Dr. Stearn's Tour from London to Paris

Kind Reader,

As I am obliged to spend the greatest part of my time in mathematical, philosophical, and physical studies, it was not my design to have written on this subject, although I was advised to do it more than twelve months ago; but on seeing the movements in France, on account of the Revolution, I altered my mind, kept a journal of many things which I saw and heard, and have accordingly written the following pages, which are presented for your perusal and consideration.

I have endeavoured to avoid error, and to compile the narration as accurate as possible: if any thing of that kind shall be discovered, I hope it will be imputed to my being misinformed, and not to any intention of mine to impose upon the public.

As it is the duty of every philosopher to promote the union, harmony, and felicity of mankind, I have mentioned many things which I hope may be productive of establishing the peace and happiness of the inhabitants of the world. But, alas! it is to be regretted, that some who have shone greatly in the philosophical profession, instead of promoting this laudable work, and for the sake of ingrossing the riches, honours, and profits of this perishing world to themselves, have, under a cloak of religion and liberty, sowed discord amongst brethren, excited insurrections, mobs, and riots, which have terminated in carnage and desolation, and proved destructive of the public tranquillity, and of the liberty and happiness of the people. But these abominable works are by no means the business of a true philosopher, who will attempt to do good instead of doing evil.

How far the politicians of the present, or future ages, may agree with me in sentiment, time alone must determine. But if the things that are written in the subsequent sheets shall prove useful and profitable, it will rejoice the author.

After wishing your health and prosperity, and the felicity of mankind through the world,

I subscribe myself,
kind Reader,
Your's and the Public's
most obedient
humble Servant,

SAMUEL STEARNS.

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Page   13.   line 13. for  ni read in.
14. ——  3. —  abliged read obliged.
18. —— 19. —  was read were.
23. ——  5. —  market read marked.
26. ——  7. —  received into the centre read
received them into the centre.
36. —— 18. —  meteria read materia.
71. —— 10. —  malconduct read maleconduct.
96. —— 20. —  againt read against.
98. —— 15. —  The semicolon should have been placed
after the word only;—.

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TOUR
FROM
LONDON TO PARIS.

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July 7, 1790.

Having had an inclination to go to Paris for some months past, I went to Piccadilly this day, where I engaged a passage on board the stage coaches, called the diligences, for which I paid five guineas, and was told "That I would be found for that sum, with every thing that might be needful on the way, only I must give about five shillings to the porters."

At Piccadilly I received a card, a copy of which I publish for the information of strangers, and benefit of the owners of the stages.

"The Paris diligences to and from London, set out from the office next the White Bear Inn, Piccadilly, every Monday, Thursday, and Saturday, at five o'clock in the morning. Five guineas each person, for carriage, sea passage, diet and lodging: Port fees excepted. Fourteen pounds luggage allowed; all above to pay three-pence farthing per pound.

"N. B. In case passengers should be detained by contrary winds, they are to pay their own expences from the next day of their arrival at the seaport, to the time of their shipping.

"Also a wagon, every Monday at ten o'clock in the morning, to carry goods and merchandize, which are registered at the said office, and at the Blossoms Inn, Lawrence-lane, Cheapside, where declarations must be delivered in writing, and signed by the owner, of the quality, quantity, and value of the said merchandize, which will be conveyed to Paris in the course of a fortnight, at the rate of seventeen shillings per hundred weight, Custom-house duties excepted. The proprietors, for the conveniency of the public, will discharge the said duties either in England or France, and charge them with the carriage to the person they are directed to, without requiring any interest or commission whatever.

"Attendance at the above offices every day from nine in the morning till seven in the evening, where parcels are registered to Paris, and to every part of France.

"⁂ Passengers luggage must be sent to the office between six and seven o'clock in the evening, or it will be left 'till the following carriage."

As I was on my way to Piccadilly, I was informed that the king of France was to be crowned on the fourteenth of this month, and sworn to adhere to the new Constitution which has been framed by the National Assembly. This made me anxious to get to Paris as soon as possible: but being told the places were all taken in the coaches, and that it was impossible for me to set off till the 12th, I was obliged to wait till that time, but was informed that I must be at Piccadilly with my trunk, &c. by seven in the evening of the 11th; and I was there at the time; lodged at the White Bear inn, and at five the next morning set off for Paris in company with five gentlemen. A lady in a post-chaise overtook us near Greenwich, and came into the diligence.

We breakfasted at a good inn on the road, and dined at Canterbury, where the lady left us, and at evening reached Dover, where we supped, lodged, and went to breakfast. About eleven in the morning of the 13th, we embarked for Calais, and arrived there in about three hours; but had a very rough passage, in consequence of which almost every lady and gentleman on board was afflicted with sea-sickness, which I believe was advantageous to the greatest part of us.

On our arrival at Calais a great number of French gentlemen came to our vessel, to welcome us to France, and invite us to put up at their houses; but on finding that some of us belonged to the diligences, and that there was a place prepared for our entertainment, they went off disappointed.

Although we had been told that we should have nothing to pay, only about five shillings to the porters, we found ourselves mistaken; for we were obliged to pay for the wine which we drank when we dined and supped on the preceding day, and to give money to a swarm of servants, &c. At Calais we were obliged to give in a list of our names to the Custom-house officers, and to give them some money to buy liquor with, that they might drink our healths—that being the custom, as we were told.

We put up at a hotel, called De la Messagrie; where we left another list of our names; for such were the orders of the mayor of the city.

An English lady that had come from Dover with us, and was a decent well-behaved person, and one of excellent sense and understanding, put up at this hotel: she told me she had travelled above 4,000 miles on the European Continent, had been through France, Germany, &c. and was then on her way to Flanders.

At this place we were soon beset with a number of beggars, as

1. By a priest of the order of St. Francis.

2. By the captain of the vessel, that brought us over the English Channel.

3. By the steward of the vessel.

4. By the sailors that came with us.

5. By the poor of the city.

6. By the porters, &c.

We gave the priest some money, and he pronounced a blessing and departed very well pleased. I was told that he and his convents got their living altogether by begging. We gave the captain half a crown a-piece, and some silver, sous, &c. to the other beggars.

In a few minutes another swarm of beggars came that belong to Calais, and as we did not supply all their wants, some of them broke one of the windows belonging to the room where we were sitting, by a rapid stroke with a stick, stone, or some such thing.

We soon sat down to dinner. The table was spread in an elegant manner, with napkins laid in our plates, which we used to keep our clothes clean.

I was asked, A'imez vous la soupe à la Françoise, Monsieur?

My answer was—Oui, Madame.

Besides soup, we had beef, mutton, veal, rabbits, hares, geese, fowls, pigeons, &c. several sorts of pies, excellent wine, and sweet cakes, figs, appricots, cherries and strawberries; the latter we mixed with white sugar and wine, and eat the composition with spoons, which is the French fashion. Their loaves of bread were about two feet in length, and six inches in breadth, and their knives had picked points, and their forks four tines a piece. Every one of us was allowed a tumbler to drink out of: but the French do not drink healths, though they pretended at the Custom-house, that we must give them money to buy liquor with for that purpose. We did not pay for our wines in France as we were on our way to Paris, as we had done at Dover, &c.

The drinking of healths has been, and still is, too much practised both in Great Britain and America; and especially among the lower class of people. For when Timothy Toss Pot is in company, he says, "Your healths ladies and gentlemen," every time he drinks, which will be perhaps fifty times in an evening; whereas it might be as well, nay much better, to drink their healths but once, or not at all, which would save much trouble, and prevent the company from being interrupted with such clamours.

I have asked why the health drinkers do not follow that practice when they drink tea, or coffee; as the Irish woman did when she partook of the sacrament; and have been told, that it is because it is not the fashion, and that from hence it has been omitted. The fashion, however, must be followed, right or wrong; for, Out of the fashion out of the world, according to the old woman's scripture: And, When we are among the Romans we must do as the Romans do. For,

Says the poet. Because it is customary I have sometimes been induced to drink healths myself, when I have been in company, through fear that I should be called an uncivil and an unpolite person. But this needless custom is now growing out of use; for our nobility and gentry have discovered that it is superfluous, and many of them have forsaken the needless practice; which example will undoubtedly be followed by the commonality in process of time.

We are told in Bailey's Dictionary, that the custom of drinking healths sprang from Rowena, a beautiful daughter of Hengistus, general of the Saxons. The general invited king Vortigern to supper, and after it was over called for Rowena, who, richly attired, and with a graceful mein, enters with a golden bowl full of wine in her hand, and drinks to the king, saying, "Be of health, lord king:" to which he replied, "Drink health." The king enamoured with her beauty, married her, and gave her and her father all Kent. This was upwards of 1300 years ago.

We are also told in the Historian's Vade-mecum, that the custom of drinking healths was in fashion so early as 1134 years before Christ. The accounts do not agree, and which is the truest I cannot tell.

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Calais is situated in latitude 50 deg. and 58 min. North, and longitude 1 deg. and 49 min. East from the Royal Observatory at Greenwich. It is a very pleasant town, invironed with ramparts thrown up at a vast expence.

At this place we found the people under arms, and they seemed to be filled with joy in consequence of the Revolution. We that were strangers, were obliged to put on and wear National Cockades, to prevent being insulted by mobs; and no lady or gentleman was suffered to travel without.

Whilst we tarried at Calais we were informed that English money would not pass in France, and that it would be best for us to get our guineas changed. We therefore took change for some, and received 26 livres for each guinea, although an English guinea commonly passes for but 24 livres in France. Hence, about twelve-pence is lost by the exchange.

Bank notes are not negotiable in France; therefore those that travel into that country, ought to take gold and silver, otherwise they will meet with much difficulty. If you draw on the bankers, they will charge you eight per cent. discount; but sometimes it is done at par by French merchants who want to send money to London. No money is allowed to pass in France, unless coined in the present king's reign. Strangers ought therefore to be upon their guard, lest they get imposed upon by taking old coin.

They that go to France ought to dress in the French mode, to prevent being known by sharpers, who sometimes try to take the advantage of those they find to be foreigners.

As it may be of some utility to strangers going into France, I will just add

A TABLE of FRENCH COINS, with their value in ENGLISH.

A louis d'or is a gold coin. A grand ecu, the ecu, vingt quatre sols piece, the livre, a douze sols piece, and the six sols pieces, are silver: though a livre is no coin, but nominal only. The deux sols, and the sols and half, are a mixture of copper and silver, and the other coins are all copper.

The French measure the distances between their towns by leagues, posts, &c. and a post is two leagues, of their measure.

A French league is fifty-seven yards and nine inches longer than an English league.

A French toise, or fathom, is 76¾ inches longer than an English; and a French foot is equal to 12⁷⁹/₁₀₀ inches English measure, &c.

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Early in the morning of the memorable 14th of July we left Calais, and proceeded in a stage coach, drawn by eight horses, on our journey towards Paris.

These coaches are almost as large as a small house. They are very heavy; and eight persons may sit comfortably in the inside, and I believe a dozen more upon the outside. We had a conductor who rode armed on the fore-part of this wonderful machine, and a very large dog sitting upon his rump at the conductor's left hand; both of which were employed as sentinals to guard us on the way.

The harnesses for the horses were made of ropes instead of leather, and were very long. Hence, as our coach was very large and the traces very long, we made a grand appearance as we travelled!

Upon the hindmost and foremost horses, on the near side, two Frenchmen were mounted, with boots of a most surprizing magnitude, so well constructed with leather, wood, and iron, that if a horse falls down the rider is not in much danger of having his legs broke; for the prevention of which, the boots were thus made.

The horses were not quite so large as ours in England; but we drove about five or six miles in an hour, and at the end of every post the horses and postillions were changed. The postillions received twelve sous of us when we parted with them, which gave content.

We breakfasted at Boulogne, dined at Montreul, and in the evening came to Abbeville, where we lodged. The people were in arms through the country. Scarce any body was at work in the fields, as it was a time of feasting, and all seemed rejoiced at the sound of the liberty they expect, in consequence of the great and glorious Revolution.

At this place there was a young lady, who manifested by her actions, which speak louder than words, that she had an inclination to lodge with me that night; but as I had no disposition to deal in such commodities, she was disappointed.

The next morning we set out early, breakfasted at Amiens, dined at the Breteuil, supped at Clermont, and rode all night; but were obliged to pay for our breakfasts out of our own pockets the next morning before we came to Paris. We arrived at Paris about nine in the morning, being the 16th of July, having been four days and four hours on our journey. We were abliged to give the conductor half a crown a-piece; and I spent near three guineas on the way, besides what I paid at Piccadilly.

At Paris we had our trunks searched at the Custom-house, and went from thence in a coach to the Hotel de Beauvais, Rue des Vieux Augustins, No. 69, Quartier du Palais Royal, where a gentleman that had come from London with me, and myself, hired three large rooms, neatly furnished, for four livres a-day. We breakfasted at this place, which cost us fifteen sous a-piece each morning, besides what we gave to the servants.

I hired a servant, who remained with me all the time I tarried at Paris: he charged me forty sous per day; but he conducted me so well, that I gave him more than double that sum.

I found Paris very full of people from the country, and from foreign parts. They had met to celebrate the Revolution, and tarried till the next Sunday in order to have another grand convention at the Champ de Mars.

Whilst we were on our way from Calais to Paris, we were followed, in some of the intermediate towns and villiages, by swarms of beggars, who seemed to be in great distress. I asked the reason of their begging; and was told that they were reduced to poverty in consequence of the commercial treaty between England and France; that the manufactories in Great Britain were so much cheaper than they were in France, that the merchants bought many of their goods in England, which had thrown those poor people out of employ, and obliged them to beg for a livelihood.

We frequently contributed to the relief of those distressed objects: but because we could not give to every one, some of them threw a stone at our coach, which did not happen to strike any of us. At, and near Paris, we found but a few beggars, in proportion to the great number of people. Some how or another, they seemed to be much better provided for than they were in the country.

The face of the country between Calais and Paris, appears much like many parts of the Province of Quebec, in America. But I think the soil is not quite so rich. Though some have supposed it is full as good by nature as the island of Great Britain; and that it would produce as large crops, if it was as well manured and cultivated. I was told, that agriculture had been much discouraged in France, before the Revolution, by reason of the oppression that the peasants were under.

More then three-fourths of the land between Calais and Paris, appeared to be overspread with grain, consisting of rye, wheat, oats, and barley. There was also some excellent hemp and flax. The people had begun to reap, and there was a sign of a very plentiful harvest; but the crops were not so large in general as they are in England. We saw but a very few cattle, horses and sheep, and those we did see were small. The fields are not fenced, but lie open to the high-way. We often passed by boys holding cows to feed, by lines tied round their horns, to keep them from running into the fields. The wages for reaping are, generally, thirty sous per day. Both men and women follow the business, begin early, and lie down on the ground, and sleep in the open sunshine, at about ten or eleven in the morning; a practice which I esteem to be unhealthy. Perhaps one may see fifty asleep at a time.

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On the day of our arrival at Paris, I went in a coach with the gentleman that had put up at the hotel with me, and viewed the Champ de Mars. Here we saw great multitudes of people, eating, drinking, and dancing at the sound of the bands of music. At this place the oaths of allegiance had been administered to the people on the preceding Wednesday; and both the king and the subjects were sworn to adhere to the constitution that has been framed by the National Assembly.

Some of the French took me by the hand when I entered into the Champ de Mars, and cried, "Entrée, entrée, Monsieur." I viewed the place with admiration, and was informed that it took about fifty thousand people near ten days to erect the seats and other great works there.

The Champ de Mars was formed into a grand amphitheatre, having at one end the military school, against which was erected a covered gallery two hundred and twenty-eight feet (French measure) in length, and twenty-one in heighth, for the king, queen, foreign ambassadors, national assembly, &c. &c. and at the other the triumphal arch; from which, to the military school, on either side were thirty rows of seats raised one above another, two thousand seven hundred and ninety French feet in length. In the middle of the area was an altar in a circular form, whose circumference was six hundred and forty-eight feet, French measure, and whose heighth was twenty feet, built of stone taken from the Bastille. The rest of the area, except the places for the federation, was filled with seats; the whole forming an oblong, capable of accommodating between four and five hundred thousand people. Out of these limits were a number of galleries, erected for a great multitude of spectators. Opposite the triumphal arch, a bridge of boats was thrown across the Seine, and the banks of the river was lined with cannon.

For a great distance round the Champ de Mars, a number of temporary buildings were erected for the entertainment of the people.

When we had surveyed these admirable works, we went to the royal palace, which was built by cardinal Richelieu, and given by him to Lewis the XIV. but is now the town seat of the duke of Orleans, who is a nobleman of royal blood, and enjoys the greatest revenue in France. This palace is a most elegant and magnificent structure, which is adorned and beautified with splendid ornaments, that dazzle the eyes of a spectator. In the centre of this structure is an oblong square, laid out in beautiful walks, interspersed with trees, flowers, &c.

Sometimes the duke resides in one part of the palace himself. But the other part is let out in shops, which are under piazzas, and the rooms over them to gay fashionable ladies and gentlemen.

In this palace there is a gallery, which contains most of the illustrious personages that France has produced, drawn by the greatest masters: Italy has been ransacked, and no expence spared to make the whole complete, with pictures, busts, statues, medals, and other curiosities worthy of being collected. It is thought that this building exceeds all in Europe for beauty and grandeur.

After we had viewed the palace we went to a grand hotel, where we dined with a great number of officers. We had a variety of dishes, very excellent wines, and was entertained with much civility and politeness, and at a very reasonable rate. At evening we retired to our lodgings, very well pleased with the entertainments of the day.

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Having in the preceding chapter given a description of the Champ de Mars, I shall attempt in this to exhibit how matters were conducted on the 14th: but it may be proper to premise, that on the 11th, the king, to prevent confusion and disorder, wisely issued a proclamation, setting forth how the different corps that were to compose the confederation was to march, &c. His majesty ordered that no troops, but those on guard, should be armed with guns; nor any carriages suffered to follow those of his majesty, the royal family, and their trains. That if any deputy of the confederation, or person invited, should be unable to walk, they might ride in a carriage, and be escorted by a Chevalier d'Ordonnance to the military school, providing they had permission from the mayor of Paris.

That M. de la Fayette should be commander-general of the Parisian national guard, then charged by a decree of the national assembly, and sanctioned by his majesty, with the care of the public tranquillity, should fulfil, under the king's orders, the functions of major-general of the confederation; and in that quality the orders should be given and observed as the orders of his majesty himself.

That the king had in like manner nominated M. Gouvion, major-general of the Parisian guard, lieutenant-general of the confederation for the day of the ceremony.

That when all persons were placed, the blessing the flags and colours should be proceeded to, and the celebration of the mass.

That the king empowered the said M. de la Fayette, to pronounce the confederation oath in the name of all the deputies of the national guards, and those of the troops and marines, according to the forms decreed by the national assembly, and accepted by his majesty; and that all the deputies of the confederation should hold up their hands.

That then the president of the national assembly should pronounce the civic oath for the members of the national assembly; and that the king should in like manner pronounce the oath, the form of which had been decreed by the national assembly, and accepted by his majesty.

That the Te Deum should be sung, and conclude the ceremony; after which the procession should return from the Champ de Mars in the same order it came.

In obedience to this proclamation, an order of procession was drawn up, and proper measures concerted to prevent tumult and disorder, by M. de la Fayette, and M. Bailli, the mayor of Paris.

On the 13th, at ten o'clock in the evening, 4000 Paris guards on the outside of the Champ de Mars, and 2000 within, were placed to preserve order. Before eleven the people began to assemble and seat themselves and came in small parties till day-break; from three to nine they poured in in crowds at the great avenues, where the guards cautioned them not to hurry.

By ten o'clock the seats were filled, the outside gallaries, the windows, and roofs of houses; and every place where a glimpse of the grand procession could be had, was filled with people of all ranks, sexes, and ages, who kept their places till the business was finished, notwithstanding the rain fell in torrents, accompanied with cold squalls of wind from eight till four.

Those guards that were not wanted in the procession, danced in circles, and in great parties marched triumphantly at the beat of the drums, with their hats and caps on the points of their swords, forming battalions, and making sham fights, &c. Sometimes they ran in all directions, flourishing their swords, and being filled with joy cried, "Vive la Libertie! Vive la Loi! Vive la Roi! Vive la Confederation National! Vive mon Frere!"—embracing one another, and the spectators that sat near them.

One, personating a victim of tyranny, was carried with great solemnity to a market spot, where the body was laid, and made the occasion of more firmly uniting, which was testified with a variety of actions.

Having an abbé within the circle, they marched him round with a gun in his hand and a grenadier's cap on his head; and in the same manner they marched a capuchin friar.

At seven o'clock a crucifix was placed on the great altar.

Just before nine a body of priests appeared on the altar, and tied sashes of national colours around their waists, and decorated the crucifix, and various parts of the altar, with ribbons of the same.

At half past ten the bishop of Auton, with more than one hundred priests, proceeded in a double line, guarded by a strong body of national troops, from the grand pavilion to the altar, carrying with them the tables with the commandments, and the sacred books. When they had ascended the altar they began the ceremony of consecrating it.

Just before twelve, a grand salute of one hundred cannon announced the near approach of the procession to the triumphal arch; and the guards formed into ranks for their reception.

The national federatives, and all who assisted in the grand procession, had assembled at six this morning on the Boulevards, between the gates of St. Martin and St. Antoine, and were drawn up in the following order:

1. A troop of horse, with standards, and six trumpets.

2. One division of music, consisting of several hundred instruments.

3. A company of grenadiers.

4. The electors of the city of Paris.

5. A company of volunteers.

6. The assembly of the representatives of the commons.

7. The military committee.

8. A company of chasseurs.

9. A band of drums.

10. The presidents of the districts.

11. The deputies of the commons, appointed to take for them the federal oath.

12. The sixty administrators of the municipality, with the city guards.

13. The second division of music.

14. A battalion of children, pupils of the military school, carrying a standard with the words,

15. A detachment of the colours of the national guard of Paris.

16. A battalion of veterans.

17. The deputies of forty-two chief departments of the nation, in alphabetical order.

18. The oriflamme, or grand standard of France, borne by the marischalls of France, general officers, officers of the staff, subaltern officers, commissioners of war, invalids.

19. The lieutenants of the marischalls of France,—deputies of infantry,—deputies of cavalry.

20. Deputies of hussars, dragoons, and chasseurs.

21. General officers, and deputies of the marine, according to rank.

22. The deputies of forty-one last departments, in alphabetical order.

23. A company of volunteer chasseurs.

24. A company of cavalry, with a standard and two trumpets.

Each department was preceded by a banner, borne by the oldest deputy. These banners were a present from the city of Paris. They consisted of two branches, forming an oak wreath, tied together with national coloured ribbons, bearing on one side—The National Confederation at Paris, July 14, 1790; and the other—The Constitution, with the number and device of the department to which they severally belong.

The military deputies had only their side arms.

At nine the procession passed along the streets of St. Denis, of the Forronerie, to St. Honoré Royal, to the palace of Louis XV. where they halted; and the detachment of the colours of the national guard Paris opening to the right and left, received into the centre.

The procession then moved on through the Cours la Reine, along the quay to the bridge of boats; and the deputies from the provinces received loud acclamations of applause from the people, which were answered by Vivent lis Parisians!

At the end of the bridge the triumphal arch appeared, adorned with various allegorical paintings which represented the gate of St. Antoine.

Over the principal entrance, referring to figures that were darting through all the obstacles to reach the law, was inscribed on the side:

On the other:

Over the lateral entrance on the left side, figures of warriors taking the civic oath, seemed to utter,

Over the lateral entrance, on the right, heralds sounding trumpets, proclaimed peace throughout the kingdom, and the people were singing,

On the front, next the amphitheatre, over the middle arch, was a picture of deputies from various nations, come to do homage to the national assembly, with this inscription:

Under this picture,

Over a picture—a woman chaining lions to her ear, with Force and Power in her suite, and leaning on the book of the law. The king and queen holding the dauphin by the hand, follow, preceded by a group of sages. A combat is exhibited with a dreadful hydra, whose head was seen struck off.

In another place an immense multitude listening with attention to the sage exhortations of a victorious warrior, who seemed to say,

At one o'clock the van of the procession appeared under this triumphal arch.

M. de la Fayette leading a body of cavalry, himself mounted on a milk white charger, rode into the amphitheatre amid the acclamations of the people, Vive la Fayette! The cavalry filed off to the right, and ranged themselves in the exterior line, on the opposite side to the entrance. The company of grenadiers formed under the steps of the amphitheatre, as well as all the companies who were employed as escorts.

The civil bodies took the places allotted for them, which was previously marked out. The battalion of youths of the military school, formed about one hundred paces from the grand altar, crossing the Champ de Mars; but facing the altar on the side next the military school.

While the national assembly passed through the triumphal arch, the escort of colours passed through the lateral gates, and the members took their seats on the right and left of the chair of state, and the chair of their own president.

The battalion of veterans was placed a hundred paces behind the altar, across the Champ de Mars, but facing the altar.

The detachments of the national guards, appointed to take the oath, ranged themselves under each banner, indicative of his place in the amphitheatre.

The music collected into one band, and occupied the side of the platform under the altar, next to the invalids; and the band of drums were placed on the opposite side.

The detachment of cavalry that closed the procession, formed the exterior line, on the side where they entered, opposite to the first detachment.

The altar was after an antique model. The ascent to it was by four stair cases; at each corner was a platform supporting an urn, which exhaled perfumes. On the south front were these verses from Mahomet, under a picture of arts and sciences:

And these,

On the opposite side were four angels sounding trumpets, with this inscription:

On the front, next to the Seine, was the figure of Liberty, dispersing the surrounding clouds, with attributes of Agriculture, and Abundance; and the Genius of France hovering in the air, and pointing to the word Constitution.

On the front, facing the throne, were warriors pronouncing the federal oath, viz.

At three the signal was made for conducting the oriflamme, or sacred royal standard, with the banners of the eighty-three departments, to the altar to receive the benediction.

Upon the same signal the queen, (with her attendants) made her appearance in a partitioned place immediately behind the king's chair, having the dauphin with her, whom she placed on her knee: she was well received, and the dauphin much applauded. She was most becomingly dressed; her cap decorated with pearls, a pearl necklace, and pearl ear-rings.

As soon as she was seated, the king entered and took his chair of state, which was fixed upon a line with a lesser chair, upon which the president of the national assembly sat. From the top of the king's state chair, the crown had been removed, and the cap of liberty substituted in its place. He was superbly dressed in a rich suit of gold tissue, and appeared to be in good spirits. He directed his conversation to the president, and it drew forth continual bursts of applause.

At forty minutes after three the conclusion of the ceremony of consecrating the banners was announced, by a heavy discharge of the artillery, and the sound of martial music.

The banners having rejoined their several stations, the great body of the national guards, who hitherto had lined the extreme of the inner circle, now formed on each side a half circle, from the foot of the pavilion steps to the altar; the ensigns of each of the sixty of Paris districts, all of which were extremely beautiful, and various in their devices, being marched first up to the front of the pavilion, and saluting as they passed it.

The bishop of Autun, as grand Almoner, assisted by sixty deputy Almoners, elected by sixty districts of Paris, then celebrated mass, to the sound of the musical instruments.

Some delay took place in the expectation that the king would advance to the altar, and there take the civic oath. But his majesty remained on the throne.

M. de la Fayette then gave the signal for the national deputies to come forward and take the oath. He ascended the altar; and on the sound of the trumpet, extending his right hand, and looking steadfastly at the altar while the oath was reading, pronounced the words,—"I swear it." Which the national guards all repeated after him, turning round their hats on the points of their bayonets.

The discharge of a bomb was the signal.

Mons. Bonnay, the president of the national assembly, next rose from his seat, and advancing to the front of the covered gallery, in which the members of the national assembly and the civil bodies were seated, fixed his eyes on the altar, extended his right arm, and as the oath was repeating, pronounced with great dignity, "I swear it:" followed in like manner by the legislative, and the deputies of the civil and municipal bodies.

At forty-five minutes past four the king rose; and, waiting till every thing was silent, read very audibly, and with an excellent majesty of manner, the OATH^[1] assigned to him; extended his arm, looked steadfastly at the altar, and pronunced, "I swear it."

Footnote 1: "I swear to be faithful to the Nation, the Law, and the King, and to maintain the Constitution to the utmost of my power, as decreed by the National Assembly, and confirmed by the King."

The acclamations of the people, shouting "Long live Louis, our Country, and Constitution!"—the clattering of sixty thousand swords, the waving of one hundred and forty-three banners and ensigns, and the discharge of an immense line of artillery, excited feelings which words cannot express, and which the human imagination, unaided by a view of the grand and glorious scene, can form no adequate conception of. The awful and unbroken stillness maintained during the administration of the oaths, rendered the acclamations which followed more forcible than they would otherwise have been.

Te Deum was then sung by a choir of more than three hundred voices, accompanied by three hundred drums, and all the military musical instruments.

The ceremony being over, the king went away almost immediately.

The procession moved off in the order in which it entered.

The people walked home as they came, without crowding; and in little more than an hour the place was cleared.

A repast for the deputies was served up at the Chateau de la Muette. Each battalion of Parisian guards undertook to be entertainers of their provincial brethren, who all partook of the repast with the utmost order.

Thirty thousand persons dined in the gardens, and wine and provisions were distributed to more than one hundred thousand. The people were so temperate, that I cannot learn that any of the troops were seen at night reeling about the streets, in a state of intoxication.

The day concluded with dances in all places near the Champ de Mars. In the evening a superb fire-work was exhibited in the square of the Hotel de Ville; and at night there was a general illumination.

This is the most accurate account that I have been able to obtain of the proceedings of the king and the people.

As it is thought there were more people collected together upon this occasion then ever met at one time and place in the world, and as some people are desirous of having a particular description of the transactions of the day; it is hoped the reader will excuse the author for being more than usually copious in the incidents treated of throughout this chapter.

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Paris, July 17.

This morning the gentleman who had put up at the hotel with me, asked if I had any letters of recommendation from any gentlemen in London, to any in Paris? I told him I had not: that I had had the offer of some, but for the want of time did not go to receive them: That as I could not tarry long, and had money enough to bear my expences, I believed that that would be recommendation enough, if I behaved well. I had though, by the way, a general recommendation from some gentlemen of my acquaintance, but it was not directed to any body in particular in Paris; and I also had a diploma in my pocket, which was a sufficient recommendation, in any quarter of the globe; but I did not let the inquirer know I had any such thing with me. He seemed to think I would cut but a poor figure without recommendations; but as it happened I had no need of shewing any—though I would not advise any gentleman or lady to travel without; because a recommendation may be of great service sometimes, and especially in a time of war.

At about nine this morning, I was visited by M. Iberti, Docteur en Médecine, and physician to the Court of Spain. He informed me that he had heard that an English physician had arrived, and that he was come to tell me, that if he could be of any service to me any way, he should be happy in doing of it. I thanked him for his kindness, and told him that I wanted to get an account of the practice of the hospitals, and with that an account of the operation of medicines in France:

That for more than sixteen years I had been preparing for publication, a New Dispensatory, which will contain;

1. The meteria medica.

2. The operation of medicines.

3. The art and science of pharmacy.

4. The composition of medicines.

5. An index of diseases, and their remedies; with,

6. The manual operations and remedies used in surgery.

That the work would be adorned with cuts of the chymical and surgical instruments, and also with chymical characters and botanical figures:

That I had travelled in Great Britain and America, to obtain knowledge; and was come to Paris for the same purpose.—

Said he, I am employed by the court of Spain on the same business, and have travelled through England, Scotland, and Ireland; and am come here to collect all the knowledge I possibly can. He gave me a description of the state and condition of the hospitals in Paris; and told me where I could obtain the publications I wanted, which are entirely new, and had not reached London. He also advised me to view the hospitals, and to go to Cherenton and see the anatomical productions there, which he said exceeded every thing of the kind in the world.

He visited me three times, and brought a French physician to see me once.

I visited M. Iberti once, and he gave me a book he had published, entitled, Observations Generales sur les Hopitauz; suivies d'un Projeett d'Hospital. In consequence of which the Royal Academy of Arts and Sciences at Paris had honoured him with a medal, in token that his works were highly applauded. He also told me that he had the use of the king's library.

I told him that I would endeavour to make him a present of a New Dispensatory, if he would let me know where I could send one that would get to him: he thanked me, and desired I would send one to the Spanish Ambassador in Great Britain, with whom he said he was well acquainted.

The Spanish physician's advice did me infinite service: I followed his direction, and obtained what I went after.

Among the many curiosities that I viewed this day was the ground where the Bastille stood, which had been a horrible place of punishment for about 400 years. I found this prison almost demolished, though a few of the dungeons remained: but the people were taking down the arches, walls, &c. An amazing quantity of stone had been carried from this disagreeable prison, and piled up in a street that environs the city, besides those at the Champ de Mars.

Before this prison was demolished it was surrounded by a ditch, and had no entrance to it but by a draw-bridge.

On the 6th of July, 1789, the National Assembly having established a committee of finances, which consisted of 64 members, and appointed M. Necker, president; the king afterwards appointed Baron de Breteuil, president, in the room of M. Necker; and having removed several other officers, the indignation of the populace was raised, who armed themselves, and were joined by the French guards. A slight skirmish ensued in the Place de Louis XV. in which two was killed, and two wounded, which belonged to the Duc de Choiseu's regiment of dragoons.

On the 8th the populace forced the convent of St. Lazare, in which was found a quantity of corn, arms, ammunition, &c. A general consternation prevailed; the shops were shut, and business was at a stand.

On the 14th the hospital of invalids surrendered to about 20,000 citizens, headed by the French guards: About 4,000 troops, 52,000 stands of arms, besides cannon, ammunition, &c. were taken. In the evening about 10 or 12,000 men, with two pieces of cannon, demanded the ammunition deposited in the Bastille. The governor held out a white flag, and opened one of the gates, through which about forty citizens and soldiers entered: he immediately drew up the bridge, and his troops massacred those that had entered. This breach of faith enraged the populace: a battle ensued, and the Bastille was taken in about three hours. The governor, the jailor, chief gunner, and two others were carried prisoners to the Hotel de Ville, where they were tried and executed, by being shot, and afterwards beheaded. M. de Flesselles, the first municipal officer of Paris, underwent the same fate, on being suspected of betraying the citizens. Their heads were carried in triumph through the streets of the city. In taking the Bastille about 300 were killed, besides those the governor massacred. The prisoners were liberated; and an old man, who had been in a dungeon thirty years, fell down when he came out, by reason of the operation the light had upon him.

Those that took the Bastille are honoured with a particular mark in their apparel, to distinguish them from other people.

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Paris, July 18.

This morning, being Sunday, I sent my servant for a coach to carry me to the Champ de Mars; but he returned without any, with this intelligence from the coachman, viz. that they were all forbid to move a coach that day, by reason of the great multitude of people that was to convene; as it was supposed, that many would be crushed to death if they were allowed to ride in coaches. The nobility, gentry, and commonalty, were therefore all obliged to walk to the Champ de Mars; at which place I took a seat, a little to the left of the National Assembly, where I had a fine prospect. There was the greatest multitude of people collected that I ever saw at one time, and they behaved with decency and good order. The Marquis de la Fayette rode at the head of the army, and was frequently honoured with huzzas, loud acclamations, and other demonstrations of joy. Among the bands of music was a very large drum, that seemed to make the earth tremble when it was beat.

I took a seat about ten, and tarried about five hours. About half past one, an air balloon, of a large magnitude, ascended to the southward of the Champ de Mars. It was conducted by a great number of men, who held its lines, over the place where I was sitting. It descended on our heads, and the French cried, En bas, en bas, Monsieur: Down, down, Sir. I bowed myself almost to the ground, to prevent being hurt; but arose, and pushed the balloon upwards with my hand: It ascended, and went to the northward; but descended again several times, and afterwards passed to the southward by the National Assembly, almost in a horizontal direction. When it had got at a little distance from the Champ de Mars, the inflammable air took fire, and the balloon split, with a report something like that of a cannon. It was said that several persons were considerably burnt when the balloon burst. I understood the next day, that some of the French supposed, that a great blessing will follow those upon whom the balloon descended.

After I had left the Champ de Mars, I dined at a grand hotel, where thirty-two tables were spread in one room. At this place a French lady viewed me with an amorous eye; and I perceived by some of her motions, after I had dined, that she had an inclination to lead me into temptation: but I was soon off with myself, and was thereby delivered from evil.

In the evening I went to the Italian opera, where sixty-two persons appeared on the stage at the first view. The vocal and instrumental music was excellent, and the other performances very entertaining.

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Paris, July 19.

This morning I viewed the grand hospital, the lying-in hospital, the foundling hospital, and the greatest cathedral in the kingdom, called L'Eglise de Notre Dame. It is a grand Gothic structure, has a very fine choir, altar, &c. and many paintings, some of which represent the miracles and resurrection of Christ.

There were 17,500 children belonging to the foundling hospital, above 7,000 of which had been taken in within the compass of a year. They were kept very clean, and I did not hear a child cry amongst the whole number.

The matron, or governess of the hospital, shewed me their grand stores of linen and garments for the children, which was worth beholding.

This hospital is a most excellent institution: People of all kinds, and from all countries, are allowed to bring their children into it; and no questions are asked; only the person that leaves the child is asked if the child has been christened. If that has not been done, they get it done at the hospital. Those that bring their children put a ribbon round their necks, or mark them with something whereby they may be known in some future time, and they are permitted to take them away when they please.

Those that remain in the hospitals, are put out to learn trades, when they are old enough;—and sums of money are given to those who take them.

I was told that a young woman from Great Britain had just lain in at the lying-in hospital, and had put her child into the foundling hospital. Perhaps she may pass for a virgin again, on her arrival in England!

This hospital must be of great utility to the people, because it relieves the poor, and prevents murder; as women have not the temptation to kill their children through fear of not having them supported; and also, because it produces a great number of good members of society.

After I had viewed the hospitals, I made a purchase of two books, which contained all I was in pursuit after. I also viewed the house where Voltaire the famous French poet died.

The same day I went in a coach with my servant to Versailles, which is about twelve miles from Paris. We arrived there about noon; and I viewed the king and queen's palaces, which are said to be the richest in the world, or at least, the most beautiful and magnificent in Europe. I also viewed the royal chapel and two of the royal theatres, and the king's gardens planted with tropical and other trees, plants, and herbs. The buildings are adorned and beautified with gold, and many splendid ornaments, and there are a great number of statues, and elegant paintings; all of which afford a very beautiful prospect.

Versailles is a pleasant place, and there are about 60,000 inhabitants in the town. I dined after I had viewed the curiosities, and returned to Paris in the evening, where I saw the Dauphin of France, attended by a monk.

Versailles is said to be the dearest place for entertainment that there is in France, owing to the great number of nobility and gentry that resort there: Therefore ought every traveller to be well provided with money when he goes to see that place.

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Paris, July 20.

This day I viewed the charity hospital, and the hospital for invalids. The latter is a large and elegant building, in which there is a chapel, that is said to cover as much ground as the cathedral of St. Paul's, in London. The floors of the domes are made of fine marble, and each dome is dedicated to some saint, whose statue is placed in a niche, or hallow. There are some of the finest paintings in this chapel that I ever saw; and the hospital commonly contains about 200 officers, and 3,000 soldiers.

Afterwards I viewed the house of Bourbonne, and the royal observatory, where astronomical observations are taken. I looked through the telescopes, and surveyed the mathematical instruments. I saw an account of the late observations, and perceived that the French are very accurate in performances of that kind: but I did not give them to understand that I was a professor of the science.

I also viewed a great church, called Jamies, which has been near twenty years in building, and is not yet wholly finished. In this church there are some of the largest and finest pillars that I ever beheld.

Afterwards I took a survey of the buildings and gardens which belong to the king's eldest brother; and went to the French theatre and saw the grand performances there. After the play was over, on returning to my lodgings, I was seized on the way by a very gay young lady, who accosted me with—J' aime vous, Monsieur.—Voulez vous venir avec moi?—My answer was in the negative. I was obliged to break her hold, and be off with myself. "Perhaps, said I, if I go with you, I may be robbed and murdered: it is best for me to keep out of the fire whilst it is in my power."

I had heard but a few days before of a man that was so simple as to accept of the invitation of two lewd women, who took him to their lodgings; but before morning he was robbed, not only of his watch and money, but of his clothes, and turned out naked into the street by some whore-mongers that frequented the house. This shews how dangerous it is to venture one's-self amongst strangers, and especially those of this sort. It is safest for every one, either at home or abroad, to shun all such kind of company, as well as the company of thieves, drunkards, gamesters, and those that use bad language: for the keeping of bad company has been the destruction of thousands; and especially the greatest mischief has been done among unthinking youth: their inexperience, and unsuspecting dispositions, making them the fit subjects for villainy to work upon.

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St. Denis, July 21,

At half past one, P. M.

I am now standing in the abbey of St. Denis, which is about six miles from Paris, and have been told that all the kings of France, excepting Lewis XVI. are buried here, and that the house of Bourbon lie under my feet.—Alas! said I, here is the end of those mighty monarchs, that once ruled the kingdom, commanded armies, fought battles, obtained victories, collected riches, and enjoyed the honours, the profits and the pleasures of this perishing world.—Here they lie silent! and their dominion, strength, and power, are wholly gone!—Their bodies are returned to the elements out of which they were formed, viz. to the earth, air, fire, and water. Alas! continued I, the present king of France, with all the mighty kings and princes on the globe, together, with the rest of the human race, must soon pass through this change! And not only the human race, but the birds, beasts and fishes, trees, plants, and herbs; even every thing that hath life must be dissolved, and return to the elements, viz. Earth to earth, air to air, fire to fire, and water to water; for it is the decree of the Divine Artificer, who is the former of our bodies, and the father of our spirits, that all these things shall once die!—And, none of the mighty kings, or learned physicians, can hinder themselves or others, from experiencing this awful change.

Moreover, I had further contemplations upon the state of the living and the condition of the dead. I considered the mutability of our bodies; that they are continually changing; that they increase in proportion to the quantity of nutrition which they receive from meat, drink, the circumambient air, &c. or, decrease in proportion to a want of nourishment from those things.

That they are continually flying off by insensible perspiration and other evacuations, and would soon come to a dissolution, if not nourished by the vegetable and animal productions.

That the bodies we had seven years ago, are totally dissolved by those evacuations; and from hence we have new flesh, new bones, new skin, new hair, new nails, &c. formed out of the four elements.

That the time we have lived, is past and gone; and, that the time we are to live is not yet come, so that we only live at the present time.

That death is only a change from this state to another,—as our bodies return again to the elements, and our spirits to Him that gave them: that the dead, being at rest, are totally free from the cares, troubles, and vexations of a mortal life. The king is not afraid of losing his kingdom, nor the beggar of perishing with hunger.

I beg leave to conclude this chapter with the following reflections, which will not, I hope, detract from their solemnity, because cast in a poetical mould.

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Whilst I was at the abbey of St. Denis, I viewed many elegant statues and paintings, and the font, or baptismal bason, out of which the kings of France had been christened. Afterwards I was admitted by a monk into the king's treasure, where I saw the crowns of the kings and queens of France, with many golden vessels and splendid ornaments.

I dined at a hotel in St. Denis, and returned to Paris; but in my rout I ascended a hill which commands a sight of the city, and affords a fine prospect. On this hill there is a great number of wind-mills, dwelling-houses, and other buildings. In the evening I went to the Italian theatre, where I was very well entertained with performances of different kinds. Their artificial thunder and lightning, was alarming; as the claps were very loud and sudden, and the flashes appeared as natural as those from the clouds.

The theatres in Paris are very large. They are opened at five o'clock, and the performances begin at six, and end at nine,—which is much better then to keep people till almost midnight; because they have time to return to their dwellings in season.

I have often thought that the actors are deficient in one thing; that is, in their not apprising the spectators of the subject before the play begins; and whether it is to be a tragedy or a comedy, and who or what it is to be in imitation of; and whether it is to represent a battle, a duel, or a courtship, &c. for the entering upon these things without any previous notice, is like a divine's preaching without naming his text, or letting his auditors know what subject he is about to discourse upon.

It is true, indeed, that the actors often send forth publications, to let the people know what is to be represented such and such evenings; but I do not think that more than one person in twenty that attends the plays ever reads the publications; and those that do, are put to the trouble of carrying them to the theatres, and of tracing them through the evening, or they will not know before-hand what play is to be acted next.

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Paris, July 22.

This morning I went to Cherenton, which is two leagues from Paris, and viewed a great number of skeletons, not only of human bodies, but of birds, beasts, and fishes; and I must join in opinion with the Spanish physician, viz. that they exceed every thing of the kind in the world, or at least that I ever saw or heard of. Here are skeletons of infants and adults, mounted upon the skeletons of horses, of different sizes; some with the bones only, and some with the veins and arteries, muscles, &c. In short every part of the human machine is exposed to the view of the spectator. The various parts of the body are also preserved in spirits, and anatomy is demonstrated in all its branches in the best manner; which must be of excellent use to young students.

As I was returning to Paris, I viewed a number of vineyards which are cultivated for the purpose of raising grapes. The vines in general were planted about two feet apart, and are hoed much like the maze, or Indian corn, in America. In some places they have rows of potatoes between the vines, but at such places they are planted more than two feet apart; and for want of knowledge in philosophy, many hill their potatoes too high, which hinders their growth, by obstructing the rays of the sun from heating their roots.

The vines run upon poles, that are about four or five feet high; and after the grapes are gathered in the fall, the vines are cut down close to the ground, and from the roots another set arises, which bear grapes the next year. It appears to me that such vines would grow in many parts of America, if they were properly cultivated.

On entering into Paris, I passed by the place where the Bastille stood; and, behold! a number of the priests, with a great multitude of people, had met together to pray for the souls of them that had been slain, when the Bastille was taken on the 14th of July, 1789. I was told, that this was the first time that the priests and the people had met to pray on that occasion since the battle happened.

The catholics have various forms of prayer, which they make use of when they pray for the dead. The one for brethren, relations, and benefactors, runs thus:

At the end of each form, the following is used: "Eternal rest give to them, O Lord; and let perpetual light shine upon them."

After I had left the place where the people were praying, I walked through the king's physical gardens, where there are about seven thousand different kinds of vegetables, consisting of trees, plants and herbs, collected from the four quarters of the globe, that can possibly be made to grow in Paris. I have been informed, that this botanical garden, and a museum of natural curiosities, which may be seen every Wednesday and Friday in the afternoon, costs the king 72,000 livres per annum.

In these gardens there is a mount, which I ascended by a path that runs round it, in a spiratic course. At the top of this hill I had a fine prospect, not only of the gardens, but of the city.

I observed as I passed through the gardens, that the vegetables were distinguished from one another by Latin inscriptions, as calamus aromaticus, sambucus, rhabarbarum, &c.

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Paris, the capital of France, is situated in lat. 48 deg. 50 min. north; and long. 2 deg. 10 min. east of the royal observatory at Greenwich; and is called one of the grandest and most beautiful cities in Europe. It is built in a circular form, and was about eighteen miles in circumference, 'till of late it has been made much larger by the augmentation of their buildings, and the erection of a new wall, which encompasses the old one at a great distance. The city is walled in to prevent smuggling, sentries being placed at the gates, where duties are paid, &c. The houses in this city are from six to eight stories high in general, built chiefly of hewn stone, which are of a lightish colour. These stories are much higher than ours in London. The buildings are very magnificent; and the city is amazingly populous.

It contains upwards of 22,000 houses,—979 streets,—52 parishes,—130 convents,—28 hospitals,—and about 800,000 people.

The streets of this city are narrow; and being paved to the sides of the houses, with stones much like those in the middle of the streets in London, makes the walking inconvenient, and exposes travellers to the danger of being hurt by the carriages.

It is a pity that the streets of Paris, and many other cities, had not been laid out at right angles, at proper distances, and at convenient breadths, when the places were first built.

Paris is divided almost into equal parts by the river Seine, which did not appear to me to be so large as the river Thames. There is a number of bridges over the Seine, and several of them have buildings on either side, which form a complete street. This river rises in Burgundy, and running through Paris, empties itself into the English Channel, between Havre-de-Grace and Honfleur.

The tides are not strong enough to bring heavy vessels up to Paris. The people are obliged to make use of long barges, and to tow them up with horses. There are some water-mills erected on this river, for the purpose of grinding grain, &c.

The air is much clearer at Paris than it is at London; and the country is healthy: the climate in the south of France is called the wholesomest in Europe. It is something remarkable that I did not see one funeral all the time I was in France; which made me suppose that they buried their dead in the night: but this, on enquiry, I found not to be the practice.

The inhabitants of Paris are polite, gay and luxurious; many of them very handsome. The amusements of the city are pleasing, and the people enjoy their pleasures at a cheap rate, as foreigners contribute much towards the support of their theatres, hotels, &c.

The people in France do not seem to be much given to intemperance; and I was told, that when the farmers and mechanics have received their wages, they spend them at home in their families, instead of being drunk at ale-houses; a thing too common in England. I was also told, that the French do not use so much corrupt and abominable language as the English and Irish do.

The ladies have a much handsomer head dress than the English; they do not wear stays, neither do they make many of their gowns so long as to draw on the ground, which is a waste, and a dirty indecent fashion. The gentlemen dress much as we do in London, only they sometimes wear cloaks, and the collars of their coats are not quite so high as ours. I have sometimes wondered that cloaks are not more in fashion in London.

The French are very merry and cheerful; and their light and airy turn makes them patient in times of adversity; they have also the just reputation of being witty; and it has been said, that they are sometimes too cunning for the English. This brings to my mind the following anecdote, viz. A Frenchman, who had supped and lodged at an inn kept by an Englishman, demanded his reckoning: the landlord made out a bill of ten shillings, which the Frenchman paid, thinking in the mean time that his host was something extravagant in his demands, and was therefore resolved to be up with him. The landlord soon complained that he was very much troubled with rats. "Vell," said the Frenchman, "for von bouteille of vin, I vill tell how you may get rid of dem all." The landlord gave the wine. "Vell," said the Frenchman, "do you make out a bill, and charge dem rats ten shillings a-piece for every night da have lodged in your house, and I vill be bound da vill all go off, and never trouble you any more."

I shall here give a slight specimen of the French courtship, which a gentleman repeated to me; and if the gentlemen in England, Scotland, Ireland, America, or elsewhere, shall see fit to follow the same mode of address to the ladies, I shall have no objection, providing they address themselves to proper persons.

"Madame,

"Upon the consideration of the good reputation you bear in the nation, I find an inclination to offer you my salutation; and, upon my salvation, if this my declaration finds your acceptation, it will cause an obligation that will be of long continuation, even from generation to generation."

The ladies in France are very amorous, and those that are married are not much troubled with their husbands being jealous of them, let them be honest or dishonest: and you may court a Frenchman's wife before his face, and he will not be jealous of you, as I was informed. Great numbers of the lewd women are said to be licensed by authority, to keep public houses for the entertainment of persons of that character.

The disease that is commonly spread by such people is rather upon the decline at Paris, it is said; owing to the frequent use of different kinds of remedies, as preventatives, &c.

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The kingdom of France is about six hundred and twenty-two miles in length from north to south, and six hundred and twenty in breadth from east to west: It is bounded—Easterly on Germany, Switzerland, Savoy, and Piedmont—Southerly on the Mediterranean sea, and the Pyrenean mountains, which separate it from Spain—Westerly on the Bay of Biscay—Northerly on the English channel—and North-easterly on the Spanish Netherlands. It contains near 26,950⁷/₁₂ square leagues—25,000,000 of inhabitants—Eighteen arch-bishoprics—167,000 clergymen—28 universities—25 academies—750 great convents of monks—200 of nuns—10,000 of a smaller kind—and upwards of 200,000 of monks and nuns.

I understand that the National Assembly have divided the kingdom into eighty grand divisions, or counties, of eighteen leagues in length, and as many in breadth; and each grand division into nine commonalities, that are six leagues square; and also each commonality into nine cantons, of two leagues in length, and two in breadth.

Hence there are eighty grand divisions, seven hundred and twenty commonalities, and 6480 cantons in the kingdom.

The mountains in France are, the Alps—the Pyrenees—the Vague—Mount Jura—the Convennes—and Mount Dor.

The chief rivers are, the Rhone—the Garoune—the Loire—the Seine—the Somme—and the Ardour.

The climate is mild and healthy, as has already been observed; and the soil fruitful, though not equal to Great Britain for corn: but their fruits are more numerous, and of a higher flavour than ours, by reason of their growing in a more southern country. They have the largest plumbs I ever saw: but their beans, peas, and strawberries were small. In the northern provinces they have good cider and perry; and in the southern the best of wines. In the province of Languedoc they raise silk and olive oil.

France does not abound in coal, which obliges the people to raise and burn wood, and sometimes turf. There are many excellent forests between Paris and Calais, and some beds of turf. In Paris they have the largest magazines of wood that I ever saw.

The animals in France are of the same kinds of those in England; only they have some wolves, as I was informed.

The French manufacture silks, woollens, velvets, brocades, alamodes, lawns, laces, cambrics, tapestry, glass, hardware, war-like implements, paper, hats, thread, toys, &c. but I do not think their manufacturies are equal to those of England in all respects.

France carries on the greatest foreign trade of any kingdom in the world, except Great Britain; and the inland trade is very large, by the way of their navigable rivers, canals, &c. One of the latter is said to be one hundred miles in length, and opens a communication between the ocean and the Mediterranean; it is carried over mountains and vallies, and through one mountain. It was begun and finished in the reign of Lewis XIV. It is called the Royal Canal, or Canal of Languedoc.

The established religion of France is that of the Roman Catholicks; but of late the Protestants have been allowed a toleration.

I was told at Paris that many of the people look upon the Romish clergy as impostors, and that they had found them out, and intend to pull them down.

It was said that a few of the laws of France were very arbitrary and tyrannical before the late Revolution, as they were totally inconsistent with the laws of humanity; among which was that for confiscating the property of foreigners dying in France, and appropriating it to the use of the state. But since my arrival at Paris the National Assembly have abolished for ever that unreasonable decree. Had I died whilst I was in that kingdom, and before the decree was abolished, my hat, shirts, coats, waistcoats, breeches, stockings, shoes, buckles, books, trunk, money, diploma, recommendations, &c. would have been confiscated and taken from my heirs; and for no other crime than that of my going to see the country, and do business for myself in Paris!

How unreasonable was it, that the heirs of the deceased, viz. the poor widows and the fatherless children, should have their property alienated in such a manner! Surely such a transaction must be disgraceful, not only to Christendom, but even to the most barbarous nations!

I was told that the National Assembly had also abolished, for ever, two other decrees, which they deemed unreasonable. They were those that debarred the clergy from the liberty of entering into the bands of matrimony, and certain females the same privilege; and also, for the keeping them in confinement all the days of their lives in nunneries.

Before the Revolution the laws were executed with the utmost severity.

A servant would be hung for stealing less then a shilling. Murderers and high-way robbers, and those that attempted to poison any body, were broke on the wheel.

Smugglers were condemned to be gally-slaves for life.

Women brought to bed with dead bastard children, without having made known their pregnancy, were burnt alive.

Priests that revealed the confessions of penitents, had their tongues tore out, their gowns stripped off, and were expelled from their employments.

He that robbed a church had his hands cut off at the church door, and was afterwards burnt at the place of execution, which was always in the centre of the town.

People of family, convicted of a capital offence, though not executed, are disennobled, with all their relations, turned out of their public employments, and rendered incapable of holding any afterwards, and all marriage contracts become void.

The nobility and clergy, with the burgesses of Paris, and some other free cities, were exempted from paying land taxes.

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Having, partly from my own knowledge, and partly from credible information, given in the preceding chapter a short geographical description of the kingdom of France, I proceed, in the next place, to say something concerning its Constitution and Government before the late Revolution.

Let us therefore observe,

1. That France was an unlimited monarchy.

2. That both the legislative and executive powers resided in the king.

3. That his decrees had the same force as our acts of parliament.

4. That the kingdom was divided into fifteen parts, each of which had a parliament; as that of Paris, Toulouse, Rouen, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Aix, Rennes, Pau, Besancon, Metz, Dowa, Perpignan, Arras, and Alsace.

5. That these parliaments consisted of a certain number of presidents and inferior judges, who purchased their offices of the crown, or of those that possessed them, as they were for life, unless the officers were found guilty of malconduct in the execution of their office.

6. That the parliament of Paris was esteemed the highest, because it was composed of princes of royal blood, dukes and peers, besides ordinary judges. Here the king frequently came in person, and had his royal edicts recorded and promulgated.

7. That the kingdom was also divided into twenty-five generalities, every one of which had an intendant, on whom the king depended for the administration of justice, in civil and criminal causes; for ruling and governing the subordinate officers, and ordering and conducting his finances and revenues.

8. That the king nominated the bishops and their livings, and then the pope sent his bulls of consecration.

9. That the crown seized all the temporalities of archbishopricks, and bishopricks, which was called the regal, and the king frequently gave pensions to laymen out of the bishopricks.

The privileges of the clergy were:

1. An exemption from paying land-taxes.

2. From having their books seized, with the other things they used in divine service.

3. They might be tried in criminal causes, if they chose it, before the grand chamber, which is a court where the nobility were tried.

4. They had the liberty of being degraded, or placed lower, before they could be executed for any atrocious crime.

5. They were exempt from having soldiers quartered on them.

6. Their persons could not be taken with executions in civil actions.

7. They were exempted from being brought before lay courts for personal matters:

But they could not bring a layman before an ecclesiastical court.

All spiritual actions were recognizable in the ecclesiastical courts, providing they were not blended with temporal matters; and when that was the case, they were obliged to try their causes before the civil courts.

There have been four orders of knighthood in France:

The annual revenues were collected by a land-tax—by the customs—by a tax on salt—by a poll-tax—by a tenth of estates and employments—by a sale of all offices of justice—and by a tenth, or free gift of the clergy. But this revenue was subject to an enlargment, by raising the value of the coin, and by the compounding of the state bills and debentures.

The annual revenue of France, before the Revolution, was said to be 585,000,000 of livres, or 24,375,000 pounds sterling. Of which sum the clergy possessed 130,000,000 of livres. The annual balance of trade in favour of France, was 70,000,000 of livres. The gold and silver supposed to be in circulation 2,000,000,000 of livres, and the annual increase of it 40,000,000 more.

The annual expences of France 610,000,000 livres, or 25,416,666l. 13s. 4d. sterling. The annual income 24,375,000l. The nation run in debt 1,041,666l. 13s. 4d. per annum.

A GENERAL STATEMENT of the Expences, Incomes, &c. stands thus:

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Having in the preceding chapter given an account of the constitution and government of France before the Revolution, let us consider, in the next place, of the present constitution and government of that kingdom.

We must therefore observe:

1. That the constitution is changed from monarchy to democracy; that the legislative powers are taken from the king, and vested in the people.

2. That the kingdom is divided into eighty grand divisions, and subdivided into seven hundred and twenty commonalities and 6480 cantons.

3. That each commonality is empowered to send one representative to the National Assembly.

4. That the National Assembly is composed of seven hundred and twenty members, when the whole are convened.

5. That this assembly is the supreme legislative head of the nation.

6. That the power of making laws, raising of taxes, the coining, borrowing, and lending of money; the setting up and pulling down of officers, granting of commissions and employments; the making of war and peace; and the entering into treaties and alliances with foreign powers, belongs to this assembly only.

7. That the king is only an executive officer, as he is to see the laws of the representatives of the nation executed.

The king is to execute the actual decrees of the National Assembly, respecting war and peace; and is allowed to provide for the safety of the realm, in case of a foreign invasion, during the recess of the assembly.

A decree of the National Assembly, passed in May last, runs thus:

"The king shall have the right to provide for the security of the frontiers, to make every preparation, and take every necessary step to defend the national possessions; to manage the operations of the war, and to propose whatever he thinks proper for the general good:

"But the legislative body shall have the right to decide on the propriety of the war, make peace, and settle treaties.

"In case of war, the king shall give immediate notice of it to the legislative body, if the assembly is sitting, and if not, it shall be summoned immediately."

I was informed in Paris, that the National Assembly have abolished all the titles of nobility; and observed that their coats of arms were taken from their carriages.

It was also reported, that the nobility are to pay land and other taxes, in proportion to their abilities.

These are some of the fundamental alterations in the Constitution, according to the best information that I have been able to obtain. Let us then, in the next chapter, consider of the causes of the Revolution.

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It is said that the Revolution arose from various causes: as,

1. The people had no part of the power of legislation.

2. They were deprived of the right of a trial by jury.

3. They paid more than their proportion of the public taxes, because the nobility, clergy, &c. were exempted from paying a land-tax.

4. They were under some laws peculiarly oppressive.

Their grievances will appear by the following resolutions, which on the 4th of August, 1789, the National Assembly unanimously agreed to, as a proof of their genuine patriotism to the people, as their affectionate and disinterested representatives, devoid of every motive but the common good; and, to give a great example to nations and ages, in the sacrifice of every abusive right and privilege whatsoever, incidental to all the orders, provinces, cities and communities, will raise the French name to a heighth unparalleled in history, and consecrate their memory as worthy of representing the enlightened knowledge, the courage, and the virtues of so great and generous a people.

"Article I. An equality of taxes, to commence from the present moment.

"II. The renunciation of all privileges for orders, cities, provinces, and individuals; a general uniformity to take place through the whole kingdom.

"III. The redemption of all feudal rights.

"IV. A suppression of mortmain and personal servitude.

"V. The produce of the redemption of the estates of the clergy to be applied to the augmentation of the salaries of the parish priests.

"VI. The abolition of the game laws, capitaineries.

"VII. The abolition of seigniorial jurisdictions.

"VIII. The abolition of the venality of officers.

"IX. Justice to be rendered gratuitously to the people.

"X. The abolition of privileged dove-coats and warrens, (a dreadful and serious grievance to the French peasant).

"XI. The redemption of tithes and field-rents.

"XII. It is forbidden to create in future any rights of the same nature, or any other feudal rights whatever.

"XIII. The abolition of the fees of parish priests, for births, marriages, or deaths, except in the cities.

"XIV. A speedy augmentation of the benefices of parish priests.

"XV. A suppression of the droits d'annates, or first fruits. (The sum paid by France to the pope on this head, ammounted annually to 357,133l. sterling.)

"XVI. The admission of all ranks of citizens to civil and military employments.

"XVII. The suppression of the duties of removal, paid by parish priests to the bishops in certain provinces.

"XVIII. The suppression of corporations and wardenships.

"XIX. The suppression of the plurality of livings.

"XX. A medal to be struck to consecrate this memorable day; expressive of the abolition of all the privileges, and of the complete union of all the provinces and all the citizens.

"XXI. Te Deum to be sung in the king's chapel, and throughout all France.

"XXII. Louis XVI. proclaimed the restorer of public liberty."

There were several other articles, viz.

The abolition of all unmerited pensions.

All artizens to be exempt from taxes, who employ no journeymen.

All suits for seignioral and royal rights, then pending in the courts, to be suspended till the constitution shall be completed.

All the interior councils were suppressed; and the cabinet were composed of the following ministers, who were responsible for every measure of state:

1. M. Necker, minister of the finances, or first lord of the treasury.

2. M. Montmorin, secretary for the foreign department.

3. M. St. Priest, secretary for the home department.

4. M. de la Lazurne, minister of the marine department.

5. M. le Comté de la Tour du Piu Paulin, minister of the war department.

6. M. l'Archeveque de Bourdeaux, keeper of the seal.

7. M. l'Archeveque de Vienne, minister for bishops and abbies.

8. M. le Prince de Beauveau, to be of the council, but with no particular department.

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"The representatives of the people of France, constituted in national assembly, considering that ignorance, forgetfulness, or neglect of the rights of man, are the sole causes of public misfortunes, and of the corruption of governments, have resolved to explain, in a solemn declaration, the natural imprescriptible, inalienable, and sacred rights of man; to the end that this declaration, being constantly presented to all the members of society, may unceasingly recal to their minds their duties and their rights; and to the end that the acts of legislative and executive powers, being at all times compared with the design of the political institution, may be more respected, and that the appeals of the citizens, being founded henceforward on plain and incontestible principles, may always tend to the maintenance of the constitution and the general happiness.

"The National Assembly, in consequence, recognizes and declares in the presence, and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the sacred rights of the man and the citizen.

"I. Men are born and remain free and equal in their rights. No distinction can be founded, but in principles of general utility.

"II. The object of all society ought to be the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are his liberty, his property, his security, and the resistance of oppression.

"III. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation; and no authority, which is not expressly derived from thence, can be exercised by any associations, or any individual.

"IV. Liberty consists in the power of doing every thing which does not injure another person: Thus the exercise of the natural rights of every man, have no other boundaries, than those which assure to men the free exercise of the same rights. These boundaries cannot be determined by law.

"V. The law ought to prohibit only such actions as are injurious to society. That which is not forbidden by the law, should not be prevented; and no person can be compelled to do what the law does not ordain.

"VI. The law is the expression of the general will; and all citizens have a right to contribute, either personally, or by their representatives, to its formation. The law, whether it protects or punishes, ought to be the same to all. All citizens being equal in its regard, are equally admissible to all dignities, places, and employments, according to their capacities, without any other distinction than what arises from their virtues and their talents.

"VII. No man can be accused, arrested, or retained, but in the case determined by the law, and under the forms which it has prescribed. Those who solicit, forward, execute, or cause to be punished. Every citizen called on or arrested by the power of the law, ought to obey, and renders himself culpable by resistance.

"VIII. The law should establish no punishments but what are strictly and evidently necessary; and no person can be punished but by the power of the law established; promulgated at a period anterior to the offence, and legally applied.

"IX. Every man shall be presumed innocent until he is condemned. If it be deemed indispensibly necessary that he should be detained in custody, all rigour that is not absolutely necessary to secure his person, should be severely repressed by law.

"X. No person shall be disturbed for his opinions, even though on religion, provided that the manifestation of those opinions does not disturb the public order established by law.

"XI. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most precious rights of man. Every citizen shall, therefore, speak, write, and print his opinions freely, still being responsible for the abuse of his liberty, in cases prescribed by the law.

"XII. The security of the rights of man and of citizens requires a public force; but this force is instituted for the advantage of all, and not for the particular use of those to whom it is confided.

"XIII. For the maintenance of the public force, and the other expences of government, contribution is necessary; but this should be as common as it is indispensible, and should be levied equally on all citizens, in proportion to their ability.

"XIV. Every citizen has a right, either by himself or his representatives, to establish the necessity of the public contribution, to consent to it freely, to look to its application, and to determine on its quota, the assessment, and duration.

"XV. Society has a right to demand from every public agent an account of his administration.

"XVI. Every society, if the guarantee of the individual rights is not assured, and the distinction of the several powers ascertained, is without a constitution.

"XVII. The right of property being inviolable and secured, no person can be deprived of his, but when the public necessity, legally established, shall evidently demand it, and then only on the just and previous assurance of indemnification."

And I understand that two public banks have been established; one consisting of about 205 millions of livres, and the other of near 273 millions.

Criminals are now permitted to employ counsel, bring evidence, and have the benefit of a trial by jury, in France.

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It appears by the information I received in France, and a number of publications that I have read, that there have been divers tumults and outrages in different parts of the kingdom, in consequence of the Revolution: for besides the taking of the Bastille, where more than three hundred were slain, exclusive of those that were afterwards executed, hostilities have commenced in other places. It has been said, they first began in the park of the Thuilleries, by a regiment of German troops, commanded by Le Prince Lambache, who is cousin to the queen. This park being thronged by Parisians, and the prince conceiving something that had passed among the people as a gross insult, ordered his regiment to fire:—His orders were obeyed. The populace immediately beat to arms, and a vast concourse joined the standard, drove the prince and his regiment out of the park, and obliged them to fly to Germany. The prince narrowly escaped with his life. His carriage was burnt to ashes, his horses killed, and a reward was offered for his head. How many were slain in this action I have not been able to learn.

The people have been much enraged against Le Compte de Artois, and have supposed that he was the author of their wrongs. His estate has been confiscated, and his horses, with three hundred of his houses, sold. It was thought at Paris, that he cannot return at present with safety.

Some time in the spring, 1789, a proprietor to a large manufactory in Paris, reported that fifteen sous per day would be sufficient to support a journeyman and his family, providing certain taxes were abolished. His house was soon surrounded by the manufacturers, who came in a very hostile manner. The guards were sent to preserve the peace. But the enraged multitude killed several of the soldiers with stones. The military was drawn forth, and a battle ensued, in which more then six hundred persons were killed on the spot.

At St. Germin and Poissy, the populace seized all the arms belonging to the invalids; and upwards of six hundred went to the house of one Sauvage, where they found between six and seven hundred sacks of flour. He was a miller, and it is probable they supposed he meant to hoard up his flour. He was dragged to a convent, was examined by the friars, and declared innocent: but notwithstanding, the mob led him to a butcher, who cut off his head; and carried it about the streets; and they were so inhuman as to insist upon the miller's sons being present at the execution. His daughter, unable to bear the sight, threw herself over the bridge, into the water, and was drowned.

Dreadful were the outrages committed at Rouen: Many of the citizens were killed by the troops, and some suffered greatly by the populace, who ransacked and pillaged all the houses where they suspected corn was concealed. Two vessels were stripped, and all sorts of carriages attacked and robbed.

On the 14th of July, 1789, an insurrection happened at Lions, wherein three peasants were killed by the dragoons, who suppressed the mob.

At the castle of Quinsay, as an immense crowd of citizens and soldiers were amusing themselves with festivity and dancing, on account of the Revolution, they were blown up by a powder plot, and found floating in their blood. Scattered corpses, and dissevered members, palpitating for life, were seen, after some spectators had arrived, near the place where the horrible catastrophe happened. This plot was supposed to be laid by the very man who had prepared the feast, and had invited the people, but had withdrawn himself before the powder took fire.

On the 5th of Oct. 1789, 5,000 women, armed with different weapons, marched from Paris to Versailles, followed by a great multitude of people, among which were several detachments of the city militia. The Marquis de la Fayette arrived at Versailles late in the evening, with 20,000 corps, who were under arms all night, in order to prevent acts of violence.

About two in the morning of the 6th, a number of persons in women's dresses, many of whom, it is said, were guards, having gained the outward entrances of the castle, forced their way into the palace, and went up the stair-case leading to the queen's apartment, with an intent to seize and murder her; but they were fired upon by the king's guard. Seventeen were killed on the spot, the rest retreated, and things remained quiet till day-light.

The Parisian troops demanding an entrance into the palace, were fired upon by a regiment of the king's body guard. The Parisians returned the fire; and the action becoming more general, the Count de Lusignan, commandant of a regiment of Flanders, ordered his troops to fire, but they refused, and laid down their arms. The king's body guard finding themselves overpowered, took to flight. The troops then forced the entrances of the castle, but were prevented from entering the palace by the prudent management and command of M. de la Fayette. It is thought that the king, queen, and royal family, would have fallen victims to the troops, had they entered the palace.

The Marquis was soon introduced to the king, with some of the magistrates of Paris, and communicated the desire of the city, that he might conduct his majesty and the royal family thither. On being assured of protection, the king complied with the request; and their majesties, with the dauphin, &c. the king's aunts, with their attendants, proceeded toward town in eighteen carriages, attended by M. de la Fayette, and about 5,000 guards.

The road from Versailles was so thronged by the mob, notwithstanding 50,000 Parisian troops had been sent to keep the way clear, that the royal family were eight hours in reaching the Hotel de Ville, though only twelve miles distance.

This tedious journey must have been rendered the more painful, by the thoughts of being led captives in triumph to the city of Paris, and the fear of what might follow.

The king, with the royal family, stayed near two hours at the Hotel de Ville, and were afterwards conducted to the old ruinous place of the Thuilleries, which had not been inhabited since the days of Lewis XIV. and where nothing was prepared for their reception.

The regiment of the king's body guards, both officers and privates, were composed of persons of the second order of nobility in France. About thirty of them were killed, and their heads carried in triumph to Paris, and shewn about the streets on tent poles. Eighty were carried prisoners to this city; but the rest saved themselves by flight. About fifty of the Parisian troops and mob were killed in the affray.

On the 7th, the avenues of the Thuilleries were guarded by 1000 men, and the gates of the palace were secured by a train of cannon, to prevent any surprize or escape.

This day being court day, their majesties received the foreign ministers in the palace. The king looked uncommonly dejected; the queen was in tears the whole time, and only talked a little to the imperial ambassador. The sight was uncommonly gloomy, and the court broke up after a short time.

In the evening the districts of Paris passed a resolution, that the regiment of the king's body guard should be immediately broken, and never more revived; and that in future his majesty should be guarded by citizens instead of soldiers.

This evening the National Assembly at Versailles resolved to adjourn to Paris; and that its meeting should ever be inseparable from the king's place of residence.

Just before the affray at Versailles, several riots had commenced at Paris.

It is said, that whilst the king, queen, &c. were on their journey from Versailles, nothing but the watchful eye of the Marquis de la Fayette, and the confidential guards around the royal coaches, prevented the mob from committing the most violent outrages. The queen's name was handed about in very gross terms: One barbarian asked his companion, "Whether he thought her head would not make a very pretty tennis-ball?" In short, her majesty must be in the most imminent danger.

The harmless spectators were in a dangerous condition at this tumultuous scene. An English gentleman, dressed in white clothes, on a riotous day, was seized by a mob, when one cried out, "That is the miller of——, who secreted so many bags of flour:" He told them he was an Englishman, and was innocent: but all was in vain: they insisted he was the man; and he was so much affrighted that he spake nothing but French.

They dragged him to the place of execution, he protesting all the way that he was an Englishman: at last one of the mob cried out, "D——n you, if you are an Englishman, speak English." He then spake in his own language, and was released.

Besides these insurrections, I understand that two happened in May last: one was at Montpellier, and the other at Saumur, where several lives were lost.

I was told in Paris, that the king would have lost his kingdom, if he had not been a wise and prudent man; that had he opposed the National Assembly, he would have been no longer king. And it was reported that the representatives of the nation, are able to raise an army of seventeen hundred thousand men, in the defence of liberty.

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His most Christian Majesty, Lewis XVI. king of France and Navarre, was born August 23, 1753. He was married May 16, 1770; to Marie Antoinette, sister to the late Emperor of Germany. The king began to reign, May 10, 1774; and was crowned June 11, 1775. He is of a middling stature, something corpulent, and of a light complexion. His majesty is good humoured, very humane, kind, and affable; and as he is easy of access, and possesses the most amiable virtues, he is much beloved by his people.

The queen was born November 2, 1755. She is very handsome, and of a civil, mild, complaisant, and obliging deportment. And although the public clamour was violent againt her for a time, on a supposition that she wished the king absolute; yet I was informed, that the spirit of discontent has subsided.

Madame la princesse royal is about thirteen years of age. She is very handsome, and possesses excellent accomplishments.

The dauphin is about seven years old: an active, beautiful child.

The royal family may be seen at the royal chapel on Sundays, and also upon every other day in the week, at the same place, when they are at Paris.

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It is said, that some of the nobility and clergy are much opposed to the Revolution, because the titles of honour are abolished, the annual incomes diminished, and all are obliged to pay taxes in proportion to their abilities.

I was informed, that the salaries of the bishops are reduced from twenty-five thousand pounds per annum, to one thousand; only that some of them could not live with twenty-five thousand, without running in debt, and that they are now in a disagreeable situation.

It was reported that the National Assembly have given leave to the monks and nuns to marry, a privilege that people of those orders have been debarred from through many ages and generations. I asked, what must be done on account of the solemn vows by which they had devoted themselves to Heaven, by engaging to shun the pomps and vanities of this wicked world, and the sinful lusts of the flesh? and was informed that they were all absolved and abolished.

The standing army is to be reduced from two hundred to one hundred and fifty thousand: but the soldiers' wages have been augmented: and although the incomes of the bishops are greatly reduced, yet those of the inferior orders of the clergy are to be increased; and the sale of judicial offices will no longer be permitted. The impost on salt is also abolished.

Before the Revolution the king had the disposal of the whole of the national revenue; and with unbounded generosity gave 1,500,000 pounds annually to the nobility, as I was informed.

Some call the Revolution in France Glorious,

1. Because (they say) that no Revolution ever conferred liberty and equal laws upon so great a number of people.

2. Because it has been brought about with so little effusion of blood.

3. Because they suppose that other nations will follow the laudable example, until liberty, in its meridian splendor, is extended and established through the world!

It is said, that the prince bishop of Spiers has again solemnly protested against the proceedings of the National Assembly, in choosing mayors, and municipal members in the towns and places of Elsas, belonging to his bishopric, and other innovations against his rights and privileges. In this important protest he says, "That he had laid before the king, in the most earnest manner, his opposition to the decrees of the National Assembly; which decrees had absolutely overset all the existing treaties with France: that he had delivered a memorial to the emperor and to the realm upon this important subject; notwithstanding which they had proceeded to the appointment of new municipal officers in Elsas, according to the decrees of the National Assembly, and against his right of jurisdiction and appointment; that the new mayors committed great outrages, and set his subjects against paying him any dues, and were endeavouring to make them throw off his dominion:" and he concludes by saying, "that his powers leave him no other remedy than to protest against what is done, which he does in the most solemn manner."

A spirit of discontent will undoubtedly reign for a time among some of those that have had their incomes diminished in consequence of the Resolution.

Agreeable to the bishop's opinion, in regard to the existing treaties, &c. being overset, is the following paragraph, inserted in the St. James's Chronicle, July 24, 1790.

"The king of France has now bound himself by a sacred oath, to adhere to the decrees of the National Assembly, and support the constitution in its renovated form; consequently there is an end to all foreign interferences on his behalf, either in Spain, Sardinia, or any other quarter. To countenance such an interference would be an act of perjury, and justify his subjects in such measures as might be fatal to himself and the whole house of Bourbon. His majesty may be deemed unfortunate; but no prince ranks higher in the estimation of mankind, as an honest and conscientious man."

The National Assembly have decreed to strengthen, by a treaty, the family compact between France and Spain, and to augment the Gallic navy in consequence of the armaments of the different nations in Europe.

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Paris, July 23,

Having viewed the greatest hospitals and principal curiosities in this city, and the parts adjacent, and obtained an account of the late observations on the operation of medicines, and collected intelligence upon political subjects, I paid my reckoning at the hotel, bid the people farewel, and set off for London. My landlady sent a servant after me, praying that I would put up there again when I came to Paris. I returned her my thanks, and told the servant that I would endeavour to come there if I should ever visit the city again.

Some days before I had engaged a passage back to London, on board the diligences, for which I paid five Louis d'ors. My servant who had waited upon me, seemed urgent I should take him to England, having an inclination to live with me; which I should have done, had I not determined to spend much of my time in travelling.

I left Paris about noon, in company with two Spanish, one French, one Irish, and two English gentlemen: one of the latter was a lawyer, who had travelled through many countries on the European continent.

I inquired where we should dine; and was informed that we were to have no dinner that day, unless we payed for it ourselves, although we were to be found on the way, according to the agreement we had made when we paid for our fare, entertainment, &c. at Paris.

As we had no inclination to starve, we stopped at a hotel, where we dined and paid for our dinners a second time.

At evening we came to Clermont, where we supped and lodged, but was called up before day-light, to proceed on our journey. At this place a lady came into our coach, who had come in a post-chaise on the preceding day from Paris.

July 24.

At about twelve we came to Amiens, having breakfasted by the way. We put up at a hotel, where the lady that came in company with us, said she had an inclination to go and see the convent. Several of us waited upon her to the convent; but just after we had set out, she said she had so much silver with her that she could not walk; and desired I would ease her of a part of her burthen. I took a large number of her crowns into my pocket, and she walked betwixt the lawyer and myself. After we had viewed the convent, and conversed with the nuns, we went to a very elegant cathedral church at Notre Dame, where some of the inside pillars are said to be one hundred and thirty feet high. The pulpit is made of beautiful white marble, gilt with gold, and the cloths of the altar are ornamented with beautiful gold and silver embroidery: many rich vessels, and other splendid ornaments also dignify this cathedral.

Afterwards we viewed the town, in which are eleven parish churches. Amiens is the capital of the province of Picardie, which is esteemed the most fruitful of all the provinces in France, for corn and flax. As we continued our walk, our company took a wrong street, and left me with the lady. Now, forsooth, said I to myself, we shall be taken for man and wife; however, that will not trouble me, inasmuch as she is a decent behaved person, and one that appears to have an excellent education, with a proper share of good sense and understanding.

She told me by the way that she belonged to Great Britain, but had had her education in a convent in France: That she had been a widow about three years, was left with four children, viz. with two sons and two daughters, and had been to Paris to get her daughters into a convent, as she esteemed such places to be the best for the instruction of young persons.

I told her that as she was but young herself, it was probable she would marry again; but she said that she did not intend to marry. Said I, Perhaps you will alter your mind, peradventure you may find an agreeable companion. Said she, If I should be inclined to marry, nobody will have me, because I have so many children. My answer was, You ought not to be despised because you have children. Undoubtedly many would be glad to marry you, though you have sons and daughters. As we had arrived at the hotel, we dropped our discourse upon this subject; I returned her silver, and she thanked me for my kindness. She was a beautiful woman, and was besides well stocked with cash, which often makes the mare to go. But as I was not in pursuit of a wife, I did not attempt to court her on my own account; but told her, however, that I believed I could send her an agreeable companion.

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Saturday, July 24.

We dined at the hotel, and set off towards London. Sometime before night, our lady told me, that she was almost beat out; that she had had but a little sleep for several nights, and intended to lodge at Abbeville, and go from thence in a post-chaise in the morning to Calais; as she supposed that she could get there as soon that way, as she should if she kept in the stage coach, which was to travel all night. She told me, by the way, that she had no company, and wished she could get somebody to ride in the post-chaise with her. I informed her, that I had paid for my passage and entertainment to London: but if she could do no better, I would tarry all night, and ride with her in the morning. She thanked me, and said, it should cost me nothing; for she had money enough.

Now, thought I, you are opening a fine door for another discourse upon matrimony; now you are laying a foundation whereby we may be taken for man and wife. This may be an artful plan of yours to get another husband, as you may suppose I am a batchelor, or a widower; and that we may converse, eat, drink, and even sleep together, and escape undiscovered.

She said she was in a great hurry to get to England; that she had tarried longer than she had expected, and wanted to see her family, as she supposed they thought she was dead by that time: and withal informed me that she lived forty miles from London. But I did not ask her name, thinking it would be an impertinent question, and esteemed unpolite.

At length we arrived at Abbeville, where we supped; and as our lady found she could not have a post-chaise till the next Monday, and as she felt much refreshed by her supper, she concluded to take the stage again. We travelled all night, and arrived in the morning at Montreul, where we viewed the town and went to breakfast.

This town is situated on a high hill, and is strongly fortified with great walls, intrenchments, &c. There are some good buildings in it, and many genteel inhabitants.

From Montreul we went to Boulogn, where we were obliged to dine at too early an hour, viz. at about eleven. Many of us had an inclination not to dine at all; but on being informed that there would be no other dinner for us, we consented. We left this place about twelve, and arrived at Calais at about four in the afternoon, much fatigued with our journey.

As we had rode all night, we escaped being haunted by the beggars, which I have spoken of in the beginning of this Tour; and from hence it did not cost me quite so much to come from Paris as it did to go there.

We drank tea and supped at the hotel in Calais, and were visited again by the same monk or priest, who had begged of me at the hotel before. We gave him some money, and he pronounced a blessing, and departed.

As the tide was down, we were not able to set off for Dover till late in the evening. At about nine we were obliged to go down near the vessel, and tarry till it was high-water, because we had to pass through several gates that the people were ordered to shut at that hour.

We stayed at a public-house, where we drank punch, negus, &c. and at about eleven we embarked for Dover, and arrived at our desired haven about four the next morning, having had a very pleasant and agreeable passage. But as it was low water when we came to Dover, we were obliged to go ashore in a boat, and to pay three shillings a-piece to the boatman for carrying us about half a mile.

Whilst I was on the way to and from Paris, we had some warm debates upon several philosophical subjects, viz. Chymestry, electricity, the cause of earthquakes, the variation of the compass; the formation, preservation, and dissolution of the human body, &c. and, although I do not take much delight in arguments, but have rather endeavoured to shun and avoid them as much as possible; yet inasmuch as I had begun upon a good basis, and found myself violently opposed, I stood my ground, supported and maintained my cause, and at last had the satisfaction of seeing my opponents convinced of their error.

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July 26.

When we had arrived at Dover we breakfasted at the hotel, where the captain of the vessel, the steward, porters, &c. came and begged of us. We gave the captain half a crown a-piece, and something to the rest of the beggars; but were now obliged to get our French money changed for English, and to lose considerably by the exchange.

Afterwards we walked upon the High-lands at Dover, and viewed the castle and the town: and when the tide was up, our vessel arrived with our baggage: our trunks were searched at the Custom-house, and one in our company, who had brought a number of prints from Paris, had them seized, because they were prohibited goods. A thing he said he did not know till they were taken from him. He told me they were worth about thirty pounds.

When our business was done at the Custom-house, we returned to the hotel, where our lady, the lawyer, and one of the merchants, set off in a post-chaise for London, because they had not paid their fare any further than to Calais, and could travel faster in the chaise than they could in the diligences. I told the lady before we parted, that I intended to give the public a narration of my journey. She prayed I would let her have one, and promised to call on me when she came to London.

The two Spanish gentlemen, a Frenchman, and two other gentlemen, with myself, left Dover about noon, and dined at Canterbury, where we viewed the abbey, which is a very ancient and elegant building: A part of it has been built eleven hundred years. We were there in the time of divine worship. They chanted the service, and their vocal and instrumental music was very excellent: The former bishops of Canterbury are buried here, and there are many statues and paintings in commemoration of ancient kings, bishops, and generals.

Before we left the hotel we were obliged to pay for the wine we had drank.

At about ten in the evening we came to Rochester, where we called for supper: but were informed that if we had one we must pay for a part of it, as the money was all exhausted that we had paid for our passages and entertainment, excepting five shillings. We had a supper, and paid an extravagent price for it, but were careful to have the five shillings deducted.

After we had supped, we pursued our journey, and arrived at the White Bear Inn, Piccadilly, about five the next morning, greatly fatigued; as we had been but about eighty-nine hours upon our journey, which is nineteen hours short of the time commonly allowed for the performance thereof. I had not been in bed for three nights, only I lay down a few minutes on a mattress when we were crossing the English Channel.

I do not think that the owners of the diligences can afford to carry people to and from Paris for a less sum than what they demand, nor to give better entertainment than such as we received, as it is a great distance, and half a guinea is given, out of five for the conveyance of a passenger over the English Channel: but people ought to know how they are to fare before they set off to France; and for that reason I have been more minute in many circumstances, than at first sight might appear to some to be necessary.

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As liberty consists in the free exercise of our religion, the enjoyment of our rights, and the profits of our labour, with the protection of our persons and properties, it is a privilege of an immense value. And as it is the natural right of every man, it is our indespensible duty to seek after it, whenever we are deprived of its benefits. But we find that many deprive themselves of liberty by their own evil conduct—by breaking the good and wholesome laws of the land, by doing things dishonourable to the Creator, and injurious to mankind. Thus thieves, robbers, murderers, &c. destroy their own freedom by their vicious behaviour; and expose themselves, not only to confinement, but to more severe punishments.

We also find, that many are deprived of liberty by the inhuman conduct of tyrants, who oppress and persecute those over whom they have usurped dominion and power, by taking from them the liberty of conscience, and loading them with burthens which they are unable to bear.

It is the duty of every nation to guard against all these evils; and from hence arises the necessity of having a good constitution and system of laws in every kingdom or state; binding upon all ranks, orders, and degrees of men. Hence also arises the necessity of having kings, counsellors, governors, magistrates, and other officers appointed for the administration of justice, and the preservation of public tranquillity.

Various constitutions and systems of laws have been framed and established amongst different nations; and where ignorance and superstition have reigned triumphant, the constitution and laws have been very deficient, so that things have been established and practised that were repugnant to the principles of justice and humanity. What numerous multitudes have been massacred for a difference of opinion in matters of religion and modes of worship! And how many thousands have worn out their days in vassalage and slavery, because laws have been made contrary to the requisitions of the great law of reason! But whenever the minds of the people are illuminated, and the clouds of darkness, ignorance and superstition are dispelled, the spirit of liberty breaks forth like the sun in its meridian splendor. The constitutions are altered, oppressive laws abolished, the bands of tyranny and oppression are broken asunder, distressed objects are discharged from confinement, the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences thrive and flourish, and all enjoy those liberties which are the natural right of every man.

The illumination of the minds of the people in France, has been productive of the great and glorious Revolution; of the forming of a new constitution, the enacting of new laws, and the abolishing of those things that were repugnant to the interest and prosperity of the kingdom. How pleasing must it be to see both the King and the National Assembly unite together in establishing the new constitution, and in promoting whatever may conduce to the good of the nation, and benefit of mankind in general! May the flame of liberty, like the refulgent beams of the sun, be extended over the face of the whole globe; and may all nations partake of the great and glorious blessings of natural freedom!

And with pleasure we recollect, that once in the British Empire, the inhabitants, fired with the love of liberty, drove ignorance, darkness, and superstition before them; made a glorious stand for their rights, and were thereby brought into a happy situation. We are now blest with a good king, with good rulers, and with a good constitution and system of laws.—Here a man enjoys a free toleration of religion.—Here he is rewarded for his labour.—Here he is protected in his person and property.—Here agriculture, navigation, trade, commerce, architecture, and the manufactories thrive and flourish; and the nation has arrived to an inconceivable pitch of grandeur and affluence. Our constitution, being pregnant with a variety of privileges, is admired by distant nations: foreigners come from afar, and find shelter and protection, liberty and freedom, under our government!

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THE GREAT
CONSTITUTION
OF
LIBERTY,

Founded upon the Principles of Justice,
and the Laws of Humanity.

Every constitution and system of laws ought to be constructed upon the principles of justice and humanity, which will ensure the rights of a king, and the peace, liberty, and happiness of his subjects. I shall therefore beg leave to observe:

1. That every man has a legal right to perform religious worship according to the dictates of his conscience, at such times and places as shall be most agreeable to himself; providing he doth not injure others in their persons, characters, or properties.

2. That it is unlawful to persecute any of the human race, for a difference of opinion in matters of religion or modes of worship.

3. That public teachers are needful to instruct people in the principles of religion and morality.

4. That good rulers, both in church and state, ought to be reasonably rewarded for their services, out of the public funds; and impowered to remove officers for malconduct; and, by and with the advice and consent of the body corporate, to expel members for vicious practices.

5. That the freedom of speech, and the liberty of the press, are the natural rights of every man, providing he doth not injure himself nor others by his conversation, or publications.

6. That legislative and executive officers, consisting of kings, counsellors, governors, judges, magistrates, representatives, and other rulers, are necessary to make and execute laws for the preservation of the public tranquillity in empires, kingdoms, and states.

7. That it is unlawful for rulers to make and execute laws repugnant to those of the great Governor of the universe, or destructive to the peace and prosperity of the community at large.

8. That the people have a right to chuse and send delegates, to represent their state and condition in a legislative assembly.

9. That a legislative body ought to consist of a mixture of monarchical, aristocratical, and democratical governments, and be divided into three branches, as that of a king, lords, and commons.

10. That each branch ought to have a negative voice on the other branches; and no bill ought to be passed into a law without the advice and consent of, at least, two-thirds of the members of two of the branches of the legislature.

11. That legislators ought to meet once in a year, and as much oftener as the circumstances of the nation may require, at such times and places as may be most convenient.

12. That the people have a right to petition the legislature for a redress of grievances.

13. That every branch of an empire ought to be subject to the supreme legislative head of a nation: To render all proper honour and obedience to the king, and to all in authority, and to be subordinate to the good and wholesome laws of the land.

14. That a king ought to be considered as the first supreme legislative and executive officer in a kingdom, and to be empowered to grant pardons to criminals whenever it may be needful. He has a right to a free liberty of conscience; to protection in his person, character, and property; to rule and govern his people according to the constitution, statutes, laws and ordinances of his realm; to that honour and obedience that is due to personages in such an exalted station; and to such a revenue as his circumstances may require, and his subjects be able to raise.

15. That no man ought to be chosen into office, unless he is endowed with wisdom and knowledge, and can be well recommended for good works and pious actions.

16. That it is lawful to confer titles of honour upon, and to give rewards to such persons as may merit them, by their vigorous exertions and good conduct.

17. That legislators ought to be exempted from being arrested for debt, whilst they are passing to, remain at, and are returning from the legislative assemblies, because an arrestment would impede the public service.

18. That courts of justice ought to be established, and justice administered to all, without respect of persons.

19. That every man ought to be allowed a trial by jury.

20. That those under confinement ought to know what they are confined for; who their accusers are; not be compelled to bear witness against themselves; be allowed to bring evidence, with the benefit of counsel; and should not be condemned, unless found guilty by the testimony of two or three credible witnesses.

21. That excessive bail ought never to be demanded, excessive fines required, nor excessive punishments inflicted.

22. That criminals under confinement, ought to have no punishment laid upon them, but that which is requisite for the securing of their bodies; unless after they have been found guilty, it is ordered by the judges, agreeable to the laws of the land.

23. That no man ought to be imprisoned for debt, providing he gives up his property to his creditors, and has not waited his time in idleness, nor his estate by intemperance, gaming, or any other vicious practice.

24. That persons falsely imprisoned, ought to be immediately liberated, and to have ample satisfaction for the injuries they have received; and those guilty of the abomination of confining the innocent, ought to be severely punished for their atrocious conduct.

25. That every one who is a subject of taxation, ought to be allowed to vote for a representative.

26. That every man ought to be taxed in proportion to his abilities.

27. That the power of levying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts, &c. with that of coining money, emitting bills of credit, borrowing money for the public use, entering into treaties and alliances with foreign powers, appointing, commissioning, and sending of ambassadors, ministers, consuls, messengers, &c. belongs to the legislature.

28. That such treaties ought to be esteemed as a part of the law of the land; kept inviolate; and whenever they are broken, restitution ought to be made to the party injured.

29. That as money is a defence as well as wisdom, a circulating medium ought to be established, consisting of gold, silver, copper, and bills of exchange. Its credit should be kept up, and but one currency established in a kingdom.

30. That churches ought to be built for the accommodation of the people when they perform religious worship; public schools, colleges, academies, and universities erected, for the promotion of literature; hospitals founded for the reception of the sick; work-houses for the employment of idle persons; and prisons for the securing of thieves, robbers, murderers, and other felons;—and societies instituted, for the purpose of making further discoveries and improvements in the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences.

31. That custom-houses, post-offices, and post-roads, ought to be established in every kingdom and state.

32. That weights and measures ought to be alike in every part of an empire, if not through the world.

33. That all foreigners ought to be treated with hospitality, and protected by the laws of the land.

34. That the heirs of an estate ought not to be disinherited by reason of the ill conduct of their parents; nor thrown out of their posts of honour and profit, in consequence of the unlawful behaviour of their relations.

35. That every author ought to have the benefit of his own productions, whether they be upon theological, mathematical, philosophical, physical, mechanical, or any other subject.

36. That all officers, whether ecclesiastical, civil, or military, with every other person, ought to guard against sedition, treason, rebellion, and every thing that may tend to sow discord amongst brethren, destroy the public tranquillity, and make mankind unhappy.

Thus have I framed a CONSTITUTION, which appears to me to be according to the law of reason, and the dictates of sound policy. Perhaps some things have escaped my observation, that might justly be added. However, I believe that one calculated and established upon these principles, would secure the rights of kings and those of their subjects, which is all that any rational person can desire.

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I cannot expect my political sentiments will please every body, let them be ever so well founded on reason; for there are such a number of discontented mortals in the world, who lust after dominion and power, and such multitudes that do not wish to be under any government at all, that should the Angel Gabriel frame and send a Constitution from Heaven, some would be found to murmur at it.

Many are of such a craving temper and disposition, that they would engross the whole world to themselves, and rule and govern it, were it in their power. The ambition of some men is almost boundless.—This brings to my mind an anecdote of two Irishmen, who being intoxicated with liquor at an inn, began to think that they were masters of the whole globe, and agreed to divide it equally between themselves: but as the intoxication increased, one of them, who was of a very craving disposition, concluded that he had the best right to the world, and swore that he would have it all to himself; whilst the other contended, that he was justly entitled to one half of it, and wanted no more than his right. At last they settled the matter by a number of heavy blows; but whether the world was at last to be equally divided, or whether one was to have it all, and the other no part of it, I have forgot, although I had my information from a gentleman who was witness to this very singular contest, and knew something of our wise combatants.

The same temper and disposition amongst others, has prevailed too much in the world; and has sometimes broke out into such acts of violence, that kings and nobles have been deprived of their rights, and oftentimes the people at large of theirs. A monarch may crave the estates, and all the profits of the labours of his subjects; and, on the contrary, the people may crave those things that legally belong to their king; and, by acts of violence and injustice, both may lose their rights. But both of these extremes ought to be carefully guarded against, and the rights of kings, and those of their subjects, secured by a good Constitution and system of laws. Is it not strange that mortal men, who can abide but a very short time in this troublesome world, should be so craving as to lust after more riches, honours and profits, than they can enjoy, or that can possibly do them any good?

When the powers of legislation are lodged altogether in one man, and the nobles and other inhabitants of a country are shut out from having any voice in the making of laws; or when the powers are in the nobles, or in the people only, it will naturally generate a spirit of discontent amongst those who have not a share in that power. Will not a king feel very uneasy, if he has no part of the legislative power? Will not the nobles be discontented, if they have no part of it? And, will not the people murmur, if they have no share in the same? Therefore, to prevent uneasiness, and promote a spirit of union and harmony in empires, kingdoms and states, it is best, in my opinion, to have a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy in every legislative body, like the parliament of Great Britain.

The things of this world are so mutable, that we cannot foretel what constitutions may be established hereafter. And although an astronomer can determine the revolutions and rotations of the rambling planets, and point out the directions, stations, and retrogradations of the luminaries of heaven, for thousands of years to come; yet he cannot foretel what will be done hereafter, even in his own country, or in any other part of the globe, in regard to the overturning, altering, framing, and establishing of constitutions, kingdoms, or states. It is probable that there may be alterations in these things; and perhaps the future generations may have a greater knowledge in politics than the present, and be able to frame better modes of government than the nations are in this age: for if the knowledge of philosophy increases in the world, and the glorious sun-shine of liberty and freedom breaks forth, the clouds of darkness and ignorance will be dispelled, atheism, superstition and idolatry will wear away, and the people be freed from those burthens and impositions that involve many, in the dark and benighted corners of the globe, in vassalage and slavery! It is probable they will discover that some constitutions have been deficient, and be able to correct and amend whatever has been amiss.

But such is the changeableness and discontented tempers of many, that they would be for ever altering that which is even good and complete, and so alter till they spoil it,—like the minister's wig; an account of which I will just relate as I received it.

A Reverend Divine having lost his hair in his old age, bought a large white wig to cover his naked head; but it displeased his auditors to that degree that they had a church-meeting on the subject, and concluded that the wearing of such a large wig was idolatry, and accordingly sent a committee to their Reverend Pastor, to acquaint him that his congregation was much displeased, &c. He told them that he did not wish to have any uneasiness about the wig, and if they thought it was too large they might make it smaller; and delivered it to the committee, who laid it before the congregation to have it altered; when one cut off a lock of hair in one place, and another in another, &c. till the wig was utterly spoilt. At length they agreed that it was fit to be seen in the pulpit, whereupon it was returned to the owner; who said it could not now be idolatry to wear the wig, for it had not the likeness of any thing in Heaven or Earth.—Just so it is with a constitution that is constructed in the best manner; it will not suit every one; and if it is clipped by every discontented mortal, it will be wholly ruined, like the Reverend Divine's wig.

There is a vanity that I have seen under the sun, and have often wondered that it has not been suppressed in this enlightened age. I mean the unjustifiable mode of chusing legislators in some parts of the globe.

When the people are called upon to chuse their representatives, a number will put up in some public place, when perhaps not more than one or two is to be chosen. There scaffolds must be erected, publications sent forth, mobs convened day after day, harangues delivered, and many thousands spent to induce the freeholders to chuse their delegates—when the whole of the work might be completed in half a day, by the people's assembling at the places appointed for the performance of religious worship, and carrying in their votes, in writing, to the clerk of every parish, who might easily send them to some person that might be authorised in the county to receive and count the same, and to promulgate who has the greatest number, or who the people have chosen for their legislators. Would not this mode take up less time, be much easier to the people, and much more commendable, and beneficial to the community, than to have the freeholders fatigue themselves by coming a great distance, wasting their time by being kept from their employments, day after day; quarrelling and wrangling about the choice of a representative? or, than to have the candidates for such places waste their estates by keeping open houses, giving away victuals, drink, ribbands, cockades, &c. till they have ruined themselves, families, and creditors?

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A Description of the Road to Liberty.

To all people, nations, and languages, that dwell in all the world.

2. Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplied unto you.

3. It hath seemed good unto me to promulgate this Epistle, and to make known thereby the genuine description of the road which leads to that liberty which is destitute of licentiousness.

4. To mention those things that will make you comfortable in this life, and conduct you in the way to everlasting felicity in the realms of immortal bliss and happiness.

5. I beseech you, therefore, to remember that atheism, superstition, idolatry, sedition, treason, rebellion, covetousness, theft, robbery, murder, intemperance, debauchery, bad language, gaming, idleness, and all kinds of vice, will carry you out of the road that leads to liberty, and involve you in destruction and misery.

6. Shun, therefore, all kinds of vice and immorality, and walk in the pleasant paths of piety and virtue, which will establish your freedom on a parmanent basis.

7. Let those who doubt the existence of a Supreme Being; and, those who worship the sun, moon, or stars;—the birds, beasts, or fishes;—or idols made by the hands of men, contemplate upon the works of the visible creation; which will naturally convince them of their error, and excite them to pay homage and adoration to Him, who created, upholds, and governs the universe, and is the only proper object of religious worship.

8. Avoid contentions, divisions and animosities, which too frequently terminate in bloodshed and devaluation.

9. Follow peace with all men; break not your oaths of allegiance, fulfil your obligations; fear God, honour the king, and those in authority, and be subordinate to the good and wholesome laws of the kingdom or state in which you reside.

10. Walk honestly; render to all their dues; pay your debts, and your proportion of the public taxes.

11. Be kind to the poor and needy, relieve the oppressed, visit the sick, bury the dead, feed the hungry, clothe the naked; and shew acts of kindness, charity, and humanity to strangers, captives, and prisoners.

12. Love yourselves, your families, and your neighbours; do good to your enemies; avenge not yourselves.

13. Be not high-minded in prosperity, but patient in adversity.

14. Cultivate and improve the liberal and mechanical arts and sciences, and promote every thing that may tend to make mankind happy.

15. Be careful of your credit, your time, and your money; shun bad company, use not bad language, be not idle, waste not your estate in superfluities, be temperate and exemplary in your lives and conversations.

16. Shun the pollutions that are in the world, suppress that which is evil; do as you would be done by, and continually follow that which is good: then will ye be in the road that leads to liberty.

17. Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplied unto you all, Amen.

FINIS.