The family party, with the addition of Lord
Darlingford, Sir James Lindsey, and his brother,
were assembled round the luncheon-table at
Lady Arden's.
Henry Lindsey had been amazingly piqued
that morning by Louisa's reception of Sir
James. The little baronet was now seated next
to her, and making, if possible, a greater fool of
himself than usual; while, in consequence of
the lesson she had received, she was yielding
him her attention with marked complacency.
Henry sat opposite, and trembled with a
mingling of agitation and indignation. He
thought he could already foresee that he was
to be deliberately immolated to avarice; yet,
so thoroughly was he the slave of Louisa's
beauty and his own passion, that no worthlessness
on her part could have set him free. He
felt, that were she already the wife of his
brother, her image might drive him mad, but
that he could not banish it from his imagination.
The hardship of Henry Lindsey's case as a
younger brother was conspicuous, and displayed
in a striking manner the evils consequent
upon sacrificing justice to pride.
From a boy he had felt much on this subject;
but being of a generous, warm-hearted,
liberal nature, he did not long brood over his
own individual wrongs; his mind, however,
following the impulse thus received, though in
the first instance from a selfish feeling, gave itself
to the contemplation and discussion of natural
rights generally, till it became enamoured
of abstract justice, and learned to apply its
searching test to every subject, especially the
all absorbing topic of the day—Political
Economy; while, with his characteristic enthusiasm,
despising the sophisms of expediency,
he embraced, without perhaps sufficient caution,
theories which soon caused him to be considered
by his friends a reformer, by his enemies
almost a revolutionist, and by himself the warm
advocate of the rights, not of younger brothers
only, but of those whom he emphatically termed
the step-children of the laws—The People.
Such were at all times his opinions, while
the irritable state of his mind, at the moment
of which we are speaking, added asperity to his
manner of expressing himself, and caused him,
in answer to some jesting remark of Alfred's
on the old topic of younger brothers, to give
vent to his feelings in a long, and almost angry
political discussion. He objected, he said, to
the law of primogeniture on the ground of its
being a wretched system of monopoly, which
placed in the hands of a simple individual what,
if divided, would suffice to restore thousands of
his degraded and oppressed fellow-creatures to
the rank of humanity. The times were gone
by when communities, formed for the general
weal, would wilfully sacrifice prosperity to
pride, and not only parcel out the whole land
to, comparatively speaking, a few families, but
the succession to those lands being limited to
the elder branches, allow all place, preferment,
and emolument, to be confined to the younger
sons of the same families, because the land
had given them influence; and the mass of
the people to be thus reduced to do the work
of the ass and the mule, and because they
cannot also eat their food, the grass and the
thistle, be often in danger of starvation.
The old feudal system itself was better than
this: the ancient baron was at least bound to
feed not only his relations but his vassals, and
he did so in his own hall, at his own table.
While, now-a-days, a man, as soon as his
father's funeral is over, turns his brothers
and sisters out of doors, to exist as they may,
on a pitiful portion, the principal of which is
in general infinitely less than one year's
income of the property, on the scale of which
they have been accustomed to live in their
father's time; while the new master permits
his servants to collect their wages by showing
the empty baronial hall to strangers at so much
per head, by which creditable means he is
himself enabled to reserve all his rents to stake
at hazard in London, or at rouge et noir in Paris.
When parliament is sitting, he must of course
attend, to vote against any infringement on
his monopoly, which the enlightened spirit of
the times may chance to propose. Thanks,
however, to the Reform Bill, the holders of
the monopolies are no longer our sole law-givers;
we have now some chance of justice one
time or another.
"Besides," he added, "to return to the
ancient baron, he was not only bound to
feed his retainers, but in time of war to provide
the government with a certain number of
them, fitly clothed and armed; which was virtually
bearing the burdens of the state. The
baron was, in point of fact, but the trustee to a
certain property, which property was to feed a
certain number of the population, and to contribute
its due proportion to the defence of the
community. Instead of this, when the feudal
system becomes dangerous to government the
barons are forbidden to arm, and exonerated from
feeding their retainers; yet, the trust-property
left in their hands for pocket-money, while their
late followers are not only turned out on the
wide world to starve, but the taxes necessary
to maintain the army which the barons are
forbid to provide, are levied on the bare palms
of the hands of the thus turned out and starving
vassals; and not satisfied with this injustice,
those who thus keep possession of the trust-lands,
have arrived at literally billeting their
younger sons on those said vassals, thus turned
out and starving."
"Explain! explain!" cried Lord Darlingford,
"How can you make that out?"
"Are not," replied Henry, "the salaries and
pensions of all the posts and sinecures they
hold paid by means of taxes, a great proportion
of which are levied on industry? Is
this as it should be? If the pride of the great
demand that their properties shall be inherited
by their elder sons, and the offspring of that
pride—if false necessity, require that places and
sinecures be provided for their younger sons,
should not the rich co-operate in raising a fund
for the payment of the salaries of such, and not
grind their thousands by pittances from the
real necessities of the poor?"
"What then is your panacea for so many
crying ills?" asked Lord Darlingford, "Do
you call on us to render up our trusts and proclaim
an Agrarian law?"
"No; those whose motives are honest dare
not go such lengths. This would be to resolve
society into its mere elements, to open the flood-gates
of anarchy, and awake the savage spirit
of wanton plunder. Many large landed properties
too have been purchased with the wages
of industry; so that besides the horrible convulsions
attendant upon the dissolution of the
social system, there would be no such thing as
drawing the line; to avoid, therefore, worse
evils, I would allow the 'frightful disparities,'
as an able writer of the day terms them, to exist
till industry, unchecked, unladen, could work
out for itself a gradual emancipation from the
bondage of want. But I would not add to
evils I dare not too suddenly remedy! I would
not require the children of Israel to make
bricks without straw! I would not lay the
burdens of the state on shoulders already
weighed down by nature's demand for daily
bread. I would exempt from the whole weight
of taxation the labourer, whether of brain or
limb; he has no stake in the stability of the
state; he can carry his head or his hand wherever
he goes. He who keeps back the hire of
the labourer is denounced in holy writ: I would
not be worse than such, and rob the labourer of
his hire. I would, therefore, repeal every tax
direct and indirect, which now exists, and substitute
for all a graduated property-tax, on
independent property only, trifling in amount, say
one per cent., where the property was small; and
doubling, trebling, nay, quadrupling, if necessary,
as it rises. What, if a man with thirty thousand
per annum, pay twenty thousand, can he not
live on ten? or if the man with two hundred
thousand per annum, pay one hundred and fifty
thousand, can he not live on fifty? This,
some people are not ashamed to answer me
would be robbing the rich; while they talk as
loudly as vaguely of the sacredness of property
and vested rights. But I would answer such,
that starvation in the midst of plenty, on the
plea of the sacredness of justice, is a practical
blasphemy! What, therefore, relief from taxation
did not effect for the absolutely destitute,
I would complete by an amended system of
poor-laws;—such assessments, however, to be
levied on independent property only."
"Poor-laws are bad things," interrupted Sir
James, who having finished his luncheon, was
now lolling on a sofa, "they make the common
people so lazy."
"As long as industry is not taxed in support
of idleness," answered Henry, "the lazy rich
man is entitled to no commiseration for being
compelled to assist his brother, the lazy poor
man! Poor-laws," he added, turning to Lord
Darlingford, "as far at least as food goes, I
consider the most sacred of vested rights.
God said, 'Behold, I have given you every
herb bearing seed which is upon the face of all
the earth, and every tree, in the which is the fruit
of a tree yielding seed, to you it shall be for
meat.'"
"But you allow," said his lordship, "that
many of the great landed properties you would
tax thus heavily are purchased with the produce
of the owner's own exertions; state your
reasons for giving immunity to present industry
and not to past?"
"Because," replied Henry, "when once a
man has realized property he has acquired a
stake in the country, a stake in the stability of
the government; his property requires protection,
whether from the foreign enemy or the
home depredator; and, therefore, he should
pay for such protection. If a man desires a
wall round his garden, who pays for building
the wall? The man who owns the garden!
If a man wishes to insure his premises against
fire, who pays the insurance? The man whose
premises are guaranteed. Would either of these
persons dream of calling a parish meeting to
demand of their neighbours as a right, that they
should subscribe towards the expense so incurred;
nay, that every pauper subsisting on some shilling
or two per week, should be compelled to
pay two-pence for his penny loaf until the sum
was made up; yet, such is the spirit of every
tax, direct or indirect, levied on any thing but
independent property. The machinery of government
is the garden-wall of the landed
interest, the insurance office of the fund-holder.
Any tax, therefore, levied on those who have
neither land nor money is a crying injustice,
except, indeed," he added with bitter irony,
"we admit of a small pole-tax to keep down
burking. It is, no doubt, the houseless, nameless,
friendless wretch, who has no one to ask
what is become of him; the poor creature, who
has nothing to be protected but the limbs and
sinews he was born with, who runs the greatest risk
of contributing these to the promotion of science."
"But," observed Lord Darlingford, "it is not
the very destitute who pay taxes."
"I beg your pardon," said Henry, "indirect
ones they do. If the beggar in the street succeeds
in exciting the compassion of the passenger,
and receives one penny, ere he can appease
his hunger with a mouthful of bread, do
not the corn laws, by doubling the price of the
loaf, exact from him one half of the penny so
obtained? And is not his mite, thus cast into
the treasury, like that of the poor widow in the
Gospel, taken from his want; and, therefore,
more than all they (the rich) did cast in of their
abundance?"
"Oh, it is all but too true!" said Lady Arden,
feelingly. "I do think your scheme of taxation
would be but justice. Willoughby would certainly
have a great deal to pay; but he can
surely afford it better than poor creatures who
have nothing but what they earn, or what they
beg. I see the subject now in quite a new
light. I have always been in the habit of thinking
people poor who had but one or two thousands
a-year; and I never took the trouble of
considering that there was any difference between
hundreds a-year and nothing."
"How would you apportion this property-tax
of yours?" asked Lord Darlingford; "and how
ensure its being sufficient for the exigencies of
the state?"
"On a graduated scale, as I have already
said," replied Henry, "from justice to individuals:
let those who have the largest property
to ensure, pay, as at all other insurance offices,
the most; but, as to details and calculations, I
leave those to Mr. Hume, or some of the multiplication
table people; I only advocate the principle.
Indeed, one of the great recommendations
of this plan is, that the principle once established,
the work is done: when those who tie up the burdens
have to carry them, they may be trusted to
find scales of sufficient nicety in which to weigh
them: we need, in that case, no longer call for
estimates, or petition against sinecures; nay, we
may give the very voting of the subsidies to the
Lords themselves!—many of whom, I make no
doubt, would forthwith become immortalised by
the economical or 'twopenny halfpenny' ingenuity,
developed in the devising of future
budgets. 'Twopence halfpenny,' I would have
the noble lords to know, though no object to
them, is a sum which many of their destitute
fellow-creatures would, at this moment, receive
with joy of heart! Then, remember, in further
recommendation of this scheme, the millions a-year
of unprofitable expense that would be saved
to the nation, by having but one instead of innumerable
taxes to levy."
"I don't think," said Sir James, looking as if
he had made a discovery, "that the people with
large fortunes will like this law of yours, Henry."
"Many people, too," replied Henry, contemptuously,
"don't like paying their Christmas
bills."
Alfred, who had been looking over a morning
paper near a window, and from time to time
lending a share of his attention to the disputants,
now joined them.
"We cannot, I think," he said, "blame any
particular government, or set of men, for the
ills of which you complain. The fault is in
human nature; and the remedy, if there be one,
is only to be found in laying step by step the
wisest general restrictions we can on individual
selfishness. The advance of civilization has
already placed a salutary check on plunder by
force; it remains for the march of intellect to
discover one for plunder by stratagem. But we
must be cautious; in desiring the higher steps
of the ladder of wisdom and virtue, we must not
undervalue those we have attained, and in our
headlong haste, stumble; and, like our neighbours
of the continent, fall back on the frightful
abyss of anarchy that lays below! 'Tis well to
rise in excellence; I hate the cant of dreading
all chance: but, to keep to the simile of the ladder,
let us take care that the lifting foot be
firmly placed on the step above, ere the standing
one be removed from the step below."
"Is there not some danger," said Lord Darlingford,
"of a property-tax sending capital out
of the kingdom?"
"It must be very easy," replied Henry, "for
the inventors of all sorts of protecting duties to
devise a means of meeting that difficulty, by
some ingeniously arranged tax on the exportation
of property, whether income or capital, with
a tremendously deterring fine on any attempt at
imposition; and minor exactments, to hunt evasion
through all its windings. There might,
also," he added, "be an alien tax, to prevent
the foreign artizan from sharing the immunity
from taxation, purchased by our own rich for
our own poor."
"Is there not some danger," said Lady Arden,
"that the deteriorated incomes of the great, by
obliging them to lessen their establishments and
expenditure, would throw many people out of
employment, and so increase the numbers of the
poor?"
"I should think not," answered Henry; "recollect
there would be the same property in the
kingdom, only in more general and more equal
circulation. The servants dismissed, and the
luxuries foregone by the few, would in all probability
be more than compensated by the
increased establishments and more numerous
comforts of the many, though each only in a
small degree. The standard of splendour might
be lowered, but that of comfort would be raised.
The change, too, is likely to be in favour of
home productions: the overflow of inordinate
wealth, the too much of the few, is frequently
squandered on luxuries obtained from abroad;
while the fertilizing sufficiency, the enough of
the many, would probably be expended on comforts
produced at home.
"I do not, however," he added, "mean to
assume the character of a prophet, or even to
argue the point of future consequences; I take
higher ground, and end every such discussion
with the same appeal to duty:
"Let each generation do what is clearly justice
in their own day, and leave the future to the
All-wise Disposer of events.
"If there were, indeed, a theory through the
mazes of which moral rectitude knew no path,
we might be excusable in taking calculation for
our guide; but when our road lies before us, indicated
by duty's steadily pointing finger, we are
not entitled to balance ere we proceed, even
though it should be where four frequented
highways meet."
Mrs. Dorothea, the sisters, and Sir James, had
got tired of politics, and wandered into the garden.
Henry, perceiving that Sir James was still
in attendance on Louisa, became impatient,
broke off the conversation abruptly, and following
them, joined her, saying, "Lord Darlingford
is too prudent a politician for me. I hate prudence
and calculation, and worldly mindedness,"
he added, with impetuosity, and a provoked
and mortified tone of voice, which Louisa was
at no loss to comprehend. "The present artificial
state of society," he proceeded, "has banished
into the poet's dream every thing worth
living for!—there alone all things deserving
the ambition of an intellectual being now hold
their unreal existence! Beauty has become a
snare—feeling a folly, or a curse!—love a farce,
and lovely woman, nature's most cunning
workmanship, a toy, a trinket, which the rich
man may draw out his purse and purchase!!!—heart
and all!" he subjoined, in an under and
somewhat softened voice, for Louisa had looked
round, and their eyes had met for a moment.
"Is it so?" he continued; "or are the beautiful
looking deceptions now made to suit the market
for which they are intended, without hearts?"