THE GENESIS OF SCIENCE. — ENDNOTE TO THE GENESIS OF SCIENCE .
[First published in The British Quarterly Review for July
1854.]
There still prevails among men a vague notion that
scientific knowledge differs in nature from ordinary
knowledge. By the Greeks, with whom Mathematics—literally
things learnt—was alone considered as knowledge
proper, the distinction must have been strongly felt; and
it has ever since maintained itself in the general mind.
Though, considering the contrast between the achievements
of science and those of daily unmethodic thinking, it is not
surprising that such a distinction has been assumed; yet it
needs but to rise a little above the common point of view,
to see that it is but a superficial distinction. The same
faculties are employed in both cases; and in both cases
their mode of operation is fundamentally the same. If we
say that science is organized knowledge, we are met by the
truth that all knowledge is organized in a greater or less
degree—that the commonest actions of the household and
the field presuppose facts colligated, inferences drawn,
results expected; and that the general success of these
actions proves the data by which they were guided to have
been correctly put together. If, again, we say that science
is prevision—is a seeing beforehand—is a knowing in what
{2}
times, places, combinations, or sequences, specified phenomena
will be found; we are obliged to confess that the
definition includes much that is foreign to science in its
ordinary acceptation: for example, a child’s knowledge of
an apple. This, as far as it goes, consists in previsions.
When a child sees a certain form and colours, it knows that
if it puts out its hand it will have certain impressions of
resistance, and roundness, and smoothness; and if it bites,
a certain taste. And manifestly its general acquaintance
with surrounding objects is of like nature—is made up of
facts concerning them, grouped so that any part of a
group being perceived, the existence of the other facts
included in it is foreseen. If, once more, we say that
science is exact prevision, we still fail to establish the
supposed difference. Not only do we find that much of
what we call science is not exact, and that some of it, as
physiology, can never become exact; but we find further,
that many of the previsions constituting the common stock
alike of wise and foolish, are exact. That an unsupported
body will fall; that a lighted candle will go out when
immersed in water; that ice will melt when thrown on the
fire—these, and many like predictions relating to the
familiar properties of things, have as high a degree of
accuracy as predictions are capable of. It is true that the
results foreseen are of a very general character; but it is
none the less true that they are correct as far as they go:
and this is all that is requisite to fulfil the definition. There
is perfect accordance between the anticipated phenomena
and the actual ones; and no more than this can be said
of the highest achievements of the sciences specially
characterized as exact.
Seeing thus that the assumed distinction between scientific
knowledge and common knowledge cannot be sustained;
and yet feeling, as we must, that however impossible it may
be to draw a line between them, the two are not practically
identical; there arises the question—What is the
relationship {3}
between them? A partial answer to this question may be
drawn from the illustrations just given. On reconsidering
them, it will be observed that those portions of ordinary
knowledge which are identical in character with scientific
knowledge, comprehend only such combinations of phenomena
as are directly cognizable by the senses, and are of
simple, invariable nature. That the smoke from a fire which
she is lighting will ascend, and that the fire will presently
boil the water placed over it, are previsions which the
servant-girl makes equally well with the most learned
physicist; but they are previsions concerning phenomena
in constant and direct relation—phenomena that follow
visibly and immediately after their antecedents—phenomena
of which the causation is neither remote nor obscure—phenomena
which may be predicted by the simplest possible
act of reasoning. If, now, we pass to the previsions
constituting science—that an eclipse of the moon will happen
at a specified time; that when a barometer is taken to the
top of a mountain of known height, the mercurial column
will descend a stated number of inches; that the poles of a
galvanic battery immersed in water will give off, the one an
inflammable and the other an inflaming gas, in definite
ratio—we perceive that the relations involved are not of a
kind habitually presented to our senses. They depend,
some of them, on special combinations of causes; and in
some of them the connexion between antecedents and
consequents is established only by an elaborate series of
inferences. A broad distinction, therefore, between scientific
knowledge and common knowledge is its remoteness
from perception. If we regard the cases in their most
general aspect, we see that the labourer who, on hearing
certain notes in the adjacent hedge, can describe the
particular form and colours of the bird making them, and
the astronomer who, having calculated a transit of Venus,
can delineate the black spot entering on the sun’s disc, as it
will appear through the telescope, at a specified
hour, do {4}
essentially the same thing. Each knows that on fulfilling
the requisite conditions, he shall have a preconceived
impression—that after a definite series of actions will come
a group of sensations of a foreknown kind. The difference,
then, is neither in the fundamental character of the mental
acts; nor in the correctness of the previsions accomplished
by them; but in the complexity of the processes required to
achieve the previsions. Much of our common knowledge is,
as far as it goes, precise. Science does not increase its
precision. What then does it do? It reduces other knowledge
to the same degree of precision. That certainty
which direct perception gives us respecting coexistences
and sequences of the simplest and most accessible kind,
science gives us respecting coexistences and sequences,
complex in their dependencies, or inaccessible to immediate
observation. In brief, regarded from this point of view,
science may be called an extension of the perceptions by
means of reasoning.
On further considering the matter, however, it will
perhaps be felt that this definition does not express the
whole fact—that inseparable as science may be from
common knowledge, and completely as we may fill up the
gap between the simplest previsions of the child and the
most recondite ones of the physicist, by interposing a series
of previsions in which the complexity of reasoning involved
is greater and greater, there is yet a difference between the
two beyond that above described. And this is true. But
the difference is still not such as enables us to draw the
assumed line of demarcation. It is a difference not
between common knowledge and scientific knowledge; but
between the successive phases of science itself, or knowledge
itself—whichever we choose to call it. In its
earlier phases science attains only to certainty of foresight;
in its later phases it further attains to completeness.
We begin by discovering a relation; we end by discovering
the relation. Our first achievement is to foretell the
kind{5}
of phenomenon which will occur under specified conditions;
our last achievement is to foretell not only the kind but
the amount. Or, to reduce the proposition to its most
definite form—undeveloped science is qualitative prevision;
developed science is quantitative prevision.
This will at once be perceived to express the remaining
distinction between the lower and the higher stages of
positive knowledge. The prediction that a piece of lead
will take more force to lift it than a piece of wood of equal
size, exhibits certainty, but not completeness, of foresight.
The kind of effect in which the one body will exceed the
other is foreseen; but not the amount by which it will
exceed. There is qualitative prevision only. On the
other hand, the predictions that at a stated time two
particular planets will be in conjunction; that by means
of a lever having arms in a given ratio, a known force
will raise just so many pounds; that to decompose a given
quantity of sulphate of iron by carbonate of soda will
require so many grains—these predictions show foreknowledge,
not only of the nature of the effects to be produced,
but of the magnitude, either of the effects themselves, of
the agencies producing them, or of the distance in time
or space at which they will be produced. There is both
qualitative provision and quantitative prevision. And this
is the unexpressed difference which leads us to consider
certain orders of knowledge as especially scientific when
contrasted with knowledge in general. Are the phenomena
measurable? is the test which we unconsciously employ.
Space is measurable: hence Geometry. Force and space
are measurable: hence Statics. Time, force, and space
are measurable: hence Dynamics. The invention of the
barometer enabled men to extend the principles of
mechanics to the atmosphere; and Aerostatics existed.
When a thermometer was devised there arose a science of
heat, which was before impossible. Of such external
agents as we have found no measures but our
sensations {6}
we have no sciences. We have no science of smells; nor
have we one of tastes. We have a science of the relations
of sounds differing in pitch, because we have discovered
a way to measure these relations; but we have no
science of sounds in respect to their loudness or their
timbre, because we have got no measures of loudness and
timbre. Obviously it is this reduction of the sensible
phenomena it presents, to relations of magnitude, which
gives to any division of knowledge its specially scientific
character. Originally men’s knowledge of weights and
forces was like their present knowledge of smells and tastes—a
knowledge not extending beyond that given by the
unaided sensations; and it remained so until weighing
instruments and dynamometers were invented. Before
there were hour-glasses and clepsydras, most phenomena
could be estimated as to their durations and intervals, with
no greater precision than degrees of hardness can be
estimated by the fingers. Until a thermometric scale was
contrived, men’s judgments respecting relative amounts
of heat stood on the same footing with their present
judgments respecting relative amounts of sound. And as
in these initial stages, with no aids to observation, only the
roughest comparisons of cases could be made, and only the
most marked differences perceived, it resulted that only the
most simple laws of dependence could be ascertained—only
those laws which, being uncomplicated with others, and
not disturbed in their manifestations, required no niceties
of observation to disentangle them. Whence it appears
not only that in proportion as knowledge becomes quantitative
do its previsions become complete as well as certain,
but that until its assumption of a quantitative character
it is necessarily confined to the most elementary relations.
Moreover it is to be remarked that while, on the one
hand, we can discover the laws of the greater part of
phenomena only by investigating them quantitatively; on
the other hand we can extend the range of our
quantitative {7}
previsions only as fast as we detect the laws of the results
we predict. For clearly the ability to specify the
magnitude of a result inaccessible to direct measurement,
implies knowledge of its mode of dependence on something
which can be measured—implies that we know the
particular fact dealt with to be an instance of some more
general fact. Thus the extent to which our quantitative
previsions have been carried in any direction, indicates the
depth to which our knowledge reaches in that direction.
And here, as another aspect of the same fact, it may be
observed that as we pass from qualitative to quantitative
prevision, we pass from inductive science to deductive science.
Science while purely inductive is purely qualitative; when
inaccurately quantitative it usually consists of part induction,
part deduction; and it becomes accurately quantitative
only when wholly deductive. We do not mean that the
deductive and the quantitative are coextensive; for there
is manifestly much deduction that is qualitative only. We
mean that all quantitative prevision is reached deductively;
and that induction can achieve only qualitative prevision.
Still, however, it must not be supposed that these
distinctions enable us to separate ordinary knowledge from
science; much as they seem to do so. While they show in
what consists the broad contrast between the extreme
forms of the two, they yet lead us to recognize their
essential identity, and once more prove the difference to
be one of degree only. For, on the one hand, much of our
common knowledge is to some extent quantitative; seeing
that the amount of the foreseen result is known within
certain wide limits. And, on the other hand, the highest
quantitative prevision does not reach the exact truth, but
only a near approach to it. Without clocks the savage
knows that the day is longer in the summer than in the
winter; without scales he knows that stone is heavier than
flesh; that is, he can foresee respecting certain results
that their amounts will exceed these, and be less
than {8}
those—he knows about what they will be. And, with his most
delicate instruments and most elaborate calculations, all
that the man of science can do, is to reduce the difference
between the foreseen and the actual results to an unimportant
quantity. Moreover, it must be borne in mind not only
that all the sciences are qualitative in their first stages,—not
only that some of them, as Chemistry, have but lately
reached the quantitative stage—but that the most advanced
sciences have attained to their present power of determining
quantities not present to the senses, or not directly
measurable, by a slow process of improvement extending
through thousands of years. So that science and the
knowledge of the uncultured are alike in the nature of
their previsions, widely as they differ in range; they
possess a common imperfection, though this is immensely
greater in the last than in the first; and the transition
from the one to the other has been through a series of steps
by which the imperfection has been rendered continually
less, and the range continually wider.
These facts, that science and ordinary knowledge are
allied in nature, and that the one is but a perfected and
extended form of the other, must necessarily underlie the
whole theory of science, its progress, and the relations of
its parts to each other. There must be incompleteness in
any history of the sciences, which, leaving out of view the
first steps of their genesis, commences with them only
when they assume definite forms. There must be grave
defects, if not a general untruth, in a philosophy of the
sciences considered in their interdependence and development,
which neglects the inquiry how they came to be
distinct sciences, and how they were severally evolved out
of the chaos of primitive ideas. Not only a direct consideration
of the matter, but all analogy, goes to show that in
the earlier and simpler stages must be sought the key to
all subsequent intricacies. The time was when the
anatomy and physiology of the human being were
studied {9}
by themselves—when the adult man was analyzed and the
relations of parts and of functions investigated, without
reference either to the relations exhibited in the embryo or
to the homologous relations existing in other creatures.
Now, however, it has become manifest that no true conceptions
are possible under such conditions. Anatomists and
physiologists find that the real natures of organs and
tissues can be ascertained only by tracing their early
evolution; and that the affinities between existing genera
can be satisfactorily made out only by examining the fossil
genera to which they are akin. Well, is it not clear that
the like must be true concerning all things that undergo
development? Is not science a growth? Has not science,
too, its embryology? And must not the neglect of its
embryology lead to a misunderstanding of the principles of
its evolution and of its existing organization?
There are à priori reasons, therefore, for doubting the
truth of all philosophies of the sciences which tacitly proceed
upon the common notion that scientific knowledge and
ordinary knowledge are separate; instead of commencing,
as they should, by affiliating the one upon the other, and
showing how it gradually came to be distinguishable from
the other. We may expect to find their generalizations
essentially artificial; and we shall not be deceived. Some
illustrations of this may here be fitly introduced, by way of
preliminary to a brief sketch of the genesis of science from
the point of view indicated. And we cannot more readily find
such illustrations than by glancing at a few of the various
classifications of the sciences that have from time to time
been proposed. To consider all of them would take too much
space: we must content ourselves with some of the latest.
Commencing with those which may be soonest disposed
of, let us notice, first, the arrangement propounded by
Oken. An abstract of it runs thus:―
Part I.
MATHESIS.—Pneumatogeny: Primary
Act, Primary Consciousness, {10}
God, Primary Rest, Time, Polarity, Motion, Man, Space, Point, Line,
Surface, Globe, Rotation.—Hylogeny: Gravity, Matter, Ether, Heavenly
Bodies, Light, Heat, Fire.
(He explains that MATHESIS is the doctrine
of the whole; Pneumatogeny being the doctrine of immaterial
totalities, and Hylogeny that of material totalities.)
Part II.
ONTOLOGY.—Cosmogeny:
Rest, Centre, Motion, Line, Planets, Form, Planetary System,
Comets.—Stöchiogeny: Condensation, Simple Matter, Elements, Air,
Water, Earth.—Stöchiology: Functions of the Elements, &c.
&c.—Kingdoms of Nature: Individuals.
(He says in explanation that ‘ONTOLOGY
teaches us the phenomena of matter. The first of these are
the heavenly bodies comprehended by Cosmogeny. These divide
into elements.—Stöchiogeny. The earth element divides into
minerals—Mineralogy. These unite into one collective body—Geogeny.
The whole in singulars is the living, or Organic, which again
divides into plants and animals. Biology, therefore, divides into
Organogeny, Phytosophy, Zoosophy.’)
FIRSTKINGDOM.—MINERALS.Mineralogy, Geology.
Part III. BIOLOGY.—Organosophy,Phytogeny, Phyto-physiology, Phytology, Zoogeny, Physiology,
Zoology, Psychology.
A glance over this confused scheme shows that it is an
attempt to classify knowledge, not after the order in which
it has been, or may be, built up in the human consciousness;
but after an assumed order of creation. It is a pseudo-scientific
cosmogony, akin to those which men have
enunciated from the earliest times downwards; and only
a little more respectable. As such it will not be thought
worthy of much consideration by those who, like ourselves,
hold that experience is the sole origin of knowledge.
Otherwise, it might have been needful to dwell on the
incongruities of the arrangement—to ask how motion can
be treated of before space? how there can be rotation
without matter to rotate? how polarity can be dealt with
without involving points and lines? But it will serve our
present purpose just to indicate a few of the absurdities
resulting from the doctrine which Oken seems to hold in
common with Hegel, that “to philosophize on Nature is to
re-think the great thought of Creation.” Here is a sample:―
“Mathematics is the universal science; so also
is {11}
Physio-philosophy, although it is only a part, or rather but a
condition of the universe; both are one, or mutually congruent.
“Mathematics is, however, a science of mere forms
without substance. Physio-philosophy is, therefore, mathematics
endowed with substance.”
From the English point of view it is sufficiently amusing
to find such a dogma not only gravely stated, but stated as
an unquestionable truth. Here we see the experiences of
quantitative relations which men have gathered from
surrounding bodies and generalized (experiences which
had been scarcely at all generalized at the beginning of
the historic period)—we find these generalized experiences,
these intellectual abstractions, elevated into concrete actualities,
projected back into Nature, and considered as the
internal frame-work of things—the skeleton by which
matter is sustained. But this new form of the old realism,
is by no means the most startling of the physio-philosophic
principles. We presently read that,
“The highest mathematical idea, or the fundamental
principle of all mathematics is the
zero = 0.” * * *
“Zero is in itself nothing. Mathematics is based upon
nothing, and, consequently, arises out of nothing.
“Out of nothing, therefore, it is possible for something
to arise; for mathematics, consisting of propositions, is
a something in relation to 0.”
By such “consequentlys” and “therefores” it is, that
men philosophize when they “re-think the great thought of
creation.” By dogmas that pretend to be reasons, nothing
is made to generate mathematics; and by clothing mathematics
with matter, we have the universe! If now we
deny, as we do deny, that the highest mathematical idea is
the zero—if, on the other hand, we assert, as we do assert,
that the fundamental idea underlying all mathematics, is
that of equality; the whole of Oken’s cosmogony disappears.
And here, indeed, we may see illustrated, the distinctive
peculiarity of the German method of procedure in
these {12}
matters—the bastard à priori method, as it may be termed.
The legitimate à priori method sets out with propositions
of which the negation is inconceivable; the à priori method
as illegitimately applied, sets out either with propositions of
which the negation is not inconceivable, or with propositions
like Oken’s, of which the affirmation is inconceivable.
It is needless to proceed further with the analysis; else
might we detail the steps by which Oken arrives at the
conclusions that “the planets are coagulated colours, for
they are coagulated light”; that “the sphere is the expanded
nothing;” that gravity is “a weighty nothing, a heavy
essence, striving towards a centre;” that “the earth is the
identical, water the indifferent, air the different; or the
first the centre, the second the radius, the last the periphery
of the general globe or of fire.” To comment on
them would be nearly as absurd as are the propositions
themselves. Let us pass on to another of the German
systems of knowledge—that of Hegel.
The simple fact that Hegel puts Jacob Bœhme on a par
with Bacon, suffices alone to show that his stand-point is
far remote from the one usually regarded as scientific: so
far remote, indeed, that it is not easy to find any common
basis on which to found a criticism. Those who hold that
the mind is moulded into conformity with surrounding
things by the agency of surrounding things, are necessarily
at a loss how to deal with those who, like Schelling and
Hegel, assert that surrounding things are solidified mind—that
Nature is “petrified intelligence.” However, let us
briefly glance at Hegel’s classification. He divides philosophy
into three parts:―
1. Logic, or the science of the idea in itself, the pure idea.
2. The Philosophy of Nature, or the science of the idea considered
under its other form—of the idea as Nature.
3. The Philosophy of the Mind, or the science of the idea in its
return to itself.
Of these, the second is divided into the natural
sciences, {13}
commonly so-called; so that in its more detailed form
the series runs thus:—Logic, Mechanics, Physics, Organic
Physics, Psychology.
Now, if we believe with Hegel, first, that thought is the
true essence of man; second, that thought is the essence
of the world; and that, therefore, there is nothing but
thought; his classification, beginning with the science of
pure thought, may be acceptable. But otherwise, it is an
obvious objection to his arrangement, that thought implies
things thought of—that there can be no logical forms
without the substance of experience—that the science of
ideas and the science of things must have a simultaneous
origin. Hegel, however, anticipates this objection, and, in
his obstinate idealism, replies, that the contrary is true. He
affirms that all contained in the forms, to become something,
requires to be thought; and that logical forms are
the foundations of all things.
It is not surprising that, starting from such premises,
and reasoning after this fashion, Hegel finds his way to
strange conclusions. Out of space and time he proceeds to
build up motion, matter, repulsion, attraction, weight, and
inertia. He then goes on to logically evolve the solar
system. In doing this he widely diverges from the
Newtonian theory; reaches by syllogism the conviction
that the planets are the most perfect celestial bodies; and,
not being able to bring the stars within his theory, says
that they are mere formal existences and not living matter,
and that as compared with the solar system they are as
little admirable as a cutaneous eruption or a swarm of
flies.1
Results so absurd might be left as self-disproved,
were it not that speculators of this class are not alarmed
by any amount of incongruity with established beliefs.
The only efficient mode of treating systems like
this of {14}
Hegel, is to show that they are self-destructive—that by
their first steps they ignore that authority on which all
their subsequent steps depend. If Hegel professes, as he
manifestly does, to develop his scheme by reasoning—if he
presents successive inferences as necessarily following from
certain premises; he implies the postulate that a belief
which necessarily follows after certain antecedents is a true
belief; and did an opponent reply to one of his inferences
that, though it was impossible to think the opposite, yet
the opposite was true, he would consider the reply irrational.
The procedure, however, which he would thus
condemn as destructive of all thinking whatever, is just
the procedure exhibited in the enunciation of his own first
principles. Mankind find themselves unable to conceive
that there can be thought without things thought of.
Hegel, however, asserts that there can be thought without
things thought of. That ultimate test of a true proposition—the
inability of the human mind to conceive the negation
of it—which in all the successive steps of his arguments he
considers valid, he considers invalid where it suits his
convenience to do so; and yet at the same time denies the
right of an opponent to follow his example. If it is
competent for him to posit dogmas which are the direct
negations of what human consciousness recognizes; then is
it also competent for his antagonists to stop him at any
moment by saying, that though the particular inference he
is drawing seems to his mind, and to all minds, necessarily
to follow from the premises, yet it is not true, but the
contrary inference is true. Or, to state the dilemma in
another form:—If he sets out with inconceivable propositions,
then may he with equal propriety make all his
succeeding propositions inconceivable ones—may at every
step throughout his reasoning draw the opposite conclusion
to that which seems involved.
Hegel’s mode of procedure being thus essentially
suicidal, the Hegelian classification which depends
upon {15}
it, falls to the ground. Let us consider next that of
M. Comte.
As all his readers must admit, M. Comte presents us with
a scheme of the sciences which, unlike the foregoing ones,
demands respectful consideration. Widely as we differ
from him, we cheerfully bear witness to the largeness of
his views, the clearness of his reasoning, and the value of
his speculations as contributing to intellectual progress.
Did we believe a serial arrangement of the sciences to be
possible, that of M. Comte would certainly be the one we
should adopt. His fundamental propositions are thoroughly
intelligible; and, if not true, have a great semblance of
truth. His successive steps are logically co-ordinated;
and he supports his conclusions by a considerable amount of
evidence—evidence which, so long as it is not critically
examined, or not met by counter evidence, seems to substantiate
his positions. But it only needs to assume that
antagonistic attitude which ought to be assumed towards
new doctrines, in the belief that, if true, they will prosper
by conquering objectors—it needs but to test his leading
doctrines either by other facts than those he cites, or by
his own facts differently applied, to show that they will
not stand. We will proceed thus to deal with the general
principle on which he bases his hierarchy of the sciences.
In the condensed translation of the Positive Philosophy, by
Miss Martineau, M. Comte says:—“Our problem is, then,
to find the one rational order, amongst a host of possible
systems.” . . “This order is determined by the degree of
simplicity, or, what comes to the same thing, of generality
of their phenomena.” And the arrangement he deduces
runs thus:—Mathematics, Astronomy, Physics, Chemistry,
Physiology, Social Physics. This he asserts to be “the
true filiation of the sciences.” He asserts further, that
the principle of progression from a greater to a less degree
of generality, “which gives this order to the whole body
of science, arranges the parts of each science.”
And, {16}
finally, he asserts that the gradations thus established à
priori among the sciences and the parts of each science,
“is in essential conformity with the order which has
spontaneously taken place among the branches of natural
philosophy;” or, in other words—corresponds with the
order of historic development.
Let us compare these assertions with the facts. That
there may be perfect fairness, let us make no choice, but
take as the field for our comparison, the succeeding section
treating of the first science—Mathematics; and let us use
none but M. Comte’s own facts, and his own admissions.
Confining ourselves to this one science, we are limited to
comparisons between its several parts. M. Comte says,
that the parts of each science must be arranged in the
order of their decreasing generality; and that this order of
decreasing generality agrees with the order of historic
development. Our inquiry will be, then, whether the
history of mathematics confirms this statement.
Carrying out his principle, M. Comte divides Mathematics
into “Abstract Mathematics, or the Calculus (taking the
word in its most extended sense) and Concrete Mathematics,
which is composed of General Geometry and of
Rational Mechanics.” The subject-matter of the first
of these is number; the subject-matter of the second
includes space, time, motion, force.
The one possesses the
highest possible degree of generality; for all things whatever
admit of enumeration. The others are less general;
seeing that there are endless phenomena that are not cognizable
either by general geometry or rational mechanics. In
conformity with the alleged law, therefore, the evolution of
the calculus must throughout have preceded the evolution
of the concrete sub-sciences. Now somewhat awkwardly
for him, the first remark M. Comte makes bearing on this
point is, that “from an historical point of view, mathematical
analysis appears to have arisen out of the contemplation
of geometrical and mechanical facts.” True, he
goes {17}
on to say that, “it is not the less independent of these
sciences logically speaking;” for that “analytical ideas
are, above all others, universal, abstract, and simple; and
geometrical conceptions are necessarily founded on them.”
We will not take advantage of this last passage to charge
M. Comte with teaching, after the fashion of Hegel, that
there can be thought without things thought of. We are
content simply to compare the assertion, that analysis arose
out of the contemplation of geometrical and mechanical
facts, with the assertion that geometrical conceptions are
founded upon analytical ones. Literally interpreted they
exactly cancel each other. Interpreted, however, in a
liberal sense, they imply, what we believe to be demonstrable,
that the two had a simultaneous origin. The
passage is either nonsense, or it is an admission that
abstract and concrete mathematics are coeval. Thus, at
the very first step, the alleged congruity between the order
of generality and the order of evolution, does not hold good.
But may it not be that though abstract and concrete
mathematics took their rise at the same time, the one
afterwards developed more rapidly than the other; and
has ever since remained in advance of it? No: and again
we call M. Comte himself as witness. Fortunately for his
argument he has said nothing respecting the early stages
of the concrete and abstract divisions after their divergence
from a common root; otherwise the advent of Algebra long
after the Greek geometry had reached a high development,
would have been an inconvenient fact for him to deal with.
But passing over this, and limiting ourselves to his own
statements, we find, at the opening of the next chapter,
the admission, that “the historical development of the
abstract portion of mathematical science has, since the
time of Descartes, been for the most part determined by
that of the concrete.” Further on we read respecting
algebraic functions that “most functions were concrete in
their origin—even those which are at present the most
purely {18}
abstract; and the ancients discovered only through
geometrical definitions elementary algebraic properties of
functions to which a numerical value was not attached till
long afterwards, rendering abstract to us what was
concrete to the old geometers.” How do these statements
tally with his doctrine? Again, having divided the
calculus into algebraic and arithmetical, M. Comte admits,
as perforce he must, that the algebraic is more general
than the arithmetical; yet he will not say that algebra
preceded arithmetic in point of time. And again, having
divided the calculus of functions into the calculus of direct
functions (common algebra) and the calculus of indirect
functions (transcendental analysis), he is obliged to speak
of this last as possessing a higher generality than the first;
yet it is far more modern. Indeed, by implication, M.
Comte himself confesses this incongruity; for he says:—“It
might seem that the transcendental analysis ought to
be studied before the ordinary, as it provides the equations
which the other has to resolve. But though the transcendental
is logically independent of the ordinary, it is best to
follow the usual method of study, taking the ordinary
first.” In all these cases, then, as well as at the close of the
section where he predicts that mathematicians will in time
“create procedures of a wider generality,” M. Comte makes
admissions that are diametrically opposed to the alleged law.
In the succeeding chapters treating of the concrete
department of mathematics, we find similar contradictions.
M. Comte himself names the geometry of the ancients
special geometry and that of the moderns general geometry.
He admits that while “the ancients studied geometry
with reference to the bodies under notice, or specially;
the moderns study it with reference to the phenomena
to be considered, or generally.” He admits that
while “the ancients extracted all they could out of
one line or surface before passing to another,” “the
moderns, since Descartes, employ themselves on
questions {19}
which relate to any figure whatever.” These facts are
the reverse of what, according to his theory, they should
be. So, too, in mechanics. Before dividing it into statics
and dynamics, M. Comte treats of the three laws of motion,
and is obliged to do so; for statics, the more general of
the two divisions, though it does not involve motion, is
impossible as a science until the laws of motion are
ascertained. Yet the laws of motion pertain to dynamics,
the more special of the divisions. Further on he points
out that after Archimedes, who discovered the law of
equilibrium of the lever, statics made no progress until
the establishment of dynamics enabled us to seek “the
conditions of equilibrium through the laws of the
composition of forces.” And he adds—“At this day
this is the method universally employed. At the first
glance it does not appear the most rational—dynamics
being more complicated than statics, and precedence being
natural to the simpler. It would, in fact, be more
philosophical to refer dynamics to statics, as has since
been done.” Sundry discoveries are afterwards detailed,
showing how completely the development of statics has been
achieved by considering its problems dynamically; and
before the close of the section M. Comte remarks that
“before hydrostatics could be comprehended under statics,
it was necessary that the abstract theory of equilibrium
should be made so general as to apply directly to fluids
as well as solids. This was accomplished when Lagrange
supplied, as the basis of the whole of rational mechanics,
the single principle of virtual velocities.” In which
statement we have two facts directly at variance with
M. Comte’s doctrine;—first, that the simpler science,
statics, reached its present development only by the aid
of the principle of virtual velocities, which belongs to the
more complex science, dynamics; and that this “single
principle” underlying all rational mechanics—this most
general form which includes alike the relations of
statical, {20}
hydrostatical, and dynamical forces—was reached so late
as the time of Lagrange.
Thus it is not true that the historical succession of the
divisions of mathematics has corresponded with the order
of decreasing generality. It is not true that abstract
mathematics was evolved antecedently to, and independently
of, concrete mathematics. It is not true that of the subdivisions
of abstract mathematics, the more general came
before the more special. And it is not true that concrete
mathematics, in either of its two sections, began with the
most abstract and advanced to the less abstract truths.
It may be well to mention, parenthetically, that, in
defending his alleged law of progression from the general
to the special, M. Comte somewhere comments upon the
two meanings of the word general, and the resulting
liability to confusion. Without now discussing whether
the asserted distinction exists in other cases, it is manifest
that it does not exist here. In sundry of the instances
above quoted, the endeavours made by M. Comte himself
to disguise, or to explain away, the precedence of the
special over the general, clearly indicate that the generality
spoken of is of the kind meant by his formula. And it
needs but a brief consideration of the matter to show that,
even did he attempt it, he could not distinguish this
generality which, as above proved, frequently comes last,
from the generality which he says always comes first. For
what is the nature of that mental process by which objects,
dimensions, weights, times, and the rest, are found capable
of having their relations expressed numerically? It is the
formation of certain abstract conceptions of unity, duality,
and multiplicity, which are applicable to all things alike.
It is the invention of general symbols serving to express
the numerical relations of entities, whatever be their
special characters. And what is the nature of the mental
process by which numbers are found capable of having
their relations expressed algebraically? It is the
same. {21}
It is the formation of certain abstract conceptions of
numerical functions which are constant whatever be the
magnitudes of the numbers. It is the invention of general
symbols serving to express the relations between numbers,
as numbers express the relations between things. Just as
arithmetic deals with the common properties of lines, areas,
bulks, forces, periods; so does algebra deal with the common
properties of the numbers which arithmetic presents.
Having shown that M. Comte’s alleged law of progression
does not hold among the several parts of the same science,
let us see how it agrees with the facts when applied to the
separate sciences. “Astronomy,” says M. Comte (Positive
Philosophy, Book III.), “was a positive science, in its
geometrical aspect, from the earliest days of the school of
Alexandria; but Physics, which we are now to consider,
had no positive character at all till Galileo made his great
discoveries on the fall of heavy bodies.” On this, our
comment is simply that it is a misrepresentation based
upon an arbitrary misuse of words—a mere verbal artifice.
By choosing to exclude from terrestrial physics those laws
of magnitude, motion, and position, which he includes in
celestial physics, M. Comte makes it appear that the last
owes nothing to the first. Not only is this unwarrantable,
but it is radically inconsistent with his own scheme of
divisions. At the outset he says—and as the point is
important we quote from the original—“Pour la physique
inorganique nous voyons d’abord, en nous conformant
toujours à l’ordre de généralité et de dépendance des
phénomènes, qu’elle doit être partagée en deux sections
distinctes, suivant qu’elle considère les phénomènes
généraux de l’univers, ou, en particulier, ceux que
présentent les corps terrestres. D’où la physique céleste,
ou l’astronomie, soit géométrique, soit mechanique; et la
physique terrestre.” Here then we have inorganic physics
clearly divided into celestial physics and terrestrial physics—the
phenomena presented by the universe, and the {22}
phenomena presented by earthly bodies. If now celestial bodies
and terrestrial bodies exhibit sundry leading phenomena in
common, as they do, how can the generalization of these
common phenomena be considered as pertaining to the
one class rather than to the other? If inorganic physics
includes geometry (which M. Comte has made it do by
comprehending geometrical astronomy in its sub-section,
celestial physics); and if its other sub-section, terrestrial
physics, treats of things having geometrical properties;
how can the laws of geometrical relations be excluded from
terrestrial physics? Clearly if celestial physics includes
the geometry of objects in the heavens, terrestrial physics
includes the geometry of objects on the earth. And if
terrestrial physics includes terrestrial geometry, while
celestial physics includes celestial geometry, then the
geometrical part of terrestrial physics precedes the
geometrical part of celestial physics; seeing that geometry
gained its first ideas from surrounding objects. Until men
had learnt geometrical relations from bodies on the earth,
it was impossible for them to understand the geometrical
relations of bodies in the heavens. So, too, with celestial
mechanics, which had terrestrial mechanics for its parent.
The very conception of force, which underlies the whole
of mechanical astronomy, is borrowed from our earthly
experiences; and the leading laws of mechanical action
as exhibited in scales, levers, projectiles, &c., had to be
ascertained before the dynamics of the Solar System could
be entered upon. What were the laws made use of by
Newton in working out his grand discovery? The law of
falling bodies disclosed by Galileo; that of the composition
of forces also disclosed by Galileo; and that of centrifugal
force found out by Huyghens—all of them generalizations
of terrestrial physics. Yet, with facts like these before
him, M. Comte places astronomy before physics in order
of evolution! He does not compare the geometrical parts
of the two together, and the mechanical parts of the
two {23}
together; for this would by no means suit his hypothesis.
But he compares the geometrical part of the one with the
mechanical part of the other, and so gives a semblance of
truth to his position. He is led away by a verbal illusion.
Had he confined his attention to the things and disregarded
the words, he would have seen that before mankind
scientifically co-ordinated any one class of phenomena
displayed in the heavens, they had previously co-ordinated
a parallel class of phenomena displayed on the surface
of the earth.
Were it needful we could fill a score pages with the
incongruities of M. Comte’s scheme. But the foregoing
samples will suffice. So far is his law of evolution of the
sciences from being tenable, that, by following his example,
and arbitrarily ignoring one class of facts, it would be
possible to present, with great plausibility, just the opposite
generalization to that which he enunciates. While he
asserts that the rational order of the sciences, like the
order of their historic development, “is determined by the
degree of simplicity, or, what comes to the same thing,
of generality of their phenomena;” it might contrariwise
be asserted that, commencing with the complex and the
special, mankind have progressed step by step to a knowledge
of greater simplicity and wider generality. So much
evidence is there of this as to have drawn from Whewell,
in his History of the Inductive Sciences, the remark that
“the reader has already seen repeatedly in the course
of this history, complex and derivative principles presenting
themselves to men’s minds before simple and elementary
ones.” Even from M. Comte’s own work, numerous facts,
admissions, and arguments, might be picked out, tending to
show this. We have already quoted his words in proof that
both abstract and concrete mathematics have progressed
towards a higher degree of generality, and that he looks
forward to a higher generality still. Just to strengthen
this adverse hypothesis, let us take a further
instance. {24}
From the particular case of the scales, the law of equilibrium
of which was familiar to the earliest nations known,
Archimedes advanced to the more general case of the
lever of which the arms may or may not be equal; the law
of equilibrium of which includes that of the scales. By the
help of Galileo’s discovery concerning the composition of
forces, D’Alembert “established, for the first time, the equations
of equilibrium of any system of forces applied to the
different points of a solid body”—equations which include
all cases of levers and an infinity of cases besides. Clearly
this is progress towards a higher generality—towards a
knowledge more independent of special circumstances—towards
a study of phenomena “the most disengaged from
the incidents of particular cases;” which is M. Comte’s
definition of “the most simple phenomena.” Does it not
indeed follow from the admitted fact, that mental advance
is from the concrete to the abstract, from the particular to
the general, that the universal and therefore most simple
truths are the last to be discovered? Should we ever
succeed in reducing all orders of phenomena to some
single law—say of atomic action, as M. Comte suggests—must
not that law answer to his test of being independent
of all others, and therefore most simple? And would not
such a law generalize the phenomena of gravity, cohesion,
atomic affinity, and electric repulsion, just as the laws of
number generalize the quantitative phenomena of space,
time and force?
The possibility of saying so much in support of an hypothesis
the very reverse of M. Comte’s, at once proves that
his generalization is only a half-truth. The fact is that
neither proposition is correct by itself; and the actuality is
expressed only by putting the two together. The progress of
science is duplex. It is at once from the special to the
general, and from the general to the special. It is analytical
and synthetical at the same time.
M. Comte himself observes that the evolution of
science {25}
has been accomplished by the division of labour; but he
quite misstates the mode in which this division of labour
has operated. As he describes it, it has been simply an
arrangement of phenomena into classes, and the study of
each class by itself. He does not recognize the effect of
progress in each class upon all other classes: he recognizes
only the effect on the class succeeding it in his hierarchical
scale. Or if he occasionally admits collateral influences
and intercommunications, he does it so grudgingly, and so
quickly puts the admissions out of sight and forgets them,
as to leave the impression that, with but trifling exceptions,
the sciences aid one another only in the order of their
alleged succession. The fact is, however, that the division
of labour in science, like the division of labour in society,
and like the “physiological division of labour” in individual
organisms, has been not only a specialization of
functions, but a continuous helping of each division by all
the others, and of all by each. Every particular class of
inquirers has, as it were, secreted its own particular order
of truths from the general mass of material which observation
accumulates; and all other classes of inquirers have
made use of these truths as fast as they were elaborated,
with the effect of enabling them the better to elaborate
each its own order of truths. It was thus in sundry of the
cases we have quoted as at variance with M. Comte’s
doctrine. It was thus with the application of Huyghens’s
optical discovery to astronomical observation by Galileo.
It was thus with the application of the isochronism of the
pendulum to the making of instruments for measuring
intervals, astronomical and other. It was thus when the
discovery that the refraction and dispersion of light did
not follow the same law of variation, affected both
astronomy and physiology by giving us achromatic telescopes
and microscopes. It was thus when Bradley’s
discovery of the aberration of light enabled him to make
the first step towards ascertaining the motions of the
stars. {26}
It was thus when Cavendish’s torsion-balance experiment
determined the specific gravity of the Earth, and so gave
a datum for calculating the specific gravities of the Sun
and Planets. It was thus when tables of atmospheric
refraction enabled observers to write down the real places
of the heavenly bodies instead of their apparent places.
It was thus when the discovery of the different expansibilities
of metals by heat, gave us the means of correcting
our chronometrical measurements of astronomical periods.
It was thus when the lines of the prismatic spectrum were
used to distinguish the heavenly bodies that are of like
nature with the sun from those which are not. It was
thus when, as recently, an electro-telegraphic instrument
was invented for the more accurate registration of meridional
transits. It was thus when the difference in the
rates of a clock at the equator, and nearer the poles, gave
data for calculating the oblateness of the earth, and
accounting for the precession of the equinoxes. It was
thus—but it is needless to continue. Here, within our
own limited knowledge of its history, we have named ten
additional cases in which the single science of astronomy
has owed its advance to sciences coming after it in M.
Comte’s series. Not only its minor changes, but its
greatest revolutions have been thus determined. Kepler
could not have discovered his celebrated laws had it not
been for Tycho Brahe’s accurate observations; and it was
only after some progress in physical and chemical science
that the improved instruments with which those observations
were made, became possible. The heliocentric
theory of the Solar System had to wait until the invention
of the telescope before it could be finally established.
Nay, even the grand discovery of all—the law of gravitation—depended
for its proof upon an operation of physical
science, the measurement of a degree on the Earth’s
surface. So completely, indeed, did it thus depend, that
Newton had actually abandoned his hypothesis because
the {27}
length of a degree, as then stated, brought out wrong
results; and it was only after Picart’s more exact measurement
was published, that he returned to his calculations
and proved his great generalization. Now this constant
intercommunion which, for brevity’s sake, we have
illustrated in the case of one science only, has been taking
place with all the sciences. Throughout the whole course
of their evolution there has been a continuous consensus of
the sciences—a consensus exhibiting a general correspondence
with the consensus of the faculties in each phase
of mental development; the one being an objective registry
of the subjective state of the other.
From our present point of view, then, it becomes obvious
that the conception of a serial arrangement of the sciences
is a vicious one. It is not simply that, as M. Comte admits,
such a classification “will always involve something, if not
arbitrary, at least artificial;” it is not, as he would have us
believe, that, neglecting minor imperfections such a classification
may be substantially true; but it is that any grouping
of the sciences in a succession gives a radically erroneous
idea of their genesis and their dependencies. There is no
“one rational order among a host of possible systems.”
There is no “true filiation of the sciences.” The whole
hypothesis is fundamentally false. Indeed, it needs but a
glance at its origin to see at once how baseless it is. Why
a series? What reason have we to suppose that the sciences
admit of a linear arrangement? Where is our warrant for
assuming that there is some succession in which they can be
placed? There is no reason; no warrant. Whence then has
arisen the supposition? To use M. Comte’s own phraseology,
we should say, it is a metaphysical conception. It adds
another to the cases constantly occurring, of the human
mind being made the measure of Nature. We are obliged
to think in sequence; it is a law of our minds that we must
consider subjects separately, one after another:
therefore{28}
Nature must be serial—therefore the sciences must be
classifiable in a succession. See here the birth of the notion,
and the sole evidence of its truth. Men have been obliged
when arranging in books their schemes of education and
systems of knowledge, to choose some order or other. And
from inquiring what is the best order, have fallen into the
belief that there is an order which truly represents the facts—have
persevered in seeking such an order; quite overlooking
the previous question whether it is likely that Nature
has consulted the convenience of book-making. For
German philosophers, who hold that Nature is “petrified
intelligence,” and that logical forms are the foundations of
all things, it is a consistent hypothesis that as thought is
serial, Nature is serial; but that M. Comte, who is so bitter
an opponent of all anthropomorphism, even in its most
evanescent shapes, should have committed the mistake of
imposing upon the external world an arrangement which so
obviously springs from a limitation of the human consciousness,
is somewhat strange. And it is the more strange when
we call to mind how, at the outset, M. Comte remarks that
in the beginning “toutes les sciences sont cultivées simultanément
par les mêmes esprits;” that this is “inevitable et
même indispensable;” and how he further remarks that the
different sciences are “comme les diverses branches d’un tronc
unique.” Were it not accounted for by the distorting
influence of a cherished hypothesis, it would be scarcely
possible to understand how, after recognizing truths like
these, M. Comte should have persisted in attempting to
construct “une échelle encyclopédique.”
The metaphor which M. Comte has here so inconsistently
used to express the relations of the sciences—branches of
one trunk—is an approximation to the truth, though not the
truth itself. It suggests the facts that the sciences had a
common origin; that they have been developing simultaneously;
and that they have been from time to time dividing
and sub-dividing. But it fails to suggest the fact, that
the {29}
divisions and sub-divisions thus arising do not remain
separate, but now and again re-unite in direct and indirect
ways. They inosculate; they severally send off and receive
connecting growths; and the intercommunion has been
ever becoming more frequent, more intricate, more widely
ramified. There has all along been higher specialization,
that there might be a larger generalization; and a deeper
analysis, that there might be a better synthesis. Each
larger generalization has lifted sundry specializations still
higher; and each better synthesis has prepared the way for
still deeper analysis.
And here we may fitly enter upon the task awhile since
indicated—a sketch of the Genesis of Science, regarded as a
gradual outgrowth from common knowledge—an extension
of the perceptions by the aid of the reason. We propose to
treat it as a psychological process historically displayed;
tracing at the same time the advance from qualitative to
quantitative prevision; the progress from concrete facts to
abstract facts, and the application of such abstract facts to
the analysis of new orders of concrete facts; the simultaneous
advance in generalization and specialization; the continually
increasing subdivision and reunion of the sciences; and
their constantly improving consensus.
To trace out scientific evolution from its deepest roots
would, of course, involve a complete analysis of the mind.
For as science is a development of that common knowledge
acquired by the unaided senses and uncultured reason, so is
that common knowledge itself gradually built up out of the
simplest perceptions. We must, therefore, begin somewhere
abruptly; and the most appropriate stage to take for our
point of departure will be the adult mind of the savage.
Commencing thus, without a proper preliminary analysis,
we are naturally somewhat at a loss how to present, in a
satisfactory manner, those fundamental processes of thought
out of which science originates. Perhaps our argument
may {30}
be best initiated by the proposition, that all intelligent
action whatever depends upon the discerning of distinctions
among surrounding things. The condition under which
only it is possible for any creature to obtain food and avoid
danger, is, that it shall be differently affected by different
objects—that it shall be led to act in one way by one object,
and in another way by another. In the lower orders of
creatures this condition is fulfilled by means of an apparatus
which acts automatically. In the higher orders the actions
are partly automatic, partly conscious. And in man they
are almost wholly conscious. Throughout, however, there
must necessarily exist a certain classification of things
according to their properties—a classification which is either
organically registered in the system, as in the inferior
creation, or is formed by conscious experience, as in ourselves.
And it may be further remarked, that the extent to
which this classification is carried, roughly indicates the
height of intelligence—that, while the lowest organisms are
able to do little more than discriminate organic from
inorganic matter; while the generality of animals carry
their classifications no further than to a limited number of
plants or creatures serving for food, a limited number of
beasts of prey, and a limited number of places and materials;
the most degraded of the human race possess a knowledge
of the distinctive natures of a great variety of substances,
plants, animals, tools, persons, &c.; not only as classes but
as individuals.
What now is the mental process by which classification is
effected? Manifestly it is a recognition of the likeness or
unlikeness of things, either in respect of their sizes, colours,
forms, weights, textures, tastes, &c., or in respect of their
modes of action. By some special mark, sound, or motion,
the savage identifies a certain four-legged creature he sees,
as one that is good for food, and to be caught in a particular
way; or as one that is dangerous; and acts accordingly.
He has classed together all the creatures that are alike
in {31}
this particular. And manifestly in choosing the wood out
of which to form his bow, the plant with which to poison his
arrows, the bone from which to make his fish-hooks, he
identifies them through their chief sensible properties as
belonging to the general classes, wood, plant, and bone, but
distinguishes them as belonging to sub-classes by virtue of
certain properties in which they are unlike the rest of
the general classes they belong to; and so forms genera
and species.
And here it becomes manifest that not only is classification
carried on by grouping together in the mind things that are
like; but that classes and sub-classes are formed and
arranged according to the degrees of unlikeness. Things
strongly contrasted are alone distinguished in the lower
stages of mental evolution; as may be any day observed in
an infant. And gradually as the powers of discrimination
increase, the strongly-contrasted classes at first distinguished,
come to be each divided into sub-classes, differing from
each other less than the classes differ; and these sub-classes
are again divided after the same manner. By the continuance
of which process, things are gradually arranged into groups,
the members of which are less and less unlike; ending,
finally, in groups whose members differ only as individuals,
and not specifically. And thus there tends ultimately to
arise the notion of complete likeness. For manifestly, it
is impossible that groups should continue to be subdivided
in virtue of smaller and smaller differences, without
there being a simultaneous approximation to the notion of
no difference.
Let us next notice that the recognition of likeness and
unlikeness, which underlies classification, and out of which
continued classification evolves the idea of complete likeness—let
us next notice that it also underlies the process
of naming, and by consequence language. For all language
consists, at the outset, of symbols which are as like to the
things symbolized as it is practicable to make them.
The {32}
language of signs is a means of conveying ideas by
mimicking the actions or peculiarities of the things referred
to. Verbal language also, in its first stage, is a mode of
suggesting objects or acts by imitating the sounds which
the objects make, or with which the acts are accompanied.
Originally these two languages were used simultaneously.
It needs but to watch the gesticulations with which
the savage accompanies his speech—to see a Bushman
dramatizing before an audience his mode of catching game—or
to note the extreme paucity of words in primitive
vocabularies; to infer that in the beginning, attitudes,
gestures, and sounds, were all combined to produce as
good a likeness as possible of the things, animals, persons,
or events described; and that as the sounds came to be
understood by themselves the gestures fell into disuse:
leaving traces, however, in the manners of the more
excitable civilized races. But be this as it may, it suffices
simply to observe, how many of the words current among
barbarous peoples are like the sounds appertaining to the
things signified; how many of our own oldest and simplest
words have the same peculiarity; how children habitually
invent imitative words; and how the sign-language
spontaneously formed by deaf mutes is based on imitative
actions—to be convinced that the notion of likeness is that
from which the nomenclature of objects takes its rise.
Were there space we might go on to point out how this
law of likeness is traceable, not only in the origin but in
the development of language; how in primitive tongues
the plural is made by a duplication of the singular, which
is a multiplication of the word to make it like the
multiplicity of the things; how the use of metaphor—that
prolific source of new words—is a suggesting of ideas
which are like the ideas to be conveyed in some respect or
other; and how, in the copious use of simile, fable, and
allegory among uncivilized races, we see that complex
conceptions which there is no direct language for,
are {33}
rendered, by presenting known conceptions more or less
like them.
This view is confirmed, and the predominance of this
notion of likeness in primitive thought further illustrated,
by the fact that our system of presenting ideas to the eye
originated after the same fashion. Writing and printing
have descended from picture-language. The earliest mode
of permanently registering a fact was by depicting it on a
skin and afterwards on a wall; that is—by exhibiting
something as like to the thing to be remembered as it
could be made. Gradually as the practice grew habitual
and extensive, the most frequently repeated forms became
fixed, and presently abbreviated; and, passing through the
hieroglyphic and ideographic phases, the symbols lost all
apparent relation to the things signified: just as the
majority of our spoken words have done.
Observe, again, that the same thing is true respecting
the genesis of reasoning. The likeness which is perceived
to exist between cases, is the essence of all early reasoning
and of much of our present reasoning. The savage,
having by experience discovered a relation between a
certain object and a certain act, infers that the like
relation will be found in future. And the expressions we
use in our arguments—“analogy implies,” “the cases are
not parallel,” “by parity of reasoning,” “there is no
similarity,”—show how constantly the idea of likeness
underlies our ratiocinative processes. Still more clearly
will this be seen on recognizing the fact that there is a
close connexion between reasoning and classification; that
the two have a common root; and that neither can go on
without the other. For on the one hand, it is a familiar
truth that the attributing to a body in consequence of some
of its properties, all those other properties in virtue of
which it is referred to a particular class, is an act of
inference. And, on the other hand, the forming of a
generalization is the putting together in one class, all
those {34}
cases which present like relations; while the drawing a
deduction is essentially the perception that a particular
case belongs to a certain class of cases previously generalized.
So that as classification is a grouping together of
like things; reasoning is a grouping together of like
relations among things. Add to which, that while the
perfection gradually achieved in classification consists in
the formation of groups of objects which are completely
alike; the perfection gradually achieved in reasoning
consists in the formation of groups of cases which are
completely alike.
Once more we may contemplate this dominant idea of
likeness as exhibited in art. All art, civilized as well as
savage, consists almost wholly in the making of objects
like other objects; either as found in Nature, or as produced
by previous art. If we trace back the varied art-products
now existing, we find that at each stage the divergence
from previous patterns is but small when compared
with the agreement; and in the earliest art the persistency
of imitation is yet more conspicuous. The old forms and
ornaments and symbols were held sacred, and perpetually
copied. Indeed, the strong imitative tendency notoriously
displayed by the lowest human races—often seeming to be
half automatic, ensures among them a constant reproducing
of likenesses of things, forms, signs, sounds, actions and
whatever else is imitable; and we may even suspect that
this aboriginal peculiarity is in some way connected
with the culture and development of this general conception,
which we have found so deep and wide-spread in
its applications.
And now let us go on to consider how, by a further unfolding
of this same fundamental notion, there is a gradual
formation of the first germs of science. This idea of likeness
which underlies classification, nomenclature, language
spoken and written, reasoning, and art; and which plays so
important a part because all acts of intelligence are
made {35}
possible only by distinguishing among surrounding things,
or grouping them into like and unlike;—this idea we shall
find to be the one of which science is the especial product.
Already during the stage we have been describing, there
has existed qualitative prevision in respect to the commoner
phenomena with which savage life is familiar; and we
have now to inquire how the elements of quantitative prevision
are evolved. We shall find that they originate by
the perfecting of this same idea of likeness—that they have
their rise in that conception of complete likeness which, as
we have seen, necessarily results from the continued
process of classification.
For when the process of classification has been carried as
far as it is possible for the uncivilized to carry it—when
the animal kingdom has been grouped not merely into
quadrupeds, birds, fishes, and insects, but each of these
divided into kinds—when there come to be classes, in each
of which the members differ only as individuals, and not
specifically; it is clear that there must frequently occur an
observation of objects which differ so little as to be indistinguishable.
Among several creatures which the savage
has killed and carried home, it must often happen that
some one, which he wished to identify, is so exactly like
another that he cannot tell which is which. Thus, then,
there originates the notion of equality. The things which
among ourselves are called equal—whether lines, angles,
weights, temperatures, sounds or colours—are things which
produce in us sensations which cannot be distinguished
from each other. It is true that we now apply the word
equal chiefly to the separate traits or relations which
objects exhibit, and not to those combinations of them
constituting our conceptions of the objects; but this
limitation of the idea has evidently arisen by analysis.
That the notion of equality originated as alleged, will, we
think, become obvious on remembering that as there
were no artificial objects from which it could have
been {36}
abstracted, it must have been abstracted from natural
objects; and that the various families of the animal kingdom
chiefly furnish those natural objects which display the
requisite exactitude of likeness.
The experiences out of which this general idea of
equality is evolved, give birth at the same time to a more
complex idea of equality; or, rather, the process just
described generates an idea of equality which further
experience separates into two ideas—equality of things and
equality of relations. While organic forms occasionally
exhibit this perfection of likeness out of which the notion
of simple equality arises, they more frequently exhibit only
that kind of likeness which we call similarity; and which
is really compound equality. For the similarity of two
creatures of the same species but of different sizes, is of
the same nature as the similarity of two geometrical
figures. In either case, any two parts of the one bear the
same ratio to one another, as the homologous parts of the
other. Given in a species, the proportions found to exist
among the bones, and we may, and zoologists do, predict
from any one, the dimensions of the rest; just as, when
knowing the proportions subsisting among the parts of a
geometrical figure, we may, from the length of one,
calculate the others. And if, in the case of similar
geometrical figures, the similarity can be established only
by proving exactness of proportion among the homologous
parts—if we express this relation between two parts in
the one, and the corresponding parts in the other, by the
formula A is to B as a is to b; if we otherwise write this,
A to B = a to b; if, consequently, the fact we prove is that
the relation of A to B equals the relation of a to b; then
it is manifest that the fundamental conception of similarity
is equality of relations. With this explanation we shall be
understood when we say that the notion of equality of
relations is the basis of all exact reasoning. Already it
has been shown that reasoning in general is a
recognition {37}
of likeness of relations; and here we further find that
while the notion of likeness of things ultimately evolves
the idea of simple equality, the notion of likeness of
relations evolves the idea of equality of relations: of which
the one is the concrete germ of exact science, while the
other is its abstract germ. Those who cannot understand
how the recognition of similarity in creatures of the same
kind, can have any alliance with reasoning, will get over
the difficulty on remembering that the phenomena among
which equality of relations is thus perceived, are phenomena
of the same order and are present to the senses
at the same time; while those among which developed
reason perceives relations, are generally neither of the
same order, nor simultaneously present. And if, further,
they will call to mind how Cuvier and Owen, from a single
part of a creature, as a tooth, construct the rest by a
process of reasoning based on this equality of relations,
they will see that the two things are intimately connected,
remote as they at first seem. But we anticipate. What
it concerns us here to observe is, that from familiarity with
organic forms there simultaneously arose the ideas of simple
equality, and equality of relations.
At the same time, too, and out of the same mental
processes, came the first distinct ideas of number. In the
earliest stages, the presentation of several like objects
produced merely an indefinite conception of multiplicity; as
it still does among Australians, and Bushmen, and Damaras,
when the number presented exceeds three or four. With
such a fact before us we may safely infer that the first
clear numerical conception was that of duality as contrasted
with unity. And this notion of duality must necessarily
have grown up side by side with those of likeness and
equality; seeing that it is impossible to recognize the
likeness of two things without also perceiving that there
are two. From the very beginning the conception of
number must have been, as it is still, associated
with {38}
likeness or equality of the things numbered; and for the
purposes of calculation, an ideal equality of the things
is assumed. Before any absolutely true numerical results
can be reached, it is requisite that the units be absolutely
equal. The only way in which we can establish a
numerical relationship between things that do not yield
us like impressions, is to divide them into parts that do
yield us like impressions. Two unlike magnitudes of
extension, force, time, weight, or what not, can have their
relative amounts estimated, only by means of some small
unit that is contained many times in both; and even if
we finally write down the greater one as a unit and the
other as a fraction of it, we state, in the denominator of
the fraction, the number of parts into which the unit must
be divided to be comparable with the fraction. It is,
indeed, true, that by a modern process of abstraction,
we occasionally apply numbers to unequal units, as the
furniture at a sale or the various animals on a farm, simply
as so many separate entities; but no exact quantitative
result can be brought out by calculation with units of this
order. And, indeed, it is the distinctive peculiarity of the
calculus in general, that it proceeds on the hypothesis of
that absolute equality of its abstract units, which no real
units possess; and that the exactness of its results holds
only in virtue of this hypothesis. The first ideas of
number must necessarily then have been derived from
like or equal magnitudes as seen chiefly in organic objects;
and as the like magnitudes most frequently observed were
magnitudes of extension, it follows that geometry and
arithmetic had a simultaneous origin.
Not only are the first distinct ideas of number co-ordinate
with ideas of likeness and equality, but the first efforts at
numeration display the same relationship. On reading
accounts of savage tribes, we find that the method of
counting by the fingers, still followed by many children,
is the aboriginal method. Neglecting the several
cases {39}
in which the ability to enumerate does not reach even to
the number of fingers on one hand, there are many cases
in which it does not extend beyond ten—the limit of the
simple finger notation. The fact that in so many instances,
remote, and seemingly unrelated nations, have adopted ten
as their basic number; together with the fact that in the
remaining instances the basic number is either five (the
fingers of one hand) or twenty (the fingers and toes); of
themselves show that the fingers were the original units of
numeration. The still surviving use of the word digit, as
the general name for a figure in arithmetic, is significant;
and it is even said that our word ten (Sax. tyn; Dutch,
tien; German, zehn) means in its primitive expanded form
two hands. So that, originally, to say there were ten
things, was to say there were two hands of them. From
all which evidence it is tolerably clear that the earliest
mode of conveying the idea of a number of things, was by
holding up as many fingers as there were things; that is,
by using a symbol which was equal, in respect of multiplicity,
to the group symbolized. For which inference
there is, indeed, strong confirmation in the statement that
our own soldiers spontaneously adopted this device in
their dealings with the Turks during the Crimean war.
And here it should be remarked that in this re-combination
of the notion of equality with that of multiplicity, by which
the first steps in numeration are effected, we may see
one of the earliest of those inosculations between the
diverging branches of science, which are afterwards of
perpetual occurrence.
As this observation suggests, it will be well, before
tracing the mode in which exact science emerges from
the inexact judgments of the senses, and showing the
non-serial evolution of its divisions, to note the non-serial
character of those preliminary processes of which all after
development is a continuation. On re-considering them it
will be seen that not only are they divergent
branches {40}
from a common root,—not only are they simultaneous in
their growth; but that they are mutual aids; and that
none can advance without the rest. That progress of
classification for which the unfolding of the perceptions
paves the way, is impossible without a corresponding
progress in language, by which greater varieties of objects
are thinkable and expressible. On the one hand classification
cannot be carried far without names by which to
designate the classes; and on the other hand language
cannot be made faster than things are classified. Again,
the multiplication of classes and the consequent narrowing
of each class, itself involves a greater likeness among the
things classed together; and the consequent approach
towards the notion of complete likeness itself allows
classification to be carried higher. Moreover, classification
necessarily advances pari passu with rationality—the
classification of things with the classification of relations.
For things that belong to the same class are, by implication,
things of which the properties and modes of behaviour—the
co-existences and sequences—are more or less the
same; and the recognition of this sameness of co-existences
and sequences is reasoning. Whence it follows that the
advance of classification is necessarily proportionate to the
advance of generalizations. Yet further, the notion of
likeness, both in things and relations, simultaneously
evolves by one process of culture the ideas of equality of
things and equality of relations; which are the respective
bases of exact concrete reasoning and exact abstract
reasoning—Mathematics and Logic. And once more, this
idea of equality, in the very process of being formed,
necessarily gives origin to two series of relations—those of
magnitude and those of number; from which arise geometry
and the calculus. Thus the process throughout is
one of perpetual subdivision and perpetual intercommunication
of the divisions. From the very first there has
been that consensus of different kinds of
knowledge, {41}
answering to the consensus of the intellectual faculties,
which, as already said, must exist among the sciences.
Let us now go on to observe how, out of the notions of
equality and number, as arrived at in the manner described,
there gradually arose the elements of quantitative prevision.
Equality, once having come to be definitely conceived,
was recognizable among other phenomena than those of
magnitude. Being predicable of all things producing
indistinguishable impressions, there naturally grew up
ideas of equality in weights, sounds, colours, &c.; and,
indeed, it can scarcely be doubted that the occasional
experience of equal weights, sounds, and colours, had a
share in developing the abstract conception of equality—that
the ideas of equality in sizes, relations, forces,
resistances, and sensible properties in general, were evolved
during the same stage of mental development. But
however this may be, it is clear that as fast as the notion
of equality gained definiteness, so fast did that lowest kind
of quantitative prevision which is achieved without any
instrumental aid, become possible. The ability to estimate,
however roughly, the amount of a foreseen result, implies
the conception that it will be equal to a certain imagined
quantity; and the correctness of the estimate will manifestly
depend on the precision which the perceptions of
sensible equality have reached. A savage with a piece of
stone in his hand, and another piece lying before him of
greater bulk but of the same kind (sameness of kind being
inferred from the equality of the two in colour and texture)
knows about what effort he must put forth to raise this
other piece; and he judges accurately in proportion to the
accuracy with which he perceives that the one is twice,
three times, four times, &c. as large as the other; that is—in
proportion to the precision of his ideas of equality and
number. And here let us not omit to notice that even in
these vaguest of quantitative previsions, the conception of
equality of relations is also involved. For it is only
in {42}
virtue of an undefined consciousness that the relation
between bulk and weight in the one stone is equal to the
relation between bulk and weight in the other, that even
the roughest approximation can be made.
But how came the transition from those uncertain
perceptions of equality which the unaided senses give,
to the certain ones with which science deals? It came
by placing the things compared in juxtaposition. Equality
being asserted of things which give us indistinguishable
impressions, and no distinct comparison of impressions
being possible unless they occur in immediate succession,
it results that exactness of equality is ascertainable in
proportion to the closeness of the compared things. Hence
the fact that when we wish to judge of two shades of
colour whether they are alike or not, we place them side
by side; hence the fact that we cannot, with any precision,
say which of two allied sounds is the louder, or the higher
in pitch, unless we hear the one immediately after the
other; hence the fact that to estimate the ratio of weights,
we take one in each hand, that we may compare their
pressures by rapidly alternating in thought from the one
to the other; hence the fact, that in a piece of music, we
can continue to make equal beats when the first beat has
been given, but cannot ensure commencing with the same
length of beat on a future occasion; and hence, lastly, the
fact, that of all magnitudes, those of linear extension are
those of which the equality is most precisely ascertainable,
and those to which, by consequence, all others have to be
reduced. For it is the peculiarity of linear extension that
it alone allows its magnitudes to be placed in absolute
juxtaposition, or, rather, in coincident position; it alone
can test the equality of two magnitudes by observing
whether they will coalesce, as two equal mathematical
lines do, when placed between the same points; it alone
can test equality by trying whether it will become identity.
Hence, then, the fact, that all exact science is
reducible, {43}
by an ultimate analysis, to results measured in equal units
of linear extension.
Still it remains to be noticed in what manner this
determination of equality by comparison of linear magnitudes
originated. Once more may we perceive that
surrounding natural objects supplied the needful lessons.
From the beginning there must have been a constant
experience of like things placed side by side—men standing
and walking together; animals from the same herd; fish
from the same shoal. And the ceaseless repetition of these
experiences could not fail to suggest the observation, that
the nearer together any objects were, the more visible
became any inequality between them. Hence the obvious
device of putting in apposition, things of which it was
desired to ascertain the relative magnitudes. Hence the
idea of measure. And here we suddenly come upon a
group of facts which afford a solid basis to the remainder
of our argument; while they also furnish strong evidence
in support of the foregoing speculations. Those who look
sceptically on this attempted rehabilitation of early mental
development, and who think that the derivation of so
many primary notions from organic forms is somewhat
strained, will perhaps see more probability in the hypotheses
which have been ventured, on discovering that
all measures of extension and force originated from the
lengths and weights of organic bodies, and all measures of
time from the periodic phenomena of either organic or
inorganic bodies.
Thus, among linear measures, the cubit of the Hebrews
was the length of the forearm from the elbow to the end of
the middle finger; and the smaller scriptural dimensions
are expressed in hand-breadths and spans. The Egyptian
cubit, which was similarly derived, was divided into digits,
which were finger-breadths; and each finger-breadth was
more definitely expressed as being equal to four grains of
barley placed breadthwise. Other ancient measures
were {44}
the orgyia or stretch of the arms, the pace, and the palm.
So persistent has been the use of these natural units of
length in the East, that even now some Arabs mete out
cloth by the forearm. So, too, is it with European
measures. The foot prevails as a dimension throughout
Europe, and has done so since the time of the Romans, by
whom, also, it was used: its lengths in different places
varying not much more than men’s feet vary. The heights
of horses are still expressed in hands. The inch is the
length of the terminal joint of the thumb; as is clearly
shown in France, where pouce means both thumb and inch.
Then we have the inch divided into three barley-corns. So
completely, indeed, have these organic dimensions served
as the substrata of mensuration, that it is only by means
of them that we can form any estimate of some of
the ancient distances. For example, the length of a
degree on the Earth’s surface, as determined by the
Arabian astronomers shortly after the death of Haroun-al-Raschid,
was fifty-six of their miles. We know nothing of
their mile further than that it was 4000 cubits; and whether
these were sacred cubits or common cubits, would remain
doubtful, but that the length of the cubit is given as
twenty-seven inches, and each inch defined as the thickness
of six barley-grains. Thus one of the earliest measurements
of a degree comes down to us in barley-grains. Not
only did organic lengths furnish those approximate
measures which satisfied men’s needs in ruder ages, but
they furnished also the standard measures required in later
times. One instance occurs in our own history. To remedy
the irregularities then prevailing, Henry I. commanded
that the ulna, or ancient ell, which answers to the modern
yard, should be made of the exact length of his own arm.
Measures of weight had a kindred derivation. Seeds
seem commonly to have supplied the units. The original of
the carat used for weighing in India is a small bean. Our
own systems, both troy and avoirdupois, are
derived {45}
primarily from wheat-corns. Our smallest weight, the grain
is a grain of wheat. This is not a speculation; it is an
historically-registered fact. Henry III. enacted that an
ounce should be the weight of 640 dry grains of wheat from
the middle of the ear. And as all the other weights are
multiples or sub-multiples of this, it follows that the grain
of wheat is the basis of our scale. So natural is it to use
organic bodies as weights, before artificial weights have
been established, or where they are not to be had, that in
some of the remoter parts of Ireland the people are said to
be in the habit, even now, of putting a man into the scales
to serve as a measure for heavy commodities.
Similarly with time. Astronomical periodicity, and the
periodicity of animal and vegetable life, are simultaneously
used in the first stages of progress for estimating epochs.
The simplest unit of time, the day, nature supplies ready
made. The next simplest period, the moneth or month, is
also thrust upon men’s notice by the conspicuous changes
constituting a lunation. For larger divisions than these, the
phenomena of the seasons, and the chief events from time to
time occurring, have been used by early and uncivilized
races. Among the Egyptians the rising of the Nile served
as a mark. The New Zealanders were found to begin their
year from the reappearance of the Pleiades above the sea.
One of the uses ascribed to birds, by the Greeks, was to
indicate the seasons by their migrations. Barrow describes
the aboriginal Hottentot as expressing dates by the number
of moons before or after the ripening of one of his chief
articles of food. He further states that the Kaffir chronology
is kept by the moon, and is registered by notches on
sticks—the death of a favourite chief, or the gaining of a
victory, serving for a new era. By which last fact, we are
at once reminded that in early history, events are commonly
recorded as occurring in certain reigns, and in certain years
of certain reigns: a proceeding which made a king’s
reign {46}
a rude measure of duration. And, as further illustrating
the tendency to divide time by natural phenomena and
natural events, it may be noticed that even by our own
peasantry the definite divisions of months and years are but
little used; and that they habitually refer to occurrences as
“before sheep-shearing,” or “after harvest,” or “about
the time when the squire died.” It is manifest, therefore,
that the approximately equal periods perceived in Nature
gave the first units of measure for time; as did Nature’s
approximately equal lengths and weights give the first units
of measure for space and force.
It remains only to observe, that measures of value were
similarly derived. Barter, in one form or other, is found
among all but the very lowest human races. It is obviously
based upon the notion of equality of worth. And as it
gradually merges into trade by the introduction of some kind
of currency, we find that the measures of worth, constituting
this currency, are organic bodies; in some cases cowries, in
others cocoa-nuts, in others cattle, in others pigs; among the
American Indians peltry or skins, and in Iceland dried fish.
Notions of exact equality and of measure having been
reached, there arose definite ideas of magnitudes as being
multiples one of another; whence the practice of measurement
by direct apposition of a measure. The determination
of linear extensions by this process can scarcely be called
science, though it is a step towards it; but the determination
of lengths of time by an analogous process may be considered
as one of the earliest samples of quantitative prevision.
For when it is first ascertained that the moon completes the
cycle of her changes in about thirty days—a fact known to
most uncivilized tribes that can count beyond the number
of their fingers—it is manifest that it becomes possible to
say in what number of days any specified phase of the moon
will recur; and it is also manifest that this prevision is
effected by an apposition of two times, after the same
manner {47}
that linear space is measured by the apposition of two lines.
For to express the moon’s period in days, is to say how many
of these units of measure are contained in the period to be
measured—is to ascertain the distance between two points
in time by means of a scale of days, just as we ascertain the
distance between two points in space by a scale of feet or
inches; and in each case the scale coincides with the thing
measured—mentally in the one, visibly in the other. So
that in this simplest, and perhaps earliest case of quantitative
prevision, the phenomena are not only thrust daily upon
men’s notice, but Nature is, as it were, perpetually repeating
that process of measurement by observing which the
prevision is effected.
This fact, that in very early stages of social progress it is
known that the moon goes through her changes in nearly
thirty days, and that in rather more than twelve moons the
seasons return—this fact that chronological astronomy
assumes a certain scientific character even before geometry
does; while it is partly due to the circumstance that the
astronomical divisions, day, month, and year, are ready made
for us, is partly due to the further circumstances that
agricultural and other operations were at first regulated
astronomically, and that from the supposed divine nature
of the heavenly bodies their motions determined the periodical
religious festivals. As instances of the one we have
the observation of the Egyptians, that the rising of the Nile
corresponded with the heliacal rising of Sirius; the directions
given by Hesiod for reaping and ploughing, according to
the positions of the Pleiades; and his maxim that “fifty
days after the turning of the sun is a seasonable time for
beginning a voyage.” As instances of the other, we have
the naming of the days after the sun, moon, and planets;
the early attempts among Eastern nations to regulate the
calendar so that the gods might not be offended by the
displacement of their sacrifices; and the fixing of the great
annual festival of the Peruvians by the position of the
sun. {48}
In all which facts we see that, at first, science was simply an
appliance of religion and industry.
After the discoveries that a lunation occupies nearly
thirty days, and that some twelve lunations occupy a year—discoveries
which we may infer were the earliest, from the
fact that existing uncivilized races have made them—we
come to the first known astronomical records, which are
those of eclipses. The Chaldeans were able to predict these.
“This they did, probably,” says Dr. Whewell in his useful
history, from which most of the materials we are about to
use will be drawn, “by means of their cycle of 223 months,
or about eighteen years; for, at the end of this time, the
eclipses of the moon begin to return, at the same intervals
and in the same order as at the beginning.” Now this
method of calculating eclipses by means of a recurring cycle,—the
Saros as they called it—is a more complex case of
prevision by means of coincidence of measures. For by
what observations must the Chaldeans have discovered this
cycle? Obviously, as Delambre infers, by inspecting their
registers; by comparing the successive intervals; by finding
that some of the intervals were alike; by seeing that these
equal intervals were eighteen years apart; by discovering
that all the intervals that were eighteen years apart were
equal; by ascertaining that the intervals formed a series
which repeated itself, so that if one of the cycles of intervals
were superposed on another the divisions would fit. And
this being once perceived, it became possible to use the cycle
as a scale of time by which to measure out future periods of
recurrence. Seeing thus that the process of so predicting
eclipses, is in essence the same as that of predicting the
moon’s monthly changes by observing the number of days
after which they repeat—seeing that the two differ only in
the extent and irregularity of the intervals; it is not difficult
to understand how such an amount of knowledge should so
early have been reached. And we shall be the less surprised
on remembering that the only things involved in
these {49}
previsions were time and number; and that the time was in
a manner self-numbered.
Still, the ability to predict events recurring only after so
long a period as eighteen years, implies a considerable
advance in civilization—a considerable development of
general knowledge; and we have now to inquire what
progress in other sciences accompanied, and was necessary
to, these astronomical previsions. In the first place, there
must have been a tolerably efficient system of calculation.
Mere finger-counting, mere head-reckoning, even with the
aid of a decimal notation, could not have sufficed for
numbering the days in a year; much less the years,
months, and days between eclipses. Consequently there
must have been a mode of registering numbers; probably
even a system of numerals. The earliest numerical
records, if we may judge by the practices of the less
civilized races now existing, were probably kept by
notches cut on sticks, or strokes marked on walls; much
as public-house scores are kept now. And there is reason
to think that the first numerals used were simply groups
of straight strokes, as some of the still-extant Roman ones
are; leading us to suspect that these groups of strokes
were used to represent groups of fingers, as the groups of
fingers had been used to represent groups of objects—a
supposition harmonizing with the aboriginal practice of
picture writing. Be this so or not, however, it is
manifest that before the Chaldeans discovered their Saros,
they must have had both a set of written symbols serving
for an extensive numeration, and a familiarity with the
simpler rules of arithmetic.
Not only must abstract mathematics have made some
progress, but concrete mathematics also. It is scarcely
possible that the buildings belonging to this era should
have been laid out and erected without any knowledge of
geometry. At any rate, there must have existed that
elementary geometry which deals with direct {50}
measurement—with the apposition of lines; and it seems that only
after the discovery of those simple proceedings, by which
right angles are drawn, and relative positions fixed, could
so regular an architecture be executed. In the case of the
other division of concrete mathematics—mechanics, we have
definite evidence of progress. We know that the lever and
the inclined plane were employed during this period: implying
that there was a qualitative prevision of their effects,
if not a quantitative one. But we know more. We read
of weights in the earliest records; and we find weights in
ruins of the highest antiquity. Weights imply scales, of
which we have also mention; and scales involve the
primary theorem of mechanics in its least complicated
form—involve not a qualitative but a quantitative prevision
of mechanical effects. And here we may notice how
mechanics, in common with the other exact sciences, took
its rise from the simplest application of the idea of
equality. For the mechanical proposition which the scales
involve, is, that if a lever with equal arms, have equal
weights suspended from them, the weights will remain at
equal altitudes. And we may further notice how, in this
first step of rational mechanics, we see illustrated the truth
awhile since named, that as magnitudes of linear extension
are the only ones of which the equality is exactly
ascertainable, the equalities of other magnitudes have at
the outset to be determined by means of them. For the
equality of the weights which balance each other in scales,
depends on the equality of the arms: we can know that
the weights are equal only by proving that the arms are
equal. And when by this means we have obtained a
system of weights,—a set of equal units of force and definite
multiples of them, then does a science of mechanics become
possible. Whence, indeed, it follows, that rational
mechanics could not possibly have any other starting-point
than the scales.
Let us further remember that during this same
period {51}
there was some knowledge of chemistry. Sundry of the
arts which we know to have been carried on, were made
possible only by a generalized experience of the modes
in which certain bodies affect each other under special
conditions. In metallurgy, which was extensively practised,
this is abundantly illustrated. And we even have evidence
that in some cases the knowledge possessed was, in a
sense, quantitative. For, as we find by analysis that the
hard alloy of which the Egyptians made their cutting
tools, was composed of copper and tin in fixed proportions,
there must have been an established prevision that such
an alloy was to be obtained only by mixing them in these
proportions. It is true, this was but a simple empirical
generalization; but so was the generalization respecting
the recurrence of eclipses; so are the first generalizations
of every science.
Respecting the simultaneous advance of the sciences
during this early epoch, it remains to point out that even
the most complex of them must have made some progress.
For under what conditions only were the foregoing
developments possible? The conditions furnished by an
established and organized social system. A long continued
registry of eclipses; the building of palaces; the use of
scales; the practice of metallurgy—alike imply a settled
and populous nation. The existence of such a nation not
only presupposes laws and some administration of justice,
which we know existed, but it presupposes successful laws—laws
conforming in some degree to the conditions of
social stability—laws enacted because it was found that
the actions forbidden by them were dangerous to the
State. We do not by any means say that all, or even the
greater part, of the laws were of this nature; but we do
say, that the fundamental ones were. It cannot be denied
that the laws affecting life and property were such. It
cannot be denied that, however little these were enforced
between class and class, they were to a considerable
extent {52}
enforced between members of the same class. It can
scarcely be questioned, that the administration of them
between members of the same class was seen by rulers to
be necessary for keeping society together. But supposition
aside, it is clear that the habitual recognition of these
claims in their laws, implied some prevision of social
phenomena. That same idea of equality, which, as we
have seen, underlies other science, underlies also morals
and sociology. The conception of justice, which is the
primary one in morals; and the administration of justice,
which is the vital condition to social existence; are
impossible without the recognition of a certain likeness in
men’s claims, in virtue of their common humanity. Equity
literally means equalness; and if it be admitted that there
were even the vaguest ideas of equity in these primitive
eras, it must be admitted that there was some appreciation
of the equalness of men’s liberties to pursue the objects of
life—some appreciation, therefore, of the essential principle
of national equilibrium.
Thus in this initial stage of the positive sciences, before
geometry had yet done more than evolve a few empirical
rules—before mechanics had passed beyond its first theorem—before
astronomy had advanced from its merely chronological
phase into the geometrical; the most involved of
the sciences had reached a certain degree of development—a
development without which no progress in other sciences
was possible.
Only noting as we pass, how, thus early, we may see that
the progress of exact science was not only towards an
increasing number of previsions, but towards previsions
more accurately quantitative—how, in astronomy, the
recurring period of the moon’s motions was by and by
more correctly ascertained to be two hundred and thirty-five
lunations; how Callipus further corrected this Metonic
cycle, by leaving out a day at the end of every seventy-six
years; and how these successive advances implied
a {53}
longer continued registry of observations, and the
co-ordination of a greater number of facts; let us go on
to inquire how geometrical astronomy took its rise. The
first astronomical instrument was the gnomon. This
was not only early in use in the East, but it was found
among the Mexicans; the sole astronomical observations
of the Peruvians were made by it; and we read that 1100
B.C., the Chinese observed that, at a certain place, the
length of the sun’s shadow, at the summer solstice, was to
the height of the gnomon, as one and a half to eight.
Here again it is observable, both that the instrument is
found ready made, and that Nature is perpetually
performing the process of measurement. Any fixed, erect
object—a column, a pole, the angle of a building—serves
for a gnomon; and it needs but to notice the changing
position of the shadow it daily throws, to make the first
step in geometrical astronomy. How small this first step
was, may be seen in the fact that the only things
ascertained at the outset were the periods of the summer
and winter solstices, which corresponded with the least
and greatest lengths of the mid-day shadow; and to fix
which, it was needful merely to mark the point to which
each day’s shadow reached. And now let it not be
overlooked that in the observing at what time during the
next year this extreme limit of the shadow was again
reached, and in the inference that the sun had then arrived
at the same turning point in his annual course, we have
one of the simplest instances of that combined use of equal
magnitudes and equal relations, by which all exact science,
all quantitative prevision, is reached. For the relation
observed was between the length of the gnomon’s shadow
and the sun’s position in the heavens; and the inference
drawn was that when, next year, the extremity of the
shadow came to the same point, he occupied the same
place. That is, the ideas involved were, the equality of
the shadows, and the equality of the relations
between {54}
shadow and sun in successive years. As in the case of the
scales, the equality of relations here recognized is of the
simplest order. It is not as those habitually dealt with in
the higher kinds of scientific reasoning, which answer to
the general type—the relation between two and three
equals the relation between six and nine; but it follows
the type—the relation between two and three equals the
relation between two and three: it is a case of not simply
equal relations, but coinciding relations. And here, indeed,
we may see beautifully illustrated how the idea of equal
relations takes its rise after the same manner that that of
equal magnitudes does. As already shown, the idea of
equal magnitudes arose from the observed coincidence of
two lengths placed together; and in this case we have not
only two coincident lengths of shadows, but two coincident
relations between sun and shadows.
From the use of the gnomon there naturally grew up the
conception of angular measurements; and with the advance
of geometrical conceptions came the hemisphere of Berosus,
the equinoctial armil, the solstitial armil, and the quadrant of
Ptolemy—all of them employing shadows as indices of the
sun’s position, but in combination with angular divisions.
It is out of the question for us here to trace these details
of progress. It must suffice to remark that in all of them
we may see that notion of equality of relations of a more
complex kind, which is best illustrated in the astrolabe, an
instrument which consisted “of circular rims, moveable
one within the other, or about poles, and contained circles
which were to be brought into the position of the ecliptic,
and of a plane passing through the sun and the poles of
the ecliptic”—an instrument, therefore, which represented,
as by a model, the relative positions of certain imaginary
lines and planes in the heavens; which was adjusted by
putting these representative lines and planes into parallelism
with the celestial ones; and which depended for its
use on the perception that the relations among
these {55}
representative lines and planes were equal to the relations
among those represented. We might go on to point out
how the conception of the heavens as a revolving hollow
sphere, the explanation of the moon’s phases, and indeed
all the successive steps taken, involved this same mental
process. But we must content ourselves with referring to
the theory of eccentrics and epicycles, as a further marked
illustration of it. As first suggested, and as proved by
Hipparchus to afford an explanation of the leading irregularities
in the celestial motions, this theory involved the
perception that the progressions, retrogressions, and variations
of velocity seen in the heavenly bodies, might be
reconciled with their assumed uniform movements in circles,
by supposing that the earth was not in the centre of their
orbits; or by supposing that they revolved in circles whose
centres revolved round the earth; or by both. The discovery
that this would account for the appearances, was the
discovery that in certain geometrical diagrams the relations
were such, that the uniform motion of points along curves
conditioned in specified ways, would, when looked at from
a particular position, present analogous irregularities; and
the calculations of Hipparchus involved the belief that the
relations subsisting among these geometrical curves were
equal to the relations subsisting among the celestial orbits.
Leaving here these details of astronomical progress, and
the philosophy of it, let us observe how the relatively
concrete science of geometrical astronomy, having been
thus far helped forward by the development of geometry
in general, reacted upon geometry, caused it also to
advance, and was again assisted by it. Hipparchus, before
making his solar and lunar tables, had to discover rules for
calculating the relations between the sides and angles
of triangles—trigonometry, a subdivision of pure mathematics.
Further, the reduction of the doctrine of the sphere
to a quantitative form needed for astronomical purposes,
required the formation of a spherical trigonometry,
which {56}
was also achieved by Hipparchus. Thus both plane and
spherical trigonometry, which are parts of the highly
abstract and simple science of extension, remained undeveloped
until the less abstract and more complex science of
the celestial motions had need of them. The fact admitted
by M. Comte, that since Descartes the progress of the
abstract division of mathematics has been determined by
that of the concrete division, is paralleled by the still more
significant fact that even thus early the progress of mathematics
was determined by that of astronomy. And here,
indeed, we see exemplified the truth, which the subsequent
history of science frequently illustrates, that before any
more abstract division makes a further advance, some
more concrete division suggests the necessity for that
advance—presents the new order of questions to be solved.
Before astronomy put before Hipparchus the problem of
solar tables, there was nothing to raise the question of the
relations between lines and angles: the subject-matter of
trigonometry had not been conceived.
Just incidentally noticing the circumstance that the
epoch we are describing witnessed the evolution of algebra,
a comparatively abstract division of mathematics, by the
union of its less abstract divisions, geometry and arithmetic
(a fact proved by the earliest extant samples of algebra,
which are half algebraic, half geometric) we go on to
observe that during the era in which mathematics and
astronomy were thus advancing, rational mechanics made
its second step; and something was done towards giving
a quantitative form to hydrostatics, optics, and acoustics.
In each case we shall see how the idea of equality underlies
all quantitative prevision; and in what simple forms
this idea is first applied.
As already shown, the first theorem established in
mechanics was, that equal weights suspended from a lever
with equal arms would remain in equilibrium. Archimedes
discovered that a lever with unequal arms was in {57}
equilibrium when one weight was to its arm as the other arm
to its weight; that is—when the numerical relation
between one weight and its arm was equal to the numerical
relation between the other arm and its weight.
The first advance made in hydrostatics, which we also
owe to Archimedes, was the discovery that fluids press
equally in all directions; and from this followed the solution
of the problem of floating bodies; namely, that they
are in equilibrium when the upward and downward pressures
are equal.
In optics, again, the Greeks found that the angle of
incidence is equal to the angle of reflection; and their
knowledge reached no further than to such simple deductions
from this as their geometry sufficed for. In acoustics
they ascertained the fact that three strings of equal lengths
would yield the octave, fifth and fourth, when strained by
weights having certain definite ratios; and they did not
progress much beyond this. In the one of which cases we
see geometry used in elucidation of the laws of light; and
in the other, geometry and arithmetic made to measure
certain phenomena of sound.
While sundry sciences had thus reached the first stages
of quantitative prevision, others were progressing in
qualitative prevision. It must suffice just to note that
some small generalizations were made respecting evaporation,
and heat, and electricity, and magnetism, which,
empirical as they were, did not in that respect differ from
the first generalizations of every science; that the Greek
physicians had made advances in physiology and pathology,
which, considering the great imperfection of our
present knowledge, are by no means to be despised; that
zoology had been so far systematized by Aristotle, as, to
some extent, enabled him from the presence of certain
organs to predict the presence of others; that in Aristotle’s
Politics, is shown progress towards a scientific conception
of social phenomena, and sundry previsions
respecting {58}
them; and that in the state of the Greek societies, as well
as in the writings of Greek philosophers, we may recognize
both an increasing clearness in the conception of equity
and some appreciation of the fact that social stability
depends on the maintenance of equitable relations. Space
permitting, we might dwell on the causes which retarded
the development of some of the sciences, as for example,
chemistry; showing that relative complexity had nothing
to do with it—that the oxidation of a piece of iron is a
simpler phenomenon than the recurrence of eclipses, and
the discovery of carbonic acid less difficult than that of the
precession of the equinoxes. The relatively slow advance
of chemical knowledge might be shown to be due, partly
to the fact that its phenomena were not daily thrust on
men’s notice as those of astronomy were; partly to the fact
that Nature does not habitually supply the means, and
suggest the modes of investigation, as in the sciences
dealing with time, extension, and force; partly to the fact
that the great majority of the materials with which chemistry
deals, instead of being ready to hand, are made
known only by the arts in their slow growth; and partly
to the fact that even when known, their chemical properties
are not self-exhibited, but have to be sought out
by experiment.
Merely indicating these considerations, however, let us
go on to contemplate the progress and mutual influence
of the sciences in modern days; only parenthetically
noticing how, on the revival of the scientific spirit, the
successive stages achieved exhibit the dominance of the
law hitherto traced—how the primary idea in dynamics, a
uniform force, was defined by Galileo to be a force which
generates equal velocities in equal successive times—how
the uniform action of gravity was first experimentally
determined by showing that the time elapsing before a
body thrown up, stopped, was equal to the time it took to
fall—how the first fact in compound motion which
Galileo {59}
ascertained was, that a body projected horizontally, will
describe equal horizontal spaces in equal times, compounded
vertical spaces described which increase by equal increments
in equal times—how his discovery respecting the
pendulum was, that its oscillations occupy equal intervals of
time whatever their lengths—how the law which he
established that in any machine the weights that balance
each other, are reciprocally as their virtual velocities
implies that the relation of one set of weights to their
velocities equals the relation of the other set of velocities to
their weights;—and how thus his achievements consisted
in showing the equalities of certain magnitudes and relations,
whose equalities had not been previously recognized.
And now, but only now, physical astronomy became
possible. The simple laws of force had been disentangled
from those of friction and atmospheric resistance by which
all their earthly manifestations are disguised. Progressing
knowledge of terrestrial physics had given a due insight
into these disturbing causes; and, by an effort of abstraction,
it was perceived that all motion would be uniform and
rectilinear unless interfered with by external forces.
Geometry and mechanics having diverged from a common
root in men’s sensible experiences, and having, with
occasional inosculations, been separately developed, the
one partly in connexion with astronomy, the other solely by
analyzing terrestrial movements, now join in the investigations
of Newton to create a true theory of the celestial
motions. And here, also, we have to notice the important
fact that, in the very process of being brought jointly to
bear upon astronomical problems, they are themselves
raised to a higher phase of development. For it was in
dealing with the questions raised by celestial dynamics
that the then incipient infinitesimal calculus was unfolded
by Newton and his continental successors; and it was
from inquiries into the mechanics of the solar system that
the general theorems of mechanics contained in
the {60}Principia—many of them of purely terrestrial application—took
their rise. Thus, as in the case of Hipparchus,
the presentation of a new order of concrete facts to be
analyzed, led to the discovery of new abstract facts;
and these abstract facts then became instruments of access
to endless groups of concrete facts previously beyond
quantitative treatment.
Meanwhile, physics had been carrying further that
progress without which, as just shown, rational mechanics
could not be disentangled. In hydrostatics, Stevinus had
extended and applied the discovery of Archimedes. Torricelli
had proved atmospheric pressure, “by showing that
this pressure sustained different liquids at heights inversely
proportional to their densities;” and Pascal “established
the necessary diminution of this pressure at increasing
heights in the atmosphere”: discoveries which in part
reduced this branch of science to a quantitative form.
Something had been done by Daniel Bernouilli towards the
dynamics of fluids. The thermometer had been invented;
and sundry small generalizations reached by it. Huyghens
and Newton had made considerable progress in optics;
Newton had approximately calculated the rate of transmission
of sound; and the continental mathematicians had
ascertained some of the laws of sonorous vibrations.
Magnetism and electricity had been considerably advanced
by Gilbert. Chemistry had got as far as the mutual
neutralization of acids and alkalies. And Leonardo da
Vinci had advanced in geology to the conclusion that the
deposition of animal remains in marine strata is the origin
of fossils. Our present purpose does not require that we
should give particulars. Here it only concerns us to
illustrate the consensus subsisting in this stage of growth,
and afterwards. Let us look at a few cases.
The theoretic law of the velocity of sound deduced by
Newton from purely mechanical data, was found wrong by
one-sixth. The error remained unaccounted for until
the {61}
time of Laplace, who, suspecting that the heat disengaged
by the compression of the undulating strata of the air,
gave additional elasticity, and so produced the difference,
made the needful calculations and found he was right.
Thus acoustics was arrested until thermology overtook
and aided it. When Boyle and Marriot had discovered
the relation between the densities of gases and the
pressures they are subject to; and when it thus became
possible to calculate the rate of decreasing density in the
upper parts of the atmosphere; it also became possible to
make approximate tables of the atmospheric refraction of
light. Thus optics, and with it astronomy, advanced with
barology. After the discovery of atmospheric pressure
had led to the invention of the air-pump by Otto Guericke;
and after it had become known that evaporation increases
in rapidity as atmospheric pressure decreases; it became
possible for Leslie, by evaporation in a vacuum, to produce
the greatest cold known; and so to extend our knowledge
of thermology by showing that there is no zero within
reach of our researches. When Fourier had determined
the laws of conduction of heat, and when the Earth’s
temperature had been found to increase below the surface
one degree in every forty yards, there were data for
inferring the past condition of our globe; the vast period
it has taken to cool down to its present state; and the
immense age of the solar system—a purely astronomical
consideration. Chemistry having advanced sufficiently to
supply the needful materials, and a physiological experiment
having furnished the requisite hint, there came the discovery
of galvanic electricity. Galvanism reacting on
chemistry disclosed the metallic bases of the alkalies and
earths, and inaugurated the electro-chemical theory; in
the hands of Oersted and Ampère it led to the laws of
magnetic action; and by its aid Faraday has detected
significant facts relative to the constitution of light.
Brewster’s discoveries respecting double refraction
and {62}
dipolarization proved the essential truth of the classification
of crystalline forms according to the number of axes, by
showing that the molecular constitution depends on the
axes. Now in these and in numerous other cases, the
mutual influence of the sciences has been quite independent
of any supposed hierarchical order. Often, too, their
inter-actions are more complex than as thus instanced—involve
more sciences than two. One illustration of this
must suffice. We quote it in full from the History of the
Inductive Sciences. In Book XI., chap. II., on “The
Progress of the Electrical Theory,” Dr. Whewell writes:―
“Thus at that period, mathematics was behind experiment, and a problem
was proposed, in which theoretical numerical results were wanted for
comparison with observation, but could not be accurately obtained; as was
the case in astronomy also, till the time of the approximate solution of the
problem of three bodies, and the consequent formation of the tables of the
moon and planets, on the theory of universal gravitation. After some time,
electrical theory was relieved from this reproach, mainly in consequence of
the progress which astronomy had occasioned in pure mathematics. About
1801 there appeared in the Bulletin des Sciences, an exact solution of the
problem of the distribution of electric fluid on a spheroid, obtained by Biot,
by the application of the peculiar methods which Laplace had invented for
the problem of the figure of the planets. And, in 1811, M. Poisson applied
Laplace’s artifices to the case of two spheres acting upon one another in
contact, a case to which many of Coulomb’s experiments were referrible;
and the agreement of the results of theory and observation, thus extricated
from Coulomb’s numbers obtained above forty years previously, was very
striking and convincing.”
Not only do the sciences affect each other after this
direct manner, but they affect each other indirectly.
Where there is no dependence, there is yet analogy—likeness
of relations; and the discovery of the relations
subsisting among one set of phenomena, constantly suggests
a search for similar relations among another set. Thus
the established fact that the force of gravitation varies
inversely as the square of the distance, being recognized as
a necessary characteristic of all influences proceeding from
a centre, raised the suspicion that heat and light follow the
same law; which proved to be the case—a suspicion and
a {63}
confirmation which were repeated in respect to the electric
and magnetic forces. Thus, again, the discovery of the
polarization of light led to experiments which ended in the
discovery of the polarization of heat—a discovery that
could never have been made without the antecedent one.
Thus, too, the known refrangibility of light and heat
lately produced the inquiry whether sound also is not
refrangible; which on trial it turns out to be. In some
cases, indeed, it is only by the aid of conceptions derived
from one class of phenomena that hypotheses respecting
other classes can be formed. The theory, at one time
favoured, that evaporation is a solution of water in air,
assumed that the relation between water and air is like
the relation between water and a dissolved solid; and could
never have been conceived if relations like that between
salt and water had not been previously known. Similarly
the received theory of evaporation—that it is a diffusion of
the particles of the evaporating fluid in virtue of their
atomic repulsion—could not have been entertained without
a foregoing experience of magnetic and electric repulsions.
So complete in recent days has become this consensus among
the sciences, caused either by the natural entanglement of
their phenomena, or by analogies between the relations of
their phenomena, that scarcely any considerable discovery
concerning one order of facts now takes place, without
shortly leading to discoveries concerning other orders.
To produce a complete conception of this process of
scientific evolution it would be needful to go back to the
beginning, and trace in detail the growth of classifications
and nomenclatures; and to show how, as subsidiary to
science, they have acted upon it while it has reacted upon
them. We can only now remark that, on the one hand,
classifications and nomenclatures have aided science by
subdividing the subject-matter of research, and giving
fixity and diffusion to the truths disclosed; and that on
the other hand, they have caught from it that
increasing {64}
quantitativeness, and that progress from considerations
touching single phenomena to considerations touching
the relations among many phenomena, which we have been
describing. Of this last influence a few illustrations
must be given. In chemistry it is seen in the facts
that the dividing of matter into the four elements was
ostensibly based on the single property of weight, that
the first truly chemical division into acid and alkaline
bodies, grouped together bodies which had not simply one
property in common but in which one property was
constantly related to many others, and that the classification
now current, places together in the groups supporters of
combustion, metallic and non-metallic bases, acids, salts, &c.,
bodies which are often quite unlike in sensible qualities,
but which are like in the majority of their relations to
other bodies. In mineralogy again, the first classifications
were based on differences in aspect, texture, and other
physical attributes. Berzelius made two attempts at a
classification based solely on chemical constitution. That
now current recognizes, as far as possible, the relations
between physical and chemical characters. In botany the
earliest classes formed were trees, shrubs, and herbs:
magnitude being the basis of distinction. Dioscorides
divided vegetables into aromatic, alimentary, medicinal,
and vinous: a division of chemical character. Cæsalpinus
classified them by the seeds and seed-vessels, which he
preferred because of the relations found to subsist between
the character of the fructification and the general character
of the other parts. While the “natural system” since
developed, carrying out the doctrine of Linnæus, that “the
natural orders must be formed by attention not to one or
two, but to all the parts of plants,” bases its divisions on
like peculiarities which are found to be constantly related
to the greatest number of other like peculiarities. And
similarly in zoology, the successive classifications, from
having been originally determined by external and
often {65}
subordinate characters not indicative of the essential
nature, have been more and more determined by those
internal and fundamental differences, which have uniform
relations to the greatest number of other differences. Nor
shall we be surprised at this analogy between the modes
of progress of positive science and classification, when we
bear in mind that both proceed by making generalizations;
that both enable us to make previsions, differing only in
their precision; and that while the one deals with equal
properties, magnitudes, and relations, the other deals with
properties and relations which approximate towards equality
in various degrees.
Without further argument it will, we think, be admitted
that the sciences are none of them separately evolved—are
none of them independent either logically or historically;
but that all of them have, in a greater or less degree,
required aid and reciprocated it. Indeed, it needs but
to throw aside hypotheses, and contemplate the mixed
character of surrounding phenomena, to see at once that
these notions of division and succession in the kinds of
knowledge are simply scientific fictions: good, if regarded
merely as aids to study; bad, if regarded as representing
realities in Nature. No facts whatever are presented to
our senses uncombined with other facts—no facts whatever
but are in some degree disguised by accompanying facts:
disguised in such a manner that all must be partially
understood before any one can be understood. If it be
said, as by M. Comte, that gravitating force should be
treated of before other forces, seeing that all things are
subject to it, it may on like grounds be said that heat
should be first dealt with; seeing that thermal forces are
everywhere in action. Nay more, it may be urged that
the ability of any portion of matter to manifest visible
gravitative phenomena depends on its state of aggregation,
which is determined by heat; that only by the aid of
thermology can we explain those apparent exceptions
to {66}
the gravitating tendency which are presented by steam
and smoke, and so establish its universality; and that,
indeed, the very existence of the Solar System in a solid
form is just as much a question of heat as it is one of
gravitation. Take other cases:—All phenomena recognized
by the eyes, through which only are the data of exact
science ascertainable, are complicated with optical phenomena,
and cannot be exhaustively known until optical
principles are known. The burning of a candle cannot
be explained without involving chemistry, mechanics,
thermology. Every wind that blows is determined by
influences partly solar, partly lunar, partly hygrometric;
and implies considerations of fluid equilibrium and physical
geography. The direction, dip, and variations of the
magnetic needle, are facts half terrestrial, half celestial—are
caused by earthly forces which have cycles of change
corresponding with astronomical periods. The flowing of
the gulf-stream and the annual migration of icebergs
towards the equator, involve in their explanation the
Earth’s rotation and spheroidal form, the laws of hydrostatics,
the relative densities of cold and warm water,
and the doctrines of evaporation. It is no doubt true, as
M. Comte says, that “our position in the Solar System, and
the motions, form, size, and equilibrium of the mass of our
world among the planets, must be known before we can
understand the phenomena going on at its surface.” But,
fatally for his hypothesis, it is also true that we must
understand a great part of the phenomena going on at
its surface before we can know its position, &c., in the
Solar System. It is not simply that, as already shown,
those geometrical and mechanical principles by which
celestial appearances are explained, were first generalized
from terrestrial experiences; but it is that even the obtainment
of correct data on which to base astronomical generalizations,
implies advanced terrestrial physics. Until after
optics had made considerable advance, the
Copernican {67}
system remained but a speculation. A single modern
observation on a star has to undergo a careful analysis
by the combined aid of various sciences—has to be digested
by the organism of the sciences; which have severally to
assimilate their respective parts of the observation, before
the essential fact it contains is available for the further
development of astronomy. It has to be corrected not only
for nutation of the Earth’s axis and for precession of the
equinoxes, but for aberration and for refraction; and the
formation of the tables by which refraction is calculated,
presupposes knowledge of the law of decreasing density in
the upper atmospheric strata, of the law of decreasing
temperature and the influence of this on the density, and
of hygrometric laws as also affecting density. So that, to
get materials for further advance, astronomy requires not
only the indirect aid of the sciences which have presided
over the making of its improved instruments, but the
direct aid of an advanced optics, of barology, of thermology,
of hygrometry; and if we remember that these delicate
observations are in some cases registered electrically, and
that they are further corrected for the “personal equation”—the
time elapsing between seeing and registering, which
differs with different observers—we may even add electricity
and psychology. And here, before leaving these
illustrations, and especially this last one, let us not omit
to notice how well they exhibit that increasingly active
consensus of the sciences which characterizes their
advancing development. Besides finding that in these
later times a discovery in one science commonly causes
progress in others; besides finding that a great part of
the questions with which modern science deals are so mixed
as to require the co-operation of many sciences for their
solution; we find that, to make a single good observation
in the purest of the natural sciences, requires the combined
aid of half a dozen other sciences.
Perhaps the clearest comprehension of the
interconnected {68}
growth of the sciences may be obtained by contemplating
that of the arts, to which it is strictly analogous, and with
which it is bound up. Most intelligent persons must have
been occasionally struck with the numerous antecedents
pre-supposed by one of our processes of manufacture. Let
him trace the production of a printed cotton, and consider
all that is implied by it. There are the many successive
improvements through which the power-looms reached their
present perfection; there is the steam-engine that drives
them, having its long history from Papin downwards; there
are the lathes in which its cylinder was bored, and the string
of ancestral lathes from which those lathes proceeded;
there is the steam-hammer under which its crank shaft was
welded; there are the puddling furnaces, the blast-furnaces,
the coal-mines and the iron-mines needful for producing the
raw material; there are the slowly improved appliances by
which the factory was built, and lighted, and ventilated;
there are the printing engine, and the dye-house, and the
colour-laboratory with its stock of materials from all parts
of the world, implying cochineal-culture, logwood-cutting,
indigo-growing; there are the implements used by the
producers of cotton, the gins by which it is cleaned, the
elaborate machines by which it is spun; there are the
vessels in which cotton is imported, with the building-slips,
the rope-yards, the sail-cloth factories, the anchor-forges,
needful for making them; and besides all these directly
necessary antecedents, each of them involving many others,
there are the institutions which have developed the requisite
intelligence, the printing and publishing arrangements
which have spread the necessary information, the social
organization which has rendered possible such a complex
co-operation of agencies. Further analysis would show that
the many arts thus concerned in the economical production
of a child’s frock, have each been brought to its present
efficiency by slow steps which the other arts have aided;
and that from the beginning this reciprocity has been
on {69}
the increase. It needs but on the one hand to consider how
impossible it is for the savage, even with ore and coal ready,
to produce so simple a thing as an iron hatchet; and then
to consider, on the other hand, that it would have been
impracticable among ourselves, even a century ago, to raise
the tubes of the Britannia bridge from lack of the hydraulic
press; to see how mutually dependent are the arts, and how
all must advance that each may advance. Well, the sciences
are involved with each other in just the same manner.
They are, in fact, inextricably woven into this same complex
web of the arts; and are only conventionally independent
of it. Originally the two were one. How to fix the religious
festivals; when to sow; how to weigh commodities; and in
what manner to measure ground; were the purely practical
questions out of which arose astronomy, mechanics, geometry.
Since then there has been a perpetual inosculation of the
sciences and the arts. Science has been supplying art
with truer generalizations and more completely quantitative
previsions. Art has been supplying science with better
materials, and more perfect instruments. And all along the
interdependence has been growing closer, not only between
art and science, but among the arts themselves, and among
the sciences themselves. How completely the analogy holds
throughout, becomes yet clearer when we recognize the fact
that the sciences are arts to one another. If, as occurs in
almost every case, the fact to be analyzed by any science,
has first to be prepared—to be disentangled from disturbing
facts by the afore discovered methods of other sciences; the
other sciences so used, stand in the position of arts. If, in
solving a dynamical problem, a parallelogram is drawn, of
which the sides and diagonal represent forces, and by
putting magnitudes of extension for magnitudes of force a
measurable relation is established between quantities not
else to be dealt with; it may be fairly said that geometry
plays towards mechanics much the same part that the fire
of the founder plays towards the metal he is going to
cast. {70}
If, in analyzing the phenomena of the coloured rings
surrounding the point of contact between two lenses, a
Newton ascertains by calculation the amount of certain
interposed spaces, far too minute for actual measurement;
he employs the science of number for essentially the same
purpose as that for which the watchmaker employs tools.
If, before calculating the orbit of a comet from its observed
position, the astronomer has to separate all the errors of
observation, it is manifest that the refraction-tables, and
logarithm-books, and formulæ, which he successively uses,
serve him much as retorts, and filters, and cupels serve the
assayer who wishes to separate the pure gold from all accompanying
ingredients. So close, indeed, is the relationship,
that it is impossible to say where science begins and art ends.
All the instruments of the natural philosopher are the
products of art; the adjusting one of them for use is an art;
there is art in making an observation with one of them; it
requires art properly to treat the facts ascertained; nay,
even the employing established generalizations to open the
way to new generalizations, may be considered as art. In
each of these cases previously organized knowledge becomes
the implement by which new knowledge is got at: and
whether that previously organized knowledge is embodied
in a tangible apparatus or in a formula, matters not in so
far as its essential relation to the new knowledge is concerned.
If art is applied knowledge, then such portion of a scientific
investigation as consists of applied knowledge is art.
Hence we may even say that as soon as any prevision in
science passes out of its originally passive state, and is
employed for reaching other previsions, it passes from
theory into practice—becomes science in action—becomes
art. And after contemplating these facts, we shall the more
clearly perceive that as the connexion of the arts with each
other has been becoming more intimate; as the help given
by sciences to arts and by arts to sciences, has been age
by age increasing; so the interdependence of the
sciences {71}
themselves has been ever growing greater, their relations
more involved, their consensus more active.
In here ending our sketch
of the Genesis of Science, we
are conscious of having done the subject but scant justice.
Two difficulties have stood in our way: one, the having to touch
on so many points in such small space; the other, the necessity
of treating in serial arrangement a process which is not serial.
Nevertheless, we believe the evidence assigned suffices to
substantiate the leading propositions with which we set
out. Inquiry into the first stages of science confirms the
conclusion drawn from analysis of science as now existing,
that it is not distinct from common knowledge, but an
outgrowth from it—an extension of perception by means
of reason. That more specific characteristic of scientific
previsions, which was analytically shown to distinguish
them from the previsions of uncultured intelligence—their
quantitativeness—we also see to have been the characteristic
alike of the initial steps in science, and of all the steps
succeeding them. The facts and admissions cited in
disproof of the assertion that the sciences follow one
another, both logically and historically, in the order of
their decreasing generality, have been enforced by the
instances we have met with, showing that a more general
science as much owes its progress to the presentation of
new problems by a more special science, as the more
special science owes its progress to the solutions which the
more general science is thus led to attempt—instances,
therefore, illustrating the position that scientific advance
is as much from the special to the general as from the
general to the special. Quite in harmony with this
position we find to be the admissions that the sciences are
as branches of one trunk, and that they were at first
cultivated simultaneously. This harmony becomes the
more marked on finding, as we have done, not only that
the sciences have a common root, but that science
in {72}
general has a common root with language, classification,
reasoning, art; that throughout civilization these have
advanced together, acting and reacting upon each other
just as the separate sciences have done; and that thus the
development of intelligence in all its divisions and sub-divisions
has conformed to this same law which we have
shown that the sciences conform to. From all which we
may perceive that the sciences can with no greater propriety
be arranged in a succession, than language, classification,
reasoning, art, and science, can be arranged in a succession;
that, however needful a succession may be for the convenience
of books and catalogues, it must be recognized as
merely a convention; and that so far from its being the
function of a philosophy of the sciences to establish a
hierarchy, it is its function to show that the linear arrangements
required for literary purposes, have none of them
any basis either in Nature or History.
There is one further remark we must not omit—a remark
touching the importance of the question that has been discussed.
Topics of this abstract nature are commonly
slighted as of no practical moment; and, doubtless, many
will think it of little consequence what theory respecting
the genesis of science may be entertained. But the value
of truths is often great, in proportion as their generality is
wide. And it must be so here. A correct theory of the
development of the sciences must have an important effect
on education; and, through education, on civilization.
Much as we differ from him in other respects, we agree
with M. Comte in the belief that, rightly conducted, the
education of the individual must have a certain correspondence
with the evolution of the race. No one can contemplate
the facts we have cited in illustration of the early
stages of science, without recognizing the necessity of the
processes through which those stages were reached—a
necessity which, in respect to the leading truths, may
likewise be traced in all after stages. This
necessity, {73}
originating in the very nature of the phenomena to be
analyzed and the faculties to be employed, partially applies
to the mind of the child as to that of the savage. We say
partially, because the correspondence is not special but
general only. Were the environment the same in both
cases, the correspondence would be complete. But though
the surrounding material out of which science is to be
organized, is, in many cases, the same to the juvenile mind
and the aboriginal mind, it is not so throughout; as, for
instance, in the case of chemistry, the phenomena of which
are accessible to the one but were inaccessible to the other.
Hence, in proportion as the environment differs, the course
of evolution must differ. After admitting exceptions,
however, there remains a substantial parallelism; and, if
so, it is of moment to ascertain what really has been the
process of scientific evolution. The establishment of an
erroneous theory must be disastrous in its educational
results; while the establishment of a true one must be
fertile in school-reforms and consequent social
benefits.
1
It is curious that the author of “The Plurality of Worlds,” with quite
other aims, should have persuaded himself into similar
conclusions.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES. — TABLE I. — TABLE II. — TABLE III. — P OSTSCRIPT R EPLYING TO C RITICISMS. — ENDNOTES TO THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES. .
[First published
as a brochure in April 1864. The preface to the
second edition, published in April 1869, I reproduce because of
certain facts contained in it which are not without interest.]
The first edition of this Essay is not yet out of print.
But a proposal to translate it into French having been
made by Professor Réthoré, I have decided to prepare a
new edition free from the imperfections which criticism and
further thought have disclosed, rather than allow these
imperfections to be reproduced.
The occasion has almost tempted me into some amplification.
Further arguments against the classification of
M. Comte, and further arguments in support of the
classification here set forth, have pleaded for utterance.
But reconsideration has convinced me that it is both
needless and useless to say more—needless because those
who are not committed will think the case sufficiently
strong as it stands; and useless because to those who are
committed, additional reasons will seem as inadequate as the
original ones. [In the preface to the third edition, however,
a reason is given for a change of decision on this point at
that time made (February 1871): the reason being “the publication
of several objections by Prof. Bain in his Logic.”]
This last conclusion is thrust on me by seeing how little
M. Littré, the leading expositor of M. Comte, is influenced
by fundamental objections the force of which he admits.
After quoting one of these, he says, with a candour
equally {75}
rare and admirable, that he has vainly searched M. Comte’s
works and his own mind for an answer. Nevertheless, he
adds—“j’ai réussi, je crois, à écarter l’attaque de M. Herbert
Spencer, et à sauver le fond par des sacrifices indispensables
mais accessoires.” The sacrifices are these. He abandons
M. Comte’s division of Inorganic Science into Celestial
Physics and Terrestrial Physics—a division which, in
M. Comte’s scheme, takes precedence of all the rest; and he
admits that neither logically nor historically does Astronomy
come before Physics, as M. Comte alleges. After making
these sacrifices, which most will think too lightly described
as “sacrifices indispensables mais accessoires,” M. Littré
proceeds to rehabilitate the Comtean classification in a way
which he considers satisfactory, but which I do not understand.
In short, the proof of these incongruities affects his
faith in the Positivist theory of the sciences, no more than
the faith of a Christian is affected by proof that the Gospels
contradict one another.
Here in England I have seen no attempt to meet the
criticisms with which M. Littré thus deals. There has been
no reply to the allegation, based on examples, that the
several sciences do not develop in the order of their
decreasing generality; nor to the allegation, based on
M. Comte’s own admissions, that within each science the
progress is not, as he says it is, from the general to the
special; nor to the allegation that the seeming historical
precedence of Astronomy over Physics in M. Comte’s pages,
is based on a verbal ambiguity—a mere sleight of words;
nor to the allegation, abundantly illustrated, that a progression
in an order the reverse of that asserted by
M. Comte may be as well substantiated; nor to various
minor allegations equally irreconcileable with his scheme.
I have met with nothing more than iteration of the statement
that the sciences do conform, logically and historically,
to the order in which M. Comte places them; regardless of
the assigned evidence that they do not.
Under these circumstances it is unnecessary for me
to {76}
say more; and I think I am warranted in continuing to hold
that the Comtean classification of the sciences is demonstrably
untenable.
In an essay on “The Genesis of Science,” originally
published in 1854, I endeavoured to show that the Sciences
cannot be rationally arranged in serial order. Proof was
given that neither the succession in which the Sciences are
placed by M. Comte (to a criticism of whose scheme the
essay was in part devoted), nor any other succession in
which the Sciences can be placed, represents either their
logical dependence or their historical dependence. To the
question—How may their relations be rightly expressed? I
did not then attempt any answer. This question I propose
now to consider.
A true classification includes in each class, those objects
which have more characteristics in common with one
another, than any of them have in common with any objects
excluded from the class. Further, the characteristics
possessed in common by the colligated objects, and not
possessed by other objects, involve more numerous dependent
characteristics. These are two sides of the same definition.
For things possessing the greatest number of attributes in
common, are things that possess in common those essential
attributes on which the rest depend; and, conversely, the
possession in common of the essential attributes, implies
the possession in common of the greatest number of
attributes. Hence, either test may be used as convenience
dictates.
If, then, the Sciences admit of classification at all, it must
be by grouping together the like and separating the unlike,
as thus defined. Let us proceed to do this.
The broadest natural division among the Sciences, is the
division between those which deal with the abstract
relations {77}
under which phenomena are presented to us, and those
which deal with the phenomena themselves. Relations of
whatever orders, are nearer akin to one another than they
are to any objects. Objects of whatever orders, are nearer
akin to one another than they are to any relations. Whether,
as some hold, Space and Time are nothing but forms of
Thought2;
or whether, as I hold myself, they are forms of
Things, that have generated forms of Thought through
organized and inherited experience of Things; it is equally
true that Space and Time are contrasted absolutely with the
existences disclosed to us in Space and Time; and hence
the Sciences which deal exclusively with Space and Time,
are separated by the profoundest of all distinctions from
the Sciences which deal with the existences contained in
Space and Time. Space is the abstract of all relations of
co-existence. Time is the abstract of all relations of
sequence. And dealing as they do entirely with relations
of co-existence and sequence, in their general or special
forms, Logic and Mathematics form a class of the Sciences
more widely unlike the rest, than any of the rest are from
one another.
The Sciences which deal with existences themselves,
instead of the blank forms in which existences are presented
to us, admit of a sub-division less profound than the
division above made, but more profound than any of the
divisions among the Sciences individually considered.
They {78}
fall into two classes, having quite different aspects, aims, and
methods. Every phenomenon is more or less composite—is
a manifestation of force under several distinct modes.
Hence result two objects of inquiry. We may study the
component modes of force separately; or we may study
them as co-operating to generate in this composite phenomenon.
On the one hand, neglecting all the incidents
of particular cases, we may aim to educe the laws of each
mode of force, when it is uninterfered with. On the other
hand, the incidents of the particular case being given, we
may seek to interpret the entire phenomenon, as a product
of the several forces simultaneously in action. The truths
reached through the first kind of inquiry, though concrete
inasmuch as they have actual existences for their subject-matters,
are abstract inasmuch as they refer to the modes
of existence apart from one another; while the truths
reached by the second kind of inquiry are properly concrete,
inasmuch as they formulate the facts in their combined
order, as they occur in Nature.
The Sciences, then, in their main divisions, stand
thus:―
SCIENCE is
that which treats of the forms in which phenomona are known to us:
ABSTRACTSCIENCE
(Logic and Mathematics)
that which treats of the phenomena themselves:
in their elements:
ABSTRACT-CONCRETESCIENCE
(Mechanics, Physics, Chemistry, etc.)
in their totalities:
CONCRETESCIENCE
(Astronomy, Geology, Biology,
Psychology, Sociology, etc.)
It
is needful to define the words abstract and concrete as
thus used; since they are sometimes used with
other {79}
meanings. M. Comte divides Science into abstract and
concrete; but the divisions which he distinguishes by these
names are quite unlike those above made. Instead of
regarding some Sciences as wholly abstract, and others as
wholly concrete, he regards each Science as having an
abstract part, and a concrete part. There is, according to
him, an abstract mathematics and a concrete mathematics—an
abstract biology and concrete biology. He says:—“Il
faut distinguer, par rapport à tous les ordres de phénomènes,
deux genres de sciences naturelles: les unes
abstraites, générales, ont pour objet la découverte des lois
qui régissent les diverses classes de phénomènes, en considérant
tous les cas qu’on peut concevoir; les autres
concrètes, particulières, descriptives, et qu’on désigne quelquefois
sous le nom de sciences naturelles proprement
dites, consistent dans l’application de ces lois a l’histoire
effective des différens êtres existans.” And to illustrate the
distinction, he names general physiology as abstract, and
zoology and botany as concrete. Here it is manifest that
the words abstract and general are used as synonymous.
They have, however, different meanings; and confusion
results from not distinguishing their meanings. Abstractness
means detachment from the incidents of particular cases.
Generality means manifestation in numerous cases. On the
one hand, the essential nature of some phenomenon is considered,
apart from disguising phenomena. On the other
hand, the frequency of the phenomenon, with or without
disguising phenomena, is the thing considered. Among
the phenomena presented by numbers, which are purely
ideal, the two coincide; but excluding these, an abstract
truth is not realizable to perception in any case of which it
is asserted, whereas a general truth is realizable to perception
in every case of which it is asserted. Some illustrations
will make the distinction clear. Thus it is an abstract truth
that the angle contained in a semi-circle is a right angle—abstract
in the sense that though it does not hold of {80}
actually-constructed
semi-circles and angles, which are always inexact,
it holds of the ideal semi-circles and angles abstracted
from real ones; but this is not a general truth, either in the
sense that it is commonly manifested in Nature, or in the
sense that it is a space-relation that comprehends many minor
space-relations: it is a quite special space-relation. Again,
that the momentum of a body causes it to move in a
straight line at a uniform velocity, is an abstract-concrete
truth—a truth abstracted from certain experiences of concrete
phenomena; but it is by no means a general truth:
so little generality has it, that no one fact in Nature
displays it. Conversely, surrounding things supply us
with hosts of general truths that are not in the least
abstract. It is a general truth that the planets go round
the Sun from West to East—a truth which holds good in
several hundred cases (including the cases of the planetoids);
but this truth is not at all abstract, since it is
perfectly realized as a concrete fact in every one of these
cases. Every vertebrate animal whatever, has a double
nervous system; all birds and all mammals are warm-blooded—these
are general truths, but they are concrete
truths: that is to say, every vertebrate animal individually
presents an entire and unqualified manifestation of this
duality of the nervous system; every living bird exemplifies
absolutely or completely the warm-bloodedness
of birds. What we here call, and rightly call, a general
truth, is simply a proposition which sums up a number of
our actual experiences; and not the expression of a truth
drawn from our actual experiences, but never presented to
us in any of them. In other words, a general truth
colligates a number of particular truths; while an abstract
truth colligates no particular truths, but formulates a
truth which certain phenomena all involve, though it is
actually seen in none of them.
Limiting the words to their proper meanings as thus
defined, it becomes manifest that the three classes
of {81}
Sciences above separated, are not distinguishable at all by
differences in their degrees of generality. They are all
equally general; or rather they are all, considered as
groups, universal. Every object whatever presents at once
the subject-matter for each of them. In every fragment of
substance we have simultaneously illustrated the abstract
truths of relation in Time and Space; the abstract-concrete
truths in conformity with which the fragment manifests its
several modes of force; and the concrete truths resulting
from the joint manifestation of these modes of force, and
which give to the fragment the characters by which it is
known as such or such. Thus these three classes of
Sciences severally formulate different, but co-extensive,
classes of facts. Within each group there are truths of
greater and less generality: there are general abstract
truths, and special abstract truths; general abstract-concrete
truths, and special abstract-concrete truths; general
concrete truths, and special concrete truths. But while
within each class there are groups and sub-groups and sub-sub-groups
which differ in their degrees of generality,
the classes themselves differ only in their degrees of
abstractness.3
Let us pass to the sub-divisions of these classes. The
first class is separable into two parts—the one containing
universal truths, the other non-universal truths.
Dealing {82}
wholly with relations apart from related things, Abstract
Science considers first, that which is common to all relations
whatever; and, second, that which is common to each order
of relations. Besides the indefinite and variable connexions
which exist among phenomena, as occurring together in
Space and Time, we find that there are also definite and
invariable connexions—that between each kind of phenomenon
and certain other kinds of phenomena, there exist
uniform relations. This is a universal abstract truth—that
there is an unchanging order, or fixity of law, in Space and
Time. We come next to the several kinds of unchanging
order, which, taken together, form the subjects
of the {83}
second division of Abstract Science. Of this second division,
the most general sub-division is that which deals with
the natures of the connexions in Space and Time, irrespective
of the terms connected. The conditions under which
we may predicate a relation of coincidence or proximity in
Space and Time (or of non-coincidence or non-proximity)
from the subject-matter of Logic. Here the natures and
amounts of the terms between which the relations
are {84}
asserted (or denied) are of no moment: the propositions of
Logic are independent of any qualitative or quantitative
specification of the related things. The other sub-division
has for its subject-matter, the relations between terms
which are specified quantitatively but not qualitatively.
The amounts of the related terms, irrespective of their
natures, are here dealt with; and Mathematics is a statement
of the laws of quantity considered apart from reality.
Quantity considered apart from reality, is occupancy of
Space or Time; and occupancy of Space or Time is
measured by units of one or other order, but of which the
ultimate ones are simply separate places in consciousness,
either coexistent or sequent. Among units that are unspecified
in their natures (extensive, protensive, or intensive),
but are ideally endowed with existence considered apart
from attributes, the quantitative relations that arise, are
those most general relations expressed by numbers. Such
relations fall into either of two orders, according as the
units are considered simply as capable of filling separate
places in consciousness, or according as they are considered
as filling places that are not only separate, but equal. In
the one case, we have that indefinite calculus by which
numbers of abstract existences, but not sums of abstract
existence, are predicable. In the other case, we have that
definite calculus by which both numbers of abstract existences
and sums of abstract existence are predicable. Next
comes that division of Mathematics which deals with the
quantitative relations of magnitudes (or aggregates of units)
considered as coexistent, or as occupying Space—the division
called Geometry. And then we arrive at relations,
the terms of which include both quantities of Time and
quantities of Space—those in which times are estimated by
the units of space traversed at a uniform velocity, and those
in which equal units of time being given, the spaces
traversed with uniform or variable velocities are estimated. {85}
These Abstract Sciences, which are concerned exclusively
with relations and with the relations of relations, may be
grouped as shown in Table I.
ABSTRACT SCIENCE.
Universal law of relation—an expression of the truth that
uniformities of connexion obtain among modes of Being,
irrespective of any specification of the natures of the
uniformities of connexion.
Laws of relations
that are qualitative; or that are specified in their
natures as relations of coincidence or proximity in
Time and Space, but not necessarily in their terms the
natures and amount of which are indifferent. (LOGIC.)4
that are quantitative (MATHEMATICS)
negatively: the terms of the relations being
definitely-related sets of positions in space; and the
facts predicated being the absences of certain quantities.
(Geometry of Position.5)
positively: the terms being magnitudes composed of
units that are equal only as having independent existences.
(Indefinite Calculus.6)
equal units
the equality of which is not defined as extensive,
protensive, or intensive (Definite Calculus)
when their numbers are completely specified (Arithmetic.)
when their numbers are specified only
in their relations (Algebra.)
in the relations of their relations. (Calculus ofOperations.)
the equality of which is that of extension
considered in their relations of coexistence. (Geometry.)
considered as traversed in Time
that is wholly indefinite. (Kinematics.)
that is divided into equal units (Geometry of Motion.7)
Passing from the Sciences concerned with the ideal or
unoccupied forms of relations, and turning to the Sciences
concerned with real relations, or the relations among realities,
we come first to those Sciences which treat of realities,
not as they are habitually manifested, but with realities as
manifested in their different modes, when these are artificially
separated from one another. While the Abstract
Sciences are wholly ideal, relatively to the Abstract-Concrete
and Concrete Sciences; the Abstract-Concrete
Sciences are partially ideal, relatively to the Concrete
Sciences. Just as Logic and Mathematics generalize the
laws of relation, qualitative and quantitative, apart from
related things; so, Mechanics, Physics, Chemistry generalize
the laws of relation which different modes of Matter and
Motion conform to, when severally disentangled from those
actual phenomena in which they are mutually modified.
Just as the geometrician formulates the properties of lines
and surfaces, independently of the irregularities and thicknesses
of lines and surfaces as they really exist; so the
physicist and the chemist formulate the manifestations of
each mode of force, independently of the disturbances in
its manifestations which other modes of force cause in every
actual case. In works on Mechanics, the laws of motion
are expressed without reference to friction and resistance
of the medium. Not what motion ever really is, but what
it would be if retarding forces were absent, is asserted. If
afterwards any retarding force is taken into account, then
the effect of this retarding force is dealt with by itself:
neglecting the other retarding forces. Consider, again,
the generalizations of the physicist respecting molecular
motion. The law that light varies inversely as the square
of the distance, is absolutely true only when the
radiation {86}
goes on from a point without dimensions, which it never
does; and it also assumes that the rays are perfectly
straight, which they cannot be unless the medium differs
from all actual media in being perfectly homogeneous. If
the disturbing effects of changes of media are investigated,
the formulæ expressing the refractions take for granted
that the new media entered are homogeneous; which they
never really are. Even when a compound disturbance is
allowed for, as when the refraction undergone by light in
traversing a medium of increasing density, like the atmosphere,
is calculated, the calculation still supposes conditions
that are unnaturally simple—it supposes that the
atmosphere is not pervaded by heterogeneous currents,
which it always is. Similarly with the inquiries of the
chemist. He does not take his substances as Nature supplies
them. Before he proceeds to specify their respective
properties, he purifies them—separates from each all trace
of every other. Before ascertaining the specific gravity of
a gas, he has to free this gas from the vapour of water,
usually mixed with it. Before describing the properties of
a salt, he guards against any error that may arise from the
presence of an uncombined portion of the acid or base.
And when he alleges of any element that it has a certain
atomic weight, and unites with such and such equivalents
of other elements, he does not mean that the results thus
expressed are exactly the results of any one experiment;
but that they are the results which, after averaging many
trials, he concludes would be realized if absolute purity
could be obtained, and if the experiments could be conducted
without loss. His problem is to ascertain the laws
of combination of molecules, not as they are actually displayed,
but as they would be displayed in the absence of
those minute interferences which cannot be altogether
avoided. Thus all Abstract-Concrete Sciences have for
their object, analytical interpretation. In every case it is
the aim to decompose the phenomenon, and formulate
its {87}
components apart from one another; or some two or three
apart from the rest. Wherever, throughout these Sciences,
synthesis is employed, it is for the verification of analysis.8
The truths elaborated are severally asserted, not as truths
exhibited by this or that particular object; but as truths
universally holding of Matter and Motion in their more
general or more special forms, considered apart from particular
objects, and particular places in space.
The sub-divisions of this group of Sciences, may be
drawn on the same principle as that on which the sub-divisions
of the preceding group were drawn. Phenomena,
considered as more or less involved manifestations of force,
yield on analysis, certain laws of manifestation which are
universal, and other laws of manifestation, which, being
dependent on conditions, are not universal. Hence the
Abstract-Concrete Sciences are primarily divisible into—the
laws of force considered apart from its separate modes,
and laws of force considered under each of its separate
modes. And this second division of the Abstract-Concrete
group, is sub-divisible after a manner essentially analogous.
It is needless to occupy space by defining these
several {88}
orders and genera of Sciences. Table II. will sufficiently
explain their relations.
ABSTRACT-CONCRETE SCIENCE.
Universal laws of forces (tensions and pressures), as
deducible from the persistence of force: the theorems of
resolution and composition of forces.
Laws of forces as manifested by matter
in masses (MECHANICS)
that are in equilibrium relatively to other masses
and are solid. (Statics.)
and are fluid. (Hydrostatics.)
that are not in equilibrium relatively to other masses
and are solid. (Dynamics.)
and are fluid. (Hydrodynamics.)
in molecules (MOLECULARMECHANICS)
when in equilibrium: (Molecular Statics)
giving statical properties of matter
general, as impenetrability or space-occupancy.
special, as the forms resulting from molecular equilibrium.
giving statico-dynamical properties of matter (cohesion,
elasticity, etc.)
when solid.
when liquid.
when gaseous.
when not in equilibrium: (Molecular Dynamics)
as resulting in a changed distribution of molecules
which alters their relative positions homogeneously
causing increase of volume (expansion, liquefaction,
evaporation).
causing decrease of volume (condensation, solidification,
contraction).
which alters their relative positions heterogeneously
(Chemistry)
producing new relations of molecules (new compounds).
producing new relations of forces (new affinities).
as resulting in a changed distribution of molecular motion,
which, by integration, generates sensible motion.
which, by disintegration, generates insensible motion,
under the forms of {Heat.Light.Electricity.Magnetism.}
We come now to the third great group. We have done with
the Sciences which are concerned only with the blank forms
of relations under which Being is manifested to us. We
have left behind the Sciences which, dealing with Being
under its universal mode, and its several non-universal
modes regarded as independent, treat the terms of its
relations as simple and homogeneous; which they never are
in Nature. There remain the Sciences which, taking these
modes of Being as they are habitually connected with one
another, have for the terms of their relations, those heterogeneous
combinations of forces that constitute actual
phenomena. The subject-matter of these Concrete-Sciences
is the real, as contrasted with the wholly or partially ideal.
It is their aim, not to separate and generalize apart the
components of all phenomena, but to explain each phenomenon
as a product of these components. Their relations
are not, like those of the simplest Abstract-Concrete
Sciences, relations between one antecedent and one
consequent; nor are they, like those of the more involved
Abstract-Concrete Sciences, relations between some few antecedents
cut off in imagination from all others, and some few
consequents similarly cut off; but they are relations each of
which has for its terms a complete plexus of antecedents
and a complete plexus of consequents. This is manifest in the
least involved Concrete Sciences. The astronomer seeks to
explain the Solar System. He does not stop short after
generalizing the laws of planetary movement, such as
planetary movement would be did only a single planet exist;
but he solves this abstract-concrete problem, as a step
towards solving the concrete problem of the planetary movements
as affecting one another. In astronomical language,
“the theory of the Moon” means an interpretation of the
Moon’s motions, not as determined simply by
centripetal {89}
and centrifugal forces, but as perpetually modified by
gravitation towards the Earth’s equatorial protuberance,
towards the Sun, and even towards Venus: forces daily
varying in their amounts and combinations. Nor does the
astronomer leave off when he has calculated what will be
the position of a given body at a given time, allowing for
all perturbations; but he goes on to consider the effects
produced by reactions on the perturbing masses. And he
further goes on to consider how the mutual perturbations
of the planets cause, during a long period, increasing
deviations from a mean state; and then how compensating
perturbations cause continuous decrease of the deviations.
That is, the goal towards which he ever strives, is a complete
explanation of these complex planetary motions in their
totality. Similarly with the geologist. He does not take
for his problem only those irregularities of the Earth’s crust
that are worked by denudation; or only those which igneous
action causes. He does not seek simply to understand how
sedimentary strata were formed; or how faults were produced;
or how moraines originated; or how the beds of
Alpine lakes were scooped out. But taking into account
all agencies co-operating in endless and ever-varying combinations,
he aims to interpret the entire structure of the
Earth’s crust. If he studies separately the actions of rain,
rivers, glaciers, icebergs, tides, waves, volcanoes, earthquakes,
etc.; he does so that he may be better able to
comprehend their joint actions as factors in geological
phenomena: the object of his science being to generalize
these phenomena in all their intricate connexions, as parts
of one whole. In like manner Biology is the elaboration
of a complete theory of Life, in each and all of its involved
manifestations. If different aspects of its phenomena are
investigated apart—if one observer busies himself in classing
organisms, another in dissecting them, another in ascertaining
their chemical compositions, another in studying
functions, another in tracing laws of modification; they
are {90}
all, consciously or unconsciously, helping to work out a
solution of vital phenomena in their entirety, both as
displayed by individual organisms and by organisms at large.
Thus, in these Concrete Sciences, the object is the converse
of that which the Abstract-Concrete Sciences propose to
themselves. In the one case we have analytical interpretation;
while in the other case we have synthetical
interpretation. Instead of synthesis being used merely to
verify analysis; analysis is here used only to aid synthesis.
Not to formulate the factors of phenomena is now the
object; but to formulate the phenomena resulting from
these factors, under the various conditions which the
Universe presents.
This third class of Sciences, like the other classes, is
divisible into the universal and the non-universal. As
there are truths which hold of all phenomena in their
elements; so there are truths which hold of all phenomena in
their totalities. As force has certain ultimate laws common to
its separate modes of manifestation, so in those combinations
of its modes which constitute actual phenomena, we find
certain ultimate laws that are conformed to in every case.
These are the laws of the re-distribution of force. Since
we can become conscious of a phenomenon only by some
change wrought in us, every phenomenon necessarily implies
re-distribution of force—change in the arrangements of
matter and motion. Alike in molecular movements and
the movements of masses, one great uniformity may be
traced. A decreasing quantity of motion, sensible or
insensible, always has for its concomitant an increasing
aggregation of matter; and, conversely, an increasing
quantity of motion, sensible or insensible, has for its concomitant
a decreasing aggregation of matter. Give to the
molecules of any mass, more of that insensible motion which
we call heat, and the parts of the mass become somewhat
less closely aggregated. Add a further quantity of insensible
motion, and the mass so far disintegrates as to
become {91}
liquid. Add still more insensible motion, and the mass
disintegrates so completely as to become gas; which occupies
a greater space with every extra quantity of insensible
motion given to it. On the other hand, every loss of
insensible motion by a mass, gaseous, liquid, or solid, is
accompanied by a progressing integration of the mass.
Similarly with sensible motions, be the bodies moved large
or small. Augment the velocities of the planets, and their
orbits will enlarge—the Solar System will occupy a wider
space. Diminish their velocities, and their orbits will
lessen—the Solar System will contract, or become more
integrated. And in like manner we see that sensible
motions given to bodies on the Earth’s surface involve
partial disintegrations of the bodies from the Earth; while
the loss of their motions are accompanied by their
re-integration with the Earth. In all changes we have
either an integration of matter and concomitant dissipation
of motion; or an absorption of motion and concomitant
disintegration of matter. And where, as in living bodies,
these processes go on simultaneously, there is an integration
of matter proportioned to the dissipation of motion, and an
absorption of motion proportioned to the disintegration of
matter. Such, then, are the universal laws of that re-distribution
of matter and motion everywhere going on—a
re-distribution which results in Evolution so long as the
aggregation of matter and dispersion of motion predominate;
but which results in Dissolution where there is a predominant
aggregation of motion and dispersion of matter. Hence we
have a division of Concrete Science which bears towards the
other Concrete Sciences, a relation like that which the
Universal Law of Relation bears to Mathematics, and like
that which Universal Mechanics (composition and resolution
of forces) bears to Physics. We have a division of Concrete
Science which generalizes those concomitants of this re-distribution
that hold good among all orders of concrete
objects—a division which explains why, along
with a {92}
predominating integration of matter and dissipation of motion,
there goes a change from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity,
to a definite, coherent heterogeneity; and why a
reverse re-distribution of matter and motion, is accompanied
by a reverse structural change. Passing from this universal
Concrete Science, to the non-universal Concrete Sciences;
we find that these are primarily divisible into the science
which deals with the re-distributions of matter and motion
among masses in space, consequent on their mutual actions
as wholes; and the science which deals with the re-distributions
of matter and motion consequent on the mutual
actions of the parts of each mass. And of these equally
general Sciences, this last is re-divisible into the Science
which is limited to the concomitants of re-distribution among
the parts of each mass when regarded as independent, and
the Science which takes into account the molecular motion
received by radiation from other masses. But these sub-divisions,
and their sub-sub-divisions, will be best seen in the
annexed Table III.
CONCRETE SCIENCE.
Universal laws of the continuous re-distribution of Matter
and Motion; which results in Evolution where there is
a predominant integration of Matter and dissipation of
Motion, and which results in Dissolution where there is
a predominant absorption of Motion and disintegration of
Matter.
Laws of the redistributions of Matter and Motion actually
going on
among the celestial bodies in their relations
to one another as masses: comprehending (ASTRONOMY)
the dynamics of our solar system. (Planetary Astronomy.)
the dynamics of our stellar universe. (Sidereal
Astronomy.)
among the molecules of any celestial mass; as caused by
the actions of these molecules on one another (ASTROGENY)
resulting in the formation of compound molecules. (SolarMineralogy.)
resulting in molecular motions and genesis of radiant
forces.9
resulting in movements of gases and liquids. (SolarMeteorology.10)
the actions of these molecules on one another, joined with
the actions on them of forces radiated by the molecules of
other masses: (GEOGENY)
as exhibited in the planets generally.
as exhibited in the Earth
causing composition and of decomposition of inorganic
matters. (Mineralogy.)
causing re-distributions of gases and liquids.
(Meteorology.)
That
these great groups of Sciences and their respective
sub-groups, fulfil the definition of a true classification
given at the outset, is, I think, tolerably manifest. The
subjects of inquiry included in each primary division, have
essential attributes in common with one another, which
they have not in common with any of the subjects contained
in the other primary divisions; and they have, by consequence,
a greater number of attributes in which they are
severally like the subjects they are grouped with, and
unlike the subjects otherwise grouped. Between Sciences
which deal with relations apart from realities, and Sciences
which deal with realities, the distinction is the widest
possible; since Being, in some or all of its attributes, is
common to all Sciences of the second class, and excluded
from all Sciences of the first class. And when we divide
the Sciences which treat of realities, into those
which deal {93}
with their component phenomena considered in ideal
separation and those which deal with their component
phenomena as actually united, we make a profounder
distinction than can exist between the Sciences which deal
with one or other order of the components, or than can
exist between the Sciences which deal with one or other
order of the things composed. The three groups of
Sciences may be briefly defined as—laws of the forms;
laws of the factors; laws of the products. When thus
defined, it becomes manifest that the groups are so
radically unlike in their natures, that there can be no
transitions between them; and that any Science belonging
to one of the groups must be quite incongruous with the
Sciences belonging to either of the other groups, if transferred.
How fundamental are the differences between
them, will be further seen on considering their functions.
The first, or abstract group, is instrumental with respect
to both the others; and the second, or abstract-concrete
group is instrumental with respect to the third or concrete
group. An endeavour to invert these functions will at
once show how essential is the difference of character.
The second and third groups supply subject-matter to the
first, and the third supplies subject-matter to the second;
but none of the truths which constitute the third group are
of any use as solvents of the problems presented by the
second group; and none of the truths which the second
group formulates can act as solvents of problems contained
in the first group.
Concerning the sub-divisions of these great groups,
little remains to be added. That each of the groups, being
co-extensive with all phenomena, contains truths that are
universal and others that are not universal, and that these
must be classed apart, is obvious. And that the sub-divisions
of the non-universal truths, are to be made
according to their decreasing generality in something like
the manner shown in the Tables, is proved by the fact
that {94}
when the descriptive words are read from the root to the
extremity of any branch, they form a definition of the
Science constituting that branch. That the minor divisions
might be otherwise arranged, and that better definitions of
them might be given, is highly probable. They are here
set down merely for the purpose of showing how this
method of classification works out.
I will only further remark that the relations of the
Sciences as thus represented, are still but imperfectly
represented: their relations cannot be truly shown on a
plane, but only in space of three dimensions. The three
groups cannot rightly be put in linear order as they have
here been. Since the first stands related to the third, not
only indirectly through the second, but also directly—it is
directly instrumental with respect to the third, and the
third supplies it directly with subject-matter. Their
relations can thus only be truly shown by branches
diverging from a common root on different sides, in
such a way that each stands in juxta-position to the other
two. And only by a like mode of arrangement, can the
relations among the sub-divisions of each group be
correctly represented.
The foregoing exposition,
highly abstract as it is, will by
some readers be less readily followed than a more concrete
one. With the view of carrying conviction to such I will
re-state the case in two ways: the first of them adapted
only to those who accept the doctrine of Evolution in its
most general form.
We set out with concentrating nebulous matter. Tracing
the re-distributions of this, as the rotating contracting
spheroid leaves behind successive annuli and as these
severally form secondary rotating spheroids, we come at
length to planets in their early stages. Thus far we consider
the phenomena dealt with purely astronomical; and
so long as our Earth, regarded as one of these
spheroids, {95}
was made up of gaseous and molten matters only, it
presented no data for any more complex Concrete Science.
In the lapse of cosmical time a solid film forms, which, in
the course of millions of years, thickens, and, in the course
of further millions of years, becomes cool enough to permit
the precipitation, first of various other gaseous compounds,
and finally of water. Presently, the varying exposure of
different parts of the spheroid to the Sun’s rays, begins to
produce appreciable effects; until at length there have
arisen meteorological actions, and consequent geological
actions, such as those we now know: determined partly
by the Sun’s heat, partly by the still-retained internal heat
of the Earth, and partly by the action of the Moon on the
ocean? How have we reached these geological phenomena?
When did the astronomical changes end and the geological
changes begin? It needs but to ask this question to see
that there is no real division between the two. Putting
pre-conceptions aside, we find nothing more than a group
of phenomena continually complicating under the influence
of the same original factors; and we see that our conventional
division is defensible only on grounds of convenience.
Let us advance a stage. As the Earth’s surface
continues to cool, passing through all degrees of temperature
by infinitesimal gradations, the formation of more and
more complex inorganic compounds becomes possible. Later,
its surface sinks to that heat at which the less complex
compounds of the kinds called organic can exist; and,
finally, the formation of the more complex organic compounds
takes place. Chemists now show us that these
compounds may be built up synthetically in the laboratory—each
stage in ascending complexity making possible the
next higher stage. Hence it is inferable that, in the
myriads of laboratories, endlessly diversified in their
materials and conditions, which the Earth’s surface furnished
during the myriads of years occupied in passing
through these stages of temperature, such
successive {96}
syntheses were effected; and that the highly complex unstable
substance out of which all organisms are composed, was
eventually formed in microscopic portions: from which, by
continuous integrations and differentiations, the evolution
of all organisms has proceeded. Where then shall we
draw the line between Geology and Biology? The synthesis
of this most complex compound, is but a continuation
of the syntheses by which all simpler compounds were
formed. The same primary factors have been co-operating
with those secondary factors, meteorologic and geologic,
previously derived from them. Nowhere do we find a
break in the ever-complicating series; for there is a manifest
connexion between those movements which various
complex compounds undergo during their isomeric transformations,
and those changes of form undergone by the
protoplasm which we distinguish as living. Strongly contrasted
as they eventually become, biological phenomena
are at their root inseparable from geological phenomena—inseparable
from the aggregate of transformations continually
wrought in the matters forming the Earth’s surface
by the physical forces to which they are exposed. Further
stages I need not particularize. The gradual development
out of the biological group of phenomena, of the more
specialized group we class as psychological, needs no
illustration. And when we come to the highest psychological
phenomena, it is clear that since aggregations of
human beings may be traced upwards from single wandering
families to tribes and nations of all sizes and complexities,
we pass insensibly from the phenomena of individual
human action to those of corporate human action.
To resume, then, is it not manifest that in the group of
sciences—Astronomy, Geology, Biology, Psychology, Sociology,
we have a natural group that admits neither of
disruption nor change of order? Here there is both a
genetic dependence, and a dependence of interpretations.
The phenomena have arisen in this succession in
cosmical {97}
time; and complete scientific interpretation of each group
depends on scientific interpretation of the preceding groups.
No other science can be thrust in anywhere without destroying
the continuity. To insert Physics between
Astronomy and Geology, would be to make a break in the
history of a continuous series of changes; and a like break
would be produced by inserting Chemistry between Geology
and Biology. It is true that Physics and Chemistry are
needful as interpreters of these successive assemblages of
facts; but it does not therefore follow that they are themselves
to be placed among these assemblages.
Concrete Science, made up of these five concrete sub-sciences,
being thus coherent within itself, and separated
from all other science, there comes the question—Is all other
science similarly coherent within itself? or is it traversed
by some second division that is equally decided? It is
thus traversed. A statical or dynamical theorem, however
simple, has always for its subject-matter something that is
conceived as extended, and as displaying force or forces—as
being a seat of resistance, or of tension, or of both, and
as capable of possessing more or less of vis viva. If we
examine the simplest proposition of Statics, we see that the
conception of Force must be joined with the conception of
Space, before the proposition can be framed in thought;
and if we similarly examine the simplest proposition in
Dynamics, we see that Force, Space, and Time, are its
essential elements. The amounts of the terms are
indifferent; and, by reduction of its terms beyond the limits
of perception, they are applied to molecules: Molar
Mechanics and Molecular Mechanics are continuous. From
questions concerning the relative motions of two or more
molecules, Molecular Mechanics passes to changes of aggregation
among many molecules, to changes in the amounts
and kinds of the motions possessed by them as members of
an aggregate, and to changes of the motions transferred
through aggregates of them, as those constituting
light. {98}
Daily extending its range of interpretations, it is coming to
deal even with the components of each compound molecule
on the same principles. And the unions and disunions of
such more or less compound molecules, which constitute
the phenomena of Chemistry, are also being conceived as
resultant phenomena of essentially kindred natures—the
affinities of molecules for one another, and their reactions
in relation to light, heat, and other modes of force,
being regarded as consequent on the combinations of
the various mechanically-determined motions of their
various components. Without at all out-running, however,
this progress in the mechanical interpretation of molecular
phenomena, it suffices to point out that the indispensable
elements in any chemical conception are units occupying
places in space, and exerting forces on one another. This,
then, is the common character of all these sciences which
we at present group under the names of Mechanics, Physics,
Chemistry. Leaving undiscussed the question whether it
is possible to conceive of force apart from extended somethings
exerting it, we may assert, as beyond dispute, that
if the conception of force be expelled, no science of
Mechanics, Physics, or Chemistry remains. Made coherent,
as these sciences are, by this bond of union, it is impossible
to thrust among them any other science without breaking
their continuity. We cannot place Logic between Molar
Mechanics and Molecular Mechanics. We cannot place
Mathematics between the group of propositions concerning
the behaviour of homogeneous molecules to one another,
and the group of propositions concerning the behaviour of
heterogeneous molecules to one another (which we call
Chemistry). Clearly these two sciences lie outside the
coherent whole we have contemplated; separated from it
in some radical way.
By what are they radically separated? By the absence
of the conception of force through which alone we know
objects as existing or acting. However true it may
be {99}
that so long as Logic and Mathematics have any terms at
all, these must be capable of affecting consciousness, and,
by implication, of exerting force; yet it is the distinctive
trait of these sciences that not only do their propositions
make no reference to such force, but, as far as possible,
they deliberately ignore it. Instead of being, as in all the
other sciences, an element that is not only recognized but
vital; in Mathematics and Logic, force is an element that
is not only not vital, but is studiously not recognized. The
terms in which Logic expresses its propositions, are symbols
that do not profess to represent things, properties, or
powers, of one kind more than another; and may equally
well stand for the attributes belonging to members of some
connected series of ideal curves which have never been
drawn, as for so many real objects. And the theorems of
Geometry, so far from contemplating perceptible lines and
surfaces as elements in the truths enunciated, consider
these truths as becoming absolute only when such lines
and surfaces become ideal—only when the conception of
something exercising force is extruded.
Let me now make a second re-statement, not implying
acceptance of the doctrine of Evolution, but exhibiting
with a clearness almost if not quite as great, these fundamental
distinctions.
The concrete sciences, taken together or separately,
contemplate as their subject-matters, aggregates—either the
entire aggregate of sensible existences, or some secondary
aggregate separable from this entire aggregate, or some
tertiary aggregate separable from this, and so on. Sidereal
Astronomy occupies itself with the totality of visible masses
distributed through space; which it deals with as made up
of identifiable individuals occupying specified places, and
severally standing towards one another, towards sub-groups,
and towards the entire group, in defined ways. Planetary
Astronomy, cutting out of this all-including aggregate
that {100}
relatively minute part constituting the Solar System, deals
with this as a whole—observes, measures, and calculates the
sizes, shapes, distances, motions, of its primary, secondary,
and tertiary members; and, taking for its larger inquiries
the mutual actions of all these members as parts of a coordinated
assemblage, takes for its smaller inquiries the
actions of each member considered as an individual, having
a set of intrinsic activities that are modified by a set of
extrinsic activities. Restricting itself to one of these
aggregates, which admits of close examination, Geology
(using this word in its comprehensive meaning) gives an
account of terrestrial actions and terrestrial structures,
past and present; and, taking for its narrower problems
local formations and the agencies to which they are due,
takes for its larger problems the serial transformations
undergone by the entire Earth. The geologist being
occupied with this cosmically small, but otherwise vast,
aggregate, the biologist occupies himself with small aggregates
formed out of parts of the Earth’s superficial substance,
and treats each of these as a coordinated whole in its
structures and functions; or, when he treats of any
particular organ, considers this as a whole made up of
parts held in a sub-coordination that refers to the coordination
of the entire organism. To the psychologist he leaves
those specialized aggregates of functions which adjust the
actions of organisms to the complex activities surrounding
them: doing this, not simply because they are a stage
higher in speciality, but because they are the counterparts
of those aggregated states of consciousness dealt with by
the science of Subjective Psychology, which stands entirely
apart from all other sciences. Finally, the sociologist
considers each tribe and nation as an aggregate presenting
multitudinous phenomena, simultaneous and successive, that
are held together as parts of one combination. Thus, in
every case, a concrete science deals with a real aggregate
(or a plurality of real aggregates); and it includes as
its {101}
subject-matter whatever is to be known of this aggregate
in respect of its size, shape, motions, density, texture,
general arrangement of parts, minute structure, chemical
composition, temperature, etc., together with all the multitudinous
changes, material and dynamical, gone through by
it from the time it begins to exist as an aggregate to the
time it ceases to exist as an aggregate.
No abstract-concrete science makes the remotest attempt
to do anything of this sort. Taken together, the abstract-concrete
sciences give an account of the various kinds of
properties which aggregates display; and each abstract-concrete
science concerns itself with a certain order of these
properties. By this, the properties common to all aggregates
are studied and formulated; by that, the properties
of aggregates having special forms, special states of aggregation,
etc.; and by others, the properties of particular
components of aggregates when dissociated from other components.
But by all these sciences the aggregate, considered
as an individual object, is tacitly ignored; and a property, or
a connected set of properties, exclusively occupies attention.
It matters not to Mechanics whether the moving mass it
considers is a planet or a molecule, a dead stick thrown
into the river or the living dog that leaps after it: in any
case the curve described by the moving mass conforms to
the same laws. Similarly when the physicist takes for his
subject the relation between the changing bulk of matter
and the changing quantity of molecular motion it contains.
Dealing with the subject generally, he leaves out of consideration
the kind of matter; and dealing with the subject
specially in relation to this or that kind of matter, he
ignores the attributes of size and form: save in the still
more special cases where the effect on form is considered,
and even then size is ignored. So, too, is it with the
chemist. A substance he is investigating, never thought
of by him as distinguished in extension or amount, is not
even required to be perceptible. A portion of carbon
on {102}
which he is experimenting, may or may not have been
visible under its forms of diamond or graphite or charcoal—this
is indifferent. He traces it through various disguises
and various combinations—now as united with oxygen to
form an invisible gas; now as hidden with other elements
in such more complex compounds as ether, and sugar, and
oil. By sulphuric acid or other agent he precipitates it from
these as a coherent cinder, or as a diffused impalpable
powder; and again, by applying heat, forces it to disclose
itself as an element of animal tissue. Evidently, while
thus ascertaining the affinities and atomic equivalence of
carbon, the chemist has nothing to do with any aggregate.
He deals with carbon in the abstract, as something considered
apart from quantity, form, appearance, or temporary
state of combination; and conceives it as the possessor
of powers or properties, whence the special phenomena he
describes result: the ascertaining of all these powers or
properties being his sole aim.
Finally, the Abstract Sciences ignore alike aggregates
and the powers which aggregates or their components
possess; and occupy themselves with relations—either
with the relations among aggregates, or among their parts,
or the relations among aggregates and properties, or the
relations among properties, or the relations among
relations. The same logical formula applies equally well,
whether its terms are men and their deaths, crystals and
their planes of cleavage, or plants and their seeds. And
how entirely Mathematics concerns itself with relations, we
see on remembering that it has just the same expression
for the characters of an infinitesimal triangle, as for those
of the triangle which has Sirius for its apex and the
diameter of the Earth’s orbit for its base.
I cannot see how these definitions of these groups of
sciences can be questioned. It is undeniable that every
Concrete Science gives an account of an aggregate or of
aggregates, inorganic, organic, or super-organic (a
society); {103}
and that, not concerning itself with properties of this or
that order, it concerns itself with the co-ordination of the
assembled properties of all orders. It seems to me no less
certain that an Abstract-Concrete Science gives an account
of some order of properties, general or special; not caring
about the other traits of an aggregate displaying them, and
not recognizing aggregates at all further than is implied by
discussion of the particular order of properties. And I
think it is equally clear that an Abstract Science, freeing
its propositions, so far as the nature of thought permits,
from aggregates and properties, occupies itself with relations
of co-existence and sequence, as disentangled from all particular
forms of being and action. If then these three groups
of sciences are, respectively, accounts of aggregates, accounts
of properties, accounts of relations, it is manifest that the
divisions between them are not simply perfectly clear, but
that the chasms between them are absolute.
Here, perhaps more clearly than before, will be seen the
untenability of the classification made by M. Comte. Already,
after setting forth in a general way these fundamental
distinctions, I have pointed out the incongruities that
arise when the sciences, conceived as Abstract, Abstract-Concrete,
and Concrete, are arranged in the order proposed
by him. Such incongruities become still more conspicuous
if for these general names of the groups we substitute the
definitions given above. The series will then stand thus:―
MATHEMATICS . . .
An account of relations (including, under Mechanics,
an account of properties).
ASTRONOMY . . . An account of aggregates.
PHYSICS . . . An account of properties.
CHEMISTRY . . . An account of properties.
BIOLOGY . . . An account of aggregates.
SOCIOLOGY . . . An account of aggregates.
That those
who espouse opposite views see clearly
the {104}
defects in the propositions of their opponents and not those
in their own, is a trite remark that holds in philosophical
discussions as in all others: the parable of the mote and
the beam applies as well to men’s appreciations of one
another’s opinions as to their appreciations of one another’s
natures. Possibly to my positivist friends I exemplify this
truth,—just as they exemplify it to me. Those uncommitted
to either view must decide where the mote exists
and where the beam. Meanwhile it is clear that one or
other of the two views is essentially erroneous; and that
no qualifications can bring them into harmony. Either
the sciences admit of no such grouping as that which I
have described, or they admit of no such serial order as
that given by M. Comte.
Among objections made to any doctrine, those which
come from avowed supporters of an adverse doctrine must
be considered, other things equal, as of less weight than
those which come from men uncommitted to an adverse
doctrine, or but partially committed to it. The element of
prepossession, distinctly present in the one case and in the
other case mainly or quite absent, is a well-recognized
cause of difference in the values of the judgments: supposing
the judgments to be otherwise fairly comparable.
Hence, when it is needful to bring the replies within
a restricted space, a fit course is that of dealing rather
with independent criticisms than with criticisms which
are really indirect arguments for an opposite view, previously
espoused.
For this reason I propose here to confine myself substantially,
though not absolutely, to the demurrers entered
against the foregoing classification by Prof. Bain, in his
recent work on Logic. Before dealing with the
more {105}
important of these, let me clear the ground by disposing
of the less important.
Incidentally,
while commenting on the view I take
respecting the position of Logic, Prof. Bain points out
that this, which is the most abstract of the sciences, owes
much to Psychology, which I place among the Concrete
Sciences; and he alleges an incongruity between this fact
and my statement that the Concrete Sciences are not
instrumental in disclosing the truths of the Abstract
Sciences. Subsequently he re-raises this apparent anomaly
when saying―
“Nor is it possible to justify the placing of Psychology wholly among
Concrete Sciences. It is a highly analytic science, as Mr. Spencer
thoroughly knows.”
For a full reply,
given by implication, I must refer Prof.
Bain to § 56 of The Principles of Psychology, where I
have contended that “while, under its objective aspect,
Psychology is to be classed as one of the Concrete Sciences
which successively decrease in scope as they increase in
speciality; under its subjective aspect, Psychology is a
totally unique science, independent of, and antithetically
opposed to, all other sciences whatever.” A pure idealist
will not, I suppose, recognize this distinction; but to every
one else it must, I should think, be obvious that the
science of subjective existences is the correlative of all
the sciences of objective existences; and is as absolutely
marked off from them as subject is from object. Objective
Psychology, which I class among the Concrete Sciences, is
purely synthetic, so long as it is limited, like the other
sciences, to objective data; though great aid in the interpretation
of these data is derived from the observed
correspondence between the phenomena of Objective
Psychology as presented in other beings and the phenomena
of Subjective Psychology as presented in one’s
own consciousness. Now it is Subjective Psychology
only which is analytic, and which affords aid in
the {106}
development of Logic. This being explained, the apparent
incongruity disappears.
A difficulty raised respecting the manner in which I
have expressed the nature of Mathematics, may next be
dealt with. Prof. Bain writes:―
“In the first place, objection
may be taken to his language, in discussing the extreme Abstract
Sciences, when he speaks of the empty forms therein considered.
To call Space and Time empty forms, must mean that they can be
thought of without any concrete embodiment whatsoever; that one can
think of Time, as a pure abstraction, without having in one’s mind
any concrete succession. Now, this doctrine is in the last degree
questionable.”
I quite agree with Prof. Bain that “this doctrine is in
the last degree questionable;” but I do not admit that
this doctrine is implied by the definition of Abstract
Science which I have given. I speak of Space and Time
as they are dealt with by mathematicians, and as it is
alone possible for pure Mathematics to deal with them.
While Mathematics habitually uses in its points, lines, and
surfaces, certain existences, it habitually deals with these
as representing points, lines, and surfaces that are ideal;
and its conclusions are true only on condition that it does
this. Points having dimensions, lines having breadths,
planes having thicknesses, are negatived by its definitions.
Using, though it does, material representatives of extension,
linear, superficial, or solid, Geometry deliberately ignores
their materiality; and attends only to the truths of relation
they present. Holding with Prof. Bain, as I do, that our
consciousness of Space is disclosed by our experiences of
Matter—arguing, as I have done in The Principles of
Psychology, that it is a consolidated aggregate of all
relations of co-existence that have been severally presented
by Matter; I nevertheless contend that it is possible to
dissociate these relations from Matter to the extent
required for formulating them as abstract truths. I
contend, too, that this separation is of the kind habitually
made in other cases; as, for instance, when the general
laws of motion are formulated (as M. Comte’s system,
among {107}
others, formulates them) in such way as to ignore all
properties of the bodies dealt with save their powers of
taking up, and retaining, and giving out, quantities of
motion; though these powers are inconceivable apart from
the attribute of extension, which is intentionally disregarded.
Taking other of Prof. Bain’s objections, not in the order
in which they stand but in the order in which they may be
most conveniently dealt with, I quote as follows:―
“The law of the radiation of light (the inverse square of the
distance) is said by Mr. Spencer to be Abstract-Concrete, while the
disturbing changes in the medium are not to be mentioned except in a
Concrete Science of Optics. We need not remark that such a separate
handling is unknown to science.”
It is perfectly true that “such a separate handling is
unknown to science.” But, unfortunately for the objection,
it is also perfectly true that no such separate handling is
proposed by me, or is implied by my classification. How
Prof. Bain can have so missed the meaning of the word
“concrete,” as I have used it, I do not understand.
After pointing out that “no one ever drew the line,”
between the Abstract-Concrete and the Concrete Sciences,
“as I have done it,” he alleges an anomaly which exists
only supposing that I have drawn it where it is ordinarily
drawn. He appears inadvertently to have carried with
him M. Comte’s conception of Optics as a Concrete Science,
and, importing it into my classification, debits me with the
incongruity. If he will re-read the definition of the
Abstract-Concrete Sciences, or study their sub-divisions as
shown in Table II., he will, I think, see that the most
special laws of the redistribution of light, equally with
its most general laws, are included. And if he will pass
to the definition and the tabulation of the Concrete
Sciences, he will, I think, see no less clearly that Optics
cannot be included among them.
Prof. Bain considers that I am not justified in classing
Chemistry as an Abstract-Concrete Science, and excluding
from it all consideration of the crude forms of the
various {108}
substances dealt with; and he enforces his dissent by
saying that chemists habitually describe the ores and
impure mixtures in which the elements, etc., are naturally
found. Undoubtedly chemists do this. But do they
therefore intend to include an account of the ores of a
substance, as a part of the science which formulates its
molecular constitution and the constitutions of all the
definite compounds it enters into? I shall be very much
surprised if I find that they do. Chemists habitually
prefix to their works a division treating of Molecular
Physics; but they do not therefore claim Molecular Physics
as a part of Chemistry. If they similarly prefix to the
chemistry of each substance an outline of its mineralogy,
I do not think they therefore mean to assert that the last
belongs to the first. Chemistry proper, embraces nothing
beyond an account of the constitutions and modes of action
and combining proportions of substances that are taken
as absolutely pure; and its truths no more recognize
impure substances than the truths of Geometry recognize
crooked lines.
Immediately after, in criticizing the fundamental
distinction I have made between Chemistry and Biology,
as Abstract-Concrete and Concrete respectively, Prof.
Bain says:―
“But the objects of Chemistry and the objects of Biology are
equally concrete, so far as they go; the simple bodies of chemistry,
and their several compounds, are viewed by the Chemist as concrete
wholes, and are described by him, not with reference to one factor,
but to all their factors.”
Issue is here raised in a form convenient for elucidation
of the general question. It is true that, for purposes of
identification, a chemist gives an account of all the sensible
characters of a substance. He sets down its crystalline
form, its specific gravity, its power of refracting light, its
behaviour as magnetic or diamagnetic. But does he thereby
include these phenomena as part of the Science of Chemistry?
It seems to me that the relation between the
weight {109}
of any portion of matter and its bulk, which is ascertained
on measuring its specific gravity, is a physical and not
a chemical fact. I think, too, that the physicist will claim,
as part of his science, all investigations touching the
refraction of light: be the substance producing this
refraction what it may. And the circumstance that the
chemist may test the magnetic or diamagnetic property
of a body, as a means of ascertaining what it is, or as a
means of helping other chemists to determine whether they
have got before them the same body, will neither be held
by the chemist, nor allowed by the physicist, to imply a
transfer of magnetic phenomena from the domain of the
one to that of the other. In brief, though the chemist, in
his account of an element or a compound, may refer to
certain physical traits associated with its molecular constitution
and affinities, he does not by so doing change these
into chemical traits. Whatever chemists may put into
their books, Chemistry, considered as a science, includes
only the phenomena of molecular structures and changes—of
compositions and decompositions.12
I contend, then,
that Chemistry does not give an account of anything as
a concrete whole, in the same way that Biology gives an
account of an organism as a concrete whole. This will
become even more manifest on observing the
character of {110}
the biological account. All the attributes of an organism are
comprehended, from the most general to the most special—from
its conspicuous structural traits to its hidden and faint
ones; from its outer actions that thrust themselves on the
attention, to the minutest sub-divisions of its multitudinous
internal functions; from its character as a germ, through
the many changes of size, form, organization, and habit, it
goes through until death; from the physical characters of
it as a whole, to the physical characters of its microscopic
cells, and vessels, and fibres; from the chemical characters
of its substance in general to the chemical characters of
each tissue and each secretion—all these, with many
others. And not only so, but there is comprehended as
the ideal goal of the science, the consensus of all these
phenomena in their co-existences and successions, as
constituting a coherent individualized group definitely
combined in space and in time. It is this recognition of
individuality in its subject-matter, that gives its concreteness
to Biology, as to every other Concrete Science. As
Astronomy deals with bodies that have their several proper
names, or (as with the smaller stars) are registered by
their positions, and considers each of them as a distinct
individual—as Geology, while dimly perceiving in the
Moon and nearest planets other groups of geological
phenomena (which it would deal with as independent
wholes, did not distance forbid), occupies itself with that
individualized group presented by the Earth; so Biology
treats either of an individual distinguished from all others,
or of parts or products belonging to such an individual, or
of structural or functional traits common to many such
individuals that have been observed, and supposed to be
common to others that are like them in most or all of their
attributes. Every biological truth connotes a specifically
individualized object, or a number of specifically individualized
objects of the same kind, or numbers of different
kinds that are severally specific. See, then, the
contrast. {111}
The truths of the Abstract-Concrete Sciences do not imply
specific individuality. Neither Molar Physics, nor Molecular
Physics, nor Chemistry, concerns itself with this.
The laws of motion are expressed without any reference
whatever to the sizes or shapes of the moving masses;
which may be taken indifferently to be suns or atoms.
The relations between contraction and the escape of molecular
motion, and between expansion and the absorption
of molecular motion, are expressed in their general forms
without reference to the kind of matter; and, if the
degree of either that occurs in a particular kind of matter
is formulated, no note is taken of the quantity of that
matter, much less of its individuality. Similarly with
Chemistry. When it inquires into the atomic weight, the
molecular structure, the atomicity, the combining proportions,
etc., of a substance, it is indifferent whether a grain
or a ton be thought of—the conception of amount is
absolutely irrelevant. And so with more special attributes.
Sulphur, considered chemically, is not sulphur under its
crystalline form, or under its allotropic viscid form, or as
a liquid, or as a gas; but it is sulphur considered apart
from those attributes of quantity, and shape, and state,
that give individuality.
Prof. Bain objects to the division I have drawn between
the Concrete Science of Astronomy and that Abstract-Concrete
Science which deals with the mutually-modified
motions of hypothetical masses in space, as “not a little
arbitrary.” He says:―
“We can suppose a science to confine itself solely to the
‘factors,’ or the separated elements, and never, on any occasion, to
combine two into a composite third. This position is intelligible,
and possibly defensible. For example, in Astronomy, the Law of
Persistence of Motion in a straight line might be discussed in pure
ideal separation; and so, the Law of Gravity might be discussed in
equally pure separation—both under the Abstract-Concrete department
of Mechanics. It might then be reserved to a concrete department to
unite these in the explanation of a projectile or of a planet. Such,
however, is not Mr. Spencer’s boundary line. He allows Theoretical
Mechanics to make this particular combination, and to arrive at the
laws of {112} planetary movement,
in the case of a single planet. What he does not allow is, to
proceed to the case of two planets, mutually disturbing one another,
or a planet and a satellite, commonly called the ‘problem of the
Three Bodies.’”
If I held what Prof. Bain supposes me to hold, my position
would be an absurd one; but he misapprehends me. The
misapprehension results in part from his having here, as
before, used the word “concrete” with the Comtean meaning,
as though it were my meaning; and in part from the
inadequacy of my explanation. I did not in the least mean
to imply that the Abstract-Concrete Science of Mechanics,
when dealing with the motions of bodies in space, is limited
to the interpretation of planetary movement such as it would
be did only a single planet exist. It never occurred to me
that my words might be so construed. Abstract-Concrete
problems admit, in fact, of being complicated indefinitely,
without going in the least beyond the definition. I do not
draw the line, as Prof. Bain alleges, between the combination
of two factors and the combination of three, or between
the combination of any number and any greater number.
I draw the line between the science which deals with the
theory of the factors, taken singly and in combinations of
two, three, four, or more, and the science which, giving to
these factors the values derived from observations of actual
objects, uses the theory to explain actual phenomena.
It is true that, in these departments of science, no radical
distinction is consistently recognized between theory and the
applications of theory. As Prof. Bain says:―
“Newton, in the First Book of the Principia, took up the problem
of the Three Bodies, as applied to the Moon, and worked it to
exhaustion. So writers on Theoretical Mechanics continue to include
the Three Bodies, Precession, and the Tides.”
But, supreme though
the authority of Newton may be as a
mathematician and astronomer, and weighty as are the
names of Laplace and Herschel, who in their works have
similarly mingled theorems and the explanations yielded by
them, it does not seem to me that these facts go for
much; {113}
unless it can be shown that these writers intended thus to
enunciate the views at which they had arrived respecting
the classification of the sciences. Such a union as that
presented in their works, adopted merely for the sake of
convenience, is, in fact, the indication of incomplete development;
and has been paralleled in simpler sciences which
have afterwards outgrown it. Two conclusive illustrations
are at hand. The name Geometry, utterly inapplicable by
its meaning to the science as it now exists, was applicable
in that first stage during which its few truths were taught
in preparation for land-measuring and the setting-out of
buildings; but, at a comparatively early date, these comparatively
simple truths became separated from their
applications, and were embodied by the Greek geometers
into systems of theory.13
A like purification is now taking
place in another division of the science. In the Géométrie
Descriptive of Monge, theorems were mixed with their
applications to projection and plan-drawing. But, since his
time, the science and the art have been segregating; and
Descriptive Geometry, or, as it may be better termed, the
Geometry of Position, is now recognized by mathematicians
as a far-reaching system of truths, parts of which are already
embodied in books that make no reference to derived
methods available by the architect or the engineer. To meet
a counter-illustration that will be cited, I may remark that
though, in works on Algebra intended for beginners, the
theories of quantitative relations, as treated algebraically,
are accompanied by groups of problems to be solved, the
subject-matters of these problems are not thereby made
parts of the Science of Algebra. To say that they are, is
to say that Algebra includes the conceptions of distances
and relative speeds and times, or of weights and
bulks and {114}
specific gravities, or of areas ploughed and days and wages;
since these, and endless others, may be the terms of its
equations. And just in the same way that these concrete
problems, solved by its aid, cannot be incorporated with the
Abstract Science of Algebra; so I contend that the concrete
problems of Astronomy, cannot be incorporated with that
division of Abstract-Concrete Science which develops
the theory of the inter-actions of free bodies that attract
one another.
On this point I find myself at issue, not only with Prof.
Bain, but also with Mr. Mill, who contends that:―
“There is an abstract science of astronomy, namely, the theory
of gravitation, which would equally agree with and explain the facts
of a totally different solar system from the one of which our earth
forms a part. The actual facts of our own system, the dimensions,
distances, velocities, temperatures, physical constitution, etc., of
the sun, earth, and planets, are properly the subject of a concrete
science, similar to natural history; but the concrete is more
inseparably united to the abstract science than in any other case,
since the few celestial facts really accessible to us are nearly all
required for discovering and proving the law of gravitation as an
universal property of bodies, and have therefore an indispensable
place in the abstract science as its fundamental data.”—Auguste
Comte and Positivism, p. 43.
In this explanation, Mr. Mill recognizes the fundamental
distinction between the Concrete Science of Astronomy,
dealing with the bodies actually distributed in space, and
a science dealing with hypothetical bodies hypothetically
distributed in space. Nevertheless, he regards these sciences
as not separable; because the second derives from the first
the data whence the law of inter-action is derived. But the
truth of this premiss, and the legitimacy of this inference,
may alike be questioned. The discovery of the law of
inter-action was not due primarily, but only secondarily, to
observation of the heavenly bodies. The conception of an
inter-acting force that varies inversely as the square of the
distance, is an à priori conception rationally deducible from
mechanical and geometrical considerations. Though unlike
in derivation to the many empirical hypotheses of Kepler
respecting planetary orbits and planetary motions, yet it
was {115}
like the successful among these in its relation to astronomical
phenomena: it was one of many possible hypotheses, which
admitted of having their consequences worked out and
tested; and one which, on having its implications compared
with the results of observation, was found to explain them.
In short, the theory of gravitation grew out of experiences
of terrestrial phenomena; but the verification of it was
reached through experiences of celestial phenomena. Passing
now from premiss to inference, I do not see that, even
were the alleged parentage substantiated, it would necessitate
the supposed inseparability; any more than the descent of
Geometry from land-measuring necessitates a persistent
union of the two. In the case of Algebra, as above indicated,
the disclosed laws of quantitative relations hold
throughout multitudinous orders of phenomena that are
extremely heterogeneous; and this makes conspicuous the
distinction between the theory and its applications. Here
the laws of quantitative relations among masses, distances,
velocities, and momenta, being applied mainly (though not
exclusively) to the concrete cases presented by Astronomy,
the distinction between the theory and its applications is less
conspicuous. But, intrinsically, it is as great in the one
case as in the other.
How great it is, we shall see on taking an analogy.
This is a living man, of whom we may know little more
than that he is a visible, tangible person; or of whom
we may know enough to form a voluminous biography.
Again, this book tells of a fictitious hero, who, like the
heroes of old romance, may be an impersonated virtue or
vice, or, like a modern hero, one of mixed nature, whose
various motives and consequent actions are elaborated into
a semblance of reality. But no accuracy and completeness
of the picture makes this fictitious personage an actual
personage, or brings him any nearer to one. Nor does
any meagreness in our knowledge of a real man reduce
him any nearer to the imaginary being of a novel. To
the {116}
last, the division between fiction and biography remains an
impassable gulf. So, too, remains the division between
the Science dealing with the inter-actions of hypothetical
bodies in space, and the Science dealing with the inter-actions
of existing bodies in space. We may elaborate
the first to any degree whatever by the introduction of
three, four, or any greater number of factors under any
number of assumed conditions, until we symbolize a solar
system; but to the last an account of our symbolic solar
system is as far from an account of the actual solar system
as fiction is from biography.
Even more obvious, if it be possible, does the radical
character of this distinction become, on observing that
from the simplest proposition of General Mechanics we
may pass to the most complex proposition of Celestial
Mechanics, without a break. We take a body moving at a
uniform velocity, and commence with the proposition that
it will continue so to move for ever. Next, we state the
law of its accelerated motion in the same line, when subject
to a uniform force. We further complicate the proposition
by supposing the force to increase in consequence
of approach towards an attracting body; and we may
formulate a series of laws of acceleration, resulting from so
many assumed laws of increasing attraction (of which the
law of gravitation is one). Another factor may now be
added by supposing the body to have motion in a direction
other than that of the attracting body; and we may
determine, according to the ratios of the supposed forces,
whether its course will be hyperbolic, parabolic, elliptical,
or circular—we may begin with this hypothetical additional
force as infinitesimal, and formulate the varying results as
it is little by little increased. The problem is complicated
a degree more by taking into account the effects of a third
force, acting in some other direction; and beginning with
an infinitesimal amount of this force we may reach any
amount. Similarly, by introducing factor after
factor, {117}
each at first insensible in proportion to the rest, we arrive,
through an infinity of gradations, at a combination of
any complexity.
Thus, then, the Science which deals with the inter-action
of hypothetical bodies in space, is absolutely continuous
with General Mechanics. We have already seen that it is
absolutely discontinuous with that account of the heavenly
bodies which has been called Astronomy from the beginning.
When these facts are recognized, it seems to me
that there cannot remain a doubt respecting its true place
in a classification of the Sciences.
2
I have been charged with misrepresenting Kant and misunderstanding
him, because I have used the expression “forms of Thought” instead of
“forms of Intuition.” Elsewhere I have shown that my argument against
him remains equally valid when the phrase “forms of Intuition” is used. Here
I may in the first place add that I did but follow some Kantists in saying
“forms of Thought,” and I may add in the second place that the objection
is superficial and quite irrelevant to the issue. Thought when broadly used
as antithetical to Things includes Intuition: it comprehends in this sense all
that is subjective as distinguished from all that is objective, and in so doing
comprehends Intuition. Nor is this all. There cannot be Intuition without
Thought: every act of intuition implies an act of classing without which the
thing intuited is not known as such or such; and every act of classing is an
act of thought.
3
Some propositions laid down by M. Littré, in his book—Auguste Comte et
la Philosophie Positive (published in 1863), may fitly be dealt with here. In
the candid and courteous reply he makes to my strictures on the Comtean
classification in “The Genesis of Science,” he endeavours to clear up some of
the inconsistencies I pointed out; and he does this by drawing a distinction
between objective generality and subjective generality. He says—“qu’il
existe deux ordres de généralité, l’une objective et dans les choses, l’autre
subjective, abstraite et dans l’esprit.” This sentence, in which M. Littré
makes subjective generality synonymous with abstractness, led me at first to
conclude that he had in view the same distinction as that which I have above
explained between generality and abstractness. On re-reading the paragraph,
however, I found this was not the case. In a previous sentence he says—“La
biologie a passé de la considération des organes à celles des
tissus, plus généraux que les organes, et de la considération
des tissus à celle des éléments anatomiques, plus généraux que les
tissus. Mais cette généralité croissante est subjective non objective,
abstraite non concrète.” Here it is manifest that abstract and
concrete, are used in senses analogous to those in which they are
used by M. Comte; who, as we have seen, regards general physiology as
abstract and zoology and botany as concrete. And it is further manifest
that the word abstract, as thus used, is not used in its proper sense.
For, as above shown, no such facts as those of anatomical structure
can be abstract facts; but can only be more or less general facts. Nor
do I understand M. Littré’s point of view when he regards these more
general facts of anatomical structure, as subjectively general and
not objectively general. The structural phenomena presented by any
tissue, such as mucous membrane, are more general than the phenomena
presented by any of the organs which mucous membrane goes to form,
simply in the sense that the phenomena peculiar to the membrane are
repeated in a greater number of instances than the phenomena peculiar
to any organ into the composition of which the membrane enters.
And, similarly, such facts as have been established respecting the
anatomical elements of tissues, are more general than the facts
established respecting any particular tissue, in the sense that they
are facts which the various parts of organized bodies exhibit in a
greater number of cases—they are objectively more general; and they
can be called subjectively more general only in the sense that the
conception corresponds with the phenomena.
Let me endeavour to clear up this point:—There is, as M. Littré
truly says, a decreasing generality that is objective. If we omit the
phenomena of Dissolution, which are changes from the special to the
general, all changes which matter undergoes are from the general to the
special—are changes involving a decreasing generality in the united
groups of attributes. This is the progress of things. The progress of
thought, is not only in the same direction, but also in the opposite
direction. The investigation of Nature discloses an increasing number of specialities; but it simultaneously
discloses more and more the generalities within which these
specialities fall. Take a case. Zoology, while it goes on multiplying
the number of its species, and getting a more complete knowledge of
each species (decreasing generality); also goes on discovering the
common characters by which species are united into larger groups
(increasing generality). Both these are subjective processes; and in
this case, both orders of truth reached are concrete—formulate the
phenomena as actually manifested. The truth that mammals of all kinds
have seven cervical vertebræ (I believe there is one exception) is a
generalization—a general relation in thought answering to a general
relation in things. As the existence of seven cervical vertebræ in each
mammal is a concrete fact, the statement of it is a concrete truth, and
the statement colligating such truths is not made other than concrete
by holding of case after case.
M. Littré, recognizing the necessity for some modification of the
hierarchy of the Sciences, as enunciated by M. Comte, still regards it
as substantially true; and for proof of its validity, he appeals mainly
to the essential constitutions of the Sciences. It is unnecessary
for me here to meet, in detail, the arguments by which he supports
the proposition, that the essential constitutions of the Sciences,
justify the order in which M. Comte places them. It will suffice to
refer to the foregoing pages, and to the pages which are to follow, as
containing the definitions of those fundamental characteristics which
demand the grouping of the Sciences in the way I have pointed out. As
already shown, and as will be shown still more clearly by and bye,
the radical differences of constitution among the Sciences,
necessitate the colligation of them into the three classes—Abstract,
Abstract-Concrete, and Concrete. How irreconcilable is M. Comte’s
classification with these groups, will be at once apparent on
inspection. It stands thus:―
4
This definition includes the laws of relations called
necessary, but not those of relations called contingent. These last, in
which the probability of an inferred connexion varies with the number
of times such connexion has occurred in experience, are rightly dealt
with mathematically.
5
Here, by way of explanation of the term
negatively-quantitative, it will suffice to instance the
proposition that certain three lines will meet in a point, as a
negatively-quantitative proposition; since it asserts the absence of
any quantity of space between their intersections. Similarly, the
assertion that certain three points will always fall in a straight
line, is negatively-quantitative; since the conception of a straight
line implies the negation of any lateral quantity, or deviation.
6
Lest the meaning of this division should not be
understood, it may be well to name, in illustration, the estimates
of the statistician. Calculations respecting population, crime,
disease, etc., have results which are correct only numerically, and
not in respect of the totalities of being or action represented by the
numbers.
7
Perhaps it will be asked—how can there be a Geometry of
Motion into which the conception of Force does not enter? The reply is,
that the time-relations and space-relations of Motion may be considered
apart from those of Force, in the same way that the space-relations of
Matter may be considered apart from Matter.
8
I am indebted to Prof. Frankland for reminding me of an
objection that may be made to this statement. The production of new
compounds by synthesis, has of late become an important branch of
chemistry. According to certain known laws of composition, complex
substances, which never before existed, are formed, and fulfil
anticipations both as to their general properties and as to the
proportions of their constituents—as proved by analysis. Here it
may be said with truth, that analysis is used to verify synthesis.
Nevertheless, the exception to the above statement is apparent
only,—not real. In so far as the production of new compounds is
carried on merely for the obtainment of such new compounds, it is
not Science but Art—the application of pre-established knowledge to
the achievement of ends. The proceeding is a part of Science, only
in so far as it is a means to the better interpretation of the order
of Nature. And how does it aid the interpretation? It does it only
by verifying the pre-established conclusions respecting the laws of
molecular combination; or by serving further to explain them. That is
to say, these syntheses, considered on their scientific side, have
simply the purpose of forwarding the analysis of the laws of chemical
combination.
9
This must not be supposed to mean chemically-produced
forces. The molecular motion here referred to as dissipated in
radiations, is the equivalent of that sensible motion lost during
the integration of the mass of molecules, consequent on their mutual
gravitation.
10
Embracing the interpretation of such phenomena as the
solar spots, the faculæ and the coronal flames.
11
Want of space prevents anything beyond the briefest
indication of these subdivisions.
12
Perhaps some will say that such incidental phenomena as
those of the heat and light evolved during chemical changes, are to be
included among chemical phenomena. I think, however, the physicist will
hold that all phenomena of re-distributed molecular motion, no matter
how arising, come within the range of Physics. But whatever difficulty
there may be in drawing the line between Physics and Chemistry (and,
as I have incidentally pointed out in The Principles of Psychology,
§ 55, the two are closely linked by the phenomena of allotropy and
isomerism), applies equally to the Comtean classification, or to any
other. And I may further point out that no obstacle hence arises to the
classification I am defending. Physics and Chemistry being both grouped
by me as Abstract-Concrete Sciences, no difficulty in satisfactorily
dividing them in the least affects the satisfactoriness of the division
of the great group to which they both belong, from the other two great
groups.
13
It may be said that
the mingling of problems and theorems in Euclid is
not quite consistent with this statement; and it is true that we have, in this
mingling, a trace of the earlier form of the science. But it is to be remarked
that these problems are all purely abstract, and, further, that each of them
admits of being expressed as a
theorem.
REASONS FOR DISSENTING FROM THE PHILOSOPHY OF M. COMTE. — N OTE . — A PPENDIX A. — A PPENDIX B. — ENDNOTES TO REASONS FOR DISSENTING FROM COMTE.
[Originally published in April 1864 as an
appendix to the foregoing essay.]
While the preceding pages were passing through the
press, there appeared in the Revue des Deux Mondes for
February 15th, 1864, an article on a late work of mine—First
Principles. To M. Auguste Laugel, the writer of the
article, I am much indebted for the careful exposition he
has made of some of the leading views set forth in that
work; and for the catholic and sympathetic spirit in
which he has dealt with them. In one respect, however,
M. Laugel conveys to his readers an erroneous impression—an
impression doubtless derived from what appears to him
adequate evidence, and doubtless expressed in perfect
sincerity. M. Laugel describes me as being, in part, a
follower of M. Comte. After describing the influence of
M. Comte as traceable in the works of some other English
writers, naming especially Mr. Mill and Mr. Buckle, he
goes on to say that this influence, though not avowed, is
easily recognizable in the work he is about to make known;
and in several places throughout his review, there are
remarks having the same implication. I greatly regret
having to take exception to anything said by a critic so
candid and so able. But the Revue des Deux
Mondes{119}
circulates widely in England, as well as elsewhere; and
finding that there exists in some minds, both here and
in America, an impression similar to that entertained by
M. Laugel—an impression likely to be confirmed by his
statement—it appears to me needful to meet it.
Two causes of quite different kinds, have conspired to
diffuse the erroneous belief that M. Comte is an accepted
exponent of scientific opinion. His bitterest foes and his
closest friends, have unconsciously joined in propagating
it. On the one hand, M. Comte having designated by the
term “Positive Philosophy” all that definitely-established
knowledge which men of science have been gradually
organizing into a coherent body of doctrine; and having
habitually placed this in opposition to the incoherent body
of doctrine defended by theologians; it has become the
habit of the theological party to think of the antagonist
scientific party, under the title of “positivists.” And thus,
from the habit of calling them “positivists,” there has
grown up the assumption that they call themselves “positivists,”
and that they are disciples of M. Comte. On the
other hand, those who have accepted M. Comte’s system,
and believe it to be the philosophy of the future, have
naturally been prone to see everywhere the signs of its
progress; and wherever they have found opinions in
harmony with it, have ascribed these opinions to the
influence of its originator. It is always the tendency of
discipleship to magnify the effects of the master’s teachings;
and to credit the master with all the doctrines he
teaches. In the minds of his followers, M. Comte’s name
is associated with scientific thinking, which, in many cases,
they first understood from his exposition of it. Influenced
as they inevitably are by this association of ideas, they are
reminded of M. Comte wherever they meet with thinking
which corresponds, in some marked way, to M. Comte’s
description of scientific thinking; and hence are apt to
imagine him as introducing into other
minds, the {120}
conceptions which he introduced into their minds. Such impressions
are, however, in most cases quite unwarranted. That
M. Comte has given a general exposition of the doctrine
and method elaborated by Science, is true. But it is not
true that the holders of this doctrine and followers of this
method, are disciples of M. Comte. Neither their modes of
inquiry nor their views concerning human knowledge in its
nature and limits, are appreciably different from what they
were before. If they are “positivists,” it is in the sense
that all men of science have been more or less consistently
“positivists;” and the applicability of M. Comte’s title to
them, no more makes them his disciples, than does its
applicability to men of science who lived and died before
M. Comte wrote, make these his disciples. M. Comte
himself by no means claims that which some of his
adherents are apt, by implication, to claim for him. He
says:—“Il y a, sans doute, beaucoup d’analogie entre ma
philosophie positive et ce que les savans anglais entendent,
depuis Newton surtout, par philosophie naturelle;” (see
Avertissement) and further on he indicates the “grand
mouvement imprimé à l’esprit humain, il y a deux siècles,
par l’action combinée des préceptes de Bacon, des conceptions
de Descartes, et des découvertes de Galilée, comme le
moment où l’esprit de la philosophie positive a commencé
à se prononcer dans le monde.” That is to say, the
general mode of thought and way of interpreting phenomena,
which M. Comte calls “Positive Philosophy,” he
recognizes as having been growing for two centuries; as
having reached, when he wrote, a marked development;
and as being the heritage of all men of science.
That which M. Comte proposed to do, was to give
scientific thought and method a more definite embodiment
and organization; and to apply it to the interpretation of
classes of phenomena not previously dealt with in a
scientific manner. The conception was a great one; and
the endeavour to work it out was worthy of sympathy
and {121}
applause. Some such conception was entertained by Bacon.
He, too, aimed at the organization of the sciences; he, too,
held that “Physics is the mother of all the sciences;” he,
too, held that the sciences can be advanced only by combining
them, and saw the nature of the required combination;
he, too, held that moral and civil philosophy could not
flourish when separated from their roots in natural philosophy;
and thus he, too, had some idea of a social science
growing out of physical science. But the state of knowledge
in his day prevented any advance beyond the general
conception: indeed, it was marvellous that he should have
advanced so far. Instead of a vague, undefined conception,
M. Comte has presented the world with a defined and
highly-elaborated conception. In working out this conception
he has shown remarkable breadth of view, great
originality, immense fertility of thought, unusual powers of
generalization. Considered apart from the question of its
truth, his system of Positive Philosophy is a vast achievement.
But after according to M. Comte high admiration
for his conception, for his effort to realize it, and for the
faculty he has shown in the effort to realize it, there
remains the inquiry—Has he succeeded? A thinker who
re-organizes the scientific method and knowledge of his
age, and whose re-organization is accepted by his successors,
may rightly be said to have such successors for his disciples.
But successors who accept this method and knowledge
of his age, minus his re-organization, are certainly
not his disciples. How then stands the case with M.
Comte? There are some few who receive his doctrines
with but little reservation; and these are his disciples
truly so called. There are others who regard with
approval certain of his leading doctrines, but not the rest:
these we may distinguish as partial adherents. There are
others who reject all his distinctive doctrines; and these
must be classed as his antagonists. The members of this
class stand substantially in the same position as they
would {122}
have done had he not written. Declining his re-organization
of scientific doctrine, they possess this scientific
doctrine in its pre-existing state, as the common heritage
bequeathed by the past to the present; and their adhesion
to this scientific doctrine in no sense implicates them with
M. Comte. In this class stand the great body of men of
science. And in this class I stand myself.
Coming thus to the personal part of the question, let me
first specify those great general principles on which M.
Comte is at one with preceding thinkers; and on which I
am at one with M. Comte.
All knowledge is from experience, holds M. Comte; and
this I also hold—hold it, indeed, in a wider sense than
M. Comte; since, not only do I believe that all the ideas
acquired by individuals, and consequently all the ideas
transmitted by past generations, are thus derived; but I
also contend that the very faculties by which they are
acquired, are the products of accumulated and organized
experiences received by ancestral races of beings (see
Principles of Psychology). But the doctrine that all knowledge
is from experience, is not originated by M. Comte;
nor is it claimed by him. He himself says—“Tous les bons
esprits répètent, depuis Bacon, qu’il n’y a de connaissances
réelles que celles qui reposent sur des faits observés.” And
the elaboration and definite establishment of this doctrine,
has been the special characteristic of the English school of
Psychology. Nor am I aware that M. Comte, accepting
this doctrine, has done anything to make it more certain,
or give it greater definiteness. Indeed it was impossible
for him to do so; since he repudiates that part of mental
science by which alone this doctrine can be proved.
It is a further belief of M. Comte, that all knowledge is
phenomenal or relative; and in this belief I entirely agree.
But no one alleges that the relativity of all knowledge was
first enunciated by M. Comte. Among others who
have {123}
more or less consistently held this truth, Sir William
Hamilton enumerates, Protagoras, Aristotle, St. Augustin,
Boethius, Averroes, Albertus Magnus, Gerson, Leo Hebræus,
Melancthon, Scaliger, Francis Piccolomini, Giordano
Bruno, Campanella, Bacon, Spinoza, Newton, Kant. And
Sir William Hamilton, in his “Philosophy of the Unconditioned,”
first published in 1829, has given a scientific
demonstration of this belief. Receiving it in common with
other thinkers, from preceding thinkers, M. Comte has not,
to my knowledge, advanced this belief. Nor indeed could
he advance it, for the reason already given—he denies the
possibility of that analysis of thought which discloses the
relativity of all cognition.
M. Comte reprobates the interpretation of different
classes of phenomena by assigning metaphysical entities as
their causes; and I coincide in the opinion that the assumption
of such separate entities, though convenient, if not
indeed necessary, for purposes of thought, is, scientifically
considered, illegitimate. This opinion is, in fact, a corollary
from the last; and must stand or fall with it. But like the
last it has been held with more or less consistency for
generations. M. Comte himself quotes Newton’s favorite
saying—“O! Physics, beware of Metaphysics!” Neither
to this doctrine, any more than to the preceding doctrines,
has M. Comte given a firmer basis. He has simply reasserted
it; and it was out of the question for him to do
more. In this case, as in the others, his denial of subjective
psychology debarred him from proving that these
metaphysical entities are mere symbolic conceptions which
do not admit of verification.
Lastly, M. Comte believes in invariable natural laws—absolute
uniformities of relation among phenomena. But
very many before him have believed in them too. Long
familiar even beyond the bounds of the scientific world, the
proposition that there is an unchanging order in things,
has, within the scientific world, held, for generations,
the {124}
position of an established postulate: by some men of
science recognized only as holding of inorganic phenomena;
but recognized by other men of science, as universal. And
M. Comte, accepting this doctrine from the past, has left it
substantially as it was. Though he has asserted new uniformities,
I do not think scientific men will admit that he
has so demonstrated them, as to make the induction more
certain; nor has he deductively established the doctrine,
by showing that uniformity of relation is a necessary
corollary from the persistence of force, as may readily
be shown.
These, then, are the pre-established general truths with
which M. Comte sets out—truths which cannot be regarded
as distinctive of his philosophy. “But why,” it will perhaps
be asked, “is it needful to point out this; seeing that
no instructed reader supposes these truths to be peculiar to
M. Comte?” I reply that though no disciple of M. Comte
would deliberately claim them for him; and though no
theological antagonist at all familiar with science and
philosophy, supposes M. Comte to be the first propounder of
them; yet there is so strong a tendency to associate any
doctrines with the name of a conspicuous recent exponent
of them, that false impressions are produced, even in spite
of better knowledge. Of the need for making this reclamation,
definite proof is at hand. In the No. of the Revue
des Deux Mondes named at the commencement, may be
found, on p. 936, the words—“Toute religion, comme toute
philosophie, a la prétention de donner une explication
de l’univers. La philosophie qui s’appelle positive se
distingue de toutes les philosophies et de toutes les religions
en ce qu’elle a renoncé à cette ambition de l’esprit
humain;” and the remainder of the paragraph is devoted
to explaining the doctrine of the relativity of knowledge.
The next paragraph begins—“Tout imbu de ces idées, que
nous exposons sans les discuter pour le moment, M. Spencer
divise, etc.” Now this is one of those collocations of
ideas {125}
which tends to create, or to strengthen, the erroneous
impression I would dissipate. I do not for a moment suppose
that M. Laugel intended to say that these ideas which
he describes as ideas of the “Positive Philosophy,” are
peculiarly the ideas of M. Comte. But little as he probably
intended it, his expressions suggest this conception. In
the minds of both disciples and antagonists, “the Positive
Philosophy” means the philosophy of M. Comte; and to be
imbued with the ideas of “the Positive Philosophy” means
to be imbued with the ideas of M. Comte—to have received
these ideas from M. Comte. After what has been said
above, I need scarcely repeat that the conception thus
inadvertently suggested, is a wrong one. M. Comte’s brief
enunciations of these general truths, gave me no clearer
apprehensions of them than I had before. Such clarifications
of ideas on these ultimate questions, as I can trace to
any particular teacher, I owe to Sir William Hamilton.
From the principles which M. Comte held in common
with many preceding and contemporary thinkers, let us
pass now to the principles that are distinctive of his system.
Just as entirely as I agree with M. Comte on those cardinal
doctrines which we jointly inherit; so entirely do I disagree
with him on those cardinal doctrines which he propounds,
and which determine the organization of his philosophy.
The best way of showing this will be to compare, side by
side, the―
Propositions held by M. Comte.
Propositions which I hold.
“. . . chacune de nos conceptions principales, chaque
branche de nos connaissances, passe successivement par trois
états théoriques différens: l’état théologique, ou fictif; l’état
métaphysique, ou abstrait; l’état scientifique, ou positif.
En d’autres termes, l’esprit humain, par sa nature, emploie
successivement dans chacune de ses recherches trois méthodes de
philosopher, dont le caractère est essentiellement différent et
même radicalement opposé: d’abord la méthode théologique, ensuite
la méthode métaphysique, et enfin la méthode positive.” Cours dePhilosophie Positive, 1830, Vol. i. p. 3.
The progress of our conceptions, and of each branch of knowledge,
is from beginning to end intrinsically alike. There are not three
methods of philosophizing radically opposed; but one method of
philosophizing which remains, in essence, the same. At first, and to
the last, the conceived causal agencies of phenomena, have a degree
of generality corresponding {126}
to the width of the generalizations which experiences have
determined; and they change just as gradually as experiences
accumulate. The integration of causal agencies, originally thought
of as multitudinous and local, but finally believed to be one and
universal, is a process which involves the passing through all
intermediate steps between these extremes; and any appearance of
stages can be but superficial. Supposed concrete and individual
causal agencies, coalesce in the mind as fast as groups of phenomena
are assimilated, or seen to be similarly caused. Along with their
coalescence, comes a greater extension of their individualities,
and a concomitant loss of distinctness in their individualities.
Gradually, by continuance of such coalescences, causal agencies
become, in thought, diffused and indefinite. And eventually,
without any change in the nature of the process, there is reached
the consciousness of a universal causal agency, which cannot be
conceived.14
“Le système théologique est parvenu à la plus haute perfection dont
il soit susceptible, quand il a substitué l’action providentielle
d’un être unique au jeu varié des nombreuses divinités indépendantes
qui avaient été imaginées primitivement. De même, le dernier terme du
système metaphysique consiste à concevoir, au lieu des différentes
entités particulières, une seule grande entité générale, la
nature, envisagée comme la source unique de tous les phénomènes.
Pareillement, la perfection du système positif, vers laquelle il
tend sans cesse, quoiqu’il soit très-probable qu’il ne doive jamais
l’atteindre, serait de pouvoir se représenter tous les divers
phénomènes observables comme des cas particuliers d’un seul fait
général, tel que celui de la gravitation, par exemple.” p. 5.
As the progress of thought is one, so is the end one. There are not
three possible terminal conceptions; but only a single terminal
conception. When the theological idea of the providential action
of one being, is developed to its ultimate form, by the absorption
of all independent secondary agencies, it becomes the conception
of a being immanent in all phenomena; and the reduction of it to
this {127} state, implies the
fading-away, in thought, of all those anthropomorphic attributes by
which the aboriginal idea was distinguished. The alleged last term
of the metaphysical system—the conception of a single great general
entity, nature, as the source of all phenomena—is a conception
identical with the previous one: the consciousness of a single source
which, in coming to be regarded as universal, ceases to be regarded
as conceivable, differs in nothing but name from the consciousness
of one being, manifested in all phenomena. And similarly, that which
is described as the ideal state of science—the power to represent
all observable phenomena as particular cases of a single general
fact, implies the postulating of some ultimate existence of which
this single fact is alleged; and the postulating of this ultimate
existence, involves a state of consciousness indistinguishable from
the other two.
“. . . la perfection du système positif, vers laquelle
il tend sans cesse, quoiqu’il soit très-probable, qu’il ne doive
jamais l’atteindre, serait de pouvoir se représenter tous les divers
phénomènes observables comme des cas particuliers d’un seul fait
general, p. 5. . . . . . considérant comme
absolument inaccessible, et vide de sens pour nous la recherche de
ce qu’on appelle les causes, soit premières, soit finales.” p. 14.
Though along with the extension of generalizations, and concomitant
integration of conceived causal agencies, the conceptions of causal
agencies grow more indefinite; and though as they gradually coalesce
into a universal causal agency, they cease to be representable in
thought, and are no longer supposed to be comprehensible; yet the
consciousness of cause remains as dominant to the last as it was at
first; and can never be got rid of. The consciousness of cause can be
abolished only by abolishing consciousness itself.15 (First Principles, § 26.) {128}
“Ce n’est pas aux lecteurs de cet ouvrage que je croirai jamais
devoir prouver que les idées gouvernent et bouleversent le monde, ou,
en d’autres termes, que tout le mécanisme social repose finalement
sur des opinions. Ils savent surtout que la grande crise politique
et morale des sociétés actuelles tient, en dernière analyse, à
l’anarchie intellectuelle.” p. 48.16
Ideas do not govern and overthrow the world: the world is governed
or overthrown by feelings, to which ideas serve only as guides. The
social mechanism does not rest finally on opinions; but almost wholly
on character. Not intellectual anarchy, but moral antagonism, is the
cause of political crises. All social phenomena are produced by the
totality of human emotions and beliefs; of which the emotions are
mainly pre-determined, while the beliefs are mainly post-determined.
Men’s desires are chiefly inherited; but their beliefs are chiefly
acquired, and depend on surrounding conditions; and the most
important surrounding conditions depend on the social state which
the prevalent desires have produced. The social state at any time
existing, is the resultant of all the ambitions, self-interests,
fears, reverences, indignations, sympathies, etc., of ancestral
citizens and existing citizens. The ideas current in this social
state, must, on the average, be congruous with the feelings of
citizens; and therefore, on the average, with the social state these
feelings have produced. Ideas wholly foreign to this social state
{129} cannot be evolved, and if
introduced from without, cannot get accepted—or, if accepted, die out
when the temporary phase of feeling which caused their acceptance,
ends. Hence, though advanced ideas when once established, act on
society and aid its further advance; yet the establishment of such
ideas depends on the fitness of the society for receiving them.
Practically, the popular character and the social state, determine
what ideas shall be current; instead of the current ideas determining
the social state and the character. The modification of men’s moral
natures, caused by the continuous discipline of social life, which
adapts them more and more to social relations, is therefore the chief
proximate cause of social progress.
(SocialStatics, chap. xxx.)
“. . . je ne dois pas négliger d’indiquer d’avance, comme
une propriété essentielle de l’échelle encyclopédique que je vais
proposer, sa conformité générale avec l’ensemble de l’histoire
scientifique; en ce sens, que, malgré la simultanéité réelle et
continue du développement des différentes sciences, celles qui seront
classées comme antérieures seront, en effet, plus anciennes et
constamment plus avancées que celles présentées comme postérieures.”
p. 84. . . . . . . . . “Cet ordre est déterminé par le degré de
simplicité, ou, ce qui revient au même, par le degré de généralité
des phénomènes.” p. 87.
The order in which the generalizations of science are established, is
determined by the frequency and impressiveness with which different
classes of relations are repeated in conscious experience; and this
depends, partly on the directnesswith which personal welfareis affected; partly on theconspicuousness of one or both thephenomena between which a relationis to be perceived; partly on
the absolute frequency with whichthe relations occur; partly on
their relative frequency ofoccurrence; partly on their degree
of simplicity; and partly on their degree of abstractness. (First
Principles, 1st ed., § 36; or otherwise see “Essay onLaws in
General and the Order oftheir Discovery.”)
“En résultat définitif, la mathématique, l’astronomie, la physique,
la chimie, la physiologie, et la physique sociale; telle est
la formule encyclopédique qui, parmi le très-grand nombre de
classifications que comportent les six sciences fondamentales, est
seule logiquement conforme à la hiérarchie naturelle et invariable
des phénomènes.”17
p. 115.
The sciences as arranged in this succession specified by M. Comte,
do not logically conform to the natural and invariable hierarchy of
phenomena; and {130} there is no
serial order whatever in which they can be placed, which represents
either their logical dependence or the dependence of phenomena. (See
Genesis of Science, and foregoing Essay.)
“On conçoit, en effet, que l’étude rationelle de chaque science
fondamentale exigeant la culture préalable de toutes celles qui la
précèdent dans notre hiérarchie encyclopédique, n’a pu faire de
progrès réels et prendre son véritable caractère, qu’ après un grand
développement des sciences antérieures relatives à des phénomènes
plus généraux, plus abstraits, moins compliqués, et indépendans
des autres. C’est done dans cet ordre que la progression, quoique
simultanée, a dû avoir lieu.” p. 100.
The historical development of the sciences has not taken place
in this serial order; nor in any other serial order. There is no
“true filiation of the sciences.” From the beginning, the abstract
sciences, the abstract-concrete sciences, and the concrete sciences,
have progressed together: the first solving problems which the
second and third presented, and growing only by the solution of the
problems; and the second similarly growing by joining the first
in solving the problems of the third. All along there has been a
continuous action and reaction between the three great classes of
sciences—an advance from concrete facts to abstract facts, and then
an application of such abstract facts to the analysis of new orders
of concrete facts. (See Genesis of Science.)
Such then are the organizing principles of M. Comte’s
philosophy and my reasons for rejecting them. Leaving
out of his “Exposition” those pre-established
general {131}
doctrines which are the common property of modern
thinkers; these are the general doctrines which remain—these
are the doctrines which fundamentally distinguish
his system. From every one of them I dissent. To each
proposition I oppose either a widely-different proposition,
or a direct negation; and I not only do it now, but have
done it from the time when I became acquainted with
his writings. The rejection of his cardinal principles
should, I think, alone suffice; but there are sundry other
views of his, some of them largely characterizing his
system, which I equally reject. Let us glance at them.
How organic beings have originated, is an inquiry
which M. Comte deprecates as a useless speculation:
asserting, as he does, that species are immutable.
This inquiry, I believe, admits of answer, and will
be answered. That division of Biology which concerns
itself with the origin of species, I hold to be the
supreme division, to which all others are subsidiary.
For on the verdict of Biology on this matter, must
wholly depend our conception of human nature, past,
present, and future; our theory of the mind; and our
theory of society.
M. Comte contends that of what is commonly known as
mental science, all that most important part which
consists of the subjective analysis of our ideas, is
an impossibility.
I have very emphatically expressed my belief in
a subjective science of the mind, by writing a
Principles of Psychology, one half of which is
subjective.
M. Comte’s ideal of society is one in which
government developed to the greatest extent—in which
class-functions are far more under conscious public
regulation than now—in which hierarchical organization
with unquestioned authority shall guide everything—in
which the individual life shall be subordinated in the
greatest degree to the social life.
That form of society towards which we is are
progressing, I hold to be one in which government
will be reduced to the smallest amount possible,
and freedom increased to the greatest amount
possible—one in which human nature will have become
so moulded by social discipline into fitness for
the social state, that it will need little external
restraint, but will be self-restrained—one in which
the citizen will tolerate no interference with
his freedom, save that which maintains the equal
freedom of others—one in which the spontaneous {132} co-operation
which has developed our industrial system, and is now
developing it with increasing rapidity, will produce
agencies for the discharge of nearly all social
functions, and will leave to the primary governmental
agency nothing beyond the function of maintaining
those conditions to free action, which make such
spontaneous co-operation possible—one in which
individual life will thus be pushed to the greatest
extent consistent with social life; and in which
social life will have no other end than to maintain
the completest sphere for individual life.
M. Comte, not including in his philosophy the
consciousness of a cause manifested to us in all
phenomena, and yet holding that there must be a
religion, which must have an object, takes for his
object—Humanity. “This Collective Life (of Society) is
in Comte’s system the Être Suprême; the only one we
can know therefore the only one we can worship.”
I conceive, on the other hand, that the object of
religious sentiment will ever continue to be, that
which it has ever been—the unknown source of things.
While the forms under which men are conscious
of the unknown source of things, may fade away,
the substance of the consciousness is permanent.
Beginning with causal agents conceived as imperfectly
known; progressing to causal agents conceived as
less known and less knowable; and coming at last to
a universal causal agent posited as not to be known
at all; the religious sentiment must ever continue
to occupy itself with this universal causal agent.
Having in the course of evolution come to have for
its object of contemplation the Infinite Unknowable,
the religious sentiment can never again (unless by
retrogression) take a Finite Knowable, like Humanity,
for its object of contemplation.
Here, then, are sundry other points, all of them
important, and the last two supremely important, on which
I am diametrically opposed to M. Comte; and did space
permit, I could add many others. Radically differing
from him as I thus do, in everything distinctive of his
philosophy; and having invariably expressed my
dissent, {133}
publicly and privately, from the time I became acquainted
with his writings; it may be imagined that I have been
not a little startled to find myself classed as one of the
same school. That any who are acquainted with my
writings, should suppose I have any general sympathy
with M. Comte, save that implied by preferring proved
facts to superstitions, astonishes me.
It is true that, disagreeing with M. Comte, though I do,
in all those fundamental views that are peculiar to him, I
agree with him in sundry minor views. The doctrine that
the education of the individual should accord in mode and
arrangement with the education of mankind, considered
historically, I have cited from him; and have endeavoured
to enforce it. I entirely concur in his opinion that there
requires a new order of scientific men, whose function
shall be that of co-ordinating the results arrived at by the
rest. To him, I believe, I am indebted for the conception
of a social consensus; and when the time comes for dealing
with this conception, I shall state my indebtedness. And
I also adopt his word, Sociology. There are, I believe,
in the part of his writings which I have read, various
incidental thoughts of great depth and value; and I doubt
not that were I to read more of his writings, I should
find others.18
It is very probable, too, that I have said
(as I am told I have) some things which M. Comte had
already said. It would be difficult, I believe, to find two
men who had no opinions in common. And it would be
extremely strange if two men, starting from the same
general doctrines established by modern science, should
traverse some of the same fields of inquiry, without their
lines of thought having any points of intersection. But {134}
none of these minor agreements can be of much weight in
comparison with the fundamental disagreements above
specified. Leaving out of view that general community
which we both have with the scientific thought of the age,
the differences between us are essential, while the correspondences
are non-essential. And I venture to think that
kinship must be determined by essentials, and not by
non-essentials.19
Joined
with the ambiguous use of the phrase “Positive
Philosophy,” which has led to a classing with M. Comte
of many men who either ignore or reject his distinctive
principles, there has been one special circumstance that has
tended to originate and maintain this classing in my own
case. The assumption of some relationship between M. Comte
and myself, was unavoidably raised by the title of my first
book—Social Statics. When that book was published, I
was unaware that this title had been before used: had I
known the fact, I should certainly have adopted an alternative
title which I had in view.20
If, however, instead of {135}
the title, the work itself be considered, its irrelation to the
philosophy of M. Comte becomes abundantly manifest.
There is decisive testimony on this point. In the
North British Review for August, 1851, a reviewer of
Social Staticssays―
“The title of this work, however, is a complete misnomer. According to
all analogy, the phrase “Social Statics” should be used only in some such
sense as that in which, as we have already explained, it is used by Comte,
namely as designating a branch of inquiry whose end it is to ascertain the
laws of social equilibrium or order, as distinct ideally from those of social
movement or progress. Of this Mr. Spencer does not seem to have had the
slightest notion, but to have chosen the name for his work only as a means
of indicating vaguely that it proposed to treat of social concerns in a scientific
manner.”—p. 321.
Respecting M. Comte’s application of the words statics
and dynamics to social phenomena, now that I know what
it is, I will only say that while I perfectly understand how,
by a defensible extension of their mathematical meanings,
the one may be used to indicate social functions in balance,
and the other social functions out of balance, I am quite at
a loss to understand how the phenomena of structure can be
included in the one any more than in the other. But the
two things which here concern me, are, first, to point out
that I had not “the slightest notion” of giving Social
Statics the meaning which M. Comte gave it; and, second,
to explain the meaning which I did give it. The units of
any aggregate of matter, are in equilibrium when they
severally act and re-act on one another on all sides with
equal forces. A state of change among them implies that
there are forces exercised by some that are not counterbalanced
by like forces exercised by others; and a state of
rest implies the absence of such
uncounterbalanced {136}
forces—implies, if the units are homogeneous, equal distances among
them—implies a maintenance of their respective spheres of
molecular motion. Similarly among the units of a society,
the fundamental condition to equilibrium, is, that the
restraining forces which the units exercise on each other,
shall be balanced. If the spheres of action of some units
are diminished by extension of the spheres of action of
others, there necessarily results an unbalanced force which
tends to produce political change in the relations of individuals;
and the tendency to change can cease, only when
individuals cease to aggress on each other’s spheres of
action—only when there is maintained that law of equal
freedom, which it was the purpose of Social Statics to enforce
in all its consequences. Besides this totally-unlike conception
of what constitutes Social Statics, the work to which
I applied that title, is fundamentally at variance with
M. Comte’s teachings in almost everything. So far from
alleging, as M. Comte does, that society is to be re-organized
by philosophy; it alleges that society is to be re-organized
only by the accumulated effects of habit on character. Its
aim is not the increase of authoritative control over citizens,
but the decrease of it. A more pronounced individualism,
instead of a more pronounced nationalism, is its ideal. So
profoundly is my political creed at variance with the creed
of M. Comte, that, unless I am misinformed, it has been
instanced by a leading English disciple of M. Comte as the
creed to which he has the greatest aversion. One point of
coincidence, however, is recognizable. The analogy between
an individual organism and a social organism, which was
held by Plato and by Hobbes, is asserted in Social Statics,
as it is in the Sociology of M. Comte. Very rightly, M. Comte
has made this analogy the cardinal idea of this division of
his philosophy. In Social Statics, the aim of which is
essentially ethical, this analogy is pointed out incidentally,
to enforce certain ethical considerations; and is there
obviously suggested partly by the definition of life
which {137}
Coleridge derived from Schelling, and partly by the generalizations
of physiologists there referred to (chap. xxx.
§§. 12, 13, 16). Excepting this incidental agreement, however,
the contents of Social Statics are so entirely antagonistic
to the philosophy of M. Comte, that, but for the title,
the work would never, I think, have raised the remembrance
of him—unless, indeed, by the association of opposites.21
And now let me point out that which really has exercised
a profound influence over my course of thought. The truth
which Harvey’s embryological inquiries first dimly indicated,
which was afterwards more clearly perceived by Wolff, and
which was put into a definite shape by Von Baer—the truth
that all organic development is a change from a state of
homogeneity to a state of heterogeneity—this it is from
which very many of the conclusions which I now hold, have
indirectly resulted. In Social Statics, there is everywhere
manifested a dominant belief in the evolution of man and of
society. There is also manifested the belief that this
evolution is in both cases determined by the incidence of
conditions—the actions of circumstances. And there is
further, in the sections already referred to, a recognition of
the fact that organic and social evolutions, conform to the
same law. Falling amid beliefs in evolutions of various
orders, everywhere determined by natural
causes (beliefs {138}
again displayed in the Theory of Population and in the Principles
of Psychology); the formula of Von Baer set up a
process of organization. The extension of it to other kinds
of phenomena than those of individual and social bodies, is
traceable through successive stages. It may be seen in the
last paragraph of an essay on “The Philosophy of Style,”
published in October, 1852; again in an essay on “Manners
and Fashion,” published in April, 1854; and then, in a comparatively
advanced form, in an essay on “Progress: its
Law and Cause,” published in April, 1857. Afterwards,
there came the recognition of the need for modifying Von
Baer’s formula by including the trait of increasing definiteness;
next the inquiry into those general laws of force from
which this universal transformation necessarily results; next
the deduction of these from the ultimate law of the persistence
of force; next the perception that there is everywhere
a process of Dissolution complementary to that of Evolution;
and, finally, the determination of the conditions (specified in
the foregoing essay) under which Evolution and Dissolution
respectively occur. The filiation of these results is, I think,
tolerably manifest. The process has been one of continuous
development, set up by the addition of Von Baer’s law to a
number of ideas that were in harmony with it. And I am
not conscious of any other influences by which the process
has been affected.
It is possible, however, that there may have been influences
of which I am not conscious; and my opposition to M.
Comte’s system may have been one of them. The presentation
of antagonistic thoughts, often produces greater definiteness
and development of one’s own thoughts. It is probable
that the doctrines set forth in the essay on “The Genesis of
Science,” might never have been reached, had not my
dissent from M. Comte’s conception, led me to work
them out; and but for this, I might not have arrived at the
classification of the sciences exhibited in the foregoing essay.
Possibly there are other cases in which the stimulus
of {139}
repugnance to M. Comte’s views, may have aided in elaborating
my own views; though I cannot call to mind any
other cases.
Let it by no means be supposed from all I have said, that
I do not regard M. Comte’s speculations as of value.
True or untrue, his system as a whole, has doubtless produced
important and salutary revolutions of thought in many
minds; and will doubtless do so in many more. Doubtless,
too, not a few of those who dissent from his general views,
have been healthfully stimulated by consideration of them.
The presentation of scientific knowledge and method as a
whole, whether rightly or wrongly co-ordinated, cannot have
failed greatly to widen the conceptions of most of his readers.
And he has done especial service by familiarizing men with
the idea of a social science, based on the other sciences.
Beyond which benefits resulting from the general character
and scope of his philosophy, I believe that there are scattered
through his pages many large ideas that are valuable not
only as stimuli, but for their actual truth.
It has been by no means an agreeable task to make these
personal explanations; but it has seemed to me a task not
to be avoided. Differing so profoundly as I do from M.
Comte on all fundamental doctrines, save those which we
inherit in common from the past; it has become needful to
dissipate the impression that I agree with him—needful to
show that a large part of what is currently known as “positive
philosophy,” is not “positive philosophy” in the sense of
being peculiarly M. Comte’s philosophy; and to show that
beyond that portion of the so-called “positive philosophy”
which is not peculiar to him, I dissent from it.
And now at the close, as at the outset, let me express my
great regret that these explanations should have been called
forth by the statements of a critic who has treated me
so liberally. Nothing will, I fear, prevent the foregoing
pages from appearing like a very ungracious response to
M. Laugel’s sympathetically-written review. I can only
hope that the gravity of the question at issue, in so far as
it {140}
concerns myself, may be taken in mitigation, if not as
a sufficient apology.
The preceding pages
originally formed the second portion
of a pamphlet entitled The Classification of the Sciences:
to which are added Reasons for dissenting from the
Philosophy of M. Comte, which was first published in
1864. For some time past this pamphlet has been
included in the third volume of my Essays, &c., and has
been no longer accessible in a separate form. There has
recently been diffused afresh, the misconception which
originally led me to exhibit my entire rejection of those
views of M. Comte, which essentially distinguish his
system from other systems; and the motives which then
prompted me to publish the reasons for this rejection,
now prompt me to put them within the reach of all who
care to inquire about the matter. The Appendix, presenting
an outline of the leading propositions of the
Synthetic Philosophy, will further aid the reader in
forming a correct judgment.
Oct. 7, 1884.
Some fourteen or more years ago, an American friend
requested me, with a view to a certain use which he named,
to furnish him with a succinct statement of the cardinal
principles developed in the successive works I had published
and in those I was intending to publish. This statement I
here reproduce. Having been written solely for an expository
purpose, and without thought of M. Comte and his
system, it will serve better than a statement now drawn
up since it is not open to the suspicion of being adapted
to the occasion.22
“1. Throughout the universe in general and in detail, there is an unceasing
redistribution of matter and motion.
“2. This redistribution constitutes evolution where there is a {141}
predominant integration of matter and dissipation of motion, and constitutes
dissolution where there is a predominant absorption of motion and disintegration
of matter.
“3. Evolution is simple when the process of integration, or the formation
of a coherent aggregate, proceeds uncomplicated by other processes.
“4. Evolution is compound when, along with this primary change from
an incoherent to a coherent state, there go on secondary changes due to
differences in the circumstances of the different parts of the aggregate.
“5. These secondary changes constitute a transformation of the homogeneous
into the heterogeneous—a transformation which, like the first, is
exhibited in the universe as a whole and in all (or nearly all) its details: in
the aggregate of stars and nebulae; in the planetary system; in the earth as
an inorganic mass; in each organism, vegetal or animal (Von Baer’s law);
in the aggregate of organisms throughout geologic time; in the mind; in
society; in all products of social activity.
“6. The process of integration, acting locally as well as generally, combines
with the process of differentiation to render this change not simply from
homogeneity to heterogeneity, but from an indefinite homogeneity to a
definite heterogeneity; and this trait of increasing definiteness, which
accompanies the trait of increasing heterogeneity, is, like it, exhibited
in the totality of things and in all its divisions and sub-divisions down to
the minutest.
“7. Along with this redistribution of the matter composing any evolving
aggregate, there goes on a redistribution of the retained motion of its components
in relation to one another: this also becomes, step by step, more
definitely heterogeneous.
“8. In the absence of a homogeneity that is infinite and absolute, that
redistribution of which evolution is one phase, is inevitable. The causes
which necessitate it are these:―
“9. The instability of the homogeneous, which is consequent upon the
different exposures of the different parts of any limited aggregate to incident
forces. The transformations hence resulting are complicated by―
“10. The multiplication of effects. Every mass and part of a mass on
which a force falls, sub-divides and differentiates that force, which thereupon
proceeds to work a variety of changes; and each of these becomes the parent
of similarly-multiplying changes: the multiplication of them becoming
greater in proportion as the aggregate becomes more heterogeneous. And
these two causes of increasing differentiations are furthered by―
“11. Segregation, which is a process tending ever to separate unlike units
and to bring together like units—so serving continually to sharpen, or make
definite, differentiations otherwise caused.
“12. Equilibration is the final result of these transformations which an
evolving aggregate undergoes. The changes go on until there is reached an
equilibrium between the forces which all parts of the aggregate are exposed
to and the forces these parts oppose to them. Equilibration may pass through
a transition stage of balanced motions (as in a planetary system) or of {142}
balanced functions (as in a living body) on the way to ultimate equilibrium;
but the state of rest in inorganic bodies, or death in organic bodies, is the
necessary limit of the changes constituting evolution.
“13. Dissolution is the counter-change which sooner or later every
evolved aggregate undergoes. Remaining exposed to surrounding forces
that are unequilibrated, each aggregate is ever liable to be dissipated by the
increase, gradual or sudden, of its contained motion; and its dissipation,
quickly undergone by bodies lately animate and slowly undergone by
inanimate masses, remains to be undergone at an indefinitely remote
period by each planetary and stellar mass, which, since an indefinitely
distant period in the past, has been slowly evolving: the cycle of its transformations
being thus completed.
“14. This rhythm of evolution and dissolution, completing itself during
short periods in small aggregates, and in the vast aggregates distributed
through space completing itself in periods which are immeasurable by
human thought, is, so far as we can see, universal and eternal—each
alternating phase of the process predominating now in this region of space
and now in that, as local conditions determine.
“15. All these phenomena, from their great features down to their
minutest details, are necessary results of the persistence of force, under its
forms of matter and motion. Given these as distributed through space, and
their quantities being unchangeable, either by increase or decrease, there
inevitably result the continuous redistributions distinguishable as evolution
and dissolution, as well as all those special traits above enumerated.
“16. That which persists unchanging in quantity but ever changing in
form, under these sensible appearances which the universe presents to us,
transcends human knowledge and conception—is an unknown and unknowable
power, which we are obliged to recognize as without limit in space and
without beginning or end in time.”
These successive paragraphs set forth in the most
abstract way, that process of transformation going on
throughout the Cosmos as a whole, and in each larger or
smaller portion of it. In First Principles the statements
contained in these paragraphs are elaborated, explained,
and illustrated; and in subsequent volumes of the series,
the purpose has been to interpret the several great groups
of phenomena, Astronomical, Geological (both postponed),
Biological, Psychological, Sociological, and Ethical, in conformity
with these general laws of Evolution which First
Principles enunciates.
If
it can be shown that any one of the above propositions
has been adopted from, or has been suggested by,
the {143}
Positive Philosophy, there will be evidence that the Synthetic
Philosophy is to that extent indebted to it. Or if
there can be quoted any expressed conviction of M. Comte,
that the factors producing changes of all kinds, inorganic
and organic, co-operate everywhere throughout the Cosmos
in the same general way, and everywhere work metamorphoses
having the same essential traits, a much more
decided indebtedness may reasonably be supposed.
So far as I know it, however, the Positive Philosophy
contains none of the special ideas above enumerated, nor
any of the more general ideas they involve.
On pp. 119 and
120, I have pointed out that the followers
of M. Comte, swayed by the spirit of discipleship, habitually
ascribe to him a great deal which was the common inheritance
of the scientific world before he wrote, and to which
he himself laid no claim. Kindred remarks have since
been made by others, both in England and in France—the
one by Mr. Mill, and the other by M. Fouillée.
Mr. Mill says:―
“The foundation of M. Comte’s philosophy is thus in no way
peculiar to him, but the general property of the age, however
far as yet from being universally accepted even by thoughtful
minds. The philosophy called Positive is not a recent invention
of M. Comte, but a simple adherence to the traditions of all
the great scientific minds whose discoveries have made the
human race what it is. M. Comte has never presented it in
any other light. But he has made the doctrine his own by his
manner of treating it.”—Auguste Comte and Positivism, pp. 8,
9.
In his Histoire de la Philosophie, 1875, M. Alfred Fouillée
writes:―
“Saint-Simon voulut successivement organiser la société à l’aide de la
science (prétention d’où sortit le positivisme) puis à l’aide de l’industrie, et
enfin à l’aide d’une religion nouvelle, capable de ‘forcer chacun de ses
membres à suivre le précepte de l’amour du prochain.’”—p. 428.
“Les doctrines sociales de Saint-Simon, jointes au naturalisme de Cabanis
et de Broussais, donnèrent naissance au ‘positivisme’ d’Auguste Comte. {144}
Ce dernier, comme Saint-Simon, voit dans la science sociale ou ‘sociologie’
le terme et le but de toutes les recherches scientifiques.”—p. 422.
“A cette méthode Auguste Comte ajouta des vues historiques, qu’il
croyait entièrement originales, sur les trois états par où passe nécessairement
selon lui la connaissance humaine: état théologique, état métaphysique, et
état scientifique. Le germe de cette théorie était déjà dans Turgot.”—p. 424.
“En somme, Auguste Comte a eu le mérite d’insister sur les méthodes
qui conviennent aux sciences de la nature; mais il faut avouer que ces
méthodes étaient connues bien avant lui.”—p. 425.
14
A clear illustration of this process, is furnished by
the recent mental integration of Heat, Light, Electricity, etc., as
modes of molecular motion. If we go a step back, we see that the
modern conception of Electricity, resulted from the integration in
consciousness, of the two forms of it involved in the galvanic battery
and in the electric-machine. And going back to a still earlier stage,
we see how the conception of statical electricity, arose by the
coalescence in thought, of the previously-separate forces manifested
in rubbed amber, in rubbed glass, and in lightning. With such
illustrations before him, no one can, I think, doubt that the process
has been the same from the beginning.
15
Possibly it will be said that M. Comte himself admits that
what he calls the perfection of the positive system, will probably
never be reached; and that what he condemns is the inquiry into the
natures of causes and not the general recognition of cause. To the
first of these allegations I reply that, as I understand M. Comte,
the obstacle to the perfect realization of the positive philosophy is
the impossibility of carrying generalization so far as to reduce all
particular facts to cases of one general fact—not the impossibility
of excluding the consciousness of cause. And to the second allegation
I reply that the essential principle of his philosophy is an avowed
ignoring of cause altogether. For if it is not, what becomes of his
alleged distinction between the perfection of the positive system and
the perfection of the metaphysical system? And here let me point out
that, by affirming exactly the opposite to that which M. Comte thus
affirms, I am excluded from the positive school. If his own definition
of positivism is to be taken, then, as I hold that what he defines as
positivism is an absolute impossibility, it is clear that I cannot be
what he calls a positivist.
16
A friendly critic alleges that M. Comte is not fairly
represented by this quotation, and that he is blamed by his biographer,
M. Littré, for his too-great insistance on feeling as a motor of
humanity. If in his “Positive Politics,” which I presume is here
referred to, M. Comte abandons his original position, so much the
better. But I am here dealing with what is known as “the Positive
Philosophy;” and that the passage above quoted does not misrepresent
it, is proved by the fact that this doctrine is re-asserted at the
commencement of the Sociology.
17
In 1885, during a controversy with one of M. Comte’s
English disciples, I was blamed for speaking “of Comte as making
six sciences,” and was told that “in all Comte’s works, except the
first, he makes seven sciences.” As I was dealing with The Positive
Philosophy, I thought I could not do better than give the foregoing
extract from the Cours de Philosophie Positive; and it did not occur
to me that I was called upon to see whether, in any of his later
voluminous works, M. Comte had made a different statement. My opponent,
however, enlarged on this “blunder,” as he politely called it:
apparently oblivious of the fact that if it was a blunder on my part
to speak of Comte as recognizing six sciences when in his later days
he recognized seven, it was a much more serious blunder on the part of
Comte himself to have long overlooked the seventh.
18
M. Comte’s “Exposition” I read in the original in 1852; and in two
or three other places have referred to the original to get his exact words.
The Inorganic Physics, and the first chapter of the Biology, I read in
Miss Martineau’s condensed translation, when it appeared. The rest of
M. Comte’s views I know only through Mr. Lewes’s outline, and through
incidental references.
19
In his work, Auguste Comte et la Philosophie Positive
(1863), M. Littré defending the Comtean classification of the sciences
from the criticism I made upon it in the “Genesis of Science,” deals
with me wholly as an antagonist. The chapter he devotes to his reply,
opens by placing me in direct opposition to the English adherents of
Comte, named in the preceding chapter.
20
I believed at the time, and have never doubted until
now, that the choice of this title was absolutely independent of its
previous use by M. Comte. While writing these pages, I have found
reason to think the contrary. On referring to Social Statics, to see
what were my views of social evolution in 1850, when M. Comte was to
me but a name, I met with the following sentence:—“Social philosophy
may be aptly divided (as political economy has been) into statics and
dynamics” (ch. xxx. § 1). This I remembered to be a reference to a
division which I had seen in the Political Economy of Mr. Mill. But why
had I not mentioned Mr. Mill’s name? On referring to the first edition
of his work, I found, at the opening of Book iv., this sentence:—“The
three preceding parts include as detailed a view as the limits of this
treatise permit, of what, by a happy generalization of a mathematical
phrase, has been called the Statics of the subject.” Here was the
solution of the question. The division had not been made by Mr. Mill,
but by some writer (on Political Economy I supposed) who was not named
by him; and whom I did not know. It is now manifest, however, that while I supposed I was giving a
more extended use to this division, I was but returning to the original use
which Mr. Mill had limited to his special topic. Another thing is, I think,
tolerably manifest. As I evidently wished to point out my obligation to some
unknown political economist, whose division I thought I was extending, I
should have named him had I known who he was. And in that case should
not have put this extension of the division as though it were
new.
21
Let me add that the conception developed in Social
Statics, dates back to a series of letters on the “Proper Sphere
of Government,” published in the Nonconformist newspaper in the
latter half of 1842, and republished as a pamphlet in 1843. In
these letters will be found, along with many crude ideas, the same
belief in the conformity of social phenomena to unvariable laws; the
same belief in human progression as determined by such laws; the
same belief in the moral modification of men as caused by social
discipline; the same belief in the tendency of social arrangements “of
themselves to assume a condition of stable equilibrium;” the same
repudiation of state-control over various departments of social life;
the same limitation of state-action to the maintenance of equitable
relations among citizens. The writing of Social Statics arose from
a dissatisfaction with the basis on which the doctrines set forth
in those letters were placed: the second half of that work is an
elaboration of these doctrines; and the first half a statement of the
principles from which they are deducible.
22
Published many years since in America, this statement was
republished in England eight years since. See Athenæum for July
22nd, 1882.
ON LAWS IN GENERAL, AND THE ORDER OF THEIR DISCOVERY.
[The
following was contained in the first edition of First
Principles. I omitted it from the re-organized second edition,
because it did not form an essential part of the new structure.
As it is referred to in the foregoing pages, and as its general
argument is germane to the contents of those pages, I have thought
well to insert it here. Moreover, though I hope eventually to
incorporate it in that division of the Principles of Sociology
which treats of Intellectual Progress, yet as it must be long before
it can thus re-appear in its permanent place, and as, should I not
get so far in the execution of my undertaking, it may never thus
re-appear at all, it seems proper to make it more accessible than it
is at present. The first and last sections, which served to link it
into the argument of the work to which it originally belonged, are
omitted. The rest has been carefully revised, and in some parts
considerably altered.]
The recognition of Law being the recognition of uniformity
of relations among phenomena, it follows that the
order in which different groups of phenomena are reduced
to law, must depend on the frequency with which the
uniform relations they severally display are distinctly
experienced. At any given stage of progress, those
{146}
uniformities will be best known with which men’s minds have
been oftenest and most strongly impressed. In proportion
partly to the number of times a relation has been presented
to consciousness (not merely to the senses), and in proportion
partly to the vividness with which the terms of the
relation have been cognized, will be the degree in which
the constancy of connexion is perceived.
The succession in which relations are generalized being
thus determined, there result certain derivative principles
to which this succession must more immediately and
obviously
conform.
The first is the directness with
which personal welfare is affected. While, among surrounding
things, many do not appreciably influence us in any
way, some produce pleasures and some pains, in various
degrees; and manifestly, those things of which the actions
on the organism for good or evil are most decided, will,
cæteris paribus, be those of which the laws of action are
earliest
observed.
Second comes the conspicuousness
of one or both phenomena between which a relation is to be
perceived. On every side are phenomena so concealed as
to be detected only by close observation; others not obtrusive
enough to attract notice; others which moderately
solicit the attention; others so imposing or vivid as to
force themselves on consciousness; and, supposing conditions
to be the same, these last will of course be among
the first to have their relations
generalized.
In the
third place, we have the absolute frequency with which the
relations occur. There are coexistences and sequences of
all degrees of commonness, from those which are ever
present to those which are extremely rare; and manifestly,
the rare coexistences and sequences, as well as the
sequences which are very long in taking place, will not
be reduced to law so soon as those which are familiar and
rapid.
Fourthly has to be added the relative
frequency of occurrence. Many events and appearances
are limited to certain times or certain places, or
both; {147}
and, as a relation which does not exist within the environment
of an observer cannot be perceived by him, however
common it may be elsewhere or in another age, we have
to take account of the surrounding physical circumstances,
as well as of the state of society, of the arts, and of the
sciences—all of which affect the frequency with which
certain groups of facts are
observable.
The fifth corollary to be noticed is, that the succession in
which different classes of relations are reduced to law, depends
in part on their simplicity. Phenomena presenting
great composition of causes or conditions, have their
essential relations so masked, that it requires accumulated
experiences to impress upon consciousness the true connexions
of antecedents and consequents they involve.
Hence, other things equal, the progress of generalization
will be from the simple to the complex; and this it is
which M. Comte has wrongly asserted to be the sole
regulative principle of the
progress.
Sixth comes
the degree of concreteness, or absence of abstractness. Concrete
relations are the earliest acquisitions. Such analyses
of them as separate the essential connexions from their
disguising accompaniments, necessarily come later. The
analyses of the connexions, always more or less compound,
into their elements then becomes possible. And so on
continually, until the highest and most abstract truths
have been reached.
These, then, are the several derivative principles. The
frequency and vividness with which uniform relations are
repeated in conscious experience, determining the recognition
of their uniformity, and this frequency and vividness
depending on the above conditions, it follows that the
order in which different classes of facts are generalized,
must depend on the extent to which the above conditions
are fulfilled in each class. Let us mark how the facts
harmonize with this conclusion: taking first a few that
elucidate the general truth, and afterwards some
that {148}
exemplify the special truths which we here see follow
from it.
The relations
earliest known as uniformities, are those
subsisting among the common properties of matter—tangibility,
visibility, cohesion, weight, etc. We have no trace
of a time when the resistance offered by an object was
regarded as caused by the will of the object; or when the
pressure of a body on the hand holding it, was ascribed
to the agency of a living being. And accordingly, these
are the relations of which we are oftenest conscious: being,
as they are, objectively frequent, conspicuous, simple, concrete,
and of immediate personal concern.
Similarly with the ordinary phenomena of motion. The
fall of a mass on the withdrawal of its support, is a sequence
which directly affects bodily welfare, is conspicuous, simple,
concrete, and very often repeated. Hence it is one of the
uniformities recognized before the dawn of tradition. We
know of no era when ordinary movements due to terrestrial
gravitation were attributed to volition. Only when the
relation is obscured, as where the withdrawal of a support
is not obvious, or, as in the case of an aërolite, where the
antecedent of the descent is unperceived, do we find the
conception of personal
agency.
On the other hand,
motions of intrinsically the same order as that of a falling
stone—those of the heavenly bodies—long remain ungeneralized;
and until their uniformity is seen, and indeed
for a long time after, are construed as results of will.
This difference is clearly not dependent on comparative
complexity or abstractness, since the motion of a planet in
an ellipse of slight eccentricity, is as simple and concrete a
phenomenon as the motion of a projected arrow in an
ellipse of extreme eccentricity indistinguishable from a
parabola. But the antecedents are not conspicuous; the
sequences are of long duration; and they are not often
repeated. And that these are the causes of their
slow {149}
reduction to law, we see in the fact that they are severally
generalized in the order of their frequency and conspicuousness—the
moon’s monthly cycle, the sun’s annual
change, the periods of the inferior planets, the periods of
the superior planets.
While astronomical sequences were still ascribed to volition,
certain terrestrial sequences of a different kind, but
some of them equally without complication, were interpreted
in like manner. The solidification of water at a low temperature,
is a phenomenon that is simple, concrete, and of
much personal concern. But it is neither so frequent as
those which we see are earliest generalized, nor is the presence
of the antecedent so manifest. Though in all but
tropical climates, mid-winter displays the relation between
cold and freezing with tolerable constancy; yet, during the
spring and autumn, the occasional appearance of ice in the
mornings has no very obvious connexion with coldness of
the weather. Sensation being so inaccurate a measure, it
is not possible for the savage to experience the definite
relation between a temperature of 32° and the congealing
of water; and hence the long continued belief in personal
agency. Similarly, but still more clearly, with the winds.
The absence of regularity and the inconspicuousness of the
antecedents, allowed the mythological explanation to survive
for a great period.
During the era in which the uniformity of many quite
simple inorganic relations was still unrecognized, certain
organic relations, intrinsically very complex and special,
were generalized. The constant coexistence of feathers and
a beak, of four legs with an internal bony framework, are
facts which were, and are, familiar to every savage. Did a
savage find a bird with teeth, or a mammal clothed with
feathers, he would be as much surprised as an instructed
naturalist. Now these uniformities of organic structure thus
early perceived, are of exactly the same kind as those more
numerous ones later established by biology. The
constant {150}
coexistence of mammary glands with two occipital condyles
to the skull, of vertebræ with teeth lodged in sockets, of
frontal horns with the habit of rumination, are generalizations
as purely empirical as those known to the aboriginal
hunter. The botanist cannot in the least understand the
complex relation between papilionaceous flowers and seeds
borne in flattened pods: he knows these and like connexions
simply in the same way that the barbarian knows the
connexions between particular leaves and particular kinds
of wood. But the fact that sundry of the uniform relations
which chiefly make up the organic sciences, were very early
recognized, is due to the high degrees of vividness and
frequency with which they were presented to consciousness.
Though the connexion between the sounds characteristic of
a certain bird, and the possession of edible flesh, is extremely
involved, yet the two terms of the relation are conspicuous,
often recur in experience, and a knowledge of their connexion
has a direct bearing on personal welfare. Meanwhile
innumerable relations of the same order, which are displayed
with even greater frequency by surrounding plants and
animals, remain for thousands of years unrecognized, if
they are unobtrusive or of no apparent moment.
When, passing from this primitive stage to a more
advanced stage, we trace the discovery of those less familiar
uniformities which mainly constitute what is distinguished
as Science, we find the succession in which knowledge of
them is reached, to be still determined in the same manner.
This will become obvious on contemplating separately the
influence of each derivative condition.
How relations
that have immediate bearings on the
maintenance of life, are, other things equal, fixed in the
mind before those which have no immediate bearings,
the history of Science abundantly illustrates. The habits
of existing uncivilized races, who fix times by moons and
barter so many of one article for so many of another,
show {151}
us that conceptions of equality and number, which are the
germs of mathematical science, were developed under the
immediate pressure of personal wants; and it can scarcely
be doubted that those laws of numerical relations which
are embodied in the rules of arithmetic, were first brought
to light through the practice of mercantile exchange.
Similarly with geometry. The derivation of the word
shows us that it originally included only certain methods
of partitioning ground and laying out buildings. The
properties of the scales and the lever, involving the first
principle in mechanics, were early generalized under the
stimulus of commercial and architectural needs. To fix the
times of religious festivals and agricultural operations,
were the motives which led to the establishment of the
simpler astronomic periods. Such small knowledge of
chemical relations as was involved in ancient metallurgy,
was manifestly obtained in seeking how to improve tools
and weapons. In the alchemy of later times, we see how
greatly an intense hope of private benefit contributed to
the disclosure of a certain class of uniformities. Nor is our
own age barren of illustrations. “Here,” says Humboldt,
when in Guiana, “as in many parts in Europe, the sciences
are thought worthy to occupy the mind, only so far as they
confer some immediate and practical benefit on society.”
“How is it possible to believe,” said a missionary to him,
“that you have left your country to come to be devoured
by mosquitoes on this river, and to measure lands that are
not your own?” Our coasts furnish like instances. Every
sea-side naturalist knows how great is the contempt with
which fishermen regard the collection of objects for the
microscope or aquarium. Their incredulity as to the
possible value of such things is so great, that they can
scarcely be induced even by bribes to preserve the refuse
of their nets. Nay, we need not go for evidence beyond
daily table-talk. The demand for “practical science”—for
a knowledge that can be brought to bear on the business
of {152}
life—joined to the ridicule commonly vented on scientific
pursuits having no obvious uses, suffice to show that the
order in which laws are discovered greatly depends on
the directness with which knowledge of them affects
our welfare.
That, when all other conditions are the same, obtrusive
relations will be generalized before unobtrusive ones, is so
nearly a truism that examples appear almost superfluous. If
it be admitted that by the aboriginal man, as by the child,
the co-existent properties of large surrounding objects are
noticed before those of minute objects, and that the external
relations which bodies present are generalized before their
internal relations, it must be admitted that in subsequent
stages of progress, the comparative conspicuousness of
relations has greatly affected the order in which they were
recognized as uniform. Hence it happened that after the
establishment of those very manifest sequences constituting
a lunation, and those less manifest ones marking a year, and
those still less manifest ones marking the planetary periods,
astronomy occupied itself with such inconspicuous sequences
as those displayed in the repeating cycle of lunar eclipses,
and those which suggested the theory of epicycles and
eccentrics; while modern astronomy deals with still more
inconspicuous sequences, some of which, as the planetary
rotations, are nevertheless the simplest which the heavens
present. In physics, the early use of canoes implied an
empirical knowledge of certain hydrostatic relations that
are intrinsically more complex than sundry static relations
not empirically known; but these hydrostatic relations were
thrust upon observation. Or, if we compare the solution
of the problem of specific gravity by Archimedes with the
discovery of atmospheric pressure by Torricelli (the two
involving mechanical relations of the same class), we perceive
that the much earlier occurrence of the first than the last
was determined, neither by a difference in their bearings on
personal welfare, nor by a difference in the frequency
with {153}
which illustrations of them came under observation, nor by
relative simplicity; but by the greater obtrusiveness of the
connexion between antecedent and consequent in the one
case than in the other. Among miscellaneous illustrations,
it may be pointed out that the connexions between lightning
and thunder, and between rain and clouds, were recognized
long before others of the same order, simply because they
thrust themselves on the attention. Or the long-delayed
discovery of the microscopic forms of life, with all the phenomena
they present, may be named as very clearly showing
how certain groups of relations not ordinarily perceptible,
though in other respects like long-familiar relations, have
to wait until changed conditions render them perceptible.
But, without further details, it needs only to consider the
inquiries which now occupy the electrician, the chemist,
the physiologist, to see that science has advanced, and is
advancing, from the more conspicuous phenomena to the
less conspicuous ones.
How the degree of absolute frequency of a relation affects
the recognition of its uniformity, we see in contrasting
certain biological facts. The connexion between death and
bodily injury, constantly displayed not only in men but in
all inferior creatures, came to be recognized as an instance
of natural causation while yet deaths from diseases or from
some of them continued to be thought supernatural. Among
diseases themselves, it is observable that unusual ones were
regarded as of demoniacal origin during ages when the
more frequent were ascribed to ordinary causes: a truth
paralleled among our own peasantry, who by the use of
charms show a lingering superstition with respect to rare
disorders, which they do not show with respect to common
ones, such as colds. Passing to physical illustrations, we
may note that within the historic period whirlpools were
accounted for by the agency of water-spirits; but we do
not find that within the same period the disappearance of
water on exposure either to the sun or to artificial heat
was {154}
interpreted in an analogous way: though a more marvellous
occurrence, and a more complex one, its great frequency
led to the early recognition of it as a natural uniformity.
Rainbows and comets do not differ much in conspicuousness,
and a rainbow is intrinsically the more involved phenomenon;
but chiefly because of their far greater commonness,
rainbows were perceived to have a direct dependence
on sun and rain while yet comets were regarded as signs of
divine wrath.
That races living inland must long have remained
ignorant of the daily and monthly sequences of the tides,
and that tropical races could not early have comprehended
the phenomena of northern winters, are extreme illustrations
of the influence which relative frequency has on the
recognition of uniformities. Animals which, where they
are indigenous, call forth no surprise by their structures or
habits, because these are so familiar, when taken to
countries where they have never been seen, are looked at
with an astonishment approaching to awe—are even
thought supernatural: a fact which will suggest numerous
others that show how the localization of phenomena shares
in controlling the order in which they are reduced to law.
Not only however does their localization in space affect the
progression, but also their localization in time. Facts
which are rarely if ever manifested in one era, are rendered
very frequent in another, simply through the changes
wrought by civilization. The lever, of which the properties
are illustrated in the use of sticks and weapons, is vaguely
understood by every savage—on applying it in a certain
way he rightly anticipates certain effects; but the wheel-and-axle,
pulley, and screw, cannot have their powers
either empirically or rationally known till the advance of
the arts has more or less familiarized them. Through
those various means of exploration which we have inherited
and added to, we have become acquainted with a vast
range of chemical relations that were relatively {155}
non-existent to the primitive man. To highly-developed industries
we owe both the substances and the appliances that have
disclosed to us countless uniformities which our ancestors
had no opportunity of seeing. These and like instances,
show that the accumulated materials, and processes, and
products, which characterize the environments of complex
societies, greatly increase the accessibility of various
classes of relations; and by thus multiplying the
experiences of them, or making them relatively frequent,
facilitate the generalization of them. Moreover, various
classes of phenomena presented by society itself, as for
instance those which political economy formulates, become
relatively frequent, and therefore recognizable, in advanced
social states; while in less advanced ones they are either
too rarely displayed to have their relations perceived, or,
as in the least advanced ones, are not displayed at all.
That, where no other circumstances interfere, the order in
which different uniformities are established varies as their
complexity, is manifest. The geometry of straight lines was
understood before the geometry of curved lines; the properties
of the circle before the properties of the ellipse, parabola,
and hyperbola; and the equations of curves of single curvature
were ascertained before those of curves of double
curvature. Plane trigonometry comes in order of time and
simplicity before spherical trigonometry; and the mensuration
of plane surfaces and solids before the mensuration of
curved surfaces and solids. Similarly with mechanics: the
laws of simple motion were generalized before those of compound
motion; and those of rectilinear motion before those
of curvilinear motion. The properties of equal-armed levers
or scales, were understood before those of levers with unequal
arms; and the law of the inclined plane was formulated
earlier than that of the screw, which involves it. In chemistry
the progress has been from the simple inorganic compounds
to the more involved or organic compounds. And where, as
in the higher sciences, the conditions of the exploration
are {156}
more complicated, we still may trace relative complexity
as determining the order of discovery where other things
are equal.
The progression from concrete relations to abstract relations,
and from the less abstract to the more abstract, is
equally obvious. Numeration, which in its primary form concerned
itself only with groups of actual objects, came earlier
than simple arithmetic; the rules of which deal with numbers
apart from objects. Arithmetic, limited in its sphere to
concrete numerical relations, is alike earlier and less abstract
than Algebra, which deals with the relations of these relations.
And in like manner, the Calculus of Operations comes
after Algebra, both in order of evolution and in order of
abstractness. In Mechanics, the more concrete relations of
forces exhibited in the lever, inclined plane, etc., were understood
before the more abstract relations expressed in the
laws of resolution and composition of forces; and later than
the three abstract laws of motion as formulated by Newton
came the still more abstract law of inertia. Similarly with
Physics and Chemistry, there has been an advance from
truths entangled in all the specialities of particular facts
and particular classes of facts, to truths disentangled from
the disguising incidents under which they are manifested—to
truths of a higher abstractness.
Brief and rude as is this sketch of a mental development
which has been long and complicated, I venture to think it
shows inductively what was deductively inferred, that the
order in which separate groups of uniformities are recognized,
depends not on one circumstance but on several circumstances.
The various classes of relations are generalized
in a certain succession, not solely because of one particular
kind of difference in their natures; but also because they
are variously placed in time and in space, variously open to
observation, and variously related to our own constitutions:
our perception of them being influenced by all these conditions
in endless combinations. The comparative
degrees {157}
of importance, of obtrusiveness, of absolute frequency, of
relative frequency, of simplicity, of concreteness, are every
one of them factors; and from their unions in proportions
that are never twice alike, there results a highly complex
process of mental evolution. But while it is thus manifest
that the proximate causes of the succession in which relations
are reduced to law, are numerous and involved; it is also
manifest that there is one ultimate cause to which these
proximate causes are subordinate. As the several circumstances
that determine the early or late recognition of uniformities
are circumstances that determine the number and
strength of the impressions which these uniformities make
on the mind, it follows that the progression conforms to a
certain fundamental principle of psychology. We see a
posteriori, what we concluded à priori, that the order in which
relations are generalized, depends on the frequency and
impressiveness with which they are repeated in conscious
experience.
Having
roughly analyzed the progress of the past, let
us take advantage of the light thus thrown on the present,
and consider what is implied respecting the future.
Note, first, that the likelihood of the universality of Law
has been ever growing greater. Out of the countless coexistences
and sequences with which mankind are environed,
they have been continually transferring some from the group
whose order was supposed to be arbitrary, to the group
whose order is known to be uniform. And manifestly, as
fast as the relations which are unreduced to law become
fewer, the probability that among them there are some which
do not conform to law, becomes less. To put the argument
numerically—It is clear that when out of surrounding phenomena
a hundred of several kinds have been found to occur
in constant connexions, there arises a slight presumption that
all phenomena occur in constant connexions. When uniformity
has been established in a thousand cases, more
varied {158}
in their kinds, the presumption gains strength. And when
the known cases of uniformity amount to millions, including
many of each variety, it becomes an ordinary induction that
uniformity exists everywhere.
Silently and insensibly their experiences have been pressing
men on towards the conclusion thus drawn. Not out of
a conscious regard for these reasons, but from a habit of
thought which these reasons formulate and justify, all minds
have been advancing towards a belief in the constancy of
surrounding coexistences and sequences. Familiarity with
concrete uniformities has generated the abstract conception
of uniformity—the idea of Law; and this idea has been in
successive generations slowly gaining fixity and clearness.
Especially has it been thus among those whose knowledge of
natural phenomena is the most extensive—men of science.
The mathematician, the physicist, the astronomer, the
chemist, severally acquainted with the vast accumulations of
uniformities established by their predecessors, and themselves
daily adding new ones as well as verifying the old,
acquire a far stronger faith in law than is ordinarily possessed.
With them this faith, ceasing to be merely passive, becomes
an active stimulus to inquiry. Wherever there exist phenomena
of which the dependence is not yet ascertained, these
most cultivated intellects, impelled by the conviction that
here too there is some invariable connexion, proceed to
observe, compare, and experiment; and when they discover
the law to which the phenomena conform, as they eventually
do, their general belief in the universality of law is further
strengthened. So overwhelming is the evidence, and such
the effect of this discipline, that to the advanced student of
Nature, the proposition that there are lawless phenomena
has become not only incredible but almost inconceivable.
This habitual recognition of law which already distinguishes
modern thought from ancient thought, must spread
among men at large. The fulfilment of fresh predictions
that are made possible by every new step, and the
further {159}
command gained over Nature’s forces, prove to the
uninitiated the validity of scientific generalizations and
the doctrine they illustrate. Widening education is daily
diffusing among the mass of men that knowledge of these
generalizations which has been hitherto confined to
the few. And as fast as this diffusion goes on, the belief of
the scientific must become the belief of the world at large.
That law is universal, will become an irresistible conclusion
when it is perceived that the progress in the discovery
of laws itself conforms to law; and when this perception
makes it clear why certain groups of phenomena have
been reduced to law, while other groups are still unreduced.
When it is seen that the order in which uniformities are
recognized, must depend on the frequency and vividness
with which they are repeated in conscious experience; when
it is seen that, as a matter of fact, the most common, important,
conspicuous, concrete, and simple, uniformities were the
earliest recognized, because they were experienced oftenest
and most distinctly; it will by implication be seen that long
after the great mass of phenomena have been generalized,
there must remain phenomena which, from their rareness,
or unobtrusiveness, or seeming unimportance, or complexity,
or abstractness, are still
ungeneralized.
Thus will be
furnished a solution to a difficulty sometimes raised. When
it is asked why the universality of law is not already fully
established, there will be the answer that the directions in
which it is not yet established are those in which its establishment
must necessarily be latest. That state of things
which is inferable beforehand, is just the state which we find
to exist. If such coexistences and sequences as those of
Biology and Sociology are not yet reduced to law, the presumption
is, not that they are irreducible to law, but that
their laws elude our present means of exploration. Having
long ago proved uniformity throughout all the lower classes
of relations, and having been step by step proving {160}
uniformity throughout classes of relations successively higher
and higher, if we have not yet succeeded with the highest
classes, it may be fairly concluded that our powers are at
fault, rather than that the uniformity does not exist. And
unless we make the absurd assumption that the process of
generalization, now going on with unexampled rapidity, has
reached its limit, and will suddenly cease, we must infer
that ultimately mankind will discover a constant order even
among the most involved and obscure
phenomena.
THE VALUATION OF EVIDENCE.
[First
published in The Leader for June 25, 1853.]
With Spirit-rappings and Table-movings still the rage,
and with the belief in Spontaneous Combustion still unextinguished,
it seems desirable that something should be
said in justification of that general scepticism with which
the philosophical meet the alleged wonders that periodically
turn the heads of the nation. Nothing less than a bulky
octavo would be needed to contain all that might be written
on the matter; and unfortunately such an octavo, when
written, would be little read by those most requiring it. A
brief hint or two, however, may find listeners among them.
“I tell you I saw it myself,” is the so-thought conclusive
assertion with which many a controversy is abruptly ended.
Commonly those who make this assertion think that after
it nothing remains to be urged; and they are astonished
at the unreasonableness of those who still withhold their
belief. Though they reject many tales of witchcraft, many
ghost stories whose marvels were attested by eye-witnesses—though
they have repeatedly seen stage-conjurors seem
to do things which they do not believe were really done—though
they have heard of the Automaton Chess-player and
the Invisible Girl, and have perhaps seen explanations of
the modes in which the public were deluded by {162}
them—though in all these cases they know that the facts were
other than the spectators supposed them to be; yet
they cannot imagine that their own perceptions have
been vitiated by influences like those which vitiated the
perceptions of others. Or, to put the thing more charitably
and perhaps more truly, they forget that such vitiations
are constantly occurring.
To observe correctly, though commonly thought very
easy, every man of science knows to be difficult. Our
faculties are liable to report falsely from two opposite
causes—the presence of hypothesis, and the absence of
hypothesis. To the dangers arising from one or other of
these, every observation we make is exposed; and between
the two it is hard to see any fact quite truly. A few
illustrations of the extreme distortions arising from the one
cause, and the extreme inaccuracy consequent on the other,
will justify this seeming paradox.
Nearly every one is familiar with the myth prevalent on
our sea-coasts, respecting the Barnacle Goose. The popular
belief was, and indeed is still in some places, that the fruits
on branches which hang into the sea become changed into
shell-covered creatures called barnacles, found incrusting
these submerged branches; and further, that these barnacles
are in process of time transformed into the birds known as
barnacle geese. This belief was not confined to the vulgar;
it was received among naturalists. Nor was it with them
simply an adopted rumour. It was based on observations
which were recorded and approved by the highest scientific
authorities, and published with their countenance. In a
paper contained in the Philosophical Transactions, Sir Robert
Moray says:—“In every shell that I opened . . . there
appeared nothing wanting, as to the external parts, for
making up a perfect sea-fowl; the little bill like that of a
goose, the eyes marked, the head, neck, breast, wings, tail,
and feet formed, the feathers everywhere perfectly shaped
and blackish coloured, and the feet like those of other {163}
waterfowl, to my best remembrance.” Now this myth respecting
the barnacle goose has been exploded for some century and
a half. To a modern zoologist who examines one of these
cirrhipeds, as the barnacles are called, it seems scarcely
credible that it could ever have been thought a chick; and
what Sir Robert Moray could have taken for “head, neck,
breast, wings, tail, feet, and feathers,” he cannot imagine.
Under the influence of a pre-conception, here is a man of
education describing as “a perfect sea-fowl” what is now
known to be a modified crustacean—a creature belonging
to a remote part of the animal kingdom.
A still more remarkable instance of perverted observation
exists in an old book entitled Metamorphosis Naturalis, &c.,
published at Middleburgh in 1662. This work, in which is
attempted for the first time a detailed account of
insect-transformations,
contains numerous illustrative plates, in
which are represented the various stages of evolution—larva,
pupa, and imago. Those who have any knowledge
of Entomology will recollect that the chrysalises of all our
common butterflies exhibit at the anterior end a number of
pointed projections, producing an irregular outline. Have
they ever observed in this outline a resemblance to a man’s
face? For myself, I can say that though in early days I
kept brood after brood of butterfly larvæ through all their
changes, I never perceived any such likeness; nor can I
see it now. Nevertheless, in the plates of this Metamorphosis
Naturalis, each chrysalis has its projections so
modified as to represent a burlesque human head—the
respective species having different profiles given them.
Whether the author was a believer in metempsychosis,
and thought he saw in the chrysalis a disguised humanity;
or whether, swayed by the false analogy which Butler
makes so much of, between the change from chrysalis to
butterfly and that from mortality to immortality, he considered
the chrysalis as typical of man; does not appear.
Here, however, is the fact, that influenced by some {164}
pre-conception or other, he has made his drawings quite
different from the actual forms. It is not that he simply
thinks this resemblance exists—it is not that he merely
says he can see it; but his preconception so possesses him
as to swerve his pencil, and make him produce representations
laughably unlike the realities.
These, which are extreme cases of distorted perceptions,
differ only in degree from the distorted perceptions of daily
life; and so strong is the distorting influence that even the
man of science cannot escape its effects. Every microscopist
knows that if they have conflicting theories respecting its
nature, two observers shall look through the same instrument
at the same object, and give quite different descriptions
of its appearance.
From the dangers of hypothesis let us now turn to the
dangers of no hypothesis. Little recognized as is the fact,
it is nevertheless true that we cannot make the commonest
observation correctly without beforehand having some
notion of what we are to observe. You are asked to listen
to a faint sound, and you find that without a pre-conception
of the kind of sound you are to hear, you cannot hear it.
Provided that it is not strong, an unusual flavour in your
food may pass quite unperceived, unless some one draws
attention to it, when you taste it distinctly. After knowing
him for years, you shall suddenly discover that your friend’s
nose is slightly awry, and wonder that you never remarked
it before. Still more striking becomes this inability when
the facts to be observed are complex. Of a hundred people
who listen to the dying vibrations of a church bell, almost
all fail to perceive the harmonics, and assert the sound to
be simple. Scarcely any one who has not practised drawing,
sees, when in the street, that all the horizontal lines in the
walls, windows, shutters, roofs, seem to converge to one
point in the distance: a fact which, after a few lessons in
perspective, becomes visible enough.
Perhaps I cannot more clearly illustrate this necessity
for {165}
hypothesis as a condition to accurate perception, than by
narrating a portion of my own experience relative to the
colours of shadows.
Indian ink was the pigment which, during boyhood, I
invariably used for shading. Ask any one who has received
no culture in art, or who has given no thought to it, of what
colour a shadow is, and the unhesitating reply will be—black.
This is uniformly the creed of the uninitiated; and
in this creed I undoubtingly remained till about eighteen.
Happening, at that age, to come much in contact with an
amateur artist, I was told, to my great surprise, that shadows
are not black but of a neutral tint. This, to me, novel
doctrine, I strenuously resisted. I have a pretty distinct
recollection of denying it point blank, and quoting all my
experience in support of the denial. I remember, too, that
the controversy lasted over a considerable period; and that
it was only after my friend had repeatedly drawn my attention
to instances in Nature, that I finally gave in. Though
I must previously have seen myriads of shadows, yet
in consequence of the fact that very generally the tint
approaches to black, I had been unable, in the absence of
hypothesis, to perceive that in many cases it is distinctly
not black.
I continued to hold this amended doctrine for some years.
It is true that from time to time I observed that the tone
of the neutral tint varied considerably in different shadows;
but still the divergencies were not such as to shake my faith
in the dogma. By-and-bye, however, in a popular work on
Optics, I met with the statement that the colour of a
shadow is always the complement of the colour of the light
casting it. Not seeing the wherefore of this alleged law,
which seemed moreover to conflict with my established
belief, I was led to study the matter as a question of
causation. Why are shadows coloured? and what
determines the colour? were the queries that suggested
themselves. In seeking answers, it soon became
manifest {166}
that as a space in shadow is a space from which the direct
light alone is excluded, and into which the indirect light
(namely, that reflected by surrounding objects, by the
clouds and by the sky) continues to fall, the colour of a
shadow must partake of the colour of everything that can
either radiate or reflect light into it. Hence, the colour of
a shadow must be the average colour of the diffused light;
and must vary, as that varies, with the colours of all
surrounding things. Thus was at once explained the
inconstancy I had already noticed; and I presently
recognized in Nature that which the theory implies—namely,
that a shadow may have any colour whatever,
according to circumstances. Under a clear sky, and with
no trees, hedges, houses, or other objects at hand, shadows
are of a pure blue. During a red sunset, mixture of the
yellow light from the upper part of the western sky with
the blue light from the eastern sky, produces green shadows.
Go near to a gas-lamp on a moonlight night, and a pencil-case
placed at right angles to a piece of paper will be found
to cast a purple-blue shadow and a yellow-grey shadow,
produced by the gas and the moon respectively. And
there are conditions it would take too long here to describe,
under which two parts of the same shadow are differently
coloured. All which facts became obvious to me as soon as
I knew that they must exist.
Here, then, respecting certain simple phenomena that
are hourly visible, are three successive convictions; each
of them based on years of observation; each of them held
with unhesitating confidence; and yet only one—as I now
believe—true. But for the help of an hypothesis, I should
probably have remained in the common belief that shadows
are black. And but for the help of another hypothesis, I
should probably have remained in the half-true belief that
they are neutral tint.
Is it not clear, therefore, that to observe correctly is by
no means easy? On the one hand, a pre-conception,
makes {167}
us liable to see things not quite as they are, but as we think
them. On the other hand, in the absence of a pre-conception,
we are liable to pass over much that we ought to see.
Yet we must have either a pre-conception or no pre-conception.
Evidently, then, all our observations, save those
guided by true theories already reached, are in danger of
either distortion or incompleteness.
It remains but to remark, that if our observations are
imperfect in cases like the foregoing, where the things
seen are persistent, and may be again and again looked
at or continuously contemplated; how much more imperfect
must they be where the things seen are complex processes,
changes, or actions, each presenting successive phases,
which, if not truly observed at the moments they severally
occur, can never be truly observed at all! Here the
chances of error become immensely multiplied. And
when, in addition, there exists some moral excitement,—when,
as in these Spirit-rapping and Table-turning experiments,
the intellect is partially paralysed by fear or wonder
correct observation becomes next to an
impossibility.
WHAT IS ELECTRICITY? — P OSTSCRIPT (1873). — ENDNOTE TO WHAT IS ELECTRICITY? .
[First
published in The Reader for November 19, 1864.]
Probably few, if any, competent physicists have, of late
years, used the term “electric fluid” in any other than a
conventional sense. When distinguishing electricity into
the two kinds, “positive” and “negative,” or “vitreous”
and “resinous,” they have used the ideas suggested by
these names merely as convenient symbols, and not as
representatives of different entities. And, now that heat
and light are proved to be modes of motion, it has become
obvious that all the allied manifestations of force must be
modes of motion.
What is the particular mode of motion which constitutes
electricity, thus becomes the question. That it is some
kind of molecular vibration, different from the molecular
vibrations which luminous bodies give off, is, I presume,
taken for granted by all who bring to the consideration of
the matter a knowledge of recent discoveries. Beyond
those simple oscillations of molecules from which light and
heat result, may we not suspect that there will, in some
cases, arise compound oscillations? Let us consider
whether the conditions under which electricity arises are
not such as to generate compound oscillations; and
whether the phenomena of electricity are not such as must
result from compound oscillations.
The universal antecedent to the production of
electricity {169}
is the immediate or mediate contact of heterogeneous
substances—substances that are heterogeneous either in
their molecular constitutions, or in their molecular states.
If, then, electricity is some mode of molecular motion, and
if, whenever it is produced, the contact of substances having
unlike molecules or molecules in unlike states, is the
antecedent, there seems thrust upon us the conclusion that
electricity results from some mutual action of molecules
whose motions are unlike.
What must be that mutual action of molecules having
unlike motions, which, as we see, is the universal antecedent
of electrical disturbance? The answer to this question
does not seem difficult to reach, if we take the simplest
case—the case of contact-electricity. When two pieces of
metal of the same kind, and at the same temperature, are
applied to one another, there is no electrical excitation;
but, if the metals applied to one another be of different
kinds, there is a genesis of electricity. This, which has
been regarded as an anomalous fact—a fact so anomalous
that it has been much disputed because apparently at
variance with every hypothesis—is a fact to which an
interpretation is at once supplied by the hypothesis that
electricity results from the mutual disturbances of unlike
molecular motions. For if, on the one hand, we have
homogeneous metals in contact, their respective molecules,
oscillating synchronously, will give and take any forces
which they impress on one another without producing
oscillations of new orders. But if, on the other hand, the
molecules of the one mass have periods of oscillation
different from those of the other mass, their mutual impacts
will not agree with the period of oscillation of either, but
will generate a new rhythm, differing from, and much
slower than, that of either. The production of what are
called “beats” in acoustics, will best illustrate this. It is
a familiar fact that two strings vibrating at different rates,
from time to time concur in sending off aërial waves in
the {170}
same direction at the same instant: that then, their vibrations
getting more and more out of correspondence, they
send off their aërial waves in the same direction at exactly
intermediate instants; and presently, coming once more
into correspondence, they again generate coinciding waves.
So that when their periods of vibration differ but little,
and when consequently it takes an appreciable time to
complete their alternations of agreement and disagreement,
there results an audible alternation in the sound—a succession
of pulses of louder and feebler sound. In other words,
besides the primary, simple, and rapid series of waves,
constituting the two sounds themselves, there is a series of
slow compound waves, resulting from their repeated conflicts
and concurrences. Now if, instead of the two strings
communicating their vibrations to the air, each communicated
its vibrations to the other, we should have just the
same alternation of concurrent and conflicting pulses.
And if each of the two strings was combined with an
aggregate of others like itself, in such way that it communicated
to its neighbours both its normal and its
abnormal vibrations, it is clear that through each aggregate
of strings there would be propagated one of these compound
waves of oscillation, in addition to their simple rapid oscillations.
This illustration will, I think, make it manifest
that when a mass of molecules which have a certain period
of vibration, is placed in contact with a mass of molecules
which have another period of vibration, there must result
an alternation of coincidences and antagonisms in the
molecular motions, such as will make the molecules alternately
increase and decrease one another’s motions.
There will be instants at which they are moving in the
same direction, and intervening instants at which they are
moving in opposite directions; whence will arise periods of
greatest and least deviations from their ordinary motions.
And these greatest and least deviations, being communicated
to neighbouring molecules, and passed on by
them {171}
to the next, will result in waves of perturbation propagated
throughout each mass.
Let us now ask what will be the mutual relations of
these waves. Action and reaction being equal and opposite,
it must happen that whatever effect a molecule of the
mass A produces upon an adjacent molecule of the mass
B, must be accompanied by an equivalent reverse effect
upon itself. If a molecule of the mass A is at any instant
moving in such way as to impress on a molecule of the
mass B an additional momentum in any given direction,
then the momentum of the molecule of A, in that direction,
will be diminished to an equal amount. That is to say, to
any wave of increased motion propagated through the
molecules of B, there must be a reactive wave of decreased
motion propagated in the opposite direction through the
molecules of A. See, then, the two significant facts. Any
addition of motion, which at one of these alternate periods
is given by the molecules of A to the molecules of B, must
be propagated through the molecules of B in a direction
away from A; and simultaneously there must be a subtraction
from the motion of the molecules of A, which will
be propagated through them in a direction away from B.
To every wave of excess sent through the one mass, there
will be a corresponding wave of defect sent through the
other; and these positive and negative waves will be
exactly coincident in their times, and exactly equal in
their amounts. Whence it follows that if these waves,
proceeding from the surface of contact through the two
masses in contrary directions, are brought into relation,
they will neutralize each other. Action and reaction being
equal and opposite, these plus and minus molecular motions
will cancel if they are added together; and there will be a
restoration of equilibrium.
These positive and negative waves of perturbation will
travel through the two masses of molecules with great
facility. It is now an established truth that
molecules {172}
absorb, in the increase of their own vibrations, those
rhythmical impulses or waves which have periodic times
the same as their own; but that they cannot thus absorb
successive impulses that have periodic times different
from their own. Hence these differential undulations,
being very long undulations in comparison with those of
the molecules themselves, will readily pass through the
masses of molecules, or be conducted by them. Further
observe that, if the two masses of molecules continue
joined, these positive and negative differential waves
travelling away from the surface of contact in opposite
directions, and severally arriving at the outer surfaces
of the two masses, will be reflected from these; and,
travelling back again toward the surface of contact, will
there meet and neutralize one another. Hence no current
will be produced along a wire joining the outer surfaces of
the masses; since neutralization will be more readily
effected by this return of the waves through the masses
themselves. But, though no external current arises, the
masses will continue in what we call opposite electric
states; as a delicate electrometer shows that they do.
And further, if they are parted, the positive and negative
waves which have the instant before been propagated
through them respectively, remaining unneutralized, the
masses will display their opposite electric states in a more
conspicuous way. The residual positive and negative
waves will then neutralize each other along any conductor
that is placed between them, seeing that the plus waves
communicated from the one mass to the conductor, meeting
with the minus waves communicated from the other, and
being mutually cancelled as they meet, the conductor
will become a line of least resistance to the waves of
each mass.
Let us pass now to the allied phenomena of thermo-electricity.
Suppose these two masses of metal to be
heated at their surfaces of contact: the forms of
the {173}
masses being such that their surfaces of contact can be
considerably heated without their remoter parts being
much heated. What will happen? Prof. Tyndall has
shown, in the cases of various gases and liquids, that,
other things equal, when molecules have given to them
more of the insensible motion which we call heat, there is
no alteration in their periods of oscillation, but an increase
in the amplitudes of their oscillations: the molecules make
wider excursions in the same times. Assuming that it is
the same in solids, it will follow that, when the two metals
are heated at their surfaces of contact, the result will be
the same as before in respect of the natures and intervals
of the differential waves. There will be a change, however,
in the strengths of these waves. For, if the two orders of
molecules have severally given to them increased quantities
of motion, the perturbations which they impress on each
other will also be increased. These stronger positive and
negative waves of differential motion will, as before, travel
through either mass away from the surfaces of contact—that
is, toward the cold extremities of the masses. From
these cold extremities they will, as before, rebound toward
the surfaces of contact; and, as before, will tend thus to
equilibriate each other. But they will meet with resistance
in thus travelling back. It is a well-ascertained fact that
raising the temperatures of metals decreases their conducting
powers. Hence, if the two cold ends of the masses be
connected by some other mass whose molecules can take
on with facility these differential undulations—that is, if
the two ends be joined by a conductor, the positive and
negative waves will meet and neutralize one another along
this conductor, instead of being reflected back to the
surfaces of contact. In other words, there will be established
a current along the wire joining the two cold ends
of the metallic masses.
Carried a step further, this reasoning affords us an
explanation of the thermo-electric pile. If a number
of {174}
these bars of different metals, as antimony and bismuth,
are soldered together, end to end, in alternate order, AB,
AB, AB, etc., then, so long as they remain cold, there is
no manifestation of an electric current; or, if all the joints
are equally heated, there is no manifestation of an electric
current beyond that which would arise from any relative
coolness of the two ends of the compound bar. But if
alternate joints are heated, an electric current is produced
in a wire joining the two ends of the compound bar—a
current that is intense in proportion to the number of
pairs. What is the cause of this? Clearly, so long as all
the joints are of the same temperature, the differential
waves propagated from each joint toward the two adjacent
joints will be equal and opposite to those from the adjacent
joints, and no disturbance will be shown. But if alternate
joints are heated, the positive and negative differential
waves propagated away from them will be stronger than
those propagated from the other joints. Hence, if the
joint of bar A with bar B be heated, the other end of the
bar B, which is joined to A2, not being heated, will receive
a stronger differential wave than it sends back. In addition
to the wave which its molecules would otherwise
induce in the molecules of A2, there is an effect which it
conducts from A1; and this extra impulse propagated to
the other end of B2 is added to the impulse which its
heated molecules would otherwise give to the molecules of
A3; and so on throughout the series. The waves being
added together, become more violent, and the current
through the wire joining the extremities of the series,
more intense.
This interpretation of the facts of thermo-electricity will
probably be met by the objection that there are, in some
cases, thermo-electric currents developed between masses
of metal of the same kind, and even between different
parts of the same mass. It may be urged that, if unlikeness
between the rates of vibration of molecules in
contact {175}
is the cause of these electric disturbances; then, heat
ought not to produce any electric disturbances when the
molecules are of the same kind; since heat does not
change the periodic times of molecular vibrations. This
objection, which seems at first sight a serious one, introduces
us to a confirmation. For where the masses of
molecules are homogeneous in all other respects, difference of
temperature does not generate any thermo-electric current.
The junction of hot with cold mercury sets up no electric
excitement. In all cases where thermo-electricity is
generated between metals of the same kind, there is
evidence of heterogeneity in their molecular structures—either
one has been hammered and the other not, or one is
annealed and the other unannealed. And where the
current is between different parts of the same mass, there
are differences in the crystalline states of the parts, or
differences between the ways in which the parts have
cooled after being cast. That is to say, there is proof that
the molecules in the two masses, or in different parts of
the same mass, are in unlike relations to their neighbours—are
in unlike states of tension. Now, however true it
may be that molecules of the same kind vibrate at the
same rate, whatever may be their temperature, it is
obviously true so long only as their motions are not
modified by restraining forces. If molecules of the same
kind are in one mass arranged into that state which
constitutes crystallization, while in another mass they are
not thus bound together; or if in the one their molecular
relations have been modified by hammering, and in the
other not; the differences in the restraints under which
they respectively vibrate will affect their rates of vibration.
And if their rates of vibration are rendered unequal,
then the alleged cause of electrical disturbance comes
into existence.
To sum up, may it not be said that by some such
action alone can the phenomena of electricity be
explained; {176}
and that some such action must inevitably arise under the
conditions? On the one hand electricity, being a mode
of motion, implies the transformation of some preëxisting
motion—implies, also, a transformation such that there are
two new kinds of motion simultaneously generated, equal
and opposite in their directions—implies, further, that
these differ in being plus and minus, and being therefore
capable of neutralizing each other. On the other hand, in
the above cases, molecular motion is the only source of
motion that can be assigned; and this molecular motion
seems calculated, under the circumstances, to produce
effects like those witnessed. Molecules vibrating at different
rates cannot be brought in juxtaposition without
affecting one another’s motions. They must affect one
another’s motions by periodically adding to, or deducting
from one another’s motions; and any excess of motion
which those of the one order receive, must be accompanied
by an equivalent defect of motion in those of the other
order. When such molecules are units of aggregates
placed in contact, they must pass on these perturbations to
their neighbours. And so, from the surface of contact,
there must be waves of excessive and defective molecular
motion, equal in their amounts, and opposite in their
directions—waves which must exactly compensate one
another when brought into relation.
I have here dealt only with electrical phenomena of the
simplest kind. Hereafter I may possibly endeavour to
show how this hypothesis furnishes interpretations of other
forms of Electricity.
—During
the nine years which have
elapsed since the foregoing essay was published, I have
found myself no nearer to such allied interpretations of
other forms of Electricity. Though, from time to time, I
have recurred to the subject, in the hope of fulfilling
the {177}
expectation raised by the closing sentence, yet no clue has
encouraged me to pursue the speculation. Only now, when
republication of the essay in a permanent form once more
brings the question before me, does there occur a thought
which appears worth setting down.
The union of two different ideas, not before placed side
by side, has generated this thought. In the first number of
the Principles of Biology, issued in January 1863, and
dealing, among other “Data of Biology,” with organic
matter and the effects of forces upon it, I ventured to
speculate about the molecular actions concerned in
organic changes, and, among others, those by which light
enables plants to take the carbon from carbonic acid (§ 13).
Pointing out that the ability of heat to decompose compound
molecules, is generally proportionate to the difference
between the atomic weights of their component elements,
and assuming that components having widely-unlike atomic
weights, have widely-unlike motions, and are therefore
affected by widely-unlike undulations; the inference drawn
was, that in proportion as the rhythms of its components
differ, a compound molecule will be unstable in presence of
strong etherial undulations acting upon one component
more than on the other or others: their movements thus
being rendered so incongruous that they can no longer
hold together. It was argued, further, that a tolerably-stable
compound molecule may, if exposed to strong etherial
undulations especially disturbing one of its components, be
decomposed when in presence of some unlike molecule
having components whose times of oscillation differ less from
those of this disturbed component. And a parallel was
drawn between the de-oxidation of metals by carbon when
exposed to the longer undulations in a furnace, and the
de-carbonization of carbonic acid by hydrogen, &c., when
exposed to the shorter undulations in a plant’s leaves.
These ideas I recall chiefly for the purpose of presenting
clearly the conception of a compound molecule as
containing {178}
diversely-moving components—components having independent
and unlike oscillations, in addition to the oscillation of
the whole molecule formed by them. The legitimacy of this
conception may, I suppose, be assumed. The beautiful
experiments by which Prof. Tyndall has proved that light
decomposes the vapours of certain compounds, illustrates
this ability which the elements of a compound molecule
have, severally to take up etherial undulations corresponding
to their own; and thus to have their individual movements
so increased as to cause disruption of the compound molecule.
This, at least, is the interpretation which Prof. Tyndall puts
on the facts; and I presume that he puts a kindred
interpretation upon the facts he has disclosed respecting
the marvellous power possessed by complex-moleculed
vapours to absorb heat—the interpretation, namely, that
the thermal undulations are, in such vapours, taken up in
augmenting the movements within each molecule, rather than
in augmenting the movements of the molecules as wholes.
But now, assuming this to be a true conception of compound
molecules and the effects produced on them by
etherial undulations, there presents itself the question—What
will be the effects produced by compound molecules
on one another? How will the elements of one compound
molecule have their rhythmical motions affected by proximity
to the elements of an unlike compound molecule? May we
not suspect that effects will be produced on one another,
not only by the unlike molecules as wholes, but also certain
other, and partially-independent, effects by their components
on one another; and that there will so be generated some
specialized form of molecular motion? Throughout the
speculation set forth in the foregoing essay, the supposition
is that the molecules are those of juxtaposed metals—molecules
which, whether absolutely simple or not, are
relatively simple; and these are regarded as producing on
one another’s movements perturbations of a relatively-simple
kind, which admit of being transferred from
molecule {179}
to molecule throughout each mass. In trying to carry
further this interpretation, it had not occurred to me until
now, to consider the perturbations produced on one another
by compound molecules: taking into consideration, not
merely the capacity each has for affecting the other as a
whole, but the capacity which the constituents of each
individually have for affecting the individual constituents of
the other. If an individual constituent of a compound
molecule can, by the successive impacts of etherial undulations,
have the amplitudes of its oscillations so increased as
to detach it; we can scarcely doubt that an individual
constituent of a compound molecule may affect an individual
constituent of an unlike compound molecule near it: their
respective oscillations perturbing one another apart from
the perturbation produced on one another by the compound
molecules as wholes. And it seems inferable that the
secondary perturbation thus arising, will, like the primary
perturbation, be such that the action and reaction, equal
and opposite in their amounts, will produce equal and
opposite deviations in the molecular movements. From this
there appear to be several corollaries.
If a compound molecule, having a slow rhythm as a whole
in addition to the more rapid rhythms of its members, has
the power of taking up much of that motion we call heat in
the increase of its internal movements, and to a corresponding
degree takes up less in the increase of its movements
as a whole; then may we not infer that the like will hold
when other kinds of forces are brought to bear on it? May
we not anticipate that when a mass of compound molecules of
one kind is made to act upon a mass of compound molecules
of another kind (say by friction), the molecular effects mutually
produced, partly in agitating the molecules as wholes,
and partly in agitating their components relatively to one
another, will become less of the first and more of the last, in
proportion as the molecules progress in compositeness?
A further implication suggests itself. While much of
the {180}
force mutually exercised will thus go to increase the motion
within each of the compound molecules that immediately act
on one another, it appears inferable that relatively little of
this intestinal motion will be communicated to other molecules.
The excesses of oscillation given to individual members of
a large cluster, will not be readily passed on to homologous
members of adjacent large clusters; since they must be
relatively far apart. Whatever motion is transferred, must
be transferred by waves of the intervening etherial medium;
and the power of these must decrease rapidly as the distance
increases. Obviously such difficulty of transfer must, for
this reason, become great when the molecules become
highly compounded.
At the same time will it not follow that such augmentations
of movement caused in individual members of a
cluster, not being readily transmissible to homologous
members of adjacent clusters, will accumulate? The more
composite molecules become, the more possible will it be
for individual components of them to be violently affected
by individual components of different composite molecules
near them—the more possible will it be for their mutual
perturbations to progressively increase?
And now let us consider how these inferences bear on
the interpretation of Statical Electricity—the form of
Electricity most unlike the form above dealt with.
The substances which exhibit most conspicuously the
phenomena of statical electricity are distinguished either
by the chemical complexity of their molecules, or else by
the compositeness of their molecules produced allotropically
or isomerically, or else by both. The simple substances
electrically excited by friction, as carbon and sulphur,
are those having several allotropic states—those capable
of forming multiple molecules. The conchoidal fracture
of the diamond and of roll-sulphur, suggest some colloidal
form of aggregation, regarded by Prof. Graham as a
form in which the molecules are united into {181}
relatively-large groups.23
In such compound inorganic substances
as glass, we have, besides the chemical complexity, this
same conchoidal fracture which, along with other evidence,
shows glass to be a colloid; and the colloidal form of
molecule is to be similarly inferred as characterizing resin,
amber, &c. That dry animal substances, such as silk
and hair, are formed of extremely-large molecules, we
have clear proof; since these, chemically complex in a
high degree, also have their components united in high
multiples. It needs but to name the fact that non-electric
and conducting substances, such as the metals, acids,
water, &c., have relatively-simple molecules, to make it
clear that the capacity for developing statical electricity
depends in some way upon the presence of molecules of
highly composite kinds. And there is even still more
conclusive proof than that yielded by the contrast between
these groups—the proof furnished by the fact that the
same substance may be a conductor or a non-conductor,
according to its form of molecular aggregation. Thus
selenium when crystalline is a conductor, but when in that
allotropic state called amorphous, or non-crystalline, it is a
good non-conductor. That is, accepting Prof. Graham’s
interpretation of these states, when its molecules are
arranged simply, it is a conductor, but when they are
compounded into large groups it is a non-conductor, and,
by implication, an electric.
So far, then, the à priori inference that a peculiar
form of molecular perturbation will result when two unlike
substances, one of which or each of which
consists of {182}
highly-compounded molecules, are made to act on one
another, is justified a posteriori. And now, instead of
asking generally what will happen, let us ask what may
be inferred to happen in a special case. A piece of glass
is rubbed by silk. The large colloidal molecules forming
the surface of each, are made to disturb one another.
This is an inference about which there will, I suppose,
be no dispute; since it is that assumed in the now-established
doctrine of the correlation of heat and motion.
Besides the effect which, as wholes the molecules mutually
produce, there is the effect produced on one another by
certain of their components. Such of these as have times
of oscillation which differ, but not very widely, generate
mutual perturbations that are equal and opposite. Could
these perturbations be readily propagated away from the
surface of contact through either mass, the effect would
quickly dissipate, as in the case of metals; but, for the
reason given above, these perturbations cannot be transferred
with ease to the homologous members of the
compound molecules behind. Hence the mechanical force
of the friction, transformed into the molecular movements
of these superficial constituent molecules, exists in them
as intense mutual perturbations, which, unable to diffuse,
are limited to the surfaces, and, indeed, to those parts of
the surfaces that have acted on one another. In other
words, the two surfaces become charged with two equal and
opposite molecular perturbations—perturbations which,
cancelling one another if the surfaces are kept in contact,
cannot do this if the surfaces are parted; but can then
cancel one another only if a conductor is interposed.
Let me briefly point out some apparent agreements
between the corollaries from this hypothesis, and the
observed phenomena.
We have, first, an interpretation of the fact, otherwise
seeming so anomalous, that this form of electrical excitement
is superficial. That there should be a mode
of {183}
activity limited to the surface of a substance, is difficult
to understand in the absence of some conception of the
kind suggested.
We have an explanation of the truth, insisted on by
Faraday, that there can be no charge of one kind of
electricity obtained, without a corresponding charge of
the opposite kind. For it is a necessary implication of
the hypothesis above set forth, that no molecular perturbation
of the nature described, can be produced, without
there being simultaneously produced a counter-perturbation
exactly equal to it.
May we not also say that some insight is afforded into
the phenomena of induction? In the cases thus far
considered, the two surfaces electrified by the mutual
perturbations of their molecules, are supposed to be in
contact. Since, however, apparent contact is not actual
contact, we must, even in this case, assume that the
mutual perturbation is effected through an intervening
stratum of ether. To interpret induction, then, we have
first to conceive this stratum of ether to be greatly
increased in thickness; and then to ask what will happen
if the molecules of one surface, in this state of extreme
internal perturbation, act on the molecules of a surface
near it. Whether the stratum of ether is so thin as to
be inappreciable to our senses, or whether it is wide
enough to be conspicuous, it must still happen that if
through it the mutual perturbations are conveyed in the
one case, they will be conveyed in the other; and hence
a surface which is already the seat of these molecular
perturbations of one order, will induce perturbations of a
counter order in the molecules of an adjacent surface.
In additional justification of the hypothesis, I will only
point out that voltaic electricity seems to admit of a
kindred interpretation. For any molecular re-arrangement,
such as occurs in a chemical decomposition and
recombination, implies that the movements of the {184}
molecules concerned are mutually perturbed; and their
perturbations must conform to the general law already
described: the molecules must derange one another’s
motions in equal and opposite ways, and so must generate
plus and minus derangements that cancel when brought
into relation.
Of course I suggest this view simply as one occurring
to an outsider. Unquestionably it presents difficulties;
as, for instance, that no manifest explanation is yielded
by it of electric attractions and repulsions. And there
are doubtless objections not obvious to me that will at
once strike those to whom the facts are more familiar.
The hypothesis must be regarded as speculative; and as set
down on the chance that it may be worth consideration.
Since the foregoing postscript was put in type, I have
received criticisms upon it, oral and written, from several
leading electricians and physicists; and I have profited
by them to amend parts of the exposition. While I have
remained without endorsements of the hypothesis, the
objections raised have not been such as to make clear
its untenability.
On one point an addition seems needful to exclude a
misconstruction apt to arise. The description of the
mutually-produced molecular perturbations, opposite in
their kinds, as resulting in waves that are propagated away
from the place of disturbance, and that cancel when brought
into relation, is met by the criticism that waves, proceeding
in opposite directions and meeting, do not mutually cancel,
but, passing one another, proceed onwards. There are,
however, two respects in which the parallelism does not
hold, between the waves referred to and the waves I have
described, which perhaps cannot rightly be called waves.
The waves referred to, as those on the surface of a
liquid, {185}
are such that each consists of two opposite deviations from
a mean state. Each shows excess and defect. A series
of them is a series of plus and minus divergences; and if
two such series meet one another, they do not cancel. But
there is no analogy between this case and a case in which
the whole effect propagated in one direction is a plus
motion, and the whole effect propagated in the opposite
direction is a minus motion—that is, plus and minus changes
in other motions. These, if equal in amount, will cancel
when they meet. If one is a continual addition to motion
in a certain direction, and the other a corresponding
subtraction from motion in that direction, the two, when
added together, must produce zero. From another point of
view the absence of parallelism between the two cases may
be equally well seen. Waves of the kinds instanced as not
cancelling one another, are waves produced by some force
foreign to the medium exhibiting them—an extrinsic force.
Hence, proceeding from the place of initiation, they are
necessarily, considered in their totalities, positive in whatever
directions they travel; and hence, too, when conducted
round so as to meet, an exaggerated perturbation will
result. But in the simplest of the cases here dealt with
(that of contact-electricity) the perturbation is not of
extrinsic origin, but of intrinsic origin. There is no
external activity at the expense of which the quantity of
motion in the disturbed matter is positively increased. The
activity, being such only as is internally possessed, can
generate no more motion than already exists; and therefore
whatever gain of motion arises anywhere in the molecules
must be at the cost of an equal loss elsewhere. Here
perturbation cannot be a plus motion in all directions from
the place of initiation; but any plus motion continually
generated can result only from an equal and opposite minus
motion continually generated; and the mutual cancelling
becomes a corollary from the mutual genesis.
In the course of the discussions which I have had,
the {186}
following way of presenting the argument has occurred
to me.
1. Two homogeneous bodies are rubbed together and
there results heat: the interpretation being that the molar
motion is transformed into molecular motion. Here motion
produces motion—the form only being changed.
2. Now of the two bodies one is replaced by a body unlike
in nature to the other, and they are again rubbed. Again
a certain amount of heat is produced: some of the molar
motion is, as before, transformed into molecular motion.
But, at the same time, another part of the molar motion
is changed into—what? Surely not a fluid, a substance,
a thing. It cannot be that what in the first case produces
a change of state, in the second case produces an entity.
And in the second case itself, it cannot be that while
part of the original motion becomes changed into another
species of motion, part of it becomes changed into a
species of matter.
3. Must we not say, then, that if, when the two bodies
rubbed are homogeneous, sensible motion is transformed
into insensible motion, when they are heterogeneous,
sensible motion must still be transformed into insensible
motion: such difference of nature as this insensible motion
has, being consequent on the difference of nature between
the two kinds of molecules acting on one another?
4. If, when the two masses are homogeneous, those
molecules which compose the two rubbed surfaces disturb
one another, and increase one another’s oscillations;
then, when the two masses are heterogeneous, those
molecules forming the two rubbed surfaces must also
disturb one another in some way—increase one another’s
agitations.
5. If, when the two sets of molecules are alike in kind,
the mutual disturbance is such that they simply increase
the amplitudes of one another’s oscillations, and do this
because their times correspond; then, must it not
be {187}
that when they are unlike in kind, the mutual disturbance
will involve a differential action consequent on the unlikeness
of their motions? Must not the discord of the
oscillations produce a result which cannot be produced
when the oscillations are concordant—a compound form of
molecular motion?
6. If masses of relatively-simple molecules, placed in
apposition and made to act on one another, cause such
effects; then must we not say that effects of the same
class, but of a different order, will be caused by the mutual
actions, not of the molecules as wholes, but of their
constituents? If the rubbed surfaces severally consist of
highly-compounded molecules—each containing, it may be,
several hundreds of minor molecules, united into a
definitely-arranged
cluster; then, while the molecules as wholes
affect one another’s motions, must we not infer that the
constituents of the one class will affect the constituents of
the other class in their motions? While the molecules as
wholes increase one another’s oscillations, or derange one
another’s oscillations, or both, the components of them
cannot be so stably arranged that members of the one
group are wholly inoperative on members of the other
group. And if they are operative, then there must be a
compound form of molecular motion which arises when
masses of highly-compounded molecules of unlike kinds,
are made to act on one another.
With this series of propositions and questions, I leave
the suggestion to its fate; merely remarking that, setting
out with the principles of molecular physics now accepted,
it seems difficult to avoid the implication that some actions
of the kinds described take place, and that there result from
them some classes of phenomena—phenomena which, if
not those we call electrical, remain to be
identified.
23
Though conchoidal fracture may not be conclusive proof of
colloidality, yet colloidal substances hard enough for fracture always
display it. Respecting roll-sulphur I may say that though in a few
days after it is made, it changes from its original state to a state
in which it consists of minute crystals of another kind irregularly
massed, yet there is reason for suspecting that these have a matrix
of amorphous sulphur. I learn from Dr. Frankland that, when sublimed,
sulphur aggregates partly into minute crystals and partly into an
amorphous powder distinguished by insolubility.
MILL versus HAMILTON—THE TEST OF TRUTH.
[First
published in The Fortnightly Review for July 1865.]
British speculation, to which, the chief initial ideas and
established truths of Modern Philosophy are due, is no
longer dormant. By his System of Logic, Mr. Mill probably
did more than any other writer to re-awaken it. And to
the great service he thus rendered some twenty years ago,
he now adds by his Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s
Philosophy—a work which, taking the views of Sir William
Hamilton as texts, reconsiders sundry ultimate questions
that still remain unsettled.
Among these questions is one of much importance which
has already been the subject of controversy between Mr.
Mill and others; and this question I propose to discuss
afresh. Before doing so, however, it will be desirable to
glance at two cardinal doctrines of the Hamiltonian philosophy
from which Mr. Mill shows reasons for dissenting—desirable,
because comment on them will elucidate what
is to follow.
In his fifth chapter, Mr. Mill points out that “what is
rejected as knowledge by Sir William Hamilton,” is
“brought back by him under the name of belief.” The
quotations justify this description of Sir W. Hamilton’s
position, and warrant the assertion that the relativity
of {189}
knowledge was held by him but nominally. His inconsistency
may, I think, be traced to the use of the word
“belief” in two quite different senses. We commonly say
we “believe” a thing for which we can assign preponderating
evidence, or concerning which we have received some
indefinable impression. We believe that the next House of
Commons will not abolish Church-rates; or we believe that
a person on whose face we look is good-natured. That is,
when we can give confessedly-inadequate proofs or no
proofs at all for the things we think, we call them “beliefs.”
And it is the peculiarity of these beliefs, as contrasted with
cognitions, that their connexions with antecedent states of
consciousness may be easily severed, instead of being
difficult to sever. But, unhappily, the word “belief” is
also applied to each of those temporarily or permanently
indissoluble connexions in consciousness, for the acceptance
of which the only warrant is that it cannot be got rid of.
Saying that I feel a pain, or hear a sound, or see one line
to be longer than another, is saying that there has occurred
in me a certain change of state; and it is impossible for
me to give a stronger evidence of this fact than that it
is present to my mind. Every argument, too, is resolvable
into successive affections of consciousness which have no
warrants beyond themselves. When asked why I assert
some mediately known truth, as that the three angles of a
triangle are equal to two right angles, I find that the proof
may be decomposed into steps, each of which is an immediate
consciousness that certain two quantities or two relations
are equal or unequal—a consciousness for which no
further evidence is assignable than that it exists in me.
Nor, on finally getting down to some axiom underlying the
whole fabric of demonstration, can I say more than that it
is a truth of which I am immediately conscious. But now
observe the confusion that has arisen. The immense
majority of truths which we accept as beyond doubt, and
from which our notion of unquestionable truth is
abstracted, {190}
have this other trait in common—they are severally established
by affiliation on deeper truths. These two characters
have become so associated, that one seems to imply the
other. For each truth of geometry we are able to assign
some wider truth in which it is involved; for that wider
truth we are able, if required, to assign some still wider;
and so on. This being the general nature of the demonstration
by which exact knowledge is established, there has
arisen the illusion that knowledge so established is knowledge
of higher validity than that immediate knowledge
which has nothing deeper to rest on. The habit of asking
for proof, and having proof given, in all these multitudinous
cases, has produced the implication that proof may be asked
for those ultimate dicta of consciousness into which all
proof is resolvable. And then, because no proof of these
can be given, there arises the vague feeling that they are
akin to other things of which no proof can be given—that
they are uncertain—that they have unsatisfactory bases.
This feeling is strengthened by the accompanying misuse of
words. “Belief” having, as above pointed out, become
the name of an impression for which we can give only a
confessedly-inadequate reason, or no reason at all; it happens
that when pushed hard respecting the warrant for
any ultimate dictum of consciousness, we say, in the absence
of all assignable reason, that we believe it. Thus the two
opposite poles of knowledge go under the same name; and
by the reverse connotations of this name, as used for the
most coherent and least coherent relations of thought, profound
misconceptions have been generated. Here, it seems
to me, is the source of Sir William Hamilton’s error.
Classing as “beliefs” those direct, undecomposable dicta
of consciousness which transcend proof, he asserts that
these are of higher authority than knowledge (meaning by
knowledge that for which reasons can be given); and in
asserting this he is fully justified. But when he claims
equal authority for those affections of consciousness
which {191}
go under the same name of “beliefs,” but differ in being
extremely-indirect affections of consciousness, or not definite
affections of consciousness at all, the claim cannot be
admitted. By his own showing, no positive cognition
answering to the word “infinite” exists; while, contrariwise,
those cognitions which he rightly holds to be above
question, are not only positive, but have the peculiarity
that they cannot be suppressed. How, then, can the two
be grouped together as of like degrees of validity?
Nearly allied in nature to this, is another Hamiltonian
doctrine, which Mr. Mill effectively combats. I refer to
the corollary respecting noumenal existence which Sir
William Hamilton draws from the law of the Excluded
Middle, or, as it might be more intelligibly called, the
law of the Alternative Necessity. A thing must either
exist or not exist—must have a certain attribute or not
have it: there is no third possibility. This is a postulate
of all thought; and in so far as it is alleged of phenomenal
existence, no one calls it in question. But Sir William
Hamilton, applying the formula beyond the limits of
thought, draws from it certain conclusions respecting things
as they are, apart from our consciousness. He says, for
example, that though we cannot conceive Space as infinite
or as finite, yet, “on the principle of the Excluded Middle,
one or other must be admitted.” This inference Mr. Mill
shows good reason for rejecting. His argument may
be supplemented by another, which at once suggests itself
if from the words of Sir William Hamilton’s propositions
we pass to the thoughts for which they are supposed to
stand. When remembering a certain thing as in a certain
place, the place and the thing are mentally represented
together; while to think of the non-existence of the
thing in that place, implies a consciousness in which the
place is represented but not the thing. Similarly, if,
instead of thinking of an object as colourless, we think of it
as having colour, the change consists in the addition to
the {192}
concept of an element that was before absent from it—the
object cannot be thought of first as red and then as not
red, without one component of the thought being expelled
from the mind by another. The doctrine of the Excluded
Middle, then, is simply a generalization of the universal
experience that some mental states are directly destructive
of other states. It formulates a certain absolutely-constant
law, that no positive mode of consciousness can
occur without excluding a correlative negative mode;
and that the negative mode cannot occur without excluding
the correlative positive mode: the antithesis of positive
and negative, being, indeed, merely an expression of this
experience. Hence it follows that if consciousness is not
in one of the two modes, it must be in the other. But
now, under what conditions only can this law of consciousness
hold? It can hold only so long as there are positive
states of consciousness which can exclude the negative states,
and which the negative states can in their turn exclude.
If we are not concerned with positive states of consciousness
at all, no such mutual exclusion takes place, and the
law of the Alternative Necessity does not apply. Here,
then, is the flaw in Sir William Hamilton’s proposition.
That Space must be infinite or finite, are alternatives of
which we are not obliged to regard one as necessary; seeing
that we have no state of consciousness answering to
either of these words as applied to the totality of Space,
and therefore no exclusion of two antagonist states of consciousness
by one another. Both alternatives being unthinkable,
the proposition should be put thus: Space is
either or
is;
neither of which can be conceived,
but one of which must be true. In this, as in
some other cases, Sir William Hamilton continues to work
out the forms of thought when they no longer contain any
substance; and, of course, reaches nothing more than verbal
conclusions.
Ending here these comments on doctrines of Sir
William {193}
Hamilton, which Mr. Mill rejects on grounds that will be
generally recognized as valid, let me now pass to a doctrine,
partly held by Sir William Hamilton, and held by others in
ways variously qualified and variously extended—a doctrine
which, I think, may be successfully defended against
Mr. Mill’s attack.
In the fourth and fifth editions of his Logic, Mr. Mill
treats, at considerable length, the question—Is inconceivability
an evidence of untruth?—replying to criticisms previously
made on his reasons for asserting that it is not.
The chief answers which he there makes to these criticisms,
turn upon the interpretation of the word inconceivable. This
word he considers is used as the equivalent of the word
unbelievable; and, translating it thus, readily disposes of
sundry arguments brought against him. Whether any
others who have used these words in philosophical discussion,
have made them synonymous, I do not know; but that they
are so used in those reasonings of my own which Mr. Mill
combats, I was not conscious, and was surprised to find
alleged. It is now manifest that I had not adequately
guarded myself against the misconstruction which is liable
to arise from the double meaning of the word belief—a word
which, we have seen, is used for the most coherent and the
least coherent connexions in consciousness, because they
have the common character that no reason is assignable for
them. Throughout the argument to which Mr. Mill replies,
the word is used by me only in the first of these senses.
The “invariably existent beliefs,” the “indestructible beliefs,”
are the indissoluble connexions in consciousness—never
the dissoluble ones. But unbelievable implies the dissoluble
ones. By association with the other and more general
meaning of the word belief, the word unbelievable suggests
cases in which the proposition admits of being represented
in thought, though it may be with difficulty; and in which,
consequently, the counter-proposition admits of
being {194}
decomposed. To be quite sure of our ground, let us define
and illustrate the meanings of inconceivable and unbelievable.
An inconceivable proposition is one of which the
terms cannot, by any effort, be brought before consciousness
in that relation which the proposition asserts between them—a
proposition of which the subject and the predicate offer
an insurmountable resistance to union in thought. An
unbelievable proposition is one which admits of being
framed in thought, but is so much at variance with experience
that its terms cannot be put in the alleged relation without
effort. Thus, it is unbelievable that a cannon-ball fired from
England should reach America; but it is not inconceivable.
Conversely, it is inconceivable that one side of a triangle is
equal to the sum of the other two sides—not simply unbelievable.
The two sides cannot be represented in consciousness
as becoming equal in their joint length to the third side,
without the representation of a triangle being destroyed;
and the concept of a triangle cannot be framed without a
simultaneous destruction of a concept in which these magnitudes
are represented as equal. That is to say, the subject
and predicate cannot be united in the same intuition—the
proposition is unthinkable. It is in this sense only that I
have used the word inconceivable; and only when rigorously
restricted to this sense do I regard the test of inconceivableness
as having any value.
I had concluded that when this explanation was made,
Mr. Mill’s reasons for dissent would be removed. Passages
in his recently-published volume, however, show that, even
restricting the use of the word inconceivable to the meaning
here specified, he still denies that a proposition is
proved to be true by the inconceivableness of its negation.
To meet, within any moderate compass, all the issues which
have grown out of the controversy, is difficult. Before
passing to the essential question, however, I will endeavour
to clear the ground of certain minor questions.
Describing Sir William Hamilton’s doctrine
respecting {195}
the ultimate facts of consciousness, or those which are
above proof, Mr. Mill writes:
“The only condition he requires is that we be not able
to ‘reduce it [a fact of this class] to a generalization from
experience.’ This condition is realized by its possessing
the ‘character of necessity.’ ‘It must be impossible not
to think it. In fact, by its necessity alone can we recognize
it as an original datum of intelligence, and distinguish
it from any mere result of generalization and custom.’ In
this Sir William Hamilton is at one with the whole of his
own section of the philosophical world; with Reid, with
Stewart, with Cousin, with Whewell, we may add, with
Kant, and even with Mr. Herbert Spencer. The test by
which they all decide a belief to be a part of our primitive
consciousness—an original intuition of the mind—is the
necessity of thinking it. Their proof that we must always,
from the beginning, have had the belief, is the impossibility
of getting rid of it now. This argument, applied to any of
the disputed questions of philosophy, is doubly illegitimate:
neither the major nor the minor premise is admissible.
For in the first place, the very fact that the question is
disputed, disproves the alleged impossibility. Those
against whom it is needful to defend the belief which is
affirmed to be necessary, are unmistakable examples that it
is not necessary . . . . These philosophers, therefore, and
among them Sir William Hamilton, mistake altogether the
true conditions of psychological investigation, when, instead
of proving a belief to be an original fact of consciousness
by showing that it could not have been acquired, they
conclude that it was not acquired, for the reason, often
false, and never sufficiently substantiated, that our consciousness
cannot get rid of it now.”
This representation, in so far as it concerns my own
views, has somewhat puzzled me. Considering that I have
avowed a general agreement with Mr. Mill in the doctrine
that all knowledge is from experience, and have
defended {196}
the test of inconceivableness on the very ground that it
expresses “the net result of our experiences up to the
present time” (Principles of Psychology, § 430)—considering
that, so far from asserting the distinction quoted from
Sir William Hamilton, I have aimed to abolish such
distinction—considering that I have endeavoured to show
how all our conceptions, even down to those of Space and
Time, are “acquired”—considering that I have sought to
interpret forms of thought (and by implication all intuitions)
as products of organized and inherited experiences
(Principles of Psychology, § 208); I am taken aback at finding
myself classed as in the above paragraph. Leaving the
personal question, however, let me pass to the assertion
that the difference of opinion respecting the test of necessity
itself disproves the validity of the test. Two issues are here
involved. First, if a particular proposition is by some
accepted as a necessary belief, but by one or more denied
to be a necessary belief, is the validity of the test of
necessity thereby disproved in respect of that particular
proposition? Second, if the validity of the test is disproved
in respect of that particular proposition, does it therefore
follow that the test cannot be depended on in other cases?—does
it follow that there are no beliefs universally accepted
as necessary, and in respect of which the test of necessity is
valid? Each of these questions may, I think, be rightly
answered in the negative.
In alleging that if a belief is said by some to be necessary,
but by others to be not necessary, the test of necessity
is thereby shown to be no test, Mr. Mill tacitly assumes
that all men have powers of introspection enabling them in
all cases to say what consciousness testifies; whereas a
great proportion of men are incapable of correctly interpreting
consciousness in any but its simplest modes, and
even the remainder are liable to mistake for dicta of
consciousness what prove on closer examination not to be
its dicta. Take the case of an arithmetical blunder. {197}
A boy adds up a column of figures, and brings out a wrong
total. Again he does it and again errs. His master asks
him to go through the process aloud, and then hears him
say “35 and 9 are 46”—an error which he had repeated
on each occasion. Now without discussing the mental act
through which we know that 35 and 9 are 44, and through
which we recognize the necessity of this relation, it is clear
that the boy’s misinterpretation of consciousness, leading
him tacitly to deny this necessity by asserting that “35 and
9 are 46,” cannot be held to prove that the relation is not
necessary. This, and kindred misjudgments daily made
by accountants, merely show that there is a liability to
overlook what are necessary connexions in our thoughts,
and to assume as necessary others which are not. In these
and hosts of cases, men do not distinctly translate into their
equivalent states of consciousness the words they use. This
negligence is with many so habitual, that they are unaware
that they have not clearly represented to themselves the
propositions they assert; and are then apt, quite sincerely
though erroneously, to assert that they can think things
which it is really impossible to think.
But supposing it to be true that whenever a particular
belief is alleged to be necessary, the existence of some who
profess themselves able to believe otherwise, proves that
this belief is not necessary; must it be therefore admitted
that the test of necessity is invalid? I think not. Men
may mistake for necessary, certain beliefs which are not
necessary; and yet it may remain true that there are
necessary beliefs, and that the necessity of such beliefs is
our warrant for them. Were conclusions thus tested proved
to be wrong in a hundred cases, it would not follow that
the test is an invalid one; any more than it would follow
from a hundred errors in the use of a logical formula, that
the logical formula is invalid. If from the premise that all
horned animals ruminate, it were inferred that the rhinoceros,
being a horned animal, ruminates; the error
would {198}
furnish no argument against the worth of syllogisms in
general—whatever their worth may be. Daily there are
thousands of erroneous deductions which, by those who
draw them, are supposed to be warranted by the data from
which they draw them; but no multiplication of such
erroneous deductions is regarded as proving that there are
no deductions truly drawn, and that the drawing of
deductions is illegitimate. In these cases, as in the case to
which they are here paralleled, the only thing shown is
the need for verification of data and criticism of the acts
of consciousness.
“This argument,” says Mr. Mill, referring to the argument
of necessity, “applied to any of the disputed questions
of philosophy, is doubly illegitimate; . . . the very fact
that the question is disputed, disproves the alleged impossibility.”
Besides the foregoing replies to this, there is
another. Granting that there have been appeals illegitimately
made to this test—granting that there are many
questions too complex to be settled by it, which men have
nevertheless proposed to settle by it, and have consequently
got into controversy; it may yet be truly asserted that in
respect of all, or almost all, questions legitimately brought
to judgment by this test, there is no dispute about the
answer. From the earliest times on record down to our
own, men have not changed their beliefs concerning the
truths of number. The axiom that if equals be added to
unequals the sums are unequal, was held by the Greeks no
less than by ourselves, as a direct verdict of consciousness,
from which there is no escape and no appeal. Each of the
propositions of Euclid appears to us absolutely beyond
doubt as it did to them. Each step in each demonstration
we accept, as they accepted it, because we immediately see
that the alleged relation is as alleged, and that it is impossible
to conceive it otherwise.
But how are legitimate appeals to the test to be distinguished?
The answer is not difficult to find. Mr.
Mill {199}
cites the belief in the antipodes as having been rejected
by the Greeks because inconceivable, but as being held by
ourselves to be both conceivable and true. He has before
given this instance, and I have before objected to it (Principles
of Psychology, § 428), for the reason that the states
of consciousness involved in the judgment are too complex
to admit of any trustworthy verdict being given. An
illustration will show the difference between a legitimate
appeal to the test and an illegitimate appeal to it. A and
B are two lines. How is it decided that they are equal or
not equal? No way is open but that of comparing the two
impressions they make on consciousness. I know them to
be unequal by an immediate act, if the difference is great,
or if, though only moderately different, they are close
together; and supposing the difference is but slight, I
decide the question by putting the lines in apposition when
they are movable, or by carrying a movable line from one
to the other if they are fixed. But in any case, I obtain in
consciousness the testimony that the impression produced
by the one line differs from that produced by the other.
Of this difference I can give no further evidence than that
I am conscious of it, and find it impossible, while contemplating
the lines, to get rid of the consciousness. The proposition
that the lines are unequal is a proposition of which
the negation is inconceivable. But now suppose it is asked
whether B and C are equal;
or whether C and D are equal.
No positive answer is possible. Instead of its
being {200}
inconceivable that B is
longer than C, or equal to it, or shorter, it
is conceivable that it is any one of the three. Here an appeal
to the direct verdict of consciousness is illegitimate, because
on transferring the attention from B
to C, or
C to D, the
changes in the other elements of the impressions so entangle
the elements to be compared, as to prevent them from being
put in apposition. If the question of relative length is to
be determined, it must be by rectification of the bent line;
and this is done through a series of steps, each one of which
involves an immediate judgment akin to that by which
A and B
are compared. Now as here, so in other cases, it is
only simple percepts or concepts respecting the relations of
which immediate consciousness can satisfactorily testify;
and as here, so in other cases, it is by resolution into such
simple percepts and concepts, that true judgments respecting
complex percepts and concepts are reached. That
things which are equal to the same thing are equal to one
another, is a fact which can be known by direct comparison
of actual or ideal relations, and can be known in no other
way: the proposition is one of which the negation is inconceivable,
and is rightly asserted on that warrant. But that
the square of the hypothenuse of a right-angled triangle
equals the sum of the squares of the other two sides, cannot
be known immediately by comparison of two states of consciousness.
Here the truth can be reached only mediately,
through a series of simple judgments respecting the likenesses
or unlikenesses of certain relations: each of which
judgments is essentially of the same kind as that by which
the above axiom is known, and has the same warrant. Thus
it becomes apparent that the fallacious result of the test of
necessity which Mr. Mill instances, is due to a misapplication
of the test.
These preliminary explanations have served to make clear
the question at issue. Let us now pass to the essence of it.
Metaphysical reasoning is usually vitiated by some
covert {201}petitio principii. Either the thing to be proved or the
thing to be disproved, is tacitly assumed to be true in the
course of the proof or disproof. It is thus with the argument
of Idealism. Though the conclusion reached is that
Mind and Ideas are the only existences; yet the steps by
which this conclusion is reached, take for granted that
external objects have just the kind of independent existence
which is eventually denied. If that extension which the
Idealist contends is merely an affection of consciousness,
has nothing out of consciousness answering to it; then, in
each of his propositions concerning extension, the word
should always mean an affection of consciousness and
nothing more. But if wherever he speaks of distances and
dimensions we write ideas of distances and dimensions, his
propositions are reduced to nonsense. So, too, is it with
Scepticism. The resolution of all knowledge into “impressions”
and “ideas,” is effected by an analysis which
assumes at every step an objective reality producing the
impressions and the subjective reality receiving them. The
reasoning becomes impossible if the existence of object and
subject be not admitted at the outset. Agree with the
Sceptic’s doubt, and then propose to revise his argument
so that it may harmonize with his doubt. Of the two
alternatives between which he halts, assume, first, the
reality of object and subject. His argument is practicable;
whether valid or not. Now assume that object and subject
do not exist. He cannot stir a step toward his conclusion—nay,
he cannot even state his conclusion; for the word
“impression” cannot be translated into thought without
assuming a thing impressing and a thing impressed.
Though Empiricism, as at present understood, is not
thus suicidal, it is open to an analogous criticism on its
method, similarly telling against the validity of its inference.
It proposes to account for our so-called necessary
beliefs, as well as all our other beliefs; and to do this
without postulating any one belief as necessary.
Bringing {202}
forward abundant evidence that the connexions among
our states of consciousness are determined by our experiences—that
two experiences frequently recurring together
in consciousness, become so coherent that one
strongly suggests the other, and that when their joint
recurrence is perpetual and invariable, the connexion
between them becomes indissoluble; it argues that the
indissolubility, so produced, is all that we mean by necessity.
And then it seeks to explain each of our so-called
necessary beliefs as thus originated. Now could pure
Empiricism reach this analysis and its subsequent synthesis
without taking any thing for granted, its arguments would
be unobjectionable. But it cannot do this. Examine its
phraseology, and there arises the question, Experiences of
what? Translate the word into thought, and it clearly
involves something more than states of mind and the connexions
among them. For if it does not, then the
hypothesis is that states of mind are generated by the
experiences of states of mind; and if the inquiry be pursued,
this ends with initial states of mind which are not
accounted for—the hypothesis fails. Evidently, there is
tacitly assumed something beyond the mind by which the
“experiences” are produced—something in which exist
the objective relations to which the subjective relations
correspond—an external world. Refuse thus to explain
the word “experiences,” and the hypothesis becomes meaningless.
But now, having thus postulated an external
reality as the indispensable foundation of its reasonings,
pure Empiricism can subsequently neither prove nor disprove
its postulate. An attempt to disprove it, or to give
it any other meaning than that originally involved, is
suicidal; and an attempt to establish it by inference is
reasoning in a circle. What then are we to say of this
proposition on which Empiricism rests? Is it a necessary
belief, or is it not? If necessary, the hypothesis in its
pure form is abandoned. If not necessary—if not
posited {203}à priori as absolutely certain—then the hypothesis rests on
an uncertainty; and the whole fabric of its argument is
unstable. More than this is true. Besides the insecurity
implied by building on a foundation that is confessedly
not beyond question, there is the much greater insecurity
implied by raising proposition upon proposition of which
each is confessedly not beyond question. For to say that
there are no necessary truths, is to say that each successive
inference is not necessarily involved in its premises—is
an empirical judgment—a judgment not certainly true.
Hence, applying rigorously its own doctrine, we find that
pure Empiricism, starting from an uncertainty and progressing
through a series of uncertainties, cannot claim
much certainty for its conclusions.
Doubtless, it may be replied that any theory of human
knowledge must set out with assumptions—either permanent
or provisional; and that the validity of these assumptions
is to be determined by the results reached through
them. But that such assumptions may be made legitimately,
two things are required. In the first place they
must not be multiplied step after step as occasion requires;
otherwise the conclusion reached might as well be assumed
at once. And in the second place, the fact that they are
assumptions must not be lost sight of: the conclusions
drawn must not be put forward as though they have a
certainty which the premises have not. Now pure Empiricism,
in common with other theories of knowledge, is
open to the criticism, that it neglects thus avowedly to
recognize the nature of those primary assumptions which
it lays down as provisionally valid, if it denies that they
can be necessarily valid. And it is open to the further
criticism, that it goes on at every step in its argument
making assumptions which it neglects to specify as provisional;
since they, too, cannot be known as necessary.
Until it has assigned some warrant for its original datum
and for each of its subsequent inferences, or
else has {204}
acknowledged them all to be but hypothetical, it may be
stopped either at the outset or at any stage in its argument.
Against every “because” and every “therefore,”
an opponent may enter a caveat, until he is told why it is
asserted: contending, as he may, that if this inference is
not necessary he is not bound to accept it; and that if it
is necessary it must be openly declared to be necessary, and
some test must be assigned by which it is distinguished from
propositions that are not necessary.
These considerations will, I think, make it obvious that
the first step in a metaphysical argument, rightly carried
on, must be an examination of propositions for the purpose
of ascertaining what character is common to those which
we call unquestionably true, and is implied by asserting
their unquestionable truth. Further, to carry on this
inquiry legitimately, we must restrict our analysis rigorously
to states of consciousness considered in their relations
to one another: wholly ignoring any thing beyond consciousness
to which these states and their relations may be
supposed to refer. For if, before we have ascertained by
comparing propositions what is the trait that leads us to
class some of them as certainly true, we avowedly or tacitly
take for granted the existence of something beyond consciousness;
then, a particular proposition is assumed to be
certainly true before we have ascertained what is the distinctive
character of the propositions which we call certainly
true, and the analysis is vitiated. If we cannot transcend
consciousness—if, therefore, what we know as truth must
be some mental state, or some combination of mental
states; it must be possible for us to say in what way we
distinguish this state or these states. The definition of
truth must be expressible in terms of consciousness; and,
indeed, cannot otherwise be expressed if consciousness
cannot be transcended. Clearly, then, the metaphysician’s
first step must be to shut out from his investigation every
thing but what is subjective; not taking for granted
the {205}
existence of any thing objective corresponding to his ideas,
until he has ascertained what property of his ideas it is
which he predicates by calling them true. Let us note the
result if he does this.
The words of a proposition
are the signs of certain states
of consciousness; and the thing alleged by a proposition is
the connexion or disconnexion of the states of consciousness
signified. When thinking is carried on with precision—when
the mental states which we call words, are translated
into the mental states they symbolize (which they
very frequently are not)—thinking a proposition consists in
the occurrence together in consciousness of the subject
and predicate. “The bird was brown,” is a proposition
which implies the union in thought of a particular attribute
with a group of other attributes. When the inquirer compares
various propositions thus rendered into states of
consciousness, he finds that they differ very greatly in
respect of the facility with which the states of consciousness
are connected and disconnected. The mental state
known as brown may be united with those mental states
which make up the figure known as bird, without appreciable
effort, or may be separated from them without appreciable
effort: the bird may easily be thought of as black, or green,
or yellow. Contrariwise, such an assertion as “The ice
was hot,” is one to which he finds much difficulty in making
his mind respond. The elements of the proposition cannot
be put together in thought without great resistance.
Between those other states of consciousness which the word
ice connotes, and the state of consciousness named cold,
there is an extremely strong cohesion—a cohesion measured
by the resistance to be overcome in thinking of the ice as
hot. Further, he finds that in many cases the states of
consciousness grouped together cannot be separated at all.
The idea of pressure cannot be disconnected from the idea
of something occupying space. Motion cannot be
thought {206}
of without an object that moves being at the same time
thought of. And then, besides these connexions in consciousness
which remain absolute under all circumstances,
there are others which remain absolute under special
circumstances. Between the elements of those more vivid
states of consciousness which the inquirer distinguishes as
perceptions, he finds that there is a temporarily-indissoluble
cohesion. Though when there arises in him that comparatively
faint state of consciousness which he calls the
idea of a book, he can easily think of the book as red, or
brown, or green; yet when he has that much stronger consciousness
which he calls seeing a book, he finds that so
long as there continue certain accompanying states of consciousness
which he calls the conditions to perception, those
several states of consciousness which make up the perception
cannot be disunited—he cannot think of the book as
red, or green, or brown; but finds that, along with a
certain figure, there absolutely coheres a certain colour.
Still shutting himself up within these limits, let us
suppose the inquirer to ask himself what he thinks about
these various degrees of cohesion among his states of
consciousness—how he names them, and how he behaves
toward them. If there comes, no matter whence, the
proposition—“The bird was brown,” subject and predicate
answering to these words spring up together in consciousness;
and if there is no opposing proposition, he
unites the specified and implied attributes without effort,
and believes the proposition. If, however, the proposition
is—“The bird was necessarily brown,” he makes an experiment
like those above described, and finding that he
can separate the attribute of brownness, and can think of
the bird as green or yellow, he does not admit that the
bird was necessarily brown. When such a proposition as
“The ice was cold” arises in him, the elements of the
thought behave as before; and so long as no test is
applied, the union of the consciousness of cold with
the {207}
accompanying states of consciousness, seems to be of the
same nature as the union between those answering to the
words brown and bird. But should the proposition be
changed into—“The ice was necessarily cold,” quite a different
result happens from that which happened in the previous
case. The ideas answering to subject and predicate
are here so coherent, that in the absence of careful examination
they might pass as inseparable, and the proposition
be accepted. But suppose the proposition is deliberately
tested by trying whether ice can be thought of as not cold.
Great resistance is offered in consciousness to this. Still,
by an effort, he can imagine water to have its temperature
of congelation higher than blood heat; and can so think
of congealed water as hot instead of cold. Now the extremely
strong cohesion of states of consciousness, thus
experimentally proved by the difficulty of separating them,
he finds to be what he calls a strong belief. Once more,
in response to the words—“Along with motion there is
something that moves,” he represents to himself a moving
body; and, until he tries an experiment upon it, he may
suppose the elements of the representation to be united in
the same way as those of the representations instanced
above. But supposing the proposition is modified into—“Along
with motion there is necessarily something that
moves,” the response made in thought to these words, discloses
the fact that the states of consciousness called up in
this case are indissolubly connected in the way alleged.
He discovers this by trying to conceive the negation of
the proposition—by trying to think of motion as not having
along with it something that moves; and his inability
to conceive this negation is the obverse of his inability to
tear asunder the states of consciousness which constitute
the affirmation. Those propositions which survive this
strain, are the propositions he distinguishes as necessary.
Whether or not he means any thing else by this word, he
evidently means that in his consciousness the
connexions {208}
they predicate are, so far as he can ascertain, unalterable.
The bare fact is that he submits to them because he has
no choice. They rule his thoughts whether he will or not.
Leaving out all questions concerning the origin of these
connexions—all theories concerning their significations,
there remains in the inquirer the consciousness that certain
of his states of consciousness are so welded together that
all other links in the chain of consciousness yield before
these give way.
Continuing rigorously to exclude everything beyond
consciousness, let him now ask himself what he means by
reasoning? what is the essential nature of an argument?
what is the peculiarity of a conclusion? Analysis soon
shows him that reasoning is the formation of a coherent
series of states of consciousness. He has found that the
thoughts expressed by propositions, vary in the cohesions
of their subjects and predicates; and he finds that at every
step in an argument, carefully carried on, he tests the
strengths of all the connexions asserted and implied. He
considers whether the object named really does belong to
the class in which it is included—tries whether he can
think of it as not like the things it is said to be like. He
considers whether the attribute alleged is really possessed
by all members of the class—tries to think of some member
of the class that has not the attribute—And he admits
the proposition only on finding, by this criticism, that
there is a greater degree of cohesion in thought between
its elements, than between the elements of the counter-proposition.
Thus testing the strength of each link in the
argument, he at length reaches the conclusion, which he
tests in the same way. If he accepts it, he does so because
the argument has established in him an indirect cohesion
between states of consciousness that were not directly
coherent, or not so coherent directly as the argument
makes them indirectly. But he accepts it only supposing
that the connexion between the two states of
consciousness {209}
composing it, is not resisted by some stronger counter-connexion.
If there happens to be an opposing argument,
of which the component thoughts are felt, when tested, to
be more coherent; or if, in the absence of an opposing
argument, there exists an apposing conclusion, of which
the elements have some direct cohesion greater than that
which the proffered argument indirectly gives; then the
conclusion reached by this argument is not admitted.
Thus, a discussion in consciousness proves to be simply a
trial of strength between different connexions in consciousness—a
systematized struggle serving to determine which
are the least coherent states of consciousness. And the
result of the struggle is, that the least coherent states of
consciousness separate, while the most coherent remain
together—form a proposition of which the predicate
persists in rising up in the mind along with its subject—constitute
one of the connexions in thought which is distinguished
as something known, or as something believed,
according to its strength.
What corollary may the inquirer draw, or rather what
corollary must he draw, on pushing the analysis to its
limit? If there are any indissoluble connexions, he is
compelled to accept them. If certain states of consciousness
absolutely cohere in certain ways, he is obliged to
think them in those ways. The proposition is an identical
one. To say that they are necessities of thought is merely
another way of saying that their elements cannot be torn
asunder. No reasoning can give to these absolute cohesions
in thought any better warrant; since all reasoning,
being a process of testing cohesions, is itself carried on by
accepting the absolute cohesions; and can, in the last
resort, do nothing more than present some absolute cohesions
in justification of others—an act which unwarrantably
assumes in the absolute cohesions it offers, a greater
value than is allowed to the absolute cohesions it would
justify. Here, then, the inquirer comes down to an {210}
ultimate mental uniformity—a universal law of his thinking.
How completely his thought is subordinated to this law,
is shown by the fact that he cannot even represent to himself
the possibility of any other law. To suppose the connexions
among his states of consciousness to be otherwise
determined, is to suppose a smaller force overcoming a
greater—a proposition which may be expressed in words
but cannot be rendered into ideas. No matter what he
calls these indestructible relations, no matter what he supposes
to be their meanings, he is completely fettered by
them. Their indestructibility is the proof to him that his
consciousness is imprisoned within them; and supposing
any of them to be in some way destroyed, he perceives
that indestructibility would still be the distinctive character
of the bounds that remained—the test of those which
he must continue to think.
These results the inquirer arrives at without assuming
any other existence than that of his own consciousness.
They postulate nothing about mind or matter, subject or
object. They leave wholly untouched the questions—what
does consciousness imply? and how is thought
generated? There is not involved in the analysis any
hypothesis respecting the origin of these relations between
thoughts—how there come to be feeble cohesions, strong
cohesions, and absolute cohesions. Whatever some of the
terms used may have seemed to connote, it will be found,
on examining each step, that nothing is essentially involved
beyond states of mind and the connexions among them,
which are themselves other states of mind. Thus far, the
argument is not vitiated by any petitio principii.
Should the inquirer enter upon the question, How are
these facts to be explained? he must consider how any
further investigation is to be conducted, and what is the
possible degree of validity of its conclusions. Remembering
that he cannot transcend consciousness, he sees that
anything in the shape of an interpretation must be {211}
subordinate to the laws of consciousness. Every hypothesis he
entertains in trying to explain himself to himself, being an
hypothesis which can be dealt with by him only in terms of
his mental states, it follows that any process of explanation
must itself be carried on by testing the cohesions among
mental states, and accepting the absolute cohesions. His
conclusions, therefore, reached only by repeated recognitions
of this test of absolute cohesion, can never have any
higher validity than this test. It matters not what name
he gives to a conclusion—whether he calls it a belief, a
theory, a fact, or a truth. These words can be themselves
only names for certain relations among his states of consciousness.
Any secondary meanings which he ascribes to
them must also be meanings expressed in terms of consciousness,
and therefore subordinate to the laws of consciousness.
Hence he has no appeal from this ultimate
dictum; and seeing this, he sees that the only possible
further achievement is the reconciliation of the dicta of consciousness
with one another—the bringing all other dicta of
consciousness into harmony with this ultimate dictum.
Here, then,
the inquirer discovers a warrant higher than
that which any argument can give, for asserting an objective
existence. Mysterious as seems the consciousness of
something which is yet out of consciousness, he finds that
he alleges the reality of this something in virtue of the
ultimate law—he is obliged to think it. There is an indissoluble
cohesion between each of those vivid and definite
states of consciousness which he calls a sensation, and an
indefinable consciousness which stands for a mode of being
beyond sensation, and separate from himself. When grasping
his fork and putting food into his mouth, he is wholly
unable to expel from his mind the notion of something
which resists the force he is conscious of using; and he
cannot suppress the nascent thought of an independent
existence keeping apart his tongue and palate, and
giving {212}
him that sensation of taste which he is unable to generate
in consciousness by his own activity. Though self-criticism
shows him that he cannot know what this is which
lies outside of him; and though he may infer that not
being able to say what it is, it is a fiction; he discovers
that such self-criticism utterly fails to extinguish the consciousness
of it as a reality. Any conclusion into which he
argues himself, that there is no objective existence connected
with these subjective states, proves to be a mere
verbal conclusion to which his thoughts will not respond.
The relation survives every effort to destroy it—is proved
by experiment, repeated no matter how often, to be one of
which the negation is inconceivable; and therefore one
having supreme authority. In vain he endeavours to give
it any greater authority by reasoning; for whichever of
the two alternatives he sets out with, leaves him at the end
just where he started. If, knowing nothing more than his
own states of consciousness, he declines to acknowledge
any thing beyond consciousness until it is proved, he may
go on reasoning for ever without getting any further;
since the perpetual elaboration of states of consciousness
out of states of consciousness, can never produce anything
more than states of consciousness. If, contrariwise, he
postulates external existence, and considers it as merely
postulated, then the whole fabric of his argument, standing
upon this postulate, has no greater validity than the
postulate gives it, minus the possible invalidity of the
argument itself. The case must not be confounded with
those cases in which an hypothesis, or provisional assumption,
is eventually proved true by its agreement with facts;
for in these cases the facts with which it is found to agree,
are facts known in some other way than through the
hypothesis: a calculated eclipse of the moon serves as a
verification of the hypothesis of gravitation, because its
occurrence is observable without taking for granted the
hypothesis of gravitation. But when the external
world {213}
is postulated, and it is supposed that the validity of the
postulate may be shown by the explanation of mental phenomena
which it furnishes, the vice is, that the process of
verification is itself possible only by assuming the thing to
be proved.
But now, recognizing the indissoluble cohesion between
the consciousness of self and an unknown not-self, as
constituting a dictum of consciousness which he is both
compelled to accept and is justified by analysis in accepting,
it is competent for the inquirer to consider whether, setting
out with this dictum, he can base on it a satisfactory
explanation of what he calls knowledge. He finds such an
explanation possible. The hypothesis that the more or less
coherent relations among his states of consciousness, are
generated by experience of the more or less constant
relations in something beyond his consciousness, furnishes
him with solutions of numerous facts of consciousness: not,
however, of all, if he assumes that this adjustment of inner
to outer relations has resulted from his own experiences
alone. Nevertheless, if he allows himself to suppose that
this moulding of thoughts into correspondence with things,
has been going on through countless preceding generations;
and that the effects of experiences have been inherited in
the shape of modified organic structures; then he is able
to interpret all the phenomena. It becomes possible to
understand how these persistent cohesions among states of
consciousness, are themselves the products of often-repeated
experiences; and that even what are known as “forms of
thought,” are but the absolute internal uniformities generated
by infinite repetitions of absolute external uniformities.
It becomes possible also to understand how, in the course
of organizing of these multiplying and widening experiences,
there may arise partially-wrong connexions in thought,
answering to limited converse with things; and that these
connexions in thought, temporarily taken for indissoluble
ones, may afterwards be made dissoluble by
presentation {214}
of external relations at variance with them. But even
when this occurs, it can afford no ground for questioning
the test of indissolubility; since the process by which some
connexion previously accepted as indissoluble, is broken, is
simply the establishment of some antagonistic connexion,
which proves, on a trial of strength, to be the stronger—which
remains indissoluble when pitted against the other,
while the other gives way. And this leaves the test just
where it was; showing only that there is a liability to error
as to what are indissoluble connexions. From the very
beginning, therefore, to the very end of the explanation,
even down to the criticism of its conclusions and the
discovery of its errors, the validity of this test must be
postulated. Whence it is manifest, as before said, that the
whole business of explanation can be nothing more than
that of bringing all other dicta of consciousness into harmony
with this ultimate dictum.
To the positive
justification of a proposition, may be
added that negative justification which is derived from the
untenability of the counter-proposition. When describing
the attitude of pure Empiricism, some indications that its
counter-proposition is untenable were given; but it will be
well here to state, more specifically, the fundamental
objections to which it is open.
If the ultimate test of truth is not that here alleged,
then what is the ultimate test of truth? And if there is
no ultimate test of truth, then what is the warrant for
accepting certain propositions and rejecting others? An
opponent who denies the validity of this test, may legitimately
decline to furnish any test himself, so long as he
does not affirm any thing to be true; but if he affirms some
things to be true and others to be not true, his warrant for
doing so may fairly be demanded. Let us glance at the
possible response to the demand. If asked why he holds
it to be unquestionably true that two quantities which
differ {215}
in unequal degrees from a third quantity are themselves
unequal, two replies seem open to him: he may say that
this is an ultimate fact of consciousness, or that it is an
induction from personal experiences. The reply that it is
an ultimate fact of consciousness, raises the question, How
is an ultimate fact of consciousness distinguished? All
beliefs, all conclusions, all imaginations even, are facts of
consciousness; and if some are to be accepted as beyond
question because ultimate, while others are not to be
accepted as beyond question because not ultimate, there
comes the inevitable inquiry respecting the test of ultimacy.
On the other hand, the reply that this truth is known only by
induction from personal experiences, suggests the query—On
what warrant are personal experiences asserted? The
testimony of experience is given only through memory;
and its worth depends wholly on the trustworthiness of
memory. Is it, then, that the trustworthiness of memory
is less open to doubt than the immediate consciousness
that two quantities must be unequal if they differ from a
third quantity in unequal degrees? This can scarcely be
alleged. Memory is notoriously uncertain. We sometimes
suppose ourselves to have said things which it turns out we
did not say; and we often forget seeing things which it is
proved we did see. We speak of many passages of our lives
as seeming like dreams; and can vaguely imagine the whole
past to be an illusion. We can go much further toward
conceiving that our recollections do not answer to any
actualities, than we can go toward conceiving the non-existence
of Space. But even supposing the deliverances
of memory to be above criticism, the most that can be said
for the experiences to which memory testifies, is that we are
obliged to think we have had them—cannot conceive the
negation of the proposition that we have had them; and to
say this is to assign the warrant which is repudiated.
A further counter-criticism may be made. Throughout
the argument of pure Empiricism, it is tacitly assumed
that {216}
there may be a Philosophy in which nothing is asserted but
what is proved. It proposes to admit into the coherent
fabric of its conclusions, no conclusion that is incapable of
being established by evidence; and it thus takes for granted
that not only may all derivative truths be proved, but also
that proof may be given of the truths from which they are
derived, down to the very deepest. The result of thus
refusing to recognize some fundamental unproved truth, is
simply to leave its fabric of conclusions without a base.
The giving proof of any special proposition, is the assimilation
of it to some class of propositions known to be true. If
any doubt arises respecting the general proposition which
is cited in justification of this special proposition, the course
is to show that this general proposition is deducible from a
proposition or propositions of still greater generality; and
if pressed for proof of each such still more general proposition,
the only resource is to repeat the process. Is this
process endless? If so, nothing can be proved—the whole
series of propositions depends on some unassignable proposition.
Has the process an end? If so, there must
eventually be reached a widest proposition—one which
cannot be justified by showing that it is included by any
wider—one which cannot be proved. Or to put the argument
otherwise: Every inference depends on premises;
every premise, if it admits of proof, depends on other
premises; and if the proof of the proof be continually
demanded, it must either end in an unproved premise, or in
the acknowledgment that there cannot be reached any
premise on which the entire series of proofs depends.
Hence Philosophy, if it does not avowedly stand on some
datum underlying reason, must acknowledge that it has
nothing on which to stand.
The expression of divergence from Mr. Mill on this
fundamental question, I have undertaken with reluctance,
only on finding it needful, both on personal and on
general {217}
grounds, that his statements and arguments should be met.
For two reasons, especially, I regret having thus to contend
against the doctrine of one whose agreement I should
value more than that of any other thinker. In the first
place, the difference is, I believe, superficial rather than
substantial; for it is in the interests of the
Experience-Hypothesis
that Mr. Mill opposes the alleged criterion of
truth; while it is as harmonizing with the
Experience-Hypothesis,
and reconciling it with all the facts, that
I defend this criterion. In the second place, this
lengthened exposition of a single point of difference,
unaccompanied by an exposition of the numerous points
of concurrence, unavoidably produces an appearance of
dissent very far greater than that which exists. Mr. Mill,
however, whose unswerving allegiance to truth is on all
occasions so conspicuously displayed, will fully recognize
the justification for this utterance of disagreement on a
matter of such profound importance, philosophically considered;
and will not require any apology for the entire
freedom with which I have criticised his views while
seeking to substantiate my own.
REPLIES TO CRITICISMS. — P OSTSCRIPT .
[First published in
The Fortnightly Review for November and
December 1873.]
When made by a competent reader, an objection usually
implies one of two things. Either the statement to which
he demurs is wholly or partially untrue; or, if true, it is
presented in such a way as to permit misapprehension. A
need for some change or addition is in any case shown.
Not recognizing the errors alleged, but thinking rather
that misapprehensions cause the dissent of those who have
attacked the metaphysico-theological doctrines held by me,
I propose here to meet, by explanations and arguments,
the chief objections urged: partly with the view of justifying
these doctrines, and partly with the view of guarding
against the wrong interpretations which it appears are apt
to be made.
The pages of a periodical intended for general reading
may be thought scarcely fitted for the treatment of these
highly abstract questions. There is now, however, so considerable
a class interested in them, and they are so deeply
involved with the great changes of opinion in progress,
that I have ventured to hope for readers outside the circle
of those who occupy themselves with philosophy.
Of course the criticisms to be noticed I have
selected, {219}
either because of their intrinsic force, or because they
come from men whose positions or reputations give them
weight. To meet more than a few of my opponents is out
of the question.
Let me begin with a criticism contained in the sermon
preached by the Rev. Principal Caird before the British
Association, on the occasion of its meeting in Edinburgh,
in August, 1871. Expressed with a courtesy which, happily,
is now less rare than of yore in theological controversy,
Dr. Caird’s objection might, I think, be admitted without
involving essential change in the conclusion demurred to;
while it might be shown to tell with greater force against
the conclusions of thinkers classed as orthodox, Sir W.
Hamilton and Dean Mansel, than against my own. Describing
this as set forth by me, Dr. Caird says:―
“His thesis is that the provinces of science and religion are
distinguished from each other as the known from the unknown and
unknowable. This thesis is maintained mainly on a critical examination
of the nature of human intelligence, in which the writer adopts and
carries to its extreme logical results the doctrine of the relativity
of human knowledge which, propounded by Kant, has been reproduced with
special application to theology by a famous school of philosophers
in this country. From the very nature of human intelligence, it
is attempted to be shown that it can only know what is finite and
relative, and that therefore the absolute and infinite the human mind
is, by an inherent and insuperable disability, debarred from knowing.
. . . . May it not be asked, for one thing, whether in the assertion,
as the result of an examination of the human intellect, that it
is incapable of knowing what lies beyond the finite, there is not
involved an obvious self-contradiction? The examination of the mind
can be conducted only by the mind, and if the instrument be, as is
alleged, limited and defective, the result of the inquiry must partake
of that defectiveness. Again, does not the knowledge of a limit imply
already the power to transcend it? In affirming that human science
is incapable of crossing the bounds of the finite world, is it not a
necessary presupposition that you who so affirm have crossed these
bounds?”
That this objection is one I am not disinclined to recognize,
will be inferred when I state that it is one I have
myself raised. While preparing the second edition of
the {220}Principles of Psychology, I found, among my memoranda, a
note which still bore the wafers by which it had been
attached to the original manuscript (unless, indeed, it had
been transferred from the MS. of First Principles, which
its allusion seems to imply). It was this:―
“I may here remark in passing that the several
reasonings, including the one above quoted, by which
Sir William Hamilton would demonstrate the pure
relativity of our knowledge—reasonings which clearly
establish many important truths, and with which in
the main I agree—are yet capable of being turned
against himself, when he definitely concludes that
it is impossible for us to know the absolute. For to
positively assert that the absolute cannot be known,
is in a certain sense to assert a knowledge of it—is
to know it as unknowable. To affirm that human
intelligence is confined to the conditioned, is to put
an absolute limit to human intelligence, and implies
absolute knowledge. It seems to me that the ‘learned
ignorance’ with which philosophy ends, must be carried
a step further; and instead of positively saying that
the absolute is unknowable, we must say that we cannot
tell whether it is knowable or not.”
Why I omitted this note I cannot now remember. Possibly
it was because re-consideration disclosed a reply to
the contained objection. For while it is true that the
intellect cannot prove its own competence, since it must
postulate its own competence in the course of the proof,
and so beg the question; yet it does not follow that it
cannot prove its own incompetence respecting questions of
certain kinds. Its inability in respect of such questions has
two conceivable causes. It may be that the deliverances
of Reason in general are invalid, in which case the incompetence
of Reason to solve questions of a certain class is
implied by its general incompetence; or it may be that the
deliverances of Reason, valid within a certain range, themselves
end in the conclusion that Reason is incapable beyond
that range. So that while there can be no proof of competence,
because competence is postulated in each step of
the demonstration, there may be proof of incompetence
either (1) if the successive deliverances forming the steps
of the demonstration, by severally evolving contradictions,
show their untrustworthiness, or (2) if, being
trustworthy, {221}
they lead to the result that on certain questions Reason
cannot give any deliverance.
Reason leads both inductively and deductively to the
conclusion that the sphere of Reason is limited. Inductively,
this conclusion expresses the result of countless
futile attempts to transcend this sphere—attempts to understand
Matter, Motion, Space, Time, Force, in their ultimate
natures—attempts which, bringing us always to alternative
impossibilities of thought, warrant the inference that such
attempts will continue to fail, as they have hitherto failed.
Deductively, this conclusion expresses the result of mental
analysis, which shows us that the product of thought is in
all cases a relation, identified as such or such; that the
process of thought is the identification and classing of
relations; that therefore Being in itself, out of relation, is
unthinkable, as not admitting of being brought within the
form of thought. That is to say, deduction explains that
failure of Reason established as an induction from many
experiments. And to call in question the ability of Reason
to give this verdict against itself in respect of these
transcendent problems, is to call in question its ability
to draw valid conclusions from premises; which is to
assert a general incompetence necessarily inclusive of the
special incompetence.
Closely connected with the foregoing, is a criticism from
Dr. Mansel, on which I may here make some comments.
In a note to his Philosophy of the Conditioned p. 39,
he says:―
“Mr. Herbert Spencer, in his work on First Principles, endeavours
to press Sir W. Hamilton into the service of Pantheism and Positivism
together” [a somewhat strange assertion, by the way, considering
that I reject them both], “by adopting the negative portion only
of his philosophy—in which, in common with many other writers, he
declares the absolute to be inconceivable by the mere intellect,—and
rejecting the positive portions, in which he most emphatically
maintains that the belief in a personal God is imperatively demanded
by the facts of our moral and emotional
consciousness. . . . . Sir W.
Hamilton’s fundamental principle is, that consciousness {222} must
be accepted entire, and that the moral and religious feelings, which
are the primary source of our belief in a personal God, are in no way
invalidated by the merely negative inferences which have deluded men
into the assumption of an impersonal absolute. . . . . Mr. Spencer, on
the other hand, takes these negative inferences as the only basis of
religion, and abandons Hamilton’s great principle of the distinction
between knowledge and belief.”
Putting these statements in the order most convenient
for discussion, I will deal first with the last of them. Instead
of saying what he does, Dr. Mansel should have said that
I decline to follow Sir W. Hamilton in confounding two
distinct, and indeed radically-opposed, meanings of the
word belief. This word “is habitually applied to dicta of
consciousness for which no proof can be assigned: both
those which are unprovable because they underlie all proof,
and those which are unprovable because of the absence of
evidence.”24
In the pages of the Fortnightly Review for
July, 1865, I exhibited this distinction as follows:―
“We commonly say we ‘believe’ a thing for which we can assign some
preponderating evidence, or concerning which we have received some
indefinable impression. We believe that the next House of Commons
will not abolish Church-rates; or we believe that a person on
whose face we look is good-natured. That is, when we can give
confessedly-inadequate proofs, or no proofs at all, for the things
we think, we call them ‘beliefs.’ And it is the peculiarity of these
beliefs, as contrasted with cognitions, that their connexions with
antecedent states of consciousness may be easily severed, instead of
being difficult to sever. But unhappily, the word ‘belief’ is also
applied to each of those temporarily or permanently indissoluble
connexions in consciousness, for the acceptance of which the only
warrant is that it cannot be got rid of. Saying that I feel a pain,
or hear a sound, or see one line to be longer than another, is saying
that there has occurred in me a certain change of state; and it is
impossible for me to give a stronger evidence of this fact than that
it is present to my mind. . . . . ‘Belief’ having, as above pointed
out, become the name of an impression for which we can give only a
confessedly-inadequate reason, or no reason at all; it happens that
when pushed hard respecting the warrant for any ultimate dictum of
consciousness, we say, in the absence of all assignable reason, that
we believe it. Thus the two opposite poles of knowledge go under the
same name; and by the reverse connotations of this name, as used for
the most coherent and least coherent relations of thought, profound
misconceptions have been generated.”
Now that the belief which the moral and religious {223}
feelings are said to yield of a personal God, is not one
of the beliefs which are unprovable because they underlie
all proof, is obvious. It needs but to remember that in
works on Natural Theology, the existence of a personal
God is inferred from these moral and religious feelings,
to show that it is not contained in these feelings themselves,
or joined with them as an inseparable intuition. It is not
a belief like the beliefs which I now have that this is
daylight, and that there is open space before me—beliefs
which cannot be proved because they are of equal simplicity
with, and of no less certainty than, each step in a demonstration.
Were it a belief of this most certain kind,
argument would be superfluous: all races of men and
every individual would have the belief in an inexpugnable
form. Hence it is manifest that, confusing the two very
different states of consciousness called beliefs, Sir W.
Hamilton ascribes to the second a certainty that belongs
only to the first.
Again, neither Sir W. Hamilton nor Dr. Mansel has
enabled us to distinguish those “facts of our moral and
emotional consciousness” which imperatively demand the
belief in a personal God, from those facts of our (or of
men’s) “moral and emotional consciousness” which, in
those having them, imperatively demand beliefs that Sir
W. Hamilton would regard as untrue. A New Zealand
chief, discovering his wife in an infidelity, killed the man;
the wife then killed herself that she might join her lover
in the other world; and the chief thereupon killed himself
that he might go after them to defeat this intention. These
two acts of suicide furnish tolerably strong evidence that
these New Zealanders believed in another world to which,
they could go at will, and fulfil their desires as they did
here. If they were asked the justification for this belief,
and if the arguments by which they sought to establish it
were not admitted, they might still fall back on
emotional {224}
consciousness as yielding them an unshakeable foundation
for it. I do not see why a Fiji Islander, adopting the
Hamiltonian argument, should not justify by it his conviction
that after being buried alive, his life in the other
world, forthwith commencing at the age he has reached
in this, will similarly supply him with the joys of conquest
and the gratifications of cannibalism. That he has a
conviction to this effect stronger than the religious convictions
current among civilized people, is proved by the
fact that he goes to be buried alive quite willingly. And
as we may presume that his conviction is not the outcome
of a demonstration, it must be the outcome of some state
of feeling—some “emotional consciousness.” Why, then,
should he not assign the “facts” of his “emotional consciousness”
as “imperatively demanding” this belief?
Manifestly, this principle that “consciousness must be
accepted entire,” either obliges us to accept as true the
superstitions of all mankind, or else obliges us to say that
the consciousness of a certain limited class of cultivated
people is alone meant. If things are to be believed simply
because the facts of emotional consciousness imperatively
demand the beliefs, I do not see why the actual existence
of a ghost in a house, is not inevitably implied by the
intense fear of it that is aroused in the child or the servant.
Lastly, and chiefly, I have to deal with Dr. Mansel’s
statement that “Mr. Spencer, on the other hand, takes
these negative inferences as the only basis of religion.”
This statement is exactly the reverse of the truth; since
I have contended, against Hamilton and against him, that
the consciousness of that which is manifested to us
through phenomena is positive, and not negative, as they
allege, and that this positive consciousness supplies an
indestructible basis for the religious sentiment (First
Principles, § 26). Instead of giving here passages to
show this, I may fitly quote the statement and opinion of
a {225}
foreign theologian. M. le pasteur Grotz, of the Reformed
Church at Nismes, writes thus:―
“La science serait-elle done par nature ennemie de la religion? pour
être religieux, faut-il proscrire la science?—C’est la science,
la science expérimentale qui va maintenant parler en faveur de la
religion; c’est elle qui, par la bouche de l’un des penseurs . . . de
notre époque, M. Herbert Spencer, va répondre à la fois à M. Vacherot
et à M. Comte.”
“Ici, M. Spencer discute la théorie de l’inconditionné; entendez
par ce mot: Dieu. Le philosophie écossais, Hamilton, et son disciple,
M. Mansel, disent comme nos positivistes français: ‘Nous ne pouvons
affirmer l’existence positive de quoi que ce soit au delà des
phénomènes.’ Seulement, Hamilton et son disciple se séparent de nos
compatriotes en faisant intervenir une ‘révélation merveilleuse’ qui
nous fait croire à l’existence de l’inconditionné, et grâce à cette
révélation vraiment merveilleuse, toute l’orthodoxie revient. Est-il
vrai que nous ne puissions rien affirmer au delà des phénomènes? M.
Spencer déclare qu’il y a dans cette assertion une grave erreur. Le
côté logique, dit-il fort justement, n’est pas le seul; il y a aussi
le côté psychologique, et, selon nous, il prouve que l’existence
positive de l’absolu est une donnée nécessaire de la conscience.”
“Là est la base de l’accord entre la religion et la science. Dans
un chapitre . . . . intitulé Réconciliation, M. Spencer etablit et
développe cet accord sur son véritable terrain.”
“M. Spencer, en restant sur le terrain de la logique et de la
psychologie, et sans recourir à une intervention surnaturelle, a
établi la legitimité, la nécessité et l’eternelle durée du sentiment
religieux et de la
religion.”25
I turn next to what has been said by Dr. Shadworth H.
Hodgson, in his essay on “The Future of Metaphysic,”
published in the Contemporary Review for November, 1872.
Remarking only, with respect to the agreements he
expresses in certain views of mine, that I value them as
coming from a thinker of subtlety and independence,
I will confine myself here to his disagreements. Dr.
Hodgson, before giving his own view, briefly describes
and criticizes the views of Hegel and Comte, with both
of whom he partly agrees and partly disagrees, and then {226}
proceeds to criticize the view set forth by me. After a
preliminary brief statement of my position, to the wording
of which I demur, he goes on to say:―
“In his First Principles, Part I, second ed., there is a chapter headed
‘Ultimate Scientific Ideas,’ in which he enumerates six such ideas or groups
of ideas, and attempts to show that they are entirely incomprehensible. The
six are:—1. Space and Time. 2. Matter. 3. Rest and Motion. 4. Force.
5. Consciousness. 6. The Soul, or the Ego. Now to enter at length into all
of these would be an undertaking too large for the present occasion; but I
will take the first of the six, and endeavour to show in its case the entire
untenability of Mr. Spencer’s view; and since the same arguments may
be employed against the rest, I shall be content that my case against them
should be held to fail if my case should fail in respect to Space and Time.”
I willingly join issue with Dr. Hodgson on these terms;
and proceed to examine, one by one, the several arguments
he uses to show the invalidity of my conclusions. Following
his criticisms in the order he has chosen, I begin
with the sentence following that which I have just quoted.
The first part of it runs thus:—“The metaphysical
view of Space and Time is, that they are elements in
all phenomena, whether the phenomena are presentations
or representations.”
Whether, by “the metaphysical view,” is here meant the
view of Kant, whether it means Dr. Hodgson’s own view,
or whether the expression has a more general meaning, I
have simply to reply that the metaphysical view is incorrect.
Dealing with the Kantian version of this doctrine,
that Space is a form of intuition, I have pointed out that
only with certain classes of phenomena is Space united
indissolubly; that Kant habitually considers phenomena
belonging to the visual and tactual groups, with which the
consciousness of space is inseparably joined, and overlooks
groups with which it is not inseparably joined. Though in
the adult, perception of sound has certain space-implications,
mostly, if not wholly, acquired by individual experience;
and though it would seem from the instructive experiments
of Mr. Spalding, that in creatures born with nervous
systems much more organized than our own are at
birth, {227}
there is some innate perception of the side from which
a sound comes; yet it is demonstrable that the space-implications
of sound are not originally given with the
sensation as its form of intuition. Bearing in mind the
Kantian doctrine, that Space is the form of sensuous
intuitions not only as presented but also as represented, let
us examine critically our musical ideas. As I have elsewhere
suggested to the reader―
“Let him observe what happens when some melody takes possession of
his imagination. Its tones and cadences go on repeating themselves apart
from any space-consciousness—they are not localized. He may or may not
be reminded of the place where he heard them—this association is incidental
only. Having observed this, he will see that such space-implications as
sounds have, are learnt in the course of individual experience, and are not
given with the sounds themselves. Indeed, if we refer to the Kantian
definition of form, we get a simple and conclusive proof of this. Kant says
form is ‘that which effects that the content of the phænomenon can be
arranged under certain relations.’ How then can the content of the phenomenon
we call sound be arranged? Its parts can be arranged in order of
sequence—that is, in Time. But there is no possibility of arranging its parts
in order of coexistence—that is, in Space. And it is just the same with
odour. Whoever thinks that sound and odour have Space for their form of
intuition, may convince himself to the contrary by trying to find the right
and left sides of a sound, or to imagine an odour turned the other way
upwards.”—Principles of Psychology, § 399.—Note.
As I thus dissent, not I think without good reason, from
“the metaphysical view of Space and Time” as “elements
in all phenomena,” it will naturally be expected that I
dissent from the first criticism which Dr. Hodgson proceeds
to deduce from it. Dealing first with the arguments I have
used to show the incomprehensibility of Space and Time,
if we consider them as objective, and stating in other
words the conclusion I draw, that “as Space and Time
cannot be either nonentities nor the attributes of entities,
we have no choice but to consider them as entities.” Dr.
Hodgson continues:―
“So far good. Secondly, he argues that they cannot be represented in
thought as such real existences, because ‘to be conceived at all, a thing must
be conceived as having attributes.’ Now here the metaphysical doctrine
enables us to conceive them as real existences, and rebuts the
argument for {228}
their inconceivability; for the other element, the material element, the
feeling or quality occupying Space and Time stands in the place and
performs the function of the required attributes, composing together with
the space and time which is occupied the empirical phenomena of perception.
So far as this argument of Mr. Spencer goes, then, we are entitled
to say that his case for the inconceivability of Space and Time as real
existences is not made out.”
Whether the fault is in me or not I cannot say, but I
fail to see that my argument is thus rebutted. On the
contrary, it appears to me substantially conceded. What
kind of entity is that which can exist only when occupied
by something else? Dr. Hodgson’s own argument is a
tacit assertion that Space by itself cannot be conceived as
an existence; and this is all that I have alleged.
Dr. Hodgson deals next with the further argument,
familiar to all readers, which I have added as showing the
insurmountable difficulty in the way of conceiving Space
and Time as objective entities; namely, that “all entities
which we actually know as such are limited. . . . But of
Space and Time we cannot assert either limitation, or the
absence of limitation.” Without quoting at length the
reasons Dr. Hodgson gives for distinguishing between
Space as perceived and Space as conceived, it will suffice
if I quote his own statement of the result to which they
bring him: “So that Space and Time as perceived are not
finite, but infinite, as conceived are not infinite, but finite.”
Most readers will, I think, be startled by the assertion
that conception is less extensive in range than perception;
but, without dwelling on this, I will content myself by
asking in what case Space is perceived as infinite?
Surely Dr. Hodgson does not mean to say that he can
perceive the whole surrounding Space at once—that the
Space behind is united in perception with the Space in
front. Yet this is the necessary implication of his words.
Taking his statement less literally, however, and not
dwelling on the fact that in perception Space is habitually
bounded by objects more or less distant, let us test
his {229}
assertion under the most favourable conditions. Supposing
the eye directed upwards towards a clear sky; is not the
space then perceived, laterally limited? The visual area,
restricted by the visual apertures, cannot include in
perception even 180° from side to side, and is still more
confined in a direction at right angles to this. Even in the
third direction, to which alone Dr. Hodgson evidently
refers, it cannot properly be said that it is infinite in
perception. Look at a position in the sky a thousand miles
off. Now look at a position a million miles off. What is
the difference in perception? Nothing. How then can
an infinite distance be perceived when these immensely-unlike
finite distances cannot be perceived as differing
from one another, or from an infinite distance? Dr.
Hodgson has used the wrong word. Instead of saying
that Space as perceived is infinite, he should have said that,
in perception, Space is finite in two dimensions, and
becomes indefinite in the third when this becomes great.
I now come to the paragraph beginning “Mr. Spencer
then turns to the second or subjective hypothesis, that of
Kant.” This paragraph is somewhat difficult to deal with,
because in it my reasoning is criticized both from the
Kantian point of view and from Dr. Hodgson’s own point
of view. Dissenting from Kant’s view, Dr. Hodgson says,
“I hold that both Space and Time and Feeling, or the
material element, are equally and alike subjective, equally
and alike objective.” As I cannot understand this, I am
unable to deal with those arguments against me which Dr.
Hodgson bases upon it, and must limit myself to that
which he urges on behalf of Kant. He says:―
“But I think that Mr. Spencer’s representation of Kant’s view is very
incorrect; he seems to be misled by the large term non-ego. Kant held that
Space and Time were in their origin subjective, but when applied to the non-ego
resulted in phenomena, and were the formal element in those phenomena,
among which some were phenomena of the internal sense or ego, others of
the external sense or non-ego. The non-ego to which the forms of Space
and Time did not apply and did not belong, was the Ding-an-sich,
not the {230}
phenomenal non-ego. Hence the objective existence of Space and Time in
phenomena, but not in the Ding-an-sich, is a consistent and necessary consequence
of Kant’s view of their subjective origin.”
If I have misunderstood Kant, as thus alleged, then
my comment must be that I credited him with an hypothesis
less objectionable than that which he held. I supposed
his view to be that Space, as a form of intuition
belonging to the ego, is imposed by it on the non-ego (by
which I understood the thing in itself) in the act of intuition.
But now the Kantian doctrine is said to be that
Space, originating in the ego, when applied to the non-ego,
results in phenomena (the non-ego meant being, in that case,
necessarily the Ding-an-sich, or thing in itself); and that
the phenomena so resulting become objective existences
along with the Space given to them by the subject. The
subject having imposed Space as a form on the primordial
object, or thing in itself, and so created phenomena, this
Space thereupon becomes an objective existence, independent
of both the subject and the original thing in itself!
To Dr. Hodgson this may seem a more tenable position
than that which I ascribed to Kant; but to me it seems
only a multiplication of inconceivabilities. I am content to
leave it as it stands: not feeling my reasons for rejecting
the Kantian hypothesis much weakened.26
The remaining reply which Dr. Hodgson makes runs
thus:―
“But Mr. Spencer has a second argument to prove this inconceivability.
It is this:—‘If Space and Time are forms of thought, they can
never be {231}
thought of; since it is impossible for anything to be at once the form of
thought and the matter of thought.’ . . . . An instance will show the fallacy
best. Syllogism is usually held to be a form of thought. Would it be any
argument for the inconceivability of syllogisms to say, they cannot be at once
the form and the matter of thought? Can we not syllogize about syllogism?
Or, more plainly still,—no dog can bite himself, for it is impossible to be
at once the thing that bites and the thing that is bitten.”
Had Dr. Hodgson quoted the whole of the passage from
which he takes the above sentence; or had he considered it
in conjunction with the Kantian doctrine to which it refers
(namely, that Space survives in consciousness when all
contents are expelled, which implies that then Space is the
thing with which consciousness is occupied, or the object of
consciousness), he would have seen that his reply has none
of the cogency he supposes. If, taking his first illustration,
he will ask himself whether it is possible to “syllogize
about syllogism,” when syllogism has no content whatever,
symbolic or other—has nonentity to serve for major, nonentity
for minor, and nonentity for conclusion; he will, I
think, see that syllogism, considered as surviving terms of
every kind, cannot be syllogized about: the “pure form”
of reason (supposing it to be syllogism, which it is not) if
absolutely discharged of all it contains, cannot be represented
in thought, and therefore cannot be reasoned about. Following
Dr. Hodgson to his second illustration, I must
express my surprise that a metaphysician of his acuteness
should have used it. For an illustration to have any value,
the relation between the terms of the
analogous case {232}
must have some parallelism to the relation between the
terms of the case with which it is compared. Does
Dr. Hodgson really think that the relation between a dog
and the part of himself which he bites, is like the relation
between matter and form? Suppose the dog bites his tail.
Now the dog, as biting, stands, according to Dr. Hodgson,
for the form as the containing mental faculty; and the tail,
as bitten, stands for this mental faculty as contained. Now
suppose the dog loses his tail. Can the faculty as containing
and the faculty as contained be separated in the
same way? Does the mental form when deprived of all
content, even itself (granting that it can be its own content),
continue to exist in the same way that a dog continues to
exist when he has lost his tail? Even had this illustration
been applicable, I should scarcely have expected Dr.
Hodgson to remain satisfied with it. I should have thought
he would prefer to meet my argument directly, rather than
indirectly. Why has he not shown the invalidity of the
reasoning used in the Principles of Psychology (§ 399,
2nd ed.)? Having there quoted the statement of Kant, that
“Space and Time are not merely forms of sensuous intuition,
but intuitions themselves;” I have written―
“If we inquire more closely, this irreconcilability becomes still
clearer. Kant says:—‘That which in the phænomenon corresponds to
the sensation, I term its matter; but that which effects that the
content of the phenomenon can be arranged under certain relations, I
call its form.’ Carrying with us this definition of form, as ‘that
which effects that the content . . . . can be arranged under certain
relations,’ let us return to the case in which the intuition of Space
is the intuition which occupies consciousness. Can the content of this
intuition ‘be arranged under certain relations’ or not? It can be so
arranged, or rather, it is so arranged. Space cannot be thought of
save as having parts, near and remote, in this direction or the other.
Hence, if that is the form of a thing ‘which effects that the content
. . . . can be arranged under certain relations,’ it follows that
when the content of consciousness is the intuition of Space, which
has ‘parts that can be arranged under certain relations,’ there must
be a form of that intuition. What is it? Kant does not tell us—does
not appear to perceive that there must be such a form; and could
not have perceived this without abandoning his hypothesis that the
space-intuition is primordial.”
Now when Dr. Hodgson has shown me how that
“which {233}
effects that the content . . . . can be arranged under
certain relations,” may also be that which effects its own
arrangement under the same relations, I shall be ready to
surrender my position; but until then, no analogy drawn
from the ability of a dog to bite himself will weigh much
with me.
Having, as he considers, disposed of the reasons given by
me for concluding that, considered in themselves, “Space
and Time are wholly incomprehensible” (he continually
uses on my behalf the word “inconceivable,” which, by its
unfit connotations, gives a wrong aspect to my position),
Dr. Hodgson goes on to say:-
“Yet Mr. Spencer proceeds to use these inconceivable ideas as the basis of
his philosophy. For mark, it is Space and Time as we know them, the actual
and phenomenal Space and Time, to which all these
inconceivabilities attach.
Mr. Spencer’s result, ought, therefore, logically to be—Scepticism. What is
his actual result? Ontology. And how so? Why, instead of rejecting
Space and Time as the inconceivable things he has tried to demonstrate them
to be, he substitutes for them an Unknowable, a something which they
really are, though we cannot know it, and rejects that, instead of them,
from knowledge.”
This statement has caused me no little astonishment.
That having before him the volume from which he quotes,
so competent a reader should have so completely missed the
meaning of the passages (§ 26) already referred to, in which
I have contended against Hamilton and Mansel, makes me
almost despair of being understood by any ordinary reader.
In that section I have, in the first place, contended that the
consciousness of an Ultimate Reality, though not capable of
being made a thought, properly so called, because not
capable of being brought within limits, nevertheless remains
as a consciousness that is positive: is not rendered negative
by the negations of limits. I have pointed out that―
“The error, (very naturally fallen into by philosophers intent on demonstrating
the limits and conditions of consciousness), consists in assuming that
consciousness contains nothing but limits and conditions; to the entire
neglect of that which is limited and conditioned. It is forgotten that there
is something which alike forms the raw material of definite thought and
remains after the definiteness which thinking gave to it has
been {234} destroyed”—something
which “ever persists in us as the body of a thought to which we
can give no shape.”
This positive element of consciousness it is which, “at
once necessarily indefinite and necessarily indestructible,”
I regard as the consciousness of the Unknowable Reality.
Yet Dr. Hodgson says “Mr. Spencer proceeds to use these
inconceivable ideas as the basis of his philosophy:”
implying that such basis consists of negations, instead of
consisting of that which persists notwithstanding the negation
of limits. And then, beyond this perversion, or almost
inversion, of meaning, he conveys the notion that I take as
the basis of philosophy, the “inconceivable ideas” “or
self-contradictory notions” which result when we endeavour
to comprehend Space and Time. He speaks of me as
proposing to evolve substance out of form, or rather, out of
the negations of forms—gives his readers no conception that
the Power manifested to us is that which I regard as the
Unknowable, while what we call Space and Time answer to
the unknowable nexus of its manifestations. And yet the
chapter from which I quote, and still more the chapter
which follows it, makes this clear—as clear, at least, as I can
make it by carefully-worded statements and re-statements.
Philosophical
systems, like theological ones, following the
law of evolution in general, severally become in course of
time more rigid, while becoming more complex and more
definite; and they similarly become less alterable—resist
all compromise, and have to be replaced by the more plastic
systems that descend from them.
It is thus with pure Empiricism and pure Transcendentalism.
Down to the present time disciples of Locke
have continued to hold that all mental phenomena are
interpretable as results of accumulated individual experiences;
and, by criticism, have been led simply to
elaborate their interpretations—ignoring the proofs of
inadequacy. On the other hand, disciples of Kant, {235}
asserting this inadequacy, and led by perception of it to adopt
an antagonist theory, have persisted in defending that
theory under a form presenting fatal inconsistencies. And
then, when there is offered a mode of reconciliation, the
spirit of no-compromise is displayed: each side continuing
to claim the whole truth. After it has been pointed out
that all the obstacles in the way of the experiential
doctrine disappear if the effects of ancestral experiences
are joined with the effects of individual experiences, the
old form of the doctrine is still adhered to. And meanwhile
Kantists persist in asserting that the ego is born with
intuitional forms which are wholly independent of anything
in the non-ego, after it has been shown that the innateness
of these intuitional forms may be so understood as to
escape the insurmountable difficulties of the hypothesis as
originally expressed.
I am led to say this by reading the remarks concerning
my own views, made with an urbanity I hope to imitate,
by Professor Max Müller, in a lecture delivered at the
Royal Institution in March, 1873.27
Before dealing with
the criticisms contained in this lecture, I must enter a
demurrer against that interpretation of my views by which
Professor Max Müller makes it appear that they are
more allied to those of Kant than to those of Locke.
He says:―
“Whether the pre-historic genesis of these congenital dispositions or
inherited necessities of thought, as suggested by Mr. Herbert Spencer, be
right or wrong, does not signify for the purpose which Kant had in view.
In admitting that there is something in our mind, which is not the result of
our own à posteriori experience, Mr. Herbert Spencer is a thorough Kantian,
and we shall see that he is a Kantian in other respects too. If it could be
proved that nervous modifications, accumulated from generation to generation,
could result in nervous structures that are fixed in proportion as the
outer relations to which they answer are fixed, we, as followers of Kant,
should only have to put in the place of Kant’s intuitions of Space and Time
‘the constant space-relations expressed in definite nervous structures, congenitally
framed to act in definite ways, and incapable of acting
in any other {236}
way.’ If Mr. Herbert Spencer had not misunderstood the exact meaning of
what Kant calls the intuitions of Space and Time, he would have perceived
that, barring his theory of the pre-historic origin of these intuitions, he was
quite at one with Kant.”
On this passage let me remark, first, that the word
“pre-historic,” ordinarily employed only in respect to
human history, is misleading when applied to the history of
Life in general; and his use of it leaves me in some doubt
whether Professor Max Müller has rightly conceived the
hypothesis he refers to.
My second comment is, that the description of me as
“quite at one with Kant,” “barring” the “theory of the
prehistoric origin of these intuitions,” curiously implies that
it is a matter of comparative indifference whether the forms
of thought are held to be naturally generated by intercourse
between the organism and its environing relations,
during the evolution of the lowest into the highest types,
or whether such forms are held to be supernaturally given
to the human mind, and are independent both of environing
relations and of ancestral minds. But now, addressing
myself to the essential point, I must meet the statement
that I have “misunderstood the exact meaning of what
Kant calls the intuitions of Space and Time,” by saying
that I think Professor Max Müller has overlooked certain
passages which justify my interpretation, and render his
interpretation untenable. For Kant says “Space is nothing
else than the form of all phenomena of the external sense;”
further, he says that “Time is nothing but the form of our
internal intuition;” and, to repeat words I have used elsewhere,
“He distinctly shuts out the supposition that there
are forms of the non-ego to which these forms of the ego
correspond, by saying that ‘Space is not a conception
which has been derived from outward experiences.’” Now
so far from being in harmony with, these statements are in
direct contradiction to, the view which I hold; and seem
to me absolutely irreconcilable with it. How can it be said
that, “barring” a difference represented as trivial, I
am {237}
“quite at one with Kant,” when I contend that these subjective
forms of intuition are moulded into correspondence
with, and therefore derived from, some objective form or
nexus, and therefore dependent upon it; while the Kantian
hypothesis is that these subjective forms are not derived
from the object, but pre-exist in the subject—are imposed
by the ego on the non-ego. It seems to me that not only do
Kant’s words, as above given, exclude the view which I
hold, but also that Kant could not consistently have held
any such view. Rightly recognizing, as he did, these forms
of intuition as innate, he was, from his stand-point, obliged
to regard them as imposed on the matter of intuition in the
act of intuition. In the absence of the hypothesis that
intelligence has been evolved, it was not possible for him to
regard these subjective forms as having been derived from
objective forms.
A disciple of Locke might, I think, say that the Evolution-view
of our consciousness of Space and Time is
essentially Lockian, with more truth than Professor Max
Müller can represent it as essentially Kantian. The
Evolution-view is completely experiential. It differs from
the original view of the experientialists by containing a
great extension of that view. With the relatively-small
effects of individual experiences, it joins the relatively-vast
effects of the experiences of antecedent individuals.
But the view of Kant is avowedly and absolutely unexperiential.
Surely this makes the predominance of kinship
manifest.
In Professor Max Müller’s replies to my criticisms on
Kant, I cannot see greater validity than in this affiliation
to which I have demurred. One of his arguments is that
which Dr. Hodgson has used, and which I have already
answered; and I think that the others, when compared with
the passages of the Principles of Psychology which they
concern, will not be found adequate. I refer to them
here {238}
chiefly for the purpose of pointing out that when he speaks
of me as bringing “three arguments against Kant’s
view,” he understates the number. Let me close what
I have to say on this disputed question, by quoting
the summary of reasons I have given for rejecting the
Kantian hypothesis:―
“Kant tells us that Space is the form of all external intuition; which is
not true. He tells us that the consciousness of Space continues when the
consciousness of all things contained in it is suppressed; which is also not
true. From these alleged facts he infers that Space is an à priori form of
intuition. I say infers, because this conclusion is not presented in necessary
union with the premises, in the same way that the consciousness of duality
is necessarily presented along with the consciousness of inequality; but it is
a conclusion voluntarily drawn for the purpose of explaining the alleged
facts. And then that we may accept this conclusion, which is not necessarily
presented along with these alleged facts which are not true, we are obliged to
affirm several propositions which cannot be rendered into thought. When
Space is itself contemplated, we have to conceive it as at once the form of
intuition and the matter of intuition; which is impossible. We have to
unite that which we are conscious of as Space with that which we are
conscious of as the ego, and contemplate the one as a property of the other;
which is impossible. We have at the same time to disunite that which we
are conscious of as Space, from that which we are conscious of as the non-ego,
and contemplate the one as separate from the other; which is also
impossible. Further, this hypothesis that Space is “nothing else” than a
form of intuition belonging wholly to the ego, commits us to one of the two
alternatives, that the non-ego is formless or that its form produces absolutely
no effect upon the ego; both of which alternatives involve us in impossibilities
of thought.”—Prin. of Psy., § 399.
Objections
of another, though allied, class have been
made in a review of the Principles of Psychology by Mr.
H. Sidgwick—a critic whose remarks on questions of mental
philosophy always deserve respectful consideration.
Mr. Sidgwick’s chief aim is to show what he calls “the
mazy inconsistency of his [my] metaphysical results.”
More specifically, he expresses thus the proposition he seeks
to justify—“His view of the subject appears to have a
fundamental incoherence, which shows itself in various ways
on the surface of his exposition, but of which the root
lies {239}
much deeper, in his inability to harmonise different lines
of thought.”
Before dealing with the reasons given for this judgment,
let me say that, in addition to the value which candid
criticisms have as showing where more explanation is
needed, they are almost indispensable as revealing to a
writer incongruities he had not perceived. Especially
where, as in this case, the subject-matter has many aspects,
and where the words supplied by our language are so inadequate
in number that, to avoid cumbrous circumlocution,
they have to be used in senses that vary according to the
context, it is extremely difficult to avoid imperfections of
statement. But while I acknowledge sundry such imperfections
and the resulting incongruities, I cannot see
that these are, as Mr. Sidgwick says, fundamental. Contrariwise,
their superficiality seems to me proved by
the fact that they may be rectified without otherwise
altering the expositions in which they occur. Here is an
instance.
Mr. Sidgwick points out that, when treating of the
“Data of Psychology,” I have said (in § 56) that, though
we reach inferentially “the belief that mind and nervous
action are the subjective and objective faces of the same
thing, we remain utterly incapable of seeing, and even of
imagining, how the two are related” (I quote the passage
more fully than he does). He then goes on to show that
in the “Special Synthesis,” where I have sketched the
evolution of Intelligence under its objective aspect, as
displayed in the processes by which beings of various
grades adjust themselves to surrounding actions, I “speak
as if” we could see how consciousness “naturally arises at
a particular stage” of nervous action. The chapter he
here refers to is one describing that “differentiation of the
psychical from the physical life” which accompanies
advancing organization, and more especially advancing
development of the nervous system. In it I have
shown {240}
that, while the changes constituting physical life continue
to be characterized by the simultaneity with which all
kinds of them go on throughout the organism, the changes
constituting psychical life, arising as the nervous system
develops, become gradually more distinguished by their
seriality. And I have said that as nervous integration
advances, “there must result an unbroken series of these
changes—there must arise a consciousness.” Now I admit
that here is an apparent inconsistency. I ought to have
said that “there must result an unbroken series of these
changes,” which, taking place in the nervous system of a
highly-organized creature, gives coherence to its conduct;
and along with which we assume a consciousness, because
consciousness goes along with coherent conduct in ourselves.
If Mr. Sidgwick will substitute this statement for
the statement as it stands, he will see that the arguments
and conclusions remain intact. A survey of the chapter as
a whole, proves that its aim is not in the least to explain
how nervous changes, considered as waves of molecular
motion, become the feelings constituting consciousness;
but that, contemplating the facts objectively in living
creatures at large, it points out the cardinal distinction
between vital actions in general, and those particular vital
actions which, in a creature displaying them, lead us to
speak of it as intelligent. It is shown that the rise of such
actions becomes marked in proportion as the changes
taking place in the part called the nervous system, are
made more and more distinctly serial, by union in a
supreme centre of co-ordination. The introduction of the
word consciousness, arises in the effort to show what
fundamental character there is in these particular physiological
changes which is parallel to a fundamental character
in the psychological changes.
Another instance of the way in which Mr. Sidgwick
evolves an incongruity which he considers fundamental,
out of what I should have thought he would see is
a {241}
defective expression, I will give in his own words. Speaking
of a certain view of mine, he says:―
“He tells us that ‘logic . . . contemplates in its propositions certain
connexions predicated, which are necessarily involved with certain other
connexions given: regarding all these connexions as existing in the
non-ego—not,
it may be, under the form in which we know them, but in some form.’
But in § 473, where Mr. Spencer illustrates by a diagram his ‘Transfigured
Realism,’ the view seems to be this: although we cannot say that the real
non-ego resembles our notion of it in ‘its elements, relations, or laws,’ we
can say that ‘a change in the objective reality causes in the subjective state
a change exactly answering to it—so answering as to constitute a cognition of
it.’ Here the ‘something beyond consciousness’ is no longer said to be
unknown, as its effect in consciousness ‘constitutes a cognition of it.’”
This apparent inconsistency, marked by the italics,
would not have existed if, instead of “a cognition of it,”
I had said, as I ought to have said, “what we call a
cognition of it”—that is, a relative cognition as distinguished
from an absolute cognition. In ordinary
language we speak of as cognitions, those connexions in
thought which so guide us in our dealings with things,
that actual experience verifies ideal anticipation: marking
off, by opposed words, those connexions in thought which
mis-guide us. The difference between accepting a cognition
as relatively true and accepting it as absolutely true, will
be clearly shown by an illustration. There is no direct
resemblance whatever between the sizes, forms, colours,
and arrangements, of the figures in an account-book, and
the moneys or goods, debts or credits, represented by
them; and yet the forms and arrangements of the written
symbols, are such as answer in a perfectly-exact way to
stocks of various commodities and to various kinds of
transactions. Hence we say, figuratively, that the account-book
will “tell us” all about these stocks and transactions.
Similarly, the diagram Mr. Sidgwick refers to, suggests a
way in which symbols, registered in us by objects, may
have forms and arrangements wholly unlike their objective
causes and the nexus among those causes, while yet they
are so related as to guide us correctly in our
transactions {242}
with those objective causes, and, in that sense, constitute
cognitions of them; though they no more constitute cognitions
in the absolute sense, than do the guiding symbols in
the account-book constitute cognitions of the things to
which they refer. So repeatedly is this view implied
throughout the Principles of Psychology, that I am surprised
to find a laxity of expression raising the suspicion that I
entertain any other.
To follow Mr. Sidgwick through sundry criticisms of like
kind, which may be similarly met, would take more space
than I can here afford. I must restrict myself now to the
alleged “fundamental incoherence” of which he thinks
these inconsistencies are signs. I refer to that reconciliation
of Realism and Idealism considered by him as an impossible
compromise. A difficulty is habitually felt in accepting a
coalition after long conflict. Whoever has espoused one
of two antagonist views, and, in defending it, has gained
a certain comprehension of the opposite view, becomes
accustomed to regard these as the only alternatives, and is
puzzled by an hypothesis which is at once both and neither.
Yet, since it turns out in nearly all cases that, of conflicting
doctrines, each contains an element of truth, and that
controversy ends by combination of their respective half-truths,
there is a priori probability on the side of an
hypothesis which qualifies Realism by Idealism.
Mr. Sidgwick expresses his astonishment, or rather
bespeaks that of his readers, because, while I accept
Idealistic criticisms, I nevertheless defend the fundamental
intuition of Common Sense; and, as he puts it, “fires his
[my] argument full in the face of Kant, Mill, and ‘metaphysicians’
generally.”
“He tells us that ‘metaphysicians’ illegitimately assume that ‘beliefs
reached through complex intellectual processes,’ are more valid than ‘beliefs
reached through simple intellectual processes;’ that the common language
they use refuses to express their hypotheses, and thus their reasoning
inevitably implies the common notions which they repudiate; that the
belief of Realism has the advantage of ‘priority,’ ‘simplicity,’
‘distinctness.’ {243}
But surely this prior, simple, distinctly affirmed belief is that of what
Mr. Spencer terms ‘crude Realism’, the belief that the non-ego is per se
extended, solid, even coloured (if not resonant and odorous). This is what
common language implies; and the argument by which Mr. Spencer proves
the relativity of feelings and relations, still more the subtle and complicated
analysis by which he resolves our notion of extension into an aggregate of
feelings and transitions of feeling, lead us away from our original simple
belief—that (e.g.) the green grass we see exists out of consciousness as
we see it—just as much as the reasonings of Idealism, Scepticism, or
Kantism.”
On the face of it the anomaly seems great; but I should
have thought that after reading the chapter on “Transfigured
Realism,” a critic of Mr. Sidgwick’s acuteness
would have seen the solution of it. He has overlooked an
essential distinction. All which my argument implies is
that the direct intuition of Realism must be held of
superior authority to the arguments of Anti-Realism, where
their deliverances cannot be reconciled. The one point on
which their deliverances cannot be reconciled, is the
existence of an objective reality. But while, against this
intuition of Realism, I hold the arguments of Anti-Realism
to be powerless, because they cannot be carried on without
postulating that which they end by denying; yet, having
admitted objective existence as a necessary postulate, it is
possible to make valid criticisms upon all those judgments
which Crude Realism joins with this primordial judgment:
it is possible to show that a transfigured interpretation of
properties and relations, is more tenable than the original
interpretation.
To elucidate the matter, let us take the most familiar
case in which the indirect judgments of Reason correct
the direct judgments of Common Sense. The direct
judgment of Common Sense is that the Sun moves round
the Earth. In course of time, Reason, finding some facts
at variance with this, begins to doubt; and, eventually,
hits upon an hypothesis which explains the anomalies, but
which denies this apparently-certain dictum of Common
Sense. What is the reconciliation? It consists in
showing {244}
to Common Sense that the new interpretation equally well
corresponds with direct intuition, while it avoids all the
difficulties. Common Sense is reminded that the apparent
motion of an object may be due either to its actual motion
or to the motion of the observer; and that there are
terrestrial experiences in which the observer thinks an
object he looks at is moving, when the motion is in himself.
Extending the conception thus given, Reason shows that
if the Earth revolves on its axis, there will result that
apparent motion of the Sun which Common Sense interpreted
into an actual motion of the Sun; and the common-sense
observer thereupon becomes able to think of sunrise
and sunset as due to his position as spectator on a vast
revolving globe. Now if the astronomer, setting out by
recognizing these celestial appearances, and proceeding to
evolve the various anomalies following from the common-sense
interpretation of them, had drawn the conclusion
that there externally exist no Sun and no motion at all, he
would have done what Idealists do; and his arguments
would have been equally powerless against the intuition of
Common Sense. But he does nothing of the kind. He
accepts the intuition of Common Sense respecting the
reality of the Sun and of the motion; but replaces the old
interpretation of the motion by a new interpretation reconcilable
with all the facts.
Everyone must see that here, acceptance of the inexpugnable
element in the common-sense judgment, by no
means involves acceptance of the accompanying judgments;
and I contend that the like discrimination must be
made in the case we are considering. It does not follow
that while, against the consciousness which Crude Realism
has of an objective reality, the arguments of Anti-Realism
are futile, they are therefore futile against the conceptions
which Crude Realism forms of the objective reality. If
Anti-Realism can show that, granting an objective reality,
the interpretation of Crude Realism contains
insuperable {245}
difficulties, the process is quite legitimate. And, its primordial
intuition remaining unshaken, Realism may, on
reconsideration, be enabled to frame a new conception
which harmonizes all the facts.
To show that there is not here the “mazy inconsistency”
alleged, let us take the case of sound as interpreted by
Crude Realism, and as re-interpreted by Transfigured
Realism. Crude Realism assumes the sound present in
consciousness to exist as such beyond consciousness.
Anti-Realism proves the inadmissibility of this assumption
in sundry ways (all of which, however, set out by talking
of sounding bodies beyond consciousness, just as Realism
talks of them); and then Anti-Realism concludes that we
know of no existence save the sound as a mode of consciousness:
which conclusion, and all kindred conclusions,
I contend are vicious—first, because all the words used
connote an objective activity; second, because the arguments
are impossible without postulating at the outset an
objective activity; and third, because no one of the
intuitions out of which the arguments are built, is of equal
validity with the single intuition of Realism that an objective
activity exists. But now the Transfigured Realism
which Mr. Sidgwick thinks “has all the serious incongruity
of an intense metaphysical dream,” neither affirms
the untenable conception of Crude Realism, nor, like Anti-Realism,
draws unthinkable conclusions by suicidal arguments;
but, accepting that which is essential in Crude
Realism, and admitting the difficulties which Anti-Realism
insists upon, reconciles matters by a re-interpretation
analogous to that which an astronomer makes of the solar
motion. Continuing all along to recognize an objective
activity which Crude Realism calls sound, it shows that
the answering sensation is produced by a succession of
separate impacts which, if made slowly, may be separately
identified, and which will, if progressively increased in
rapidity, produce tones higher and higher in pitch.
It {246}
shows by other experiments that sounding bodies are in
states of vibration, and that the vibrations may be made
visible. And it concludes that the objective activity is not
what it subjectively seems, but is proximately interpretable
as a succession of aërial waves. Thus Crude Realism is
shown that while there unquestionably exists an objective
activity corresponding to the sensation known as sound,
yet the facts are not explicable on the original supposition
that this is like the sensation; while they are explicable
by conceiving it as a rhythmical mechanical action.
Eventually this re-interpretation, joined with kindred reinterpretations
of other sensations, comes to be itself
further transfigured by analysis of its terms, and re-expression
of them in terms of molecular motion; but,
however abstract the interpretation ultimately reached, the
objective activity continues to be postulated: the primordial
judgment of Crude Realism remains unchanged,
though it has to change the rest of its judgments.
In another part of his argument, however, Mr. Sidgwick
implies that I have no right to use those conceptions of
objective existence by which this compromise is effected.
Quoting sundry passages to show that while I hold the
criticisms of the Idealist to be impossible without “tacitly
or avowedly postulating an unknown something beyond
consciousness,” I yet admit that “our states of consciousness
are the only things we can know;” he goes on to
argue that I am radically inconsistent, because, in interpreting
the phenomena of consciousness, I continually
postulate, not an unknown something, but a something of
which I speak in ordinary terms, as though its ascribed
physical characters really exist as such, instead of being,
as I admit they are, synthetic states of my consciousness.
His objection, if I understand it, is that for the purposes
of Objective Psychology I apparently profess to know
Matter and Motion in the ordinary realistic way; while, as
a result of subjective analysis, I reach the conclusion
that {247}
it is impossible to have that knowledge of objective
existence which Realism supposes we have. Doubtless
there seems here to be what he calls “a fundamental
incoherence.” But I think it exists, not between my two expositions,
but between the two consciousnesses of subjective
and objective existence, which we cannot suppress and yet
cannot put into definite forms. The alleged incoherence
I take to be but another name for the inscrutability of the
relation between subjective feeling and its objective correlate
which is not feeling—an inscrutability which meets
us at the bottom of all our analyses. An exposition of
this inscrutability I have elsewhere summed up thus:―
“See, then, our predicament. We can think of Matter only in terms
of Mind. We can think of Mind only in terms of Matter. When we have
pushed our explorations of the first to the uttermost limit, we are
referred to the second for a final answer; and when we have got the
final answer of the second, we are referred back to the first for an
interpretation of it. We find the value of x in terms of y; then
we find the value of y in terms of x; and so on we may continue
for ever without coming nearer to a solution.”—Prin. of Psy. § 272.
Carrying a little further this simile, will, I think, show
where lies the insuperable difficulty felt by Mr. Sidgwick.
Taking x and y as the subjective and objective activities,
unknown in their natures and known only as phenomenally
manifested; and recognizing the fact that every state of
consciousness implies, immediately or remotely, the action
of object on subject or subject on object, or both; we may
say that every state of consciousness will be symbolized by
some modification of xy—the phenomenally-known product
of the two unknown factors. In other words, xy′, x′y, x′y′,
x″y′, x′y″, &c., &c., will represent all perceptions and
thoughts. Suppose, now, that these are thoughts about
the object; composing some hypothesis respecting its
characters as analyzed by physicists. Clearly, all such
thoughts, be they about shapes, resistances, momenta,
molecules, molecular motions, or what not, will contain
forms of the subjective activity x. Now let the
thoughts {248}
be concerning mental processes. It must similarly happen
that some mode of the unknown objective activity y, will be
in every case a component. Now suppose that the problem
is the genesis of mental phenomena; and that, in the course
of the inquiry, bodily organization and the functions of the
nervous system are brought into the explanation. It will
happen, as before, that these, considered as objective, have
to be described and thought about in modes of xy. And
when by the actions of such a nervous system, conceived
objectively in modes of xy, and acted upon by physical
forces which are conceived in other modes of xy, we
endeavour to explain the genesis of sensations, perceptions,
and ideas, which we can think of only in other modes of xy,
we find that all our factors, and therefore all our interpretations,
contain the two unknown terms, and that no
interpretation is imaginable that will not contain the two
unknown terms.
What is the defence for this apparently-circular process?
Simply that it is a process of establishing congruity among
our symbols. It is finding a mode of so symbolizing
the unknown activities, subjective and objective, and so
operating with our symbols, that all our acts may be
rightly guided—guided, that is, in such ways that we can
anticipate, when, where, and in what quantity some one of
our symbols, or some combination of our symbols, will be
found. Mr. Sidgwick’s difficulty arises, I think, from
having insufficiently borne in mind the statements made at
the outset, in “The Data of Philosophy,” that such conceptions
as “are vital, or cannot be separated from the rest
without mental dissolution, must be assumed as true
provisionally;” that “there is no mode of establishing the
validity of any belief except that of showing its entire
congruity with all other beliefs;” and that “Philosophy,
compelled to make those fundamental assumptions without
which thought is impossible, has to justify them by showing
their congruity with all other dicta of consciousness.”
In {249}
pursuance of this distinctly-avowed mode of procedure, I
assume provisionally, an objective activity and a subjective
activity, and certain general forms and modes (Space,
Time, Matter, Motion, Force), which the subjective activity,
operated on by the objective activity, ascribes to it, and
which I suppose to correspond in some way to unknown
forms and modes of the objective activity. These provisional
assumptions, having been carried out to all their
consequences, and these consequences proved to be congruous
with one another and with the original assumptions,
these original assumptions are justified. And if, finally, I
assert, as I have repeatedly asserted, that the terms in
which I express my assumptions and carry on my operations
are but symbolic, and that all I have done is to show that
by certain ways of symbolizing, perfect harmony results—invariable
agreement between the symbols in which I frame
my expectations, and the symbols which occur in experience—I
cannot be blamed for incoherence. On the contrary, it
seems to me that my method is the most coherent that can
be devised. Lastly, should it be said that this regarding
of everything constituting experience and thought as
symbolic, has a very shadowy aspect; I reply that these
which I speak of as symbols, are real relatively to our
consciousness; and are symbolic only in their relation to
the Ultimate Reality.
That these explanations will make clear the coherence of
views which before seemed “fundamentally incoherent,” I
feel by no means certain; since, as I did not perceive the
difficulties presented by the exposition as at first made, I
may similarly fail to perceive the difficulties in this explanation.
Originally, I had intended to complete the Principles
of Psychology by a division showing how the results reached
in the preceding divisions, physiological and psychological,
analytic and synthetic, subjective and objective, harmonize
with one another, and are but different aspects of the same
aggregate of phenomena. But the work was
already {250}
bulky; and I concluded that this division might be dispensed
with, because the congruities to be pointed out were
sufficiently obvious. So little was I conscious of the alleged
“inability to harmonize different lines of thought.”
Mr. Sidgwick’s perplexities, however, show me that such
an exposition of concords is needful.
I have reserved to the last, one of the first objections
made to the metaphysico-theological doctrine set forth in
First Principles, and implied in the several volumes that
have succeeded it. It was urged by an able metaphysician,
the Rev. James Martineau, in an essay entitled “Science,
Nescience, and Faith;” and, effective against my argument
as it stands, shows the need for some development of my
argument. That Mr. Martineau’s criticism may be understood,
I must quote the passages it concerns. Continuing
the reasoning employed against Hamilton and Mansel,
to show that our consciousness of that which transcends
knowledge is positive, and not, as they allege, negative,
I have said:―
“Still more manifest will this truth become when it is observed that
our conception of the Relative itself disappears, if our conception of the
Absolute is a pure negation. It is admitted, or rather it is contended,
by the writers I have quoted above, that contradictories can be known
only in relation to each other—that Equality, for instance, is unthinkable
apart from its correlative Inequality; and that thus the Relative can itself
be conceived only by opposition to the Non-relative. It is also admitted,
or rather contended, that the consciousness of a relation implies a
consciousness of both the related members. If we are required to conceive
the relation between the Relative and Non-relative without being conscious
of both, ‘we are in fact’ (to quote the words of Mr. Mansel
differently applied) ‘required to compare that of which we are conscious
with that of which we are not conscious; the comparison itself being an
act of consciousness, and only possible through the consciousness of
both its objects.’ What, then, becomes of the assertion that, ‘the
Absolute is conceived merely by a negation of conceivability,’ or as ‘the
mere absence of the conditions under which consciousness is possible?’
If the Non-relative or Absolute, is present in thought only as a mere
negation, then the relation between it and the Relative becomes unthinkable,
because one of the terms of the relation is absent from
consciousness. {251}
And if this relation is unthinkable, then is the Relative itself unthinkable,
for want of its antithesis: whence results the disappearance of all thought
whatever.”—First Principles, § 26.
On this argument Mr. Martineau comments as follows;
first re-stating it in other words:―
“Take away its antithetic term, and the relative, thrown into
isolation, is set up as absolute, and disappears from thought. It
is indispensable therefore to uphold the Absolute in existence,
as condition of the relative sphere which constitutes our whole
intellectual domain. Be it so: but when saved on this plea,—to
preserve the balance and interdependence of two co-relatives,—the
‘Absolute’ is absolute no more; it is reduced to a term of relation:
it loses therefore its exile from thought: its disqualification is
cancelled: and the alleged nescience is discharged.
“So, the same law of thought which warrants the existence, dissolves
the inscrutableness, of the Absolute.”—Essays, Philosophical andTheological pp. 186–7.
I admit this to be a telling rejoinder; and one which can be met only
when the meanings of the words, as I have used them, are carefully
discriminated, and the implications of the doctrine fully traced out.
We will begin by clearing the ground of minor misconceptions.
First, let it be observed that though I have used the
word Absolute as the equivalent of Non-relative, because
it is used in the passages quoted from the writers I am
contending against; yet I have myself chosen for the
purposes of my argument, the name Non-relative, and I
do not necessarily commit myself to any propositions respecting
the Absolute, considered as that which includes
both Subject and Object. The Non-relative as spoken of
by me, is to be understood rather as the totality of Being
minus that which constitutes the individual consciousness,
present to us under forms of Relation. Did I use
the word in some Hegelian sense, as comprehensive of
that which thinks and that which is thought about, and
did I propose to treat of the order of things, not as
phenomenally manifested but as noumenally proceeding,
the objection would be fatal. But the aim being simply
to formulate the order of things as present under relative
forms, the antithetical Non-relative here named
as {252}
implied by the conception of the Relative, is that which,
in any act of thought, is outside of and beyond it, rather
than that which is inclusive of it. Further, it should be
observed that this Non-relative, spoken of as a necessary
complement to the Relative, is not spoken of as a conception
but as a consciousness; and I have in sundry
passages distinguished between those modes of consciousness
which, having limits, and constituting thought
proper, are subject to the laws of thought, and the mode
of consciousness which persists when the removal of
limits is carried to the uttermost, and when distinct
thought consequently ceases.
This opens the way to the reply here to be made to
Mr. Martineau’s criticism—namely, that while by the
necessities of thought the Relative implies a Non-relative;
and while, to think of this antithesis completely,
requires that the Non-relative shall be made a conception
proper; yet, for the vague thought which is alone in this
case possible, it suffices that the Non-relative shall be
present as a consciousness which though undefined is
positive. Let us observe what necessarily happens when
thought is employed on this ultimate question.
In a preceding part of the argument criticized, I have,
in various ways, aimed to show that, alike when we
analyze the product of thought and when we analyze
the process of thought, we are brought to the conclusion
that invariably “a thought involves relation,
difference, likeness;” and that even from the very nature
of Life itself, we may evolve the conclusion that “thinking
being relationing, no thought can ever express more
than relations.” What, now, must happen if thought,
having this law, occupies itself with the final mystery?
Always implying terms in relation, thought implies that
both terms shall be more or less defined; and as fast as
one of them becomes indefinite, the relation also becomes
indefinite, and thought becomes indistinct. Take
the {253}
case of magnitudes. I think of an inch; I think of a
foot; and having tolerably-definite ideas of the two, I
have a tolerably-definite idea of the relation between
them. I substitute for the foot a mile; and being able
to represent a mile much less definitely, I cannot so
definitely think of the relation between an inch and a
mile—cannot distinguish it in thought from the relation
between an inch and two miles, as clearly as I can
distinguish in thought the relation between an inch and
one foot from the relation between an inch and two feet.
And now if I endeavour to think of the relation between
an inch and the 240,000 miles from here to the Moon,
or the relation between an inch and the 93,000,000 miles
from here to the Sun, I find that while these distances,
practically inconceivable, have become little more than
numbers to which I frame no answering ideas, so, too,
has the relation between an inch and either of them
become practically inconceivable. Evidently then this
partial failure in the process of forming thought-relations,
which happens even with finite magnitudes when one of
them is immense, passes into complete failure when one
of them cannot be brought within any limits. The relation
itself becomes unrepresentable at the same time that one
of its terms becomes unrepresentable. Nevertheless, in
this case it is to be observed that the almost-blank form
of relation preserves a certain qualitative character. It
is still distinguishable as belonging to the consciousness
of extensions, not to the consciousnesses of forces or durations;
and in so far remains a vaguely-identifiable relation.
But now suppose we ask what happens when one term
of the relation has not simply magnitude having no
known limits, and duration of which neither beginning
nor end is cognizable, but is also an existence not to be
defined? In other words, what must happen if one term
of the relation is not only quantitatively but also
qualitatively unrepresentable? Clearly in this case
the {254}
relation does not simply cease to be thinkable except as
a relation of a certain class, but it lapses completely. When
one of the terms becomes wholly unknowable, the law of
thought can no longer be conformed to; both because
one term cannot be present, and because relation itself
cannot be framed. That is to say, the law of thought that
contradictories can be known only in relation to each other,
no longer holds when thought attempts to transcend the
Relative; and yet, when it attempts to transcend the Relative,
it must make the attempt in conformity with its law—must
in some dim mode of consciousness posit a Non-relative,
and, in some similarly dim mode of consciousness,
a relation between it and the Relative. In brief then,
to Mr. Martineau’s objection I reply, that the insoluble
difficulties he indicates arise here, as elsewhere, when
thought is applied to that which transcends the sphere
of thought; and that just as when we try to pass beyond
phenomenal manifestations to the Ultimate Reality manifested,
we have to symbolize it out of such materials
as the phenomenal manifestations give us; so we have
simultaneously to symbolize the connexion between this
Ultimate Reality and its manifestations, as somehow
allied to the connexions among the phenomenal manifestations
themselves. The truth Mr. Martineau’s criticism
adumbrates, is that the law of thought fails where the
elements of thought fail; and this is a conclusion quite
conformable to the general view I defend. Still holding
the validity of my argument against Hamilton and Mansel,
that in pursuance of their own principle the Relative is
not at all thinkable as such, unless in contradistinction
to some existence posited, however vaguely, as the other
term of a relation, conceived however indefinitely; it is
consistent on my part to hold that in this effort which
thought inevitably makes to pass beyond its sphere, not
only does the product of thought become a dim symbol
of a product, but the process of thought becomes a
dim {255}
symbol of a process; and hence any predicament inferable
from the law of thought cannot be asserted.
I may fitly close this reply by a counter-criticism. To
the direct defence of a proposition, may be added the
indirect defence which results from showing the untenability
of an alternative proposition. This criticism on the
doctrine of an Unknowable Existence manifested to us in
phenomena, Mr. Martineau makes in the interests of the
doctrine held by him, that this existence is, to a considerable
degree, knowable. We are quite at one in holding
that there is an indestructible consciousness of Power
behind Appearance; but whereas I contend that this
Power cannot be brought within the forms of thought,
Mr. Martineau contends that there can be consistently
ascribed certain attributes of personality—not, indeed,
human characteristics so concrete as were ascribed in
past times; but still, human characteristics of the more
abstract and higher class. His general doctrine is this:—Regarding
Matter as independently existing; regarding
as also independently existing, those primary qualities of
Body “which are inseparable from the very idea of Body,
and may be evolved a priori from the consideration of it
as solid extension or extended solidity;” and saying that
to this class “belong Triple Dimension, Divisibility,
Incompressibility;” he goes on to assert that as these―
“cannot
absent themselves from Body, they have a reality coeval with it,
and belong eternally to the material datum objective to God: and his mode
of activity with regard to them must be similar to that which alone we can
think of his directing upon the relations of Space, viz. not Volitional, to
cause them, but Intellectual, to think them out. The Secondary Qualities, on
the other hand, having no logical tie to the Primary, but being appended to
them as contingent facts, cannot be referred to any deductive thought, but
remain over as products of pure Inventive Reason and Determining Will.
This sphere of cognition, a posteriori to us,—where we cannot move a step
alone but have submissively to wait upon experience, is precisely the realm
of Divine originality: and we are most sequacious where He is most free.
While on this Secondary field His Mind and ours are thus contrasted, they
meet in resemblance again upon the Primary: for the evolutions of deductive
Reason there is but one track possible to all intelligences; no {256}merum arbitrium can interchange the false and true, or make more than one
geometry, one scheme of pure Physics, for all worlds: and the Omnipotent
Architect Himself, in realizing the Kosmical conception, in shaping the
orbits out of immensity and determining seasons out of eternity, could but
follow the laws of curvature, measure, and proportion.”—Essays, Philosophical
and Theological, pp. 163–4.
Before the major criticism which I propose to make on
this hypothesis, let me make a minor one. Not only of
space-relations, but also of primary physical properties,
Mr. Martineau asserts the necessity: not a necessity to
our minds simply, but an ontological necessity. What
is true for human thought, is, in respect of these, true
absolutely: “the laws of curvature, measure, and proportion,”
as we know them, are unchangeable even by
Divine power; as are also the Divisibility and Incompressibility
of Matter. But if, in these cases, Mr. Martineau
holds that a necessity in thought implies an
answering necessity in things, why does he refrain from
saying the like in other cases? Why, if he tacitly asserts
it in respect of space-relations and the statical attributes
of Body, does he not also assert it in respect of the
dynamical attributes of Body? The laws conformed to
by that mode of force now distinguished as “energy,”
are as much necessary to our thought as are the laws of
space-relations. The axioms of Mechanics lie on the
same plane with the axioms of pure Mathematics. Now
if Mr. Martineau admits this—if he admits, as he must,
the corollary that there can be no such manifestation of
energy as that displayed in the motion of a planet, save
at the expense of equivalent energy which pre-existed—if
he draws the further necessary corollary that the direction
of a motion cannot be changed by any action, without
an equal reaction in an opposite direction on something
acting—if he bears in mind that this holds not
only of all visible motions, celestial and terrestrial, but
that those activities of Body which affect us as secondary
properties, are also known only through other forms
of {257}
energy, which are equivalents of mechanical energy and
conform to these same laws—and if, lastly, he infers that
none of these derivative energies can have given to them
their characters and directions, save by pre-existing
forces, statical and dynamical, conditioned in special
ways; what becomes of that “realm of Divine originality”
which Mr. Martineau describes as remaining within the
realm of necessity? Consistently carried out, his argument
implies a universally-inevitable order, in which volition can
have no such place as that he alleges.
Not pushing Mr. Martineau’s reasoning to this conclusion,
so entirely at variance with the one he draws, but accepting
his statement just as it stands, let us consider the solution
it offers us. We are left by it without any explanation of
Space and Time; we are not helped in conceiving the
origin of Matter; and there is afforded us no idea how
Matter came to have its primary attributes. All these are
tacitly assumed to exist uncreated. Creative activity is
represented as under the restrictions imposed by mathematical
necessities, and as having for datum (mark the word)
a substance which, in respect of certain characters, defies
modification. But surely this is not an interpretation of
the mystery of things. The mystery is simply relegated to
a remoter region, respecting which no inquiry is to be
made. But the inquiry must be made. After every such
solution there arises afresh the question—what is the origin
and nature of that which imposes these limits on creative
power? what is the primary God which dominates over
this secondary God? For, clearly, if the “Omnipotent
Architect himself” (to use Mr. Martineau’s somewhat inconsistent
name) is powerless to change the “material datum
objective” to him, and powerless to change the conditions
under which it exists, and under which he works, there is
obviously implied a power to which he is subject. So that
in Mr. Martineau’s doctrine also, there is an
Ultimate {258}
Unknowable; and it differs from the doctrine he opposes,
only by intercalating a partially Knowable between this and
the wholly Knowable.
Finding, as explained above, that this interpretation is
not consistent with itself; and finding, as just shown,
that it leaves the essential mystery unsolved; I do not
see that it has an advantage over the doctrine of the
Unknowable in its unqualified shape. There cannot, I
think, be more than temporary rest in a proximate solution
which takes for its basis the ultimately insoluble.
Just as thought cannot be prevented from passing beyond
Appearance, and trying to conceive the Cause behind;
so, following out the interpretation Mr. Martineau offers,
thought cannot be prevented from asking what Cause it
is which restricts the Cause he assigns. And if we must
admit that the question under this eventual form cannot
be answered, may we not as well confess that the question
under its immediate form cannot be answered? Is it
not better candidly to acknowledge the incompetence of
our intelligence, rather than to persist in calling that an
explanation which does but disguise the inexplicable?
Whatever answer each may give to this question, he
cannot rightly blame those who, finding in themselves an
indestructible consciousness of an ultimate Cause, whence
proceed alike what we call the Material Universe and what
we call Mind, refrain from affirming anything respecting
it; because they find it as inscrutable in nature as it is
inconceivable in extent and duration.
—With
the concluding paragraph of the foregoing
article, I had hoped to end, for a long time, all
controversial writing; and, if the article had been published
entire in the November number of the Fortnightly, as
originally intended, the need for any addition would not
have been pressing. But while it was in the
printer’s {259}
hands, two criticisms, more elaborate than those dealt with
above, made their appearance; and now that the postponed
publication of this latter half of the article affords the
opportunity, I cannot, without risking misinterpretations,
leave these criticisms unnoticed.
Especially do I feel called upon by courtesy to make
some response to one who, in the Quarterly Review for
October, 1873, has dealt with me in a spirit which, though
largely antagonistic, is not wholly unsympathetic; and
who manifestly aims to estimate justly the views he
opposes. In the space at my disposal, I cannot of course
follow him through all the objections he has urged.
I must content myself with brief comments on the two
propositions he undertakes to establish. His enunciation
of these runs thus:―
“We would especially direct attention to two points, to both of which we
are confident objections may be made; and although Mr. Spencer has himself
doubtless considered such objections (and they may well have struck many
of his readers also), we nevertheless do not observe that he has anywhere
noticed or provided for them.
“The two points we so select are:―
“(1) That his system involves the denial of all truth.
“(2) That it is radically and necessarily opposed to all sound principles of
morals.”
On this passage, ending in these two startling assertions,
let me first remark that I am wholly without this consciousness
the reviewer ascribes to me. Remembering that I
have expended some little labour in developing what I
conceive to be a system of truths, I am surprised by the
supposition that “the denial of all truth” is an implication
which I am “doubtless” aware may be alleged against
this system. Remembering, too, that by its programme
this system is shown to close with two volumes on The
Principles of Morality, the statement that it is “necessarily
opposed to all sound principles of morals,” naturally
astonishes me; and still more the statement that I am
doubtless conscious it may be so regarded. Saying thus
much by way of repudiating that latent
scepticism {260}
attributed to me by the reviewer, I proceed to consider
what he says in proof of these propositions.
On those seeming incongruities of Transfigured Realism
commented on by him, I need say no more than I have
already said in reply to Mr. Sidgwick; by whom also they
have been alleged. I will limit myself to the corollary
he draws from the doctrine of the Relativity of Knowledge,
as held by me. Rightly pointing out that I hold this in
common with “Messrs. Mill, Lewes, Bain, and Huxley;”
but not adding, as he should have done, that I hold it in
common with Hamilton, Mansel, and the long list of
predecessors through whom Hamilton traced it; the
reviewer proceeds to infer from this doctrine of relativity
that no absolute truth of any kind can be asserted—not
even the absolute truth of the doctrine of relativity itself.
And then he leaves it to be supposed by his readers, that
this inference tells especially against the system he is
criticizing. If, however, the reviewer’s inference is valid,
this “denial of all truth” must be charged against the
doctrines of thinkers called orthodox, as well as against
the doctrines of those many philosophers, from Aristotle
down to Kant, who have said the same thing. But now I
go further, and reply that against that form of the doctrine
of relativity held by me, this allegation cannot be made
with the same effect as it can against preceding forms of
the doctrine. For I diverge from other relativists in
asserting that the existence of a non-relative is not only a
positive deliverance of consciousness, but a deliverance
transcending in certainty all others whatever; and is one
without which the doctrine of relativity cannot be framed
in thought. I have urged that “unless a real Non-relative
or Absolute be postulated, the Relative itself becomes
absolute; and so brings the argument to a contradiction;”28
and elsewhere I have described this consciousness of a
Non-relative manifested to us through the Relative as {261}
“deeper than demonstration—deeper even than definite
cognition—deep as the very nature of mind;”29
which seems
to me to be saying as emphatically as possible that, while
all other truths may be held as relative, this truth must be
held as absolute. Yet, strangely enough, though contending
thus against the pure relativists, and holding with the
reviewer, that “every asserter of such a [purely-relative]
philosophy must be in the position of a man who saws
across the branch of a tree on which he actually sits, at a
point between himself and the trunk,”30
I am singled out
by him as though this were my own predicament! So far,
then, from admitting that the view I hold “involves the
denial of all truth,” I assert that, having at the outset
posited the co-existence of subject and object as a deliverance
of consciousness which precedes all reasoning;31
having
subsequently shown, analytically, that this postulate is in
every way verified,32
and that in its absence the proof of
relativity is impossible; my view is distinguished by an
exactly-opposite trait.
The justification of his second proposition the reviewer
commences by saying that—“In the first place the process
of Evolution, as understood by Mr. Spencer, compels him
to be at one with Mr. Darwin in his denial of the existence
of any fundamental and essential distinction between Duty
and Pleasure.” Following this by a statement respecting
the genesis of moral sentiments as understood by me
(which is extremely unlike the one I have given in the
Principles of Psychology, § 215, §§ 503–512, and §§ 524–532),
the reviewer goes on to say that “We yield with
much reluctance to the necessity of affirming that Mr.
Spencer gives no evidence of ever having acquired a
knowledge of the meaning of the term ‘morality,’ according
to the true sense of the word.”
Just noting that, as shown by the context, the assertion {262}
thus made is made against all those who hold the Doctrine
of Evolution in its unqualified form, I reply that in so far
as it concerns me, it is one the reviewer would scarcely have
made had he more carefully examined the evidence: not
limiting himself to those works of mine named at the head
of his article. And I cannot but think that had the spirit
of fairness which he evidently strives to maintain, been
fully awake when these passages were written, he would
have seen that, before making so serious an allegation,
wider inquiry was needful. If he had simply said that,
given the doctrine of mental evolution as held by me, he
failed to see how moral principles are to be established, I
should not have objected; provided he had also said that
I believe they can be established, and had pointed out
what I hold to be their bases. As it is, however, he has so
presented his own inference from my premises, as to make
it seem an inference which I also must draw from my
premises. Quite a different and much more secure foundation
for moral principles is alleged by me, than that
afforded by moral sentiments and conceptions; which he
refers to as though they formed the sole basis of the ethical
conclusions I hold. While the reviewer contends that
“Mr. Spencer’s moral system is even yet more profoundly
defective, as it denies any objective distinction between
right and wrong in any being, whether men are or are not
responsible for their actions;” I contend, contrariwise,
that it is distinguished from other moral systems by
asserting the objectivity of the distinction, and by endeavouring
to show that the subjective distinction is derived
from the objective distinction. In my first work, Social
Statics, published twenty-three years ago, the essential
thesis is that, apart from their warrant as alleged Divine
injunctions, and apart from their authority as moral intuitions,
the principles of justice are primarily deducible from
the laws of life as carried on under social conditions. I
argued throughout that these principles so derived
have {263}
a supreme authority, to which considerations of immediate
expediency must yield; and I was for this reason classed
by Mr. Mill as an anti-utilitarian. More recently, in a
letter drawn from me by this misapprehension of Mr. Mill,
and afterwards published by Professor Bain in his Mental
and Moral Science, I have re-stated this position. Already,
in an explanatory article entitled Morals and Moral Sentiments,
published in the Fortnightly Review for April, 1871,
I have quoted passages from that letter; and here, considering
the gravity of the assertions made by the Quarterly
reviewer, I hope to be excused for re-quoting them:―
“Morality, properly so called—the science of right conduct—has for its
object to determine how and why certain modes of conduct are detrimental,
and certain other modes beneficial. These good and bad results cannot be
accidental, but must be necessary consequences of the constitution of things;
and I conceive it to be the business of Moral Science to deduce from the
laws of life and the conditions of existence, what kinds of action necessarily
tend to produce happiness, and what kinds to produce unhappiness.
Having done this, its deductions are to be recognized as laws of conduct;
and are to be conformed to irrespective of a direct estimation of happiness
or misery.”
“If it is true that pure rectitude prescribes a system of things far too good
for men as they are, it is not less true that mere expediency does not of
itself tend to establish a system of things any better than that which exists.
While absolute morality owes to expediency the checks which prevent it
from rushing into Utopian absurdities, expediency is indebted to absolute
morality for all stimulus to improvement. Granted that we are chiefly
interested in ascertaining what is relatively right, it still follows that we
must first consider what is absolutely right; since the one conception
presupposes the other.”
And the comment I then made on these passages I may
make now, that “I do not see how there could well be a
more emphatic assertion that there exists a primary basis
of morals independent of, and in a sense antecedent to,
that which is furnished by experiences of utility; and
consequently independent of, and in a sense antecedent to,
those moral sentiments which I conceive to be generated
by such experiences.” I will only add that, had my
beliefs been directly opposite to those I have
enunciated, {264}
the reviewer might, I think, have found good reasons for
his assertion. If, instead of demurring to the doctrine
“that greatest happiness should be the immediate aim of
man,”33
I had endorsed that doctrine—if, instead of
explaining and justifying “a belief in the special sacredness
of these highest principles, and a sense of the supreme
authority of the altruistic sentiments answering to them,”34
I had denied the sacredness and the supreme authority—if,
instead of saying of the wise man that “the highest
truth he sees he will fearlessly utter; knowing that, let
what may come of it, he is thus playing his right part in
the world,”35
I had said that the wise man will not do this;
the reviewer might with truth have described me as not
understanding “the term ‘morality’ according to the true
sense of the word.” And he might then have inferred
that the Doctrine of Evolution as I hold it, implies denial
of the “distinction between Duty and Pleasure.” But as
it is, I think the evidence will not generally be held to
warrant his assertion.
I quite agree with the reviewer that the prevalence of a
philosophy “is no mere question of speculative interest,
but is one of the highest practical importance.” I join
him, too, in the belief that “calamitous social and political
changes” may be the outcome of a mistaken philosophy.
Moreover, writing as he does under the conviction that
there can be no standard of right and wrong save one
derived from a Revelation interpreted by an Infallible
Authority, I can conceive the alarm with which he regards
so radically opposed a system. Though I could have wished
that the sense of justice he generally displays had prevented
him from ignoring the evidence I have above given,
I can understand how, from his point of view, the Doctrine
of Evolution, as I understand it, “seems
absolutely fatal {265}
to every germ of morality,” and “entirely negatives every
form of religion.” But I am unable to understand that
modified Doctrine of Evolution which the reviewer hints at
as an alternative. For, little as the reader would anticipate
it after these expressions of profound dissent, the reviewer
displays such an amount of agreement as to suggest that
the system he is criticizing might be converted, “rapidly
and without violence, into an ‘allotropic state,’ in which its
conspicuous characters would be startlingly diverse from
those that it exhibits at present.” May I, using a different
figure, suggest a different transformation, having a subjective
instead of an objective character? As in a stereoscope,
the two views representing diverse aspects, often
yield at first a jumble of conflicting impressions, but, after
a time, suddenly combine into a single whole which stands
out quite clearly; so, may it not be that the
seemingly-inconsistent
Idealism and Realism dwelt on by the reviewer,
as well as the other seemingly-fundamental incongruities
he is struck by, will, under more persistent contemplation,
unite as complementary sides of the same thing?
My excuse for
devoting some space to a criticism of so
entirely different a kind as that contained in the British
Quarterly Review for October, 1873, must be that, under
the circumstances, I cannot let it pass unnoticed without
seeming to admit its validity.
Saying that my books should be dealt with by specialists,
and tacitly announcing himself as an expert in Physics, the
reviewer takes me to task both for errors in the statement
of physical principles and for erroneous reasoning in physics.
That he discovers no mistakes I do not say. It would be
marvellous if in such a multitude of propositions, averaging
a dozen per page, I had made all criticism-proof. Some
are inadvertencies which I should have been obliged to the
reviewer for pointing out as such, but which he prefers
to {266}
instance as proving my ignorance. In other cases, taking
advantage of an imperfection of statement, he proceeds to
instruct me about matters which either the context, or
passages in the same volume, show to be quite familiar to
me. Here is a sample of his criticisms belonging to this
class:―
“Nor should we counsel a man to venture upon physical speculations who
converts the proposition ‘heat is insensible motion’ into ‘insensible motion is
heat,’ and hence concludes that when a force is applied to a mass so large
that no motion is seen to result from it, or when, as in the case of sound,
motion gets so dispersed that it becomes insensible, it turns to heat.”
Respecting the first of the two statements contained in
this sentence, I will observe that the reader, if not misled
by the quotation-marks into the supposition that I have
made, in so many words, the assertion that “insensible
motion is heat,” will at any rate infer that this assertion
is distinctly involved in the passage named. And he will
infer that the reviewer would never have charged me with
such an absurd belief, if there was before him evidence
proving that I have no such belief. What will the reader
say, then, when he learns, not simply that there is no such
statement, and not simply that on the page referred to, which
I have ascertained to be the one intended, there is no such
implication visible, even to an expert (and I have put the
question to one); but when he further learns that in other
passages, the fact that heat is one only of the modes of
insensible motion is distinctly stated (see First Prin. §§ 66,
68, 171); and when he learns that elsewhere I have specified
the several forms of insensible motion? If the reviewer,
who looks so diligently for flaws as to search an essay in a
volume he is not reviewing to find one term of an incongruity,
had sought with equal diligence to learn what I
thought about insensible motion, he would have found in
the Classification of the Sciences, Table II., that insensible
motion is described by me as having the forms of Heat,
Light, Electricity, Magnetism. Even had there been
in {267}
the place he names, an unquestionable implication of the
belief which he ascribes to me, fairness might have led
him to regard it as an oversight when he found it at
variance with statements I have elsewhere made. What
then is to be thought of him when, in the place named, no
such belief is manifest; either to an ordinary reader or to
a specially-instructed reader?
No less significant is the state of mind betrayed in the
second clause of the reviewer’s sentence. By representing
me as saying that when the motion constituting sound
“gets so dispersed that it becomes insensible, it turns to
heat,” does he intend to represent me as thinking that
when sound-undulations become too weak to be audible,
they become heat-undulations? If so, I reply that the
passage he refers to has no such meaning. Does he then
allege that some part of the force diffused in sound-waves
is expended in generating electricity, by the friction of
heterogeneous substances (which, however, eventually lapses
from this special form of molecular motion in that general
form constituting heat); and that I ought to have thus
qualified my statement? If so, he would have had me
commit a piece of scientific pedantry hindering the argument.
If he does not mean either of these things, what
does he mean? Does he contest the truth of the hypothesis
which enabled Laplace to correct Newton’s estimate of the
velocity of sound—the hypothesis that heat is evolved by
the compression each sound-wave produces in the air?
Does he deny that the heat so generated is at the expense
of so much wave-motion lost? Does he question the inference
that some of the motion embodied in each wave is
from instant to instant dissipated, partly in this way and
partly in the heat evolved by fluid friction? Can he show
any reason for doubting that when the sound-waves have
become too feeble to affect our senses, their motion still
continues to undergo this transformation and diminution
until it is all lost? If not, why does he implicitly deny
that {268}
the molar motion constituting sound, eventually disappears
in producing the molecular motion constituting heat?36
I will dwell no longer on the exclusively-personal questions
raised by the reviewer’s statements; but, leaving the
reader to judge of the rest of my “stupendous mistakes”
by the one I have dealt with, I will turn to a question
worthy to occupy some space, as having an impersonal
interest—the question, namely, respecting the nature of
the warrant we have for asserting ultimate physical truths.
The contempt which, as a physicist, the reviewer expresses
for the metaphysical exploration of physical ideas, I will
pass over with the remark that every physical question,
probed to the bottom, opens into a metaphysical one; and
that I should have thought the controversy now going on
among chemists, respecting the legitimacy of the atomic
hypothesis, might have shown him as much. On his
erroneous statement that I use the phrase “Persistence
of Force” as an equivalent for the now-generally-accepted
phrase “Conservation of Energy,” I will observe only that,
had he not been in so great a hurry to find inconsistencies,
he would have seen why, for the purposes of my argument,
{269}
I intentionally use the word Force: Force being the generic
word, including both that species known as Energy, and
that species by which Matter occupies space and maintains
its integrity—a species which, whatever may be its relation
to Energy, and however clearly recognized as a necessary
datum by the theory of Energy, is not otherwise considered
in that theory. I will confine myself to the proposition,
disputed at great length by the reviewer, that our cognition
of the Persistence of Force is a priori. He relies much on
the authority of Professor Tait, whom he twice quotes to
the effect that―
“Natural philosophy is an experimental, and not an intuitive science. No
à priori reasoning can conduct us demonstratively to a single physical truth.”
Were I to take a hypercritical attitude, I might dwell
on the fact that Professor Tait leaves the extent of his
proposition somewhat doubtful, by speaking of “Natural
philosophy” as one science. Were I to follow further the
reviewer’s example, I might point out that “Natural
philosophy,” in that Newtonian acceptation adopted by
Professor Tait, includes Astronomy; and, going on to ask
what astronomical “experiments” those are which conduct
us to astronomical truths, I might then “counsel” the
reviewer not to depend on the authority of one who (to use
the reviewer’s polite language) “blunders” by confounding
experiment and observation. I will not, however, thus
infer from Professor Tait’s imperfection of statement that
he is unaware of the difference between the two; and shall
rate his authority as of no less value than I should, had he
been more accurate in his expression. Respecting that
authority I shall simply remark that, if the question had to
be settled by the authority of any physicist, the authority
of Mayer, who is diametrically opposed to Prof. Tait on
this point, and who has been specially honoured, both by
the Royal Society and by the French Institute, might well
counter-weigh his, if not out-weigh it. I am not
aware, {270}
however, that the question is one in Physics. It seems to
me a question respecting the nature of proof. And, without
doubting Professor Tait’s competence in Logic and Psychology,
I should decline to abide by his judgment on such
a question, even were there no opposite judgment given by
a physicist, certainly of not less eminence.
Authority aside, however, let us discuss the matter on
its merits. In the Treatise on Natural Philosophy, by
Profs. Thomson and Tait, § 243 (1st ed.), I read that “as we
shall show in our chapter on ‘Experience,’ physical axioms
are axiomatic to those only who have sufficient knowledge
of the action of physical causes to enable them to see at
once their necessary truth.” In this I agree entirely. It
is in Physics, as it is in Mathematics, that before necessary
truths can be grasped, there must be gained by individual
experience, such familiarity with the elements of the
thoughts to be framed, that propositions about those
elements may be mentally represented with distinctness.
Tell a child that things which are equal to the same thing
are equal to one another, and the child, lacking a
sufficiently-abstract notion of equality, and lacking, too,
the needful practice in comparing relations, will fail to
grasp the axiom. Similarly, a rustic, never having thought
much about forces and their results, cannot form a definite
conception answering to the axiom that action and reaction
are equal and opposite. In the last case as in the first,
ideas of the terms and their relations require to be made,
by practice in thinking, so vivid that the involved truths
may be mentally seen. But when the individual experiences
have been multiplied enough to produce distinctness
in the representations of the elements dealt with; then, in
the one case as in the other, those mental forms generated
by ancestral experiences, cannot be occupied by the elements
of one of these ultimate truths without perception of its
necessity. If Professor Tait does not admit this,
what {271}
does he mean by speaking of “physical axioms,” and by
saying that the cultured are enabled “to see at once their
necessary truth?”
Again, if there are no physical truths which must be
classed as a priori, I ask why Professor Tait joins Sir
W. Thomson in accepting as bases for Physics, Newton’s
Laws of Motion? Though Newton gives illustrations of
prolonged motion in bodies that are little resisted, he gives
no proof that a body in motion will continue moving, if uninterfered
with, in the same direction at the same velocity;
nor, on turning to the enunciation of this law quoted in the
above-named work, do I find that Professor Tait does more
than exemplify it by facts which can themselves be asserted
only by taking the law for granted. Does Professor Tait
deny that the first law of motion is a physical truth? If
so, what does he call it? Does he admit it to be a physical
truth, and, denying that it is a priori, assert that it is
established a posteriori—that is, by conscious induction
from observation and experiment? If so, what is the
inductive reasoning which can establish it? Let us glance
at the several conceivable arguments which we must suppose
him to rely on.
A body set in motion soon ceases to move if it encounters
much friction, or much resistance from the bodies struck.
If less of its energy is expended in moving, or otherwise
affecting, other bodies, or in overcoming friction, its motion
continues longer. And it continues longest when, as over
smooth ice, it meets with the smallest amount of obstruction.
May we then, proceeding by the method of concomitant
variations, infer that were it wholly unobstructed
its motion would continue undiminished? If so, we assume
that the diminution of its motion observed in experience, is
proportionate to the amount of energy abstracted from it in
producing other motion, either molar or molecular. We
assume that no variation has taken place in its rate, save
that caused by deductions in moving other matter; for
if {272}
its motion be supposed to have otherwise varied, the
conclusion that the differences in the distances travelled
result from differences in the obstructions met with, is
vitiated. Thus the truth to be established is already taken
for granted in the premises. Nor is the question begged
in this way only. In every case where it is remarked that
a body stops the sooner, the more it is obstructed by other
bodies or media, the law of inertia is assumed to hold in
the obstructing bodies or media. The very conception of
greater or less retardation so caused, implies the belief that
there can be no retardations without proportionate retarding
causes; which is itself the assumption otherwise expressed
in the first law of motion.
Again, let us suppose that instead of inexact observations
made on the movements occurring in daily experience, we
make exact experiments on movements specially arranged
to yield measured results; what is the postulate underlying
every experiment? Uniform velocity is defined as
motion through equal spaces in equal times. How do we
measure equal times? By an instrument which can be
inferred to mark equal times only if the oscillations of the
pendulum are isochronous; which they can be proved to be
only if the first and second laws of motion are granted.
That is to say, the proposed experimental proof of the first
law, assumes not only the truth of the first law, but of that
which Professor Tait agrees with Newton in regarding as a
second law. Is it said that the ultimate time-measure
referred to is the motion of the Earth round its axis,
through equal angles in equal times? Then the obvious
rejoinder is that the assertion of this, similarly involves an
assertion of the truth to be proved; since the undiminished
rotatory movement of the Earth is itself a corollary from
the first law of motion. Is it alleged that this axial movement
of the Earth through equal angles in equal times, is
ascertainable by reference to the stars? I answer that a
developed system of Astronomy, leading through
complex {273}
reasonings to the conclusion that the Earth rotates, is,
in that case, supposed to be needful before there can be
established a law of motion which this system of Astronomy
itself postulates. For even should it be said that the
Newtonian theory of the Solar System is not necessarily
pre-supposed, but only the Copernican; still, the proof
of this assumes that a body at rest (a star being taken
as such) will continue at rest; which is a part of the first
law of motion, regarded by Newton as not more self-evident
than the remaining part.
Not a little remarkable, indeed, is the oversight made by
Professor Tait, in asserting that “no a priori reasoning can
conduct us demonstratively to a single physical truth,”
when he has before him the fact that the system of physical
truths constituting Newton’s Principia, which he has joined
Sir William Thomson in editing, is established by a priori
reasoning. That there can be no change without a cause,
or, in the words of Mayer, that “a force cannot become
nothing, and just as little can a force be produced from
nothing,” is that ultimate dictum of consciousness on which
all physical science rests. It is involved alike in the
assertion that a body at rest will continue at rest, in the
assertion that a body in motion must continue to move at
the same velocity in the same line if no force acts on it, and
in the assertion that any divergent motion given to it must
be proportionate to the deflecting force; and it is also
involved in the axiom that action and reaction are equal
and opposite.
The reviewer’s doctrine, in support of which he cites
against me the authority of Professor Tait, illustrates in
Physics that same error of the inductive philosophy which,
in Metaphysics, I have pointed out elsewhere (Principles of
Psychology, Part VII.). It is a doctrine implying that we
can go on for ever asking the proof of the proof, without
finally coming to any deepest cognition which is unproved
and unprovable. That this is an untenable doctrine, I
need {274}
not say more to show. Nor, indeed, would saying more to
show it be likely to have any effect, in so far at least as
the reviewer is concerned; seeing that he thinks I am
“ignorant of the very nature of the principles” of which I
am speaking, and seeing that my notions of scientific
reasoning “remind” him “of the Ptolemists,” who argued
that the heavenly bodies must move in circles because the
circle is the most perfect figure.37
Not to try the reader’s patience further, I will end by
pointing out that, even were the reviewer’s criticisms all
valid, they would leave unshaken the theory he contends
against. Though one of his sentences (p. 480) raises the
expectation that he is about to assault, and greatly to
damage, the bases of the system contained in the second
part of First Principles, yet all those propositions which
constitute the bases, he leaves, not only uninjured, but even
untouched,—contenting himself with trying to show (with
what success we have seen) that the fundamental one is
an a posteriori truth and not an a priori truth. Against the
general Doctrine of Evolution, considered as an induction
from all classes of concrete phenomena, he utters not a
word; nor does he utter a word to disprove any one of
those laws of the redistribution of matter
and motion, by {275}
which the process of Evolution is deductively interpreted.
Respecting the law of the Instability of the Homogeneous, he
says no more than to quarrel with one of the illustrations.
He makes no criticism on the law of the Multiplication of
Effects. The law of Segregation he does not even mention.
Nor does he mention the law of Equilibration. Further, he
urges nothing against the statement that these general
laws are severally deducible from the ultimate law of the
Persistence of Force. Lastly, he does not deny the Persistence
of Force; but only differs respecting the nature
of our warrant for asserting it. Beyond pointing out, here
a cracked brick and there a quoin set askew, he merely
makes a futile attempt to show that the foundation is not
natural rock, but concrete.
From his objections I may, indeed, derive much satisfaction.
That a competent critic, obviously anxious to
do all the mischief he can, and not over-scrupulous about
the means he uses, has done so little, may be taken as
evidence that the fabric of conclusions attacked will not
be readily overthrown.
In the British Quarterly Review
for January, 1874, the
writer of the article I have dealt with above, makes a
rejoinder. It is of the kind which might have been
anticipated. There are men to whom the discovery that
they have done injustice is painful. After proof of having
wrongly ascribed to another such a nonsensical belief as
that insensible motion is heat because heat is insensible
motion, some would express regret. Not so my reviewer.
Having by forced interpretations debited me with an
absurdity, he makes no apology; but, with an air implying
that he had all along done this, he attacks the allegation
I had really made—an allegation which is at least so far
from an absurdity, that he describes it only as not justified
by “the present state of science.” And here, having
incidentally referred to this point, I may as well,
before {276}
proceeding, deal with his substituted charge at the same
time that I further exemplify his method. Probably most
of those who see the British Quarterly, will be favourably
impressed by the confidence of his assertion; but those
who compare my statement with his travesty of it, and who
compare both with some authoritative exposition, will be
otherwise impressed. To his statement that I conclude
“that friction must ultimately transform all [the italics are
his] the energy of a sound into heat,” I reply that it is
glaringly untrue: I have named friction as a second cause
only. And when he pooh-poohs the effect of compression
because it is “merely momentary,” is he aware of the
meaning of his words? Will he deny that, from first to
last, during the interval of condensation, heat is being
generated? Will he deny to the air the power of radiating
such heat? He will not venture to do so. Take then the
interval of condensation as one-thousandth of a second. I
ask him to inform those whom he professes to instruct,
what is the probable number of heat-waves which have
escaped in this interval. Must they not be numbered by
thousands of millions? In fact, by his “merely momentary,”
he actually assumes that what is momentary in
relation to our time-measures, is momentary in relation to
the escape of ethereal undulations!
Let me now proceed more systematically, and examine
his rejoinder point by point. It sets out thus:―
“In the notice of Mr. Spencer’s works that appeared in the last number
of this Review, we had occasion to point out that he held mistaken
notions of the most fundamental generalizations of dynamics; that he
had shown an ignorance of the nature of proof in his treatment of the
Newtonian Law; that he had used phrases such as the Persistence of
Force in various and inconsistent significations; and more especially
that he had put forth proofs logically faulty in his endeavour to
demonstrate certain physical propositions by à priori methods, and
to show that such proofs must exist. To this article Mr. Spencer has
replied in the December number of the Fortnightly Review. His reply
leaves every one of the above positions unassailed.”
In my “Replies to Criticisms,” which, as it was, trespassed
unduly on the pages of the Fortnightly Review, I
singled {277}
out from those of his allegations which touched me personally,
one that might be briefly dealt with as an example;
and I stated that, passing over other personal questions,
as not interesting to the general reader, I should devote
the small space available to an impersonal one. Notwithstanding
this, the reviewer, in the foregoing paragraph,
enumerates his chief positions; asserts that I have not
assailed any of them (which is untrue); and then leads his
readers to the belief that I have not assailed them because
they are unassailable.
Leaving this misbelief to be dealt with presently, I
continue my comments on his rejoinder. After referring
to the passage I have quoted from Prof. Tait’s statement
about physical axioms, and after indicating the nature of
my criticism, the reviewer says:―
“Had Mr. Spencer, however, read the sentence that follows it, we doubt
whether we should have heard aught of this quotation. It is ‘Without
further remark we shall give Newton’s Three Laws; it being remembered
that as the properties of matter might have been such as to render a totally
different set of laws axiomatic, these laws must be considered as resting
on convictions drawn from observation and experiment and not on intuitive
perception.’ This not only shows that the term ‘axiomatic’ is used in the
previous sentence in a sense that does not exclude an inductive origin, but it
leaves us indebted to Mr. Spencer for the discovery of the clearest and most
authoritative expression of disapproval of his views respecting the nature of
the Laws of Motion.”
Let us analyze this “authoritative expression.” It
contains several startling implications, the disclosure of
which the reader will find not uninteresting. Consider,
first, what is implied by framing the thought that “the
properties of matter might have been such as to render a
totally different set of laws axiomatic.” I will not stop to
make the inquiry whether matter having properties fundamentally
unlike its present ones, can be conceived; though
such an inquiry, leading to the conclusion that no conception
of the kind is possible, would show that the proposition is
merely a verbal one. It will suffice if I examine the nature
of this proposition that “the properties of matter might
have been” {278} other than they are.
Does it express an experimentally-ascertained
truth? If so, I invite Prof. Tait to
describe the experiments. Is it an intuition? If so, then
along with doubt of an intuitive belief concerning things
as they are, there goes confidence in an intuitive belief concerning
things as they are not. Is it an hypothesis? If so,
the implication is that a cognition of which the negation is
inconceivable (for an axiom is such) may be discredited by
inference from that which is not a cognition at all, but
simply a supposition. Does the reviewer admit that no
conclusion can have a validity greater than is possessed
by its premises? or will he say that the trustworthiness of
cognitions increases in proportion as they are the more
inferential? Be his answer what it may, I shall take it as
unquestionable that nothing concluded can have a warrant
higher than that from which it is concluded, though it may
have a lower. Now the elements of the proposition before
us are these:—As “the properties of matter might have
been such as to render a totally different set of laws
axiomatic” [therefore] “these laws [now in force] must
be considered as resting . . . not on intuitive perception:”
that is, the intuitions in which these laws are
recognized, must not be held authoritative. Here the
cognition posited as premiss, is that the properties of
matter might have been other than they are; and the conclusion
is that our intuitions relative to existing properties
are uncertain. Hence, if this conclusion is valid, it is valid
because the cognition or intuition respecting what might
have been, is more trustworthy than the cognition or
intuition respecting what is! Scepticism respecting the
deliverances of consciousness about things as they are, is
based upon faith in a deliverance of consciousness about
things as they are not!
I go on to remark that this “authoritative expression of
disapproval” by which I am supposed to be silenced, even
were its allegation as valid as it is fallacious, would
leave {279}
wholly untouched the real issue. I pointed out how
Prof. Tait’s denial that any physical truths could be reached
a priori, was contradicted by his own statement respecting
physical axioms. The question thus raised the reviewer
evades, and substitutes another with which I have just
dealt. Now I bring forward again the evaded question.
In the passage I quoted, Prof. Tait, besides speaking of
physical “axioms,” says of them that due familiarity with
physical phenomena gives the power of seeing “at once”
“their necessary truth.” These last words, which express
his conception of an axiom, express also the usual conception.
An axiom is defined as a “self-evident truth,” or a truth
that is seen at once; and the definition otherwise worded is—a
“truth so evident at first sight, that no process of
reasoning or demonstration can make it plainer.” Now I
contend that Prof. Tait, by thus committing himself to a
definition of physical axioms identical with that which is
given of mathematical axioms, tacitly admits that they have
the same a priori character; and I further contend that no
such nature as that which he describes physical axioms to
have, can be acquired by experiment or observation during
the life of an individual. Axioms, if defined as truths of
which the necessity is at once seen, are thereby defined as
truths of which the negation is inconceivable; and the
familiar contrast between them and the truths established
by individual experiences, is that these last never become
such that their negations are inconceivable, however multitudinous
the experiences may be. Thousands of times has
the sportsman heard the report that follows the flash
from his gun, but still he can imagine the flash as occurring
silently; and countless daily experiments on the burning of
coal, leave him able to conceive coal as remaining in the
fire without ignition. So that the “convictions drawn from
observation and experiment” during a single life, can never
acquire that character which Prof. Tait admits physical
axioms to have: in other words, physical axioms cannot
be {280}
derived from personal observation and experiment. Thus,
otherwise applying the reviewer’s words, I “doubt whether
we should have heard aught of this quotation” to which he
calls my attention, had he studied the matter more closely;
and he “leaves us indebted to” him “for the discovery of”
a passage which serves to make clearer the untenability of
the doctrine he so dogmatically affirms.
I turn now to what the reviewer says concerning the
special arguments I used to show that the first law of
motion cannot be proved experimentally. After a bare
enunciation of my positions, he says:―
“On the utterly erroneous character of these statements we do not care to
dwell, we wish simply to call our reader’s attention to the conclusion arrived
at. Is that a disproof of the possibility of an inductive proof? We thought
that every tolerably educated man was aware that the proof of a scientific law
consisted in showing that by assuming its truth, we could explain the
observed phenomena.”
Probably the reviewer expects his readers to conclude
that he could easily dispose of the statements referred to
if he tried. Among scientific men, however, this cavalier
passing over of my arguments will perhaps be ascribed to
another cause. I will give him my reason for saying this.
Those arguments, read in proof by one of the most eminent
physicists, and by a specially-honoured mathematician,
had their entire concurrence; and I have since had from
another mathematician, standing among the very first,
such qualified agreement as is implied in saying that
the first law of motion cannot be proved by terrestrial
observations (which is in large measure what I undertook
to show in the paragraphs which the reviewer
passes over so contemptuously). But his last sentence,
telling us what he thought “every tolerably educated
man was aware” of, is the one which chiefly demands
attention. In it he uses the word law—a word which,
conveniently wide in meaning, suits his purpose remarkably
well. But we are here speaking of physical axioms.
The question is whether the justification of a
physical {281}
axiom consists in showing that by assuming its truth,
we can explain the observed phenomena. If it does, then
all distinction between hypothesis and axiom disappears.
Mathematical axioms, for which there is no other definition
than that which Prof. Tait gives of physical axioms,
must stand on the same footing. Henceforth we must
hold that our warrant for asserting that “things which
are equal to the same thing are equal to one another,”
consists in the observed truth of the geometrical and other
propositions deducible from it and the associated axioms—the
observed truth, mind; for the fabric of deductions
yields none of the required warrant until these deductions
have been tested by measurement. When we have
described squares on the three sides of a right-angled
triangle, cut them out in paper, and, by weighing them,
have found that the one on the hypothenuse balances the
other two; then we have got a fact which, joined with
other facts similarly ascertained, justifies us in asserting
that things which are equal to the same thing are equal to
one another! Even as it stands, this implication will not,
I think, be readily accepted; but we shall find that its
unacceptability becomes still more conspicuous when the
analysis is pursued to the end.
Continuing his argument to show that the laws of motion
have no a priori warrant, the reviewer says:―
“Mr. Spencer asserts that Newton gave no proof of the Laws of Motion.
The whole of the Principia was the proof, and the fact that, taken as a
system, these laws account for the lunar and planetary motions, is the
warrant on which they chiefly rest to this day.”
I have first to point out that here, as before, the reviewer
escapes by raising a new issue. I did not ask
what he thinks about the Principia, and the proof of the
laws of motion by it; nor did I ask whether others at this
day, hold the assertion of these laws to be justified mainly
by the evidence the Solar System affords. I asked what
Newton thought. The reviewer had represented the belief
that the second law of motion is knowable a priori, as
too {282}
absurd even for me openly to enunciate. I pointed out
that since Newton enunciates it openly under the title of an
axiom, and offers no proof whatever of it, he did explicitly
what I am blamed for doing implicitly. And thereupon I
invited the reviewer to say what he thought of Newton.
Instead of answering, he gives me his opinion to the effect
that the laws of motion are proved true by the truth of the
Principia deduced from them. Of this hereafter. My
present purpose is to show that Newton did not say this,
and gave every indication of thinking the contrary. He
does not call the laws of motion “hypotheses;” he calls
them “axioms.” He does not say that he assumes them to
be true provisionally; and that the warrant for accepting
them as actually true, will be found in the astronomically-proved
truth of the deductions. He lays them down just
as mathematical axioms are laid down—posits them as
truths to be accepted a priori, from which follow consequences
that must therefore be accepted. And though
the reviewer thinks this an untenable position, I am quite
content to range myself with Newton in thinking it a
tenable one—if, indeed, I may say so without undervaluing
the reviewer’s judgment. But now, having shown that the
reviewer evaded the issue I raised, which it was inconvenient
for him to meet, I pass to the issue he substitutes
for it. I will first deal with it after the methods of
ordinary logic, before dealing with it after the methods of
what may be called transcendental logic.
To establish the truth of a proposition postulated, by
showing that the deductions from it are true, requires that
the truth of the deductions shall be shown in some way
that does not directly or indirectly assume the truth of the
proposition postulated. If, setting out with the axioms of
Euclid, we deduce the truths that “the angle in a semi-circle
is a right angle,” and that “the opposite angles of
any quadrilateral figure described in a circle, are together
equal to two right angles,” and so forth; and if,
because {283}
these propositions are true, we say that the axioms are true,
we are guilty of a petitio principii. I do not mean simply
that if these various propositions are taken as true on the
strength of the demonstrations given, the reasoning is
circular, because the demonstrations assume the axioms;
but I mean more—I mean that any supposed experimental
proof of these propositions by measurement, itself assumes
the axioms to be justified. For even when the supposed
experimental proof consists in showing that some two lines
demonstrated by reason to be equal, are equal when tested
in perception, the axiom that things which are equal to the
same thing are equal to one another, is taken for granted.
The equality of the two lines can be ascertained only by
carrying from the one to the other, some measure (either
a moveable marked line or the space between the points
of compasses), and by assuming that the two lines are
equal to one another, because they are severally equal to
this measure. The ultimate truths of mathematics, then,
cannot be established by any experimental proof that
the deductions from them are true; since the supposed
experimental proof takes them for granted. The same
thing holds of ultimate physical truths. For the alleged
a posteriori proof of these truths, has a vice exactly
analogous to the vice I have just indicated. Every
evidence yielded by astronomy that the axioms called “the
laws of motion” are true, resolves itself into a fulfilled
prevision that some celestial body or bodies, will be seen
in a specified place, or in specified places, in the heavens,
at some assigned time. Now the day, hour, and minute
of this verifying observation, can be fixed only on the
assumption that the Earth’s motion in its orbit and its
motion round its axis, continue undiminished. Mark, then,
the parallelism. One who chose to deny that things which
are equal to the same thing are equal to one another,
could never have it proved to him by showing the truth
of deduced propositions; since the testing process would
in {284}
every case assume that which he denied. Similarly, one
who refused to admit that motion, uninterfered with,
continues in the same straight line at the same velocity,
could not have it proved to him by the fulfilment of an
astronomical prediction; because he would say that both
the spectator’s position in space, and the position of the
event in time, were those alleged, only if the Earth’s
motions of translation and rotation were undiminished,
which was the very thing he called in question. Evidently
such a sceptic might object that the seeming fulfilment of
the prediction, say a transit of Venus, may be effected by
various combinations of the changing positions of Venus,
of the Earth, and of the spectator on the Earth. The
appearances may occur as anticipated, though Venus is at
some other place than the calculated one; provided the
Earth also is at some other place, and the spectator’s
position on the Earth is different. And if the first law of
motion is not assumed, it must be admitted that the Earth
and the spectator may occupy these other places at the
predicted time: supposing that in the absence of the first
law, this predicted time can be ascertained, which it cannot.
Thus the testing process inevitably begs the question.
That the perfect congruity of all astronomical observations
with all deductions from “the laws of motion,” gives
coherence to this group of intuitions and perceptions,
and so furnishes a warrant for the entire aggregate of
them which it would not have were any of them at
variance, is unquestionable. But it does not therefore
follow that astronomical observations can furnish a test
for each individual assumption, out of the many which
are simultaneously made. I will not dwell on the fact
that the process of verification assumes the validity
of the assumptions on which acts of reasoning proceed; for
the reply may be that these are shown to be valid apart
from astronomy. Nor will I insist that the assumptions
underlying mathematical inferences, geometrical
and {285}
numerical, are involved; since it may be said that these are
justifiable separately by our terrestrial experiences. But,
passing over all else that is taken for granted, it suffices to
point out that, in making every astronomical prediction,
the three laws of motion and the law of gravitation are all
assumed; that if the first law of motion is to be held proved
by the fulfilment of the prediction, it can be so only by
taking for granted that the two other laws of motion and
the law of gravitation are true; and that non-fulfilment of
the prediction would not disprove the first law of motion,
since the error might be in one or other of the three
remaining assumptions. Similarly with the second law:
the astronomical proof of it depends on the truth of the
accompanying assumptions. So that the warrants for the
assumptions A, B, C, and D, are respectively such that
A, B, and C being taken as trustworthy, prove the validity
of D; D being thus proved valid, joins C, and B, in giving
a character to A; and so throughout. The result is that
everything comes out right if they happen to be all true;
but if one of them is false, it may destroy the characters of
the other three, though these are in reality exact. Clearly,
then, astronomical prediction and observation can never
test any one of the premises by itself. They can only
justify the entire aggregate of premises, mathematical and
physical, joined with the entire aggregate of reasoning
processes leading from premises to conclusions.
I now recall the reviewer’s “thought,” uttered in his
habitual manner, “that every tolerably educated man was
aware that the proof of a scientific law consisted in showing
that by assuming its truth, we could explain the observed
phenomena.” Having from the point of view of ordinary
logic dealt with this theory of proof as applied by the
reviewer, I proceed to deal with it from the point of view
of transcendental logic, as I have myself applied it. And
here I have to charge the reviewer with either being
ignorant of, or else deliberately ignoring,
a cardinal {286}
doctrine of the System of Philosophy he professes to review—a
doctrine set forth not in those four volumes of it which he
seems never to have looked into; but in the one volume of
it he has partially dealt with. For this principle which, in
respect to scientific belief, he enunciates for my instruction,
is one which, in First Principles, I have enunciated in
respect to all beliefs whatever. In the chapter on the
“Data of Philosophy,” where I have inquired into the
legitimacy of our modes of procedure, and where I have
pointed out that there are certain ultimate conceptions
without which the intellect can no more stir “than the
body can stir without help of its limbs,” I have inquired
how their validity or invalidity is to be shown; and I have
gone on to reply that―
“Those of them which are vital, or cannot be severed from the rest
without mental dissolution, must be assumed as true provisionally . . . .
leaving the assumption of their unquestionableness to be justified by
the results.
“§ 40. How is it to be justified by the results? As any other assumption
is justified—by ascertaining that all the conclusions deducible from it, correspond
with the facts as directly observed—by showing the agreement between
the experiences it leads us to anticipate, and the actual experiences. There
is no mode of establishing the validity of any belief, except that of showing
its entire congruity with all other beliefs.”
Proceeding avowedly and rigorously on this principle,
I have next inquired what is the fundamental process of
thought by which this congruity is to be determined, and
what is the fundamental product of thought yielded by
this process. This fundamental product I have shown to
be the coexistence of subject and object; and then, describing
this as a postulate to be justified by “its subsequently-proved
congruity with every result of experience, direct and
indirect,” I have gone on to say that “the two divisions of
self and not-self, are re-divisible into certain most general
forms, the reality of which Science, as well as Common
Sense, from moment to moment assumes.” Nor is this all.
Having thus assumed, only provisionally, this deepest of all
intuitions, far transcending an axiom in self-evidence,
I {287}
have, after drawing deductions occupying four volumes,
deliberately gone back to the assumption (Prin. of Psy.,
§ 386). After quoting the passage in which the principle
was laid down, and after reminding the reader that the
deductions drawn had been found congruous with one
another; I have pointed out that it still remained to ascertain
whether this primordial assumption was congruous
with all the deductions; and have thereupon proceeded,
throughout eighteen chapters, to show the congruity. And
yet having before him the volumes in which this principle
is set forth with a distinctness, and acted upon with a
deliberation, which I believe are nowhere paralleled, the
reviewer enunciates for my benefit this principle of which
he “thought that every tolerably educated man was aware”!
He enunciates it as applying to limited groups of beliefs, to
which it does not apply; and shuts his eyes to the fact that
I have avowedly and systematically acted upon it in respect
to the entire aggregate of our beliefs (axioms included) for
which it furnishes the ultimate justification!
Here I must add another elucidatory statement, which
would have been needless had the reviewer read that which
he criticizes. His argument proceeds throughout on the
assumption that I understand a priori truths after the
ancient manner, as truths independent of experience; and
he shows this more tacitly, where he “trusts” that he is
“attacking one of the last attempts to deduce the laws of
nature from our inner consciousness.” Manifestly, a leading
thesis of one of the works he professes to review, is entirely
unknown to him—the thesis that forms of thought, and
consequently the intuitions which those forms of thought
involve, result entirely from the effects of experiences,
organized and inherited. With the Principles of Psychology
before him, not only does he seem unaware that it contains
this doctrine, but though this doctrine, set forth in its first
edition published nearly twenty years ago, has
gained {288}
considerable currency, he seems never to have heard of it.
The implication of this doctrine is, not that the “laws of
nature” are deducible from “our inner consciousness,” but
that our consciousness has a pre-established correspondence
with such of those laws (simple, perpetually presented, and
never negatived) as have, in the course of practically-infinite
ancestral experiences, registered themselves in our nervous
structure. Had he taken the trouble to acquaint himself
with this doctrine, he would have learned that the intuitions
of axiomatic truths are regarded by me as latent in
the inherited brain, just as bodily reflex actions are latent
in the inherited nervous centres of a lower order; that
such latent intuitions are made potentially more distinct
by the greater definiteness of structure due to
individual action and culture; and that thus, axiomatic
truths, having a warrant entirely a posteriori for the
race, have for the individual a warrant which, substantially
a priori, is made complete a posteriori. And
he would then have learned that as, during evolution,
Thought has been moulded into increasing correspondence
with Things; and as such correspondence, tolerably complete
in respect of the simple, ever-present, and invariable
relations, as those of space, has made considerable advance
in respect of the primary dynamical relations; the assertion
that the resulting intuitions are authoritative, is the
assertion that the simplest uniformities of nature, as
experienced throughout an immeasurable past, are better
known than they are as experienced during an individual
life. All which conceptions, however, being, as it seems,
unheard of by the reviewer, he regards my trust in these
primordial intuitions as like that of the Ptolemists in their
fancies about perfection!
Thus far my chief antagonists, passive if not active, have
been Prof. Tait and, by implication, Sir William
Thomson, {289}
his coadjutor in the work quoted against me—men of
standing, and the last of them of world-wide reputation as
a mathematician and physicist. Partly because the opinions
of such men demand attention, I have dealt with the
questions raised at some length; and partly, also, because
the origin and consequent warrant of physical axioms are
questions of general and permanent interest. The reviewer,
who by citing against me these authorities has gained for
some of his criticisms consideration they would otherwise
not deserve, I must, in respect of his other criticisms, deal
with very briefly. Because, for reasons sufficiently indicated,
I did not assail sundry of his statements, he has reiterated
them as unassailable. I will here add no more than is
needful to show how groundless is his assumption.
What the reviewer says on the metaphysical aspects of
the propositions we distinguish as physical, need not detain
us long. His account of my exposition of “Ultimate
Scientific Ideas,” he closes by saying of me that “he is not
content with less than showing that all our fundamental
conceptions are inconceivable.” Whether the reviewer
knows what he means by an inconceivable conception, I
cannot tell. It will suffice to say that I have attempted no
such remarkable feat as that described. My attempt has
been to show that objective activities, together with their
objective forms, are inconceivable by us—that such
symbolic conceptions of them as we frame, and are obliged
to use, are proved, by the alternative contradictions which
a final analysis of them discloses, to have no likeness to
the realities. But the proposition that objective existence
cannot be rendered in terms of subjective existence, the
reviewer thinks adequately expressed by saying that “our
fundamental conceptions” (subjective products) “are inconceivable”
(cannot be framed by subjective processes)!
Giving this as a sample from which may be judged his
fitness for discussing these ultimate questions, I pass over
his physico-metaphysical criticisms, and proceed at once
to {290}
those which his special discipline may be assumed to render
more worthy of attention.
Quoting a passage relative to the law that “all central
forces vary inversely as the squares of the distances,” he
derides the assertion that “this law is not simply an
empirical one, but one deducible mathematically from the
relations of space—one of which the negation is inconceivable.”
Now whether this statement can or cannot be
fully justified, it has at any rate none of that absurdity
alleged by the reviewer. When he puts the question—“Whence
does he [do I] get this?” he invites the suspicion
that his mind is not characterized by much excursiveness.
It seems never to have occurred to him that,
if rays like those of light radiate in straight lines from a
centre, the number of them falling on any given area of a
sphere described from that centre, will diminish as the
square of the distance increases, because the surfaces of
spheres vary as the squares of their radii. For, if this
has occurred to him, why does he ask whence I get the
inference? The inference is so simple a one as naturally
to be recognized by those whose thoughts go a little
beyond their lessons in geometry.38
If the reviewer means
to ask, whence I get the implied assumption that central
forces act only in straight lines, I reply that this assumption
has a warrant akin to that of Newton’s first axiom, that a
moving body will continue moving in a straight line unless
interfered with. For that the force exerted by one centre
on another should act in a curved line, implies the conception
of some second force, complicating the direct effect
of the first. And, even could a central force be truly conceived
as acting in lines not straight,
the average{291}
distribution of its effects upon the inner surface of the surrounding
sphere, would still follow the same law. Thus, whether or
not the law be accepted on a priori grounds, the assumed
absurdity of representing it to have a priori grounds, is
not very obvious. Respecting this statement of mine the
reviewer goes on to say―
“This is a wisdom far higher than that possessed by the discoverer of the
great law of attraction, who was led to consider it from no cogitations on
the relations of space, but from observations of the movements of the
planets; and who was so far from rising to that clearness of view of the
truth of his great discovery, which is expressed by the phrase, ‘its negation
is inconceivable,’ that he actually abandoned it for a time, because (through
an error in his estimate of the earth’s diameter) it did not seem fully to
account for the motion of the moon.”
To the first clause in this sentence, I have simply to
give a direct denial; and to assert that neither Newton’s
“observations of the movements of the planets” nor other
such observations continued by all astronomers for all time,
would yield “the great law of attraction.” Contrariwise,
I contend that when the reviewer says, by implication, that
Newton had no antecedent hypothesis respecting the cause
of the planetary motions, he (the reviewer) is not only
going beyond his possible knowledge, but he is asserting
that which even a rudimentary acquaintance with the
process of discovery, might have shown him was impossible.
Without framing, beforehand, the supposition that there
was at work an attractive force varying inversely as the
square of the distance, no such comparison of observations
as that which led to the establishment of the theory of
gravitation could have been made. On the second clause
of the sentence, in which the reviewer volunteers for my
benefit the information that Newton “actually abandoned”
his hypothesis for a while because it did not bring out right
results, I have first to tell him that, in an early number of
the very periodical containing his article,39
I
cited this fact {292}
(using these same words) at a time when he was at school,
or before he went there.40
I have next to assert that this
fact is irrelevant; and that Newton, while probably seeing
it to be a necessary implication of geometrical laws that
central forces vary inversely as the squares of the distances,
did not see it to be a necessary implication of any laws,
geometrical or dynamical, that there exists a force by
which the celestial bodies affect one another; and therefore
doubtless saw that there was no a priori warrant for
the doctrine of gravitation. The reviewer, however, aiming
to substitute for my “confused notions” his own clear
ones, wishes me to identify the proposition—Central forces
vary inversely as the squares of the distances—with the
proposition—There exists a cosmical attractive force which
varies inversely as the squares of the distances. But I
decline to identify them; and I suspect that a considerable
distinction between them was recognized by Newton.
Lastly, apart from all this, I have to point out that even
had Newton thought the existence of an attractive force
throughout space was an a priori truth, as well as the law
of variation of such a force if it existed; he would still,
naturally enough, pause before asserting gravitation and
its law, when he found his deductions did not correspond
with the facts. To suppose otherwise, is to ascribe to
him a rashness which no disciplined man of science could
be guilty of.
See, then, the critical capacity variously exhibited in the
space of a single sentence. The reviewer, quite erroneously,
thinks that observations unguided by hypotheses suffice for
physical discoveries. He seems unaware that, on a priori
grounds, the law of the inverse square had been suspected
as the law of some cosmical force, before Newton. He
asserts, without warrant, that no such a priori conception
preceded, in Newton’s mind, his observations and {293}
calculations. He confounds the law of variation of a force,
with the existence of a force varying according to that
law. And he concludes that Newton could have had no
a priori conception of the law of variation, because he did
not assert the existence of a force varying according to this
law in defiance of the evidence as then presented to him!
Now that I have analyzed, with these results, the first of
his criticisms, the reader will neither expect me to waste
time in similarly dealing with the rest seriatim, nor will he
wish to have his own time occupied in following the analysis.
To the evidence thus furnished of the reviewer’s fitness for
the task he undertakes, it will suffice if I add an illustration
or two of the animus which leads him to make grave imputations
on trivial grounds, and to ignore the evidence which
contradicts his interpretations.
Because I have spoken of a balanced system, like that
formed by the sun and planets, as having the “peculiarity,
that though the constituents of the system have relative
movements, the system, as a whole, has no movement,” he
unhesitatingly assumes me to be unaware that in a system
of bodies whose movements are not balanced, it is equally
true that the centre of gravity remains constant. Ignorance
of a general principle in dynamics is alleged against
me solely because of this colloquial use of the word
“peculiarity,” where I should have used a word (and there
is no word perfectly fit) free from the implication of exclusiveness.
If the reviewer were to assert that arrogance
is a “peculiarity” of critics; and if I were thereupon to
charge him with entire ignorance of mankind, many of
whom besides critics are arrogant, he would rightly say
that my conclusion was a very large one to draw from so
small a premise.
To this example of strained inference I will join an
example of what seems like deliberate misconstruction.
From one of my essays (not among the works he professes
to deal with) the reviewer, to strengthen his attack,
brings {294}
a strange mistake; which, even without inquiry, any fair-minded
reader would see must be an oversight. A statement
true of a single body acted on by a tractive force, I
have inadvertently pluralized: being so possessed by
another aspect of the question, as to overlook the obvious
fact that with a plurality of bodies the statement became
untrue. Not only, however, does the reviewer ignore
various evidences furnished by the works before him, that
I could not really think what I had there said, but he
ignores a direct contradiction contained in the paragraph
succeeding that from which he quotes. So that the case
stands thus:—On two adjacent pages I have made two
opposite statements, both of which I cannot be supposed
to believe. One of them is right; and this the reviewer
assumes I do not believe. One of them is glaringly wrong;
and this the reviewer assumes I do believe. Why he made
this choice no one who reads his criticism will fail to see.
Even had his judgments more authority than is given to
them by his mathematical honours, this brief characterization
would, I think, suffice. Perhaps already, in rebutting
the assumption that I did not answer his allegations
because they were unanswerable, I have ascribed to them
an unmerited importance. For the rest, suggesting that
their value may be measured by the value of that above
dealt with as a sample, I leave them to be answered by the
works they are directed against.
Here I end. The foregoing pages, while serving, I
think, the more important purpose of making clearer the
relations of physical axioms to physical knowledge, incidentally
justify the assertion that the reviewer’s charges of
fallacious reasoning and ignorance of the nature of proof,
recoil on himself. When, in his confident way, he undertakes
to teach me the nature of our warrant for scientific
beliefs, ignoring absolutely the inquiry contained in Principles
of Psychology, concerning the relative values of direct
intuitions and reasoned conclusions, he lays himself open
to {295}
a sarcasm which is sufficiently obvious. And when a certain
ultimate principle of justification for our beliefs, set forth
and acted upon in the System of Synthetic Philosophy more
distinctly than in any other work, is enunciated by him for
my instruction, as one which he “thought that every
tolerably educated man was aware” of, his course is one
for which I find no fit epithet in the vocabulary I permit
myself to use. That in some cases he has shown eagerness
to found charges on misinterpretations little less than
deliberate, has been sufficiently shown; as also that, in
other cases, his own failure to discriminate is made the
ground for ascribing to me beliefs that are manifestly
untenable. Save in the single case of a statement respecting
collisions of bodies, made by me without the needful
qualification, I am not aware of any errors he detects,
except errors of oversight or those arising from imperfect
expression and inadequate exposition. When he unhesitatingly
puts the worst constructions on these, it cannot be
because his own exactness is such that no other constructions
occur to him; for he displays an unusual capacity for
inadvertencies, and must have had many experiences
showing him how much he might be wronged by illiberal
interpretations of them. One who in twenty-three professed
extracts makes fifteen mistakes—words omitted, or added,
or substituted—should not need reminding how largely
mere oversight may raise suspicion of something worse.
One who shows his notions of accurate statement by
asserting that as I substitute “persistence” for “conservation,”
I therefore identify Persistence of Force with
Conservation of Energy, and debits me with the resulting
incongruities—one who, in pursuance of this error, confounds
a special principle with the general principle it is
said to imply, and thereupon describes a wider principle as
being included in a narrower (p. 481)—one who speaks
of our “inner consciousness” (p. 488), so asserting, by
implication, that we have an outer consciousness—one
who {296}
talks of an inconceivable conception; ought surely to be
aware how readily lax expressions may be turned into
proofs of absurd opinions. And one who, in the space of a
few pages, falls into so many solecisms, ought to be vividly
conscious that a whole volume thus written would furnish
multitudinous statements from which a critic, moved by a
spirit like his own, might evolve abundant absurdities;
supplying ample occasion for blazoning the tops of pages
with insulting words.
[A letter, drawn from Prof. Tait by the foregoing criticisms,
and published by him in Nature, initiated a controversy
carried on in that periodical between March 26th and June
18th, 1874. Partly in justification of my position, and
partly as tending to make clearer the nature and origin of
physical axioms, I append certain portions of the correspondence,
with some additional explanations and comments.
For the purpose of elucidation I prefix the theses I have
maintained.] {297}
THESES.
1. If A produces B, then 2 A will produce 2 B.
This is the blank form of causal relation quantitatively considered,
when the causes and effects are simple—that is, are unimpeded by
other causes and uncomplicated by other effects; and whenever two or
more causes co-operate, there is no possibility of determining the
relation between the compound cause and the compound effect except
by assuming that between each co-operating cause and its separate effect
there exists this same quantitative relation.
2. This truth holds whatever the natures of the simple
causes and simple effects; and is an a priori assumption
made in conducting every experiment and in reasoning
from it.
Every process of weighing, every chemical analysis, every physical
investigation, proceeds on this truth without assigning warrant for it;
and in allowing for the effect of any minor cause that interferes with
the major cause, this same truth is assumed.
3. When A is an impressed force and B the produced
motion, then the general truth that if A produces B, 2 A
will produce 2 B, becomes the more special truth called the
Second Law of Motion.
Newton’s amplified statement of this Law is:—“If any force
generates a motion, a double force will generate double the motion, a
triple force triple the motion, whether that force be impressed altogether
and at once, or gradually and successively.” And his further clause,
asserting that this law holds whether the directions of the forces are or
are not the same, asserts a proportionality between each force and its
produced motion, such as we have seen to be invariably assumed
between each cause and its separate effect, when there are co-operating
causes.
4. This Law may be affirmed, without specification of the
modes in which the impressed force and the resulting motion
are to be estimated.
Newton’s statement is abstract. Taking for granted right modes of
measurement, it asserts that the alteration of motion (rightly measured)
is proportional to the impressed force (rightly measured).
5. No a posteriori proof of the general ultimate physical
truth (or of this more special truth it includes) is possible;
because every supposed process of verification assumes it.
These, cleared from entanglements, are the theses held
by me, and defended in the following
pages. {298}
APPENDIX A. — APPENDIX B. — APPENDIX C. SUMMARY OF RESULTS. — ENDNOTES TO REPLIES TO CRITICISMS .
(From Nature, April 16, 1874.)
Absence from town has delayed what further remarks I have
to make respecting the disputed origin of physical axioms.
The particular physical axiom in connection with which
the general question was raised, was the Second Law of
Motion. It stands in the Principia as follows:―
“The alteration of motion is ever proportional to the motive force impressed;
and is made in the direction of the right line in which that force is impressed.
“If any force generates a motion, a double force will generate double the
motion, a triple force triple the motion, whether that force be impressed
altogether and at once, or gradually and successively. And this motion
(being always directed the same way with the generating force), if the body
moved before, is added to or subducted from the former motion, according
as they directly conspire with or are directly contrary to each other; or
obliquely joined, when they are oblique, so as to produce a new motion
compounded from the determination of both.”
As this, like each of the other Laws of Motion, is called
an axiom;41
as the paragraph appended to it is simply
an amplification, or re-statement in a more concrete form;
as there are no facts named as bases of induction, nor any
justifying experiment; and as Newton proceeds forthwith
to draw deductions; it was a legitimate inference that he
regarded this truth as a priori. My statement to this
effect was based on the contents of the Principia itself;
and I think I was warranted in assuming that the nature
of the Laws of Motion, as conceived by Newton, was to be
thence inferred.
The passages quoted by the British Quarterly Reviewer
from Newton’s correspondence, which were unknown to
me, show that this was not Newton’s conception of them.
Thus far, then, my opponent has the best
of the {299}
argument. Several qualifying considerations have to be set
down, however.
(1) Clearly, the statements contained in the Principia do
not convey Newton’s conception; otherwise there would
have been no need for his explanations. The passages
quoted prove that he wished to exclude these cardinal
truths from the class of hypotheses, which he said he did
not make; and to do this he had to define them.
(2) By calling them “axioms,” and by yet describing
them as principles “deduced from phenomena,” he makes
it manifest that he gives the word “axiom” a sense widely
unlike the sense in which it is usually accepted.
(3) Further, the quotations fail to warrant the statement
that the Laws of Motion are proved true by the truth of
the Principia. For if the fulfilment of astronomical predictions
made in pursuance of the Principia, is held to be
the evidence “on which they chiefly rest to this day,” then,
until thus justified, they are unquestionably hypotheses.
Yet Newton says they are not hypotheses.
Newton’s view may be found without seeking for it in
his letters: it is contained in the Principia itself. The
scholium to Corollary VI. begins thus:―
“Hitherto I have laid down such principles as have been received by
mathematicians, and are confirmed by abundance of experiments. By the
two first Laws and the two first Corollaries, Galileo discovered that the
descent of bodies observed the duplicate ratio of the time, and that the
motion of projectiles was in the curve of a parabola; experience agreeing
with both,” &c.
Now as this passage precedes the deductions constituting
the Principia, it shows conclusively, in the first place,
that Newton did not think “the whole of the Principia
was the proof” of the Laws of Motion, though the
Reviewer asserts that it is. Further, by the words I have
italicised, Newton implicitly describes Galileo as having
asserted these Laws of Motion, if not as gratuitous hypotheses
(which he says they are not), then as a priori
intuitions. For a proposition which is confirmed
by {300}
experiment, and which is said to agree with experience,
must have been entertained before the alleged verifications
could be reached. And as before he made his experiments on
falling bodies and projectiles, Galileo had no facts serving
as an inductive basis for the Second Law of Motion, the
law could not have been arrived at by induction.
Let me end what I have to say on this vexed question by
adding a further reason to those I have already given, for
saying that physical axioms cannot be established experimentally.
The belief in their experimental establishment
rests on the tacit assumption that experiments can be
made, and conclusions drawn from them, without any
truths being postulated. It is forgotten that there is a
foundation of pre-conceptions without which the perceptions
and inferences of the physicist cannot stand—pre-conceptions
which are the products of simpler experiences than those
yielded by consciously-made experiments. Passing over the
many which do not immediately concern us, I will name
only that which does,—the exact quantitative relation [of
proportionality] between cause and effect. It is taken by
the chemist as a truth needing no proof, that if two
volumes of hydrogen unite with one volume of oxygen to
form a certain quantity of water, four volumes of hydrogen
uniting with two volumes of oxygen will form double the
quantity of water. If a cubic foot of ice at 32° is liquefied
by a specified quantity of heat, it is taken to be unquestionable
that three times the quantity of heat will liquefy
three cubic feet. And similarly with mechanical forces,
the unhesitating assumption is that if one unit of force
acting in a given direction produces a certain result, two
units will produce twice the result. Every process of
measurement in a physical experiment takes this for
granted; as we see in one of the simplest of them—the
process of weighing. If a measured quantity of metal,
gravitating towards the Earth, counterbalances a quantity
of some other substance, the truth postulated in every
act {301}
of weighing is, that any multiple of such weight will
counterbalance an equi-multiple of such substance. That is
to say, each unit of force is assumed to work its equivalent
of effect in the direction in which it acts. Now this is
nothing else than the assumption which the Second Law of
Motion expresses in respect to effects of another kind. “If
any force generates a motion, a double force will generate
a double motion,” &c., &c.; and when carried on to the
composition of motions, the law is, similarly, the assertion
that any other force, acting in any other direction, will
similarly produce in that direction a proportionate motion.
So that the law simply asserts the exact equivalence [or
proportionality] of causes and effects of this particular
class, while all physical experiments assume this exact
equivalence [or proportionality] among causes and effects
of all classes. Hence, the proposal to prove the Laws of
Motion experimentally, is the proposal to make a wider
assumption for the purpose of justifying one of the narrower
assumptions included in it.
Reduced to its briefest form, the argument is this:—If
definite quantitative relations [of proportionality] between
causes and effects be assumed a priori, then, the Second
Law of Motion is an immediate corollary. If there are not
definite quantitative relations [of proportionality] between
causes and effects, all the conclusions drawn from physical
experiments are invalid. And further, in the absence of
this a priori assumption of equivalence, the quantified
conclusion from any experiment may be denied, and any
other quantification of the conclusion
asserted.42
HERBERTSPENCER.
Entire misconstruction
of the view expressed above,
{302}
having been shown by a new assailant, who announced
himself as also “A Senior Wrangler,” Mr. James Collier
[my secretary at that time] wrote on my behalf an explanatory
letter, published in Nature for May 21, 1874, from
which the following passages are
extracts:―
“The cue may be taken from an experience described in
Mr. Spencer’s Principles of Psychology (§ 468, note), where
it is shown that when with one hand we pull the other, we
have in the feeling of tension produced in the limb pulled,
a measure of the reaction that is equivalent to the action
of the other limb. Both terms of the relation of cause and
effect are in this case present to consciousness as muscular
tensions, which are our symbols of forces in general.
While no motion is produced they are felt to be equal, so
far as the sensations can serve to measure equality; and
when excess of tension is felt in the one arm, motion is experienced
in the other. Here, as in the examples about
to be given, the relation between cause and effect, though
numerically indefinite, is definite in the respect that every
additional increment of cause produces an additional
increment of effect; and it is out of this and similar
experiences that the idea of the relation of proportionality
grows and becomes organic.
“A child, when biting his food, discovers that the harder
he bites the deeper is the indentation; in other words, that
the more force applied, the greater the effect. If he tears
an object with his teeth, he finds that the more he pulls
the more the thing yields. Let him press against something
soft, as his own person, or his clothes, or a lump of
clay, and he sees that the part or object pressed yields
little or much, according to the amount of the muscular
strain. He can bend a stick the more completely the more
force he applies. Any elastic object, as a piece of india-rubber
or a catapult, can be stretched the farther the
harder he pulls. If he tries to push a small body, there is
little resistance and it is easy to move; but he finds that
a {303}
big body presents greater resistance and is harder to move.
The experience is precisely similar if he attempts to lift a
big body and a little one; or if he raises a limb, with or
without any object attached to it. He throws a stone: if
it is light, little exertion propels it a considerable distance;
if very heavy, great exertion only a short distance. So,
also, if he jumps, a slight effort raises him to a short
height, a greater effort to a greater height. By blowing
with his mouth he sees that he can move small objects,
or the surface of his morning’s milk, gently or violently
according as the blast is weak or strong. And it is the
same with sounds: with a slight strain on the vocal
organs he produces a murmur; with great strain he can
raise a shout.
“The experiences these propositions record all implicate
the same consciousness—the notion of proportionality
between force applied and result produced; and it is out of
this latent consciousness that the axiom of the perfect
quantitative equivalence of the relations between cause and
effect is evolved. To show how rigorous, how irreversible,
this consciousness becomes, take a boy and suggest to him
the following statements:—Can he not break a string he
has, by pulling? tell him to double it, and then he will
break it. He cannot bend or break a particular stick: let
him make less effort and he will succeed. He is unable
to raise a heavy weight: tell him he errs by using too
much force. He can’t push over a small chest: he will
find it easier to upset a larger one. By blowing hard he
cannot move a given object: if he blows lightly, he will
move it. By great exertion he cannot make himself
audible at a distance: but he will make himself heard with
less exertion at a greater distance. Tell him to do all or
any of these, and of course he fails. The propositions are
unthinkable, and their unthinkableness shows that the
consciousness which yields them is irreversible. These,
then, are preconceptions, properly so called, which
have {304}
grown unconsciously out of the earliest experiences,
beginning with those of the sucking infant, which are
perpetually confirmed by fresh experiences, and which
have at last become organized in the mental structure.
“Mr. Spencer’s argument appears to be briefly this:—1.
There are numberless experiences unconsciously acquired
and unconsciously accumulated during the early life of the
individual (in harmony with the acquisitions of all ancestral
individuals) which yield the preconception, long anteceding
anything like conscious physical experiments, that physical
causes and effects vary together quantitatively. This is
gained from all orders of physical experiences, and forms
a universal preconception respecting them, which the
physicist or other man of Science brings with him to
his experiments.
“2. Mr. Spencer showed in three cases—chemical,
physical, and mechanical—that this preconception, so
brought, was tacitly involved in the conception which the
experimenter drew from the results of his experiments.
“3. Having indicated this universal preconception, and
illustrated its presence in these special conceptions, Mr.
Spencer goes on to say that it is involved also in the
special conception of the relation between force and
motion, as formulated in the ‘Second Law of Motion.’
He asserts that this is simply one case out of the numberless
cases in which all these consciously-reasoned conclusions
rest upon the unconsciously-formed conclusions that precede
reasoning. Mr. Spencer alleges that as it has become
impossible for a boy to think that by a smaller effort he
can jump higher, and for a shopman to think that smaller
weights will outbalance greater quantities, and for the
physicist to think that he will get increased effects from
diminished causes, so it is impossible to think that ‘alteration
of motion’ is not ‘proportional to the motive force
impressed.’ And he maintains that this is, in fact,
a {305}
latent implication of unconsciously-organized experiences,
just as much as those which the experimenter necessarily
postulates.”
To
meet further misinterpretations, a second letter was
written by Mr. Collier and published in Nature for June 4,
1874. The following are passages from it:―
“Having but limited space, and assuming that the
requisite qualifications would be made by unbiased readers,
I passed over all those details of the child’s experiences
which would have been required in a full exposition. Of
course I was aware that in the bending of a stick the
visible effect does not increase in the same ratio as the
force applied; and hardly needed the ‘Senior Wrangler’
to tell me that the resistance to a body moving through
a fluid increases in a higher ratio than the velocity. It
was taken for granted that he, and those who think with
him, would see that out of all these experiences, in some
of which the causes and effects are simple, and in others
of which they are complex, there grows the consciousness
that the proportionality is the more distinct the simpler the
antecedents and consequents. This is part of the preconception
which the physicist brings with him and acts upon.
Perhaps it is within the ‘Senior Wrangler’s’ knowledge of
physical exploration, that when the physicist finds a result
not bearing that ratio to its assigned cause which the two
were ascertained in other cases to have, he immediately
assumes the presence of some perturbing cause or causes,
which modify the ratio. There is, in fact, no physical
determination made by any experimenter which does not
assume, as an a priori necessity, that there cannot be a
deviation from proportion without the presence of such
additional cause.
“Returning to the general issue, perhaps the ‘Senior
Wrangler’ will pay some respect to the judgment of
one {306}
who was a Senior Wrangler too, and a great deal more—who
was distinguished not only as a mathematician but
as an astronomer, a physicist, and also as an inquirer
into the methods of science: I mean Sir John Herschel.
In his Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy,
he says:―
“‘When we would lay down general rules for guiding and facilitating our
search, among a great mass of assembled facts, for their common cause, we
must have regard to the characters of that relation which we intend by
cause and effect.’
“Of these ‘characters’ he sets down the third and fourth
in the following terms:―
“‘Increase or diminution of the effect, with the increased or diminished
intensity of the cause, in cases which admit of increase and diminution.’
“‘Proportionality of the effect to its cause in all cases of direct unimpeded
action.’
“Observe that, in Sir J. Herschel’s view, these are
‘characters’ of the relation of cause and effect to be
accepted as ‘general rules for guiding and facilitating our
search’ among physical phenomena—truths that must be
taken for granted before the search, not truths derived from
the search. Clearly, the ‘proportionality of the effect to
its cause in all cases of direct and unimpeded action’ is here
taken as a priori. Sir J. Herschel would, therefore, have
asserted, with Mr. Spencer, that the Second Law of Motion
is a priori; since this is one of the cases of the ‘proportionality
of the effect to its cause.’
“And now let the ‘Senior Wrangler’ do what Sir J.
Herschel has not done or thought of doing—prove the proportionality
of cause and effect. Neither he, nor any other of
Mr. Spencer’s opponents, has made the smallest attempt to
deal with this main issue. Mr. Spencer alleges that this
cognition of proportionality is a priori: not in the old sense,
but in the sense that it grows out of experiences that precede
reasoning. His opponents, following Prof. Tait in the
assertion that Physics is a purely experimental science,
containing, therefore, no a priori truths, affirm that
this {307}
cognition is a posteriori—a product of conscious induction.
Let us hear what are the experiments. It is required to
establish the truth that there is proportionality between
causes and effects, by a process which nowhere assumes that
if one unit of force produces a certain unit of effect, two
units of such force will produce two units of such effect.
Until the ‘Senior Wrangler’ has done this he has left
Mr. Spencer’s position untouched.”
[After publication of the letters from which the foregoing
are reproduced, there appeared in Nature certain rejoinders
containing misrepresentations even more extreme than those
preceding them. There resulted a direct correspondence
with two of the writers—Mr. Robert B. Hayward, of
Harrow, and Mr. J. F. Moulton, my original assailant, the
author of the article in the British Quarterly Review.
This correspondence, in which I demanded from these
gentlemen the justifications for their statements, formed
part of this Appendix in its pamphlet form, as distributed
among those who are competent to judge of the questions
at issue. It is needless to give permanence to the replies
and rejoinders. The character of Mr. Moulton’s allegations,
quite congruous with those I have exposed in the
“Replies to Criticisms,” may be inferred from one of the
sentences closing my reply—“Wonderful to relate, my
inductive proof that proportionality [of cause and effect] is
taken for granted, he cites as my inductive proof of proportionality
itself!” The result of the interchange of
letters with Mr. Hayward, was to make it clear that “the
thing I assert is not really disputed; and the thing disputed,
I have nowhere asserted.” While, however, the
controversial part of the correspondence may fitly
disappear, {308}
I retain an expository part embodied in the following letter
to Mr. Hayward.]
38, Queen’s Gardens, Bayswater,
June 21st, 1874.
SIR,—Herewith I send you a copy of your letter with my
interposed comments. I think those comments will make
it clear to you that I have not committed myself to three
different definitions of our consciousness of the Second Law
of Motion.
As others may still feel a difficulty such as you seem
to have felt, in understanding that which familiarity has
made me regard as simple, I will endeavour, by a synthetic
exposition, to make clear the way in which these later and
more complex products of organized experiences stand
related to earlier and simpler products. To make this
exposition easier to follow, I will take first our Space-consciousness
and the derived conceptions.
On the hypothesis of Evolution, the Space-consciousness
results from organized motor, tactual, and visual experiences.
In the Principles of Psychology, §§ 326–346, I
have described in detail what I conceive to have been its
genesis. Such Space-consciousness so generated, is one
possessed in greater or less degree by all creatures of any
intelligence; becoming wider, and more definite, according
to the degree of mental evolution which converse with the
environment has produced. How deeply registered the
external relations have become in the internal structure, is
shown by the facts that the decapitated frog pushes away
with one or both legs the scalpel applied to the hind part of
its body, and that the chick, as soon as it has recovered
from the exhaustion of escaping from the egg, performs
correctly-guided actions (accompanied by consciousness of
distance and direction) in picking up grains. Ascending at
once to such organized and inherited Space-consciousness
as exists in the child, and which from moment to
moment {309}
it is making more complete by its own experiences (aiding
the development of its nervous system into the finished
type of the adult, by the same exercises which similarly aid
the development of its muscular system), we have to
observe that, along with increasingly-definite ideas of
distance and direction, it gains unawares certain more
special ideas of geometrical relations. Take one group of
these. Every time it spreads open its fingers it sees increase
of the angles between them, going along with increase
of the distances between the finger-tips. In opening wide
apart its own legs, and in seeing others walk, it has continually
before it the relation between increase or decrease of
base in a triangle having equal sides, and increase or decrease
of the angle included by those sides. [The relation impressed
on it being simply that of concomitant variation: I
do not speak of any more definite relation, which, indeed, is
unthinkable by the young.] It does not observe these facts
in such way as to be conscious that it has observed them;
but they are so impressed upon it as to establish a rigid
association between certain mental states. Various of its
activities disclose space-relations of this class more definitely.
The drawing of a bow exhibits them in another way and
with somewhat greater precision; and when, instead of the
ends of a bow, capable of approaching one another, the
points of attachment are fixed and the string elastic, the
connexion between increasing length in the sides of an
isosceles triangle and increasing acuteness of the included
angle, is still more forced upon the attention; though it
still does not rise into a conscious cognition. This is what
I mean by an “unconsciously-formed preconception.”
When, in course of time, the child, growing into the boy,
draws diagrams on paper, and, among other things, draws
isosceles triangles, the truth that, the base being the same,
the angle at the apex becomes more acute as the sides
lengthen, is still more definitely displayed to him; and when
his attention is drawn to this relation he finds that
he {310}
cannot think of it as being otherwise. If he imagines the
lengths of the sides to change, he cannot exclude the consciousness
of the correlative change in the angle; and
presently, when his mental power is sufficiently developed,
he perceives that if he continues to lengthen the sides in
imagination, the lines approach parallelism as the angle
approaches zero: yielding a conception of the relations of
parallel lines. Here the consciousness has risen into the
stage of definite conception. But, manifestly, the definite
conception so reached is but a finishing of the preconceptions
previously reached, and would have been impossible in
their absence; and these unconsciously-formed preconceptions
would similarly have been impossible in the absence
of the still earlier consciousnesses of distance, direction,
relative position, embodied in the consciousness of Space.
The whole evolution is one; the arrival at the distinct
conception is the growing up to an ultimate definiteness
and complexity; and it can no more be reached without
passing through the earlier stages of indefinite consciousness,
than the adult bodily structure can be reached
without passing through the structures of the embryo, the
infant, and the child.43
Through a parallel evolution arises, first
the vague {311}
consciousness of forces as exerted by self and surrounding things;
presently, some discrimination in respect of their amounts as
related to their effects; later, an association formed unawares
between greatness of quantity in the two, and between
smallness of quantity in the two; later still, a tacit assumption
of proportionality, though without a distinct consciousness
that the assumption has been made; and, finally, a
rising of this assumption into definite recognition, as a truth
necessarily holding where the forces are simple. Throughout
its life every creature has, within the actions of its moving
parts, forces and motions conforming to the Laws
of Motion. {312}
If it has a nervous system, the differences among the muscular
tensions and the movements initiated, register themselves in a
vague way in that nervous system. As the nervous system develops,
along with more developed limbs, there are at once more numerous
different experiences . . . of momentum generated, of connected actions
and reactions (as when an animal tears the food which it holds with
its paws); and, at the same time, there are, in its more developed
nervous system, increased powers of appreciating and registering these
differences. All the resulting connexions in consciousness, though
unknowingly formed and unknowingly entertained, are ever present as
guides to action: witness the proportion between the effort an animal
makes and the distance it means to spring; or witness the delicate
adjustments of muscular strains to changes of motion, made by a
swallow catching flies or a hawk swooping on its quarry. Manifestly,
then, these experiences, organized during the earlier stages of
mental evolution, form a body of consciousnesses, not formulated into
cognitions, nor present even as preconceptions, but nevertheless
present as a mass of associations in which the truths of relation
between force and motion are potentially present. On ascending to
human beings of the uncultured sort, we reach a stage at which some
nascent generalization of these experiences occur. The savage has
not expressed to himself the truth that if he wants to propel his
spear further he must use more force; nor does the rustic put into a
distinct thought the truth that to raise double the weight he must
put forth twice the effort; but in each there is a tacit assumption
to this effect, as becomes manifest on calling it in question. So
that, in respect of these and other simple mechanical actions, there
exist unconsciously-formed preconceptions. And just as the geometrical
truths presented in a rude way by the relations among surrounding
objects, are not overtly recognized until there is some familiarity
with straight lines, and diagrams made
of them; {313}
so, until linear measures, long used, have led to the equal-armed lever,
or scales, and thus to the notion of equal units of force, this
mechanical preconception cannot rise into definiteness. Nor after it
has risen into definiteness does it for a long time reach the form of
a consciously-held cognition; for neither the village huxter nor the
more cultivated druggist in the town, recognizes the general abstract
truth that, when uninterfered with, equi-multiples of causes and their
effects are necessarily connected. But now observe that this truth,
acted upon with more or less distinct consciousness of it by the man
of science, and perfected by him through analysis and abstraction,
is thus perfected only as the last step in its evolution. This
definite cognition is but the finished form of a consciousness long in
preparation—a consciousness the body of which is present in the brute,
takes some shape in the primitive man, reaches greater definiteness in
the semi-civilized, becomes afterwards an assumption distinct though
not formulated, and takes its final development only as it rises into
a consciously-accepted axiom. Just as there is a continuous evolution
of the nervous system, so is there a continuous evolution of the
consciousness accompanying its action. Just as the one grows in volume,
complexity, and definiteness, so does the other. And just as necessary
as the earlier stages are to the later in the one case, are they in
the other. To suppose that the finished conceptions of science can
exist without the unfinished common knowledge which precedes them,
or this without still earlier mental acquisitions, is the same thing
as to suppose that we can have the correct judgments of the adult
without passing through the crude judgments of the youth, the narrow,
incoherent ones of the child, and the vague, feeble ones of the infant.
So far is it from being true that the view of physical axioms held by
me, is one which bases cognitions on some other source than experience,
it asserts experience to be the only possible source of these, as of
other cognitions; but it asserts,
further, that {314}
not simply is the consciously-acquired experience of present
actions needful, but that for the very possibility of gaining
this we are indebted to the accumulated experiences of all
past actions. Not I, but my antagonists, are really chargeable
with accepting the ancient a priori view; since,
without any explanation of them or justification of them,
they posit as unquestionable the assumptions underlying
every experiment and the conclusion drawn from it. The
belief in physical causation, assumed from moment to
moment as necessary in every experiment and in all reasoning
from it, is a belief which, if not justified by the
hypothesis above set forth, is tacitly asserted as an a priori
belief. Contrariwise, my own position is one which affiliates
all such beliefs upon experiences acquired during the whole
past; which alleges those experiences as the only warrant
for them; which asserts that during the converse between
the mind and its environment, necessary connexions in
Thought, such as those concerning Space, have resulted
from infinite experiences of corresponding necessary connexions
in Things; and that, similarly, out of perpetual
converse with the Forces manifested to us in Space, there
has been a progressive establishment of internal relations
answering to external relations, in such wise that there
finally emerge as physical axioms, certain necessities of
Thought which answer to necessities in Things.
I need scarcely say that I have taken the trouble of
making my comments on your letter, and of writing this
further exposition, with a view to their ulterior use.
I am, &c., HERBERTSPENCER.
Those who deny a general doctrine enunciated by Mayer as
the basis of his reasonings, habitually assumed by
Faraday {315}
as a guiding principle in drawing his conclusions, distinctly
held by Helmholtz, and tacitly implied by Sir John Herschel—those,
I say, who deny this general doctrine and even
deride it, should be prepared with clear and strong reasons
for doing this. Having been attacked, not in the most
temperate manner, for enunciating this doctrine and its
necessary implications in a specific form, I have demanded
such reasons. Observe the responses to the demand.
1. The British Quarterly
Reviewer quoted for my
instruction the dictum of Professor Tait, that
“Natural Philosophy is an experimental, and not an
intuitive science. No à priori reasoning can conduct
us demonstratively to a single physical truth.”
Thereupon I inquired what Professor Tait meant “by
speaking of ‘physical axioms,’ and by saying that
the cultured are enabled ‘to see at once their
necessary truth?’” . . .
No reply.
2. Instead of an answer to the question, how this
intuition of necessity can be alleged by Professor
Tait consistently with his other doctrine, the
Reviewer quotes, as though it disposed of my question,
Professor Tait’s statement that “as the properties of
matter might have been such as to render a totally
different set of laws axiomatic, these laws
[of motion] must be considered as restingon
convictions drawn from observationand experiment,
and not on intuitiveperception.” Whereupon I
inquired how Professor Tait knows that “the properties
of matter might have been” other {316} than they are. I asked how it
happened that his intuition concerning things as they
are not, is so certain that, by inference from it, he
discredits our intuitions concerning things as theyare . . .
No reply: Professor
Tait told, à propos of my
question, a story of which no one could discover the
application; but, otherwise, declined to answer. Nor
was any answer given by his disciple.
3. Further, I asked how it happened that Professor
Tait accepted as bases for Physics, Newton’s Laws
of Motion; which were illustrated but not proved
by Newton, and of which no proofs are supplied
by Professor Tait, in the Treatise on Natural
Philosophy. I went on to examine what conceivable
a posteriori warrant there can be if there is no
warrant a priori; and I pointed out that neither
from terrestrial nor from celestial phenomena can the
First Law of Motion be deduced without a petitio
principii . . .
No reply: the Reviewer characterized
my reasoning as
“utterly erroneous” (therein differing entirely from
two {317} eminent
authorities who read it in proof); but beyond so
characterizing it he said nothing.
4. To my assertion that Newton gave no proof of the
Laws of Motion, the Reviewer rejoined that “the whole
of the Principia was the proof.” On which my comment
was that Newton called them “axioms,” and that axioms
are not commonly supposed to be proved by deductions
from them . . .
The Reviewer quotes from one of Newton’s letters a
passage showing that though he called the Laws of
Motion “axioms,” he regarded them as principles “made
general by induction;” and that therefore he could not
have regarded them as a priori.
5. In rejoinder, I pointed out that whatever
conception Newton may have had of these “axioms,”
he explicitly and distinctly excluded them from
the class of “hypotheses.” Hence I inferred
that he did not regard the whole of the {318}Principia
as the proof, which the Reviewer says it is; since
an assumption made at the outset, to be afterwards
justified by the results of assuming it, is an
“hypothesis” . . .
No reply.
6. Authority aside, I examined on its merits the
assertion that the Laws of Motion are, or can be,
proved true by the ascertained truth of astronomical
predictions; and showed that the process of
verification itself assumed those Laws.
No reply.
7. To make still clearer the fact that ultimate
physical truths are, and must be, accepted as a
priori, I pointed out that in every experiment
the physicist tacitly assumes a relation between
cause and effect, such that, if one unit of cause
produces its unit of effect, two units of the
cause will produce two units of the effect; and I
argued that this general assumption included the
special assumption asserted in the Second Law of
Motion. . . .
No reply: that is to say, no endeavour to show the
untruth of this statement, but a quibble based on my
omission of the word “proportionality” in places where
it was implied, though not stated.
8. Attention was drawn to a passage {319} from Sir John Herschel’s
Discourse on theStudy of Natural Philosophy,
in which the “proportionality of the effect to its
cause in all cases of direct unimpeded action” is
included by him among “the characters of that relation
which we intend by cause and effect;” and in which
this assumption of proportionality is set down as one
preceding physical exploration, and not as one to be
established by it . . .
No reply.
9. Lastly, a challenge to prove this proportionality.
“It is required to establish the truth that there
is proportionality between causes and effects, by
a process which nowhere assumes that if one unit
of force produces a certain unit of effect, two
units of such force will produce two units of such
effect.” . . .
No reply.
Thus
on all these essential points my three mathematical
opponents allow judgment to go against them by default.
The attention of readers has been drawn off from the main
issues by the discussion of side issues. Fundamental questions
have been evaded, and new questions of subordinate
kinds raised.
What is the implication? One who is able to reach and
to carry the central position of his antagonist, does not
spend his strength on small outposts. If he declines to
assault the stronghold, it must be because he sees it to
be impregnable.
The trouble I have thus taken to meet criticisms and
dissipate misapprehensions, I have taken because the
attack {320}
made on the special doctrine defended, is part of an attack
on the ultimate doctrine underlying the deductive part of
First Principles—the doctrine that the quantity of existence
is unchangeable. I agree with Sir W. Hamilton that our
consciousness of the necessity of causation, results from
the impossibility of conceiving the totality of Being to
increase or decrease. The proportionality of cause and
effect is an implication: denial of it involves the assertion
that some quantity of cause has disappeared without effect,
or some quantity of effect has arisen without cause. I have
asserted the a priori character of the Second Law of Motion,
under the abstract form in which it is expressed, simply
because this, too, is an implication, somewhat more remote,
of the same ultimate truth. And my sole reason for insisting
on the validity of these intuitions, is that, on the
hypothesis of Evolution, absolute uniformities in things
have produced absolute uniformities in thoughts; and that
necessary thoughts represent infinitely-larger accumulations
of experiences than are formed by the observations, experiments,
and reasonings of any single life.
24Principles of Psychology, Second Edition, § 425, note.
25Le Sentiment Religieux, par A. Grotz. Paris, J. Cherbuliez,
1870.
26
Instead of describing me as misunderstanding Kant on this
point, Dr. Hodgson should have described Kant as having, in successive
sentences, so changed the meanings of the words he uses, as to make
either interpretation possible. At the outset of his Critique of
Pure Reason, he says:—“The effect of an object upon the faculty
of representation, so far as we are affected by the said object, is
sensation. That sort of intuition which relates to an object by means
of sensation, is called an empirical intuition. The undetermined object
of an empirical intuition, is called phænomenon. That which in the
phænomenon corresponds to the sensation, I term its matter;”
[here, remembering the definition just given of phenomenon,
objective existence is manifestly referred to] “but that which effects
that the content of the phænomenon can be arranged under certain
relations, I call its form” [so that form, as here applied,
refers to objective existence]. “But that in which our sensations
are merely arranged, and by which they are susceptible of assuming a
certain form, cannot be itself sensation.” [In which sentence the word
form obviously refers to subjective existence.] At the outset, the
‘phenomenon’ and the ‘sensation’ are distinguished as objective and
subjective respectively; and then, in the closing sentences, the form
is spoken of in connexion first with the one and then with the other,
as though they were the same.
36
Only after the foregoing paragraphs were written, did
the remark of a distinguished friend show me how certain words were
misconstrued by the reviewer in a way that had never occurred to me
as possible. In the passage referred to, I have said that sound-waves
“finally die away in generating thermal undulations that radiate into
space;” meaning, of course, that the force embodied in the sound-waves
is finally exhausted in generating thermal undulations. In common
speech, the dying-away of a prolonged sound, as that of a church-bell,
includes its gradual diminution as well as its final cessation. But
rather than suppose I gave to the words this ordinary meaning, the
reviewer supposes me to believe, not simply that the longitudinal
waves of air can pass, without discontinuity, into the transverse
waves of ether, but he also debits me with the belief that the one
order of waves, having lengths measurable in feet, and rates expressed
in hundreds per second, can, by mere enfeeblement, pass into the
other order of waves, having lengths of some fifty thousand to the
inch, and rates expressed in many billions per second! Why he preferred
so to interpret my words, and that, too, in the face of contrary
implications elsewhere (instance § 100), will, however, be manifest to
every one who reads his criticisms.
37
Other examples of these amenities of controversy, in
which I decline to imitate my reviewer, have already been given. What
occasions he supplies me for imitation, were I minded to take advantage
of them, an instance will show. Pointing out an implication of certain
reasonings of mine, he suggests that it is too absurd even for me to
avow explicitly; saying:—“We scarcely think that even Mr. Spencer
will venture to claim as a datum of consciousness the Second Law of
Motion, with its attendant complexities of component velocities, &c.”
Now any one who turns to Newton’s Principia, will find that to the
enunciation of the Second Law of Motion, nothing whatever is appended
but an amplified re-statement—there is not even an illustration, much
less a proof. And from this law, this axiom, this immediate intuition
or “datum of consciousness,” Newton proceeds forthwith to draw those
corollaries respecting the composition of forces which underlie all
dynamics. What, then, must be thought of Newton, who explicitly assumes
that which the reviewer thinks it absurd to assume implicitly?
38
That I am certainly not singular in this view, is shown to me, even
while I write, by the just-issued work of Prof. Jevons on the Principles of
Science: a Treatise on Logic and Scientific Method. In vol. ii., p. 141, Prof.
Jevons remarks respecting the law of variation of the attractive force, that
it “is doubtless connected at this point with the primary properties of space
itself, and is so far conformable to our necessary
ideas.”
39
See Essay on “The Genesis of Science,” in the British
Quarterly Review for July, 1854, p. 127.
40
I do not say this at random. The reviewer, who has sought
rather to make known than to conceal his identity, took his degree in
1868.
41
It is true that in Newton’s time, “axiom” had not the same
rigorously defined meaning as now; but it suffices for my argument
that, standing unproved as a basis for physical deductions, it bears
just the same relation to them that a mathematical axiom does to
mathematical deductions.
42
The above letter, written after absence at Easter had
involved a week’s delay, and written somewhat hurriedly to prevent the
delay of a second week, was less carefully revised than it should have
been. The words in square brackets, obviously implied by the reasoning,
and specifically implied by the illustrations, were not in the letter
as originally published.
43
Here, in explaining the genesis of special space-intuitions, I have singled
out a group of experiences which, in Nature, May 28, Mr. Hayward had
chosen as illustrating the absurdity of supposing that the scientific conception
of proportionality could be reached as alleged. He said:―
“It is hardly a parody of Mr. Collier’s remarks to say:—‘A child discovers that the
greater the angle between his legs the greater the distance between his feet, an experience
which implicates the notion of proportionality between the angle of a triangle and its
opposite side;’ a preconception, as it appears to me, with just as good a basis as that
whose formation Mr. Collier illustrates, but one which, as I need hardly add, is soon
corrected by a conscious study of geometry or by
actual measurement.”
I am indebted to Mr. Hayward for giving this instance. It conveniently
serves two purposes. It serves to exemplify the connexion between the
crude preconceptions unconsciously formed by earlier experiences, and
the conceptions consciously evolved out of them by the help of later
experiences, when the requisite powers of analysis and abstraction
have been reached. And at the same time it serves to show the failure
of my opponents to understand how, in the genesis of intelligence,
the scientific conception of exact proportionality develops from the
crude, vague, and inaccurate preconception. For while the notion of
proportionality acquired by the child in Mr. Hayward’s example, is not
true, it is an approximation towards one which is true, and one which
is reached when its more developed intelligence is brought critically
to bear on the facts. Eventually it is discovered that the angle is not
proportional to the subtending side, but to the subtending arc; and
this is discovered in the process of disentangling a simple relation
from other relations which complicate and disguise it. Between the
angle and the arc there is exact proportionality, for the reason that
only one set of directly-connected space-relations are concerned:
the distance of the subtending arc from the subtended angle, remains
constant—there is no change in the relation between the increasing
angle and the increasing arc; and therefore the two vary together
in direct proportion. But it is otherwise with the subtending side.
The parts of this stand in different relations of distance from the
subtended angle; and as the line is lengthened, each added part differs
from the preceding parts in its distance from the angle. That is to
say, one set of simple directly-connected geometrical relations, is
here involved with another set; and the relation between the side
and the angle is such that the law of relative increase involves the
co-operation of two sets of factors. Now the distinguishing the true
proportionality (between the angle and the arc) from the relation
which simulates proportionality (between the angle and the side) is
just that process of final development of exact conceptions, which
I assert to be the finishing step of all the preceding development;
and to be impossible in its absence. And the truth to which my
assailants shut their eyes, is that, just as among these conceptions of
space-relations, the conception of exact proportionality can be reached
only by evolution from the crude notion of proportionality, formed
before reasoning begins; so, among the force-relations, the conception
of proportionality finally reached, when simple causes and their
effects are disentangled by analytical intelligence, can be reached
only by evolution of the crude notion of proportionality, established
as a preconception by early experiences which reinforce ancestral
experiences.
PROF. GREEN’S EXPLANATIONS. — P OSTSCRIPT. — ENDNOTES TO PROF. GREEN’S EXPLANATIONS .
[From the
Contemporary Review for Feb. 1881. It would not
have occurred to me to reproduce this essay, had it not been
that there has lately been a reproduction of the essay to which
it replies. But as Mr. Nettleship, in his editorial capacity,
has given a permanent shape to Professor Green’s unscrupulous
criticism, I am obliged to give a permanent shape to the pages
which show its unscrupulousness.]
Dreary at best, metaphysical controversy becomes
especially dreary when it runs into rejoinders and re-rejoinders;
and hence I feel some hesitation in inflicting,
even upon those readers of the Contemporary who are
interested in metaphysical questions, anything further
concerning Prof. Green’s criticism, Mr. Hodgson’s reply to
it, and Prof. Green’s explanations. Still, it appears to me
that I can now hardly let the matter pass without saying
something in justification of the views attacked by Prof.
Green; or, rather, in disproof of the allegations he makes
against them.
I did not, when Prof. Green’s two articles appeared,
think it needful to notice them: my wish to avoid hindrance
to my work, being supported partly by the thought that
very few would read a discussion so difficult to follow, and
partly by the thought that, of the few who did read it,
most would be those whose knowledge of The Principles of
Psychology enabled them to see how unlike the
argument {322}
I have used is the representation of it given by Prof.
Green, and how inapplicable his animadversions therefore
are. This last belief was, I find, quite erroneous; and I
ought to have known better than to form it. Experience
might have shown me that readers habitually assume a
critic’s version of an author’s statement to be the true
version, and that they rarely take the trouble to see
whether the meaning ascribed to a detached passage is the
meaning which it bears when taken with the context.
Moreover, I should have remembered that in the absence
of disproofs it is habitually assumed that criticisms are
valid; and that inability rather than pre-occupation prevents
the author from replying. I ought not, therefore,
to have been surprised to learn, as I did from the first
paragraph of Mr. Hodgson’s article, that Prof. Green’s
criticisms had met with considerable acceptance.
I am much indebted to Mr. Hodgson for undertaking the
defence of my views; and after reading Prof. Green’s
rejoinder, it seems to me that Mr. Hodgson’s chief allegations
remain outstanding. I cannot here, of course, follow
the controversy point by point. I propose to deal simply
with the main issues.
At the
close of his answer, Prof. Green refers to “two
other misapprehensions of a more general nature, which he
[Mr. Hodgson] alleges against me at the outset of his
article.” Not admitting these, Prof. Green postpones
replies for the present; though by what replies he can
show his apprehensions to be true ones, I do not see.
Further misapprehensions of a general nature, which stand
as preliminaries to his criticisms, may here be instanced,
as serving, I think, to show that those criticisms are
misdirected.
From The Principles of Psychology Prof. Green quotes
the following sentences:―
“The relation between these, as antithetically opposed divisions
of the {323}
entire assemblage of manifestations of the Unknowable, was our datum.
The fabric of conclusions built upon it must be unstable if this datum can be
proved either untrue or doubtful. Should the idealist be right, the doctrine
of evolution is a dream.”
And on these sentences he comments thus:―
“To those who have humbly accepted the doctrine of evolution as a
valuable formulation of our knowledge of animal life, but at the same time
think of themselves as ‘idealists,’ this statement may at first cause some
uneasiness. On examination, however, they will find in the first place that
when Mr. Spencer in such a connection speaks of the doctrine of evolution,
he is thinking chiefly of its application to the explanation of knowledge—an
application at least not necessarily admitted in the acceptance of it as a
theory of animal life.”44
From which it appears that Prof. Green’s conception of
Evolution is that popular conception in which it is
identified with that set forth in The Origin of Species.
That my conception of Evolution, referred to in the
passage he quotes, is a widely different one, would have
been perceived by him had he referred to the exposition
of it contained in First Principles. My meaning in the
passage he quotes is, that since Evolution, as I conceive it,
is, under certain conditions, the result of that universal
redistribution of matter and motion which is, and ever has
been, going on; and since, during those phases of it which
are distinguishable as astronomic and geologic, the implication
is that no life, still less consciousness (under any
such form as is known to us), existed; there is necessarily
implied by the theory of Evolution, a mode of Being
independent of, and antecedent to, the mode of Being we
now call consciousness. And I implied that, consequently,
this theory must be a dream, if either ideas are the only
existences, or if, as Prof. Green appears to think, the
object exists only by correlation with the subject. How
necessary is this more general view as a basis for my
psychological view, and how erroneous is a criticism which
ignores it, will be seen on observing that by ignoring it, I
am made to appear profoundly inconsistent
where {324}
otherwise there is no inconsistency. Prof. Green says that
my doctrine―
“ascribes to the object, which in
truth is nothing without the subject, an independent
reality, and then supposes it gradually to produce
certain qualities in the subject, of which the
existence is in truth necessary to the possibility
of those qualities in the object which are supposed
to produce them.”45
On which
my comment is that, ascribing, as I do, “an
independent reality” to the object, and denying that the
object is “nothing without the subject,” my doctrine,
though wholly inconsistent with that of Professor Green,
is wholly consistent with itself. Had he rightly conceived
the doctrine of Transfigured Realism (Prin. of Psy. § 473),
Prof. Green would have seen that while I hold that the
qualities of object and subject, as present to consciousness,
being resultants of the co-operation of object and subject,
exist only through their co-operation, and, in common with
all resultants, must be unlike their factors; yet that there
pre-exist those factors, and that without them no resultants
can exist.
Equally fundamental is another preliminary misconception
which Prof. Green exhibits. He says―
“We should be sorry to believe that Mr. Spencer and Mr. Lewes regard
the relation between consciousness and the world as corresponding to that
between two bodies, of which one is inside the other; but apart from some
such crude imagination it does not appear, &c.”
Now since
I deliberately accept, and have expounded at
great length, this view which Professor Green does not
ascribe to me, because he would be “sorry to believe”
I entertain such a “crude imagination”—since this view
is everywhere posited by the doctrine of Psychological
Evolution as I have set it forth; I am astonished at finding
it supposed that I hold some other view. Considering that
Parts II. III. and IV. of the Principles of Psychology are
occupied with tracing out mental Evolution as a result of
converse between organism and
environment; and {325}
considering that throughout Part V. the interpretations,
analytical instead of synthetical, pre-suppose from moment
to moment a surrounding world and an included organism;
I cannot imagine a stranger assumption than that I do
not believe the relationship between consciousness and the
world to be that of inclusion of the one by the other. I
am aware that Prof. Green does not regard me as a
coherent thinker; but I scarcely expected he would ascribe
to me an incoherence so extreme that in Part VI. I abandon
the fundamental assumption on which all the preceding
parts stand, and adopt some other. And I should the less
have expected so extreme an incoherence to be ascribed to
me, considering that throughout Part VI. this same belief
is tacitly implied as part of that realistic belief which it is
the aim of its argument to explain and justify. Here,
however, the fact of chief significance is, that as Professor
Green would be “sorry to believe” I hold the view named,
and refrains from ascribing to me so “crude an imagination,”
it is to be concluded that his arguments are directed
against some other view which he supposes me to hold.
If so, one of two conclusions is inevitable. Either his
criticisms are valid against this other view which he tacitly
ascribes to me, or they are not. If he admits them to
be invalid on the assumption that I hold this other view,
the matter ends. If he holds them to be valid on the
assumption that I hold this other view, then they must
be invalid against the absolutely-different view which I
actually hold; and again the matter ends.
Even were I to leave off here, I might, I think, say that
the inapplicability of Prof. Green’s arguments is sufficiently
shown; but it may be desirable to point out that beyond
these general misapprehensions, by which they are vitiated,
there are special misapprehensions. Much to my surprise,
considering the careful preliminary explanation I have
given, he has failed to understand the mental attitude
assumed by me when describing the synthesis of
experiences {326}
against which he more especially urges his objections. In
chapters entitled “Partial Differentiation of Subject and
Object,” “Completed Differentiation of Subject and
Object,” and “Developed Conception of the Object,” I have
endeavoured, as these titles imply, to trace up the gradual
establishment of this fundamental antithesis in a developing
intelligence. It appeared to me, and still appears, that for
coherent thinking there must be excluded at the outset,
not only whatever implies acquired knowledge of objective
existence, but also whatever implies acquired knowledge
of subjective existence. At the close of the chapter preceding
those just named, as well as in First Principles,
where this process of differentiation was more briefly
indicated, I recognized, and emphatically enlarged upon, the
difficulty of carrying out such an inquiry: pointing out
that in any attempts we make to observe the way in which
subject and object become distinguished, we inevitably use
those faculties and conceptions which have grown up while
the differentiation of the two has been going on. In trying
to discern the initial stages of the process, we carry with
us all the products which belong to the final stage, and
cannot free ourselves from them. In First Principles
(§ 43) I have pointed out that the words impressions and
ideas, the term sensation, the phrase state of consciousness,
severally involve large systems of beliefs; and that if we
allow ourselves to recognize their connotations we inevitably
reason circularly. And in the closing sentence of the
chapter preceding those above named, I have said―
“Though in every illustration taken we shall have tacitly to posit an
external existence, and in every reference to states of consciousness we shall
have to posit an internal existence which has these states; yet, as before, we
must ignore these implications.”
I should have thought that, with all these cautions before
him, Prof. Green would not have fallen into the error of
supposing that in the argument thereupon commenced, the
phrase “states of consciousness” is used with all its
ordinary implications. I should have thought that, as
in {327}
a note appended to the outset of the argument I have
referred to the parallel argument in First Principles, where
I have used the phrase “manifestations of existence”
instead of “states of consciousness,” as the least objectionable;
and as the argument in the Psychology is definitely
described in this note as a re-statement in a different form
of the argument in First Principles; he would have seen
that in the phrase “states of consciousness,” as used
throughout this chapter, was to be included no more
meaning than was included in the phrase “manifestations
of existence.”46
I should have thought he would have seen
that the purpose of the chapter was passively to watch,
with no greater intelligence than is implied in watching,
how the manifestations or states, vivid and faint, comport
themselves: excluding all thought of their meanings—all
interpretations of them. Nevertheless, Prof. Green charges
me with having, at the outset of the examination, invalidated
my argument by implying, in the terms I use, certain
products of developed consciousness.47
He contends that
my division of the “states of consciousness,” or, as I elsewhere
term them, “manifestations of existence,” into vivid
and faint, is vitiated from the first by including along with
the vivid ones those faint ones needful to constitute them
perceptions, in the ordinary sense of the word. Because,
describing all I passively watch, I speak of a distant {328}
head-land, of waves, of boats, &c., he actually supposes me to be
speaking of those developed cognitions under which these
are classed as such and such objects. What would he have
me do? It is impossible to give any such account of the
process as I have attempted, without using names for
things and actions. The various manifestations, vivid and
faint, which in the case described impose themselves on
my receptivity, must be indicated in some way; and the
words indicating them inevitably carry with them their
respective connotations. What more can I do than warn
the reader that all these connotations must be ignored, and
that attention must be paid exclusively to the manifestations
themselves, and the modes in which they comport themselves.
At the stage described in this “partial differentiation,”
while I suppose myself as yet unconscious of my
own individuality and of a world as separate from it, the
obvious implication is, that what I name “states of consciousness,”
because this is the current term for them, are
to have no interpretations whatever put upon them; but
that their characters and modes of behaviour are to be
observed, as they might be while yet there had been none
of that organization of experiences which makes things
known in the ordinary sense. It is true that, thus misinterpreting
me in December, Prof. Green, writing again
in March, puts into the mouth of an imagined advocate the
true statement of my view;48
though he (Prof. Green) then
proceeds to deny that I can mean what this imagined
advocate rightly says I mean: taking occasion to allege
that I use the phrase “states of consciousness” “to give a
philosophical character” to what would else seem “written
too much after the fashion of a newspaper correspondent.”49
Even, however, had he admitted that intended meaning
which he sees, but denies, the rectification would have been
somewhat unsatisfactory, coming three months
after various {329}
absurdities, based on his misinterpretation, had been
ascribed to me.
But the most serious allegation made by Mr. Hodgson
against Prof. Green, and which I here repeat, is that he
habitually says I regard the object as constituted by “the
aggregate of vivid states of consciousness,” in face of the
conspicuous fact that I identify the object with the nexus
of this aggregate. In his defence Prof. Green says―
“If I had made any attempt to show that Mr. Spencer believes the
object to be no more than an aggregate of vivid states of consciousness,
Mr. Hodgson’s complaint, that I ignore certain passages in which a contrary
persuasion is stated, would have been to the purpose.”
Let us look at
the facts. Treating of the relation between
my view and the idealistic and sceptical views, he imagines
addresses made to me by Berkeley and Hume. “‘You
agree with me,’ Berkeley might say, ‘that when we speak
of the external world we are speaking of certain lively
ideas connected in a certain manner;’”50
and this identification
of the world with ideas, I am tacitly represented as
accepting. Again, Hume is supposed to say to me—“You
agree with me that what we call the world is a series of
impressions;”51
and here, as before, I am supposed silently
to acquiesce in this as a true statement of my view.
Similarly throughout his argument, Prof. Green continually
states or implies that the object is, in my belief, constituted
by the vivid aggregate of states of consciousness. At the
outset of his second article,52
he says of me:—“He there”
[in the Principles of Psychology] “identifies the object with
a certain aggregate of vivid states of consciousness, which
he makes out to be independent of another aggregate,
consisting of faint states, and identified with the subject.”
And admitting that he thus describes my view, he nevertheless
alleges that he does not misrepresent me, because,
as he says,53
“there is scarcely a page of my
article in {330}
which Mr. Spencer’s conviction of the externality and
independence of the object, in the various forms in which
it is stated by him, is not referred to.” But what if it is
referred to in the process of showing that the externality
and independence of the object is utterly inconsistent with
the conception of it as an aggregate of vivid states of
consciousness? What if I am continually made to seem
thus absolutely inconsistent, by omitting the fact that not
the aggregate of vivid states itself is conceived by me as
the object, but the nexus binding it together?
A single brief example will typify Prof. Green’s general
method of procedure. On page 40 of his first article
he says—“And in the sequel the ‘separation of themselves’
on the part of states of consciousness ‘into two
great aggregates, vivid and faint,’ is spoken of as a
‘differentiation between the antithetical existences we
call object and subject.’ If words mean anything, then,
Mr. Spencer plainly makes the ‘object’ an aggregate of
conscious states.” But in the entire passage from which
these words of mine are quoted, which he gives at the
bottom of the page, a careful reader will observe a word
(omitted from Prof. Green’s quotation in the text), which
quite changes the meaning. I have described the result,
not as “a differentiation,” but as “a partial differentiation.”
Now, to use Prof. Green’s expression, “if words
mean anything,” a partial differentiation cannot have the
same sense as a complete differentiation. If the ‘’object’
has been already constituted by this partial differentiation,
what does the ‘object’ become when the differentiation is
completed? Clearly, “if words mean anything,” then,
had Prof. Green not omitted the word “partial,” it would
have been manifest that the aggregate of vivid states was
not alleged to be the object. The mode of treatment
which we here see in little, exemplifies Prof. Green’s mode
of treatment at large. Throughout his two articles he
criticizes detached portions, and ascribes to them
meanings {331}
quite different from those which they have when joined
with the rest.
With the simplicity of “a raw undergraduate” (to some
of whose views Prof. Green compares some of mine) I
had assumed that an argument running through three
chapters would not be supposed to have its conclusion
expressed in the first; but now, after the professorial
lesson I have received, my simplicity will be decreased,
and I shall be aware that a critic may deal with that
which is avowedly partial, as though it were entire, and
may treat as though it were already developed, a conception
which the titles of the chapters before him show is
yet but incipient.
Here I leave the matter, and if anything more is said,
shall let it pass. Controversy must be cut short, or work
must be left undone. I can but suggest that metaphysical
readers will do well to make their own interpretations of
my views, rather than to accept without inquiry all the
interpretations offered them.
—From a note
appended by Mr. Nettleship to his republished versions of Prof.
Green’s articles, it appears that, after the foregoing pages
were published by me, Prof. Green wrote to the editor of the
Contemporary Review, saying:―
“While I cannot honestly retract anything in the substance of what I then
wrote, there are expressions in the article which I very much regret, so far
as they might be taken to imply want of personal respect for Mr. Spencer.
For reasons sufficiently given in my reply to Mr. Hodgson, I cannot plead
guilty to the charge of misrepresentation which Mr. Spencer repeats; but on
reading my first article again in cold blood I found that I had allowed controversial
heat to betray me into the use of language which was unbecoming—especially
on the part of an unknown writer (not even then a ‘professor’)
assailing a veteran philosopher. I make this acknowledgment merely for
my own satisfaction, not under the impression that it can at all concern
Mr. Spencer” (vol. i., p. 541).
Possibly some of Prof. Green’s adherents will ask how,
after he has stated that he cannot honestly retract, and
that {332}
he is not guilty of misrepresentation, I can describe his
criticism as unscrupulous. My reply is that a critic who
persists in saying that which, on the face of it, is dishonest,
and then avers that he cannot honestly do otherwise, does
not thereby prove his honesty, but contrariwise. One who
deliberately omits from his quotation the word “partial,”
and then treats, as though it were complete, that which is
avowedly incomplete—one who, in dealing with an argument
which runs through three chapters, recognizes only the first
of them—one who persists in thinking it proper to do this
after the consequent distortions of statement have been
pointed out to him; is one who, if not knowingly dishonest,
is lacking in due perception of right and wrong in controversy.
The only other possible supposition which occurs to
me, is that such a proceeding is a natural sequence of the
philosophy to which he adheres. Of course, if Being and
non-Being are the same, then representation and misrepresentation
are the same.
I may add that there is a curious kinship between the
ideas implied by the letter above quoted and its implied sentiments.
Prof. Green says that his apology for unbecoming
language he makes merely for his “own satisfaction.” He
does not calm his qualms of conscience by indicating his
regret to those who read this unbecoming language; nor
does he express his regret to me, against whom it was
vented; but he expresses his regret to the editor of the
Contemporary Review! So that a public insult to A is
supposed to be cancelled by a private apology to B! Here
is more Hegelian thinking; or rather, here is Hegelian
feeling congruous with Hegelian
thinking.
46
If I am asked why here I used the phrase “states of
consciousness” rather than “manifestations of existence,” though I had
previously preferred the last to the first, I give as my reason the
desire to maintain continuity of language with the preceding chapter,
“The Dynamics of Consciousness.” In that chapter an examination
of consciousness had been made with the view of ascertaining what
principle of cohesion determines our beliefs, as preliminary to
observing how this principle operates in establishing the beliefs
in subject and object. But on proceeding to do this, the phrase
“state of consciousness” was supposed, like the phrase “manifestation
of existence,” not to be used as anything more than a name by
which to distinguish this or that form of being, as an undeveloped
receptivity would become aware of it, while yet self and not-self were
undistinguished.
47Contemporary Review, December, 1877, pp. 49, 50.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF STYLE. — P OSTSCRIPT. — ENDNOTE TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF STYLE .
[First published in The Westminster Review
for October 1852.]
Commenting on the seeming incongruity between his
father’s argumentative powers and his ignorance of formal
logic, Tristram Shandy says:—“It was a matter of just
wonder with my worthy tutor, and two or three fellows of
that learned society, that a man who knew not so much as
the names of his tools, should be able to work after that
fashion with them.” Sterne’s implied conclusion that a
knowledge of the principles of reasoning neither makes,
nor is essential to, a good reasoner, is doubtless true.
Thus, too, is it with grammar. As Dr. Latham, condemning
the usual school-drill in Lindley Murray, rightly
remarks:—“Gross vulgarity is a fault to be prevented;
but the proper prevention is to be got from habit—not
rules.” Similarly, good composition is far less
dependent on acquaintance with its laws, than on practice
and natural aptitude. A clear head, a quick imagination,
and a sensitive ear, will go far towards making all
rhetorical precepts needless. And where there exists any
mental flaw—where there is a deficient verbal memory, or
an inadequate sense of logical dependence, or but little
perception of order, or a lack of constructive ingenuity;
no amount of instruction will insure good writing. Nevertheless,
some result may be expected from a
familiarity {334}
with the principles of style. The endeavour to conform to
laws may tell, though slowly. And if in no other way, yet,
as facilitating revision, a knowledge of the thing to be
achieved—a clear idea of what constitutes a beauty, and
what a blemish—cannot fail to be of service.
No
general theory of expression seems yet to have been
enunciated. The maxims contained in works on composition
and rhetoric, are presented in an unorganized form. Standing
as isolated dogmas—as empirical generalizations, they are
neither so clearly apprehended, nor so much respected, as
they would be were they deduced from some simple first
principle. We are told that “brevity is the soul of wit.”
We hear styles condemned as verbose or involved. Blair
says that every needless part of a sentence “interrupts the
description and clogs the image;” and again, that “long
sentences fatigue the reader’s attention.” It is remarked
by Lord Kaimes that, “to give the utmost force to a
period, it ought, if possible, to be closed with the word
that makes the greatest figure.” Avoidance of parentheses,
and the use of Saxon words in preference to those of Latin
origin, are often insisted upon. But, however influential
the precepts thus dogmatically expressed, they would
be much more influential if reduced to something like
scientific ordination. In this as in other cases, conviction is
strengthened when we understand the why. And we may
be sure that recognition of the general principle from
which the rules of composition result, will not only bring
them home to us with greater force, but will disclose other
rules of like origin.
On seeking for some clue to the law underlying these
current maxims, we may see implied in many of them, the importance
of economizing the reader’s or hearer’s attention.
To so present ideas that they may be apprehended with the
least possible mental effort, is the desideratum towards
which most of the rules above quoted point. When
we {335}
condemn writing that is wordy, or confused, or intricate—when
we praise this style as easy, and blame that as
fatiguing, we consciously or unconsciously assume this
desideratum as our standard of judgment. Regarding
language as an apparatus of symbols for conveying
thought, we may say that, as in a mechanical apparatus, the
more simple and the better arranged its parts, the greater
will be the effect produced. In either case, whatever force
is absorbed by the machine is deducted from the result.
A reader or listener has at each moment but a limited
amount of mental power available. To recognize and
interpret the symbols presented to him, requires part of
this power; to arrange and combine the images suggested
by them requires a further part; and only that part which
remains can be used for framing the thought expressed.
Hence, the more time and attention it takes to receive and
understand each sentence, the less time and attention can
be given to the contained idea; and the less vividly will
that idea be conceived. How truly language must be
regarded as a hindrance to thought, though the necessary
instrument of it, we shall clearly perceive on remembering
the comparative force with which simple ideas are communicated
by signs. To say, “Leave the room,” is less
expressive than to point to the door. Placing a finger on
the lips is more forcible than whispering, “Do not speak.”
A beck of the hand is better than, “Come here.” No
phrase can convey the idea of surprise so vividly as
opening the eyes and raising the eyebrows. A shrug of
the shoulders would lose much by translation into words.
Again, it may be remarked that when oral language is
employed, the strongest effects are produced by interjections,
which condense entire sentences into syllables.
And in other cases, where custom allows us to express
thoughts by single words, as in Beware, Heigho, Fudge,
much force would be lost by expanding them into specific
propositions. Hence, carrying out the metaphor
that {336}
language is the vehicle of thought, we may say that in all
cases the friction and inertia of the vehicle deduct from its
efficiency; and that in composition, the chief thing to be
done, is, to reduce the friction and inertia to the smallest
amounts. Let us then inquire whether economy of the
recipient’s attention is not the secret of effect, alike in the
right choice and collocation of words, in the best arrangement
of clauses in a sentence, in the proper order of its
principal and subordinate propositions, in the judicious use
of simile, metaphor, and other figures of speech, and even
in the rhythmical sequence of syllables.
The greater forcibleness of Saxon English, or rather
non-Latin English, first claims our attention. The several
special reasons assignable for this may all be reduced to
the general reason—economy. The most important of
them is early association. A child’s vocabulary is almost
wholly Saxon. He says, I have, not I possess—I wish, not
I desire; he does not reflect, he thinks; he does not beg
for amusement, but for play; he calls things nice or nasty,
not pleasant or disagreeable. The synonyms learned in
after years, never become so closely, so organically, connected
with the ideas signified, as do these original words
used in childhood; the association remains less strong.
But in what does a strong association between a word and
an idea differ from a weak one? Essentially in the greater
ease and rapidity of the suggestive action. Both of two
words, if they be strictly synonymous, eventually call up
the same image. The expression—It is acid, must in the
end give rise to the same thought as—It is sour; but
because the term acid was learnt later in life, and has not
been so often followed by the ideal sensation symbolized,
it does not so readily arouse that ideal sensation as the
term sour. If we remember how slowly the meanings
follow unfamiliar words in another language, and how
increasing familiarity with them brings greater rapidity
and ease of comprehension; and if we consider that
the {337}
like effect must have resulted from using the words of our
mother tongue from childhood upwards; we shall clearly
see that the earliest learnt and oftenest used words, will,
other things equal, call up images with less loss of time and
energy than their later learnt equivalents.
The further superiority possessed by Saxon English in
its comparative brevity, obviously comes under the same
generalization. If it be an advantage to express an idea
in the smallest number of words, then it must be an
advantage to express it in the smallest number of syllables.
If circuitous phrases and needless expletives distract the
attention and diminish the strength of the impression
produced, then so, too, must surplus articulations. A
certain effort, though commonly an inappreciable one, is
required to recognize every vowel and consonant. If, as
all know, it is tiresome to listen to an indistinct speaker,
or to read an ill-written manuscript; and if, as we cannot
doubt, the fatigue is a cumulative result of the attention
needed to catch successive syllables; it follows that attention
is in such cases absorbed by each syllable. And this
being so when the syllables are difficult of recognition, it
will be so too, though in a less degree, when the recognition
of them is easy. Hence, the shortness of Saxon words
becomes a reason for their greater force. One qualification,
however, must not be overlooked. A word which embodies
the most important part of the idea to be conveyed, especially
when emotion is to be produced, may often with advantage
be a polysyllabic word. Thus it seems more forcible to say—“It
is magnificent,” than—“It is grand.” The word vast
is not so powerful a one as stupendous. Calling a thing
nasty is not so effective as calling it disgusting. There seem
to be several causes for this exceptional superiority of
certain long words. We may ascribe it partly to the fact
that a voluminous, mouth-filling epithet is, by its very size,
suggestive of largeness or strength, as is shown by the pomposity
of sesquipedalian verbiage; and when great power
or {338}
intensity has to be suggested, this association of ideas aids
the effect. A further cause may be that a word of several
syllables admits of more emphatic articulation; and as
emphatic articulation is a sign of emotion, the unusual
impressiveness of the thing named is implied by it. Yet
another cause is that a long word (of which the latter
syllables are generally inferred as soon as the first are
spoken) allows the hearer’s consciousness more time to
dwell on the quality predicated; and where, as in the
above cases, it is to this predicated quality that the entire
attention is called, an advantage results from keeping it
before the mind for an appreciable interval. To make our
generalization quite correct we must therefore say, that
while in certain sentences expressing feeling, the word
which more especially implies that feeling may often with
advantage be a many-syllabled one; in the immense
majority of cases, each word, serving but as a step to the
idea embodied by the whole sentence, should, if possible,
be a single syllable.
Once more, that frequent cause of strength in Saxon and
other primitive words—their onomatopœia, may be similarly
resolved into the more general cause. Both those
directly imitative, as splash,bang, whiz, roar, &c., and those
analogically imitative, as rough, smooth, keen, blunt, thin,
hard, crag, &c., have a greater or less likeness to the things
symbolized; and by making on the ears impressions allied
to the ideas to be called up, they save part of the effort
needed to call up such ideas, and leave more attention for
the ideas themselves.
Economy of the recipient’s mental energy may be
assigned, too, as a manifest cause for the superiority of
specific over generic words. That concrete terms produce
more vivid impressions than abstract ones, and should,
when possible, be used instead, is a current maxim of
composition. As Dr. Campbell says, “The more general
the terms are, the picture is the fainter; the more
special {339}
they are, the brighter.” When aiming at effect we should
avoid such a sentence as:
―― When the manners, customs, and amusements of a
nation are cruel and barbarous, the regulations of their
penal code will be severe.
And in place of it we should write:
―― When men delight in battles, bull-fights, and combats
of gladiators, will they punish by hanging, burning,
and the rack.
This superiority of specific expressions is clearly due to
a saving of the effort required to translate words into
thoughts. As we do not think in generals but in particulars—as,
whenever any class of things is named, we
represent it to ourselves by calling to mind individual
members of the class; it follows that when a general word
is used, the hearer or reader has to choose from his stock
of images, one or more, by which he may figure to himself
the whole group. In doing this, some delay must arise—some
force be expended; and if, by employing a specific
term, an appropriate image can be at once suggested, an
economy is achieved, and a more vivid impression produced.
Turning now from the choice of words to their sequence,
we find the same principle hold good. We have a priori
reasons for believing that there is some one order of
words by which every proposition may be more effectively
expressed than by any other; and that this order is the
one which presents the elements of the proposition in the
succession in which they may be most readily put together.
As in a narrative, the events should be stated in such
sequence that the mind may not have to go backwards and
forwards in order to rightly connect them; as in a group
of sentences, the arrangement should be such that each of
them may be understood as it comes, without waiting for
subsequent ones; so in every sentence, the sequence of
words should be that which suggests the constituents of
the thought in the order most convenient for building
it {340}
up. Duly to enforce this truth, and to prepare the way
for applications of it, we must analyze the mental act by
which the meaning of a series of words is apprehended.
We cannot more simply do this than by considering the
proper collocation of substantive and adjective. Is it
better to place the adjective before the substantive, or the
substantive before the adjective? Ought we to say with
the French—un cheval noir; or to say as we do—a black
horse? Probably, most persons of culture will say that
one order is as good as the other. Alive to the bias
produced by habit, they will ascribe to that the preference
they feel for our own form of expression. They will
expect those educated in the use of the opposite form
to have an equal preference for that. And thus they will
conclude that neither of these instinctive judgments
is of any worth. There is, however, a psychological ground
for deciding in favour of the English custom. If “a
horse black” be the arrangement, then immediately on
the utterance of the word “horse,” there arises, or tends to
arise, in the mind, an idea answering to that word; and as
there has been nothing to indicate what kind of horse, any
image of a horse suggests itself. Very likely, however, the
image will be that of a brown horse: brown horses being
the most familiar. The result is that when the word
“black” is added, a check is given to the process of
thought. Either the picture of a brown horse already
present to the imagination has to be suppressed, and the
picture of a black one summoned in its place; or else, if
the picture of a brown horse be yet unformed, the tendency
to form it has to be stopped. Whichever is the case, some
hindrance results. But if, on the other hand, “a black
horse” be the expression used, no mistake can be made.
The word “black,” indicating an abstract quality, arouses
no definite idea. It simply prepares the mind for conceiving
some object of that colour; and the attention is
kept suspended until that object is known.
If, then, by {341}
precedence of the adjective, the idea is always conveyed rightly,
whereas precedence of the substantive is apt to produce a
misconception; it follows that the one gives the mind less
trouble than the other, and is therefore more forcible.
Possibly it will be objected that the adjective and substantive
come so close together, that practically they may
be considered as uttered at the same moment; and that on
hearing the phrase, “a horse black,” there is not time to
imagine a wrongly coloured horse before the word “black”
follows to prevent it. It must be owned that it is not easy
to decide by introspection whether this is so or not. But
there are facts collaterally implying that it is not. Our
ability to anticipate the words yet unspoken is one of them.
If the ideas of the hearer lingered behind the expressions
of the speaker, as the objection assumes, he could hardly
foresee the end of a sentence by the time it was half
delivered; yet this constantly happens. Were the supposition
true, the mind, instead of anticipating, would fall more
and more in arrear. If the meanings of words are not
realized as fast as the words are uttered, then the loss of
time over each word must entail an accumulation of delays
and leave a hearer entirely behind. But whether the force
of these replies be or be not admitted, it will scarcely be
denied that the right formation of a picture must be
facilitated by presenting its elements in the order in which
they are wanted; even though the mind should do nothing
until it has received them all.
What is here said respecting the succession of the
adjective and substantive is applicable, by change of terms,
to the adverb and verb. And without further explanation,
it will be manifest, that in the use of prepositions and other
particles, most languages spontaneously conform with more
or less completeness to this law.
On similarly analyzing sentence considered as vehicles
for entire propositions, we find not only that the same
principle holds good, but that the advantage of
respecting {342}
it becomes marked. In the arrangement of predicate and
subject, for example, we are at once shown that as the
predicate determines the aspect under which the subject is
to be conceived, it should be placed first; and the striking
effect produced by so placing it becomes comprehensible.
Take the often-quoted contrast between—“Great is Diana
of the Ephesians,” and—“Diana of the Ephesians is
great.” When the first arrangement is used, the utterance
of the word “great,” arousing vague associations of an
imposing nature prepares the imagination to clothe with
high attributes whatever follows; and when the words,
“Diana of the Ephesians” are heard, appropriate imagery
already nascent in thought, is used in the formation of the
picture: the mind being thus led directly, and without
error, to the intended impression. But when the reverse
order is followed, the idea, “Diana of the Ephesians,”
is formed with no special reference to greatness; and when
the words, “is great,” are added, it has to be formed afresh;
whence arises a loss of mental energy, and a corresponding
diminution of effect. The following verse from Coleridge’s
“Ancient Mariner,” though incomplete as a sentence, well
illustrates the same truth.
“Alone, alone, all, all alone,
Alone on a wide wide sea!
And never a saint took pity on
My soul in agony.”
Of course the principle equally applies when the predicate
is a verb or a participle. And as effect is gained by placing
first all words indicating the quality, conduct, or condition
of the subject, it follows that the copula also should have
precedence. It is true, that the general habit of our
language resists this arrangement of predicate, copula, and
subject; but we may readily find instances of the additional
force gained by conforming to it. Thus in the line from
“Julius Cæsar”―
“Then burst his mighty heart,”
priority
is given to a word embodying both predicate
and {343}
copula. In a passage contained in Sir W. Scott’s “Marmion,”
the like order is systematically employed with
great effect:
“The Border slogan rent the sky!
A Home! a Gordon! was the cry;
Loud were the clanging blows;
Advanced,—forced back,—now low, now high,
The pennon sunk and rose;
As bends the bark’s mast in the gale
When rent are rigging, shrouds, and sail,
It waver’d ’mid the foes.”
Pursuing the principle further, it is obvious that for
producing the greatest effect, not only should the main
divisions of a sentence observe this sequence, but the sub-divisions
of these should have their parts similarly arranged.
In nearly all cases, the predicate is accompanied by some
limit or qualification called its complement. Commonly,
also, the circumstances of the subject, which form its complement,
have to be specified. And as these qualifications
and circumstances must determine the mode in which the
acts and things they belong to are conceived, precedence
should be given to them. Lord Kaimes notices the fact
that this order is preferable; though without giving the
reason. He says:—“When a circumstance is placed at
the beginning of the period, or near the beginning, the
transition from it to the principal subject is agreeable: is
like ascending or going upward.” A sentence arranged in
illustration of this will be desirable. Here is one:
―― Whatever it may be in theory, it is clear that in
practice the French idea of liberty is—the right of every
man to be master of the rest.
In this case, were the first two clauses, up to the word
“practice” inclusive, which qualify the subject, to be
placed at the end instead of the beginning, much of the
force would be lost; as thus:
―― The French idea of liberty is—the right of every man
to be master of the rest; in practice at least, if not in theory.
Similarly with respect to the conditions under which
any {344}
fact is predicated. Observe in the following example the
effect of putting them last:
―― How immense would be the stimulus to progress,
were the honour now given to wealth and title given exclusively
to high achievements and intrinsic worth!
And then observe the superior effect of putting them first:
―― Were the honour now given to wealth and title
given exclusively to high achievements and intrinsic worth,
how immense would be the stimulus to progress!
The effect of giving priority to the complement of the
predicate, as well as the predicate itself, is finely displayed
in the opening of “Hyperion:”
“Deep in the shady sadness of a vale
Far sunken from the healthy breath of morn,
Far from the fiery noon, and eve’s one star,
Sat grey-haired Saturn, quiet as a stone.”
Here we
see, not only that the predicate “sat” precedes
the subject “Saturn,” and that the three lines in italics,
constituting the complement of the predicate, come before
it; but that in the structure of this complement also, the
same order is followed: each line being so composed that
the qualifying words are placed before the words suggesting
concrete images.
The right succession of the principal and subordinate
propositions in a sentence depends on the same law.
Regard for economy of the recipient’s attention, which, as
we find, determines the best order for the subject, copula,
predicate, and their complements, dictates that the subordinate
proposition shall precede the principal one, when
the sentence includes two. Containing, as the subordinate
proposition does, some qualifying or explanatory idea, its
priority prevents misconception of the principal one; and
therefore saves the mental effort needed to correct such
misconception. This will be seen in the annexed example.
―― The secrecy once maintained in respect to the parliamentary
debates, is still thought needful in diplomacy;
and diplomacy being secret, England may any day
be {345}
unawares betrayed by its ministers into a war costing a
hundred thousand lives, and hundreds of millions of
treasure: yet the English pique themselves on being a self-governed
people.
The two subordinate propositions, ending with the semicolon
and colon respectively, almost wholly determine the
meaning of the principal proposition with which the sentence
concludes; and the effect would be lost were they
placed last instead of first.
From this general principle of right arrangement may
also be inferred the proper order of those minor divisions
into which the major divisions of sentences may be decomposed.
In every sentence of any complexity the complement
to the subject contains several clauses, and that to the
predicate several others; and these may be arranged in
greater or less conformity to the law of easy apprehension.
Of course with these, as with the larger members, the succession
should be from the less specific to the more specific—from
the abstract to the concrete.
Now however we must notice a further condition to be
fulfilled in the proper construction of a sentence; but still
a condition dictated by the same general principle with the
other: the condition, namely, that the words or the expressions
which refer to the most nearly connected thoughts
shall be brought the closest together. Evidently the single
words, the minor clauses, and the leading divisions of every
proposition, severally qualify each other. The longer the
time that elapses between the mention of any qualifying
member and the member qualified, the longer must the
mind be exerted in carrying forward the qualifying member
ready for use. And the more numerous the qualifications
to be simultaneously remembered and rightly applied, the
greater will be the mental power expended, and the smaller
the effect produced. Hence, other things equal, force will
be gained by so arranging the members of a sentence that
these suspensions shall at any moment be the fewest
in {346}
number; and shall also be of the shortest duration. The
following is an instance of defective combination.
―― A modern newspaper-statement, though probably
true, would be laughed at, if quoted in a book as testimony;
but the letter of a court gossip is thought good historical
evidence, if written some centuries ago.
A re-arrangement of this, in accordance with the principle
indicated above, will be found to increase the effect.
Thus:
―― Though probably true, a modern newspaper-statement
quoted in a book as testimony, would be laughed at;
but the letter of a court gossip, if written some centuries
ago, is thought good historical evidence.
By making this change, some of the suspensions are
avoided and others shortened; while there is less liability
to produce premature conceptions. The passage quoted
below from “Paradise Lost” affords a fine instance of a
sentence well arranged; alike in the priority of the subordinate
members, in the avoidance of long and numerous
suspensions, and in the correspondence between the sequence
of the clauses and the sequence of the phenomena described,
which, by the way, is a further prerequisite to easy
apprehension, and therefore to effect.
“As when a prowling wolf,
Whom hunger drives to seek new haunt for prey,
Watching where shepherds pen their flocks at eve,
In hurdled cotes amid the field secure,
Leaps o’er the fence with ease into the fold:
Or as a thief, bent to unhoard the cash
Of some rich burgher, whose substantial doors,
Cross-barr’d and bolted fast, fear no assault,
In at the window climbs, or o’er the tiles:
So clomb the first grand Thief into God’s fold;
So since into his Church lewd hirelings climb.”
The habitual use of sentences in which all or most of the
descriptive and limiting elements precede those described
and limited, gives rise to what is called the inverted style:
a title which is, however, by no means confined to
this {347}
structure, but is often used where the order of the words is
simply unusual. A more appropriate title would be the
direct style, as contrasted with the other, or indirect style:
the peculiarity of the one being, that it conveys each
thought step by step with little liability to error; and of
the other, that it conveys each thought by a series of
approximations, which successively correct the erroneous
preconceptions that have been raised.
The superiority of the direct over the indirect form of
sentence, implied by the several conclusions above drawn,
must not, however, be affirmed without reservation.
Though, up to a certain point, it is well for the qualifying
clauses of a proposition to precede those qualified; yet, as
carrying forward each qualifying clause costs some mental
effort, it follows that when the number of them and the
time they are carried become great, we reach a limit beyond
which more is lost than is gained. Other things equal, the
arrangement should be such that no concrete image shall be
suggested until the materials out of which it is to be framed
have been presented. And yet, as lately pointed out, other
things equal, the fewer the materials to be held at once,
and the shorter the distance they have to be borne, the
better. Hence in some cases it becomes a question
whether most mental effort will be entailed by the many
and long suspensions, or by the correction of successive
misconceptions.
This question may sometimes be decided by considering
the capacity of the persons addressed. A greater grasp of
mind is required for the ready apprehension of thoughts
expressed in the direct manner, where the sentences are
anywise intricate. To recollect a number of preliminaries
stated in elucidation of a coming idea, and to apply them all
to the formation of it when suggested, demands a good
memory and considerable power of concentration. To one
possessing these, the direct method will mostly seem the
best; while to one deficient in them it will seem the
worst. {348}
Just as it may cost a strong man less effort to carry a
hundred-weight from place to place at once, than by a stone
at a time; so, to an active mind it may be easier to bear
along all the qualifications of an idea and at once rightly
form it when named, than to first imperfectly conceive such
idea, and then carry back to it, one by one, the details and
limitations afterwards mentioned. While conversely, as for
a boy the only possible mode of transferring a hundred-weight,
is that of taking it in portions; so, for a weak mind,
the only possible mode of forming a compound conception
may be that of building it up by carrying separately its
several parts.
That the indirect method—the method of conveying the
meaning by a series of approximations—is best fitted for
the uncultivated, may indeed be inferred from their habitual
use of it. The form of expression adopted by the savage, as
in—“Water, give me,” is the simplest type of this arrangement.
In pleonasms, which are comparatively prevalent
among the uneducated, the same essential structure is seen;
as, for instance in—“The men, they were there.” Again,
the old possessive case—“The king, his crown,” conforms
to the like order of thought. Moreover, the fact that the
indirect mode is called the natural one, implies that it is the
one spontaneously employed by the common people; that is—the
one easiest for undisciplined minds.
There are many cases, however, in which neither the
direct nor the indirect mode is the best; but in which
an intermediate mode is preferable to both. When the
number of circumstances and qualifications to be included
in the sentence is great, the judicious course is neither to
enumerate them all before introducing the idea to which
they belong, nor to put this idea first and let it be remodelled
to agree with the particulars afterwards mentioned; but
to do a little of each. It is desirable to avoid so extremely
indirect an arrangement as the following:―
―― “We came to our journey’s end, at last, with
no {349}
small difficulty, after much fatigue, through deep roads,
and bad weather.”
Yet to transform this into an entirely direct sentence
would be unadvisable; as witness:―
―― At last, with no small difficulty, after much fatigue,
through deep roads, and bad weather, we came to our
journey’s end.
Dr. Whately, from whom we quote the first of these two
arrangements, proposes this construction:―
―― “At last, after much fatigue, through deep roads
and bad weather, we came, with no small difficulty, to our
journey’s end.”
Here by introducing the words “we came” a little earlier
in the sentence, the labour of carrying forward so many
particulars is diminished, and the subsequent qualification
“with no small difficulty” entails an addition to the thought
that is easily made. But a further improvement may be
effected by putting the words “we came” still earlier;
especially if at the same time the qualifications be rearranged
in conformity with the principle already explained,
that the more abstract elements of the thought should
come before the more concrete. Observe the result of
making these two changes:
―― At last, with no small difficulty, and after much
fatigue, we came, through deep roads and bad weather, to
our journey’s end.
This reads with comparative smoothness; that is—with
less hindrance from suspensions and reconstructions
of thought.
It should be further remarked, that even when addressing
vigorous intellects, the direct mode is unfit for communicating
ideas of a complex or abstract character. So long
as the mind has not much to do, it may be well able to
grasp all the preparatory clauses of a sentence, and to use
them effectively; but if some subtlety in the argument
absorb the attention it may happen that the mind,
doubly {350}
strained, will break down, and allow the elements of the
thought to lapse into confusion.
Let us
pass now to figures of speech. In them we may
equally discern the same general law of effect. Implied
in rules given for the choice and right use of them, we
shall find the same fundamental requirement—economy of
attention. It is indeed chiefly because they so well subserve
this requirement, that figures of speech are employed.
Let us begin with the figure called Synecdoche. The
advantage sometimes gained by putting a part for the
whole, is due to the more convenient, or more vivid, presentation
of the idea. If, instead of writing “a fleet of ten
ships,” we write “a fleet of ten sail,” the picture of a group
of vessels at sea is more readily suggested; and is so because
the sails constitute the most conspicuous parts of vessels so
circumstanced. To say, “All hands to the pumps,” is
better than to say, “All men to the pumps;” as it calls up
a picture of the men in the special attitude intended, and
so saves effort. Bringing “grey hairs with sorrow to the
grave,” is another expression, the effect of which has the
same cause.
The effectiveness of Metonymy may be similarly accounted
for. “The low morality of the bar,” is a phrase
both more brief and significant than the literal one it
stands for. A belief in the ultimate supremacy of intelligence
over brute force, is conveyed in a more concrete form,
and therefore more representable form, if we substitute the
pen and the sword for the two abstract terms. To say,
“Beware of drinking!” is less effective than to say,
“Beware of the bottle!” and is so, clearly because it calls
up a less specific image.
The Simile is in many cases used chiefly with a view to
ornament; but whenever it increases the force of a passage,
it does so by being an economy. Here is an instance.
―― The illusion that great men and great events
came {351}
oftener in early times than they come now, is due partly
to historical perspective. As in a range of equidistant
columns, the furthest off seem the closest; so, the conspicuous
objects of the past seem more thickly clustered
the more remote they are.
To express literally the thought thus conveyed, would
take many sentences; and the first elements of the picture
would become faint while the imagination was busy in
adding the others. But by the help of a comparison much
of the effort otherwise required is saved.
Concerning the position of the Simile,54
it needs only to
remark, that what has been said about the order of the
adjective and substantive, predicate and subject, principal
and subordinate propositions, &c., is applicable here. As
whatever qualifies should precede whatever is qualified,
force will generally be gained by placing the simile before
the object or act to which it is applied. That this arrangement
is the best, may be seen in the following passage from
the “Lady of the Lake:”―
“As wreath of snow, on mountain breast,
Slides from the rock that gave it rest,
Poor Ellen glided from her stay,
And at the monarch’s feet she lay.”
Inverting these couplets will be found to diminish the
effect considerably. There are cases, however, even where
the simile is a simple one, in which it may with advantage
be placed last; as in these lines from Alexander Smith’s
“Life Drama:”―
“I see the future stretch
All dark and barren as a rainy sea.”
The reason
for this seems to be, that so abstract an idea
as that attaching to the word “future,”
does not present {352}
itself to the mind in any definite form; and hence the
subsequent arrival at the simile entails no reconstruction
of the thought.
Such however are not the only cases in which this
order is the more forcible. As putting the simile first is
advantageous only when it is carried forward in the mind
to assist in forming an image of the object or act; it must
happen that if, from length or complexity, it cannot be so
carried forward, the advantage is not gained. The annexed
sonnet, by Coleridge, is defective from this cause.
“As when a child, on some long winter’s night,
Affrighted, clinging to its grandam’s knees,
With eager wond’ring and perturb’d delight
Listens strange tales of fearful dark decrees,
Mutter’d to wretch by necromantic spell;
Or of those hags who at the witching time
Of murky midnight, ride the air sublime,
And mingle foul embrace with fiends of hell;
Cold horror drinks its blood! Anon the tear
More gentle starts, to hear the beldame tell
Of pretty babes, that lov’d each other dear,
Murder’d by cruel uncle’s mandate fell:
Ev’n such the shiv’ring joys thy tones impart,
Ev’n so, thou, Siddons, meltest my sad heart.”
Here, from the lapse of time and accumulation of circumstances,
the first member of the comparison is forgotten
before the second is reached; and requires re-reading.
Had the main idea been first mentioned, less effort would
have been required to retain it, and to modify the conception
of it into harmony with the illustrative ideas, than to
remember the illustrative ideas, and refer back to them for
help in forming the final image.
The superiority of the Metaphor to the Simile is ascribed
by Dr. Whately to the fact that “all men are more
gratified at catching the resemblance for themselves, than
in having it pointed out to them.” But after what has
been said, the great economy it achieves will seem the more
probable cause. Lear’s exclamation―
“Ingratitude! thou marble-hearted fiend,”
would lose part of its effect were it changed into―
“Ingratitude! thou fiend with heart like marble;”
and the loss would result partly from the position of the
simile and partly from the extra number of words required.
When the comparison is an involved one, the greater force
of the metaphor, due to its relative brevity, becomes much
more conspicuous. If, drawing an analogy between mental
and physical phenomena, we say,
―― As, in passing through a crystal, beams of white
light are decomposed into the colours of the rainbow; so,
in traversing the soul of the poet, the colourless rays of
truth are transformed into brightly-tinted poetry;―― it
is clear that in receiving the two sets of words expressing
the two halves of the comparison, and in carrying the
meaning of the one to help in interpreting the other,
considerable attention is absorbed. Most of this is saved
by putting the comparison in a metaphorical form, thus:―
―― The white light of truth, in traversing the many-sided
transparent soul of the poet, is refracted into iris-hued
poetry. How much is conveyed in a few words by
using Metaphor, and how vivid the effect consequently
produced, is everywhere shown. From “A Life Drama”
may be quoted the phrase,
“I spear’d him with a jest,”
as a fine instance among the many which that poem
contains. A passage in the “Prometheus Unbound,” of
Shelley, displays the power of the metaphor to great
advantage.
“Methought among the lawns together
We wandered, underneath the young gray dawn,
And multitudes of dense white fleecy clouds
Were wandering in thick flocks along the mountains
Shepherded by the slow unwilling wind.”
This last expression is remarkable for the distinctness with
which it calls up the features of the scene; bringing the
mind by a bound to the desired conception.
But a limit is put to the advantageous use of
Metaphor, {354}
by the condition that it must be simple enough to be
understood from a hint. Evidently, if there be any
obscurity in the meaning or application of it, no economy
of attention will be achieved; but rather the reverse.
Hence, when the comparison is complex, it is better to put
it in the form of a Simile. There is, however, a species of
figure, sometimes classed under Allegory, but which might
well be called Compound Metaphor, that enables us to
retain the brevity of the metaphorical form even where the
analogy is intricate. This is done by indicating the application
of the figure at the outset, and then leaving the
reader or hearer to continue the parallel. Emerson has
employed it with great effect in the first of his Lectures on
the Times.
“The main interest which any aspects of the Times can have for us, is
the great spirit which gazes through them, the light which they can shed on
the wonderful questions, What are we? and Whither do we tend? We do
not wish to be deceived. Here we drift, like white sail across the wild ocean,
now bright on the wave, now darkling in the trough of the sea; but from
what port did we sail? Who knows? Or to what port are we bound?
Who knows? There is no one to tell us but such poor weather-tossed
mariners as ourselves, whom we speak as we pass, or who have hoisted some
signal, or floated to us some letter in a bottle from afar. But what know
they more than we? They also found themselves on this wondrous sea.
No; from the older sailors nothing. Over all their speaking-trumpets the
gray sea and the loud winds answer—Not in us; not in Time.”
The division of Simile from Metaphor is by no means
definite. Between the one extreme in which the two
elements of the comparison are detailed at full length and
the analogy pointed out, and the other extreme in which
the comparison is implied instead of stated, come intermediate
forms, in which the comparison is partly stated
and partly implied. For instance:―
―― Astonished at the performances of the English
plough, the Hindoos paint it, set it up, and worship it; thus
turning a tool into an idol. Linguists do the same with language.—Here
there is an evident advantage in leaving the
reader or hearer to complete the figure. And generally
these {355}
intermediate forms are good in proportion as they do this;
provided the mode of completion be obvious.
Passing over much that may be said of like purport on
Hyperbole, Personification, Apostrophe, &c., let us close
our remarks on construction by a typical example of
effective expression. The general principle which has
been enunciated is that, other things equal, the force of a
verbal form or arrangement is great, in proportion as the
mental effort demanded from the recipient is small. The
corollaries from this general principle have been severally
illustrated. But though conformity now to this and now
to that requirement has been exemplified, no case of entire
conformity has yet been quoted. It is indeed difficult to
find one; for the English idiom does not commonly permit
the order which theory dictates. A few, however, occur in
Ossian. Here is one:―
“Like autumn’s dark storms pouring from two echoing hills, towards each
other approached the heroes. Like two deep streams from high rocks meeting,
mixing, roaring on the plain: loud, rough, and dark in battle meet
Lochlin and Inisfail. * * * As the noise of the troubled ocean when
roll the waves on high; as the last peal of the thunder of heaven; such
is the din of war.”
Except in the position of the verb in the first two similes,
the theoretically best arrangement is fully carried out in
each of these sentences. The simile comes before the
qualified image, the adjectives before the substantives, the
predicate and copula before the subject, and their respective
complements before them. That the passage is
bombastic proves nothing; or rather, proves our case. For
what is bombast but a force of expression too great for the
magnitude of the ideas embodied? All that may rightly
be inferred is, that only in rare cases should all the conditions
to effective expression be fulfilled.
A
more complex application of the theory may now
be {356}
made. Not only in the structures of sentences, and the
uses of figures of speech, may we trace economy of the
recipient’s mental energy as the cause of force; but we
may trace this same cause in the successful choice and
arrangement of the minor images out of which some large
thought is to be built. To select from a scene or event
described, those elements which carry many others with
them; and so, by saying a few things but suggesting many,
to abridge the description; is the secret of producing a
vivid impression. An extract from Tennyson’s “Mariana”
will well illustrate this.
“All day within the dreamy house,
The doors upon their hinges creaked,
The blue fly sung in the pane; the mouse
Behind the mouldering wainscot shriek’d,
Or from the crevice peer’d about.”
The
several circumstances here specified bring with them
many appropriate associations. When alone the creaking
of a distant door is much more obtrusive than when talking
to friends. Our attention is rarely drawn by the buzzing
of a fly in the window, save when everything is still.
While the inmates are moving about the house, mice
usually keep silence; and it is only when extreme quietness
reigns that they peep from their retreats. Hence each of
the facts mentioned, presupposing various others, calls up
these with more or less distinctness; and revives the feeling
of dull solitude with which they are connected in our
experience. Were all of them detailed instead of suggested,
the mental energies would be so frittered away in attending
that little impression of dreariness would be produced.
Similarly in other cases. In the choice of component
ideas, as in the choice of expressions, the aim must be to
convey the greatest quantity of thoughts with the smallest
quantity of words.
The same principle may sometimes be advantageously
carried yet further, by indirectly suggesting some
entirely {357}
distinct thought in addition to the one expressed. Thus
if we say,
―― The head of a good classic is as full of ancient
myths, as that of a servant-girl of ghost stories;
it is manifest that besides the fact asserted, there is an
implied opinion respecting the small value of much that
passes as classical learning; and as this implied opinion is
recognized much sooner than it can be put into words,
there is gain in omitting it. In other cases, again, great
effect is produced by an overt omission; provided the
nature of the idea left out is obvious. A good instance
occurs in Heroes and Hero-worship. After describing the
way in which Burns was sacrificed to the idle curiosity of
lion-hunters—people who sought to amuse themselves, and
who got their amusement while “the Hero’s life went for
it!” Carlyle suggests a parallel thus:―
“Richter says, in the Island of Sumatra there is a kind
of ‘Light-chafers,’ large Fire-flies, which people stick upon
spits, and illuminate the ways with at night. Persons
of condition can thus travel with a pleasant radiance,
which they much admire. Great honour to the Fire-flies!
But—!—”
Before
inquiring whether the law of effect thus far
traced, explains the impressiveness of poetry as compared
with prose, it will be needful to notice some causes of
force in expression which had not yet been mentioned.
These are not, properly speaking, additional causes; but
rather secondary ones, originating from those already
specified. One is that mental excitement spontaneously
prompts those forms of speech which have been pointed
out as the most effective. “Out with him!” “Away with
him!” are the cries of angry citizens at a disturbed
meeting. A voyager, describing a terrible storm he had
witnessed, would rise to some such climax as—“Crack
went the ropes, and down came the mast.”
Astonishment {358}
may be heard expressed in the phrase—“Never was there
such a sight!” All of which sentences are constructed
after the direct type. Again, there is the fact that excited
persons are given to figures of speech. The vituperation
of the vulgar abounds with them. “Beast,” “brute,”
“gallows rogue,” “cut-throat villain,” these, and like
metaphors or metaphorical epithets, call to mind a street
quarrel. Further, it may be noticed that extreme brevity
is a trait of passionate language. The sentences are
generally incomplete; and frequently important words are
left to be gathered from the context. Great admiration
does not vent itself in a precise proposition, as—“It is
beautiful;” but in the simple exclamation,—“Beautiful!”
He who, when reading a lawyer’s letter, should say,
“Vile rascal!” would be thought angry; while, “He is
a vile rascal,” would imply comparative coolness. Thus
alike in the order of the words, in the frequent use of
figures, and in extreme conciseness, the natural utterances
of excitement conform to the theoretical conditions to
forcible expression.
Hence such forms of speech acquire a secondary
strength from association. Having, in daily intercourse,
heard them in connection with vivid mental impressions;
and having been accustomed to meet with them in writing
of unusual power; they come to have in themselves a
species of force. The emotions that have from time to
time been produced by the strong thoughts wrapped up
in these forms, are partially aroused by the forms themselves.
These create a preparatory sympathy; and when
the striking ideas looked for are reached, they are the more
vividly pictured.
The continuous use of words and forms that are alike
forcible in themselves and forcible from their associations,
produces the impressive species of composition which we
call poetry. The poet habitually adopts those symbols of
thought, and those methods of using them, which
instinct {359}
and analysis agree in choosing as most effective. On
turning back to the various specimens which have been
quoted, it will be seen that the direct or inverted form of
sentence predominates in them; and that to a degree
inadmissible in prose. Not only in the frequency, but in
what is termed the violence of the inversions, may this
distinction be remarked. The abundant use of figures,
again, exhibits the same truth. Metaphors, similes,
hyperboles, and personifications, are the poet’s colours,
which he has liberty to employ almost without limit. We
characterize as “poetical” the prose which uses these
appliances of language with frequency; and condemn it
as “over florid” or “affected” long before they occur
with the profusion allowed in verse. Once more, in brevity—the
other requisite of forcible expression which theory
points out and emotion spontaneously fulfils—poetical
phraseology differs from ordinary phraseology. Imperfect
periods are frequent; elisions are perpetual; and many
minor words which would be deemed essential in prose, are
dispensed with.
Thus poetry is especially impressive partly because it
conforms to all the laws of effective speech, and partly
because in so doing it imitates the natural utterances
of excitement. While the matter embodied is idealized
emotion, the vehicle is the idealized language of emotion.
As the musical composer catches the cadences in which
our feelings of joy and sympathy, grief and despair, vent
themselves, and out of these germs evolves melodies
suggesting higher phases of these feelings; so, the poet
develops from the typical expressions in which men utter
passion and sentiment, those choice forms of verbal combination
in which concentrated passion and sentiment may
be fitly presented.
There is one peculiarity of poetry conducing much to
its effect—the peculiarity which is indeed usually thought
its characteristic one—still remaining to be considered:
we {360}
mean its rhythmical structure. This, improbable though it
seems, will be found to come under the same generalization
with the others. Like each of them, it is an idealization
of the natural language of emotion, which is not uncommonly
more or less metrical if the emotion be not too
violent; and like each of them it economizes the reader’s
or hearer’s attention. In the peculiar tone and manner we
adopt in uttering versified language, may be discerned its
relationship to the feelings; and the pleasure which its
measured movement gives, is ascribable to the comparative
ease with which words metrically arranged can be recognized.
This last position will not be at once admitted;
but explanation will justify it. If, as we have seen, there
is an expenditure of mental energy in so listening to verbal
articulations as to identify the words, or in that silent
repetition of them which goes on in reading, then, any
mode of so combining words as to present a regular
recurrence of certain traits which can be anticipated, will
diminish that strain on the attention entailed by the total
irregularity of prose. Just as the body, when receiving
a series of varying concussions, must keep its muscles
ready to meet the most violent of them, as not knowing
when such may come; so, the mind when receiving unarranged
articulations, must keep its perceptive faculties
active enough to recognize the least easily caught sounds.
And as, if the concussions recur in a definite order, the
body may husband its forces by adjusting the resistance
needful for each concussion; so, if the syllables be rhythmically
arranged, the mind may economize its energies by
anticipating the attention required for each syllable. Far-fetched
though this idea will be thought, introspection
countenances it. That we do take advantage of metrical
language to adjust our perceptive faculties to the expected
articulations, is clear from the fact that we are balked by
halting versification. Much as at the bottom of a flight of
stairs, a step more or less than we counted upon gives us
a {361}
shock; so, too, does a misplaced accent or a supernumerary
syllable. In the one case, we know that there is an
erroneous pre-adjustment; and we can scarcely doubt that
there is one in the other. But if we habitually pre-adjust
our perceptions to the measured movement of verse, the
physical analogy above given renders it probable that by
so doing we economize attention; and hence that metrical
language is more effective than prose, because it enables
us to do this.
Were there space, it might be worth while to inquire
whether the pleasure we take in rhyme, and also that
which we take in euphony, are not partly ascribable to the
same general cause.
A few paragraphs only, can be devoted to a second
division of our subject. To pursue in detail the laws of
effect, as applying to the larger features of composition,
would carry us beyond our limits. But we may briefly
indicate a further aspect of the general principle hitherto
traced, and hint a few of its wider applications.
Thus far, we have considered only those causes of force
in language which depend on economy of the mental
energies. We have now to glance at those which depend
on economy of the mental sensibilities. Questionable
though this division may be as a psychological one, it will
serve roughly to indicate the remaining field of investigation.
It will suggest that besides considering the extent
to which any faculty or group of faculties is tasked in
receiving a form of words and constructing its contained
idea, we have to consider the state in which this faculty or
group of faculties is left; and how the reception of subsequent
sentences and images will be influenced by that
state. Without going fully into so wide a topic as the
action of faculties and its reactive effects, it will suffice to
recall the fact that every faculty is exhausted by
exercise. {362}
This generalization, which our bodily experiences force upon
us, and which in daily speech is recognized as true of the
mind as a whole, is true of each mental power, from the
simplest of the senses to the most complex of the sentiments.
If we hold a flower to the nose for long, we become
insensible to its scent. We say of a brilliant flash of
lightning that it blinds us; which means that our eyes
have for a time lost their ability to appreciate light. After
eating honey, we are apt to think our tea is without sugar.
The phrase “a deafening roar,” implies that men find
a very loud sound temporarily incapacitates them for
hearing faint sounds. To a hand which has for some time
carried a heavy body, small bodies afterwards lifted seem
to have lost their weight. Now, the truth thus exemplified,
may be traced throughout. Alike of the reflective faculties,
the imagination, the perceptions of the beautiful, the
ludicrous, the sublime, it may be shown that action
exhausts; and that in proportion as the action is violent
the subsequent prostration is great.
Equally throughout the whole nature, may be traced the
law that exercised faculties are ever tending to resume
their original states. Not only after continued rest, do they
regain their full powers—not only are brief cessations in
the demands on them followed by partial re-invigoration;
but even while they are in action, the resulting exhaustion
is ever being neutralized. The processes of waste and
repair go on together. Hence with faculties habitually
exercised—as the senses of all persons, or the muscles of
any one who is strong—it happens that, during moderate
activity, the repair is so nearly equal to the waste, that the
diminution of power is scarcely appreciable. It is only
when effort has been long continued, or has been violent,
that repair becomes so far in arrear of waste as to cause a
perceptible enfeeblement. In all cases, however, when, by
the action of a faculty, waste has been incurred, some
lapse {363}
of time must take place before full efficiency can be reacquired;
and this time must be long in proportion as the
waste has been great.
Keeping in mind these general truths, we shall be in a
condition to understand certain causes of effect in composition
now to be considered. Every perception received,
and every conception framed, entailing some amount of
waste in the nervous system, and the efficiency of the
faculties employed being for a time, though often but
momentarily, diminished; the resulting partial inability
affects the acts of perception and conception that immediately
succeed. Hence the vividness with which images
are pictured must, in many cases, depend on the order of
their presentation; even when one order is as convenient
to the understanding as the other. Sundry facts illustrate
this truth, and are explained by it: instance climax and
anti-climax. The marked effect obtained by placing last
the most striking of any series of ideas, and the weakness—often
the ludicrous weakness—produced by reversing
this arrangement, depends on the general law indicated.
As immediately after looking at the sun we cannot perceive
the light of a fire, while by looking at the fire first and the
sun afterwards we can perceive both; so, after receiving a
brilliant, or weighty, or terrible thought, we cannot properly
appreciate a less brilliant, less weighty, or less terrible
one, though by reversing the order, we can appreciate each.
In Antithesis, again, the like truth is exemplified. The
opposition of two thoughts which are the reverse of each
other in some prominent trait, insures an impressive effect;
and does this by giving a momentary relaxation to the
faculties addressed. If, after a series of ordinary images
exciting in a moderate degree to the emotion of reverence,
or approbation, or beauty, the mind has presented to it an
insignificant, or unworthy, or ugly image; the structure
which yields the emotion of reverence, or approbation, or
beauty, having for the time nothing to do, tends to
resume {364}
its full power; and will immediately afterwards appreciate
anything vast, admirable, or beautiful better than it would
otherwise do. Conversely, where the idea of absurdity
due to extreme insignificance is to be produced, it may be
intensified by placing it after something impressive;
especially if the form of phrase implies that something still
more impressive is coming. A good illustration of the effect
gained by thus presenting a petty idea to a consciousness
which has not yet recovered from the shock of an exciting
one, occurs in a sketch by Balzac. His hero writes to a
mistress who has cooled towards him, the following letter:―
“Madame,—Votre conduite m’étonne autant qu’elle m’afflige. Non contente
de me déchirer le cœur par vos dédains, vous avez l’indélicatesse de me
retenir une brosse à dents, que mes moyens ne me permettent pas de remplacer,
mes propriétés étant grevées d’hypothèques au delà de leur valeur.
“Adieu, trop belle et trop ingrate amie! Puissions-nous nous revoir dans
un monde meilleur!
“CHARLES-EDOUARD.”
Thus
the phenomena of Climax, Antithesis, and Anticlimax,
alike result from this general principle. Improbable
as these momentary variations in susceptibility may seem,
we cannot doubt their occurrence when we contemplate
the analogous variations in the susceptibility of the senses.
Every one knows that a patch of black on a white ground
looks blacker, and a patch of white on a black ground
looks whiter, than elsewhere. As the blackness and the
whiteness are really the same, the only assignable cause,
is a difference in their actions upon us, dependent on the
different states of our faculties. The effect is due to a
visual antithesis.
But this extension of the general principle of economy—this
further condition to effective composition, that the
sensitiveness of the faculties must be husbanded—includes
much more than has been yet hinted. Not only does it
follow that certain arrangements and certain juxtapositions
of connected ideas are best; but also that some modes of
dividing and presenting a subject will be more
striking {365}
than others, irrespective of logical cohesion. We are
shown why we must progress from the less interesting
to the more interesting; alike in the composition as a
whole, and in each successive portion. At the same time,
the indicated requirement negatives long continuity of the
same kind of thought, or repeated production of like
effects. It warns us against the error committed by Pope
in his poems and by Bacon in his essays—the error of
constantly employing forcible forms of expression. As the
easiest posture by and by becomes fatiguing, and is with
pleasure exchanged for one less easy; so, the most
perfectly-constructed sentences unceasingly used must
cause weariness, and relief will be given by using those of
inferior kinds. Further, we may infer not only that we
ought to avoid generally combining our words in one
manner, however good, or working out our figures and
illustrations in one way, however telling; but that we
ought to avoid anything like uniform adherence to the
wider conditions of effect. We should not make every
division of our subject progress in interest; we should not
always rise to a climax. As we saw that in single sentences
it is but rarely allowable to fulfil all the conditions to
strength; so, in the larger sections of a composition we
must not often conform entirely to the principles indicated.
We must subordinate the component effects to the
total effect.
The species of composition which the law we have
traced out indicates as the perfect one, is the one which
genius tends naturally to produce. As we found that the
kinds of sentence which are theoretically best, are those
commonly employed by superior minds, and by inferior
minds when temporarily exalted; so, we shall find that the
ideal form for a poem, essay, or fiction, is that which the
ideal writer would evolve spontaneously. One in whom
the powers of expression fully responded to the state of
feeling, would unconsciously use that variety in the
mode {366}
of presenting his thoughts, which Art demands. Constant
employment of one species of phraseology implies an
undeveloped linguistic faculty. To have a specific style is
to be poor in speech. If we remember that in the far past,
men had only nouns and verbs to convey their ideas with,
and that from then to now the progress has been towards
more numerous implements of thought, and towards greater
complexity and variety in their combinations; we may
infer that, in the use of sentences, we are at present much
what the primitive man was in the use of words; and that
a continuance of the process which has hitherto gone on,
must produce increasing heterogeneity in our modes of
expression. As now, in a fine nature, the play of the
features, the tones of the voice and its cadences, vary in
harmony with every thought uttered; so, in one possessed
of fully-developed powers of language, the mould in which
each combination of words is cast will vary with, and be
appropriate to, the mental state. That a perfectly-endowed
man must unconsciously write in all styles, we may infer
from considering how styles originate. Why is Johnson
pompous, Goldsmith simple? Why is one author abrupt,
another involved, another concise? Evidently in each
case the habitual mode of utterance depends on the
habitual balance of the nature. The dominant feelings
have by use trained the intellect to represent them. But
while long habit has made it do this efficiently, it remains,
from lack of practice, unable to do the like for the less
active feelings; and when these are excited, the usual
verbal forms undergo but slight modifications. But let the
ability of the intellect to represent the mental state be
complete, and this fixity of style will disappear. The
perfect writer will be now rhythmical and now irregular;
here his language will be plain and there ornate; sometimes
his sentences will be balanced and at other times
unsymmetrical; for a while there will be considerable
sameness, and then again great variety. His mode
of {367}
expression naturally responding to his thought and
emotion, there will flow from his pen a composition
changing as the aspects of his subject change. He will
thus without effort conform to what we have seen to be
the laws of effect. And while his work presents to the
reader that variety needful to prevent continuous exertion
of the same faculties, it will also answer to the description
of all highly-organized products both of man and nature.
It will be, not a series of like parts simply placed in
juxtaposition, but one whole made up of unlike parts that
are mutually dependent.
—The
conclusion that because of their comparative
brevity and because of those stronger associations
formed by more frequent use, words of Old-English origin
are preferable to words derived from Latin or Greek, should
be taken with two qualifications, which it seems needful to
add here.
In some cases the word furnished by our original tongue,
and the corresponding word directly or indirectly derived
from Latin, though nominally equivalents, are not actually
such; and the word of Latin origin, by certain extra connotations
it has acquired, may be the more expressive. For
instance, we have no word of native origin which can be
advantageously substituted for the word “grand.” No
such words as “big” or “great,” which connote little
more than superiority in size or quantity, can be used
instead: they do not imply that qualitative superiority
which is associated with the idea of grandeur. As adopted
into our own language, the word “grand” has been differentiated
from “great” by habitual use in those cases where
the greatness has an æsthetic superiority. In this case,
then, a word of Latin origin is better than its nearest
equivalent of native origin, because by use it has acquired
an additional meaning. And here, too, we may
conveniently {368}
note the fact that the greater brevity of a word does not
invariably conduce to greater force. Where the word,
instead of being one conveying a subordinate component of
the idea the sentence expresses, is one conveying the central
element of the idea, on which the attention may with
advantage rest a moment, a longer word is sometimes
better than a shorter word. Thus it may be held that the
sentence—“It is grand” is not so effective as the sentence—“It
is magnificent.” Besides the fact that here greater
length of the word favours a longer dwelling on the essential
part of the thought, there is the fact that its greater length,
aided by its division into syllables, gives opportunity for a
cadence appropriate to the feeling produced by the thing
characterized. By an ascent of the voice on the syllable “nif,”
and an utterance of this syllable, not only in a higher note,
but with greater emphasis than the preceding or succeeding
syllables, there is implied that emotion which contemplation
of the object produces; and the emotion thus implied is, by
sympathy, communicated. One may say that in the case
of these two words, if the imposingness is alone to be
considered, the word “magnificent” may with advantage be
employed; but if the sentence expresses a proposition in
which, not the imposingness itself, but something about the
imposingness, is to be expressed, then the word “grand”
is preferable.
The second qualification above referred to, concerns the
superiority of words derived from Latin or Greek, in cases
where more or less abstract ideas have to be expressed.
In such cases it is undesirable to use words having concrete
associations; for such words, by the very vividness with
which they call up thoughts of particular objects or particular
actions, impede the formation of conceptions which
refer, not to particular objects and actions, but to general
truths concerning objects or actions of kinds that are more
or less various. Thus, such an expression as “the colligation
of facts” is better for philosophical purposes than
such {369}
an expression as “the tying together of facts.” This last
expression cannot be used without suggesting the thought
of a bundle of material things bound up by a string or cord—a
thought which, in so far as the materiality of its components
is concerned, conflicts with the conception to be
suggested. Though it is true that when its derivation is
remembered, “colligation” raises the same thought, yet, as
the thought is not so promptly or irresistibly raised, it
stands less in the way of the abstract conception with which
attention should be exclusively
occupied.
54
Properly the term “simile” is applicable only to the
entire figure, including the two things compared and the comparison
drawn between them. But as there exists no name for the illustrative
member of the figure, there seems no alternative but to employ “simile”
to express this also. The context will in each case show in which sense
the word is used.
USE AND BEAUTY.
[First
published in The Leader for January 3, 1852.]
In one of his essays, Emerson remarks, that what Nature
at one time provides for use, she afterwards turns to ornament;
and he cites in illustration the structure of a sea-shell,
in which the parts that have for a while formed the mouth
are at the next season of growth left behind, and become
decorative nodes and spines.
Ignoring the implied teleology, which does not here concern
us, it has often occurred to me that this same remark
might be extended to the progress of Humanity. Here,
too, the appliances of one era serve as embellishments to
the next. Equally in institutions, creeds, customs, and
superstitions, we may trace this evolution of beauty out
of what was once purely utilitarian.
The contrast between the feeling with which we regard
portions of the Earth’s surface still left in their original
state, and the feeling with which the savage regarded them,
is an instance that comes first in order of time. If any
one walking over Hampstead Heath, will note how strongly
its picturesqueness is brought out by contrast with the surrounding
cultivated fields and the masses of houses lying in
the distance; and will further reflect that, had this irregular
gorse-covered surface extended on all sides to the horizon,
it {371}
would have looked dreary and prosaic rather than pleasing;
he will see that to the primitive man a country so clothed
presented no beauty at all. To him it was merely a haunt of
wild animals, and a ground out of which roots might be dug.
What have become for us places of relaxation and enjoyment—places
for afternoon strolls and for gathering flowers—were
his places for labour and food, probably arousing
in his mind none but utilitarian associations.
Ruined castles afford obvious instances of this metamorphosis
of the useful into the beautiful. To feudal barons and
their retainers, security was the chief, if not the only end,
sought in choosing the sites and styles of their strongholds.
Probably they aimed as little at the picturesque as do the
builders of cheap brick houses in our modern towns. Yet
what were erected for shelter and safety, and what in those
early days fulfilled an important function in the social
economy, have now assumed a purely ornamental character.
They serve as scenes for picnics; pictures of them decorate
our drawing-rooms; and each supplies its surrounding
districts with legends for Christmas Eve.
On following out the train of thought suggested by this
last illustration, we may see that not only do the material
exuviæ of past social states become the ornaments of our
landscapes; but that past habits, manners, and arrangements,
serve as ornamental elements in our literature. The tyrannies
which, to the serfs who bore them, were harsh and dreary
facts; the feuds which, to those who took part in them, were
very practical life-and-death affairs; the mailed, moated,
sentinelled security which was irksome to the nobles who
needed it; the imprisonments, and tortures, and escapes,
which were stern and quite prosaic realities to all concerned
in them; have become to us material for romantic tales—material
which, when woven into Ivanhoes and Marmions,
serves for amusement in leisure hours, and becomes poetical
by contrast with our daily lives.
Thus, also, is it with extinct creeds. Stonehenge,
which {372}
in the hands of the Druids had a governmental influence
over men, is in our day a place for antiquarian excursions;
and its attendant priests are worked up into an opera.
Greek sculptures, preserved for their beauty in our galleries
of art, and copied for the decoration of pleasure grounds
and entrance halls, once lived in men’s minds as gods
demanding obedience; as did also the grotesque idols that
now amuse the visitors to our museums.
Equally marked is this change of function in the case of
minor superstitions. The fairy lore, which in past times
was matter of grave belief, and held sway over people’s
conduct, have since been transformed into ornament for
A Midsummer Night’s Dream, The Tempest, The Fairy Queen,
and endless small tales and poems; and still affords subjects
for children’s story-books, themes for ballets, and plots for
Planché’s burlesques. Gnomes, and genii, and afrits, losing
their terrors, give piquancy to the woodcuts in our illustrated
edition of the Arabian Nights. While ghost-stories, and
tales of magic and witchcraft, after serving to amuse boys
and girls in their leisure hours, become matter for jocose
allusions that enliven tea-table conversation.
Even our serious literature and our speeches are relieved
by ornaments drawn from such sources. A Greek myth is
often used as a parallel by which to vary the monotony of
some grave argument. The lecturer breaks the dead level
of his practical discourse by illustrations drawn from bygone
customs, events, or beliefs. And metaphors, similarly
derived, give brilliancy to political orations, and to Times
leading articles.
Indeed, on careful inquiry, I think it will be found that
we turn to purposes of beauty most byegone phenomena
which are at all conspicuous. The busts of great men in
our libraries, and their tombs in our churches; the once
useful but now purely ornamental heraldic symbols; the
monks, nuns, and convents, which give interest to a certain
class of novels; the bronze mediæval soldiers used
for {373}
embellishing drawing-rooms; the gilt Apollos which recline
on time-pieces; the narratives that serve as plots for our
great dramas; and the events that afford subjects for
historical pictures;—these and such like illustrations of
the metamorphosis of the useful into the beautiful, are so
numerous as to suggest that, did we search diligently
enough, we should find that in some place, or under some
circumstance, nearly every notable product of the past
has assumed a decorative character.
And here the mention of historical pictures reminds me
that an inference may be drawn from all this, bearing
directly on the practice of art. It has of late years been a
frequent criticism upon our historical painters, that they err
in choosing their subjects from the past; and that, would
they found a genuine and vital school, they must render on
canvas the life and deeds and aims of our own time. If,
however, there be any significance in the foregoing facts,
it seems doubtful whether this criticism is a just one. For
if it be the course of things that what has performed some
active function in society during one era, becomes available
for ornament in a subsequent one; it almost follows that,
conversely, whatever is performing some active function
now, or has very recently performed one, does not possess
the ornamental character; and is, consequently, inapplicable
to any purpose of which beauty is the aim, or of which
it is a needful ingredient.
Still more reasonable will this conclusion appear, when
we consider the nature of this process by which the useful
is changed into the ornamental. An essential pre-requisite
to all beauty is contrast. To obtain artistic effect, light must
be put in juxtaposition with shade, bright colours with dull
colours, a fretted surface with a plain one. Forte passages
in music must have piano passages to relieve them; concerted
pieces need interspersing with solos; and rich chords
must not be continuously repeated. In the drama we
demand contrast of characters, of scenes, of sentiment,
of {374}
style. In prose composition an eloquent passage should
have a comparatively plain setting; and in poems great
effect is obtained by occasional change of versification.
This general principle will, I think, explain the transformation
of the bygone useful into the present beautiful. It is
by virtue of their contrast with our present modes of life,
that past modes of life look interesting and romantic. Just
as a picnic, which is a temporary return to an aboriginal
condition, derives, from its unfamiliarity, a certain poetry
which it would not have were it habitual; so, everything
ancient gains, from its relative novelty to us, an element of
interest. Gradually as, by the growth of society, we leave
behind the customs, manners, arrangements, and all the
products, material and mental, of a bygone age—gradually
as we recede from these so far that there arises a conspicuous
difference between them and those we are familiar with;
so gradually do they begin to assume to us a poetical aspect,
and become applicable for ornament. And hence it follows
that things and events which are close to us, and which are
accompanied by associations of ideas not markedly contrasted
with our ordinary associations, are relatively inappropriate
for purposes of art. I say relatively because an
incident of modern life or even of daily life may acquire
adequate fitness for art purposes by an unusualness of
some other kind than that due to unlikeness between past
and present.
THE SOURCES OF ARCHITECTURAL TYPES.
[First published
in The Leader for October 23, 1852.]
When lately looking through the gallery of the Old
Water-Colour Society, I was struck with the incongruity
produced by putting regular architecture into irregular
scenery. In one case, where the artist had introduced a
symmetrical Grecian edifice into a mountainous and wild
landscape, the discordant effect was particularly marked.
“How very unpicturesque,” said a lady to her friend, as
they passed; showing that I was not alone in my opinion.
Her phrase, however, set me speculating. Why unpicturesque?
Picturesque means, like a picture—like what
men choose for pictures. Why then should this be not
fit for a picture?
Thinking the matter over, it seemed to me that the artist
had sinned against that harmony of sentiment which is
essential to a good picture. When the other constituents
of a landscape have irregular forms, any artificial structure
introduced should have an irregular form, that it may
seem part of the landscape. The same general character
must pervade it and the surrounding objects; otherwise it,
and the scene amid which it stands, become not one thing
but two things; and we say that it looks out of place.
Or, speaking psychologically, the associated ideas
called {376}
up by a building with its wings, windows, columns, and
all its parts symmetrically disposed, differ widely from the
ideas associated with an unsymmetrical landscape; and the
one set of ideas tends to banish the other.
Pursuing the train of thought, sundry illustrative facts
came to mind. I remembered that a castle, which is
usually more irregular in outline than any other kind of
building, pleases us most when seated amid crags and
precipices; while a castle on a plain seems incongruous.
The partly-regular and partly-irregular forms of our old
farm-houses, and our gabled gothic manors and abbeys,
appear quite in harmony with an undulating, wooded
country. In towns we prefer symmetrical architecture;
and in towns it produces in us no feeling of incongruity,
because all surrounding things—men, horses, vehicles—are
symmetrical also.
And here I was reminded of a notion that has frequently
recurred to me; namely, that there is some relationship
between the several kinds of architecture and the several
classes of natural objects. Buildings in the Greek and
Roman styles seem, in virtue of their symmetry, to take
their type from animal life. In the partially-irregular
Gothic, ideas derived from the vegetable world appear to
predominate. And wholly irregular buildings, such as
castles, may be considered as having inorganic forms for
their basis.
Whimsical as this speculation looks at first sight, it is
countenanced by numerous facts. The connexion between
symmetrical architecture and animal forms, may be inferred
from the kind of symmetry we expect, and are satisfied
with, in regular buildings. In a Greek temple we require
that the front shall be symmetrical in itself, and that the
two flanks shall be alike; but we do not look for uniformity
between the flanks and the front, nor between the
front and the back. The identity of this symmetry with
that found in animals is obvious. Again, why is it that
a {377}
building making any pretensions to symmetry displeases us
if not quite symmetrical? Probably the reply will be—Because
we see that the designer’s idea is not fully carried
out; and that hence our love of completeness is offended.
But then there come the further questions—How do we
know that the architect’s conception was symmetrical?
Whence comes this notion of symmetry which we have,
and which we attribute to him? Unless we fall back upon
the old doctrine of innate ideas, we must admit that the
idea of bi-lateral symmetry is derived from without; and
to admit this is to admit that it is derived from the
higher animals.
That there is some relationship between Gothic architecture
and vegetal forms is generally admitted. The
often-remarked similarity between a groined nave and an
avenue of trees with interlacing branches, shows that the
fact has forced itself on observation. It is not only in this,
however, that the kinship is seen. It is seen still better
in the essential characteristic of Gothic; namely, what is
termed its aspiring tendency. That predominance of
vertical lines which so strongly distinguishes Gothic from
other styles, is the most marked peculiarity of trees, when
compared with animals or rocks. A tall Gothic tower,
with its elongated apertures and clusters of thin projections
running from bottom to top, suggests a vague idea
of growth.
Of the alleged connexion between inorganic forms and
the wholly irregular and the castellated styles of building,
we have, I think, some proof in the fact that when an
edifice is irregular, the more irregular it is the more it
pleases us. I see no way of accounting for this fact, save
by supposing that the greater the irregularity the more
strongly are we reminded of the inorganic forms typified,
and the more vividly are aroused the agreeable ideas of
rugged and romantic scenery associated with those forms.
Further evidence of these relationships of styles
of {378}
architecture to classes of natural objects, is supplied by
the kinds of decoration they respectively present. The
public buildings of Greece, while characterized in their
outlines by the bi-lateral symmetry seen in the higher
animals, have their pediments and entablatures covered
with sculptured men and beasts. Egyptian temples and
Assyrian palaces, similarly symmetrical in their general
plan, are similarly ornamented on their walls and at their
doors. In Gothic, again, with its grove-like ranges of
clustered columns, we find rich foliated ornaments abundantly
employed. And accompanying the totally irregular,
inorganic outlines of old castles, we see neither vegetal
nor animal decorations. The bare, rock-like walls are
surmounted by battlements, consisting of almost plain
blocks, which remind us of the projections on the edge of a
rugged cliff.
But perhaps the most significant fact is the harmony
observable between each type of architecture and the
scenes in which it is indigenous. For what is the
explanation of this harmony, unless it be that the predominant
character of surrounding things has, in some
way, determined the mode of building adopted?
That the harmony exists is clear. Equally in the cases
of Egypt, Assyria, Greece, and Rome, town life preceded
the construction of the symmetrical buildings that have
come down to us. And town life is one in which, as
already observed, the majority of familiar objects are
symmetrical. We habitually feel the naturalness of this
association. Amid the fields, a formal house, with a
central door flanked by equal numbers of windows to right
and left, strikes us as unrural—looks as though transplanted
from a street; and we cannot look at one of those
stuccoed villas, with mock-windows arranged to balance
the real ones, without being reminded of the suburban
residence of a retired tradesman.
In styles indigenous in the country, we not only
find {379}
the general irregularity characteristic of surrounding
things, but we may trace some kinship between each kind
of irregularity and the local circumstances. We see the
broken rocky masses amid which castles are often placed,
mirrored in their stern, inorganic forms. In abbeys, and
such-like buildings, which are commonly found in sheltered
districts, we find no such violent dislocations of masses and
outlines; and the nakedness appropriate to the fortress is
replaced by decorations reflecting the neighbouring woods.
Between a Swiss cottage and a Swiss view there is an
evident relationship. The angular roof, so bold and so
disproportionately large when compared to other roofs,
reminds one of the adjacent mountain peaks; and the
broad overhanging eaves have a sweep and inclination like
those of the lower branches of a pine tree. Consider, too,
the apparent kinship between the flat roofs that prevail in
Eastern cities, interspersed with occasional minarets, and
the plains that commonly surround them, dotted here and
there by palm trees. Contemplate a picture of one of
these places, and you are struck by the predominance of
horizontal lines, and their harmony with the wide stretch
of the landscape.
That the congruity here pointed out should hold in
every case must not be expected. The Pyramids, for
example, do not seem to come under this generalization.
Their repeated horizontal lines do indeed conform to the
flatness of the neighbouring desert; but their general
contour seems to have no adjacent analogue. Considering,
however, that migrating races, carrying their architectural
systems with them, would naturally produce buildings
having no relationship to their new localities; and that it
is not always possible to distinguish styles which are
indigenous, from those which are naturalized; numerous
anomalies must be looked for.
The general idea above illustrated will perhaps be somewhat
misinterpreted. Possibly some will take the {380}
proposition to be that men intentionally gave to their buildings
the leading characteristics of neighbouring objects. But
this is not what is meant. I do not suppose that they did
so in times past, any more than they do so now. The
hypothesis is, that in their choice of forms men are
unconsciously influenced by the forms encircling them.
That flat-roofed, symmetrical architecture should have
originated in the East, among pastoral tribes surrounded
by their herds and by wide plains, seems to imply that the
builders were swayed by the horizontality and symmetry
to which they were habituated. And the harmony which
we have found to exist in other cases between indigenous
styles and their localities, implies the general action of like
influences. Indeed, on considering the matter psychologically,
I do not see how it could well be otherwise. For
as all conceptions must be made up of images, and parts of
images, received through the senses; and as imagination
will most readily run in the direction of habitual perceptions;
it follows that the characteristic which predominates
in habitual perceptions must impress itself on
designs.
GRACEFULNESS. — ENDNOTE TO GRACEFULNESS .
[First published
in The Leader for December 25, 1852.]
We do not ascribe gracefulness to cart-horses, tortoises,
and hippopotami, in all of which the powers of movement
are relatively inferior; but we ascribe it to greyhounds,
antelopes, race-horses, all of which have highly efficient
locomotive organs. What, then, is this distinctive peculiarity
of structure and action which we call Grace?
One night while watching a dancer, and inwardly
condemning her tours de force as barbarisms which would
be hissed, were not people such cowards as always to
applaud what they think it the fashion to applaud, I
remarked that the truly graceful motions occasionally
introduced, were those performed with comparatively little
effort. After calling to mind sundry confirmatory facts,
I presently concluded that grace, as applied to motion,
describes motion that is effected with economy of force;
grace, as applied to animal forms, describes forms capable
of this economy; grace, as applied to postures, describes
postures which may be maintained with this economy;
and grace, as applied to inanimate objects, describes
such as exhibit certain analogies to these attitudes
and forms.
That this generalization, if not the whole truth, contains
at least a large part of it, will, I think, become obvious,
on {382}
considering how habitually we couple the words easy and
graceful; and still more, on calling to mind some of the
facts on which this association is based. The attitude of
a soldier, drawing himself bolt upright when his serjeant
shouts “attention,” is more remote from gracefulness than
when he relaxes at the words “stand at ease.” The gauche
visitor sitting stiffly on the edge of his chair, and his
self-possessed host, whose limbs and body dispose themselves
as convenience dictates, are contrasts as much in
effort as in elegance. When standing, we commonly
economise power by throwing the weight chiefly on one
leg, which we straighten to make it serve as a column,
while we relax the other; and to the same end, we allow
the head to lean somewhat on one side. Both these
attitudes are imitated in sculpture as elements of grace.
Turning from attitudes to movements, current remarks
will be found to imply the same relationship. No one
praises as graceful, a walk that is irregular or jerking,
and so displays waste of power; no one sees any beauty
in the waddle of a fat man, or the trembling steps of an
invalid, in both of which effort is visible. But the style
of walking we admire is moderate in velocity, perfectly
rhythmical, unaccompanied by violent swinging of the
arms, and giving us the impression that there is no
conscious exertion, while there is no force thrown away.
In dancing, again, the prevailing difficulty—the proper
disposal of the arms—well illustrates the same truth.
Those who fail in overcoming this difficulty give the
spectator the impression that their arms are a trouble to
them; they are held stiffly in some meaningless attitude,
at an obvious expense of power; they are checked from
swinging in the directions in which they would naturally
swing; or they are so moved that, instead of helping
to maintain the equilibrium, they endanger it. A good
dancer, on the contrary, makes us feel that, so far from
the arms being in the way, they are of great use.
Each {383}
motion of them, while it seems naturally to result from a
previous motion of the body, is turned to some advantage.
We perceive that it has facilitated instead of hindered the
general action; or, in other words—that an economy of
effort has been achieved. Any one wishing to distinctly
realize this fact, may readily do so by studying the action
of the arms in walking. Let him place his arms close to
his sides, and there keep them, while walking with some
rapidity. He will unavoidably fall into a backward and
forward motion of the shoulders, of a wriggling, ungraceful
character. After persevering in this for a space, until he
finds that the action is not only ungraceful but fatiguing,
let him allow his arms to swing as usual. The wriggling
of the shoulders will cease; the body will move equably
forward; and comparative ease will be felt. On analyzing
this fact, he may perceive that the backward motion of
each arm is simultaneous with the forward motion of the
corresponding leg. If he will attend to his muscular
sensations, he will find that this backward swing of the
arm is a counterbalance to the forward swing of the leg;
and that it is easier to produce this counterbalance by
moving the arm than by contorting the body, as he
otherwise must do.55
The action of the arms in walking being thus understood,
it will be manifest that the graceful employment of them
in dancing is simply a complication of the same thing;
and that a good dancer is one having so acute a muscular
perception as at once to feel in what direction
the arms {384}
should be moved to counterbalance any motion of the
body or legs.
This connexion between gracefulness and economy of
force, will be most clearly recognized by those who skate.
They will remember that all early attempts, and especially
the first timid experiments in figure-skating, are alike
awkward and fatiguing; and that the acquirement of skill
is also the acquirement of ease. The requisite confidence,
and a due command of the feet having been obtained,
those twistings of the trunk and gyrations of the arms,
previously used to maintain the balance, are found needless.
The body is allowed to follow without control the impulse
given to it; the arms to swing where they will; and it
is clearly felt that the graceful way of performing any
evolution is the way that costs least effort. Spectators
can scarcely fail to see the same fact, if they look for it.
The reference to skating suggests that graceful motion
might be defined as motion in curved lines. Certainly,
straight and zig-zag movements are excluded from the
conception. The sudden stoppages which angular movements
imply, are its antithesis; for a leading trait of grace
is continuity, flowingness. It will be found, however, that
this is merely another aspect of the same truth; and that
motion in curved lines is economical motion. Given
certain successive positions to be assumed by a limb, then
if it be moved in a straight line to the first of these
positions, suddenly arrested, and then moved in another
direction straight to the second position, and so on, it is
clear that at each arrest, the momentum previously given
to the limb must be destroyed at a certain cost
of force, {385}
and a new momentum given to it at a further cost of force;
whereas, if, instead of arresting the limb at its first
position, its motion be allowed to continue, and a lateral
force be impressed to make it diverge towards the second
position, a curvilinear motion is the necessary result;
and by making use of the original momentum, force
is economized.
If the truth of these conclusions respecting graceful
movements be admitted, it cannot, I think, be doubted, that
graceful form is that kind of form which implies relatively
small effort required for self-support, and relatively small
effort required for movement. Were it otherwise, there
would arise the incongruity that graceful form would either
not be associated at all with graceful movement, or that
the one would habitually occur in the absence of the other;
both which alternatives being at variance with our experience,
we must conclude that there exists the relationship
indicated. Any one hesitating to admit this, will, I
think, do so no longer on remembering that the animals
which we consider graceful, are those so slight in build
as not to be burdened by their own weight, and those
noted for fleetness and agility; while those we class as
ungraceful, are those which are alike cumbrous and have
the faculty of locomotion but little developed. In the case
of the greyhound, especially, we see that the particular
modification of the canine type in which economy of weight
is the most conspicuous, and in which the facility of
muscular motion has been brought to the greatest perfection,
is the one which we call most graceful.
How trees and inanimate objects should come to have
this epithet applied to them, seems less obvious. But
remembrance of the fact that we commonly, and perhaps
unavoidably, regard all objects under a certain anthropomorphic
aspect, will help us to understand it. The stiff
branch of an oak tree standing out at right angles to the
trunk, gives us a vague notion of great force expended
to {386}
keep it in that position; and we call it ungraceful, under
the same feeling that we call the holding out an arm at
right angles to the body ungraceful. Conversely, the lax
drooping boughs of a weeping-willow are vaguely associated
with limbs in attitudes requiring little effort to maintain
them; and the term graceful, by which we describe these,
we apply by metaphor to the boughs of the willow.
I may as well here venture the hypothesis, that the idea
of Grace as displayed by other beings, has its subjective
basis in Sympathy. The same faculty which makes us
shudder on seeing another in danger—which sometimes
causes motions of our own limbs on seeing another
struggle or fall, gives us a vague participation in all the
muscular sensations which those around us are experiencing.
When their motions are violent or awkward, we feel in a
slight degree the disagreeable sensations which we should
have were they our own. When they are easy, we
sympathize with the pleasant sensations they imply in
those exhibiting them.
55
A parallel fact, further elucidating this, is supplied
by a locomotive engine. On looking at the driving wheel, there will
be found, besides the boss to which the connecting rod is attached,
a corresponding mass of metal on the opposite side of the wheel, and
equidistant from the centre; or, if the engine be one having inside
cylinders, then, on looking between the spokes of the driving-wheel,
it will be seen that against each crank is a block of iron, similar
to it in size, but projecting from the axle in the reverse direction.
Evidently, being placed on opposite sides of the centre of motion, each
crank and its counterbalance move in opposite directions relatively to
the axle; and by so doing, neutralize each other’s perturbing effects,
and permit a
smooth rotation. This relationship which exists between the motions of
the counterbalance and the crank, is analogous to that which exists
between the motions of the arms and legs in walking; and in the early
days of railway-locomotion, before these counterbalance weights were
used, locomotive driving-wheels were subject to violent oscillations,
analogous to those jerkings of the shoulders which arise when we walk
fast without moving our arms.
PERSONAL BEAUTY. — II.
[First published
in The Leader for April 15, and May 13,
1854.]
It is a common opinion that beauty of character and
beauty of aspect are unrelated. I have never been able to
reconcile myself to this opinion. Indeed, even those who
hold it do so in an incomplete sense; for notwithstanding
their theory they continue to manifest surprise when they
find a mean deed committed by one of noble countenance—a
fact implying that underneath their professed induction
lies a still living conviction at variance with it.
Whence this conviction? How is it that a belief in the
connexion between worth and beauty primarily exists in all?
It cannot be innate. Must it not, then, be from early
experiences? And must it not be that in those who continue
to believe in this connexion, spite of their reasonings,
the early and wide experiences outweigh the later and
exceptional ones?
Those who do not admit the relationship between mental
and facial beauty, usually remark that the true connexion
is between character and expression. While they doubt, or
rather deny, that the permanent forms of the features
are {388}
in any way indices of the forms of the mind, they assert that
the transitory forms of the features are such indices. These
positions seem scarcely consistent. For may we not say
that the transitory forms, by perpetual repetition, register
themselves on the face, and produce permanent forms? Does
not an habitual frown by-and-by leave ineffaceable marks
on the brow? Is not a chronic scornfulness presently
followed by a modified set in the angles of the mouth? Does
not that compression of the lips significant of great determination,
often stereotype itself; and so give a changed
form to the lower part of the face? And if there be any
truth in the doctrine of hereditary transmission, must there
not be a tendency to the re-appearance of these modifications
as new types of feature in the offspring? In brief, may we
not say that expression is feature in the making; and that if
expression means something, the form of feature produced
by it means something?
Possibly it will be urged, in reply, that changes of
expression affect only the muscles and skin of the face; that
the permanent marks they produce can extend but to these;
that, nevertheless, the beauty of a face is mainly dependent
upon the form of its bony framework; that hence, in this
chief respect, there cannot take place such modifications as
those described; and that, therefore, the relationship of
aspect to character, while it may hold in the details, does
not hold in the generals.
The rejoinder is, that the framework of the face is modified
by modifications in the tissues which cover it. It is an
established doctrine in physiology, that throughout the
skeleton the greater or less development of bones is dependent
on the greater or less development of the attached
muscles; that is, on the exercise of them. Hence, permanent
changes in the muscular adjustments of the face will be
followed by permanent changes in its osseous structure.
Not to dwell in general statements, however, let me cite
cases in which the connexion between organic ugliness
and {389}
mental inferiority, and the converse connexion between
organic beauty and comparative perfection of mind, are
distinctly traceable.
It will be admitted that the projecting jaw, characteristic
of the lower human races, is a facial defect—is a trait which
no sculptor would give to an ideal bust. At the same time,
it is a fact that prominence of jaw is associated in the
mammalia generally with comparative lack of intelligence.
This relationship, it is true, does not hold uniformly. It is
not a direct but an indirect one; and is thus liable to be
disturbed. Nevertheless, it holds among the higher tribes;
and on inquiry we shall see why it holds. In conformity
with the law that organs develop in proportion as they are
exercised, the jaws are relatively large where the demands
made on them are great; and diminish in size as their
functions become less numerous and less onerous. Now, in
the lower mammals the jaws are the sole organs of manipulation—are
used not only for mastication, but for seizing,
carrying, gnawing, and, indeed, for everything save
locomotion, which is the solitary office performed by the
limbs. Advancing upwards, we find that the fore-limbs
begin to aid the jaws, and gradually to relieve them of part
of their duties. Some creatures use them for burrowing;
some, as the felines, for striking; many, to keep steady the
prey they are tearing; and when we arrive at the monkeys,
whose fore-limbs possess such power of prehension that
objects can not only be seized, but carried and pulled to
pieces by them, we see that the jaws have fewer functions.
Accompanying this series of changes, we see a double change
in the form of the head. The increased complexity of the
limbs, the greater variety of actions they perform, and the
more numerous perceptions they give, imply a greater
development of the brain and of its bony envelope. At the
same time, the size of the jaws has diminished in correspondence
with the diminution of their functions. And by this
simultaneous protrusion of the upper part of the
cranium {390}
and recession of its lower part, what is called the facial
angle has increased.
Well, these co-ordinate changes in functions and forms
have continued during the civilization of the human race.
On contrasting the European and the Papuan, we see that
what the one cuts in two with knife and fork, the other tears
with his jaws; what the one softens by cooking, the other
eats in its hard, raw state; the bones which the one utilises
by stewing, the other gnaws; and for sundry of the
mechanical manipulations which the one has tools for, the
other uses his teeth. From the Bushman state upwards,
there has been a gradual increase in the complexity of our
appliances. We not only use our hands to save our jaws,
but we make implements to save our hands; and in our
engine-factories may be found implements for the making
of implements. This progression in the arts of life has had
intellectual progression for its necessary correlative. Each
new complication requires a new increment of intelligence
for its production; and the daily use of it develops the
intelligence still further. Thus that simultaneous protrusion
of the brain and recession of the jaws, which among lower
animals has accompanied increase of skill and sagacity, has
continued during the advance of Humanity from barbarism
to civilization; and has been, throughout, the result of a
discipline involving increase of mental power. And so it
becomes manifest that there exists an organic relationship
between that protuberance of the jaws which we consider
ugly, and a certain inferiority of nature.
Again, that lateral jutting-out of the cheek-bones, which
similarly characterizes the lower races of men, and which is
similarly thought by us a detraction from beauty, is similarly
related to lower habits and lower intelligence. The chief
agents in closing the jaws are the temporal muscles; and
these are consequently the chief active agents in biting and
mastication. In proportion as the jaws have much work,
and correspondingly large size, must the temporal
muscles {391}
be massive. But the temporal muscles pass between the
skull and the zygomatic arches, or lateral parts of the
cheek-bones. Consequently, where the temporal muscles
are massive, the spaces between the zygomatic arches and
the skull must be great; and the lateral projection of the
zygomatic arches great also, as we see it in the uncivilized
and partially civilized races. Like large jaws, therefore, of
which it is an accompaniment, excessive size of the cheek-bones
is both an ugliness and an index of imperfection.
Certain other defects of feature, between which and
mental defects it is not thus easy to trace the connexion,
may yet be fairly presumed to have such connexion in
virtue of their constant co-existence with the foregoing ones:
alike in the uncivilized races and in the young of the
civilized races. Peculiarities of face which we find regularly
associated with those just shown to be significant of intellectual
inferiority, and which like them disappear as
barbarism grows into civilization, may reasonably be
concluded to have like them a psychological meaning.
Thus is it with depression of the bridge of the nose; which
is a characteristic both of barbarians and of our babes,
possessed by them in common with the higher quadrumana.
Thus, also, is it with that forward opening of the nostrils,
which renders them conspicuous in a front view of the face—a
trait alike of infants, savages, and apes. And the same
may be said of wide-spread alæ to the nose, of great width
between the eyes, of long mouth, of large mouth,—indeed
of all those leading peculiarities of feature which are by
general consent called ugly.
And then mark how, conversely, the type of face usually
admitted to be the most beautiful, is one that possesses
opposite peculiarities. In the ideal Greek head, the forehead
projects so much, and the jaws recede so much, as to
render the facial angle larger than we ever find it in fact.
The cheek-bones are so small as scarcely to be traceable.
The bridge of the nose is so high as to be almost or quite
in {392}
a line with the forehead. The alæ of the nose join the face
with but little obliquity. In the front view the nostrils are
almost invisible. The mouth is small, and the upper lip
short and deeply concave. The outer angles of the eyes,
instead of keeping the horizontal line, as is usual, or being
directed upwards, as in the Mongolian type, are directed
slightly downwards. And the form of the brow indicates
an unusually large frontal sinus—a characteristic entirely
absent in children, in the lowest of the human races, and in
the allied genera of the primates.
If, then, recession of the forehead, protuberance of the
jaws, and largeness of the cheek-bones, three leading
elements of ugliness, are demonstrably indicative of mental
inferiority—if such other facial defects as great width
between the eyes, flatness of the nose, spreading of its alæ,
frontward opening of the nostrils, length of the mouth, and
largeness of the lips, are habitually associated with these,
and disappear along with them as intelligence increases,
both in the race and in the individual; is it not a fair inference
that all such faulty traits of feature signify deficiencies
of mind? If, further, our ideal of human beauty is characterized
not simply by the absence of these traits, but by the
presence of opposite ones—if this ideal, as found in sculptures
of the Greek gods, has been used to represent superhuman
power and intelligence—and if the race so using it were
themselves distinguished by a mental superiority, which,
if we consider their disadvantages, produced results
unparalleled; have we not yet stronger reasons for concluding
that the chief components of beauty and ugliness
are severally connected with perfection and imperfection of
mental nature? And when, lastly, we remember that the
variations of feature constituting expression are confessedly
significant of character—when we remember that these tend
by repetition to organize themselves, to affect not only the
skin and muscles but the bones of the face, and to be transmitted
to offspring—when we thus find that there is
a {393}
psychological meaning alike in each passing adjustment of
the features, in the marks that habitual adjustments leave,
in the marks inherited from ancestors, and in those main
outlines of the facial bones and integuments indicating the
type or race; are we not almost forced to the conclusion
that all forms of feature are related to forms of mind, and
that we consider them admirable or otherwise according as
the traits of nature they imply are admirable or otherwise?
In the extremes the relationship is demonstrable. That
transitory aspects of face accompany transitory mental
states, and that we consider these aspects ugly or beautiful
according as the mental states they accompany are ugly or
beautiful, no one doubts. That those permanent and most
marked aspects of face dependent on the bony framework,
accompany those permanent and most marked mental
states which express themselves in barbarism and civilization;
and that we consider as beautiful those which
accompany mental superiority, and as ugly those which
accompany mental inferiority, is equally certain. And if
this connexion unquestionably holds in the extremes—if,
as judged by average facts, and by our half-instinctive
convictions, it also holds more or less visibly in intermediate
cases, it becomes an almost irresistible induction, that the
aspects which please us are the outward correlatives of
inward perfections, while the aspects which displease us are
the outward correlatives of inward imperfections.
I am quite aware that when tested in detail this induction
seems not to be borne out. I know that there are often
grand natures behind plain faces; and that fine countenances
frequently hide small souls. But these anomalies
do not destroy the general truth of the law, any more than
the perturbations of planets destroy the general ellipticity
of their orbits. Some of them, indeed, may be readily
accounted for. There are many faces spoiled by the misproportion
of features that are in themselves good; others,
by defects of skin, which, though they indicate defects
of {394}
visceral constitution, have no relationship to the higher
parts of the nature. Moreover the facts that have been
assigned afford reason for thinking that the leading elements
of facial beauty are not directly associated with moral
characteristics, but with intellectual ones—are the results of
long-continued civilized habits, long cessation of domestic
barbarism, long culture of the manipulative powers; and
so may co-exist with emotional traits not at all admirable.
It is true that the highest intellectual manifestations imply
a good balance of the higher feelings; but it is also true
that great quickness, great sagacity in ordinary affairs,
great practical skill, can be possessed without these, and
very frequently are so. The prevalent beauty of the Italians,
co-existing though it does with a low moral state, becomes,
on this hypothesis, reconcileable with the general induction;
as do also many of the anomalies we see around us.
There is, however, a more satisfactory explanation to be
offered than any of these—an explanation which I think
renders it possible to admit the seeming contradictions
which the detailed facts present, and yet to hold by the
theory. But as more space will be required for showing
this than can here be spared, I must defer going further
until next week. In the meantime, my own conviction
may be expressed in a formula in which I have often before
uttered it:—The saying that beauty is but skin-deep, is
but a skin-deep saying.
All the civilized races, and probably also the uncivilized
ones, are of mixed origin; and, as a consequence, have
physical and mental constitutions in which are mingled
several aboriginal constitutions more or less differing from
each other. This heterogeneity of constitution seems to
me the chief cause of the incongruities between aspect and
nature which we daily meet with. Given a pure race,
subject to constant conditions of climate, food, and
habits {395}
of life, and there is reason to believe that between external
appearance and internal structure there will be a constant
connexion. Unite this race with another equally pure, but
adapted to different conditions and having a correspondingly
different physique, face, and mind, and there will occur in
the descendants, not a homogeneous mean between the two
constitutions, but a seemingly irregular combination of characteristics
of the one with characteristics of the other—one
feature traceable to this race, a second to that, and a third
uniting the attributes of both; while in disposition and intellect
there will be found a like medley of the two originals.
The fact that the forms and qualities of any offspring are
not a mean between the forms and qualities of its parents,
but a mixture of them, is illustrated in every family. The
features and peculiarities of a child are separately referred
by observers to father and mother respectively—nose and
mouth to this side; colour of the hair and eyes to that—this
moral peculiarity to the first; this intellectual one
to the second—and so with contour and idiosyncrasies of
body. Manifestly if each organ or faculty in a child was
an average of the two developments of such organ or
faculty in the parents, it would follow that all brothers and
sisters should be alike; or should, at any rate, differ no
more than their parents differed from year to year. So far
however, from finding this to be the case, we find not only
that great irregularities are produced by mixture of traits,
but that there is no constancy in the mode of mixture, or
the extent of variation produced by it.
This imperfect union of parental constitutions in the constitutions
of offspring, is still more clearly illustrated by
the re-appearance of peculiarities traceable to bygone
generations. Forms, dispositions, and diseases, possessed
by distant progenitors, habitually come out from time to
time in descendants. Some single feature, or some solitary
tendency, will again and again show itself, after being
apparently lost. It is notoriously thus with gout,
scrofula, {396}
and insanity. On some of the monumental brasses in our
old churches are engraved heads having traits still persistent
in the same families. Wherever, as in portrait galleries,
a register of ancestral faces has been kept, the same fact is
more or less apparent. The pertinacity with which particular
characteristics re-produce themselves is well exemplified
in America, where traces of negro blood can be
detected in the finger nails, when no longer visible in the
complexion. Among breeders of animals it is well known
that, after several generations in which no visible modifications
were traceable, the effects of a cross will suddenly
make their appearance. In all which facts we see the
general truth that an organism produced from two organisms
constitutionally different, is not a homogeneous mean;
but is made up of components, taken in variable ways and
proportions from the originals.
In a recent number of the Quarterly Journal of the Agricultural
Society were published some facts respecting the
mixture of French and English races of sheep, bearing
collaterally on this point. Sundry attempts had been made
to improve the poor French breeds by our fine English ones.
For a long time these attempts failed. The hybrids bore
no trace of their English male ancestry; but were as
dwarfed and poverty-stricken as their French dams.
Eventually the cause of failure was found to lie in the relative
heterogeneity and homogeneity of the two constitutions.
The superior English sheep were of mixed race; the French
sheep, though inferior, were of pure race; and the compound,
imperfectly co-ordinated constitution of the one
could not maintain itself against the simple and completely
balanced constitution of the other. This, at first an hypothesis,
was presently demonstrated. French sheep of
mixed constitution having been obtained by uniting two of
the pure French breeds, it was found that these hybrid
French sheep, when united with the English ones, produced
a cross in which the English characteristics
were duly {397}
displayed. Now, this inability of a mixed constitution to
stand its ground against an unmixed one, quite accords
with the above induction. An unmixed constitution is one
in which all the organs are exactly fitted to each other—are
perfectly balanced: the system as a whole, is in stable
equilibrium. A mixed constitution, on the contrary, being
made up of organs belonging to two separate sets, cannot
have them in exact fitness—cannot have them perfectly
balanced; and a system in comparatively unstable equilibrium
results. But in proportion to the stability of the
equilibrium will be the power to resist disturbing forces.
Hence, when two constitutions, in stable and unstable
equilibrium respectively, become disturbing forces to each
other, the unstable one will be overthrown, and the stable
one will assert itself unchanged.
The imperfect co-ordination of parts in a mixed constitution,
and this consequent instability of its equilibrium, are
intimately connected with the vexed question of genera,
species, and varieties; and, with a view partly to the
intrinsic interest of this question, and partly to the further
elucidation of the topic in hand, I must again digress.
The current physiological test of distinct species is the
production of a non-prolific hybrid. The ability of the
offspring to reproduce itself is held to indicate that its
parents are of the same species, however widely they may
differ in appearance; and its inability to do this is taken
as proof that, nearly allied as its parents may seem, they
are distinct in kind. Of late, however, facts have been
accumulating that tend more and more to throw doubt on
this generalization. Cattle-breeders have established it as
a general fact, that the offspring of two different breeds of
sheep or oxen dwindle away in a few generations if allied
with themselves; and that a good result can be obtained
only by mixing them with one or other of the original
breeds—a fact implying that what is true of so-called
species, is, under a modified form, true of varieties
also. {398}
The same phenomena are observable in the mixtures of
different races of men. They, too, it is alleged, cannot
maintain themselves as separate varieties; but die out
unless there is intermarriage with the originals. In brief,
it seems that the hybrids produced from two distinct races
of organisms may die out in the first, second, third, fourth,
fifth, &c., generation, according as the constitutional difference
of the races is greater or less. Now, the experience
of the French sheep-breeders, above-quoted, suggests a
rationale of these various results. For if it be true that
an organism produced by two unlike organisms is not a
mean between them, but a mixture of parts of the one with
parts of the other—if it be true that these parts belonging
to two different sets are of necessity imperfectly co-ordinated;
then it becomes manifest that in proportion as the
difference between the parent organisms is greater or less,
the defects of co-ordination in the offspring will be greater
or less. Whence it follows that, according to the degree
of organic incongruity between the parents, we may have
every gradation in the offspring, from a combination of
parts so incongruous that it will not work at all, up to a
combination complete enough to subsist permanently as a
race. And this is just what we find in fact. Between
organisms widely differing in character, no intermediate
organism is possible. When the difference is less, a
non-prolific hybrid is produced—an organism so ill co-ordinated
as to be capable only of incomplete life. When
the difference is still less, there results an organism
capable of reproducing itself; but not of bequeathing to
its offspring complete constitutions. And as the degrees
of difference are further diminished, the incompleteness
of constitution is longer and longer in making its appearance;
until we come to those varieties of the same
species which differ so slightly that their offspring are as
permanent as themselves. Even in these, however, the
organic equilibrium seems less perfect; as is
illustrated {399}
in the case I have quoted. And in connexion with this
inference, it would be interesting to inquire whether pure
constitutions are not superior to mixed ones, in their power
of maintaining the balance of vital functions under disturbing
conditions. Is it not a fact, that the pure breeds
are hardier than the mixed ones? Are not the mixed ones,
though superior in size, less capable of resisting unfavourable
influences—extremes of temperature, bad food, &c.?
And is not the like true of mankind?
Returning to the topic in hand, it is manifest that these
facts and reasonings serve further to enforce the general
truth, that the offspring of two organisms not identical in
constitution is a heterogeneous mixture of the two, and not
a homogeneous mean between them.
If, then, bearing in mind this truth, we remember the
composite character of the civilized races—the mingling in
ourselves, for example, of Celt, Saxon, Norman, Dane, with
sprinklings of other tribes; if we consider the complications
of constitution that have arisen from the unions of
these, not in any uniform manner, but with utter irregularity;
and if we recollect that the incongruities thus produced
pervade the whole nature, mental and bodily—nervous
tissue and other tissues; we shall see that there
must exist in all of us an imperfect correspondence between
parts of the organism that are really related; and that as
one manifestation of this, there must be more or less of discrepancy
between the features and those parts of the nervous
system with which they have a physiological connexion.
If this be so, then the difficulties which stand in the way
of the belief that beauty of character is related to beauty
of face are considerably diminished. It becomes possible
to admit that plainness may co-exist with nobility of nature,
and fine features with baseness; and yet to hold that
mental and facial perfection are fundamentally connected,
and will, when the present causes of incongruity have
worked themselves out, be ever found
united.
THE ORIGIN AND FUNCTION OF MUSIC.
[First published
in Fraser’s Magazine for October 1857.]
When Carlo, standing, chained to his kennel, sees his master
in the distance, a slight motion of the tail indicates his but
faint hope that he is about to be let out. A much more
decided wagging of the tail, passing by-and-by into lateral
undulations of the body, follows his master’s nearer approach.
When hands are laid on his collar, and he knows that he is
really to have an outing, his jumping and wriggling are
such that it is by no means easy to loose his fastenings.
And when he finds himself actually free, his joy expends
itself in bounds, in pirouettes, and in scourings hither and
thither at the top of his speed. Puss, too, by erecting her
tail, and by every time raising her back to meet the caressing
hand of her mistress, similarly expresses her gratification
by certain muscular actions; as likewise do the parrot
by awkward dancings on his perch, and the canary by
hopping and fluttering about his cage with unwonted
rapidity. Under emotions of an opposite kind, animals
equally display muscular excitement. The enraged lion
lashes his sides with his tail, knits his brows, protrudes his
claws. The cat sets up her back; the dog retracts his
upper lip; the horse throws back his ears. And in the
struggles of creatures in pain, we see that a like
relation {401}
holds between excitement of the muscles and excitement of
the nerves of sensation.
In ourselves, distinguished from lower creatures by feelings
alike more powerful and more varied, parallel facts
are at once more conspicuous and more numerous. Let us
look at them in groups. We shall find that pleasurable
sensations and painful sensations, pleasurable emotions and
painful emotions, all tend to produce active demonstrations
in proportion to their intensity.
In children, and even in adults who are not restrained by
regard for appearances, a highly agreeable taste is followed
by a smacking of the lips. An infant will laugh and bound
in its nurse’s arms at the sight of a brilliant colour or the
hearing of a new sound. People are apt to beat time with
head or feet to music which particularly pleases them. In
a sensitive person an agreeable perfume will produce a
smile; and smiles will be seen on the faces of a crowd gazing
at some splendid burst of fireworks. Even the pleasant
sensation of warmth felt on getting to the fireside out of a
winter’s storm, will similarly express itself in the face.
Painful sensations, being mostly far more intense than
pleasurable ones, cause muscular actions of much more
decided kinds. A sudden twinge produces a convulsive start
of the whole body. A pain less violent, but continuous, is
accompanied by a knitting of the brows, a setting of the
teeth or biting of the lip, and a contraction of the features
generally. Under a persistent pain of a severer kind, other
muscular actions are added: the body is swayed to and fro;
the hands clench anything they can lay hold of; and should
the agony rise still higher, the sufferer rolls about on the
floor almost convulsed.
Though more varied, the natural language of the pleasurable
emotions comes within the same generalization.
A smile, which is the commonest expression of gratified
feeling, is a contraction of certain facial muscles; and when
the smile broadens into a laugh, we see a more violent
and {402}
more general muscular excitement produced by an intenser
gratification. Rubbing together of the hands, and that
other motion which Hood describes as the washing of
“hands with invisible soap in imperceptible water,” have
like implications. Children may often be seen to “jump for
joy,” Even in adults of excitable temperament, an action
approaching to it is sometimes witnessed. And dancing
has all the world through been regarded as natural to an
elevated state of minds. Many of the special emotions
show themselves in special muscular actions. The gratification
resulting from success, raises the head and gives firmness
to the gait. A hearty grasp of the hand is currently
taken as indicative of friendship. Under a gush of affection
the mother clasps her child to her breast, feeling as though
she could squeeze it to death. And so in sundry other
cases. Even in that brightening of the eye with which
good news is received we may trace the same truth; for
this sparkling appearance is due to an extra contraction of
the muscle which raises the eyelid, and so allows more light
to fall upon, and be reflected from, the wet surface of
the eyeball.
The bodily indications of painful emotion are equally
numerous, and still more vehement. Discontent is shown
by raised eyebrows and wrinkled forehead; disgust by a
curl of the lip, offence by a pout. The impatient man beats
a tattoo with his fingers on the table, swings his pendant
leg with increasing rapidity, gives needless pokings to the
fire, and presently paces with hasty strides about the room.
In great grief there is wringing of the hands, and even
tearing of the hair. An angry child stamps, or rolls on its
back and kicks its heels in the air; and in manhood, anger,
first showing itself in frowns, in distended nostrils, in
compressed lips, goes on to produce grinding of the teeth,
clenching of the fingers, blows of the fist on the table, and
perhaps ends in a violent attack on the offending person,
or in throwing about and breaking the furniture.
From {403}
that pursing of the mouth indicative of slight displeasure,
up to the frantic struggles of the maniac, we find that
mental irritation tends to vent itself in bodily activity.
All feelings, then—sensations or emotions, pleasurable
or painful—have this common characteristic, that they
are muscular stimuli. Not forgetting the few apparently
exceptional cases in which emotions exceeding a certain
intensity produce prostration, we may set it down as a general
law, that alike in man and animals, there is a direct connexion
between feeling and movement; the last growing
more vehement as the first grows more intense. Were it
allowable here to treat the matter scientifically, we might
trace this general law down to the principle known among
physiologists as that of reflex action.56
Without doing this,
however, the above numerous instances justify the generalization
that every kind of mental excitement ends in excitement
of the muscles; and that the two preserve a more or less
constant ratio to each other.
“But what
has all this to do with The Origin and Function
of Music?” asks the reader. Very much, as we shall
presently see. All music is originally vocal. All vocal
sounds are produced by the agency of certain muscles.
These muscles, in common with those of the body at large,
are excited to contraction by pleasurable and painful feelings.
And therefore it is that feelings demonstrate themselves in
sounds as well as in movements. Therefore it is that Carlo
barks as well as leaps when he is let out—that puss purrs
as well as erects her tail—that the canary chirps as well as
flutters. Therefore it is that the angry lion roars while he
lashes his sides, and the dog growls while he retracts his
lip. Therefore it is that the maimed animal not only
struggles, but howls. And it is from this cause that in
human beings bodily suffering expresses itself not
only in {404}
contortions, but in shrieks and groans—that in anger, and
fear, and grief, the gesticulations are accompanied by shouts
and screams—that delightful sensations are followed by
exclamations—and that we hear screams of joy and shouts
of exultation.
We have here, then, a principle underlying all vocal
phenomena; including those of vocal music, and by consequence
those of music in general. The muscles that move
the chest, larynx, and vocal chords, contracting like other
muscles in proportion to the intensity of the feelings; every
different contraction of these muscles involving, as it does,
a different adjustment of the vocal organs; every different
adjustment of the vocal organs causing a change in the
sound emitted;—it follows that variations of voice are the
physiological results of variations of feeling. It follows
that each inflection or modulation is the natural outcome of
some passing emotion or sensation; and it follows that the
explanation of all kinds of vocal expression, must be sought
in this general relation between mental and muscular excitements.
Let us, then, see whether we cannot thus account
for the chief peculiarities in the utterance of the feelings:
grouping these peculiarities under the heads of loudness,
quality or timbre, pitch, intervals, and rate of variation.
Between the
lungs and the organs of voice, there is much
the same relation as between the bellows of an organ and
its pipes. And as the loudness of the sound given out by
an organ-pipe increases with the strength of the blast from
the bellows; so, other things equal, the loudness of a vocal
sound increases with the strength of the blast from the
lungs. But the expulsion of air from the lungs is effected
by certain muscles of the chest and abdomen. The force
with which these muscles contract, is proportionate to the
intensity of the feeling experienced. Hence, a priori,
loud sounds will be the habitual results of strong feelings.
That they are so we have daily proof. The pain
which {405}
if moderate, can be borne silently, causes outcries if it
becomes extreme. While a slight vexation makes a child
whimper, a fit of passion calls forth a howl that disturbs
the neighbourhood. When the voices in an adjacent room
become unusually audible, we infer anger, or surprise, or
joy. Loudness of applause is significant of great approbation;
and with uproarious mirth we associate the idea of
high enjoyment. Commencing with the silence of apathy,
we find that the utterances grow louder as the sensations or
emotions, whether pleasurable or painful, grow stronger.
That different qualities of voice accompany different
mental states, and that under states of excitement the
tones are more sonorous than usual, is another general
fact admitting of a parallel explanation. The sounds of
common conversation have but little resonance; those of
strong feeling have much more. Under rising ill temper
the voice acquires a metallic ring. In accordance with
her constant mood, the ordinary speech of a virago has a
piercing quality quite opposite to that softness indicative
of placidity. A ringing laugh marks joyous temperament.
Grief, unburdening itself, uses tones approaching in timbre
to those of chanting; and in his most pathetic passages
an eloquent speaker similarly falls into tones more vibratory
than those common to him. Now any one may readily
convince himself that resonant vocal sounds can be produced
only by a certain muscular effort additional to that
ordinarily needed. If after uttering a word in his speaking
voice, the reader, without changing the pitch or the loudness,
will sing this word, he will perceive that before he can
sing it, he has to alter the adjustment of the vocal organs;
to do which a certain force must be used; and by putting
his fingers on that external prominence marking the top of
the larynx, he will have further evidence that to produce a
sonorous tone the organs must be drawn out of their usual
position. Thus, then, the fact that the tones of excited
feeling are more vibratory than
those of common {406}
conversation, is another instance of the connexion between mental
excitement and muscular excitement. The speaking voice,
the recitative voice, and the singing voice, severally exemplify
one general principle.
That the pitch of the voice varies according to the action
of the vocal muscles, scarcely needs saying. All know
that the middle notes, in which they converse, are made
without appreciable effort; and all know that to make
either very high notes or very low notes requires considerable
effort. In either ascending or descending from the
pitch of ordinary speech, we are conscious of increasing
muscular strain, which, at each extreme of the register,
becomes painful. Hence it follows from our general
principle, that while indifference or calmness will use the
medium tones, the tones used during excitement will be
either above or below them; and will rise higher and
higher, or fall lower and lower, as the feelings grow
stronger. This physiological deduction we also find to
be in harmony with familiar facts. The habitual sufferer
utters his complaints in a voice raised considerably above
the natural key; and agonizing pain vents itself in either
shrieks or groans—in very high or very low notes.
Beginning at his talking pitch, the cry of the disappointed
urchin grows more shrill as it grows louder. The “Oh!”
of astonishment or delight, begins several notes below the
middle voice, and descends still lower. Anger expresses
itself in high tones, or else in “curses not loud but deep.”
Deep tones, too, are always used in uttering strong
reproaches. Such an exclamation as “Beware!” if made
dramatically—that is, if made with a show of feeling—must
be many notes lower than ordinary. Further, we
have groans of disapprobation, groans of horror, groans of
remorse. And extreme joy and fear are alike accompanied
by shrill outcries.
Nearly allied to the subject of pitch, is that of intervals;
and the explanation of them carries our argument a
step {407}
further. While calm speech is comparatively monotonous,
emotion makes use of fifths, octaves, and even wider
intervals. Listen to any one narrating or repeating something
in which he has no interest, and his voice will not
wander more than two or three notes above or below
his medium note, and that by small steps; but when he
comes to some exciting event he will be heard not only
to use the higher and lower notes of his register, but to go
from one to the other by larger leaps. Being unable
in print to imitate these traits of feeling, we feel some
difficulty in fully conveying them to the reader. But we
may suggest a few remembrances which will perhaps call
to mind a sufficiency of others. If two men living in the
same place, and frequently seeing one another, meet, say
at a public assembly, any phrase with which one accosts
the other—as “Hallo, are you here?”—will have an
ordinary intonation. But if one of them, after a long
absence, has unexpectedly returned, the expression of
surprise with which his friend greets him—“Hallo! how
came you here?”—will be uttered in much more strongly
contrasted tones. The two syllables of the word “Hallo”
will be, the one much higher and the other much lower
than before; and the rest of the sentence will similarly
ascend and descend by longer steps. Again, if, supposing
her maid to be in an adjoining room, the mistress of the
house calls “Mary,” the two syllables of the name will
be spoken in an ascending interval of a third. If Mary
does not reply, the call will be repeated probably in a
descending fifth; implying the slightest shade of annoyance
at Mary’s inattention. Should Mary still make no
answer, the increasing annoyance will show itself by the
use of a descending octave on the next repetition of the
call. And supposing the silence to continue, the lady, if
not of a very even temper, will show her irritation at
Mary’s seemingly intentional negligence by finally calling
her in tones still more widely contrasted—the first
syllable {408}
being higher and the last lower than before. Now, these
and analogous facts, which the reader will readily accumulate,
clearly conform to the law laid down. For to make
large intervals requires more muscular action than to make
small ones. But not only is the extent of vocal intervals
thus explicable as due to the relation between nervous
and muscular excitement, but also, in some degree, their
direction, as ascending or descending. The middle notes
being those which demand no appreciable effort of muscular
adjustment; and the effort becoming greater as we either
ascend or descend; it follows that a departure from the
middle notes in either direction will mark increasing
emotion; while a return towards the middle notes will
mark decreasing emotion. Hence it happens that an
enthusiastic person, uttering such a sentence as—“It was
the most splendid sight I ever saw!” will ascend to the
first syllable of the word “splendid,” and thence will
descend: the word “splendid” marking the climax of
the feeling produced by the recollection. Hence, again, it
happens that, under some extreme vexation produced by
another’s stupidity, an irascible man, exclaiming—“What
a confounded fool the fellow is!” will begin somewhat
below his middle voice, and descending to the word “fool,”
which he will utter in one of his deepest notes, will then
ascend. And it may be remarked, that the word “fool”
will not only be deeper and louder than the rest, but will
also have more emphasis of articulation—another mode
in which muscular excitement is shown. There is some
danger, however, in giving instances like this; seeing that
as the mode of rendering will vary according to the
intensity of the feeling which the reader feigns to himself,
the right cadence may not be hit upon. With single
words there is less difficulty. Thus the “Indeed!” with
which a surprising fact is received, mostly begins on the
middle note of the voice, and rises with the second syllable;
or, if disapprobation as well as astonishment is felt,
the {409}
first syllable will be below the middle note, and the second
lower still. Conversely, the word “Alas!” which marks
not the rise of a paroxysm of grief, but its decline, is
uttered in a cadence descending towards the middle note;
or, if the first syllable is in the lower part of the register,
the second ascends towards the middle note. In the
“Heigh-ho!” expressive of mental or muscular prostration,
we may see the same truth; and if the cadence appropriate
to it be inverted, the absurdity of the effect clearly shows
how the meaning of intervals is dependent on the principle
we have been illustrating.
The remaining characteristic of emotional speech which
we have to notice, is that of variability of pitch. It is
scarcely possible here to convey adequate ideas of this
more complex manifestation. We must be content with
simply indicating some occasions on which it may be
observed. On a meeting of friends, for instance—as when
there arrives a party of much-wished-for visitors—the
voices of all will be heard to undergo changes of pitch not
only greater but much more numerous than usual. If a
speaker at a public meeting is interrupted by some squabble
among those he is addressing, his comparatively level
tones will be in marked contrast with the rapidly changing
ones of the disputants. And among children, whose feelings
are less under control than those of adults, this
peculiarity is still more decided. During a scene of complaint
and recrimination between two excitable little girls,
the voices may be heard to run up and down the gamut
several times in each sentence. In such cases we once
more recognize the same law: for muscular excitement is
shown not only in strength of contraction, but also in the
rapidity with which different muscular adjustments succeed
one another.
Thus we find all the leading vocal phenomena to have a
physiological basis. They are so many manifestations of
the general law that feeling is a stimulus to
muscular {410}
action—a law conformed to throughout the whole economy,
not of man only, but of every sensitive creature—a law,
therefore, which lies deep in the nature of animal organization.
The expressiveness of these various modifications
of voice is therefore innate. Each of us, from babyhood
upwards, has been spontaneously making them, when
under the various sensations and emotions by which they
are produced. Having been conscious of each feeling at
the same time that we heard ourselves make the consequent
sound, we have acquired an established association of ideas
between such sound and the feeling which caused it.
When the like sound is made by another, we ascribe the
like feeling to him; and by a further consequence we not
only ascribe to him that feeling, but have a certain degree
of it aroused in ourselves: for to become conscious of the
feeling which another is experiencing, is to have that
feeling awakened in our own consciousness, which is the
same thing as experiencing the feeling. Thus these
various modifications of voice become not only a language
through which we understand the emotions of
others, but also the means of exciting our sympathy with
such emotions.
Have we
not here, then, adequate data for a theory of
music? These vocal peculiarities which indicate excited
feeling, are those which especially distinguish song from
ordinary speech. Every one of the alterations of voice
which we have found to be a physiological result of pain
or pleasure, is carried to an extreme in vocal music. For
instance, we saw that, in virtue of the general relation
between mental and muscular excitement, one characteristic
of passionate utterance is loudness. Well, its comparative
loudness is one of the distinctive marks of song as
contrasted with the speech of daily life. Though there are
piano passages in contrast with the forte passages, yet the
average loudness of the singing voice is much greater
than {411}
that of the speaking voice; and further, the forte passages
of an air are those intended to represent the climax of its
emotion. We next saw that the tones in which emotion
expresses itself, are, in conformity with this same law, of
a more sonorous timbre than those of calm conversation.
Here, too, song displays a still higher degree of the
peculiarity; for the singing tone is the most resonant we
can make. Again, it was shown that, from a like cause,
mental excitement vents itself in the higher and lower
notes of the register; using the middle notes but seldom.
And it scarcely needs saying that vocal music is still more
distinguished by its comparative neglect of the notes in
which we talk, and its habitual use of those above or
below them; and, moreover, that its most passionate
effects are commonly produced at the two extremities of
its scale, but especially at the upper one. A yet further
trait of strong feeling, similarly accounted for, was the
habitual employment of larger intervals than are employed
in common converse. This trait, also, every ballad and
aria systematically elaborates: add to which, that the
direction of these intervals, which, as diverging from or
converging towards the medium tones, we found to be
physiologically expressive of increasing or decreasing
emotion, may be observed to have in music like meanings.
Once more, it was pointed out that not only extreme but
also rapid variations of pitch, are characteristic of mental
excitement; and once more we see in the quick changes of
every melody, that song carries the characteristic as far, if
not farther. Thus, in respect alike of loudness, timbre,
pitch, intervals, and rate of variation, song employs and
exaggerates the natural language of the emotions;—it
arises from a systematic combination of those vocal peculiarities
which are the physiological effects of acute pleasure
and pain.
Besides these chief characteristics of song as distinguished
from common speech, there are sundry minor
ones {412}
similarly explicable as due to the relation between mental
and muscular excitement; and before proceeding further,
these should be briefly noticed. Thus, certain passions,
and perhaps all passions when pushed to an extreme,
produce (probably through their influence over the action
of the heart) an effect the reverse of that which has been
described: they cause a physical prostration, one symptom
of which is a general relaxation of the muscles, and a consequent
trembling. We have the trembling of anger, of fear,
of hope, of joy; and the vocal muscles being implicated with
the rest, the voice too becomes tremulous. Now, in singing,
this tremulousness of voice is effectively used by some
vocalists in pathetic passages; sometimes, indeed, because
of its effectiveness, too much used by them—as by Tamberlik,
for instance. Again, there is a mode of musical
execution known as the staccato, appropriate to energetic
passages—to passages expressive of exhilaration, of resolution,
of confidence. The action of the vocal muscles
which produces this staccato style, is analogous to the
muscular action which produces the sharp, decisive, energetic
movements of body indicating these states of mind;
and therefore it is that the staccato style has the meaning
we ascribe to it. Conversely, slurred intervals are expressive
of gentler and less active feelings; and are so
because they imply the smaller muscular vivacity due to a
lower mental energy. The difference of effect resulting
from difference of time in music, is also attributable to this
same law. Already it has been pointed out that the more
frequent changes of pitch which ordinarily result from
passion, are imitated and developed in song; and here we
have to add, that the various rates of such changes,
appropriate to the different styles of music, are further
traits having the same derivation. The slowest movements,
largo and adagio, are used where such depressing emotions
as grief, or such unexciting emotions as reverence, are to
be portrayed; while the more rapid movements,
andante, {413}allegro, presto, represent successively increasing degrees of
mental vivacity; and do this because they imply that
muscular activity which flows from this mental vivacity.
Even the rhythm, which forms a remaining distinction
between song and speech, may not improbably have a
kindred cause. Why the actions excited by strong feeling
should tend to become rhythmical, is not obvious; but
that they do so there are divers evidences. There is the
swaying of the body to and fro under pain or grief, of the
leg under impatience or agitation. Dancing, too, is a
rhythmical action natural to elevated emotion. That
under excitement speech acquires a certain rhythm, we
may occasionally perceive in the highest efforts of an
orator. In poetry, which is a form of speech used for the
better expression of emotional ideas, we have this rhythmical
tendency developed. And when we bear in mind
that dancing, poetry, and music are connate—are originally
constituent parts of the same thing, it becomes clear that
the measured movement common to them all implies a
rhythmical action of the whole system, the vocal apparatus
included; and that so the rhythm of music is a more
subtle and complex result of this relation between mental
and muscular excitement.
But it is time to end this analysis, which possibly we
have already carried too far. It is not to be supposed that
the more special peculiarities of musical expression are to
be definitely explained. Though probably they may all in
some way conform to the principle that has been worked
out, it is impracticable to trace that principle in its more
ramified applications. Nor is it needful to our argument
that it should be so traced. The foregoing facts sufficiently
prove that what we regard as the distinctive traits of song,
are simply the traits of emotional speech intensified and
systematized. In respect of its general characteristics,
we think it has been made clear that vocal music, and
by {414}
consequence all music, is an idealization of the natural
language of passion.
As far
as it goes, the scanty evidence furnished by history
confirms this conclusion. Note first the fact (not
properly an historical one, but fitly grouped with such) that
the dance-chants of savage tribes are very monotonous;
and in virtue of their monotony are more nearly allied to
ordinary speech than are the songs of civilized races.
Joining with this the fact that there are still extant among
boatmen and others in the East, ancient chants of a like
monotonous character, we may infer that vocal music
originally diverged from emotional speech in a gradual,
unobtrusive manner; and this is the inference to which
our argument points. From the characters of the intervals
the same conclusion may be drawn.
“The songs of savages in the lowest scale of civilization are
generally confined to the compass of few notes, seldom extending
beyond the interval of the fifth. Sometimes, however, a sudden
transition into the octave occurs, especially in sudden exclamations,
or where a word naturally dictates an emphatic raising of the voice.
The fifth especially plays a prominent part in primitive vocal
music. . . . But it must not be supposed that each interval is distinctly
intoned: on the contrary, in the transition from one interval to
another, all the intermediate intervals are slightly touched in a way
somewhat similar to a violinist drawing his finger rapidly over the
string from one note to another to connect them; and as the intervals
themselves are seldom clearly defined, it will easily be understood
how nearly impossible it is to write down such songs in our notation
so as to convey a correct idea of their natural effect.”57
Further evidence to the same effect is supplied by Greek history. The
early poems of the Greeks—which, be it remembered, were sacred legends
embodied in that rhythmical, metaphorical language which strong feeling
excites—were not recited, but chanted: the tones
and cadences {415}
were made musical by the same influences which made
the speech poetical. By those who have investigated the
matter, this chanting is believed to have been not what we
call singing, but nearly allied to our recitative—nearly allied
but simpler. Several facts conspire to show this. The
earliest stringed instruments had sometimes four, sometimes
five strings: Egyptian frescoes delineate some of the
simpler harps as thus constituted, and there are kindred
representations of the lyres and allied instruments of the
Assyrians, Hebrews, Greeks and Romans. That the earliest
Greek lyre had but four strings, and that the recitative
of the poet was uttered in unison with its sounds, Neumann
finds definite proof in a verse ascribed to Terpander, celebrating
his introduction of the seven-stringed lyre:―
“The four-tonèd hymns now rejecting,
And yearning for songs new and sweet,
With seven strings softly vibrating,
The lyre anon shall we greet.”
Hence it
follows that the primitive recitative was simpler
than our modern recitative, and, as such, much less remote
from common speech than our own singing is. For recitative,
or musical recitation, is in all respects intermediate
between speech and song. Its average effects are not so
loud as those of song. Its tones are less sonorous in
timbre than those of song. Commonly it diverges to a
smaller extent from the middle notes—uses notes neither
so high nor so low in pitch. The intervals habitual to it
are neither so wide nor so varied. Its rate of variation is
not so rapid. And at the same time that its primary rhythm
is less decided, it has none of that secondary rhythm produced
by recurrence of the same or parallel musical phrases,
which is one of the marked characteristics of song. Thus,
then, we may not only infer, from the evidence furnished
by existing barbarous tribes, that the vocal music of pre-historic
times was emotional speech very slightly exalted;
but we see that the earliest vocal music of which we
have {416}
any account, differed much less from emotional speech than
does the vocal music of our days.
That recitative—beyond which, by the way, the Chinese
and Hindoos seem never to have advanced—grew naturally
out of the modulations and cadences of strong feeling, we
have indeed current evidence. There are even now to be
met with occasions on which strong feeling vents itself in
this form. Whoever has been present when a meeting of
Quakers was addressed by one of their number (whose
practice it is to speak only under the influence of religious
emotion), must have been struck by the quite unusual
tones, like those of a subdued chant, in which the address
was made. On passing a chapel in Wales during service,
the raised and sing-song voice of the preacher draws the
attention. It is clear, too, that the intoning used in
churches is representative of this mental state; and has
been adopted on account of the congruity between it and
the contrition, supplication, or reverence, verbally expressed.
And if, as we have good reason to believe, recitative
arose by degrees out of emotional speech, it becomes manifest
that by a continuance of the same process song has
arisen out of recitative. Just as, from the orations and
legends of savages, expressed in the metaphorical, allegorical
style natural to them, there sprung epic poetry, out
of which lyric poetry was afterwards developed; so, from
the exalted tones and cadences in which such orations
and legends were delivered, came the chant or recitative
music, from which lyrical music has since grown up. And
there has not only thus been a simultaneous and parallel
genesis, but there has been reached a parallelism of results.
For lyrical poetry differs from epic poetry, just as lyrical
music differs from recitative: each still further intensifies
the natural language of the emotions. Lyrical poetry is
more metaphorical, more hyperbolic, more elliptical, and
adds the rhythm of lines to the rhythm of feet; just as
lyrical music is louder, more sonorous, more extreme in
its {417}
intervals, and adds the rhythm of phrases to the rhythm of
bars. And the known fact that out of epic poetry the
stronger passions developed lyrical poetry as their appropriate
vehicle, strengthens the inference that they similarly
developed lyrical music out of recitative.
Nor indeed are we without evidences of the transition.
It needs but to listen to an opera to hear the leading
gradations. Between the comparatively level recitative of
ordinary dialogue, the more varied recitative with wider
intervals and higher tones used in exciting scenes, the still
more musical recitative which preludes an air, and the air
itself, the successive steps are but small; and the fact that
among airs themselves gradations of like nature may be
traced, further confirms the conclusion that the highest
form of vocal music was arrived at by degrees.
We have some clue to the influences which have induced
this development; and may roughly conceive the process
of it. As the tones, intervals, and cadences of strong
emotion were the elements out of which song was elaborated;
so, we may expect to find that still stronger emotion
produced the elaboration; and we have evidence implying
this. Musical composers are men of acute sensibilities.
The Life of Mozart depicts him as one of intensely active
affections and highly impressionable temperament. Various
anecdotes represent Beethoven as very susceptible and very
passionate. Mendelssohn is described by those who knew
him as having been full of fine feeling. And the almost
incredible sensitiveness of Chopin has been illustrated in
the memoirs of George Sand. An unusually emotional
nature being thus the general characteristic of musical
composers, we have in it just the agency required for the
development of recitative and song. Any cause of excitement
will generate just those exaggerations which we have
found to distinguish the lower vocal music from emotional
speech, and the higher vocal music from the lower. Thus
it becomes credible that the four-toned recitative of
the {418}
early Greek poets (like all poets, nearly allied to composers
in the comparative intensity of their feelings), was really
nothing more than the slightly exaggerated emotional
speech natural to them, which grew by frequent use into
an organized form. And we may infer that the accumulated
agency of subsequent poet-musicians, inheriting and
adding to the products of those who went before them,
sufficed, in the course of many centuries, to develope this
simple four-toned recitative into a vocal music having great
complexity and range.
Not only may we so understand how more sonorous tones,
greater extremes of pitch, and wider intervals, were gradually
introduced; but also how there arose a greater variety
and complexity of musical expression. For this same
passionate, enthusiastic temperament, which leads the
musical composer to express the feelings possessed by others
as well as himself, in more marked cadences than they would
use, also leads him to give musical utterance to feelings
which they either do not experience, or experience in but
slight degrees. And thus we may in some measure understand
how it happens that music not only so strongly excites
our more familiar feelings, but also produces feelings we
never had before—arouses dormant sentiments of which we
do not know the meaning; or, as Richter says—tells us of
things we have not seen and shall not see.
Indirect evidences
of several kinds remain to be briefly
pointed out. One of them is the difficulty, not to say
impossibility, of otherwise accounting for the expressiveness
of music. Whence comes it that special combinations of
notes should have special effects upon our emotions?—that
one should give us a feeling of exhilaration, another of
melancholy, another of affection, another of reverence? Is
it that these special combinations have intrinsic meanings
apart from the human constitution?—that a certain number
of aërial waves per second, followed by a certain
other {419}
number, in the nature of things signify grief, while in the
reverse order they signify joy; and similarly with all other
intervals, phrases, and cadences? Few will be so irrational
as to think this. Is it, then, that the meanings of these
special combinations are conventional only?—that we learn
their implications, as we do those of words, by observing
how others understand them? This is an hypothesis not
only devoid of evidence, but directly opposed to the experience
of every one; and it is excluded by the fact that
children, unconventionalised though they are, show great
susceptibility to music. How, then, are musical effects to
be explained? If the theory above set forth be accepted,
the difficulty disappears. If music, taking for its raw
material the various modifications of voice which are the
physiological results of excited feeling, intensifies, combines,
and complicates them—if it exaggerates the loudness, the
resonance, the pitch, the intervals, and the variability, which,
in virtue of an organic law, are the characteristics of passionate
speech—if, by carrying out these further, more
consistently, more unitedly, and more sustainedly,it produces
an idealized language of emotion; then its power over us
becomes comprehensible. But in the absence of this theory
the expressiveness of music appears inexplicable.
Again, the preference we feel for certain qualities of sound
presents a like difficulty, admitting only of a like solution.
It is generally agreed that the tones of the human voice are
more pleasing than any others. If music takes its rise from
the modulations of the human voice under emotion, it is a
natural consequence that the tones of that voice appeal to
our feelings more than any others, and are considered more
beautiful than any others. But deny that music has this
origin, and the only alternative is the untenable one that
the vibrations proceeding from a vocalist’s throat are,
objectively considered, of a higher order than those from a
horn or a violin.
Once more, the question—How is the expressiveness
of {420}
music to be otherwise accounted for? may be supplemented
by the question—How is the genesis of music to be otherwise
accounted for? That music is a product of civilization,
is manifest; for though some of the lowest savages have
their dance-chants, these are of a kind scarcely to be dignified
by the title musical: at most, they supply but the vaguest
rudiment of music, properly so called. And if music has
been by slow steps developed in the course of civilization, it
must have been developed out of something. If, then, its
origin is not that above alleged, what is its origin?
Thus we find that the negative evidence confirms the
positive, and that, taken together, they furnish strong proof.
We have seen that there is a physiological relation, common
to man and all animals, between feeling and muscular action;
that as vocal sounds are produced by muscular action, there
is a consequent physiological relation between feeling and
vocal sounds; that all the modifications of voice expressive
of feeling are the direct results of this physiological relation;
that music, adopting all these modifications, intensifies them
more and more as it ascends to its higher and higher forms;
that, from the ancient epic poet chanting his verses, down
to the modern musical composer, men of unusually strong
feelings prone to express them in extreme forms, have been
naturally the agents of these successive intensifications; and
that so there has little by little arisen a wide divergence
between this idealized language of emotion and its natural
language: to which direct evidence we have just added the
indirect—that on no other tenable hypothesis can either the
expressiveness of music or the genesis of music be explained.
And now, what
is the function of music? Has music any
effect beyond the immediate pleasure it produces? Analogy
suggests that it has. The enjoyments of a good dinner do
not end with themselves, but minister to bodily well-being.
Though people do not marry with a view to maintain the
race, yet the passions which impel them to marry secure
its {421}
maintenance. Parental affection is a feeling which, while
it conduces to parental happiness, ensures the nurture of
offspring. Men love to accumulate property, often without
thought of the benefits it produces; but in pursuing the
pleasure of acquisition they indirectly open the way to other
pleasures. The wish for public approval impels all of us
to do many things which we should otherwise not do,—to
undertake great labours, face great dangers, and habitually
rule ourselves in ways that smooth social intercourse; so that,
in gratifying our love of approbation we subserve divers
ulterior purposes. And, generally, our nature is such that
in fulfilling each desire, we in some way facilitate fulfilment
of the rest. But the love of music seems to exist for its
own sake. The delights of melody and harmony do not
obviously minister to the welfare either of the individual or
of society. May we not suspect, however, that this exception
is apparent only? Is it not a rational inquiry—What are the
indirect benefits which accrue from music, in addition to the
direct pleasure it gives?
But that it would take us too far out of our track, we
should prelude this inquiry by illustrating at some length a
certain general law of progress;—the law that alike in occupations,
sciences, arts, the divisions which had a common
root, but by gradual divergence have become distinct, and
are now being separately developed, are not truly independent,
but severally act and react on one another to their
mutual advancement. Merely hinting thus much, however,
by way of showing that there are many analogies to justify
us, we go on to express the opinion that there exists a
relationship of this kind between music and speech.
All speech is compounded of two elements, the words
and the tones in which they are uttered—the signs of ideas
and the signs of feelings. While certain articulations
express the thought, certain modulations express the
more or less of pain or pleasure which the thought gives.
Using the word cadence in an unusually extended sense,
as {422}
comprehending all variations of voice, we may say that
cadence is the commentary of the emotions upon the propositions
of the intellect. This duality of spoken language,
though not formally recognized, is recognized in practice
by every one; and every one knows that very often more
weight attaches to the tones than to the words. Daily
experience supplies cases in which the same sentence of
disapproval will be understood as meaning little or meaning
much, according to the vocal inflections which accompany
it; and daily experience supplies still more striking
cases in which words and tones are in direct contradiction—the
first expressing consent, while the last express reluctance;
and the last being believed rather than the first.
These two distinct but interwoven elements of speech
have been undergoing a simultaneous development. We
know that in the course of civilization words have been
multiplied, new parts of speech have been introduced,
sentences have grown more varied and complex; and we
may fairly infer that during the same time new modifications
of voice have come into use, fresh intervals have
been adopted, and cadences have become more elaborate.
For while, on the one hand, it is absurd to suppose that,
along with the undeveloped verbal forms of barbarism,
there existed developed vocal inflections; it is, on the other
hand, necessary to suppose that, along with the higher
and more numerous verbal forms needed to convey the
multiplied and complicated ideas of civilized life, there
have grown up those more involved changes of voice which
express the feelings proper to such ideas. If intellectual
language is a growth, so also, without doubt, is emotional
language a growth.
Now, the hypothesis which we have hinted above, is that,
beyond the direct pleasure which it gives, music has the
indirect effect of developing this language of the emotions.
Having its root, as we have endeavoured to show, in those
tones, intervals, and cadences of speech
which express {423}
feeling—arising by the combination and intensifying of these,
and coming finally to have an embodiment of its own;
music has all along been reacting upon speech, and increasing
its power of rendering emotion. The use in recitative
and song of inflections more expressive than ordinary ones,
must from the beginning have tended to develope the
ordinary ones. The complex musical phrases by which
composers have conveyed complex emotions, may rationally
be supposed to influence us in making those involved
cadences of conversation by which we convey our subtler
thoughts and feelings. If the cultivation of music has any
effect on the mind, what more natural effect is there than
this of developing our perception of the meanings of
qualities, and modulations of voice; and giving us a correspondingly
increased power of using them? Just as
chemistry, arising out of the processes of metallurgy and
the industrial arts, and gradually growing into an independent
study, has now become an aid to all kinds of production—just
as physiology, originating from medicine and once
subordinate to it, but latterly pursued for its own sake, is
in our day coming to be the science on which the progress
of medicine depends;—so, music, having its root in emotional
language, and gradually evolved from it, has ever been
reacting upon and further advancing it.
It will scarcely be expected that much direct evidence
in support of this conclusion can be given. The facts are
of a kind which it is difficult to measure, and of which we
have no records. Some suggestive traits, however, are to
be noted. May we not say, for instance, that the Italians,
among whom modern music was earliest cultivated, and who
have more especially excelled in melody (the division of
music with which our argument is chiefly concerned)—may
we not say that these Italians speak in more varied and
expressive inflections and cadences than any other people?
On the other hand, may we not say that, confined almost
exclusively as they have hitherto been to their
national {424}
airs, and therefore accustomed to but a limited range of
musical expression, the Scotch are unusually monotonous
in the intervals and modulations of their speech? And
again, do we not find among different classes of the same
nation, differences that have like implications? The gentleman
and the clown stand in decided contrast with respect
to variety of intonation. Listen to the conversation of a
servant-girl, and then to that of a refined lady, and the
more delicate and complex changes of voice used by the latter
will be conspicuous. Now, without going so far as to say
that out of all the differences of culture to which the upper
and lower classes are subjected, difference of musical culture
is that to which alone this difference of speech is ascribable;
yet we may fairly say that there seems a much more
obvious connexion of cause and effect between these than
between any others. Thus, while the inductive evidence
to which we can appeal is but scanty and vague, yet what
there is favours our position.
Probably most
will think that the function here assigned
to music is one of very little moment. But reflection may
lead them to a contrary conviction. In its bearings upon
human happiness, this emotional language which musical
culture develops and refines, is only second in importance
to the language of the intellect; perhaps not even second
to it. For these modifications of voice produced by feelings,
are the means of exciting like feelings in others. Joined
with gestures and expressions of face, they give life to the
otherwise dead words in which the intellect utters its ideas;
and so enable the hearer not only to understand the state
of mind they accompany, but to partake of that state. In
short, they are the chief media of sympathy. And if we
consider how much both our general welfare and our immediate
pleasures depend on sympathy, we shall recognize
the importance of whatever makes this sympathy greater.
If we bear in mind that by their fellow-feeling men are
led {425}
to behave justly and kindly to one another—that the difference
between the cruelty of the barbarous and the humanity
of the civilized, results from the increase of fellow-feeling;
if we bear in mind that this faculty which makes
us sharers in the joys and sorrows of others, is the basis of
all the higher affections; if we bear in mind how much our
direct gratifications are intensified by sympathy,—how, at
the theatre, the concert, the picture gallery, we lose half
our enjoyment if we have no one to enjoy with us;—we
shall see that the agencies which communicate it can
scarcely be overrated in value. The tendency of civilization
is to repress the antagonistic elements of our characters
and to develope the social ones—to curb our purely selfish
desires and exercise our unselfish ones—to replace private
gratifications by gratifications resulting from, or involving,
the pleasures of others. And while, by this adaptation to
the social state, the sympathetic side of our nature is being
unfolded, there is simultaneously growing up a language of
sympathetic intercourse—a language through which we
communicate to others the happiness we feel, and are made
sharers in their happiness. This double process, of which
the effects are already appreciable, must go on to an extent
of which we can as yet have no adequate conception. The
habitual concealment of our feelings diminishing, as it must,
in proportion as our feelings become such as do not demand
concealment, the exhibition of them will become more vivid
than we now dare allow it to be; and this implies a more
expressive emotional language. At the same time, feelings
of higher and more complex kinds, as yet experienced only
by the cultivated few, will become general; and there will
be a corresponding development of the emotional language
into more involved forms. Just as there has silently grown
up a language of ideas, which, rude as it at first was, now
enables us to convey with precision the most subtle and
complicated thoughts; so, there is still silently growing up
a language of feelings, which, notwithstanding its
present {426}
imperfection, we may expect will ultimately enable men
vividly and completely to impress on each other the emotions
which they experience from moment to moment.
Thus if, as we have endeavoured to show, it is the
function of music to facilitate the development of this
emotional language, we may regard music as an aid to the
achievement of that higher happiness which it indistinctly
shadows forth. Those vague feelings of unexperienced
felicity which music arouses—those indefinite impressions of
an unknown ideal life which it calls up, may be considered
as a prophecy, the fulfilment of which music itself aids.
The strange capacity which we have for being affected by
melody and harmony, may be taken to imply both that it
is within the possibilities of our nature to realize those
intenser delights they dimly suggest, and that they are
in some way concerned in the realization of them. If so
the power and the meaning of music become comprehensible;
but otherwise they are a mystery.
We will only add that, if the probability of these corollaries
be admitted, then music must take rank as the
highest of the fine arts—as the one which, more than any
other, ministers to human welfare. And thus, even leaving
out of view the immediate gratifications it is hourly giving,
we cannot too much applaud that musical culture which
is becoming one of the characteristics of our age.
P OSTSCRIPT. — ENDNOTES TO THE ORIGIN AND FUNCTION OF MUSIC .
An opponent, or partial opponent, of high authority,
whose views were published some fourteen years after the
above essay, must here be answered: I mean Mr. Darwin.
Diligent and careful as an observer beyond naturalists in
general, and still more beyond those who are untrained in
research, his judgment on a question which must
be {427}
decided by induction is one to be received with great
respect. I think, however, examination will show that in
this instance Mr. Darwin’s observations are inadequate,
and his reasonings upon them inconclusive. Swayed by
his doctrine of sexual selection, he has leaned towards the
view that music had its origin in the expression of
amatory feeling, and has been led to over-estimate such
evidence as he thinks favours that view, while ignoring the
difficulties in its way, and the large amount of evidence
supporting another view. Before considering the special
reasons for dissenting from his hypothesis, let us look at
the most general reasons.
The interpretation of music which Mr. Darwin gives,
agrees with my own in supposing music to be developed
from vocal noises; but differs in supposing a particular
class of vocal noises to have originated it—the amatory
class. I have aimed to show that music has its germs in the
sounds which the voice emits under excitement, and eventually
gains this or that character according to the kind
of excitement; whereas Mr. Darwin argues that music
arises from those sounds which the male makes during
the excitements of courtship, that they are consciously
made to charm the female, and that from the resulting
combinations of sounds arise not love-music only but music
in general. That certain tones of voice and cadences having
some likeness of nature are spontaneously used to express
grief, others to express joy, others to express affection, and
others to express triumph or martial ardour, is undeniable.
According to the view I have set forth, the whole body of
these vocal manifestations of emotion form the root of music.
According to Mr. Darwin’s view, the sounds which are
prompted by the amatory feeling only, having originated
musical utterance, there are derived from these all the other
varieties of musical utterance which aim to express other
kinds of feeling. This roundabout derivation has, I think,
less probability than the direct
derivation. {428}
This antithesis and its implications will perhaps be more
clearly understood on looking at the facts under their nervo-muscular
aspect. Mr. Darwin recognizes the truth of the
doctrine with which the foregoing essay sets out, that feeling
discharges itself in action: saying of the air-breathing vertebrata
that―
“When the primeval members of this class
were strongly excited and their muscles violently contracted,
purposeless sounds would almost certainly have been produced;
and these, if they proved in any way serviceable, might readily
have been modified or intensified by the preservation of
properly adapted variations.” (The Descent of Man, vol. ii.,
p. 331.)
But
though this passage recognizes the general relation
between feelings and those muscular contractions which
cause sounds, it does so inadequately; since it ignores, on
the one hand, those loudest sounds which accompany intense
sensations—the shrieks and groans of bodily agony;
while, on the other hand, it ignores those multitudinous
sounds not produced “under the excitement of love, rage,
and jealousy,” but which accompany ordinary amounts of
feelings, various in their kinds. And it is because he does
not bear in mind how large a proportion of vocal noises are
caused by other excitements, that Mr. Darwin thinks “a
strong case can be made out, that the vocal organs were
primarily used and perfected in relation to the propagation
of the species” (p. 330).
Certainly the animals around us yield but few facts
countenancing his view. The cooing of pigeons may,
indeed, be named in its support; and it may be contended
that caterwauling furnishes evidence; though I doubt
whether the sounds are made by the male to charm the
female. But the howling of dogs has no relation to sexual
excitements; nor has their barking, which is used to express
emotion of almost any kind. Pigs grunt sometimes through
pleasurable expectation, sometimes during the gratifications
of eating, sometimes from a general content while seeking
about for food. The bleatings of sheep, again, occur under
the promptings of various feelings, usually of no
great {429}
intensity: social and maternal rather than sexual. The
like holds with the lowing of cattle. Nor is it otherwise
with poultry. The quacking of ducks indicates general
satisfaction, and the screams occasionally vented by a
flock of geese seem rather to express a wave of social
excitement than anything else. Save after laying an
egg, when the sounds have the character of triumph, the
cluckings of a hen show content; and on various occasions
cock-crowing apparently implies good spirits only.
In all cases an overflow of nervous energy has to find
vent; and while in some cases it leads to wagging of
the tail, in others it leads to contraction of the vocal
muscles. That this relation holds, not of one kind of
feeling, but of many kinds, is a truth which seems to
me at variance with the view “that the vocal organs
were primarily used and perfected in relation to the propagation
of the species.”
The hypothesis that music had its origin in the amatory
sounds made by the male to charm the female, has the
support of the popular idea that the singing of birds constitutes
a kind of courtship—an idea adopted by Mr. Darwin
when he says that “the male pours forth his full volume of
song, in rivalry with other males, for the sake of captivating
the female.” Usually, Mr. Darwin does not accept without
criticism and verification, the beliefs he finds current;
but in this case he seems to have done so. Even cursory
observation suffices to dissipate this belief, initiated, I
suppose, by poets. In preparation for dealing with the
matter I have made memoranda concerning various songbirds,
dating back to 1883. On the 7th of February of
that year I heard a lark singing several times; and, still
more remarkably, during the mild winter of 1884 I saw one
soar, and heard it sing, on the 10th January. Yet the lark
does not pair till March. Having heard the redbreast near
the close of August, 1888, I noted the continuance of its
song all through the autumn and winter, up to
Christmas {430}
eve, Christmas day, the 29th of December, and again on
the 18th January, 1889. How common is the singing of
the thrush during mild weather in winter, everyone must
have observed. The presence of thrushes behind my
house has led to the making of notes on this point. The
male sang in November, 1889; I noted the song again on
Christmas eve, again on the 13th January, 1890, and from
time to time all through the rest of that month. I heard
little of his song in February, which is the pairing season;
and none at all, save a few notes early in the morning,
during the period of rearing the young. But now that, in the
middle of May, the young, reared in a nest in my garden,
have sometime since flown, he has recommenced singing
vociferously at intervals throughout the day; and doubtless,
in conformity with what I have observed elsewhere,
will go on singing till July. How marked is the direct
relation between singing and the conditions which cause
high spirits, is perhaps best shown by a fact I noted on the
4th December, 1888, when, the day being not only mild
but bright, the copses on Holmwood Common, Dorking,
were vocal just as on a spring day, with a chorus of birds
of various kinds—robins, thrushes, chaffinches, linnets, and
sundry others of which I did not know the names. Ornithological
works furnish verifying statements. Wood
states that the hedge-sparrow continues “to sing throughout
a large portion of the year, and only ceasing during the
time of the ordinary moult.” The song of the blackcap,
he says, “is hardly suspended throughout the year;” and of
caged birds which sing continuously, save when moulting,
he names the grosbeak, the linnet, the goldfinch, and
the siskin.
I think these facts show that the popular idea adopted
by Mr. Darwin is untenable. What then is the true
interpretation? Simply that like the whistling and humming
of tunes by boys and men, the singing of birds results
from overflow of energy—an overflow which in both
cases {431}
ceases under depressing conditions. The relation between
courtship and singing, so far as it can be shown to hold, is
not a relation of cause and effect, but a relation of concomitance:
the two are simultaneous results of the same
cause. Throughout the animal kingdom at large, the
commencement of reproduction is associated with an excess
of those absorbed materials needful for self-maintenance;
and with a consequent ability to devote a part to the maintenance
of the species. This constitutional state is one
with which there goes a tendency to superfluous expenditure
in various forms of action—unusual vivacity of every
kind, including vocal vivacity. While we thus see why
pairing and singing come to be associated, we also see why
there is singing at other times when the feeding and
weather are favourable; and why, in some cases, as in those
of the thrush and the robin, there is more singing after the
breeding season than before or during the breeding season.
We are shown, too, why these birds, and especially the
thrush, so often sing in the winter: the supply of worms
on lawns and in gardens being habitually utilized by both,
and thrushes having the further advantage that they are
strong enough to break the shells of the hybernating
snails: this last ability being connected with the fact that
thrushes and blackbirds are the first among the singing
birds to build. It remains only to add that the alleged
singing of males against one another with the view of
charming the females is open to parallel criticisms. How
far this competition happens during the pairing season I
have not observed, but it certainly happens out of the
pairing season. I have several times heard blackbirds
singing alternately in June. But the most conspicuous
instance is supplied by the redbreasts. These habitually
sing against one another during the autumn months:
reply and rejoinder being commonly continued for five
minutes at a time.
Even did the evidence support the popular view,
adopted {432}
by Mr. Darwin, that the singing of birds is a kind of
courtship—even were there good proof, instead of much
disproof, that a bird’s song is a developed form of the
sexual sounds made by the male to charm the female; the
conclusion would, I think, do little towards justifying the
belief that human music has had a kindred origin. For,
in the first place, the bird-type in general, developed as it
is out of the reptilian type, is very remotely related to that
type of the Vertebrata which ascends to Man as its highest
exemplar; and, in the second place, song-birds belong,
with but few exceptions, to the single order of Insessores—one
order only, of the many orders constituting the class.
So that, if the Vertebrata at large be represented by a tree,
of which Man is the topmost twig, then it is at a considerable
distance down the trunk that there diverges the
branch from which the bird-type is derived; and the group
of singing-birds forms but a terminal sub-division of this
branch—lies far out of the ascending line which ends in
Man. To give appreciable support to Mr. Darwin’s view,
we ought to find vocal manifestations of the amatory
feeling becoming more pronounced as we ascend along that
particular line of inferior Vertebrata out of which Man has
arisen. Just as we find other traits which pre-figure human
traits (instance arms and hands adapted for grasping)
becoming more marked as we approach Man; so should we
find, becoming more marked, this sexual use of the voice,
which is supposed to end in human song. But we do not find
this. The South-American monkeys (“the Howlers,” as
they are sometimes called), which, in chorus, make the woods
resound for hours together with their “dreadful concert,”
appear, according to Rengger, to be prompted by no other
desire than that of making a noise. Mr. Darwin admits,
too, that this is generally the case with the gibbons: the
only exception he is inclined to make being in the case of
Hylobates agilis, which, on the testimony of Mr. Waterhouse,
he says ascends and descends
the scale by {433}
half-tones.58
This comparatively musical set of sounds, he
thinks, may be used to charm the female; though there is
no evidence forthcoming that this is the case. When we
remember that in the forms nearest to the human—the
chimpanzees and the gorilla—there is nothing which
approaches even thus far towards musical utterance, we see
that the hypothesis has next to none of that support
which ought to be forthcoming. Indeed in his Descent of
Man, vol. ii., p. 332, Mr. Darwin himself says:—“It is a
surprising fact that we have not as yet any good evidence
that these organs are used by male mammals to charm
the females:” an admission which amounts to something
like a surrender.
Even more marked is the absence of proof when we come
to the human race itself—or rather, not absence of proof
but presence of disproof. Here, from the Descriptive
Sociology, where the authorities will be found under the
respective heads, I quote a number of testimonies of
travellers concerning primitive music: commencing with
those referring to the lowest races.
“The songs of the natives [of Australia] . . . are chiefly made on
the spur of the moment, and refer to something that has struck the
attention at the time.” “The Watchandies seeing me much interested
in the genus Eucalyptus soon composed a song on this subject.” The
Fuegians are fond of music and generally sing in their boats, doubtless
keeping time, as many primitive peoples do. “The principal subject of
the songs of the Araucanians is the exploits of their heroes:” when
at work their “song was simple, referring mostly to their labour,”
and was the same “for every {434} occasion, whether the burden of
the song be joy or sorrow.” The Greenlanders sing of “their exploits
in the chase” and “chant the deeds of their ancestors.” “The Indians
of the Upper Mississippi vocalize an incident, as—‘They have brought
us a fat dog,’:” then the chorus goes on for a minute. Of other
North-American Indians we read—“the air which the women sang was
pleasing . . . the men first gave out the words, which formed a consummate
glorification of themselves.” Among the Carriers (of North America)
there are professed composers, who “turn their talent to good account
on the occasion of a feast, when new airs are in great request.”
Of the New Zealanders we read:—“The singing of such compositions
[laments] resembles cathedral chanting.” “Passing events are described
by extemporaneous songs, which are preserved when good.” “When men
worked together appropriate airs were sung.” When presenting a meal
to travellers, women would chant—“What shall be our food? shell fish
and fern-root, that is the root of the earth.” Among the Sandwich
Islanders “most of the traditions of remarkable events in their history
are preserved in songs.” When taught reading they could not “recite a
lesson without chanting or singing it.” Cook found the Tahitians had
itinerant musicians who gave narrative chants quite unpremeditated. “A
Samoan can hardly put his paddle in the water without striking up some
chant.” A chief of the Kyans, “Tamawan, jumped up and while standing
burst out into an extempore song, in which Sir James Brooke and myself,
and last not least the wonderful steamer, was mentioned with warm
eulogies.” In East Africa “the fisherman will accompany his paddle,
the porter his trudge, and the housewife her task of rubbing down
grain, with song.” In singing, the East African “contents himself with
improvising a few words without sense or rhyme and repeats them till
they nauseate,” Among the Dahomans any incident “from the arrival of a
stranger to an {435} earthquake” is turned into a song. When rowing,
the Coast-negroes sing “either a description of some love intrigue or
the praise of some woman celebrated for her beauty.” In Loango “the
women as they till the field make it echo with their rustic songs.”
Park says of the Bambarran—“they lightened their labours by songs,
one of which was composed extempore; for I was myself the subject of
it.” “In some parts of Africa nothing is done except to the sound of
music.” “They are very expert in adapting the subjects of these songs
to current events.” The Malays “amuse all their leisure hours . . .
with the repetition of songs, which are for the most part proverbs
illustrated. . . . Some that they rehearse in a kind of recitative
at their bimbangs or feasts are historical love-tales.” A Sumatran
maiden will sometimes begin a tender song and be answered by one of the
young men. The ballads of the Kamtschadales are “inspired apparently by
grief, love, or domestic feeling;” and their music conveys “a sensation
of sorrow and vague, unavailing regret.” Of their love-songs it is said
“the women generally compose them.” A Kirghiz “singer sits on one knee
and sings in an unnatural tone of voice, his lay being usually of an
amorous character.” Of the Yakuts we are told “their style of singing
is monotonous . . . their songs described the beauty of the landscape
in terms which appeared to me exaggerated.”
In these statements, which, omitting repetitions, are all
which the Descriptive Sociology contains relevant to the
issue, several striking facts are manifest. Among the lowest
races the only musical utterances named are those which
refer to the incidents of the moment, and seem prompted by
feelings which those incidents produce. The derivation of
song or chant from emotional speech in general, thus suggested,
is similarly suggested by the habits of many higher
races; for they, too, show us that the musically-expressed
feelings relevant to the immediate occasion, or to past
occasions, are feelings of various kinds: now of simple
good {436}
spirits and now of joy or triumph—now of surprise, praise,
admiration, and now of sorrow, melancholy, regret. Only
among certain of the more advanced races, as the semi-civilized
Malays and peoples of Northern Asia, do we read
of love-songs; and then, strange to say, these are mentioned
as mostly coming, not from men, but from women. Out of
all the testimonies there is not one which tells of a love-song
spontaneously commenced by a man to charm a woman.
Entirely absent among the rudest types and many of the
more developed types, amatory musical utterance, where first
found, is found under a form opposite to that which Mr.
Darwin’s hypothesis implies; and we have to seek among
civilized peoples before we meet, in serenades and the
like, music of the kind which, according to his view, should
be the earliest.59
Even were his view countenanced by the facts, there
would remain unexplained the process by which sexually-excited
sounds have been evolved into music. In the foregoing
essay I have indicated the various qualities, relations,
and combinations of tones, spontaneously prompted by
emotions of all kinds, which exhibit, in undeveloped forms,
the traits of recitative and melody. To have reduced his
hypothesis to a shape admitting of comparison, Mr. Darwin
should have shown that the sounds excited by sexual
emotions possess these same traits; and, to have proved that
his hypothesis is the more tenable, should have shown that
they possess these same traits in a greater degree. But he
has not attempted to do this. He has simply suggested
that instead of having its roots in the vocal sounds caused
by feelings of all kinds, music has its roots
in the vocal {437}
sounds caused by the amatory feeling only: giving no reason
why the effects of the feelings at large should be ignored,
and the effects of one particular feeling alone recognized.
Nineteen years after my essay on “The Origin and
Function of Music” was published, Mr. Edmund Gurney
criticized it in an article which made its appearance
in the Fortnightly Review for July 1876. Absorption
in more important work prevented me from replying.
Though, some ten years ago, I thought of defending
my views against those of Mr. Darwin and Mr. Gurney,
the occurrence of Mr. Darwin’s death obliged me to
postpone for a time any discussion of his views; and then,
the more recent unfortunate death of Mr. Gurney caused
a further postponement. I must now, however, say that
which seems needful, though there is no longer any
possibility of a rejoinder from him.
Some parts of Mr. Gurney’s criticism I have already
answered by implication; for he adopts the hypothesis
that music originated in the vocal utterances prompted by
sexual feeling. To the reasons above given for rejecting
this hypothesis, I will add here, what I might have added
above, that it is at variance with one of the fundamental
laws of evolution. All development proceeds from the
general to the special. First there appear those traits
which a thing has in common with many other things; then
those traits which it has in common with a smaller class of
things; and so on until there eventually arise those traits
which distinguish it from everything else. The genesis
which I have described conforms to this fundamental law.
It posits the antecedent fact that feeling in general produces
muscular contraction in general; and the less general
fact that feeling in general produces, among other muscular
contractions, those which move the respiratory and
vocal apparatus. With these it joins the still less general
fact that sounds indicative of feelings vary in
sundry {438}
respects according to the intensity of the feelings; and
then enumerates the still less general facts which show
us the kinship between the vocal manifestations of feeling
and the characters of vocal music: the implication being
that there has gone on a progressive specialization. But
the view which Mr. Gurney adopts from Mr. Darwin is
that from the special actions producing the special
sounds accompanying sexual excitement, were evolved
those various actions producing the various sounds which
accompany all other feelings. Vocal expression of a
particular emotion came first, and from this proceeded
vocal expressions of emotions in general: the order of
evolution was reversed.
To deficient knowledge of the laws of evolution are due
sundry of Mr. Gurney’s objections. He makes a cardinal
error in assuming that a more evolved thing is distinguished
from less evolved things in respect of all the various traits
of evolution; whereas, very generally, a higher degree of
evolution in some or most respects, is accompanied by an
equal or lower degree of evolution in other respects. On
the average, increase of locomotive power goes along with
advance of evolution; and yet numerous mammals are more
fleet than man. The stage of development is largely
indicated by degree of intelligence; and yet the more
intelligent parrot is inferior in vision, in speed, and in
destructive appliances, to the less-intelligent hawk. The
contrast between birds and mammals well illustrates the
general truth. A bird’s skeleton diverges more widely from
the skeleton of the lower vertebrates in respect of heterogeneity
than does the skeleton of a mammal; and the bird
has a more developed respiratory system, as well as a higher
temperature of blood, and a superior power of locomotion.
Nevertheless, many mammals in respect of bulk, in respect
of various appliances (especially for prehension), and in
respect of intelligence, are more evolved than birds. Thus
it is obviously a mistake to assume that whatever is
more {439}
highly evolved in general character is more highly evolved
in every trait.
Of Mr. Gurney’s several objections which are based on
this mistake here is an example. He says—“Loudness
though a frequent is by no means a universal or essential
element, either of song or of emotional speech” (p. 107).
Under one of its aspects this criticism is self-destructive;
for if, though both relatively loud in most cases, song and
emotional speech are both characterized by the occasional
use of subdued tones, then this is a further point of kinship
between them—a kinship which Mr. Gurney seeks to
disprove. Under its other aspect this criticism implies the
above-described misconception. If in a song, or rather in
some part or parts of a song, the trait of loudness is
absent, while the other traits of developed emotional
utterance are present, it simply illustrates the truth that
the traits of a highly-evolved product are frequently not
all present together.
A like answer is at hand to the next objection he makes.
It runs thus:―
“In the recitative which he [Mr. Spencer] himself considers naturally and
historically a step between speech and song, the rapid variation of pitch is
impossible, and such recitative is distinguished from the tones even of
common speech precisely by being more monotonous” (p. 108).
But Mr. Gurney overlooks the fact that while, in recitative,
some traits of developed emotional utterance are not
present, two of its traits are present. One is that greater
resonance of tone, caused by greater contraction of the
vocal chords, which distinguishes it from ordinary speech.
The other is the relative elevation of pitch, or divergence
from the medium tones of voice: a trait similarly implying
greater strain of certain vocal muscles, resulting from
stronger feeling.
Another difficulty raised by Mr. Gurney he would
probably not have set down had he been aware that one
character of musical utterance which
he thinks {440}
distinctive, is a character of all phenomena into which motion
enters as a factor. He says:—“Now no one can suppose
that the sense of rhythm can be derived from emotional
speech” (p. 110). Had he referred to the chapter on “The
Rhythm of Motion” in First Principles, he would have seen
that, in common with inorganic actions, all organic actions
are completely or partially rhythmical—from appetite and
sleep to inspirations and heart-beats; from the winking of
the eyes to the contractions of the intestines; from the
motions of the legs to discharges through the nerves.
Having contemplated such facts he would have seen that
the rhythmical tendency which is perfectly displayed in
musical utterance, is imperfectly displayed in emotional
speech. Just as under emotion we see swayings of the body
and wringings of the hands, so do we see contractions
of the vocal organs which are now stronger and now weaker.
Surely it is manifest that the utterances of passion, far
from being monotonous, are characterized by rapidly-recurring
ascents and descents of tone and by rapidly-recurring
emphases: there is rhythm, though it is an
irregular rhythm.
Want of knowledge of the principles of evolution has, in
another place, led Mr. Gurney to represent as an objection
what is in reality a verification. He says:―
“Music is distinguished from emotional speech in that it proceeds not
only by fixed degrees in time, but by fixed degrees in the scale. This is a
constant quality through all the immense quantity of embryo and developed
scale-systems that have been used; whereas the transitions of pitch which
mark emotional affections of voice are, as Helmholtz has pointed out, of a
gliding character” (p. 113).
Had Mr. Gurney known that evolution in all cases is from
the indefinite to the definite, he would have seen that as a
matter of course the gradations of emotional speech must be
indefinite in comparison with the gradations of developed
music. Progress from the one to the other is in part
constituted by increasing definiteness in the time-intervals
and increasing definiteness in the tone-intervals. Were
it {441}
otherwise, the hypothesis I have set forth would lack one of
its evidences. To his allegation that not only the “developed
scale-systems” but also the “embryo” scale-systems are
definite, it may obviously be replied that the mere existence
of any scale-system capable of being written down, implies
that the earlier stage of the progress has already been
passed through. To have risen to a scale-system is to have
become definite; and until a scale-system has been reached
vocal phrases cannot have been recorded. Moreover had
Mr. Gurney remembered that there are many people with
musical perceptions so imperfect that when making their
merely recognizable, and sometimes hardly recognizable,
attempts to whistle or hum melodies, they show how vague
are their appreciations of musical intervals, he would have
seen reason for doubting his assumption that definite scales
were reached all at once. The fact that in what we call
bad ears there are all degrees of imperfection, joined with
the fact that where the imperfection is not great practice
may remedy it, suffice of themselves to show that definite
perceptions of musical intervals were reached by degrees.
Some of Mr. Gurney’s objections are strangely insubstantial.
Here is an example:―
“The fact is that song, which moreover in our time is but a limited branch
of music, is perpetually making conscious efforts; for instance, the most
peaceful melody may be a considerable strain to a soprano voice, if sung in a
very high register: while speech continues to obey in a natural way the
physiological laws of emotion” (p. 117).
That in exaggerating and emphasizing the traits of emotional
speech, the singer should be led to make “conscious
efforts” is surely natural enough. What would Mr. Gurney
have said of dancing? He would scarcely have denied
that saltatory movements often result spontaneously from
excited feeling; and he could hardly have doubted that
primitive dancing arose as a systematized form of such
movements. Would he have considered the belief that
stage-dancing is evolved from these spontaneous
movements {442}
to be negatived by the fact that a stage-dancer’s bounds and
gyrations are made with “conscious efforts”?
In his elaborate work on The Power of Sound, Mr. Gurney,
repeating in other forms the objections I have above dealt
with, adds to them some others. One of these, which
appears at first sight to have much weight, I must not pass
by. He thus expresses it.
“Any one may convince himself that not only are the intervals used in
emotional speech very large, twelve diatonic notes being quite an ordinary
skip, but that he uses extremes of both high and low pitch with his speaking
voice, which, if he tries to dwell on them and make them resonant, will be
found to lie beyond the compass of his singing voice” (p. 479).
Now the part of my hypothesis which Mr. Gurney here
combats is that, as in emotional speech so in song, feeling,
by causing muscular contractions, causes divergencies from
the middle tones of the voice, which become wider as it
increases; and that this fact supports the belief that song
is developed from emotional speech. To this Mr. Gurney
thinks it a conclusive answer that higher notes are used by
the speaking voice than by the singing voice. But if, as
his words imply, there is a physical impediment to the
production of notes in the one voice as high as those in the
other, then my argument is justified if, in either voice,
extremes of feeling are shown by extremes of pitch. If,
for example, the celebrated ut de poitrine with which
Tamberlik brought down the house in one of the scenes
of William Tell, was recognized as expressing the greatest
intensity of martial patriotism, my position is warranted,
even though in his speaking voice he could have produced
a still higher note.
Of answers to Mr. Gurney’s objections the two most
effective are suggested by the passage in which he sums up
his conclusions. Here are his words.
“It is enough to recall how every consideration tended to the same result;
that the oak grew from the acorn; that the musical faculty and pleasure,
which have to do with music and nothing else,
are the representatives and {443}
linear descendants of a faculty and pleasure which were musical and nothing
else; and that, however rudely and tentatively applied to speech, Music was
a separate order” (p. 492).
Thus, then, it is implied that the true germs of music stand
towards developed music as the acorn to the oak. Now
suppose we ask—How many traits of the oak are to be
found in the acorn? Next to none. And then suppose we
ask—How many traits of music are to be found in the tones
of emotional speech? Very many. Yet while Mr. Gurney
thinks that music had its origin in something which might
have been as unlike it as the acorn is unlike the oak, he
rejects the theory that it had its origin in something as much
like it as the cadences of emotional speech; and he does this
because there are sundry differences between the characters
of speech-cadences and the characters of music. In the
one case he tacitly assumes a great unlikeness between
germ and product; while in the other case he objects
because germ and product are not in all respects similar!
I may end by pointing out how extremely improbable,
a priori, is Mr. Gurney’s conception. He admits, as perforce
he must, that emotional speech has various traits in common
with recitative and song—relatively greater resonance, relatively
greater loudness, more marked divergences from
medium tones, the use of the extremes of pitch in signifying
the extremes of feeling, and so on. But, denying that the
one is derived from the others, he implies that these kindred
groups of traits have had independent origins. Two
sets of peculiarities in the use of the voice which show
various kinships, have nothing to do with one another! I
think it merely requires to put the proposition in this shape
to see how incredible it is.
Sundry
objections to the views contained in the essay
on “The Origin and Function of Music,” have arisen
from misconception of its scope. An endeavour to
explain the origin of music, has been dealt with as though
it were a theory of music in its entirety. An
hypothesis {444}
concerning the rudiments has been rejected because it did
not account for everything contained in the developed
product. To preclude this misapprehension for the future,
and to show how much more is comprehended in a theory
of music than I professed to deal with, let me enumerate the
several components of musical effect. They may properly
be divided into sensational, perceptional, and emotional.
That the sensational pleasure is distinguishable from the
other pleasures which music yields, will not be questioned.
A sweet sound is agreeable in itself, when heard out of
relation to other sounds. Tones of various timbres, too,
are severally appreciated as having their special beauties.
Of further elements in the sensational pleasure have to be
named those which result from certain congruities between
notes and immediately succeeding notes. This pleasure,
like the primary pleasure which fine quality yields, appears
to have a purely physical basis. We know that the agreeableness
of simultaneous tones depends partly on the relative
frequency of recurring correspondences of the vibrations
producing them, and partly on the relative infrequency of
beats, and we may suspect that there is a kindred cause for
the agreeableness of successive tones; since the auditory
apparatus which has been at one instant vibrating in a
particular manner, will take up certain succeeding vibrations
more readily than others. Evidently it is a question of the
degree of congruity; for the most congruous vibrations,
those of the octaves, yield less pleasure when heard in
succession than those of which the congruity is not so
great. To obtain the greatest pleasure in this and other
things, there requires both likeness and difference. Recognition
of this fact introduces us to the next element of
sensational pleasure—that due to contrast; including contrast
of pitch, of loudness, and of timbre. In this case, as
in other cases, the disagreeableness caused by frequent repetition
of the same sensation (here literally called “monotony”)
results from the exhaustion which any
single {445}
nervous agent undergoes from perpetual stimulation; and
contrast gives pleasure because it implies action of an
agent which has had rest. It follows that much of the
sensational pleasure to be obtained from music depends on
such adjustments of sounds as bring into play, without conflict,
many nervous elements: exercising all and not overexerting
any. We must not overlook a concomitant effect.
With the agreeable sensation is joined a faint emotion of
an agreeable kind. Beyond the simple definite pleasure
yielded by a sweet tone, there is a vague, diffused pleasure.
As indicated in the Principles of Psychology (§ 537), each
nervous excitation produces reverberation throughout the
nervous system at large; and probably this indefinite
emotional pleasure is a consequence. Doubtless some
shape is given to it by association. But after observing
how much there is in common between the diffused feeling
aroused by smelling at a deliciously scented flower and that
aroused by listening to a sweet tone, it will, I think, be
perceived that the more general cause predominates.
The division between the sensational effects and the perceptional
effects is of course indefinite. As above implied,
part of the sensational pleasure depends on the relation
between each tone and the succeeding tone; and hence
this pleasure gradually merges into that which arises from
perceiving the structural connexions between the phrases
and between the larger parts of musical compositions.
Much of the gratification given by a melody consists in
the consciousness of the relations between each group of
sounds heard and the groups of sounds held in memory as
having just passed, as well as those represented as about
to come. In many cases the passage listened to would not
be regarded as having any beauty were it not for its
remembered connexions with passages in the immediate
past and the immediate future. If, for example, from the
first movement of Beethoven’s Funeral-March sonata the
first five notes are detached, they appear to be
meaningless; {446}
but if, the movement being known, they are joined with
imaginations of the anticipated phrases, they immediately
acquire meaning and beauty. Indefinable as are the causes
of this perceptional pleasure in many cases, some causes
of it are definable. Symmetry is one. A chief element in
melodic effect results from repetitions of phrases which are
either identical, or differ only in pitch, or differ only in
minor variations: there being in the first case the pleasure
derived from perception of complete likeness, and in the
other cases the greater pleasure derived from perception
of likeness with difference—a perception which is more
involved, and therefore exercises a greater number of
nervous agents. Next comes, as a source of gratification,
the consciousness of pronounced unlikeness or contrast;
such as that between passages above the middle tones and
passages below, or as that between ascending phrases and
descending phrases. And then we rise to larger contrasts;
as when, the first theme in a melody having been elaborated,
there is introduced another having a certain kinship though
in many respects different, after which there is a return
to the first theme: a structure which yields more extensive
and more complex perceptions of both differences and
likenesses. But while perceptional pleasures include much
that is of the highest, they also include much that is of the
lowest. A certain kind of interest, if not of beauty, is
producible by the likenesses and contrasts of musical
phrases which are intrinsically meaningless or even ugly.
A familiar experience exemplifies this. If a piece of paper
is folded and on one side of the crease there is drawn
an irregular line in ink, which, by closing the paper, is
blotted on the opposite side of the crease, there results a
figure which, in virtue of its symmetry, has some beauty;
no matter how entirely without beauty the two lines themselves
may be. Similarly, some interest results from the
parallelism of musical phrases, notwithstanding utter lack
of interest in the phrases themselves. The kind of
interest {447}
resulting from such parallelisms, and from many contrasts,
irrespective of any intrinsic worth in their components, is
that which is most appreciated by the musically-uncultured,
and gives popularity to miserable drawing-room ballads
and vulgar music-hall songs.
The remaining element of musical effect consists in the
idealized rendering of emotion. This, as I have sought to
show, is the primitive element, and will ever continue to be
the vital element; for if “melody is the soul of music,”
then expression is the soul of melody—the soul without
which it is mechanical and meaningless, whatever may be
the merit of its form. This primitive element may with
tolerable clearness be distinguished from the other
elements, and may coexist with them in various degrees:
in some cases being the predominant element. Anyone
who, in analytical mood, listens to such a song as
Robert, toi que j’aime, cannot, I think, fail to perceive that
its effectiveness depends on the way in which it exalts and
intensifies the traits of passionate utterance. No doubt as
music develops, the emotional element (which affects structure
chiefly through the forms of phrases) is increasingly
complicated with, and obscured by, the perceptional element;
which both modifies these phrases and unites them into
symmetrical and contrasted combinations. But though the
groups of notes which emotion prompts admit of elaboration
into structures that have additional charms due to
artfully-arranged contrasts and repetitions, the essential
element is liable to be thus submerged in the non-essential.
Only in melodies of high types, such as the Addio of Mozart
and Adelaide of Beethoven, do we see the two requirements
simultaneously fulfilled. Musical genius is shown in achieving
the decorative beauty without losing the beauty of
emotional meaning.
It goes without saying that there must be otherwise
accounted for that relatively modern element in musical
effect which has now almost outgrown in importance
the {448}
other elements—I mean harmony. This cannot be affiliated
on the natural language of emotion; since, in such language,
limited to successive tones, there cannot originate the effects
wrought by simultaneous tones. Dependent as harmony is
on relations among rates of aerial pulses, its primary basis
is purely mechanical; and its secondary basis lies in the
compound vibrations which certain combinations of mechanical
rhythms cause in the auditory apparatus. The resulting
pleasure must, therefore, be due to nervous excitations of
kinds which, by their congruity, exalt one another; and
thus generate a larger volume of agreeable sensation. A
further pleasure of sensational origin which harmony yields
is due to contrapuntal effects. Skilful counterpoint has the
general character that it does not repeat in immediate succession
similar combinations of tones and similar directions
of change; and by thus avoiding temporary over-tax of the
nervous structures brought into action, keeps them in better
condition for subsequent action. Absence of regard for
this requirement characterizes the music of Gluck, of whom
Handel said—“He knows no more counterpoint than my
cook;” and it is this disregard which produces its cloying
character. Respecting the effects of harmony I will add
only that the vague emotional accompaniment to the sensation
produced by a single sweet tone, is paralleled by the
stronger emotional accompaniment to the more voluminous
and complex sensation produced by a fine chord. Clearly
this vague emotion forms a large component in the pleasure
which harmony gives.
While thus recognizing, and indeed emphasizing, the
fact that of many traits of developed music my hypothesis
respecting the origin of music yields no explanation, let
me point out that this hypothesis gains a further general
support from its conformity to the law of evolution. Progressive
integration is seen in the immense contrast between
the small combinations of tones constituting a cadence of
grief, or anger, or triumph, and the vast combinations
of {449}
tones, simultaneous and successive, constituting an oratorio.
Great advance in coherence becomes manifest when, from the
lax unions among the sounds in which feeling spontaneously
expresses itself, or even from those few musical phrases
which constitute a simple air, we pass to those elaborate
compositions in which portions small and large are tied
together into extended organic wholes. On comparing the
unpremeditated inflexions of the voice in emotional speech,
vague in tones and times, with those premeditated ones which
the musician arranges for stage or concert room, in which
the divisions of time are exactly measured, the successive
intervals precise, and the harmonies adjusted to a nicety, we
observe in the last a far higher definiteness. And immense
progress in heterogeneity is seen on putting side by side the
monotonous chants of savages with the musical compositions
familiar to us; each of which is relatively heterogeneous
within itself, and the assemblage of which forms an immeasurably
heterogeneous aggregate.
Strong support for the theory enunciated in this essay, and defended
in the foregoing paragraphs, is furnished by the testimonies of two
travellers in Hungary, given in works published in 1878 and 1888
respectively. Here is an extract from the first of the two.
“Music is an instinct with these Hungarian gipsies. They play by
ear, and with a marvellous precision, not surpassed by musicians
who have been subject to the most careful training. . . . The airs
they play are most frequently compositions of their own, and are in
character quite peculiar. . . I heard on this occasion one of the
gipsy airs which made an indelible impression on my mind; it seemed
to me the thrilling utterance of a people’s history. There was the
low wail of sorrow, of troubled passionate grief, stirring the heart
to restlessness, then the sense of turmoil and defeat; but upon this
breaks suddenly a wild burst of exultation, of rapturous joy—a
triumph achieved, which hurries you along with it in resistless
sympathy. The excitable Hungarians can literally become intoxicated
with this music—and no wonder. You cannot reason upon it, or explain
it, but its strains compel you to sensations of despair and joy, of
exultation and excitement, as though under the influence of some
potent charm.”—Round about the Carpathians, by Andrew F. Crosse,
pp. 11, 12. {450}
Still more graphic and startling is the description given by a more
recent traveller, E. Gerard.
“Devoid of printed notes, the Tzigane is not forced to divide his attention
between a sheet of paper and his instrument, and there is consequently
nothing to detract from the utter abandonment with which he absorbs himself
in his playing. He seems to be sunk in an inner world of his own; the
instrument sobs and moans in his hands, and is pressed tight against his
heart as though it had grown and taken root there. This is the true moment
of inspiration, to which he rarely gives way, and then only in the privacy of
an intimate circle, never before a numerous and unsympathetic audience.
Himself spell-bound by the power of the tones he evokes, his head gradually
sinking lower and lower over the instrument, the body bent forward in an
attitude of rapt attention, and his ear seeming to hearken to far-off ghostly
strains audible to himself alone, the untaught Tzigane achieves a perfection
of expression unattainable by mere professional training.
This power of identification with his music is the real secret of the
Tzigane’s influence over his audience. Inspired and carried away by his
own strains, he must perforce carry his hearers with him as well; and the
Hungarian listener throws himself heart and soul into this species of musical
intoxication, which to him is the greatest delight on earth. There is a proverb
which says, ‘The Hungarian only requires a gipsy fiddler and a glass of
water in order to make him quite drunk;’ and, indeed, intoxication is the
only word fittingly to describe the state of exaltation into which I have
seen a Hungarian audience thrown by a gipsy band.
Sometimes, under the combined influence of music and wine, the Tziganes
become like creatures possessed; the wild cries and stamps of an equally
excited audience only stimulate them to greater exertions. The whole
atmosphere seems tossed by billows of passionate harmony; we seem to
catch sight of the electric sparks of inspiration flying through the air. It is
then that the Tzigane player gives forth everything that is secretly lurking
within him—fierce anger, childish wailings, presumptuous exaltation, brooding
melancholy, and passionate despair; and at such moments, as a Hungarian
writer has said, one could readily believe in his power of drawing down the
angels from heaven into hell!
Listen how another Hungarian has here described the effect of their
music:—‘How it rushes through the veins like electric fire! How it
penetrates straight to the soul! In soft plaintive minor tones the adagio
opens with a slow rhythmical movement: it is a sighing and longing of
unsatisfied aspirations; a craving for undiscovered happiness; the lover’s
yearning for the object of his affection; the expression of mourning for lost
joys, for happy days gone for ever; then abruptly changing to a major key,
the tones get faster and more agitated; and from the whirlpool of harmony
the melody gradually detaches itself, alternately drowned in the foam of
overbreaking waves, to reappear floating on the surface with undulating
motion—collecting as it were fresh power for a renewed burst
of fury. But {451}
quickly as the storm came it is gone again, and the music relapses into the
melancholy yearnings of heretofore.’” The Land beyond the Forest, vol. II,
pp. 122–4. Lond. 1888.
After the evidence thus furnished, argument is almost
superfluous. The origin of music as the developed language
of emotion seems to be no longer an inference but simply a
description of the fact.
56
Those who seek information on this point may find it in
an interesting tract by Mr. Alexander Bain, on Animal Instinct and
Intelligence.
57The Music of the Most Ancient Nations, &c., by Carl
Engel. This quotation is not contained in my essay as originally
published, nor in the version of it first reproduced in 1858. Herr
Engel’s work was issued in 1864, seven years after the date of the
essay.
58
It is far more probable that the ascents and descents made
by this gibbon consisted of indefinitely-slurred tones. To suppose
that each was a series of definite semi-tones strains belief to
breaking point; considering that among human beings the great majority,
even of those who have good ears, are unable to go up or down the
chromatic scale without being taught to do so. The achievement is one
requiring considerable practice; and that such an achievement should be
spontaneous on the part of a monkey is incredible.
59
After the above paragraphs had been sent to the printers
I received from an American anthropologist, the Rev. Owen Dorsey, some
essays containing kindred evidence. Of over three dozen songs and
chants of the Omaha, Ponka, and other Indians, in some cases given
with music and in other cases without, there are but five which have
any reference to amatory feeling; and while in these the expression of
amatory feeling comes from women, nothing more than derision of them
comes from men.
THE PHYSIOLOGY OF LAUGHTER. — ENDNOTE TO THE PHYSIOLOGY OF LAUGHTER .
[First
published in Macmillan’s Magazine for March 1860.]
Why do we smile when a child puts on a man’s hat? or
what induces us to laugh on reading that the corpulent
Gibbon was unable to rise from his knees after making a
tender declaration? The usual reply to such questions is,
that laughter results from a perception of incongruity.
Even were there not, on this reply, the obvious criticism
that laughter often occurs from extreme pleasure or from
mere vivacity, there would still remain the real problem—How
comes a sense of the incongruous to be followed by
these peculiar bodily actions? Some have alleged that
laughter is due to the pleasure of a relative self-elevation,
which we feel on seeing the humiliation of others. But
this theory, whatever portion of truth it may contain, is,
in the first place, open to the fatal objection that there are
various humiliations to others which produce in us anything
but laughter; and, in the second place, it does not apply
to the many instances in which no one’s dignity is implicated:
as when we laugh at a good pun. Moreover, like
the other, it is merely a generalization of certain conditions
to laughter; and not an explanation of the odd movements
which occur under these conditions. Why, when greatly
delighted, or impressed with certain unexpected
contrasts {453}
of ideas, should there be a contraction of particular facial
muscles and particular muscles of the chest and abdomen?
Such answer to this question as may be possible, can be
rendered only by physiology.
Every
child has made the attempt to hold the foot still
while it is tickled, and has failed; and there is scarcely
any one who has not vainly tried to avoid winking when
a hand has been suddenly passed before the eyes. These
examples of muscular movements which occur independently
of the will, or in spite of it, illustrate what physiologists
call reflex-action; as likewise do sneezing and coughing.
To this class of cases, in which involuntary motions are
accompanied by sensations, has to be added another class
of cases, in which involuntary motions are unaccompanied
by sensations:—instance the pulsations of the heart; the
contractions of the stomach during digestion. Further,
the majority of seemingly-voluntary acts in such creatures
as insects, worms, molluscs, are considered by physiologists
to be as purely automatic as is the dilatation or closure
of the iris under variations in the quantity of light; and
similarly exemplify the law, that an impression on the end
of an afferent nerve is conveyed to some ganglionic centre,
and is thence usually reflected along an efferent nerve to
one or more muscles which it causes to contract.
In a modified form this principle holds with voluntary
acts. Nervous excitation always tends to beget muscular
motion; and when it rises to a certain intensity always
does beget it. Not only in reflex actions, whether with
or without sensation, do we see that special nerves, when
raised to states of tension, discharge themselves on special
muscles with which they are indirectly connected; but
those external actions through which we read the feelings
of others, show us that, under any considerable tension,
the nervous system in general discharges itself on the
muscular system in general: either with or without
the {454}
guidance of the will. The shivering produced by cold
implies irregular muscular contractions, which, though at
first only partly involuntary, become, when the cold is
extreme, almost wholly involuntary. When you have
severely burnt your finger it is very difficult to preserve
a dignified composure: contortion of face, or movement of
limb, is pretty sure to follow. If a man receives good
news with neither facial change nor bodily motion, it is
inferred that he is not much pleased, or that he has
extraordinary self-control: either inference implying that
joy almost universally produces contraction of the muscles,
and so, alters the expression, or attitude, or both. And when
we hear of the feats of strength which men have performed
when their lives were at stake—when we read how, in the
energy of despair, even paralyzed patients have regained for
a time the use of their limbs; we see still more clearly
the relation between nervous and muscular excitements. It
becomes manifest both that emotions and sensations tend to
generate bodily movements, and that the movements are
violent in proportion as the emotions or sensations are intense.60
This, however, is not the sole direction in which nervous
excitement expends itself. Viscera as well as muscles may
receive the discharge. That the heart and blood-vessels
(which, indeed, being all contractile, may in a restricted
sense be classed with the muscular system) are quickly
affected by pleasures and pains, we have daily proved to
us. Every sensation of any acuteness accelerates the
pulse; and how sensitive the heart is to emotions, is
testified by the familiar expressions which use heart and
feeling as convertible terms. Similarly with the digestive
organs. Without detailing the various ways in which
these may be influenced by our mental states, it suffices to
mention the marked benefits derived by dyspeptics, as well
as other invalids, from cheerful society,
welcome news, {455}
change of scene, to show how pleasurable feeling stimulates
the viscera in general into greater activity.
There is still another direction in which any excited
portion of the nervous system may discharge itself; and a
direction in which it usually does discharge itself when the
excitement is not strong. It may pass on the stimulus to
some other portion of the nervous system. This is what
occurs in quiet thinking and feeling. The successive
states which constitute consciousness, result from this.
Sensations excite ideas and emotions; these in their turns
arouse other ideas and emotions; and so on continuously.
That is to say, the tension existing in particular nerve-centres,
or groups of nerve-centres, when they yield us
certain sensations, ideas, or emotions, generates an equivalent
tension in some other nervous structures, with which
there is a connexion: the flow of energy passing on, the
one idea or feeling dies in producing the next.
Thus, then, while we are totally unable to comprehend
how the excitement of certain nerve-centres should generate
feeling—while, in the production of consciousness by
physical agents acting on physical structures, we come to
a mystery never to be solved; it is yet quite possible for us
to know by observation what are the successive forms
which this mystery may take. We see that there are three
channels along which nerve-centres in a state of tension
may discharge themselves; or rather, I should say, three
classes of channels. They may pass on the excitement to
other nerve-centres that have no direct connexions with
the bodily members, and may so cause other feelings and
ideas; or they may pass on the excitement to one or more
motor nerves, and so cause muscular contractions; or they
may pass on the excitement to nerves which supply the
viscera, and may so stimulate one or more of these.
For simplicity’s sake I have described these as alternative
routes, one or other of which any current of nerve-force
must take; thereby, as it may be thought, implying
that {456}
such current will be exclusively confined to some one of
them. But this is by no means the case. Rarely, if ever,
does it happen that a state of nervous tension, present to
consciousness as a feeling, expends itself in one direction
only. Very generally it may be observed to expend itself
in two; and it is probable that the discharge is never
absolutely absent from any one of the three. There is,
however, variety in the proportions in which the discharge
is divided among these different channels under different
circumstances. In a man whose fear impels him to run,
the mental tension generated is only in part transformed
into a muscular stimulus: there is a surplus which causes
a rapid current of ideas. An agreeable state of feeling
produced, say by praise, is not wholly used up in arousing
the succeeding phase of the feeling and the new ideas
appropriate to it; but a certain portion overflows into the
visceral nervous system, increasing the action of the heart
and facilitating digestion. And here we come upon a class
of considerations and facts which open the way to a solution
of our special problem.
For, starting with the truth that at any moment the
existing quantity of liberated nerve-force which in an
inscrutable way produces in us the state we call feeling,
must expend itself in some direction, it follows that, if of
the several channels it may take, one is wholly or partially
closed, more must be taken by the others; or that if two
are closed, the discharge along the remaining one must
be more intense; and that, conversely, should anything
determine an unusual efflux in one direction, there will be
a diminished efflux in other directions.
Daily experience illustrates these conclusions. It is commonly
remarked that the suppression of external signs of
feeling, makes feeling more intense. The deepest grief is
silent grief. Why? Because the nervous excitement not
discharged in muscular action, discharges itself in other
nervous excitements—arouses more numerous and
more {457}
remote associations of melancholy ideas, and so increases
the mass of feelings. People who conceal their anger are
habitually found to be more revengeful than those who
explode in loud speech and vehement action. Why?
Because, as before, the emotion is reflected back, accumulates,
and intensifies. Similarly, men who, as proved by
their powers of representation, have the keenest appreciation
of the comic, are usually able to do and say the most
ludicrous things with perfect gravity.
On the other hand, all are familiar with the truth that
bodily activity deadens emotion. Under great irritation
we get relief by walking about rapidly. Extreme effort in
the bootless attempt to achieve a desired end, greatly
diminishes the intensity of the desire. Those who are
forced to exert themselves after misfortunes, do not suffer
nearly so much as those who remain quiescent. If any
one wishes to check intellectual excitement, he cannot
choose a more efficient method than running till he is
exhausted. Moreover, these cases, in which the production
of feeling and thought is hindered by determining the
nervous energy towards bodily movements, have their
counterparts in the cases in which bodily movements are
hindered by extra absorption of nervous energy in sudden
thoughts and feelings. If, when walking, there flashes on
you an idea that creates great surprise, hope, or alarm,
you stop; or if sitting cross-legged, swinging your pendent
foot, the movement is at once arrested. From the viscera,
too, intense mental action abstracts energy. Joy, disappointment,
anxiety, or any moral perturbation rising to a
great height, destroys appetite; or, if food has been
taken, arrests digestion; and even a purely intellectual
activity, when extreme, does the like.
Facts, then, bear out these a priori inferences, that the
nervous excitement at any moment present to consciousness
as feeling, must expend itself in some way or other;
that of the three classes of channels open to it, it
must {458}
take one, two, or more, according to circumstances; that
the closure or obstruction of one, must increase the discharge
through the others; and, conversely, that if, to
answer some demand, the efflux of nervous energy in one
direction is unusually great, there must be a corresponding
decrease of the efflux in other directions. Setting out
from these premises, let us now see what interpretation is
to be put on the phenomena of laughter.
That laughter is a form of muscular excitement, and so
illustrates the general law that feeling passing a certain
pitch habitually vents itself in bodily action, scarcely needs
pointing out. It perhaps needs pointing out, however,
that strong feeling of almost any kind produces this
result. It is not a sense of the ludicrous, only, which does
it; nor are the various forms of joyous emotion the sole
additional causes. We have, besides, the sardonic laughter
and the hysterical laughter which result from mental
distress; to which must be added certain sensations, as
tickling, and, according to Mr. Bain, cold, and some kinds
of acute pain.
Strong feeling, mental or physical, being, then, the
general cause of laughter, we have to note that the muscular
actions constituting it are distinguished from most
others by this, that they are purposeless. In general,
bodily motions that are prompted by feelings are directed
to special ends; as when we try to escape a danger, or
struggle to secure a gratification. But the movements of
chest and limbs which we make when laughing have no
object. And now remark that these quasi-convulsive
contractions of the muscles, having no object, but being
results of an uncontrolled discharge of energy, we may see
whence arise their special characters—how it happens
that certain classes of muscles are affected first, and then
certain other classes. For an overflow of nerve-force
undirected by any motive, will manifestly take first
the {459}
most habitual routes; and if these do not suffice, will next
overflow into the less habitual ones. Well, it is through
the organs of speech that feeling passes into movement
with the greatest frequency. The jaws, tongue, and lips
are used not only to express strong irritation or gratification,
but that very moderate flow of mental energy
which accompanies ordinary conversation, finds its chief
vent through this channel. Hence it happens that certain
muscles round the mouth, small and easy to move, are the
first to contract under pleasurable emotion. The class of
muscles which, next after those of articulation, are most
constantly set in action (or extra action, let us say) by
feelings of all kinds, are those of respiration. Under
pleasurable or painful sensations we breathe more rapidly:
possibly as a consequence of the increased demand for
oxygenated blood. The sensations that accompany exertion
also bring on hard breathing; which here more
evidently responds to the physiological needs. And emotions,
too, agreeable and disagreeable, both, at first, excite
respiration; though the last subsequently depress it.
That is to say, of the bodily muscles, the respiratory are
more constantly implicated than any others in those various
acts which our feelings impel us to; and, hence, when
there occurs an undirected discharge of nervous energy
into the muscular system, it happens that, if the quantity
be considerable, it convulses not only certain of the articulatory
and vocal muscles, but also those which expel air
from the lungs. Should the feeling to be expended be still
greater in amount—too great to find vent in these classes
of muscles—another class comes into play. The upper
limbs are set in motion. Children frequently clap their
hands in glee; by some adults the hands are rubbed
together; and others, under still greater intensity of
delight, slap their knees and sway their bodies backwards
and forwards. Last of all, when the other channels for
the escape of the surplus nerve-force have been filled
to {460}
overflowing, a yet further and less-used group of muscles
is spasmodically affected: the head is thrown back and
the spine bent inwards—there is a slight degree of what
medical men call opisthotonos. Thus, then, without contending
that the phenomena of laughter in all their details
are to be so accounted for, we see that in their ensemble
they conform to these general principles:—that feeling
excites to muscular action; that when the muscular action
is unguided by a purpose the muscles first affected are
those which feeling most habitually stimulates; and that
as the feeling to be expended increases in quantity it
excites an increasing number of muscles, in a succession
determined by the relative frequency with which they
respond to the regulated dictates of feeling. To which as
a qualifying and complicating factor must be added the
relative sizes of the muscles; since, other things equal, the
smaller muscles will be moved more readily than the larger.
There still, however, remains the question with which
we set out. The explanation here given applies only to
the laughter produced by acute pleasure or pain: it does
not apply to the laughter which follows certain perceptions
of incongruity. It is an insufficient explanation that
in these cases, laughter is a result of the pleasure we take
in escaping from the restraint of grave feelings. That this
is a part-cause is true. Doubtless very often, as Mr. Bain
says, “it is the coerced form of seriousness and solemnity
without the reality that gives us that stiff position from
which a contact with triviality or vulgarity relieves us, to
our uproarious delight,” And in so far as mirth is caused
by the gush of agreeable feeling which follows the cessation
of unpleasant mental strain, it further illustrates the general
principle above set forth. But no explanation is thus
afforded of the mirth which ensues when the short silence
between the andante and allegro in one of Beethoven’s
symphonies, is broken by a loud sneeze. In this, and hosts
of like cases, the mental tension is not
coerced but {461}
spontaneous—not disagreeable but agreeable; and the coming
impressions to which attention is directed, promise a gratification
which few, if any, desire to escape. Hence, when
the unlucky sneeze occurs, it cannot be that the laughter
of the audience is due simply to the release from an irksome
attitude of mind: some other cause must be sought.
This cause we shall arrive at by carrying our analysis a
step further. We have but to consider the quantity of
feeling which exists under such circumstances, and then to
ask what are the conditions determining the direction of
its discharge, to reach a solution. Take a case. You are
sitting in a theatre, absorbed in the progress of an interesting
drama. Some climax has been reached which has
aroused your sympathies—say, a reconciliation between the
hero and heroine, after long and painful misunderstanding.
The feelings excited by this scene are not of a kind from
which you seek relief; but are, on the contrary, a grateful
relief from the painful feelings with which you have witnessed
the previous estrangement. Moreover, the sentiments
these fictitious personages have for the moment
inspired you with, are not such as would lead you to rejoice
in any indignity offered to them; but rather, such as would
make you resent the indignity. And now, while you are
contemplating the reconciliation with a pleasurable sympathy,
there appears from behind the scenes a tame kid,
which, having stared round at the audience, walks up to
the lovers and sniffs at them. You cannot help joining in
the roar which greets this contretemps. Inexplicable as is
this irresistible burst on the hypothesis of a pleasure in
escaping from mental restraint; or on the hypothesis of a
pleasure from relative increase of self-importance, when
witnessing the humiliation of others; it is readily explicable
if we consider what, in such a case, must become of the
feeling that existed at the moment the incongruity arose.
A large mass of emotion had been produced; or, to speak
in physiological language, a large portion of the
nervous {462}
system was in a state of tension. There was also great expectation
with respect to the further evolution of the scene—a
quantity of vague, nascent thought and emotion, into
which the existing quantity of thought and emotion was
about to pass. Had there been no interruption, the body
of new ideas and feelings next excited, would have sufficed
to absorb the whole of the liberated nervous energy. But
now, this large amount of nervous energy, instead of being
allowed to expend itself in producing an equivalent amount
of the new thoughts and emotions which were nascent, is
suddenly checked in its flow. The channels along which
the discharge was about to take place, are closed. The
new channel opened—that afforded by the appearance and
proceedings of the kid—is a small one; the ideas and feelings
suggested are not numerous and massive enough to
carry off the nervous energy to be expended. The excess
must therefore discharge itself in some other direction; and
in the way already explained, there results an efflux through
the motor nerves to various classes of the muscles, producing
the half-convulsive actions we term laughter.
This explanation is in harmony with the fact that when,
among several persons who witness the same ludicrous
occurrence, there are some who do not laugh, it is because
there has arisen in them an emotion not participated in by
the rest, and which is sufficiently massive to absorb all the
nascent excitement. Among the spectators of an awkward
tumble, those who preserve their gravity are those in whom
there is excited a degree of sympathy with the sufferer,
sufficiently great to serve as an outlet for the feeling which
the occurrence had turned out of its previous course. Sometimes
anger carries off the arrested current; and so prevents
laughter. An instance of this was lately furnished me by a
friend who had been witnessing the feats at Franconi’s. A
tremendous leap had just been made by an acrobat over a
number of horses. The clown, seemingly envious of this
success, made ostentatious preparation for doing the
like; {463}
and then, taking the preliminary run with immense energy,
stopped short on reaching the first horse, and pretended to
wipe some dust from its haunches. In most of the spectators,
merriment was excited; but in my friend, wound up
by the expectation of the coming leap to a state of great
nervous tension, the effect of the baulk was to produce indignation.
Experience thus proves what the theory implies;
namely, that the discharge of arrested feelings into the
muscular system, takes place only in the absence of other
adequate channels—does not take place if there arise other
feelings equal in amount to those arrested.
Evidence still more conclusive is at hand. If we contrast
the incongruities which produce laughter with those
which do not, we see that in the non-ludicrous ones the
unexpected feeling aroused, though wholly different in kind,
is not less in quantity or intensity. Among incongruities
which may excite anything but a laugh, Mr. Bain instances—“A
decrepit man under a heavy burden, five loaves and
two fishes among a multitude, and all unfitness and gross
disproportion; an instrument out of tune, a fly in ointment,
snow in May, Archimedes studying geometry in a siege,
and all discordant things; a wolf in sheep’s clothing, a
breach of bargain, and falsehood in general; the multitude
taking the law in their own hands, and everything of the
nature of disorder; a corpse at a feast, parental cruelty,
filial ingratitude, and whatever is unnatural; the entire
catalogue of the vanities given by Solomon, are all incongruous,
but they cause feelings of pain, anger, sadness,
loathing, rather than mirth.” Now in these cases, where
the totally unlike state of consciousness suddenly produced,
is not inferior in mass to the preceding one, the conditions
to laughter are not fulfilled. As above shown, laughter
naturally results only when consciousness is unawares transferred
from great things to small—only when there is what
we may call a descending incongruity.
And now observe, finally, the fact, alike inferable a
priori{464}
and illustrated in experience, that an ascending incongruity
not only fails to cause laughter, but works on the muscular
system an effect of the reverse kind. When after something
very insignificant there arises without anticipation
something very great, the emotion we call wonder results;
and this emotion is accompanied not by contraction of the
muscles, but by relaxation of them. In children and country
people, that falling of the jaw which occurs on witnessing
an imposing and unexpected change, exemplifies this effect.
Persons wonder-struck at the production of a striking
result by a seemingly-inadequate cause, are frequently
described as unconsciously dropping the things they held
in their hands. Such are just the effects to be anticipated.
After an average state of consciousness, absorbing but a
small quantity of nervous energy, is aroused without notice,
a strong emotion of awe, terror, or admiration; joined with
the astonishment due to an apparent want of adequate
causation. This new state of consciousness demands far
more nervous energy than that which it has suddenly
replaced; and this increased absorption of nervous energy
in mental changes, involves a temporary diminution of the
outflow in other directions: whence the pendent jaw and
the relaxing grasp.
One further observation is worth making. Among the
several sets of channels into which surplus feeling might be
discharged, was named the nervous system of the viscera.
The sudden overflow of an arrested mental excitement,
which, as we have seen, results from a descending incongruity,
must doubtless stimulate not only the muscular
system, as we see it does, but also the internal organs: the
heart and stomach must come in for a share of the discharge.
And thus there seems to be a good physiological basis for
the popular notion that mirth-creating excitement facilitates
digestion.
Though, in doing so, I go beyond the boundaries of
the {465}
immediate topic, I may fitly point out that the method of
inquiry here followed, opens the way to interpretation of
various phenomena besides those of laughter. To show the
importance of pursuing it, I will indicate the explanation it
furnishes of another familiar class of facts.
All know how generally a large amount of emotion disturbs
the action of the intellect, and interferes with the
power of expression. A speech delivered with great facility
to tables and chairs, is by no means so easily delivered to an
audience. Every schoolboy can testify that his trepidation,
when standing before a master, has often disabled him from
repeating a lesson which he had duly learnt. In explanation
of this we commonly say that the attention is distracted—that
the proper train of ideas is broken by the intrusion
of ideas that are irrelevant. But the question is, in what
manner does unusual emotion produce this effect; and we
are here supplied with a tolerably obvious answer. The
repetition of a lesson, or set speech previously thought out,
implies the flow of a very moderate amount of nervous
excitement through a comparatively narrow channel. The
thing to be done is simply to call up in succession certain
previously-arranged ideas—a process in which no great
amount of mental energy is expended. Hence, when there
is a large quantity of emotion, which must be discharged in
some direction or other; and when, as usually happens, the
restricted series of intellectual actions to be gone through,
does not suffice to carry it off; there result discharges along
other channels besides the one prescribed: there are aroused
various ideas foreign to the train of thought to be pursued;
and these tend to exclude from consciousness those which
should occupy it.
And now observe the meaning of those bodily actions
spontaneously set up under these circumstances. The schoolboy
saying his lesson, commonly has his fingers actively
engaged—perhaps in twisting about a broken pen, or perhaps
in squeezing the angle of his jacket; and if told to keep
his {466}
hands still, he soon again falls into the same or a similar
trick. Many anecdotes are current of public speakers having
incurable automatic actions of this class: barristers who
perpetually wound and unwound pieces of tape; members
of parliament ever putting on and taking off their spectacles.
So long as such movements are unconscious, they facilitate
the mental actions. At least this seems a fair inference
from the fact that confusion frequently results from putting
a stop to them: witness the case narrated by Sir Walter
Scott of his school-fellow, who became unable to say his
lesson after the removal of the waistcoat button which he
habitually fingered while in class. But why do they facilitate
the mental actions? Clearly because they draw off a
portion of the surplus nervous excitement. If, as above
explained, the quantity of mental energy generated is
greater than can find vent along the narrow channel of
thought that is open to it; and if, in consequence, it is apt to
produce confusion by rushing into other channels of thought;
then, by allowing it an exit through the motor nerves
into the muscular system, the pressure is diminished, and
irrelevant ideas are less likely to intrude on consciousness.
This further illustration will, I think, justify the position
that something may be achieved by pursuing in other cases
this kind of psychological inquiry. A complete explanation
of the phenomena, requires us to trace out all the
consequences of any given state of consciousness; and we
cannot do this without studying the effects, bodily and
mental, as varying in quantity at one another’s expense.
We should probably learn much if in every case we asked—Where
is all the nervous energy gone?
60
For numerous illustrations see essay on “The Origin and Function
of Music.”
END OF VOL. II.
MR. HERBERT SPENCER’S WORKS.
A SYSTEM OF SYNTHETIC PHILOSOPHY.
8th Thousand.
(WITH AN APPENDIX DEALING WITH CRITICISMS.)
In one vol. 8vo, cloth, price 16s.,
FIRST PRINCIPLES.
CONTENTS.
PART
I.—THEUNKNOWABLE.
1. Religion and Science.
2. Ultimate Religious Ideas.
3. Ultimate Scientific Ideas.
4. The Relativity of All Knowledge.
5. The Reconciliation.
PART
II.—THEKNOWABLE.
1. Philosophy Defined
2. The Data of Philosophy.
3. Space, Time, Matter, Motion, and Force.
4. The Indestructibility of Matter.
5. The Continuity of Motion.
6. The Persistence of Force.
7. The Persistence of Relations among Forces.
8. The Transformation and Equivalence of Forces.
9. The Direction of Motion.
10. The Rhythm of Motion.
11. Recapitulation, Criticism, and Recommencement.
12. Evolution and Dissolution.
13. Simple and Compound Evolution.
14. The Law of Evolution.
15. The Law of Evolution, continued.
16. The Law of Evolution, continued.
17. The Law of Evolution, concluded.
18. The Interpretation of Evolution.
19. The Instability of the Homogeneous.
20. The Multiplication of Effects.
21. Segregation.
22. Equilibration.
23. Dissolution.
24. Summary and Conclusion.
4th Thousand.
In two vols. 8vo, cloth, price 34s.
THE PRINCIPLES OF BIOLOGY.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
PART
I.—THEDATAOFBIOLOGY.
1. Organic Matter.
2. The Actions of Forces on Organic Matter.
3. The Re-actions of Organic Matter on Forces.
4. Proximate Definition of Life.
5. The Correspondence between Life and its Circumstances.
6. The Degree of Life varies as the Degree of Correspondence.
7. The Scope of Biology.
PART
II.—THEINDUCTIONSOFBIOLOGY.
1. Growth.
2. Development.
3. Function.
4. Waste and Repair.
5. Adaptation.
6. Individuality.
7. Genesis.
8. Heredity.
9. Variation.
10. Genesis, Heredity, and Variation.
11. Classification.
12. Distribution.
PART
III.—THEEVOLUTIONOFLIFE.
1. Preliminary.
2. General Aspects of the Special-Creation-Hypothesis.
3. General Aspects of the Evolution-Hypothesis.
4. The Arguments from Classification.
5. The Arguments from Embryology.
6. The Arguments from Morphology.
7. The Arguments from Distribution.
8. How is Organic Evolution caused?
9. External Factors.
10. Internal Factors.
11. Direct Equilibration.
12. Indirect Equilibration.
13. The Co-operation of the Factors.
14. The Convergence of the Evidences.
APPENDIX.
The Spontaneous-Generation Question.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PART IV.—MORPHOLOGICALDEVELOPMENT.
1. The Problems of Morphology.
2. The Morphological Composition of Plants.
3. The Morphological Composition of Plants, continued.
4. The Morphological Composition of Animals.
5. The Morphological Composition of Animals, continued.
6. Morphological Differentiation in Plants.
7. The General Shapes of Plants.
8. The Shapes of Branches.
9. The Shapes of Leaves.
10. The Shapes of Flowers.
11. The Shapes of Vegetal Cells.
12. Changes of Shape otherwise caused.
13. Morphological Differentiation in Animals.
14. The General Shapes of Animals.
15. The Shapes of Vertebrate Skeletons.
16. The Shapes of Animal Cells.
17. Summary of Morphological Development.
PART V.—PHYSIOLOGICALDEVELOPMENT.
1. The Problems of Physiology.
2. Differentiations between the
Outer and Inner Tissues of
Plants.
3. Differentiations among the
Outer Tissues of Plants.
4. Differentiations among the
Inner Tissues of Plants.
5. Physiological Integration in
Plants.
6. Differentiations between the
Outer and Inner Tissues of
Animals.
7. Differentiations among the
Outer Tissues of Animals.
8. Differentiations among the
Inner Tissues of Animals.
9. Physiological Integration in
Animals.
10. Summary of Physiological Development.
PART VI.—LAWSOFMULTIPLICATION.
1. The Factors.
2. À Priori Principle.
3. Obverse à priori Principle.
4. Difficulties of Inductive Verification.
5. Antagonism between Growth
and Asexual Genesis.
6. Antagonism between Growth
and Sexual Genesis.
7. Antagonism between Development
and Genesis, Asexual
and Sexual.
8. Antagonism between Expenditure
and Genesis.
9. Coincidence between high
Nutrition and Genesis.
10. Specialities of these Relations.
11. Interpretation and Qualification.
12. Multiplication of the Human Race.
13. Human Evolution in the Future.
APPENDIX.
A Criticism on Professor Owen’s
Theory of the Vertebrate Skeleton.
On Circulation and the Formation
of Wood in Plants.
5th Thousand.
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In two vols. 8vo, cloth, price 36s.,
THE PRINCIPLES OF PSYCHOLOGY.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
PART
I.—THEDATAOFPSYCHOLOGY.
1. The Nervous System.
2. The Structure of the Nervous System.
3. The Functions of the Nervous System.
4. The Conditions essential to Nervous Action.
5. Nervous Stimulation and Nervous Discharge.
6. Æstho-Physiology.
PART
II.—THEINDUCTIONSOFPSYCHOLOGY.
1. The Substance of Mind.
2. The Composition of Mind.
3. The Relativity of Feelings.
4. The Relativity of Relations between Feelings.
5. The Revivability of Feelings.
6. The Revivability of Relations between Feelings.
7. The Associability of Feelings.
8. The Associability of Relations between Feelings.
9. Pleasures and Pains.
PART III.—GENERALSYNTHESIS.
1. Life and Mind as Correspondence.
2. The Correspondence as Direct and Homogeneous.
3. The Correspondence as Direct but Heterogeneous.
4. The Correspondence as extending in Space.
5. The Correspondence as extending in Time.
6. The Correspondence as increasing in Speciality.
7. The Correspondence as increasing in Generality.
8. The Correspondence as increasing in Complexity.
9. The Co-ordination of Correspondences.
10. The Integration of Correspondences.
11. The Correspondences in their
Totality.
PART IV.—SPECIALSYNTHESIS.
1. The Nature of Intelligence.
2. The Law of Intelligence.
3. The Growth of Intelligence.
4. Reflex Action.
5. Instinct.
6. Memory.
7. Reason.
8. The Feelings.
9. The Will.
PART V.—PHYSICALSYNTHESIS.
1. A Further Interpretation Needed.
2. The Genesis of Nerves.
3. The Genesis of Simple Nervous Systems.
4. The Genesis of Compound Nervous Systems.
5. The Genesis of Doubly-Compound Nervous Systems.
6. Functions as Related to these Structures.
7. Psychical Laws as thus Interpreted.
8. Evidence from Normal Variations.
9. Evidence from Abnormal Variations.
10. Results.
APPENDIX.
On the Action of Anæsthetics
and Narcotics.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
PART VI.—SPECIALANALYSIS.
1. Limitation of the Subject.
2. Compound Quantitative Reasoning.
3. Compound Quantitative Reasoning,
continued.
4. Imperfect and Simple Quantitative Reasoning.
5. Quantitative Reasoning in General.
6. Perfect Qualitative Reasoning.
7. Imperfect Qualitative Reasoning.
8. Reasoning in General.
9. Classification, Naming, and
Recognition.
10. The Perception of Special Objects.
11. The Perception of Body as
presenting Dynamical, Statico-Dynamical,
and Statical Attributes.
12. The Perception of Body as
presenting Statico-Dynamical
and Statical Attributes.
13. The Perception of Body as presenting
Statical Attributes.
14. The Perception of Space.
15. The Perception of Time.
16. The Perception of Motion.
17. The Perception of Resistance.
18. Perception in General.
19. The Relations of Similarity
and Dissimilarity.
20. The Relations of Cointension
and Non-Cointension.
21. The Relations of Coextension
and Non-Coextension.
22. The Relations of Coexistence
and Non-Coexistence.
23. The Relations of Connature
and Non-Connature.
24. The Relations of Likeness and
Unlikeness.
25. The Relation of Sequence.
26. Consciousness in General.
27. Results.
PART
VII.—GENERALANALYSIS.
1. The Final Question.
2. The Assumption of Metaphysicians.
3. The Words of Metaphysicians.
4. The Reasonings of Metaphysicians.
5. Negative Justification of Realism.
6. Argument from Priority.
7. The Argument from Simplicity.
8. The Argument from Distinctness.
9. A Criterion Wanted.
10. Propositions qualitatively distinguished.
11. The Universal Postulate.
12. The test of Relative Validity.
13. Its Corollaries.
14. Positive Justification of Realism.
15. The Dynamics of Consciousness.
16. Partial Differentiation of Subject and Object.
17. Completed Differentiation of Subject and Object.
18. Developed Conception of the Object.
19. Transfigured Realism.
PART
VIII.—CONGRUITIES.
1. Preliminary.
2. Co-ordination of Data and Inductions.
3. Co-ordination of Syntheses.
4. Co-ordination of Special Analyses.
5. Co-ordination of General Analyses.
6. Final Comparison.
PART
IX.—COROLLARIES.
1. Special Psychology.
2. Classification.
3. Development of Conceptions.
4. Language of the Emotions.
5. Sociality and Sympathy.
6. Egoistic Sentiments.
7. Ego-Altruistic Sentiments.
8. Altruistic Sentiments.
9. Æsthetic Sentiments.
3rd Edition, revised and enlarged.
In 8vo., cloth, price 21s., Vol. I. of
THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY.
CONTENTS.
PART
I.—THEDATAOFSOCIOLOGY.
1. Super-Organic Evolution.
2. The Factors of Social Phenomena.
3. Original External Factors.
4. Original Internal Factors.
5. The Primitive Man—Physical.
6. The Primitive Man—Emotional.
7. The Primitive Man—Intellectual.
8. Primitive Ideas.
9. The Ideas of the Animate and
the Inanimate.
10. The Ideas of Sleep and Dreams.
11. The Ideas of Swoon, Apoplexy,
Catelepsy, Ecstacy,
and other forms of Insensibility.
12. The Ideas of Death and
Resurrection.
13. The Ideas of Souls, Ghosts,
Spirits, Demons.
14. The Ideas of Another Life.
15. The Ideas of Another World.
16. The Ideas of Supernatural
Agents.
17. Supernatural Agents as causing
Epilepsy and Convulsive
Actions, Delirium and
Insanity, Disease and Death.
18. Inspiration, Divination, Exorcism,
and Sorcery.
19. Sacred Places, Temples, and
Altars; Sacrifice, Fasting,
and Propitiation; Praise
and Prayer.
20. Ancestor-Worship in General.
21. Idol-Worship and Fetich-Worship.
22. Animal-Worship.
23. Plant-Worship.
24. Nature-Worship.
25. Deities.
26. The Primitive Theory of
Things.
27. The Scope of Sociology.
PART II.—THEINDUCTIONSOFSOCIOLOGY.
1. What is a Society?
2. A Society is an Organism.
3. Social Growth.
4. Social Structures.
5. Social Functions.
6. Systems of Organs.
7. The Sustaining System.
8. The Distributing System.
9. The Regulating System.
10. Social Types and Constitutions.
11. Social Metamorphoses.
12. Qualifications and Summary.
PART III.—THEDOMESTICRELATIONS.
1. The Maintenance of Species.
2. The Diverse Interests of the Species, of
the Parents, and of the Offspring.
3. Primitive Relations of the Sexes.
4. Exogamy and Endogamy.
5. Promiscuity.
6. Polyandry.
7. Polygyny.
8. Monogamy.
9. The Family.
10. The Status of Women.
11. The Status of Children.
12. Domestic Retrospect and Prospect.
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6. Obeisances.
7. Forms of Address.
8. Titles.
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10. Further Class-Distinctions.
11. Fashion.
12. Ceremonial Retrospect and Prospect.
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7. Compound Political Heads.
8. Consultative Bodies.
9. Representative Bodies.
10. Ministries.
11. Local Governing Agencies.
12. Military Systems.
13. Judicial Systems.
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16. Revenue.
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19. Political Retrospect and Prospect.
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2. Medicine-men and Priests.
3. Priestly Duties of Descendants.
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5. The Ruler as Priest.
6. The Rise of a Priesthood.
7. Polytheistic and Monotheistic Priesthoods.
8. Ecclesiastical Hierarchies.
9. An Ecclesiastical System as a Social Bond.
10. The Military Functions of Priests.
11. The Civil Functions of Priests.
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14. The Moral Influences of Priesthoods.
15. Ecclesiastical Retrospect and Prospect.
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5. The Physical View.
6. The Biological View.
7. The Psychological View.
8. The Sociological View.
9. Criticisms and Explanations.
10. The Relativity of Pains and Pleasures.
11. Egoism versus Altruism.
12. Altruism versus Egoism.
13. Trial and Compromise.
14. Conciliation.
15. Absolute Ethics and Relative Ethics.
16. The Scope of Ethics.
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6. Subjective Difficulties—Intellectual.
7. Subjective Difficulties—Emotional.
8. The Educational Bias.
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6. The Nebular Hypothesis.
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8. Illogical Geology.
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THE FACTORS OF ORGANIC EVOLUTION.
DESCRIPTIVE SOCIOLOGY;
OR GROUPS OF
SOCIOLOGICAL FACTS,
CLASSIFIED AND ARRANGED BY
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COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED BY
DAVID DUNCAN, M.A., Professor of Logic, &c., in the Presidency College,
Madras; RICHARD SCHEPPIG, Ph.D.; and JAMES COLLIER.
EXTRACT FROM THE PROVISIONAL PREFACE.
Something to introduce the work of which an instalment is annexed, seems needful, in
anticipation of the time when completion of a volume will give occasion for a Permanent
Preface.
In preparation for The Principles of Sociology, requiring as bases of induction large accumulations
of data, fitly arranged for comparison, I, some twelve years ago, commenced, by
proxy, the collection and organization of facts presented by societies of different types, past
and present; being fortunate enough to secure the services of gentlemen competent to
carry on the process in the way I wished. Though this classified compilation of materials
was entered upon solely to facilitate my own work; yet, after having brought the mode of
classification to a satisfactory form, and after having had some of the Tables filled up, I
decided to have the undertaking executed with a view to publication; the facts collected
and arranged for easy reference and convenient study of their relations, being so presented,
apart from hypothesis, as to aid all students of Social Science in testing such conclusions as
they have drawn and in drawing others.
The Work consists of three large Divisions. Each comprises a set of Tables exhibiting
the facts as abstracted and classified, and a mass of quotations and abridged abstracts otherwise
classified, on which the statements contained in the Tables are based. The condensed
statements, arranged after a uniform manner, give, in each Table or succession of Tables,
the phenomena of all orders which each society presents—constitute an account of its morphology,
its physiology, and (if a society having a known history) its development. On the
other hand, the collected Extracts, serving as authorities for the statements in the Tables, are
(or, rather will be, when the Work is complete) classified primarily according to the kinds of
phenomena to which they refer, and secondarily according to the societies exhibiting these
phenomena; so that each kind of phenomenon as it is displayed in all societies, may be
separately studied with convenience.
In further explanation I may say that the classified compilations and digests of materials
to be thus brought together under the title of Descriptive Sociology, are intended to supply the
student of Social Science with data, standing towards his conclusions in a relation like that
in which accounts of the structures and functions of different types of animals stand to the
conclusions of the biologist. Until there had been such systematic descriptions of different
kinds of organisms, as made it possible to compare the connexions, and forms, and actions,
and modes of origin, of their parts, the Science of Life could make no progress. And in
like manner, before there can be reached in Sociology, generalizations having a certainty
making them worthy to be called scientific, there must be definite accounts of the institutions
and actions of societies of various types, and in various stages of evolution, so arranged
as to furnish the means of readily ascertaining what social phenomena are habitually
associated.
Respecting the tabulation, devised for the purpose of exhibiting social phenomena in a
convenient way, I may explain that the primary aim has been so to present them that their
relations of simultaneity and succession may be seen at one view. As used for delineating
uncivilized societies, concerning which we have no records, the tabular form serves only to
display the various social traits as they are found to co-exist. But as used for delineating
societies having known histories, the tabular form is so employed as to exhibit not only the
connexions of phenomena existing at the same time, but also the connexions of phenomena
that succeed one another. By reading horizontally across a Table at any period, there may
be gained a knowledge of the traits of all orders displayed by the society at that period; while
by reading down each column, there may be gained a knowledge of the modifications which
each trait, structural or functional, underwent during successive periods.
Of course, the tabular form fulfils these purposes but approximately. To preserve complete
simultaneity in the statements of facts, as read from side to side of the Tables, has proved
impracticable; here much had to be inserted, and there little; so that complete correspondence
in time could not be maintained. Moreover, it has not been possible to carry out the
mode of classification in a theoretically-complete manner, by increasing the number of
columns as the classes of facts multiply in the course of Civilization. To represent truly the
progress of things, each column should divide and sub-divide in successive ages, so as to
indicate the successive differentiations of the phenomena. But typographical difficulties have
negatived this: a great deal has had to be left in a form which must be accepted simply as the
least unsatisfactory.
The three Divisions constituting the entire work, comprehend three groups of societies:—(1)
Uncivilized Societies; (2) Civilized Societies—Extinct or Decayed; (3) Civilized Societies—Recent
or Still Flourishing. These divisions have at present reached the following stages:―
DIVISION I.—Uncivilized Societies. Commenced in 1867 by
the gentleman I first engaged, Mr. DAVIDDUNCAN,
M.A. (now Professor of Logic, &c., in the Presidency College, Madras),
and continued by him since he left England, this part of the work is
complete. It contains four parts, including “Types of Lowest Races,”
the “Negrito Races,” the “Malayo-Polynesian Races,” the “African
Races,” the “Asiatic Races,” and the “American Races.”
DIVISION II.—Civilized
Societies—Extinct or Decayed. On this part of the work Dr. RICHARDSCHEPPIG has been engaged since January, 1872. The first instalment, including the four
Ancient American Civilizations, was issued in March, 1874. A second instalment, containing
“Hebrews and Phœnicians,” will shortly be issued.
DIVISION III.—Civilized Societies—Recent or Still Flourishing. Of this Division the first
instalment, prepared by Mr. JAMESCOLLIER, of St. Andrew’s and Edinburgh Universities, was
issued in August, 1873. This presents the English Civilization. It covers seven consecutive
Tables; and the Extracts occupy seventy pages folio. The next part, presenting in a still
more extensive form the French Civilization, is now in the press.
The successive parts belonging to these several Divisions, issued at intervals, are composed
of different numbers of Tables and different numbers of Pages. The Uncivilized Societies
occupy four parts, each containing a dozen or more Tables, with their accompanying Extracts.
Of the Division comprising Extinct Civilized Societies, the first part contains four, and the
second contains two. While of Existing Civilized Societies, the records of which are so much
more extensive, each occupies a single part.
H. S.
March, 1880.
In Royal Folio, Price 18s.,
No. I.
English.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
JAMES COLLIER.
In Royal Folio, Price 16s.,
No. II.
Mexicans, Central Americans,
Chibchas, and Peruvians.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
RICHARD SCHEPPIG, PH.D.
In Royal Folio, Price 18s.,
No. III.
Lowest Races, Negrito Races, and
Malayo-Polynesian Races.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
PROF. DUNCAN, M.A.
TYPESOFLOWESTRACES.
Fuegians.
Andamanese.
Veddahs.
Australians.
NEGRITORACES.
Tasmanians.
New Caledonians, etc.
New Guinea People.
Fijians.
MALAYO-POLYNESIANRACES.
Sandwich Islanders.
Tahitians.
Tongans.
Samoans.
New Zealanders.
Dyaks.
Javans.
Sumatrans.
Malagasy.
In Royal Folio, Price 16s.,
No. IV.
African Races.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
PROF. DUNCAN, M.A.
Bushmen.
Hottentots.
Damaras.
Bechuanas.
Kaffirs.
East Africans.
Congo People.
Coast Negroes.
Inland Negroes.
Dahomans.
Ashantis.
Fulahs.
Abyssinians.
In Royal Folio, Price 18s.,
No. V.
Asiatic Races.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
PROF. DUNCAN, M.A.
Arabs.
Todas.
Khonds.
Gonds.
Bhils.
Santals.
Karens.
Kukis.
Nagas.
Bodo and Dhimals.
Mishmis.
Kirghiz.
Kalmucks.
Ostyaks.
Kamtschadales.
In Royal Folio, Price 18s.,
No. VI.
American Races.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
PROF. DUNCAN, M.A.
Esquimaux.
Chinooks.
Snakes.
Comanches.
Iroquois.
Chippewayans.
Chippewas.
Dakotas.
Mandans.
Creeks.
Guiana Tribes.
Caribs.
Brazilians.
Uaupés.
Abipones.
Patagonians.
Araucanians.
In Royal Folio, Price 21s.,
No. VII.
Hebrews and Phœnicians.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
RICHARD SCHEPPIG,
PH.D.
In Royal Folio, Price 30s.,
No. VIII.
French.
COMPILED AND ABSTRACTED
BY
JAMES COLLIER.
A SYSTEM OF SYNTHETIC PHILOSOPHY.
FIRSTPRINCIPLES
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
This is Volume II (1891) of Spencer’s three volume series
of Essays. Volume I (1891) has been published by Project
Gutenberg as ebook 29869. Volume III (1904) is
(ca 2016 October)
in preparation at Project Gutenberg Distributed Proofreaders.
Volume III contains an index for all three volumes. Original
page images are available from archive.org.
Original spelling and grammar are generally retained, with a few
exceptions noted below. Footnotes
were renumbered 1–60, changed to endnotes, and moved to the ends of the
appropriate essays. Original printed page numbers look like
this: {35}.
Page 84. Table I, originally printed on an unnumbered page between
pages 84 and 85, has been moved to page 85, and recast as a nested list
so as to function well in ebook format. In particular, large curly
brackets “{” intended to combine information on more than one line have
been eliminated. Table II, printed between pages 88 and 89 has been
treated similarly, and moved to page
88. Table III, printed between
pages 92 and 93 has been moved to page
92 and treated similarly.
Pages 125–130. In the
comparison of Comte’s and Spencer’s propositions, the
paragraphs are rewrapped to fit the chosen column widths.
Any line-for-line correspondence between paragraphs in the
first and second columns that might conceivably have been
suggested by the original printed book is thereby negated. The
original arrangement of the paragraphs is retained. The table
of paragraphs on pp. 131–132
was treated in the same way. On page 126, the phrase “est essentiellement différent
même radicalement opposé”, clearly missing something in the
original printed book, was changed to “est essentiellement
différent et même radicalement opposé”.
Page 192. The large white spaces in the clause “Space is
either or
is ;”
are retained from the printed book.