains but little more than two pounds
weight of that description of nutriment (gluten, or
animal matter) which is essential to uphold strength,
in fact to re-create bone and muscle in the system,
for every hundred pounds weight, the unfortunate
being condemned to live upon it solely, is obliged
to gorge himself with, in order to sustain his animal
powers.
The average quantity of potatoes an adult peasant
labourer consumes in the day is about ten pounds—his
meal being usually a quarter of a stone each at
breakfast, dinner, and supper; thus he receives
into his system every twenty-four hours, about 3
ounces of that which is essential to give him power
to perform his functions of labour. In other
words, he eats in that time but 3 ounces of the representative
of meat. What would the railroad
"Navvy" of England say—what the farm labourer—if
either was doled out 3 ounces of beef or
mutton per day to work upon? and if he seemed
listless and unenergetic, was then taunted with the
name of "indolent, reckless, good-for-naught."
Still, my unhappy countrymen have received this
quantum of food, with submission for ages; and
with it received those degrading appellations, as a
fitting reward for their "endurance."
Now, medical research has fully established that
the quantum of animal matter, be it obtained from
vegetable or else, actually necessary to be taken
into the system merely to reproduce the bone
and muscle worn away by the general labourer
in his day's work, is 5 ounces! It cannot therefore
be doubted, that the Irish labourer, in Ireland, is
and has been deteriorated in physical capability,
and consequently, mental energy, by want of
proper nutrition.
Such has been his position for ages; and my
firm belief is, that his sufferings would not have
been so long borne, but for the hope which has
been, from time to time, kept alive in him. Alas,
how delusively! In "Emancipation"—he was
taught to see deliverance from his miseries—mayhap,
remission of his rent. In "Repeal"—"plenty
of work and plenty of money; and the cattle
kept at home, and the pigs to be eaten by himself,
in place of by the Saxon."
Unhappy designation, and unhappy delusion,
which have held the countries asunder, in place of
being one and the same in all things. But he has
lived upon that hope, until now, when it has
vanished from him for ever. And with his hope,
the food that kept life barely in him has gone too.
He is bereft of all that holds existence and soul
together, and sees nought before him, even if he do
live, but ceaseless struggle and ceaseless misery.
Can such a being aid himself? No more can he,
than the invalid, weakened and powerless from
sickness. Aid must be given him by those who
have strength and knowledge, or he will sink, if
not into death, to that which will be worse,—hopeless,
helpless degradation.
And will Ireland then be "the right arm of England?"
No; she will be the blot upon her noble
scutcheon—mayhap the "millstone" to sink her in
that ocean over which she now so proudly and
gloriously rules.
It has been proved that above 4,000,000 of the
peasantry of Ireland live upon the potato, which
they receive as payment for their labour—about, or
nearly one half of the population of the country, and
from whom should, and now does spring its almost
entire wealth. Their hands, with God's permission
and will, produce the means to feed themselves;
to feed the remaining half of the population, and to
give to England many millions' worth yearly;
which supports the aristocracy of Ireland, and pays
the taxes to the nation. Humanity and justice, then,
are not the only claims upon us; self-interest, nay, self-preservation
demand, that they who yield us food
and comfort, should have ample food and comfort
themselves—that they who aid to clothe us should
have at least sufficient covering to protect them
from the rigour and humidity of the climate in
which they labour—that they should have houses
fitted for the inhabitants of a civilized country, not
wigwams worse than those of the savage—that they
should be taught and led and fostered till they understand
and can practise at home the arts of proper industry—to
give not only blessings to themselves but
the nation at large. Then would Ireland be in truth
"England's right arm;" but more, she would have
her heart, which now lies open, yearning to receive
and give affection. I know my country and its
feelings well—I mean its people's feelings; and there
exists not elsewhere more genuine gratitude than in its
heart. Causes and circumstances already explained
have encased it in icy doubt towards England; but
now England has proved her heartfelt pity; not
alone her money, but the kind and high and noble-minded
have risked their lives to distribute food
and help and covering to the wretched beings as
they lingered between life and death. And I know
the people not, if I may not vouch, as a man
and Christian, that every mouthful given (not
through public works), every comfort yielded,
every gentle and kind and consoling word
uttered, is indelibly impressed upon their feelings,
and will live there. Seize, then, the opportunity
to amalgamate as one, Ireland with England's
people. Fear not the idle stories of the past; look
but upon the present, and think of the glorious
future which the guidance and help of England
may accomplish. England has laboured for, and
won her glories by her labour. Teach Ireland, and
she will win glories too—not for herself alone, but
for the general weal. Lead her kindly now, and
she will rush to your foremost ranks in the hour of
danger—not pray for that hour, that it may give
her chance of rescue from her misery.
Shall I conclude, and rest in hope of general
sympathy? No; although it has magnificently
proved itself.
History gives some thousand facts to shew that
man is led to good by woman; deprived of her
gentle guidance towards that good, he usually sinks
to evil. Unchecked by the example of her patience,
gentleness, and faith, he often revels in thoughtless
wantonness,—while, resting under the beaming
influence of her love and sympathy, he melts and
is moulded into a form approaching her own.
Happily for Great Britain, this peaceful, blissful
influence sheds its beams over almost all men's destinies,
hence its public virtues, its private happiness;
and hence the cause of my present appeal
to the Ladies of Great Britain!
Pardon me, fair Ladies! if I approach you on that
which may be deemed "a matter of business;" but
I am not of those who consider woman's mind unfitted
for the toils and difficulties of life and only
made for its pleasures—far the reverse. Nor shall
I yet approach you under the sweet incense of
flattery, said to be a cloud which gives to you a
grateful odour—I believe it not. Nor shall I, to
tell you of the prowess of man in his deeds of arms;
nor of his glories midst the slain or dying; for,
thanks to God! the heart of an Englishwoman shudders
at the thought. Man shall not be my theme.
I come to tell you of the ills and sufferings of unhappy
Women!—beings like to yourselves, in gentle
and good feelings, though poor—like to yourselves
in love and affection, though wretched—Woman,
in truth, kind, affectionate, and good; blessings to
their own—Woman in all things, but in that which
is her due and right in Great Britain—care and
respect for her sex and virtues. Those whose cause
I plead are blessed with as pure and spotless bosoms
as your own—though one may be cased in russet
or in rags, the other enshrouded in lace—and they
die, not through the horrors of war, or of
plague, but of starvation and of cold.
In my description of the cottage of the general
peasantry, you will have seen, and I doubt not recollect
the fact, that upon some 2,000,000 of your sex
in Ireland is entailed the degradation of passing the
hours of her rest with the family, all in one resting-place,
and getting warmth by being forced "to
herd with the beast of the field." Think of this
indignity and say shall it longer exist?
To you is due the final accomplishment of one of
the noblest acts of England—the abolition of West
Indian slavery. The battle was commenced by man,
and fought manfully; but without your aid he
could not have conquered as he did. Your generous
voices cheered him on, and he became invincible.
And so will it ever be in Great Britain. O!
give but the same aid now, and you will accomplish
at least an equal good.
If of the aristocracy, tell to those whose halls you
adorn, that the peasant woman of Ireland can only
obtain warmth enough to save her from perishing,
and give her sleep, by herding with her pig! Say,
Woman sleeps thus! and ask, should it be? Mayhap
when Woman in her loveliness and power thus
pleads for Woman in her misery and poverty, the
chord may be struck which will proclaim the sin,
and produce its abolishment.
If the mansion of the wealthy be guided or
blessed by thy residence, proclaim the fearful fact,
and whispering ask, "For what does God give
wealth?" The answer may not come at first, or
for a time; but whisper again—and 'tis said that
angels' whispers fill the air with charity and love.
So, perhaps, will thine—and wealth may at thy
bidding aid to rescue Woman from such degradation.
If the middle class (from which England's greatness
springs), claims thee as its own, tell to all
around the truth which tells of Britain's shame—that
the Irishwoman is forced to herd with cattle!
Plead, and say—Am I not a woman, and is she
not my sister? And by degrees thy pleadings will
strike man's heart, for the thought will come upon
him—"Oh! that one I love should fall to such a
lot," and his voice will join thine in truthfulness
and charity, to win others to the task of rooting
out the evil.
If thou art poor, I need not plead. The poor
feel for the poor, and spare even somewhat from
their poverty. Their hearts can tell the pangs of
poverty, and pity fills them with love and charity
and regret that poverty makes them powerless.
But still thou hast a voice. Raise it, and cry
shame on those who may, yet will not save the
nation from the stain of this deep indignity to
woman!
And how, you may ask, is this to be done? Most
simply. Ireland possesses wealth in soil—in fuel—in
minerals—in fisheries—in water-power—in short, in
all things fitted to be developed by the great and wonderful
business capability, knowledge, and capital of
England; but the latter has feared without just
reason—has been acted upon by groundless prejudices
and dreads, so as to prevent that business
intercourse and mercantile enterprise, for which
Ireland offers such beneficial opening; and she has
been left to herself, to anarchy, misrule, and neglect,
until she has sunk into pauperism. In a
word, let England but embark a just portion of
her enterprise and capital, and talent in Ireland,
in place of seeking for opportunity to do so abroad.
In doing this, she will employ the people in useful
occupations highly profitable, and in proportion as
such be done will Ireland's poverty vanish, and
Great Britain's wealth increase. Ask for this;—and
that the peasant labourer shall be paid in money,
not potatoes. And if you ask from your heart, you
will succeed.
Then, fair pleaders for my countrywomen!—then
your labours may cease—for even those who possess
your affections do not, nor cannot, value them
more highly; nor those who hold you in their
hearts do not love more truly, than the peasant
of Ireland. Your labours may cease—for it will
then be his labour of love to guard and protect
his own from insult and indignity. And as you
rest after your glorious victory, your pillow
mayhap will not even crease by the pressure of the
fair cheek upon it, so light and so sweet will be
the sleep to follow so kind and good a work.
Transcriber's Note:
Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Dialect spellings have been retained.
Punctuation has been standardised.
The following significant amendments have been made to the original text:
Page 17, added 'that' to 'When this occurs ... it is impossible that
the poor labourer can ...'
Page 39, removed additional 'you' from 'And if you ask from your
heart, you you will succeed.'