If Hume was not right in asserting that a few
intelligible definitions would put an end to the Free-Will
controversy, his error lay in assuming a greater
receptivity of mind than most people possess. For
it may safely be asserted that once the legitimate
meanings of the terms employed are acknowledged,
and they are properly applied to the matter in
dispute, it may be shown that the opponents of
Determinism have been beating the air. The Determinism
they attack is not the Determinism that
is either professed or defended. The consequences
they forecast follow only from a distorted, and often
meaningless, use of the terms employed. Instead
of the Determinist denying the moral and mental
value of certain qualities of which the Indeterminist
announces himself the champion, he admits
their value, gives them a definite meaning, and
proves that it is only by an assumption of the truth
of the cardinal principle of Determinism that they
have any reality. This has already been shown to
be true in the case of Freedom, Choice, Deliberation,
etc.; it remains to pursue the same method
with such conceptions as praise and blame or
punishment and reward, and responsibility.
The charge is, again, that Determinism robs
praise and blame and responsibility of all meaning,
and reduces them to mere verbal expressions which
some may mistake for the equivalents of reality,
but which clearer thinkers will estimate at their
true worth. What is the use of praising or blaming
if each one does what heredity, constitution, and
environment compels? Why punish a man for
being what he is? Why hold him responsible for
the expressions of a character provided for him,
and for the influence of an environment which he
had no part in forming? So the string of questions
run on. None of them, it may safely be said, would
ever be asked if all properly realized the precise
meaning and application of the terms employed.
For as with the previous terms examined, it is an
acceptance of Indeterminism that would rob these
words of all value. Rationally conceived they are
not only consonant with Determinism, but each of
them implies it.
Of the four terms mentioned above—Praise,
Blame, Punishment, and Responsibility, the
cardinal and governing one is the last. It will be
well, therefore, to endeavour to fix this with some
degree of clearness.
To commence with we may note that in contra-distinction
to "freedom" where the testimony of
consciousness is illegitimately invoked, a consciousness
of responsibility is essential to its
existence. A person in whom it was manifestly
impossible to arouse such a consciousness would
be unhesitatingly declared to be irresponsible.
There is here, consequently, both the fact of
responsibility and our consciousness of it that calls
for explanation. And both require for an adequate
explanation a larger area than is offered by mere
individual psychology. Indeed, so long as we
restrict ourselves to the individual we cannot understand
either the fact or the consciousness of responsibility.
By limiting themselves in this manner
some Determinists have been led to deny responsibility
altogether. The individual, they have said,
does not create either his own organism or its
environment, and consequently all reasonable basis
for responsibility disappears. To which there is
the effective reply that the datum for responsibility
is found in the nature of the organism and in the
possibility of its being affected by certain social
forces, and not in the absolute origination of its
own impulses and actions. It is playing right
into the hands of the Indeterminist to deny so
large and so important a social phenomenon as
responsibility. And to the Indeterminist attack,
that if action is the expression of heredity,
organism, and environment, there is no room for
responsibility, there is the effective reply that it
is precisely because the individual's actions are
the expression of all the forces brought to bear
upon him that he may be accounted responsible.
The Determinist has often been too ready to take
the meanings and implications of words from his
opponent, instead of checking the sense in which
they were used.
The general sense of responsibility—omitting all
secondary meanings—is that of accountability, to
be able to reply to a charge, or to be able to
answer a claim made upon us. This at once
gives us the essential characteristic of responsibility,
and also stamps it as a phenomenon of
social ethics. A man living on a desert island
would not be responsible, unless we assume his
responsibility to deity; and even here we have the
essential social fact—relation to a person—reintroduced.
It is our relations to others, that and
the influence of our actions upon others, combined
with the possibility of our natures being affected
by the praise or censure of the social body to
which we belong, which sets up the fact of
responsibility. Conduct creates a social reaction,
good or bad, agreeable or disagreeable, and the
reacting judgment of society awakens in each of us
a consciousness of responsibility, more or less
acute, and more or less drastic, to society at large.
The individual sees himself in the social mirror.
His nature is fashioned by the social medium, his
personal life becomes an expression of the social
life. Just as the social conscience, in the shape of
a legal tribunal, judges each for actions that are
past, so the larger social conscience, as expressed
in a thousand and one different forms, customs,
and associations, judges us for those desires and
dispositions that may result in action in the future.
Responsibility as a phenomenon of social
psychology is obvious, educative, inescapable, and
admirable. Responsibility as a phenomenon of
individual psychology, whether from the Determinist
or Indeterminist point of view, is positively
meaningless.
Taking, then, responsibility as a fact of social
life, with its true significance of accountability, let
us see its meaning on deterministic lines. For the
sake of clearness we will first take legal responsibility
as illustrating the matter. In law a man is
accounted guilty provided he knows the law he is
breaking, and also that he is capable of
appreciating the consequences of his actions. A
further consideration of no mean importance is
that the consequences attending the infringement
of the law are assumed to be sufficiently serious
to counterbalance the inducements to break the
regulation. And as all citizens are assumed to
know the law, we may confine our attention to the
last two aspects. What, then, is meant by ability
to appreciate consequences? There can be no
other meaning than the capacity to create an ideal
presentment of the penalties attaching to certain
actions. Every promise of reward or threat of
punishment assumes this, and assumes also that
provided the ideal presentment is strong enough,
certain general results will follow. It is on this
principle alone that punishments are proportioned
to offences, and that certain revisions of penalties
take place from time to time. Negatively the same
thing is shown by the fact that young children,
idiots, and lunatics are not legally held responsible
for their actions. The ground here is that the
power to represent ideally the full consequences of
actions is absent, or operates in an abnormal
manner. Moreover, the whole line of proof to
establish insanity in a court of law is that a person
is not amenable to certain desires and impulses in
the same manner as are normally constituted
people.
Substantially the same thing is seen if we take
the fact of responsibility in non-legal matters. A
very young child, incapable of ideally representing
consequences, is not considered a responsible
being. An older child has a limited responsibility
in certain simple matters. As it grows older, and
growth brings with it the power of more fully
appreciating the consequence of actions, its
responsibility increases in the home, in the school,
in business, social, religious, and political circles
it is held accountable for its conduct, in proportion
as the power of estimating the consequences of
actions is assumed. In other words, we assume
not that there is at any stage an autonomous or
self-directing "will" in operation, but that a
particular quality of motive will operate at certain
stages of mental development, and the whole of
the educative process, in the home, the school,
and in society, aims at making these motives
effective. That is, the whole fact of responsibility
assumes as a datum the very condition that the
Indeterminist regards as destroying responsibility
altogether. He argues that if action is the expression
of character, responsibility is a farce. But it
is precisely because action is the expression of
character that responsibility exists. When the law,
or when society, calls a man to account for something
he has done, it does not deny that had he
possessed a different character he would have acted
differently. It does not assert that at the time of
action he could have helped doing what he did. Both
may be admitted. What it does say is that having
a character of such and such a kind certain things
are bound to follow. But inasmuch as that
character may be modified by social opinion or
social coercion, inasmuch as it will respond to
certain influences brought to bear upon it, it is a
responsible character, and so may be held accountable
for its actions.
There is, therefore, nothing incompatible between
Determinism and Responsibility. The incompatibility
lies between Indeterminism and
Responsibility. What meaning can we attach to
it, on what ground can we call a person to account,
if our calling him to account is not one of the considerations
that will affect his conduct? Grant
that a consciousness of responsibility decides how
a person shall act, and the principle of Determinism
is admitted. Deny that a consciousness of
responsibility determines action, and the phrase
loses all meaning and value. The difficulty arises,
as has been said, by ignoring the fact that responsibility
is of social origin, and in looking for an
explanation in individual psychology. It would, of
course, be absurd to make man responsible for
being what he is, but so long as he is amenable
to the pressure of normal social forces he is
responsible or accountable for what he may be.
Whatever his character be, so long as it has the
capacity of being affected by social pressure, it is
a responsible character. And this is the sole condition
that makes responsibility intelligible.
Having said this, it is not difficult to see the
place of punishment and reward, or praise and
blame, in the Determinist scheme of things.
Another word than punishment might be selected,
and one that would be without its unpleasant
associations, but on the whole it is advisable
perhaps to retain the word in order to see the
nature of the problem clearly. Of course, punishment
in the sense of the infliction of pain merely
because certain actions have been committed, no
Determinist would countenance. So far as punishment
is inflicted in this spirit of sheer retaliation
it serves only to gratify feelings of malevolence.
A society that punishes merely to gratify resentment
is only showing that it can be as brutal
collectively as individuals can be singly. And if
punishment begins and ends with reference to the
past, then it is certainly revolting to inflict pain
upon a person because he has done what education
and organization impelled him to do. So far one
can agree with Professor Sidgwick that when a
man's conduct is "compared with a code, to the
violation of which punishments are attached, the
question whether he really could obey the rule by
which he is judged is obvious and inevitable." But
when he goes on to reply "If he could not, it
seems contrary to our sense of justice to punish
him," the reply is, Not if the code is one that
normal human nature can obey, and the individual
one who can be modified in a required direction in
both his own interest and the interest of others.
For if our punishment is prospective instead of
retrospective, or at least retrospective only so far
as to enable us to understand the character of the
individual with whom we are dealing, and using
punishment as one of the means of securing a
desirable modification of character, then punishment
is merged in correction, and receives a complete
justification upon Deterministic lines.
The problem is comparatively simple. Actions
being decided by motives, the problem with a
socially defective character is how to secure the
prevalence of desires that will issue in desirable
conduct. A man steals; the problem then is, How
can we so modify the character of which stealing
is the expression, so that we may weaken the
desire to steal and strengthen feelings that will
secure honesty of action? On the lower plane
society resorts to threats of pains and penalties,
so that when the desire to steal arises again, the
knowledge that certain measures will be taken
against the offender will arrest this desire. This
is one of the principal grounds on which a measure
like the First Offenders Act is based. On a higher
plane the approval and respect of society serve
to awaken a positive liking for honesty and the
formation of desirable mental habits. Praise and
blame rest upon a precisely similar basis. Man
being the socialized animal he is, the approbation
and disapprobation of his fellows must always exert
considerable influence on his conduct. The memory
of censure passed or of praise bestowed acts as
one of the many influences that will determine
conduct when the critical moment for action arrives.
Man does not always consciously put the question
of what his social circle will think of his actions,
but this feeling rests upon a deeper and more secure
basis than that of consciousness. It has been, so
to speak, worked into his nature by all the generations
of social life that have preceded his existence,
and to escape it means to put off all that is distinctly
human in his character. Every time we
praise or blame an action we are helping to mould
character, for both will serve as guides in the
future. And it is just because at the moment of
action a person "could not help doing" what he
did that there is any reasonable justification for
either approval or censure. Social approval and
disapproval become an important portion of the
environment to which the human being must
perforce adapt himself.
What use could there be in punishing or blaming
a man if his actions are determined, not by
realizable motives, but by a mysterious will that in
spite of our endeavours remains uninfluenced? If
neither the promise nor the recollection of punishment
creates feelings that will determine conduct,
then one might as well whip the wind. Its only
purpose is to gratify our own feelings of anger or
malevolence. It is equally futile to look for the
cause of wrong-doing in education, organization, or
environment. For in proportion as we recognize any
or all of these factors as determining conduct we are
deserting the Indeterminist position, and relinquishing
the "freedom" of the will. If Indeterminism
be true we are forced to believe that although as a
consequence of ill-conduct evil feelings may arise
with greater frequency, yet they must be wholly ineffective
as influencing action. It cannot even be
argued that certain motives offer stronger attraction
than others to the will, for this in itself would be a
form of determinism. There is no middle course.
Either the "will" remains absolutely uninfluenced
by threat of punishment or desire for praise, serenely
indifferent to the conflict of desires, and proof
against the influence of education, or it forms a
part of the causative sequence and the truth of
Determinism is admitted. You cannot at the same
time hold that man does not act in accordance with
the strongest motive, and decide that the "will"
maintains its freedom by deciding which motive
shall be the strongest—its own determination not
being the product of previous training. One need,
indeed, only state the Indeterminist position plainly
to see its inherent absurdity.
If ever in any case the argument ad absurdum was
applicable it is surely here. It may safely be said
that the larger part of the life of each of us is passed
in anticipating the future in the light of experience.
But if "Free-Will" be a fact, on what ground can
we forecast the future. If motives do not determine
conduct, any prophecy of what certain people
may do in a given situation is futile. The will
being indetermined, what they have done in the past
is no guide as to what they will do in the future. If
motives did not decide then they will not decide
now. Whether we read backward or forward
makes no difference. We have no right to say that
the actions of certain statesmen prove them to have
been animated by the desire for wealth or power.
That would imply Determinism. We cannot say
that because a murder has been committed a certain
person who bore the deceased ill-will is rightly suspected.
This is assuming that conduct is determined
by motives. If we see a person jump into the
river, we have no right to argue that depressed
health, or financial worry, or impending social disgrace,
has caused him to commit suicide. The
mother may as easily murder her child as nurse it.
The workman may labour as well for a bare pittance
as for a comfortable wage. A man outside a house
in the early hours of the morning, armed with a
dark lantern and a jemmy, may have no desire to
commit a burglary. A person with a game bag
and a gun furnishes no reliable data for believing
that he intends to shoot something. In all of these
cases, and in hundreds of others, if "free-will" be
a fact we have no right to argue from actions to
motives, or infer motives from actions. Motives do
not rule, and we are witnessing the uncaused and
unaccountable vagaries of an autonomous will.
It is sometimes said that no matter how convinced
a Determinist one may be, one always acts as though
the will were free. This, so far from being true, is
the reverse of what really happens. In all the affairs
of life people of all shades of opinion concerning
Determinism really act as though "Free-Will"
had no existence. It would, indeed, be strange
were it otherwise. Facts are more insistent than
theories, and in the last resort it is the nature of
things which determines the course of our actions.
Nature, while permitting considerable latitude in
matters of theory or opinion, allows comparatively
little play in matters of conduct. And it may be
asserted that a society which failed to acknowledge
in its conduct the principle of Determinism would
stand but small chance of survival. As a matter
of fact, when it comes to practical work the theory
of "Free-Will" is ignored and the theory of
Determinism acted upon. The unfortunate thing is
that the maintenance of "Free-Will" in the sphere
of opinion serves to check the wholesome application
of the opposite principle. Theory is used to
check action instead of serving its proper function
as a guide to conduct.
Still, it is instructive to note to what extent in the
sphere of practice the principle of Determinism is
admitted. In dealing with the drink question, for
instance, temperance reformers argue that a diminution
in the number of public-houses, and the creation
of opportunities for healthy methods of enjoyment,
will diminish temptation and weaken the desire for
alcoholic stimulants. In the training of children
stress is rightly laid upon the importance of the right
kind of associates, the power of education, and of
healthy physical surroundings. With adults, the
beneficial influences of fresh air, good food, well-built
houses, open spaces, and healthy conditions of
labour have become common-places of sociology. In
every rational biography attention is paid to the
formative influences of parents, friends, and general
environment. Medical men seek the cause of frames
of mind in nervous structure, and predisposition
to physical, mental, and moral disease in heredity.
Statisticians point to absolute uniformity of general
human action under certain social conditions.
Moralists point to the power of ideals on people's
minds. Religious teachers emphasize the power of
certain teachings in reducing particular habits. In
all these cases no allowance whatever is made for
the operation of an undetermined will. The
motive theory of action may not be consciously in
the minds of all, but it is everywhere and at all
times implied in practice.
In strict truth, we cannot undertake a single affair
in life without making the assumption that people
will act in accordance with certain motives, and that
these in turn will be the outcome of specific desires.
If I journey from here to Paris I unconsciously
assume that certain forces—the desire to retain a
situation, to earn a living, to satisfy a sense of duty—will
cause all the officials connected with boat and
train service to carry out their duties in a given
manner. If I appeal for the protection of the police
I am again counting upon certain motives influencing
the official mind in a particular manner.
All commercial transactions rest upon the same unconscious
assumption. A merchant who places an
order with a firm in Russia, America, or Japan, or
who sends goods abroad, counts with absolute confidence
upon certain desires and mental states so
influencing a number of people with whom he has
no direct connection, that they will co-operate in
landing the goods at the point desired. Or if the
goods are not transmitted as desired, it is not
because the principle upon which he relied is invalid,
but because other desires have operated in a more
powerful manner. A general commanding an army
acts on precisely the same principle. The ideal of
duty, of the honour of the regiment, the desire for
distinction, are all counted upon as being powerful
enough to serve as motives that will cause men to
join in battle, storm a risky position, or take part
in a forlorn hope. History is read upon the same
principle. The statement that Nero was cruel, that
Henry the Eighth was of an amatory nature, that
Charles I. was tyrannical, or that Louis the Fifteenth
was licentious, could not be made unless we argue
that their actions imply the existence of certain
motives. That the motive theory of the will is
true is admitted in practice by all. The Indeterminist
admits it even in his appeal to "Liberty."
He is counting upon the desire for freedom
(sociologically) as being strong enough to lead
people to reject a theory which denies its applicability
to morals.
Human nature becomes a chaos if Determinism is
denied. Neither a science of human conduct nor
of history is possible in its absence; for both assume
a fundamental identity of human nature beneath all
the comparatively superficial distinctions of colour,
creed, or national divisions. The determination of
the influence of climate, food, inter-tribal or international
relations, of the power of ideals—moral,
religious, military, national, etc.—are all so many
exercises in the philosophy of Determinism. In
none of these directions do we make the least allowance
for the operation of an uncaused "will." We
say with absolute confidence that given a people
with a military environment, and either its discomforts
produce an anti-militarist feeling, or its
glamour evokes a strong militarist feeling. So
with all other consideration that comes before us.
And as Determinism enables us to read and understand
history and life, so it also provides a basis
upon which we can work for reform. In the belief
that certain influences will produce, in the main, a
particular result, we can lay our plans and work
with every prospect of ultimate success. Instead of
our best endeavours being left at the mercy of an
undetermined "will," they take their place as part
of the determining influences that are moulding
human nature. Every action becomes a portion of
the environment with which each has to deal. More,
it becomes a portion of the agent's own environment,
a part of that ideal world in which we all more or
less live. And the heightened consciousness that
every action leaves a certain residuum for either
good or ill, supplies in itself one of the strongest
incentives for the exercise of self-control and furnishes
an unshakable basis for self-development.